Géraldine Texier
email: geraldine.texier@imt-atlantique.fr

Valérie Issarny
email: valerie.issarny@inria.fr

Leveraging the Power of the Crowd and Offloading Urban IoT Networks to Extend their Lifetime

Keywords: IoT, WSN, Routing, Mobile sink, Crowdsensing

The widespread deployment of connected Things in our cities allows for the enhanced management of the urban space. However, due to environmental constraints, the connected Things are often battery-powered, which affects the lifetime of the IoT Networks. We believe that the urban IoT networks must leverage the power of the crowd, leading to combine the fixed urban IoT networks with the crowdsensing capabilities of the citizens' smartphones. That is, we integrate the offloading of a portion of the traffic generated by the fixed network to mobile crowdsensing devices that also contribute with relevant urban observations (e.g., for noise pollution monitoring). This paper highlights the key technical features of the resulting solution, whose evaluation shows that we are able to extend the lifetime of the battery-operated IoT network by a up to 7 factor.

I. INTRODUCTION

Our cities become smarter every day, as they deploy digital services such as intelligent lighting, environmental pollution monitoring, energy and waste management, smart parking, and more. In great part, smart city services rely on Urban Internet of Things (IoT) infrastructures. At a minimum, the connected Things are sensors that perform measurements and send them through the underlying wireless sensor network (WSN) to an Internet server for further analysis. Due to obvious deployment constraints, the Things are often batterypowered, which limits the lifetime of the WSN-based IoT networks. Furthermore, the urban IoT infrastructures primarily serve the long-term monitoring of urban areas, while they are less suited to monitor the citizens' experience. As an alternative, mobile crowdsensing (aka mobile phone sensing) is an efficient way to collect a large amount of data about the urban environment and to monitor the citizen's experience. However, the diversity of smartphones and the related heterogeneity of embedded/connected sensors make the correlation of the collected observations more difficult [START_REF] Issarny | Dos and Don'ts in Mobile Phone Sensing Middleware: Learning from a Large-Scale Experiment[END_REF]. Following, we believe that the urban IoT infrastructures (i.e., the urban WSNs) and the crowdsensing measurement devices (crowdsensors for short) must work in conjunction so as to both: (1) enhance the quality of the observations about the urban environment, and (2) increase the lifetime of the urban IoT infrastructures. This paper introduces such an approach where we consider that the IoT networks are WSNs implementing the convergecast paradigm ( § II). In a nutshell, we take advantage of the power of the crowd to offload the network traffic so that sensor nodes near the WSN sink do not systematically have to consume significant energy for the routing of the children nodes' traffic ( § III).

The paper specifically contributes with two complementary mechanisms that adapt the routing strategy of the WSN so as to extend the network's lifetime. First, we introduce a load balancing strategy for data forwarding within the WSN, which enhances the fairness of the energy consumption across the WSN nodes. Second, we alleviate the load of the most solicited WSN nodes by offloading a portion of their traffic to nearby related crowdsensors. To validate the proposed mechanisms, we model our problem as a linear program defined as a max-min problem that finds a routing plan to maximize the lifetime of the network considering the expressed constraints ( § IV). The simulation-based evaluation follows, which shows that the proposed offloading onto crowdsensors enables a significant improvement to the network lifetime ( § V). Finally, we conclude with a summary of our contributions and open research questions ( § VI).

II. BACKGROUND

RPL (IPv6 Routing Protocol for Low power and Lossy Networks) [START_REF] Winter | RPL: IPv6 Routing Protocol for Low-Power and Lossy Networks[END_REF] is widely deployed to build and maintain the adjacencies of nodes in the WSN. Each RPL node contributes to the creation of a Destination-Oriented Directed Acyclic Graph (DODAG) in a distributed manner. The DODAG interconnects the WSN nodes so that each node sets its preferred parent for forwarding its messages toward the WSN sink that connects the WSN to the Internet. Then, the data is forwarded across the DODAG in a convergecast manner through the shortest path with respect to an RPL objective function taking one or several metrics into account (e.g., hop count or ETX). Therefore, ignoring the background control traffic and the sensing task, a WSN node will spend its lifetime: sending its own data and relaying traffic toward its preferred parent. One way to delay the energy depletion of the WSN due to the convergecast gathering is to introduce extra sinks that are able to absorb and send a portion of the traffic through their own Internet connection. Indeed, transmitting data to an additional sink does not increase the energy consumed by the sender. Rather, it spares the energy of the parent node by decreasing the volume of data that the parent would relay otherwise, and so on till the WSN sink. Hence, a well-chosen additional sink can reduce the energy consumption that is due to communication in the WSN and thereby increase the network lifetime.

Minimizing the energy consumption of routing protocols in WSN has been the focus of tremendous work (e.g., see [START_REF] Pantazis | Energyefficient routing protocols in wireless sensor networks: A survey[END_REF]). Several work consider the optimization of RPL for WSN with respect to energy consumption. Existing solutions include: leveraging a metric that represents the nodes' available energy and minimizing the average energy consumption by selecting the paths with the highest energy budget [START_REF] Iova | Using multiparent routing in RPL to increase the stability and the lifetime of the network[END_REF]. However, the impact of a very dynamic metric on the DODAG management is not negligible and also creates high routing instability due to frequent changes of the preferred parents.

Another way to reduce the energy consumption due to the routing of data within the WSN is to introduce mobile sinks that take in charge the forwarding tasks over the sensor nodes. Several papers leverage delay tolerant network (DTN) techniques to implement data collection with mobile sinks. The techniques differ according to the constraints that are set regarding the mobility and availability of the sinks (e.g., [START_REF] Lee | Data stashing: energy-efficient information delivery to mobile sinks through trajectory prediction[END_REF], [START_REF] Batabyal | Mobility models, traces and impact of mobility on opportunistic routing algorithms: A survey[END_REF]).

In a way similar to DTN-based solutions, our work leverages mobile sink nodes to reduce the energy consumption of sensor nodes due to message forwarding. However, instead of introducing dedicated sink nodes, we consider the collaboration of the WSN-based urban IoT infrastructures with related urban crowdsensing apps that cities increasingly promote and citizens adopt for the sake of civic engagement. The users' smartphones then relay a portion of the measurements sensed by the infrastructure nodes, which reduces the load of the urban IoT networks and thereby extend their lifetime.

III. THE SYMBIOSIS OF THE IOT INFRASTRUCTURE AND CROWDSENSING

Crowdsensing is a powerful mechanism to monitor both the individual and collective exposure of people to urban physical phenomena. However, the large diversity of the sensing devices challenges the accuracy of the contributed observations [START_REF] Issarny | Dos and Don'ts in Mobile Phone Sensing Middleware: Learning from a Large-Scale Experiment[END_REF]. The combination of the observations from the fixed urban IoT infrastructure and the crowdsensing devices then contributes to a more accurate knowledge about the urban physical phenomena: the former brings higher accuracy, the latter brings individualized knowledge.

The combination of the IoT infrastructure and crowdsensing devices can further serve extending the WSN lifetime as the smartphones may offer to offload a portion of the infrastructure's traffic. That is, any WSN node may send traffic to a nearby "collaborating" smartphone, so that the smartphone will transmit the data to the server through its own Internet connection. In [START_REF] Billet | Spinel: An opportunistic proxy for connecting sensors to the Internet of Things[END_REF], the authors use smartphones as opportunistic proxies to connect isolated sensors (without Internet connection) to the IoT. In our case, the sensors are not isolated; rather, the smartphone takes over part of the workload of the IoT infrastructure by relaying a portion of its traffic to increase the infrastructure's lifetime.

Although connecting any node with a mobile (smartphone) sink has a cost, sending some traffic to such an extra sink can be very cost-effective when the routing path toward the WSN root is long. The mechanism not only reduces the overall network load, avoiding congestion and contention, but it also increases the lifetime of the fixed IoT network by reducing receptions and emissions at every intermediate node.

To validate our claim, this paper provides an evaluation of such an offloading mechanism. In the following, we refer to the smartphones willing to offer a forwarding service to the WSN as mobile sinks or mobile nodes. A sensor can still send data to its parent through the convergecast gathering. However, any sensor able to reach one of the mobile sinks may choose to use it as its next hop to directly send data to the server, so as to reduce the network's energy consumption and thereby delay the network's energy shortage.

As an illustration, we consider the use case that is depicted in Figure 1 and inspired from the Ambiciti crowdsensing app (http://ambiciti.io/) with which users contribute to the monitoring of the individual and collective exposure to the urban noise pollution. The app performs noise measurements and sends them out to a cloud server for data storage and aggregation. Our solution further extends the contribution of the smartphone so that it additionnally offers a communication service to the IoT infrastructure. The smartphone then acts as an additional sink that gathers data from the neighboring sensors, as it moves along the coverage area of the WSN. With respect to the former, current smartphones usually do not implement protocols to communicate with WSNs. Such a feature would require a network interface to connect to nodes in the WSN (e.g., Zigbee, 802.15.4 or BLE). Although except for BLE, most smartphones do not -yet-integrate the main interfaces supported by WSN, we consider that this will evolve over time. Further, direct communication between sensors and smartphones is not the only solution. In [START_REF] Harris | Bluetooth low energy in dense IoT environments[END_REF], the authors describe an overhearing mechanism that is able to catch some communication and can then alleviate the global energy consumption. However, these mechanisms require an acknowledgement mechanism to efficiently offload traffic. The fact is that sensors are increasingly able to communicate and we feel that the lack of compatibility is less a technical issue than a market issue since smartphones implementing IEEE Std 802.15.4 have not met their market yet. Therefore, we consider in our study that direct communication between the IoT infrastructure and smartphones is not a blocking point and will be available in the future.

As for the security aspect, we assume use cases where the user downloads the crowdsensing application that is part of the urban sensing system and is able to collect and send data to the dedicated platform. Therefore, the user's device has obtained the required credentials and authorizations to submit data to the server. Our goal is not to develop considerations on security issues already exposed in [START_REF] Gisdakis | Security, privacy, and incentive provision for mobile crowd sensing systems[END_REF].

IV. WSN OFFLOADING TO CROWDSENSORS

A. System model Our urban sensing system combines two distinct contributors: the urban sensing infrastructure and the crowdsensing app run on the phones of individuals. The sensing infrastructure is a WSN, which we model as a set N I of sensors interconnected by a set E I of wireless links. The topology of the WSN is represented by a directed graph G I = (N I , E I ). The WSN implements a convergecast protocol toward the WSN sink s, and the nodes running the crowdsensing app act as additional, opportunistic mobile sinks.

1) Mobility model: In our system, a crowdsensor may act as a mobile sink if its user/owner is in the communication range of a related WSN sensor and if routing the traffic via that node contributes to the energy efficiency of the WSN.

We more specifically concentrate on the connectivity with the urban users who are pedestrians and/or take city buses. Thus, the crowdsensing devices follow trajectories that are defined either by the bus planning or constrained by the configuration of the city (e.g. they follow the street curb). Pedestrians may change their path but the bus route is fixed. Therefore, we model the mobility of any mobile sink as a location-restricted mobility (LRM) [START_REF] Al-Turjman | Routing mobile data couriers in smart-cities[END_REF]. We identify positions where the smartphone's owner stays possibly long enough to collect data (e.g., while waiting for the bus or for the "Walk" signal at the crosswalk). We consider an arbitrary subset of crowdsensors M = {m 1 , ..., m n } that act as (potential) mobile sinks when they transit through the identified positions. The parameters associated to our model are then the number of considered mobile sink positions and the duration of their availability.

Given the WSN topology together with the communication radius r m (which we assume identical for all nodes without loss of generality) and the positions of the (potential) mobile sinks, we determine which sensors are able to communicate with a mobile sink and the quantity of data it is able to relay.

The above leads us to define the set E of links that add the potential adjacencies between sensors and mobile nodes to E I . Similarly, we integrate the discretized positions of the mobile sinks in the graph G I , which forms the graph G = (N , E) with N = N I ∪ M.

Figure 2 illustrates the construction of the graph integrating mobile sinks (right column) to an initial WSN (left column) in which all the parents may forward data. We note that the underlying RPL standard provides two strategies to relay communications when several sinks are available. One simple solution, which does not impact the DODAG creation mechanism, nor the way RPL forwards the traffic, is to introduce a virtual node as parent of the sinks. The second solution requires the creation of a different uncoordinated DODAG instance for each sink. Nodes communicate mainly within one DODAG instance to send traffic to the instance's sink. A node can change the sink that will receive a data by transferring it to a different DODAG instance. Several rules restrict the data transfer between DODAG instances to avoid routing loops.

2) Energy model: We choose a simple energy consumption model for (the infrastructure) sensors: each sensor is battery supplied and has an initial energy budget E that is dedicated to communication, and e(i) provides the energy consumption of node i. The sink s is power supplied, therefore e(s) = 0 (s has an infinite energy).

Mobile nodes are smartphones, powered by a rechargeable battery allowing the budget of available energy E m . The protocol used to send data from the sensor to the mobile sink varies across sensors; we represent the related cost as a connection cost e c .

The reception and the emission of one observation/datum require the same amount of energy, which we denote as e t when the receiver is a sensor, and e m when it is a mobile sink. We denote the energy consumed by a sensor when it does not transmit or receive sensed data as e sleep .

For the sake of simplicity, we consider that a mobile sink has the same transmission capacity for any of its neighbors. Dealing with diverse capacities may be addressed through the integration of an energy cost vector.

3) The network lifetime metric: We characterize the network lifetime as the time between the first activation of the network and the time when at least one of the sensors runs out of power. This is the most constrained definition of the network lifetime. The definition may be relaxed in future work by considering that the network remains in operation as long as a given percentage of sensors are still available and/or the/a sink remains reachable. Over its lifetime, a sensor gathers observations and sends them to the application server either through the WSN sink based on the convergecast data gathering, or through one of the mobile sinks. In addition, non-leaf sensors relay data on behalf of their neighbors. We can then express an upper bound for the network lifetime, which is the upper bound of a sensor lifetime, i.e. the time needed for a sensor to run out of energy when sending only its observations and not forwarding any message. An upper bound on the sensor's daily energy consumption is given by e sleep + q t * e t . The upper bound on the sensor lifetime is expressed in days by:

U = E s e sleep + q t * e t
Consider for example a sensor based on the widely used TI CC2538 chip. According to the data sheet available at http: //www.ti.com/lit/ds/symlink/cc2538.pdf, the energy consumed during one second in sleep mode (power mode 2) is between 1.3µA and 2µA, and 50mA is an estimation of the energy needed to both wake up and transmit data. We overestimate the maximum lifetime of the sensor when powered with two AA batteries with a capacity of 2500 mAh. The maximum sensor lifetime is 5.5 years for a daily traffic of one transmission every second, and 100 years for a daily traffic of one transmission every minute.

B. Routing strategy

We adopt traffic engineering principles to extend the lifetime of the network, where we combine the following three approaches:

• Load balancing: We take advantage of the mesh network to allow load balancing in the WSN. Unlike basic RPL routing, the traffic is distributed among multiple parents to reduce the energy consumption on the shortest path to a sink, which leads to investigate how a node should divide its outgoing traffic toward its parents. Similarly, we study the amount of data that each node can relay for its children. Note that we do not focus at the time at which the data should be sent in our presentation. Therefore, we concentrate on a flow routing problem that does not take scheduling into account. • Routing optimization: We compute the percentage of traffic to send to each parent to maximize the network lifetime. • Introduction of mobile sinks: We take into account the mobile crowdsensing nodes that are in the relevant area and onto which the urban IoT infrastructure may possibly offload traffic. We specifically focus on the amount of data that a mobile node should collect to extend the lifetime of the infrastructure. We further model the motion of any mobile sink by defining a corresponding sink with a limited transmission at every given place where the mobile sink remains long enough.

C. Computing the routing strategy with a linear program

We want to compute a routing strategy that determines for each node the percentage of traffic it should forward to each of its neighbors -including a mobile sink if available-in its coverage area in a way that maximizes the network lifetime.

We formulate the problem as a flow routing problem that maximizes the network lifetime. We recall that the lifetime of the network ends as soon as one of the WSN sensors runs out of energy (where we ignore the other cases of sensor failures due to the focus of our work). Thus, we want to increase the lifetime of this specific sensor.

Name Description G = (N , E) the oriented graph representing the network with the set of nodes N and a set of edges E N I the set of fixed sensors S the set of (fixed) sinks, which, here, is the singleton {s} M the set of (potential) mobile sinks N in (i) the set of incoming neighbors of node i Nout(i) the set of outgoing neighbors of i D a set of demands (s d , t d ) l d is the duration in days of the lifetime of a demand d ϕ dij the flow of demand d on (i, j) ν d the volume of demand d Q the quantity of data produced during a day E is the energy budget of a sensor for communication et is the energy needed to receive or emit one data em is the energy needed to transmit one data to a mobile sink ec is the energy cost to detect and connect to a mobile sink

ϕ dij - j∈N in (i) ϕ dji = 0, ∀d ∈ D, ∀i ∈ N I (1a)
j∈N out (i)

ϕ dij = 0, ∀d ∈ D, ∀i ∈ S ∪ M (1b) j∈N out (s d ) ϕ dij ≥ l d * Q (1c) et * d∈D ( j∈N out (i) ϕ dij + j∈N in (i) ϕ dji ) + k∈N out (i) (em * ϕ dik + ec) ≤ E, ∀j ∈ N I , ∀k ∈ M (1d) d∈D ν d ≥ 0 (1e) ϕ dij ≥ 0, ∀d ∈ D, ∀i, j ∈ N (1f)
Consider the variables and constants defined in Table I. The above Linear Program -LP-Formulation of our max-min problem finds a routing plan that maximizes the lifetime of the network under the specified constraints:

• The traffic forwarding ensures the flow conservation (1a).

• The traffic exits either at the WSN sink or any of the mobile sinks (1b).

• The network lifetime is expressed in days (1c).

• A sensor spends its energy budget for communication to send its traffic and relay its neighbors' traffic to its parents or a mobile node (1d). Solving the LP provides the quantity of flow that each node has to send to its neighbors to ensure that the network has the longest lifetime. We recall that the LP shows how each node shares its traffic toward its ancestors and does not deal with the scheduling of the exchanges. For example, the output of the LP resolution can indicate that a sensor A with three neighbors B, C and D should send 30% of its traffic to B, 70% to C and nothing to D (or 30% to B, 20% to C and 50% to D). In the case of routing within the WSN only, the scheduling strategy may be implemented based on that routing plan in a straightforward way. However, the routing toward mobile sinks must account for the actual presence of the nodes. One solution is to send in priority the traffic to the mobile sink -if one is present-until the related traffic quota is reached. If there is no mobile sink that is reachable when the sensor wants to send data, it can either: store it, wait for the next mobile sink, or send it to another neighboring sensor designated as next hop by the routing plan.

Algorithm 1 implements the routing plan where each sensor has access to two data structures describing its adjacencies:

(1) Succ m , represents the positions where the sensor can potentially find a mobile sink, (2) Succ f , describes the set of parents -that are not mobile sinks-in the DODAG. An element of Succ m is described by: the quantity T T of data that it should relay, the quantity ST of data that it has already relayed, and the method ispresent that indicates if a mobile sink is available at this position at the specific moment or not.

V. ASSESSMENT

We provide a simulation-based evaluation where we consider a WSN composed of 27 sensors and one sink. We implemented four strategies (see Fig. 3): (1) SPF builds a shortest path tree with the sink as root to simulate the solution implemented by routing protocols such as RPL; (2) LB allows nodes to send traffic to several parents, implementing a load balancing strategy within the WSN; (3) mn5N implements a routing exploiting mobile sinks based on 5 mobile nodes moving along the North path; (4) mn5S is as mn5N but nodes move along the South path.

For each strategy, we consider the following numerical values. The 27 sensors generate a daily traffic of one datum per minute. The sensors are powered by one AA battery with a capacity of 2500 mAh. The energy consumed during the sensor sleep mode is set to e sleep = 2µA, while e t = 50mA is the energy necessary to transmit data to another node in the network but the transmission to a mobile node involves an extra cost of e m = 100mA corresponding to the cost of both the connection to the mobile node, and the overhead of sending data with a different technology.

Figure 3c provides the LP results for the four aforementioned strategies. SPF highlights the behavior of RPL when data is collected by convergecast. The nodes near the sink transmit a number of packets proportional to the depth of their subtree, leading to a network lifetime that that is less than 5 years. Figure 4a shows the lifetime of each sensor as a function of distance from the sink for the SPF strategy, which depends directly on the lifetime of the direct neighbors of the sink. Indeed, these nodes become short of energy, while about 70% of the total energy of the network is still available. Figure 3c shows that the LB strategy improves the network lifespan by 23% to reach nearly 6 years. The improvement is mainly due to a better involvement of the nodes at a distance 2 from the sink (see Fig. 4b).

Figure 3c shows that offloading the WSN traffic onto mobile nodes multiplies the network lifetime by 4 (resp. 7) when the mobile nodes are located on the North (resp. South) path, leading to a lifetime of 20 (resp. 33) years. The analysis of the energy consumption of each node as a function of their distance from the WSN sink (see Fig. 4c) confirms a better spread of the nodes contribution in mn5N, including the furthest ones. The results are even more striking on the South path (not shown for space reasons) where nodes from 1 to 5 hop distance from the sink consume 100% of their energy while nodes at 6 hop distance consume on average 32% of their energy. The mobile nodes on the south path are located near the nodes furthest away from the sink. They collected data whose relaying would have solicited several nodes and were therefore the most energy-consuming for the network.

In the presented work, we have implemented a simple energy model, considering a uniform transmission cost. In [START_REF] Khan | Static vs. mobile sink: The influence of basic parameters on energy efficiency in wireless sensor networks[END_REF], Khan et al. study the energy efficiency of WSN by collecting data through static vs mobile sinks. They show the relationship between the radius of the sink mobility and the energy spent during the data collection. As part of our future work, we will leverage these results and model the energy consumption of nodes as a function of the distance between the node and the mobile sink.

VI. CONCLUSION

Crowdsensing applications promote the monitoring of urban phenomena through the users' smartphones, including However, because of the diversity of the contributing users and devices, the observations are often difficult to correlate and exploit. In the case of physical measurements, the a priori calibration of the sensors and/or correlating the measurements with a fixed IoT infrastructure providing reference measurements serve overcoming this issue. We then argue that urban IoT infrastructures and crowdsensing applications benefit from closer interactions.

We extend the (urban) WSN-based IoT infrastructure with mobile sinks that run related crowdsensing apps and are capable of receiving and transferring traffic to a server with their own Internet connection (e.g., 4G). We compute the supporting routing plan using a LP formulation that maximizes the WSN lifetime. Our simulation-based evaluation shows that our strategy would considerably extend the network lifetime. Our work then opens up several research issues that we investigate as part of our ongoing and future work. One such issue relates to the integrated load balancing strategy that requires transforming the traditional routing mechanism based on the next hop information into a table with proportional routing. A node's proportional routing table should indicate the percentage of traffic it should send for each of its parent. Although the table will be larger, it may alleviate the impact of temporary failures.

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1: Noise pollution sensing use-case

Figure 2 :

 2 Figure 2: Construction of the network topology

Algorithm 1

 1 sendTraffic(T ,Succ m ,Succ f ): boolean 1: function SENDTRAFFIC(T ,Succm,Succ f ) 2: sent = false 3: for n ∈ Succm do 4: if ( not sent and n.ispresent() and n.T T ≥ n.ST + len(T )) then 5: send(T, n) 6: n.ST = n.ST + len(T ) for n ∈ Succ f do 12: if ( not sent and n.ispresent() and n.T T ≥ n.ST + len(T )) then 13: send(T, n) 14: n.ST = n.ST + len(T )

  Mobile sinks along North and South paths (c) Optimal lifetimes

Figure 3

 3 Figure 3: Evaluated strategies

Figure 4 :

 4 Figure 4: Sensor lifetime analysis

Table I :

 I LP notations

	Linear Program 1 LP formulation
	max min(l d )
	subject to
	j∈N out (i)


Jean-Lucien Sanchez

all failed. Hard labour was, however, employed in French galleys (galères) and port prisons

Introduction

From 1852 to 1953 more than 100,000 convicts (bagnards or forçats) from France and the French colonial empire were sent to penal colonies (colonies pénitentiaires or bagnes coloniaux) located in French Guiana and New Caledonia. Inspired by the penal colonization model set up by Great Britain in Australia, 1 the French legislature of the Second Empire wanted to use convicted offenders to expand the empire while contributing to the enrichment of the metropolis. The goal was threefold: to empty the port prisons (bagnes portuaires) of Brest, Toulon and Rochefort of their convicts and expel them from the metropolis while simultaneously granting the colonies an abundant workforce; to promote colonial development; and to allow more deserving convicts to become settlers. [START_REF] Pierre | La terre de la grande punition[END_REF] Ten years after penal transportation to Australia had begun to slow (and was finally ended in 1868), France undertook a project that would continue for an entire century. French practice developed to incorporate the whole empire, and colonially convicted convicts were transported to French Guiana and New Caledonia, as well as to smaller penal colonies in Obock, Gabon and Indochina. In Saint-Laurent-du-Maroni and Nouméa, convicts or former convicts could be heard speaking Arabic, Swahili, Vietnamese, Corsican or Malagasy; living together at a crossroads that gathered all the outcasts from France and its colonial empire. This chapter will situate the history of French penal transportation (and its many variations) from the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries in a global perspective. The first experiments in penal colonization attempted during the Ancien Régime, notably in Louisiana, Paris, after 1662 hôpitaux généraux were built in other French cities. After 1767, depôts de mencidité (workhouses) succeeded them, and by 1808, every French département (region) had to have one. Workhouses existed throughout the nineteenth century, and their objective was to force vagrants and beggars to work in order to promote their social reintegration. [START_REF] Wagniart | Le vagabond à la fin du XIX e siècle[END_REF] During this period, labour was also mandatory for French prisoners. For some authors, the use of penal labour was at the origin of the development of prisons from the second half of the eighteenth century. [START_REF] Rusche | Punishment and Social Structure[END_REF] The penal code of 1791 included the following punishments: fers (irons, i.e. hard labour 'for the benefit of the State either in the maison de force, or in ports and arsenals, or the extraction of mines, or for the drying of the marshes, or, lastly, for any other arduous work'), réclusion (imprisonment) in a maison de force, gêne (embarrassment, i.e. total isolation of the prisoner), détention (i.e. imprisonment) and déportation. Labour was compulsory for those condemned to fers and to réclusion. Those condemned to gêne and détention had a choice: The prison administration provided bread and water, and prisoners could work in order to improve their conditions. [START_REF] Vimont | La prison. À l'ombre des hauts murs[END_REF] The penal code of 1810 further hardened the prison regime. Custodial sentences for criminal offences included: hard labour for a term of years or in perpetuity, déportation and réclusion. For less serious crimes ('correctional matters'), sentences included imprisonment in maisons de correction (jails). However, labour was now mandatory for all prisoners. The money earned by prisoners in maisons de correction was used to pay their detention costs, improve their diet and build savings for their release. Under the Consulat, in 1801, the first maisons centrales de détention (penitentiaries) were created. First built in Belgium (Ghent and Vilvoorde), Napoleon generalized them to the whole of the French Empire in 1808 (Embrun, Clairvaux, Fontevrault, Bicêtre, Saint-Lazare, Eysses, etc.). Penitentiaries received all prisoners sentenced to more than one year's imprisonment; labour was also compulsory. In exchange for providing food, clothing and wages to the prisoners, private contractors could use prison labour (enterprise system). 16 This system caused numerous scandals, as prisoners were often exploited and subjected to very harsh working conditions, as in the Clairvaux maison centrale de détention where many died because of ill-treatment. [START_REF] Fey | Vies emmurées au XIXe siècle[END_REF] This system came to an end in 1927, but labour remained compulsory for all French prisoners until 1987.

Regarding minors, the penal code of 1791 designated all those under sixteen years of age as juveniles. [START_REF] Yvorel | Histoire de la justice des mineurs depuis 1791[END_REF] The 'discerning' minor (mineur discernant) could be convicted, while the 'non-discernant' juvenile (mineur non-discernant) was either returned to their parents or placed in a maison de correction. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, minors were incarcerated in the same institutions as adults, and subjected to the same regime. Gradually, separate wards were set up in the prisons, and then juvenile establishments were built, including the Petite Roquette prison in 1836. Then, following the creation in 1839 of the penal colony of Mettray by Frédéric-Auguste Demetz, the 1850 law on the education and patronage of juvenile prisoners organized their imprisonment in penal or correctional colonies (colonies pénitentiaires ou correctionnelles). [START_REF] Bourquin | La difficile émergence de la notion d'éducabilité du mineur délinquant[END_REF] The State encouraged the management of these establishments by private contractors, and young prisoners were subjected to compulsory labour, in particular agricultural work. This was a vocational apprenticeship designed to enable juveniles training in preparation for release, away from supposedly criminogenic cities.

Many penal and correctional colonies opened in France (Gaillon, Aniane, Eysses, Auberive, Belle-Île-en-Mer, etc.) and the colonies (Algeria, Réunion island and Senegal). [START_REF] Maillard | Ils sortiront des hommes[END_REF] Despite the fact that they were transformed into maisons d'éducation surveillée (educational institutions) in 1927, the conditions in these establishments were very harsh. In 1934, for example, pupils of the maison d'éducation surveillée of Belle-Île-en-Mer revolted and a major press campaign denounced the 'bagnes pour enfants'. These institutions disappeared in 1945, when education surveillée (monitored education) was reformed by an ordinance on delinquent childhood (l'enfance délinquante). [START_REF] Yvorel | Ordonnance 45-174 du 2 février 1945 relative à l'enfance délinquante[END_REF]

Déportation for political offences and internment

Penal colonization was reactivated during the French Revolution. The penal code of 1791 ordered the déportation of repeat offenders and recidivist beggars according to the law of Vendemiaire 24, year II in the French Republican calendar. For the members of the Convention, the déportation of convicts was motivated by the Enlightenment, which had in great part inspired the redaction of the penal code and advised the humanization of sentences in contrast to the penalties of the Ancien Régime which were by then considered barbarous.

The model of penal colonization that Great Britain had developed in Australia represented a real step forward for most Enlightenment philosophers. [START_REF] Voltaire | Commentaire sur le livre des Délits et des Peines[END_REF] On Brumaire 11, year II of the French Republican calendar, the Convention decided to deport convicted repeat offenders and beggars to Fort Dauphin, which was renamed Fort-de-la-Loi, in Madagascar. Two convoys set sail but were stopped because of the war with Great Britain; hence the penal experiment ended right there. [START_REF] Barbançon | L'archipel des forçats. Histoire du bagne de Nouvelle-Calédonie[END_REF] Ultimately, for the first part of the nineteenth century, France authorized déportation only for political reasons. [START_REF] Vimont | La prison politique en France: genèse d'un mode d'incarcération spécifique, XVIIIe-XIXe siècles[END_REF] Two 1792 decrees established the déportation of rebellious priests to the civil constitution of the clergy and designated French Guiana as their destination. Then on 5 September 1797, the Directoire banished all priests who disturbed the 'public peace'. From 1797 to 1801, 300 priests were deported to Conamama in French Guiana, of whom only 149 survived. [START_REF] Barbotin | Camp de la mort en Guyane pour les prêtres et les religieux en 1798[END_REF] In addition to the rebellious priests, France also sent political deportees of the coups d'état of 18 Fructidor and Thermidor to French Guiana: including General Jean-Charles Pichegru, Guillaume Tronçon du Coudray, André-Daniel Laffon de Ladebat and François Barbé-Marbois. [START_REF] Spieler | [END_REF] Others convicted for political offences were deported elsewhere: after the assassination attempt against the First Consul Napoleon Bonaparte in December of 1800, seventy convicts were deported to the Seychelles. [START_REF] Barbançon | Aux origines de la guillotine sèche. La déportation dans les Assemblées révolutionnaires[END_REF] After the repression of the riots of June 1848, a decree declared the déportation of any individual who had taken up arms (pris les armes à la main), and subsequently the government shipped 462 prisoners to Algeria. [START_REF] Barbançon | Transporter les insurgés de juin 1848[END_REF] Although the government of the Second Republic abolished the death penalty for political offences, it was immediately replaced by a new law of 1850, which designated the Marquesas Islands as a site of déportation. This new law ordered 'simple deportation' on the island of Vaitahau, and 'deportation in a fortified enclosure' on the island of Nuka Hiva. This measure however was soon deemed too expensive and in the end affected only three deportees. [START_REF] Barbançon | La loi de déportation politique du 8 juin 1850: des débats parlementaires aux Marquises[END_REF] After the coup d'état of Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte and the riots that followed, an 1851 decree ordered the déportation of any individual guilty of belonging to a secret society and placed under police surveillance (surveillance de la haute police). Algeria thus received 6,147 déportés (first of all in Bône and then in the penitentiary of Lambèse) and, again, French Guiana received 3,146. 30 In 1858, after the failed attempt of Felice Orsini against the Emperor Napoleon III, 349 Republicans were also deported to Algeria. [START_REF] Vimont | Les déportés républicains de 1858[END_REF] The law of 23 March 1872 modified déportation destinations. New Caledonia replaced the Marquesas: the peninsula of Ducos was reserved for 'deportation in a fortified enclosure' and the islands of Pines and Maré were reserved for the 'simple deportation'. The first déportés to New Caledonia were Algerians. A great revolt had broken out in Kabylie in 1871, led by Bachagha El Mokrani. This insurrection was fiercely repressed and the administration deported 101 insurgents, who they called 'Arabs', to New Caledonia: those condemned to 'simple deportation' (including Mokrani) were sent to the island of Pines, while thirty-two others, condemned to 'deportation in a fortified enclosure', were imprisoned on the Ducos peninsula.

Another insurrection also led to the sending of déportés to New Caledonia: that of the Commune. Following the defeat of France against Prussia and the fall of Napoleon III, the signing of the armistice on 18 January 1871 led to the beginning of a popular revolt in Paris between those who wished to continue the war and those who wanted the armistice. The government then moved to Versailles and a confrontation started between the Versaillais, led by Adolphe Thiers, and the Communards. This civil war ended in a terrible repression called the semaine sanglante (Bloody Week, 21-28 May 1871); 4,150 insurgents were condemned to déportation to New Caledonia: 900 to 'deportation in a fortified enclosure' (on the Ducos peninsula), about 2,900 to 'simple deportation' (on the Isle of Pines) and 323 to hard labour (in the Nou Island penitentiary, off Nouméa). Most of these déportés were not subjected to hard labour and some were joined by their families. Others made their mark on the colony, like Louise Michel, who assisted the Kanaks during their 1878 revolt, 32 and Henri Rochefort, who escaped from the colony in 1874. [START_REF] Donet | Louise Michel, de la déportation à l'aventure[END_REF] All these déportés were granted amnesty in 1880 and were able to return to France.

Déportation for political offences continued with an 1895 law, which designated the Îles du Salut (Royal, Saint-Joseph and Devil's islands), off the coast of French Guiana, as well as New Caledonia's Ducos peninsula, as places of 'deportation in fortified enclosure'.

The first and most famous déporté to French Guiana was Captain Alfred Dreyfus, imprisoned on Devil's Island from March 1895 to June 1899. [START_REF] Dreyfus | See also Alfred Dreyfus, Cinq années de ma vie 1894-1899[END_REF] Thirty-seven other déportés followed him, most of them convicted of treason during the First World War. Unlike the other two categories of convicts (transportés and relégués), déportés were not subject to hard labour. [START_REF] Collin | Charles Benjamin Ullmo (matricule 2)[END_REF] The internment was also an important tool of political repression that was set up by France in its metropolis and in its colonies. Internment was an administrative security measure that resulted in a deprivation of liberty against individuals considered dangerous. 36 It had its origin in the Law of Suspects of 17 September 1793, which allowed imprisonment or house arrest of 'enemies of the Revolution'. From 1841 until the early 1880s, Algerian prisoners of war and insurgents were interned in 'castles or fortresses of the interior' ('chateaux et forteresses de l'intérieur') in metropolis (like Emir Abd el-Kader in 1847), mainly in Sainte-Marguerite island (off Cannes) and in the 'depot of Arab internees' ('dépôt des internes arabes') of Calvi (Corsica). [START_REF] Thénault | Une circulation transméditerranéenne forcée: l'internement d'Algériens en France au XIX e siècle[END_REF] During the First World War, 60,000 Austrians, Germans, French from Alsace-Lorraine and 'suspects and indesirables' (like prostitutes, suspects of espionage or vagrants) were interned in 'concentration camps' ('camps de concentration') situated far from the battlefront. [START_REF] Farcy | Les camps de concentration français de la Première Guerre mondiale[END_REF] And to compensate for the shortage of manpower due to this war, more than 90,000 Chinese workers were recruited and sent to France where they were placed in camps and worked in very difficult conditions: some died on the battlefront or diseases. [START_REF] Véronique Poisson | Les grandes étapes de cent d'histoire migratoire entre la Chine et la France[END_REF] Then, the Decree-Law of 12 November 1938, ordered the internment of 'undesirable foreigners' in camps and the Law of 18 November 1939, ordered the internment of 'any individual, French or foreign, considered as dangerous for national defense or public security'. Then, refugees from the Spanish Civil War (in metropolis and in Algeria and Tunisia) or German and Austrian refugees who fled Nazism were interned in camps from 1939. The next year, they were interned in foreign workers' companies (compagnies de travailleurs étrangers, CTE), which became later groups of foreign workers (groupements de travailleurs étrangers, GTE), where labour was compulsory. [START_REF]GTE were located in the metropolis of Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco. See Denis Peschanski, La France des camps. L'internement[END_REF] They were then Jews, Gypsies (interment camps for nomads), foreigners and various political opponents who were interned in camps during the Vichy regime (1940-1944). Many of them were then sent to Nazi concentration and extermination camps. [START_REF]See Mary Gibson and Ilaria Poerio in this volume. 42 Peschanski, La France des camps[END_REF] From 1938 to 1946, internment affected about 600,000 people in France. 42 In parallel, more than 600,000 French people were subjected to compulsory labour and sent in camps located in Germany for the Compulsory Labour Service (service du travail obligatoire, STO), in order to support the German war effort. [START_REF] Arnaud | Histoire des Français requis en Allemagne nazie 1942-1945[END_REF] Finally, during the war of Algeria (1954-1962), about 10,000 activists of the National Liberation Front (Front de libération nationale, FLN) and the Algerian National Movement (Mouvement national algérien, MNA) were imprisoned in French prisons. [START_REF] Blanchard | Contrôler, enfermer, éloigner. La répression policière et administrative des Algériens de métropole (1946-1962)[END_REF] Some had been convicted in Algeria and were sent to France to be incarcerated. They obtained the status of political prisoner in 1959 (special category A regime, 'régime de catégorie A'). [START_REF] Layani | La détention des militants nationalistes dans les prisons de France métropolitaine pendant la guerre d'Algérie[END_REF] Most of them after their release from prison were interned in centres for house arrest (Centre d'assignation à résidence, CARS) run by the Ministry of the Interior: 15,000 were interned there. [START_REF] Blanchard | Police judiciaire et pratiques d'exception pendant la guerre d'Algérie[END_REF] Many Algerians were also incarcerated or interned in Algeria during the war. There were three kinds of centres: the centres d'hébergement, which were intended for internees placed under the authority of the prefectures; the triage and transit centres (centres de triage et de transit), which were under the responsibility of the army and which kept suspects waiting for interrogation; and the military centres of internees (centres militaires d'internés), which were destined for the combatants prisoners by the army and not judged. In 1960, there were 15,000 detainees and 20,000 internees in Algeria. [START_REF] Thénault | Interner en République: le cas de la France en guerre d'Algérie[END_REF] But in addition, 2,350,000 Algerians (26 per cent of the total population) were interned in regrouping camps (camps de regroupement) run by the French army and intended to deprive the FLN of assistance from the local population. [START_REF] Cornaton | Les camps de regroupement de la guerre d'Algérie[END_REF]

The 1854 law on transportation

In nineteenth-century France, overseas settlement represented the ideal solution to what was called the 'social question'. For the first half of the century, elites believed that poverty was a result of people's lack of education and property, which forced them to work for miserable wages. [START_REF] Chevalier | Labouring Classes and Dangerous Classes in Paris during the First Half of the Nineteenth Century[END_REF] Humanitarians worried over the precarious situation of the landless proletariat, who possessed nothing but their own labour, since they were subject to the vagaries of economic conditions and could occasionally be led either to revolt or to crime. Penal colonization gave convicts property, giving them the opportunity to become self-sufficient, and in this way operated as a 'social valve' for France. Defenders of transportation maintained that it solved the problem of released convicts, who often relapsed after they had served their sentence in port prisons.

The law on transportation was presented to parliament on 4 June 1852 and was voted on 30 May 1854. Yet before the vote could take place, under a decree of 27 March 1852, all convicts then detained in port prisons were ordered to serve their sentences in French Guiana. This decree followed a report from the Ministry of the Navy, in which he offered convicts the opportunity to volunteer for transportation. The minister promised a softening of the standard sentences; two thousand convicts immediately signed up.

Transportation mainly affected convicts from port prisons as well as those who had been recently released from those prisons. Indeed, port prisons were generally regarded as sites of corruption where the enforcement of sentences was not rigorous enough to intimidate convicts. In addition, port prisons were quite expensive to maintain and convicts were competing with the free labourers of the arsenals. The government also worried that the contact between labourers and convicts would set a bad example for the free workers.

The government also wanted to deter released convicts from returning to France and sought to force them to settle permanently in French Guiana. Article 6 introduced the principle of 'doublage' ('doubling'): those who were sentenced to less than eight years of hard labour had to remain in the colony upon their release for a period equivalent to the duration of their sentence; those convicted to lengthier sentences were required to remain for life. By staying in the colony, recently released convicts were obliged to work and to contribute to its prosperity, and therefore that of France. Convicts were thus employed in 'the most painful occupations of colonization and all public works'. [START_REF]Déportation, transportation et relégation française[END_REF] Female transportées could also be sent to French Guiana. [START_REF] Krakovitch | See also Odile Krakovitch, 'Les femmes dans les bagnes de Guyane et de Nouvelle-Calédonie[END_REF] Even though women condemned to hard labour could choose either to go to French Guiana or to serve their sentence of hard labour in a French maison centrale, from a legislative perspective the transportation of women would facilitate marriages between convicts and help promote settlement. Those who served with good behaviour could be assigned to work for individual employers, colonial public services or enterprises; benefit from a land concession; or even get married. Crimes and offences committed by transportés were adjudicated by a local special court, the Maritime Special Tribunal (Tribunal maritime spécial). In all, from 1852 to 1936, almost 52,000 men and 394 women were sent to French Guiana (Table 5.1). To these should be added the 1,000 people from Martinique, Guadeloupe and French Guiana who were condemned to réclusion and were designated as réclusionnaires coloniaux, or the second category of transportation, and would serve out their sentences in the prisons of French Guiana.

Many of the transportés who were sent to French Guiana came from different parts of the French colonial empire, especially from Algeria. [START_REF] Pierre | Les Algériens au bagne de Guyane[END_REF] But it is difficult to determine exactly from which colonies and in which proportion because official statistics do not specify them. [START_REF]The Notices use categories such as 'European[END_REF] However, from the beginning of transportation in 1852 to 1881, of the 22,706 transportés who arrived in French Guiana, 9.12 per cent were of 'Asian, African or Polynesian origin' and 3.02 per cent were réclusionnaires coloniaux from Martinique, Guadeloupe and French Guiana (Table 5.2). As noted above, the French government initially selected French Guiana as the destination for the transportés. The abolition of slavery in 1848 had led to economic difficulties for the colony's settlers, and the new workforce of convicts was intended to form a new labour supply. [START_REF] Donet | Histoire des bagnes de Guyane (Paris: La boutique de l'histoire[END_REF] The first convoy of 301 convicts left Brest for Cayenne on 31 March 185,2 aboard the ship L'Allier. [START_REF] Sénateur | Les convois de forçats en direction des bagnes coloniaux: l'exemple du Martinière[END_REF] They stopped and settled in the Îles du Salut.

The number of convoys multiplied thereafter. The decision was then made to settle convicts on the mainland: first in Rémire, and then in western French Guiana at Montagne d'Argent and the penitentiary of Saint-Georges-de-l'Oyapock. But those locations were very unhealthy, and the administration decided to abandon them, in 1864 and 1856 respectively.

As the convoys increased, however, it became necessary to create new camps to accommodate the incoming convicts, who in 1855 numbered 3,780 individuals. For this reason, two hulks were created: one in the harbour of Cayenne and the other at the mouth of the Kourou River. These impractical sites were soon replaced by two further camps: Sainte-Marguerite and Saint-Augustin, located near Cayenne in La Comté. However, outbreaks of yellow fever and malaria compelled the administration to close them.

The administration then decided to change its strategy. Under the direction of commodore Laurent Baudin, in 1857 part of the prison was transferred to the Maroni region in western French Guiana. This camp in Saint-Laurent (named in honour of Laurent Baudin) was devoted to the development of the Maroni territory. For the first time, the mortality rate of the convicts decreased. An 1860 decree established the penitentiary territory of Maroni (territoire pénitentiaire du Maroni) as 'exclusively reserved for the purposes of the transportation'. There, after a period of settlement, the most deserving transportés could obtain a land concession. Yet from 1852 to 1866, the number of convicts who obtained a land concession was barely 899. In addition, there were only 130 convict marriages, just 20 women and children came from France to join male convicts, and only 75 (out of 124) children survived birth in the colony. [START_REF]Notices sur la transportation à la Guyane française et à la Nouvelle-Calédonie publiée par les soins de son Exc. M. l'amiral Rigault de Genouilly[END_REF] In response to the lack of a coherent plan for colonization, and in the absence of direction from the Ministry of the Navy, successive governors of the colony tried to locally administer the transportation process: as a result, camps opened and then closed, forest clearance started and then stopped suddenly, and so on. Legislation was sparse, the implementation of the transportés piecemeal and there was never any coherent vision.

As a result, transportation to French Guiana quickly became a failure. Transportés did not become self-sufficient; the number of concessions dropped to 732 in 1867, and soon all attempts at growing food crops were unsuccessful. This situation proved costly to the budget of the Colonial Office: the expenses for the prison of French Guiana reached an enormous 3,762,660 francs for the single year of 1865. In addition, the mortality rate of the convicts was appalling: while between 1852 to 1866, French Guiana had received 21,620 transportés, by 1866 only 7,466 were still alive (Table 5.3). 58 Released transportés were unable to find jobs or to settle in the colony. They were rejected by the local population and placed in competition with under sentence transportés who were either working in the prisons or leased out by the administration to local enterprises or individuals at very low wages. The primary argument for this undertaking, the desire to transform convicts into settlers, was completely destroyed, and the government decided to abandon transportation to French Guiana: in 1867, all the European transportés were henceforth sent to New Caledonia, while only the colonial transportés continued to be sent to French Guiana. The milder climate of New Caledonia, geographically closer to its Australian model, was viewed as more conducive to colonization with penal labour, and mortality rates were indeed lower than those of French Guiana.

The penal colony of New Caledonia

From 1864 to 1931 about 30,000 convicts were sent to New Caledonia: 21,204 men (and 328 condemned locally) and 525 women were transportés; 3,945 men and 20 women were déportés; and 3,319 men and 453 women were relégués. [START_REF] Barbançon | La "Nouvelle": le bagne des antipodes[END_REF] Table 5.4 shows the number of convicts present in the colony during the period 1876-1912. Source: Notices sur la transportation à la Guyane française et à la Nouvelle-Calédonie, 1876-1912.

Among them was a significant minority of Algerians, for in 1889 the Ministry of the Colonies had ordered that all Maghrebian convicts be sent not to French Guiana but to New Caledonia.

They totalled 1,822 transportés, 236 déportés and 1,623 relégués. For these men, known locally as 'Arabs', the island took the name of Caledoun. [START_REF] Barbançon | Histoire des Arabes et Berbères de Nouvelle-Calédonie (Nouvelle-Calédonie[END_REF] New Caledonia had been a French colony since 24 September 1853, following its occupation by commodore Febvrier Despointes. It became a penal colony in an 1863 decree signed by the Emperor Napoleon III. [START_REF] Merle | See also Isabelle Merle, 'La Nouvelle-Calédonie, 1853-1920. Naissance d'une société coloniale[END_REF] A first convoy of 250 transportés sailed from the port of Toulon on 5 January 1864, on the ship Iphigénie, which took 123 days to reach its destination. The convicts were welcomed by Governor Guillain who installed them on Nou Island, facing the harbour of Nouméa. They built a penitentiary, which became the colony's main institution of confinement, where they were supervised by about 150 guards and 17

Kanak (indigenous) policemen. [START_REF] Barbançon | The Lords of Discipline. The Penal Colony Guards of New Caledonia and Guyana[END_REF] The governor organized the transportés into four classes:

the first class consisted of the best-rated convicts, who were likely to obtain a commutation of sentence or a pardon. They could be hired by private individuals, obtain a land grant or be classified as 'artisans'. The second category included transportés who had incurred more than six punishments during the previous year: they were subjected to the least laborious hard labour. The third category included more serious offenders or those who were considered There, the administration began to hire out convicts to private mining companies. To exploit the large deposits of nickel situated on the island, thousands of convicts worked in the mines of la Pilou, Bernheim and Thio, notably for the Higginson Company. Historian Louis-José Barbançon has described this privatization of the convict workforce as characterized by 'contracts of human flesh'. 63 The number of land concessions multiplied in places like Bourail, La Foa-Fonwhari, Diahot and Poembout. Indeed, the transportés, as in French Guiana, were condemned to sentences that required them to remain in the colony after their release (doublage). Many were then given an agricultural or industrial concession. Thanks to an 1884 decree, the penal administration retained control of 110,000 hectares in New Caledonia, including in the Belep islands, Isle of Pines, and on the 'Grande Terre', ('Big Land') in Bourail, La Foa-Fonwhari, Diahot, Pouembout-Koniambo and Prony.

Penal colonization, and the subsequent arrival of free settlers from France, reduced substantially the territory of the indigenous inhabitants of the island, the Kanaks. On 25 June 1878, several tribes led by Chief Atai attacked settlers in La Foa-Fonwhari and Bouloupari and killed 140 people. The repression was intense because the French feared that the insurrection would spread to the rest of the island. Atai was killed in September 1878 and gradually the insurrection was totally suppressed: whole tribes were decimated, nearly 800 insurgents were killed and 750 were deported to the Isle of Pines and 300 to Belep islands. 64 From the end of the nineteenth century, the local population increasingly criticized the penal colony of New Caledonia, because convicts competed with free workers and the penitentiary controlled a lot of land. Appointed in 1894, Governor Paul Feillet took steps to 'turn off the dirty water tap' and to abolish the penal colony. The decision was taken in 1897 to stop sending convicts to New Caledonia: all convoys were henceforth sent to French Guiana. 65 But the abolition of the New Caledonia penal colony was gradual. Little by little, the release of convicts led to the closure of various penitentiaries and the last transportés, déportés and relegués were concentrated on Nou Island. It was not until 1931 that the penal colony officially closed.

The penal colony of French Guiana

In 1885, a new category of convicts appeared: the relégués. Convicted by the law of 27 May 1885 concerning the relégation of recidivists, the relégués were repeat offenders mostly guilty of theft and vagrancy. [START_REF] Jean-Lucien | Histoire la récidive en France (1791-2011[END_REF] After the 'major criminals' of the Second Empire, the 'petty criminals' of the Third Republic were regarded as 'incorrigible' and were considered particularly dangerous. [START_REF] Sanchez | La relégation des récidivistes en Guyane française. Les relégués au bagne colonial de Saint-Jean-du-Maroni, 1887-1953[END_REF] This sentence resulted in 'perpetual confinement' in a colony and created a dual system. Relégués with sufficient financial means were classified in a system of individual relegation (relégation individuelle): they had freedom of movement but were not allowed to leave the colony. Those who did not have sufficient means, in other words the vast majority of them, were classified in a system of collective relegation (relégation collective):

like the transportés, they were incarcerated in a penitentiary where they were supervised by prison guards and subjected to hard labour. Nicknamed the 'pieds-de-biche' 3,740 men and 457 women were sent to New Caledonia from 1887 to 1897, and 17,375 men and 519 women were sent to French Guiana from 1887 to 1938 (Table 5.5). [START_REF] Sanchez | The relégation for women in French Guiana was abolished in 1907. See Jean-Lucien Sanchez 'La relégation des femmes récidivistes en Guyane française, 1887-1907[END_REF] In New Caledonia, they were incarcerated in the Isle of Pines, Ouaménie and Prony. In French Guiana, they were incarcerated mainly in the penitentiary of Saint-Jean-du-Maroni and its neighbouring sub-camps. [START_REF] Daniel Gimenez | Le camp de la relégation de Saint-Jean-du-Maroni[END_REF] The arrival of the first convoy of relégués in French Guiana in June 1887 coincided with the resumption towards French Guiana of the convoys of European transportés sentenced to more than eight years of hard labour. Then, as we have seen previously, in 1897 all convoys of convicts to New Caledonia were suspended. From that point until 1953, French In 1880, Saint-Laurent officially became a prison town (commune pénitentiaire)

within the larger boundary of the Maroni prison territory, giving the prison administration the responsibility for developing a vast terrain. [START_REF] Coquet | See also Marine Coquet, 'Totalisation carcérale en terre coloniale: la carcéralisation à Saint-Laurent-du-Maroni (XIX e -XX e siècles)[END_REF] But the concentration of the convicts in Maroni, which the colony's General Council (Conseil général) had repeatedly requested during the second half of the nineteenth century, was not without its drawbacks. The General Council did not really want the convicts to intermingle with the free population in and around Cayenne, so the majority of the convicts were placed on sparsely populated territory isolated from the rest of the colony. As most of the free population lived in eastern French Guiana, mainly in Cayenne, the convicts therefore could not integrate with local people.

In addition, at the end of the nineteenth century, the management of the prison administration was established in Saint-Laurent, which created a significant political problem for the colony. In accordance with the law, the governor, who resided in Cayenne, had 'supreme authority' over the prison and its director. But in reality, since the main facilities of the prison were concentrated in Maroni and there was no road between Cayenne and Saint-Laurent, the prison director had complete autonomy over his territory. This situation caused tensions between the governor and the director of the prison administration, because they did not share the same ideals. Indeed, we can describe this phenomenon as a 'double colonization' of French Guiana: the governor was responsible for the development of the colony while the director had to manage the prison and enforce penalties. [START_REF] Sanchez | The Relegation of Recidivists in French Guiana in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries[END_REF] These antagonistic functions were one of the reasons for the failure of penal colonization in French Guiana. It was really a dispute over sovereignty that prevented the convicts from working for the colony and becoming settlers once they were released from prison. As the journalist Georges Le

Fèvre wrote:

French Guiana, a country without population, without industry, without trade and without agriculture, has two capitals. This inert, bicephalous monster is ridden by two elephant drivers, who keep trying to move it forward by hitting the same head.

The governor in Cayenne shouts: 'Gee!' And the director at Saint-Laurent replied:

'Dia.' It has been fifty years ago that this little game has been going on, and the beast does not move forward. [START_REF] Le | Bagnards et chercheurs d'or[END_REF] The prison administration required convicts to help it to develop the vast territory of Maroni. However, its agents had been recruited not for their knowledge of tropical agriculture but for their ability to monitor and punish convicts. For a century, the Ministry of the Colonies regularly sent orders to the director of the prison administration to take measures to ensure the development of the Maroni, and especially to promote the prison's self-sufficiency for food rations. But these goals, despite colonial objectives and the efforts of several generations of convicts, were never achieved.

Labour was the main activity of the transportés, but the level of intensity of their work differed according to their qualifications and was especially dependent upon which of the many possible jobs within the camp they held. The more skilled workers, such as carpenters, cooks or accountants, or those who managed to find employment at the hospital or infirmary fared much better. But loggers, miners and farmers were subjected to tough and dangerous conditions. As in New Caledonia, the transportés were divided into three classes. The third class was compelled to perform the most arduous hard labour. The second class was forced to do less exhausting labour but was prohibited from labouring for private individuals or obtaining an agricultural concession. These opportunities were only offered to the transportés in the first class. However, this classification could change according to the behaviour of the transportés: they could move up in class, but they could also be downgraded. The most 'incorrigible' transportés were incarcerated in the bush camp of Charvein, where the living conditions were particularly harsh.

As in New Caledonia, the process of the abolition of the penal colony of French Guiana was protracted. It began in 1923 following the investigation of the journalist Albert

Londres for the newspaper the Petit Parisien, which informed the public about the cruelty of what it viewed as an archaic institution. [START_REF] Londres | See also Lucien-René Abénon, 'Albert Londres et le bagne de Guyane[END_REF] In 1933, the Salvation Army, led by Captain Charles Péan, arrived in the colony to help ameliorate the conditions of released convicts. [START_REF] Donet | La fin du bagne 1923-1953[END_REF] Meanwhile, Guyanese deputy Gaston Monnerville pressed the French Parliament for the closure of the prison, which was finally agreed upon in 1936. [START_REF] Alexandre | [END_REF] But the signing of the decree into law (décret-loi) in 1938 only abolished transportation to French Guiana, and not relégation. It was only in March 1945, after the Second World War, and after many relégués had died of hunger and exhaustion in prison (almost 48 per cent died in 1942), [START_REF] Sanchez | Les relégués au pénitencier de Saint-Jean-du-Maroni durant le Second Conflit mondial (1939-1943)[END_REF] that the decision was taken to 'liquidate' the penal colony. Under the direction of Lieutenant Colonel Doctor Sainz and the Salvation Army, repatriation convoys were organized; the last ones left

Africa and Indochina

The French made extensive use of hard labour to punish colonized populations in other parts of the empire. If courts could impose the penalties of transportation, relégation and déportation on colonial populations (who were subject to the French penal code), they could also subject them to hard labour because of the exceptional legal regime that applied in the French colonies: the native system (régime de l'indigénat). Colonial populations had the status of French subjects: they had French nationality (and were therefore subject to the sovereignty of France), but they did not have French citizenship (and thus did not have the same rights as French citizens). [START_REF] Saada | Citoyens et sujets de l'Empire français. Les usages du droit en situation coloniale[END_REF] The native code (code de l'indigénat) was the pillar of this policy of domination. Established in Algeria in 1881, it set up an exceptional legal regime to repress criminal offences. Until 1946 it was enforced by administrative authorities who could condemn colonized populations to internment (i.e. imprisonment, house arrest or déportation), order them to pay fines (collective or individual) or sequester their property, including land. [START_REF] Merle | Retour sur le régime de l'indigénat. Genèse et contradictions des principes répressifs dans l'Empire français[END_REF] The code de l'indigénat was later extended: to Cochinchina, New Caledonia, and condemned to internment could be either interned in Calvi; incarcerated in an Algerian penitentiary; or placed under house arrest in remote areas. [START_REF] Girault | Principes de colonisation et de législation coloniale[END_REF] In Senegal, they could be exiled imprisonment and fines of 100 francs. This discretional power applied to many special offences in the colonies (which did not exist in the metropolis), such as delays in paying taxes or refusing to participate in prestation (labour service on public works for a certain number of days per year). In 1923, a further colonial decree ordered that vagrants should be put to work for private enterprises or on public works. In this way, the native code enabled the infliction of hard labour on colonized populations, compensating for labour shortages, especially after the abolition of slavery.

This was also the case for those sentenced to imprisonment. The French imperial penitentiary was a powerful state tool. Its aim was to suppress opposition and to enable political domination; it did not seek to correct or socially reintegrate colonial detainees. [START_REF] Bernault | De l'Afrique ouverte à l'Afrique fermée: comprendre l'histoire des réclusions continentales[END_REF] It also provided an abundant workforce to support colonial economic production. Indeed, the regulations of most penitentiary institutions imposed hard labour on 'native' detainees (but not Europeans), 84 including in French Guinea (after 1895) and the AEF (1894). Such prisoners were forced to work in agriculture or on public works (including in stone quarries, and in building roads and bridges). They could also work for private contractors who rented them from the administration.

Until 1919, the organization of hard labour in the AEF was mainly based on labour requisitioning: the administration relied on 'native' chiefs (chefs de cercle) to obtain workers for colonial public works. This forced recruitment was particularly brutal and resulted in large population displacements, particularly in the case of the construction of railway lines or the carriage of rubber. [START_REF] Fall | Le travail forcé en Afrique occidentale française[END_REF] Mortality and escape rates were very high, especially during the building of the Congo-Ocean Railway. Indeed, the novelist André Gide and journalist Albert Londres both denounced particularly harsh working conditions there. [START_REF] Gide | Albert Londres, Terre d'ébène[END_REF] Faced with pressure from the International Labour Office, following a conference in Geneva on forced and compulsory labour, in 1930 France regulated hard labour across the empire. At the time this consisted of:

prestation; the second part of the military contingent (deuxième portion du contingent militaire), which required certain 'native' soldiers to work on public worksites (nicknamed 'tirailleurs-la pelle'); prison labour; and the obligation to cultivate, i.e. to compel native farmers to grow crops. [START_REF] Fall | Le travail forcé en Afrique occidentale française (1900-1946)[END_REF] In 1946, the French abolished both hard labour and the régime de l'indigénat in the colonies.

In Indochina, inmates in provincial prisons and central prisons were also subjected to hard labour, including road construction. [START_REF] Zinoman | The Colonial Bastille. A History of Imprisonment in Vietnam 1862-1940[END_REF] Those condemned to déportation, transportation and relégation could serve their sentence in Indochina but also in French Guiana (997 were sent there between 1885 and 1922), New Caledonia, Obock, Pnom-Penh and Gabon. 89 In Indochina, they could be incarcerated in isolated penitentiaries, including at Poulo Condor, Phu Quoc and the Île de la Table (islands off Saigon), Lao Bao and Buon Ma Thuot (Annam), Cao Bang, Ha Giang, Thai Nguyen, Son La and Lai Chau (Tonkin). 90 The annual number of convicted persons incarcerated in these penitentiaries was, from 1913 to 1941, around 3,300 (Table 5.6). Source: Zinoman, The Colonial Bastille, 58.

Located south of Saigon, 180 kilometres from the coast, the island of Poulo Condor became a penal colony in 1862. [START_REF]Le temps des bagnes 1748-1953[END_REF] An 1862 decree divided the convicts into two categories:

those incarcerated for rebellion or common crimes and those condemned for war. The first category was employed on public works. The second was granted land concessions. Both Loango and Djolé (Gabon). [START_REF] Mouckaga | Les déportés politiques du bagne de Djolé (Gabon) 1898-1913[END_REF] An 1886 decree authorized the transportation to Obock of convicts condemned to hard labour in the French territories of the Indian Ocean. From April 1887 to August 1893, a total of 161 convicts from the French Indies (mainly Pondicherry), as well as Réunion island, the island of Sainte-Marie (off Madagascar) and French Africa were sent to the penitentiary of Obock, situated on the east coast of Africa (now the Republic of Djibouti) (Table 5.7).

'Biribi'

From 1830 to the early 1970s, between 600,000 and 800,000 soldiers were sent to Biribi (i.e.

Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco), where they constituted between one and two per cent of the French army. [START_REF] Kalifa | Les bagnes coloniaux de l'armée française[END_REF] sentenced to less than one year of imprisonment) or military penitentiaries (for those sentenced to more than one year of imprisonment). Those sentenced to labour on public works (peine des travaux publics) were incarcerated in ateliers (workshops) de travaux publics.

Created by an 1860 ordinance, the disciplinaires coloniaux (also called cocos) were intended for soldiers who had undergone correctional sentences of more than three months' imprisonment, in other words the 'incorrigibles' from the military penitentiaries and the Bat'd'Af'. The disciplinaires coloniaux were incarcerated on different sites, in Algeria, Réunion island, Senegal, New Caledonia, Guadeloupe, Martinique and Madagascar. A later law of 1889 created another corps, the exclus de l'armée (military underclass): it included soldiers who were had been sentenced by criminal courts (including transportés), relégués and those condemned to more than two years' imprisonment with loss of civil rights. The exclus de l'armée convicted in the colonies had to be employed in those colonies; otherwise, those from France and Algeria were to be employed in Algeria.

Here are summarized the different categories forming the 'special corps of the French army' which were installed mainly in the North African colonies of Tunisia, Algeria and Morocco. Not only were they intended to remove various categories of 'undesirables' from

France and the French army, they also, like all imperial punishments, had a further objective:

to assist colonial development via the supposedly regenerative virtues of colonial labour.

Despite its remoteness, the atrocities committed in Biribi and the draconian regime of the chaouchs (prison guards) were denounced very early on by journalists, novelists, antimilitarists and former convicts. They included Georges Darien, who in 1890 published a testimony on his experiences during his imprisonment in Tunisia. Subsequently, campaigns by the journalists Jacques Dhur for Le Journal and Albert Londres for the Petit Parisien led to important reforms in Biribi, notably the abolition of public works in 1928. [START_REF] Londres | Dante n'avait rien vu[END_REF] Biribi was from that date suspended, though it did not officially come to an end until 1976, i.e. fourteen years after empire came to an end in North Africa and all soldiers were repatriated to France.

Conclusion

Since the Ancien Régime, hard labour constituted a powerful lever of constraint through which the French state could discipline and profit from many categories of its population, including: vagrants, beggars, prostitutes, abandoned children, 'natives', convicts, prisoners and mutinous soldiers. By supporting and adapting to changes in the economy of France between the eighteenth and twentieth centuries, the penalty of hard labour was later exported to the French colonies. Further, for more than a century, French Guiana, New Caledonia and Algeria in particular helped France to reduce its prison population and to get rid of so-called dangerous offenders. They also served to regulate the colonial populations considered threats to the French Empire. If political repression was important to French penal policy, so was economic exploitation, for the use of convict labour in French colonies made it possible to compensate for the loss of unfree labour following the abolition of slavery. Practices of domination thus circulated throughout the French Empire, with hard labour taking on different characteristics according to local economic and social configurations.

There are few descendants of the convicts in French Guiana but they nevertheless left

Figure 5 . 1

 51 Figure 5.1 Convicts in the port of Algiers ready to embark aboard the ship Loire, bringing

  lazy: they were subjected to the hardest labour. The fourth category included those condemned by councils of war (conseils de guerre) or considered 'incorrigible'. They could be chained, locked up at night or sent to the prison of Napoleonville (Canala), which was reserved for 'incorrigibles' until 1870. Subsequently, after 1887 'incorrigible' transportés were incarcerated in the harsh environment of Camp Brun. In 1895, Camp Brun was replaced by the new disciplinary district of Camp Est on Nou Island. Other penitentiaries opened their doors as new convoys arrived, including at Ducos and Bourail, which held convict women.An 1880 decree had relaxed transportation discipline by abolishing corporal punishment in French Guiana and New Caledonia, but the disciplinary regime became considerably harder after 1891. Then, the wages of the transportés were abolished and the number of classes shrank to three: the first-class transportés could obtain a land grant, be employed by individuals, or benefit from commutation of sentence or pardon. Those of the second class were employed in the works of colonization or of public utility. Third class transportés were subjected to the most arduous hard labour: they were separated from each other during the night and subjected to silence day and night. However, after 1887, all the European transportés condemned to more than eight years' hard labour were once again sent to French Guiana, and New Caledonia welcomed only the most highly rated transportés.

  Guiana received convicts condemned to transportation, déportation and relégation, despite the failures experienced in the Second Empire. This change was accompanied by a shift in policy. The utopian ideals of the earlier model were replaced by a tougher stance towards convicts: prison was no longer intended to provide rehabilitation but exclusively as a convenient means of purging criminals from France and some of the French colonies (mainly Algeria).Most of the Guianese prison facilities in the late nineteenth century were concentrated in Maroni. The rest of the colony had smaller penitentiaries. Cayenne had a penitentiary with an average of 300 transportés who were employed in the maintenance and cleanliness of the city or were loaned out to individual employers or local businesses. A number of them were also employed in building the main colonial road or in logging camps. Established in 1859, the penitentiary of Kourou was composed of the penitentiary of Les Roches and two agricultural sites located nearby. Off the coast of Kourou, the penitentiary of Îles du Salut was an archipelago of three islands. The most dangerous transportés were incarcerated on Royal Island. Transportés sentenced to reclusion by the Tribunal Maritime Spécial were incarcerated on Saint-Joseph's Island and, as mentioned above, those who were condemned to 'deportation in a fortified enclosure' were settled on Devil's Island.

French

  East Africa (Afrique orientale française, AOF) in 1881 Annam, Tonkin, Laos and Leeward Islands (Îles-Sous-le-Vent) in 1887, Cambodia in 1897, Mayotte and Madagascar in 1898, French Equatorial Africa (Afrique équatoriale française, A.E.F.) in 1901, Somalia Coast (Côte des Somali) in 1907, Togo in 1923 and Cameroon in 1924. In Algeria, those

  underlined the use of Poulo Condor as a French tool of repression in Indochina following initial colonization in 1858. The first bagne was built in 1875 and could accommodate 800 convicts. Subsequently, the administration gradually enlarged it: the second bagne was constructed in 1916 (for 960 convicts) and the third in 1928 (for 640 convicts). In bagne I were incarcerated common criminals sentenced to hard labour. In bagne II were imprisoned political prisoners (especially nationalists and communists) who were not subjected to hard labour. And in bagne III were incarcerated the 'incorrigibles', i.e. those who were guilty of escape or assault against supervisors or their convict assistants. The imprisonment regime was very hard and there were many revolts. This included a rebellion in 1882, when 150 convicts, facing the brutality of their regime of hard labour, revolted and killed two French officers.During a second, in 1890, one Vietnamese guard and nine convicts were killed. In 1918, one French officer, two Vietnamese guards and seventy-two convicts died in another violent uprising.Prison overcrowding and the desire to expel political prisoners liable to revolt or incite revolt resulted in the sending of 531 Indochinese convicts to French Guiana in 1931. They were placed under the supervision of Senegalese soldiers in the territory of Inini, which was under the exclusive direction of the governor of the colony (and not the director of prison administration), in three special penitentiaries (établissements pénitentiaires spéciaux, EPS): Crique Anguille, Saut Tigre and La Forestière.[START_REF] Donet | See also Christelle Dedebant, 'Saïgon-Cayenne, les derniers déportés politiques de la Guyane[END_REF] With great organization and solidarity, several strikes broke out among these convicts, including in November 1937, at the Crique Anguille camp, where all convicts (i.e. 152 individuals) went on hunger strike. In May 1944, these penitentiaries were closed and the convicts were gradually repatriated to Vietnam from 1954 to 1963.Like the Indochinese, other colonial transportés and relégués including Malagasies and Tunisians could also serve their sentences in their colonies. The governors of the colonies made the decision regarding local imprisonment or transportation overseas. In the AOF, transportés, relégués and déportés could serve their sentences in the penitentiaries of Grand Bassam (Ivory Coast) and Porto Novo (Dahomey); in AEF, they could serve their sentences in the penitentiaries of Bria and Bambari (Ougangui-Chari), Fort-Lamy (Chad) and Libreville,

  many vestiges and traces of their time there. The prisons have recently been restored; and the Guyanese people, like Australians, have been confronting this aspect of their past history and turning it into an object of pride. The Transportation Camp of Saint-Laurent today houses a museum run by the Centre for the Interpretation of the Architecture and Heritage of Saint-Laurent (Centre d'interprétation de l'architecture et du patrimoine).[START_REF] Bourdeau | Le camp de la transportation de Saint-Laurent-du-Maroni[END_REF] The Îles du Salut, managed by the National Centre for Space Studies (Centre national d'études spatiales), also incorporate a museum.100 There are many descendants of convicts and penal administrators in New Caledonia today, and the island's history of penal colonization has thus become the object of an important memorial investment. There are today, for instance, many descendants of Maghrebian convicts still present in New Caledonia (and there are associations of descendants, such as the Association of Arabs and Friends of the Arabs of New Caledonia).Since the 1990s, many former penal buildings have been preserved and enhanced by local people and associations. A museum dedicated to the prison of New Caledonia should soon open its doors in the old bakery of the penitentiary of Nou Island.101 NotesThe author thanks Clare Anderson, Mary Gibson and Hamish Maxwell-Stewart for their review of this chapter.

Table 5 .

 5 1 Annual Number of Transportés Present in French Guiana, 1876-1912

	Year	Men	Women
	1876	3,684	161
	1877	3,519	144
	1878	3,525	131
	1880	3,443	119

Table 5 .

 5 2 Convict Transportation Flows, 1852-1881

	Type of convicts	Number of convicts
	Forçats de race blanche ('white race' convicts)	16,776
	Forçats d'origine africaine, asiatique ou polynésienne	2,081
	(convicts of Asian, African or Polynesian origin)
	Réclusionnaires (sentenced to réclusion)	687
	Repris de justice (recidivists)	2,816
	Political offenders (affiliated to secret societies)	329
	Expelled European foreigners	8
	Volunteer transportés	9
	Total	22,706

Source: Vice Admiral Peyron, Notice sur la transportation à la Guyane française et à la Nouvelle-Calédonie pour les années 1880-1881 (Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1884), 87.

Table 5 .

 5 3 Mortality Rate of Transportés in French Guiana, 1852-

1867 Year Average workforce Number of deaths (by disease) Proportion of deaths per 100 individuals Accidental deaths

	1852	1,500	72	4.8	0
	1853	2,703	519	19.2	0
	1854	2,689	246	9.1	0
	1855	2,954	754	25.5	0
	1856	3,702	909	24.5	0

Source: Notices sur la transportation à la Guyane française et à la Nouvelle-Calédonie publiée par les soins de son Exc. M. l'amiral Rigault de Genouilly, ministre de la marine et des colonies,

28.

Table 5 .

 5 4 Annual Number of Transportés in New Caledonia, 1876-1912

	Year	Men	Women
	1876	6,769	124
	1877	7,655	110
	1878	8,218	175
	1880	8,009	155
	1882	8,870	156
	1884	9,634	176
	1885	9,842	155
	1886	10,413	155
	1896	9,361	76
	1899	7,806	74
	1900	7,340	76
	1901	6,867	73

Table 5 .

 5 5 The Number of Relégués Arriving Annually in French Guiana and New Caledonia,

	1887-1900
	Years	French Guiana	New Caledonia
	1887	648	405
	1888	507	557
	1889	523	401
	1890	573	100
	1891	285	802

Table 5 .

 5 6 Number of Indochinese People in Penitentiaries, 1913-1941

	Year

Table 5 .

 5 7 Origin of Convicts in Obock, 1887-1893 Colette Dubois, 'Obock, un bagne éphémère et méconnu (1886-1895)', Ultramarines 21, 22.This penitentiary of Obock was thus exclusively intended for colonial subjects who were used to build basic infrastructure. But the numerous escapes of the convicts (they were monitored by only seven guards) and the very high mortality rate among them led to the rapid closure of this penitentiary in 1895. The surviving convicts were transferred to French Guiana. In 1967, the former penitentiary of Obock was occupied by the French army. Following the Declaration of Independence of Algeria, the 3rd bataillon d'infanterie légère d'Afrique, installed in 1967 on the naval base of Mers el Kebir (Algeria), was moved to Obock, in the French territory of the Affars and Issas (Territoire français des Affars et des Issas). This battalion was dissolved on 31 March 1972.Finally, an 1887 decree created penal establishments in Gabon (Africa) for Indochinese and Chinese hard labour convicts. Two convoys brought 161 individuals to Libreville. But the mortality rate was so high (113 deaths) that the prison was soon closed in 1900.[START_REF] Nguiabama-Makaya | Coloniser et enfermer au Gabon: les limites d'un processus (1887-1960)[END_REF] Later, from 1898 to 1913, another penal establishment was opened at Djolé (Gabon) but reserved only for African déportés (condemned to imprisonment) from different African colonies (notably Senegal, Dahomey, Sudan, Ivory Coast, Guinea and Chad). Gabonese déportés were sent to other African colonies (Oubangui-Chari, Chad or Ivory Coast).[START_REF] Mouckaga | Les déportés politiques du bagne de Djolé[END_REF]

	Origin of convicts	Number of convicts	Percentage
	French India (Pondicherry)	114	70.80
	Mascareignes (Reunion)	38	23.60
	East Africa	9	5.6
	Total	161	100
	Source:

  But, as Dominique Kalifa has demonstrated, Biribi consisted of an aggregation of repressive structures.97 Governed by an 1818 ordinance, disciplinary companies (compagnies de discipline) concerned soldiers who were not convicted by court martials but who nevertheless 'persevere[d] by faults and contraventions which cannot be repressed by disciplinary penalties'. They were divided into two classes: the fusiliers and the pioneers (harder). These disciplinary companies existed, among others, in the légion étrangère (foreign legion, settled in Algiers), alongside 'native' troops, and within colonial troops (in Tonkin, Cochinchina and Madagascar). In 1824 were added the disciplinary sections of the navy (settled in Saint-Pierre in Martinique, also called peaux de lapin, or rabbit skins). These men were mainly employed in hard labour and the development of colonial infrastructure.The situation was different for those soldiers who were incorporated in the Bataillons d'Infanterie Légère d'Afrique (the batallions of the African light infantry; also called Joyeux[happy] or Bat'd'Af'). Created by an order of 1832, the Bat'd'Af' were intended for soldiers leaving prison, soldiers coming from disciplinary companies still under sentence and volunteers. An 1889 law added young conscripts who had been sentenced to more than three months' imprisonment before they joined the army or who were in prison at the time of their conscription. These battalions constituted a test corps, a means of rehabilitating former convicts, through military service and development work. Soldiers convicted of crimes or military offences were incarcerated in military prisons (for accused prisoners and prisoners

1 On the influence of the British model of penal colonization in Australia, see Colin Forster, France and Botany Bay: The Lure of a Penal Colony (Melbourne: Melbourne University Press, 1996). See also Colin Forster, 'Convicts: Unwilling Migrants from Britain and France', in Coerced and Free Migration: Global Perspectives, ed. David Eltis (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2002), 259-291; Colin Forster, 'Prison or Deportation: Botany-Bay and the French Penal Debate, 1814-1832', in Workings Papers in Economic History, no. 136 (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1990), 1-36; Briony Neilson, 'The Paradox of Penal Colonization: Debates on Convict Transportation at the International Prison Congresses 1872-1895', in French History and Civilization: Papers from the George Rudé Seminar 6, ed. Julie Kalman (2015), 198-211, http://www.h-