Amour Abîmes

Sang Brûlant

PAPILLONDENUIT, LE Songe Généreux

DANS LE GRAND MOMENT." Noir

Screening Asta Nielsen Films in Metz before the First World War

Metz is located in the North Eastern French department of Moselle, which borders on Germany and Luxembourg. Between 1870 and 1918, Metz was a German city integrated to the German Reich along with the department of Moselle and the Alsace region. The city counted 68,000 inhabitants in 1914, half of them native French speakers, the other native German speakers. German was the teaching and administrative language, yet in 1914 one could still live in Metz without speaking a word of German. One fourth of the population in this garrison city were soldiers.

The first cinema opened in Metz in December 1907 and by Summer 1914, seven cinemas (close to 2500 seats) were showing films daily, renewing pro-grammes twice a week (on Saturdays and Wednesdays). Each programme was made up of about ten short films, split between comic and dramatic shorts, newsreels and documentaries, as well as one feature-length film or several mediumlength films taking the top billing. In spite of a timed schedule indicating the beginning of the programme, one could enter the showings at any time. During these years, cinema became the foremost leisure activity of the inhabitants of Metz. It went from being a mere attraction to becoming a regular night out, prepared for by reading detailed programmes in the local press or booklets accessible in the cinemas, and motivated by spectators' budding tastes.

Between 1910 and 1914, at least 28 Asta Nielsen films were shown in Metz. Apart from the two first films, her name was always mentioned in advertisements published in the local press, in some cases in larger font than the film title. Twenty-seven of these films got top billing in their accompanying programmes. They even outshone the rest of the programme, as the titles of accompanying films were very rarely mentioned. Furthermore, Asta Nielsen's name was featured early and durably in the press: she was by far the actress most often mentioned in Metz newspapers between 1911 and 1914.

Most of the films starring Asta Nielsen which were distributed before the First World War were shown also in Metz. Her films were shown in Metz on dates close to their national release dates, which suggests that the star became quickly popular in Metz. Nielsen's films were offered to cinema owners through a peculiar system of distribution: the 'Asta Nielsen series' which forced owners to buy exclusive screening rights for an entire series which involved an important cost. Owners showing Asta Nielsen films therefore had actively made that choice.

Asta Nielsen's single films in Metz

AFRGRUNDEN was screened in Metz, from Saturday, 31 December 1910, to Saturday, 6 January 1911, in two downtown film theaters, Cinématographe Hirdt, also known as "the old Hirdt theater" (274 seats) 1 and the Nouveau Cinématographe Hirdt (170 seats) 2 . They belonged to two different owners, Alois Hirdt and Hans Lang, who worked together and were to jointly found together the Société Luxembourgo-allemande de Cinéma (SLAC) on 30 November 1911. Their cinemas stood about a hundred yards apart, and the film was not screened at the same time in both theaters, hence the ability of 'bicycling' to share the same reel 3 .

The advertisement for AFGRUNDEN is interesting on several accounts: in 1910, adverts for single films in the local press were still rare. They listed the titles of the showing's together with some information about the genre of the films (comic, dramatic, news,…). The most important titles in the programme (generally a selection of one to three titles) are signaled typographically. Here AFGRUNDEN alone is advertised, even though as most films of the time, it is part of the weekly programme 4 . Most importantly, information about the 1. Cinématographe Hirdt was the first film theatre in the city, located on the main business street. It was opened by the Kaiserslautern fairground showman Heinrich Hirdt in December 1907, managed by Emile Nutz from Summer 1909 to May 1910 and by Hans Lang (a printer from Metz, editor for the German-language newspaper Metzer Zeitung) until 15 November 1913.

2. This screening room was active between 23 October 1909 and 1 October 1911. It was located in La Cigogne, a big building of several stores comprising a beerhall, a dancehall, a concert hall. (…) It was managed by Henri Hirdt's son, Alois Hirdt, hence the name: New Hirdt Cinema.

3. This print-sharing practice also attests to the proximity and collaboration between the two cinemas' managers from May 1910 to November 1911: during this time period,nine films were announced on the same week in both cinemas. This proximity led to the creation of the SLAC on 30 November 1911.

4. There were exceptions to this rule: in1913,nine films were screened alone, at fixed times, because of their singular topic or their exceptional length: /MORT VIVANT (2150 metres), GERMINAL (3020 metres)andLES MISÉRABLES (3010 metres),DER ANDERE (2000 metres),RICHARD WAGNER (2055 metres), MARCANTONIO E CLEOPATRA (2000 metres) and QUO VADIS? (2400 metres). The film is very precise: its length of two acts for a total running time of 50 minutes is emphasised; its Danish provenance is mentioned as a guarantee of quality ("artists of the Copenhagen Royal Theatre;" the film "shown 700 times to enormously large audiences in Copenhagen movie houses"). One particular scene is singled out: the memorable "dance of the Gaucho" 5 , and the adver-tisement calls upon the spectator's memory: it claims that this film surpasses THE WHITE SLAVE (DEN HVIDE SLAVEHANDEL, 1910), a film previously screened in Metz 6 . The screening of AFGRUNDEN and its advertisement in the local press illustrate the evolution of cinema as spectacle in Metz in the beginning of the 1910s, with the advent of the feature film in cinema program-ming, and the birth of the star system. Indeed, although her name is not mentioned on the advert, this is the first Asta Nielsen film screened in Metz.

Between May and August 1911, HEISSES BLUT (BURNING BLOOD) and NACHTFALTER (RETRIBUTION), the first German films featuring Asta Nielsen were shown in the Nouveau Cinématographe Hirdt and in a beer-hall where films were screened while customers drank and ate. The first advert for NACHTFALTER, of 22 July 1911, mentions the actress's name. From now on, Asta Nielsen's name was always included in advertisements and soon became an argument for the quality of the spectacle. The advert for NACHTFALTER at the Landstuhl cinema 7 notes that the film was authorised by the censors: advertisement for the screening of LES MISÉRABLES announces that the nine acts will be shown in a row, for a total running time of three hours. In 1914, at least two films were screened on their own, at fixed times: BISMARCK (1853 metres) and ATLANTIS (2280 metres -some adverts announce up to 4000-metre long versions). 5. A hundred years later, this scene still mesmerizes spectators online: "Erotic Dance by Asta Nielsen in AFGRUNDEN (1910)": http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=criEcLXgUQ0.

6. Nevertheless, a film with this title was screened as part of the Cinéma Hirdt programe for 22 to 28 October 1910, and that for 19 to 25 November 1910 ("by general demand"). Considering the number of films about white slavery produced at the time, it is difficult to assert with certitude if indeed this was DEN HVIDE SLAVEHANDEL.

7. Daily, free screenings were organised in the Landstuhl cinema which was located in the imperial neighbourhood around the new train station between 2 June 1909 and Fall 1911. It is likely that mostly German-speaking spectators patroned this venue.

the indirect mention of Asta Nielsen's sultriness marks a first period of the exploitation of her films in Metz 8 .

'Asta Nielsen series' at the Excelsior and the Palais-Cinéma

An exhibitor who bought the exclusive exhibition rights for the first 'Asta Nielsen series' essentially catered to an informed, adult audience. The Excelsior cinema (135 seats) opened in July 1911 at the heart of a vast leisure center, the Crystal Palace, located in the German neighbourhood around the new train station favoured by soldiers 9 . Among the favourite film genres were dramas of manners, 'big city pictures', and war dramas. In May and June 1912, the Excelsior was the only theatre in the city to have adults-only screenings 10 . According to adverts in the local press, the Excelsior screened five of eight of the films in the first 'Asta Nielsen' series of 1911/12: IN DEM GROSSEN AUGENBLICK (THE GREAT MOMENT), ZIGEUNERBLUT (GIPSY BLOOD), DIE VERRÄTERIN (THE TRAITRESS), THE BETTER WAY (DIE MACHT DES GOLDES), and ZU TODE GEHETZT (DRIVEN OUT) 11 . These films were all screened from Saturday to 8. The Berlin censorship bureau barred youth from screenings of NACHTFALTER, while in Munich it was banned altogether. Most Asta Nielsen films were censored by both of these bureaus. Cf. http://www.earlycinema.uni-koeln.de. In Metz, following the police decree of 12 April 1912, film theatres had to submit detailed lists of programmed films to the police three days before the first screening, or one day if first approved in Berlin. The police could visit cinemas without notice or demand to see any suspicious film. In reality, as police was short on material and human means, it is likely that these rules were not rigorously applied. Wednesday, along with an extra programme. The advert for the screening of IN DEM GROSSEN AUGENBLICK (from 7 to 11 October 1911) stipulated that children under the age of 16 be not admitted to the cinema. This certainly followed the Berlin Censorship Bureau's decision to ban this and most of the subsequent Asta Nielsen films for the youth. The themes developed in these films fitted perfectly the Excelsior's programming aimed at an informed audience.

The exclusive second and third 'Asta Nielsen series' were shown at the Palais-Cinéma (twelve titles), at the Esplanade theater (one title) and at the old Hirdt theater (one title), three venues owned by the aforementioned Société Luxembourgo-allemande de Cinéma (SLAC), founded by Hans Lang and Alois Hirdt. The Palais Cinéma was the first 'cinema palace' in Metz opened with much fanfare on 10 November 1911, it was the first purpose-built cinema in Metz. A building in the main business street in Metz was razed in order to make room for this 'modern cinema theatre' with a capacity of 400 spectators. This company mana ged also two cinemas in Esch-sur-Alzette (Luxembourg), and one in Ludwigshafen (Germany). The company had a capital of 225,000 Marks 12 . On 31 January 1914, the Esplanade opened in the Cigogne building, where the Nouveau Cinématographe Hirdt was previously housed. This modern 600-seat cinema, the biggest in town, was also born of the collaboration between Lang and Hirdt. With these two cinemas in the heart of the city, by 1914 the SLAC could offer 1,000 theater seats in a city boasting 68,000 inhabitants. With two modern cinemas and a consequent financial capital, SLAC had the means to pay exclusive rights for the 'Asta Nielsen series' of 1912/13 and 1913/14, which were shown in their totality between 19 October 1912 when DER TOTENTANZ (THE DANCE TO DEATH), the first film in the second series, was launched in Metz, and 4 April 1914 when DAS FEUER (VENGEANCE IS MINE), the seventh and last film in the third series, was screened for the last time 13 . In the season 1912/13, cinemas in the films in Metz. They may have been first screened at the Excelsior: advertisements for the Excelsior were rare in the local press which makes reconstructing the Excelsior film programmes a difficult task. 12. Cf. Der Kinematograph 264 (17 January 1912).

13. Only DIE FILMPRIMADONNA, third film in the third series of 1913/14, was not mentioned in Metz programmes: taking into account gaps of documentation, this does not necessarily mean that the film was not shown.

Metz began renewing programmes twice a week, on Saturdays and Wednesdays. Most Asta Nielsen films were shown on Saturdays, arguably the best attended day of the week along with Sunday.

Feature-length standardisation and the leading actress as quality proof

Between 1910 and 1914, increasing film length was a major trend. Multiple-reel films were an exception before 1911; they became common that year, and as early as 1912 each programme included one or two films longer than half an hour. It was not uncommon for top billing films to boast an average length of 45 minutes. This trend towards lengthening reached its apex in 1913, when several 'monster length' films, sometimes up to three hours long, were screened in Metz. It deserves to be noted that the gradual assertion of the feature film did not come with radical changes in the organisation of cinema as spectacle: long-length films were still part of a programme, and customers could still enter screenings at any time, except for a few rare cases. However, advertising increasingly focused on feature length films, and it soon became more difficult to find full programmes in the local press. The case of Asta Nielsen is interesting in that regard, because all of her films have the charac-teristics of the long-feature film: their length 14 , the way they were promoted, and of course the emphasis on the main actress make them all dominate the rest of the programme. Thus, as early as the screening of her first film in December 1910, it is impossible to know the full content of the programmes in which her films are were featured.

The introduction of the feature-length film format was paralleled by the development of the star system: the names of headline actors from Germany, Denmark, Italy, France or the United States began appearing more regularly in adverts. Among them, Asta Nielsen was the earliest to be cited this way, and second only to French comedian Max Linder in number of mentions. The actress's name gradually became even more important than the film title. Her films soon came to be advertised as "Asta Nielsen-Schlager" (Asta Nielsen hits; the same way westerns were known as "Wild West-Schlager" and 14. All Asta Nielsen films screened in Metz comprise several reels: the shortest is 731 meters long (DAS KIND RUFT, 1914), the longest 1878 meters (DIE SUFFRAGETTE), 1913). The average reel length for the 28 Asta Nielsen films screened in Metz is around 1000 metres.

detective films as "Detektiv-Schlager"). Advertising, sometimes masqueraded as news items appeared in the 'local entertainment' columns: thus film programmes were often announced in articles titled after the cinemas in question. Yet in the Metzer Zeitung (the main German-language newspaper in Metz, belonging to Hans Lang, owner of the Palais-Cinéma and member of SLAC), adverts for Asta Nielsen films only bear the actress's name as titles. Her name is usually accompanied by words of praise underlining Asta Nielsen's acting talent and her popularity. Her acting is constantly celebrated, and she is often presented as the "famous tragedienne". Here is an excerpt from such a piece praising her performance in DIE SUFFRAGETTE:

« The contribution of a first-rate artist being indispensable to a production of this nature on the cinema stage, the author gave the main role to the famous tragedienne Asta Nielsen. Those used to seeing shows at the Palais-Cinéma have long known Asta Nielsen's merits who interprets the most complex roles with extraordinary gusto. In Urban Gad's new opus, THE SUFFRAGETTE, the artist is without compare and admirably personifies a high born woman who goes down the wrong path until repentance leads her to her true destiny as woman and spouse. » (Le Messin, 19 septembre 1913) Asta Nielsen films were not the only ones to benefit from this kind of coverage in the local press of Metz. None of her films were promoted on the scale of the very long feature films of 1913 and of some German Autorenfilms such as DER ANDERE (THE OTHER). Furthermore, in 1914 she finds serious compe-tition in the German star Henny Porten, who headlines several feature films whose adverts sometimes spread half a page in the Metz press. Asta Nielsen stands apart for being recognised already in 1911 by Metz audiences as a star, and for the length of time she remained a star. Her films screened during this period illustrate the gradual standardisation of cinema entertainment around 90-minute long films which featured a familiar star in the lead.

The emergence of cinephilic memory in Metz

In 1914 two older Asta Nielsen films were shown in Metz: IM LETZTEN AUGENBLICK at the Krystall-Lichtspiele and TODIN SEVILLA (SPANISH BLOOD) at the Eldorado, both of them getting top billing. IM LETZTEN AUGENBLICK had been shown two years and two months earlier, and Tod in Sevilla about ten months prior. Reprises were then very rare in Metz: of more than 3,600 recorded film titles from 1908 to 1914, only about fifty appear in two different programmes, and only a handful were re-released months or years later. Beyond the fact that such reprises constitute an obvious sign of these films' qualities, they may also show the increasing differences between the city's film theatres. The Krystall-Lichtspiele was the cinema at the Crystal Palace, taken over on October 1913 by an independent owner. The Eldorado (234 seats), owned by the eponymous Strasbourg company, was located on the outskirts of town in a working-class, mostly French-speaking neighbourhood. These two cinemas were not as fancy as the downtown palaces and did not have the means necessary to acquire exclusive rights on Nielsen's films, and therefore had to settle for old titles.

Asta Nielsen and her films played a central role in the formation of the cinematic culture of Metz audiences. Cinephilia developed through seeing films, accumulating knowledge about them, and comparing their respective qualities, a comparison made possible by calling upon memories of the expe-rience they left in each spectator. The screening and promotion of Asta Nielsen films in Metz form these three constitutive elements of cinephilia.

To begin with, the number of her films screened and the fact that they were all directed by the same person undoubtedly contributed to shape the tastes of spectators. Serial screening necessarily invited spectators to compare films which were part of the series. Being able to watch films several times is also obviously constitutive of cinephilia: the screenings in 1914 of two of Nielsen's old hits (IN DEM LETZEN AUGENBLICK 15 and TOD IN SEVILLA) let the star's fans discover or rediscover these titles. As already mentioned, this was a very rare occurrence in Metz: only a few films -such as QUO VADIS? for example -were granted the privilege of a second screening. It is worth noting that IN DEM GROSSEN AUGENBLICK, the first Asta Nielsen film shown at the Excelsior in October 1911, was announced in the French-language press under its German title. The French advertisement for her following title included the original German title, Zigeunerblut, along with the French translation. These are the only examples of titles advertised in German in the French-language press of the time. Either the audience already knew these films by their German titles and the owner meant to profit from this notoriety, or the mention of the original title can be analysed as another piece of information helping spectators to build their cinema culture. Furthermore, the promotions of Asta Nielsen films were progressively accompanied with more and more information: length of the films in metres, number of acts and scenes, secondary actors' names, scene descriptions, references to other cities where these films had been successful, plot summaries. All these elements could contribute to the consti-tution of a nascent cinema culture. The fact that Urban Gad's name was almost always mentioned in the adverts is also worthy of note: he was the first film director to see his name and work thus recognised in the Metz press. Finally, spectators of Asta Nielsen's films were very early asked to reminisce older films. The advert for ZIGEUNERBLUT published in the French-language newspaper Le Messin notes the actress's previous films 16 . The advert for DIE SUFFRAGETTE also calls upon the memory of Nielsen's previous roles, without citing them. Though it was not common, this way of calling upon spectators' memories was not exclusive to adverts for Asta Nielsen films. Other examples compare new films with others screened previously in Metz. Nevertheless, regularly as Asta Nielsen films were screened, they appear to have played a singular role in the constitution of the cinephilic memory of the Metz public.

Pierre Stotzky, translated from French by Grégory Pierrot, Pennsylvania State University. This article is based on Pierre Stotzky, Le spectacle cinématographique à Metz, naissance d'un nouveau loisir (1908-1914) B.A. thesis (Metz: Université Paul Verlaine, 2004), 138 p. Based on research in local archives, this work offers analysis of related news and recovers the original programmes of the city's film theatres (a total of 709 programmes announcing 3593 films).

  9. The Strasbourg based company Excelsior Cinema-Gesellschaft managed the Excelsior cinema until it closed on 30 July 1913. The company owned at least two other cinemas, the Weltkine-matograph in Saarbrücken and the Excelsior-Cinema in Dudweiler. 10. On 22 May 1912 began the screening of FUNKE UNTER DER ASCHE, presented as a "picture of the big modern city", and on 12 June 1912 WENN FRAUEN LIEBEN. These films were announced as adult-only, yet a police decree dated 12 April 1912 forbids entry in the city's film theatres to people under the age of 16, except during screenings expressly reserved for children. The announcement might appear superfluous (unless the decree was not respected): it nevertheless gives adult spectators an idea of the programme's content. 11. DER SCHWARZE TRAUM (DEN SORTE DRØM, THE CIRCUS GIRL) and DER FREMDE VOGEL (THE COURSE OF TRUE LOVE), films number 1 and 4 in the first 'Asta Nielsen series', were shown in the Hirdt cinemas and at the Palais-Cinéma which contradicts the Monopolfilm rules by which only the Excelsior should have screened

IN DEM LETZTEN AUGENBLICK was shown in the same venue (now renamed and with a different owner) where it had been screened two years earlier.


François-Xavier De Vaujany

Sara Winterstorm Varlander

Emmanuelle Vaast

At the intersection of materiality, organizational legitimacy and institutional logics: A study of campus tours 1

Introduction

During the last decade or so, the phenomenon of campus tours, also called 'the Golden Walk' (Hoover, 2009(Hoover, , 2010;;Miller, 2012) has become increasingly widespread, particularly among U.S. universities, as they have been considered an effective student recruitment practice.

Facing tightened budgets, universities have had to expand their recruitment efforts to generate substantial applicant pools (Padjen, 2002). Furthermore, higher education has often been labeled as a business, selling intangible products to students, who are increasingly wary of debt and consumer savvy (Padjen, 2002;Washburn & Petroshius, 2004), and who consider multiple factors in their choice of college or university. Thus, universities today are facing conflicting demands and pressures, dictated by various institutional logics (Jarzabkowski et al. 2013;Greenwood et al. 2010). On one hand, the industry or market logic prescribes business-like practices and goals. On the other hand, the social logic dictates values such as individual learning and the cultivation of the citizens (Gumport, 2000;Carnoy and Rhoten, 2002;Kondakci and Van den Broeck, 2009).

In this complex and changing institutional context, it is crucial for universities to acquire and maintain their legitimacy (e.g. Meyer and Rowan 1977;[START_REF] Dimaggio | The iron cage revisited: Institutional isomorphism and collective rationality in organizational fields[END_REF][START_REF] Elsbach | Managing organizational legitimacy in the California cattle industry: The construction and effectiveness of verbal accounts[END_REF][START_REF] Scott | The meanings of mass higher education[END_REF][START_REF] Lounsbury | Cultural entrepreneurship: Stories, legitimacy, and the acquisition of resources[END_REF][START_REF] Suddaby | Rhetorical strategies of legitimacy[END_REF]. Building legitimacy is imperative for organizations to be perceived as "more meaningful, more predictable, and more trustworthy" (Suchman, 1995, p. 575) and to receive more support and resources from external stakeholders [START_REF] Ashforth | The double-edge of organizational legitimation[END_REF]. To sustain legitimacy, organizations may rely on different broad modalities of justification, or institutional logics that can dictate various goals and subsequent practices of legitimation.

Thus far, while studies have explored how institutional logics are invoked in symbolic management practices when firms compete for resources (Jones, Livne-Tarandach, and Balachnadra, 2010), very few have studied how institutional logics are instantiated in the material context of organizations [START_REF] Jones | The immaterial of the material in institutional logics[END_REF]. In order to start addressing this gap in the literature, here we argue that campus tours constitute a particular, walking-based, practice that is simultaneously discursive, material, visual and embodied (de Certeau, 1980[START_REF] Schatzki | Practice mind-ed orders[END_REF][START_REF] Rose | Visuality/materiality: Images, objects and practices[END_REF][START_REF] De Vaujany | Matters of visuality in legitimation practices: Dual iconographies in a meeting room[END_REF], and that aims at establishing legitimacy by invoking the material context of the university in its legitimacy claims. Through the lens of de Certeau (1980) and his attention to walking as a particular practice that 'makes space talk', we address how materiality, through the practice of walking, is involved in symbolic management that aims at promoting an adherence to diverse, conflicting institutional logics. Specifically, our research question reads: How do the walking practices of campus tours invoke materiality to make legitimacy claims?

The organization of the paper is as follows. We first introduce key issues related to organizational legitimation, followed by an introduction of our lens of walking as a practice in which space is made alive and invoked in legitimacy claims. We then outline the method we employed before presenting our findings and resulting propositions related to how institutional logics are enacted in legitimation practices and the role of materiality therein. We conclude with a summary of this work's contributions, limitations, and promising future research avenues.

Organizational legitimation

How organizations acquire and maintain their legitimacy in complex and changing institutional contexts has been a significant topic in institutional theory (e.g. Meyer and Rowan 1977;[START_REF] Dimaggio | The iron cage revisited: Institutional isomorphism and collective rationality in organizational fields[END_REF][START_REF] Elsbach | Managing organizational legitimacy in the California cattle industry: The construction and effectiveness of verbal accounts[END_REF][START_REF] Scott | The meanings of mass higher education[END_REF]; [START_REF] Lounsbury | Cultural entrepreneurship: Stories, legitimacy, and the acquisition of resources[END_REF][START_REF] Suddaby | Rhetorical strategies of legitimacy[END_REF]. Organizational legitimacy corresponds to "a generalized perception or assumption that the actions of an entity are desirable, proper, or appropriate within some socially constructed system of norms, values, beliefs, and definitions" (Suchman, 1995, p. 574). The process of legitimation is essential for organizations to gain support and resources from multiple stakeholders [START_REF] Ashforth | The double-edge of organizational legitimation[END_REF].

Organizations can pursue legitimacy in various ways (Ashford and Gibbs, 1990;[START_REF] Oliver | Strategic responses to institutional processes[END_REF][START_REF] Suchman | Making work visible[END_REF]. [START_REF] Ashforth | The double-edge of organizational legitimation[END_REF] consider that organizations may resort to substantive or symbolic management in their legitimation efforts. In this paper, the focus lies on symbolic management that implies that an organization may change the ways in which it portrays itself to appear more consistent with stakeholders' expectations. As the number of organizational relationships tend to grow and organizational fields become more complex [START_REF] Kraatz | Organizational implications of institutional pluralism[END_REF], it becomes impossible for each and every stakeholder to have deep substantial knowledge about an organization, which explains why symbolic management has become increasingly strategic to organizations. Also, managers may resort to symbolic management since it does not require any substantial changes of the underlying processes and infrastructure of the organization, but rather involves control over, and creativity with, the resources at hand. Thus, in contrast to substantive management, which implies that organizations try to create real, material change in their goals, structures and processes, or in alterations of socially institutionalized practices (such as role performance and coercive isomorphism), symbolic management does not involve specific material changes in the ways organizations operate. However, materiality (in particular that of communication practices themselves) still remains important in symbolic management, which we argue can be tightly and powerfully connected to -and amplified by -the material context of the organization. The materiality of an organization (e.g. buildings, statues, technologies, facilities, pieces of art, morphology of the area, etc.) is thus selected, visualized or incorporated into organizational narratives by means of specific communication practices, where the walked campus tours are central.

Organizations engage in symbolic management when they try to espouse socially acceptable goals, while actually pursuing less acceptable ones. One example would be organizations that espouse ethics policies without actually implementing processes for monitoring compliance with those policies. Organizations deploy various symbolic management strategies. For instance, through denial and concealment, some organizations may attempt to hide information about their activities or outcomes that would risk undermining their legitimacy.

Organizations may also attempt to redefine their means and ends. Since legitimation is mainly a retrospective process, an organization has the freedom to interpret and account for how its past is aligned with current social values [START_REF] Maclean | Sensemaking, storytelling and the legitimization of elite business careers[END_REF]. Closely related to this are the implications that removing the organization from a situation may negatively impact its image or claim to legitimacy. Finally, ceremonial conformity implies that an organization may claim legitimacy by adopting certain highly visible and salient practices aligned with social expectations, while not changing the underlying infrastructure of the organization. These practices are adopted solely for their symbolic value.

Organizations engage in symbolic legitimation efforts depending on whether the organization faces a need to extend, maintain or defend its legitimacy [START_REF] Ashforth | The double-edge of organizational legitimation[END_REF]). Our research focuses on legitimation claims aiming at maintaining legitimacy, which is the case when organizations have "attained a threshold of endorsement sufficient for ongoing activity" (Ashforth and Gibbs, 1990, p. 183). To maintain their legitimacy, legitimation efforts especially entail symbolic management-related activities.

The literature on organizational impressions and symbolic management (see, e.g., Elsbach 1994) considers that organizational members, and specifically managers, are instrumental in their communications as they signal the appropriateness and effectiveness of organizational activities to internal and external stakeholders [START_REF] Golant | The constitution of organizational legitimacy: A narrative perspective[END_REF]. In this paper, we follow this tenet and adopt a practice lens that highlights, in a fine-grained way, how walked campus tours are instrumental for universities to make legitimacy claims and how tours constitute a clear illustration that shed light on the intertwining of the institutional and material dimensions involved in legitimation. More specifically, drawing on de Certeau (1980; 1984) we delve into the practice of walking and movement to understand this intertwining.

A practice-based, mobile view of legitimation process

In this paper we view legitimation and campus tours as a 'practice', which implies that we are interested in "the fine details of how people use the resources available to them to accomplish intelligent actions, and how they give those actions sense and meaning" (Gherardi, 2012, p.2).

There are several important differences between practice theories and other theories of a social nature. One key difference is that what is thought of as the creation of shared meanings is argued to be created not in the human mind, as mentalists would argue (e.g. classical structuralism and interpretivism); nor is it located in symbolic interactions (e.g. theory of communicative action, symbolic interactionism); or as post-modernists would claim, in 'texts' (e.g. post-structuralism and various forms of post-modernism). Instead, practice theory argues that meaning is created in 'practices', which implies that the loci in focus include the body, cognition, things, knowledge, language/discourse, structure/process and human agency and their embeddedness in practice [START_REF] Bourdieu | Les stratégies matrimoniales dans le système de reproduction[END_REF]de Certeau, 1980;[START_REF] Giddens | The constitution of society: introduction of the theory of strcuturation[END_REF][START_REF] Sandberg | Returning to practice anew: A life-world perspective[END_REF].

Put simply, "practices are locispatial and temporalin which working, organizing, innovating or reproducing occurs" (Gherardi, 2012, p.2) and are "embodied, materially mediated arrays of human activity centrally organized around shared practical understanding" (Schatzki, 2001: 2). Hence, activity is the central element of practice; and it is the set of activities that form a pattern that makes a practice [START_REF] Gherardi | Comprendre et accompagner le développement de l'enseignement bilingue en Corse. L'enseignement des langues locales: institutions, méthodes, idéologies[END_REF]. The activities are composed of humans and non-humans, sayings and doings, and there is not a privileged place for any of these elements, but rather, they are seen as intertwined. Thus, practice theorists aim to go beyond problematic dualisms (de Certeau, 1980;[START_REF] Reckwitz | Toward a theory of social practices a development in culturalist theorizing[END_REF], for example, between mind and body or human and material [START_REF] Gherardi | Comprendre et accompagner le développement de l'enseignement bilingue en Corse. L'enseignement des langues locales: institutions, méthodes, idéologies[END_REF]. Recent work in a post-humanist vein has been strongly influencing practice theory [START_REF] Schatzki | Practice mind-ed orders[END_REF]; and science and technology scholars such as [START_REF] Latour | Science in action: How to follow scientists and engineers through society[END_REF][START_REF] Latour | La science en action: introduction à la sociologie des sciences: La Découverte/Poche[END_REF], [START_REF] Callon | Comment suivre les innovations? Clefs pour l'analyse sociotechnique[END_REF], Knorr-Cetina (1997), [START_REF] Pickering | Hardwiring weak ties: Interorganizational computer-mediated communication, occupational communities, and organizational change[END_REF], [START_REF] Pinch | Technology and institutions: Living in a material world[END_REF] and [START_REF] Suchman | Human-machine reconfigurations: Plans and situated actions[END_REF] have articulated, albeit in different ways, the role of non-humans, such as technology, buildings and artifacts, in the production and reproduction of social life [START_REF] Feldman | Theorizing practice and practicing theory[END_REF].

Thus, this implies that practice theorists attribute an important role not only to humans, but also to non-humans such as artifacts, technology and space. In this paper, we take this lens to practices as we are particularly interested in understanding practices as extending beyond humans and including the contexts, spaces and places in which humans act and interact. De Certeau (1984), a major source of practice-based studies, has acknowledged space as central to practice through his example of walking in the space of a city, where he shows how the practice of walking creates the link between the morphology of space and practice. On the one hand, he argues that when walking in a space, there are the expected behaviors that a space will dictate (e.g. crossing a street at the crosswalk, walking on the pavement and not the street itself, sitting on a bench in a park). On the other hand, there is the instantiation of the space through 'speech acts', where space is incorporated into a narrative, particular artifacts are pointed out and commented on, etc. This later process can be creative in the sense that people can circumvent expected behaviors and produce new or unexpected relationships with the space. For de Certeau, it is through the practice of walking that the city 'expresses itself' as a space and its meaning is created. There is not one particular meaning of a space, but rather it is through walking that various meanings are created that can circumvent, reduce, extend or divert 'the grammar' of space. Thus, through the practice of walking, space can take on a variety of different meanings. The walking practice of a campus tour hence becomes one of many possible ways of experiencing a campus and of making legitimacy claims.

Building upon [START_REF] Augoyard | Pas à pas. Essai sur le cheminement quotidien en milieu urbain[END_REF]), de Certeau (1980) argues that the practice of walking in space combines two stylistic figures: the synecdoche and the asyndeton. In a synecdoche, a word is employed "in a sense which is part of another meaning of the same word." In short, "it names a part instead of the whole which includes it" (de Certeau, 1984, p. 101). Thus, a synecdoche "expands a spatial element in order to make it play the role of 'more'" (Ibid, p. 101). For example, a bicycle or a piece of furniture in a shop window stands for the whole street or neighborhood. It "replaces totalities by fragments", "amplifies the detail and miniaturizes the whole" (p. 101). The asyndeton accomplishes the reverse. Instead of amplifying details and making broad claims based on fragments, an asyndeton skips, omits and neglects spaces traversed. It is a strategy of 'cutting out' and it undoes continuity by creating "less" and "open gaps in the spatial continuum" (p. 101). In short, through these stylistic figures, some parts of space disappear while others are exaggerated, distorting and fragmenting the space and making it something that invokes different logics. Through the lens of these pedestrian figures, in the empirical context of universities, the walked campus tour makes legitimacy claims that are creatively crafted (invoking different logics) that make sense through walking and that are linked to the spatial context of the organization. Thus, as we build upon de Certeau's lens of walking, we also adhere to Jarzabkowski et al.'s (2007, p. 6) mandate that "micro-phenomena (…) be understood in their wider social context" and claim that "actors are not acting in isolation but are drawing upon the regular, socially defined modes of acting that arise from the plural social institutions to which they belong."

In this paper, we argue that a practice lens inspired by de Certeau and his focus on movement will extend this initial understanding of the role of materiality in institutional theory. A focus on practices, and movement in space in particular, will yield an understanding not only of the rhetoric dictated by logics, but also how material artifacts are invoked in legitimacy claims to subscribe to or take distance from particular logics.

Method

Empirical settings

Our empirical inquiry focuses on a context where the relationships between practices, materiality and legitimacy are most vividly at stake: university campus tours.

The notion of campuses has a long history and originates from the US (Turner, 1984;[START_REF] Scotto | The principles of campus conception: a spatical and organizational genalogy. what knowledge can we use from a historical study in order to analyze the design processes of a new campus[END_REF]. Basically, "the word campus, more than any other term, sums up the unique physical character of the American college and university […] But beyond these purely physical meanings, the word has taken on other connotations, suggesting the pervasive spirit of a school, or its genius loci, as embodied in its architecture and grounds" (Turner, 1984, p. 4).

The 'language' of campuses has varied from one century to another and one place to another.

Initially, the American higher educational system was influenced by the British ideal where students and teachers lived and studied together. In turn, this layout of universities was modeled on monasteries where all main functionalities were present and formed 'the campus' [START_REF] Scotto | The principles of campus conception: a spatical and organizational genalogy. what knowledge can we use from a historical study in order to analyze the design processes of a new campus[END_REF]. Since the 1980s, these campuses have also been increasingly shown and performed in the practice of 'campus tours' for key external stakeholders, in particular, prospective students and their parents, sponsors, and tourists [START_REF] Magolda | Teaching to promote intellectual and personal maturity: i corporati g stude ts' orld ie s a d ide tities i to the learning process[END_REF]. The importance of tours of physical spaces to 'impress' visitors has long been established [START_REF] Kuh | Assessing student culture[END_REF]Braxton and Clendon, 2001;[START_REF] Atkinson | Ethnography and participant observation[END_REF]. For centuries, showing a place, emphasizing its history, its beauty, its technical or aesthetic performance, has been a way to legitimate an organization and its leaders. Historical examples abound. In particular, in the 17th century, the French King Louis the XIV wrote a text entitled "How to show gardens of Versailles, by Louis the XIV" ("La manière de montrer les jardins de Versailles par Louis XIV"). It has, however, taken on a special urgency and criticality for many organizations, given the multiplicity of stakeholders they face and the diversity of institutional logics that may govern them.

University campuses and campus tours thus provide a suitable case for studying the intersection between materiality, legitimation practices and institutional logics. First, they constitute events that are highly ritualized and done by many universities worldwide. This implies that it is an established practice and creates a potential for comparison and contrast.

Furthermore, campus tours are occasions in which organizations encounter potential stakeholders, and the management of legitimacy is at stake. Their situated nature in a material context was also a determining factor for choosing campus tours as a vehicle to study legitimation efforts through communication practices. Lastly, for the last 30 years or so, higher education, particularly in the US, has been characterized by a transformation where market mechanisms and industry standards have seeped into the field and challenged the legitimating ideas of universities as social institutions. Gumport (2000), followed by other scholars (Carnoy and Rhoten, 2002;Kondakci and Van den Broeck, 2009), made the case that higher education in the US has become shaped by two competing logics -the industry (or market) logic and the social logic. (Table 1 describes the key values, root metaphors, key stakeholders and key criteria for legitimacy as prescribed by the different logics). These logics are field-level logics and may in turn be expressed and enacted in multiple ways 'on the ground' [START_REF] Mcpherson | Logics in Action Managing Institutional Complexity in a Drug Court[END_REF]. The legitimation practices of campus tours become one way (among others) in which organizational members seek to manifest, negotiate, and reject adherence to the logics of the field. A campus tour can assert the openness of a university and its social orientation (which involves a sense of non-profitability and a general access to knowledge), but also emphasize the innovative, business orientation (which draws on the market logic with an ambition for excellence, selection and knowledge for the elite of society). Narratives can be used to emphasize, for example, success stories of alumni who are now economic leaders, involvement of students in charities, etc.; these narratives would invoke very different artifacts (e.g. big lecture hall, small class rooms, luxurious entry hall, comfortable rooms, dormitories, etc.). 1. Key characteristics of the two logics in higher education (adapted from Gumport, 2000) The social logic implies that knowledge is viewed as something that all citizens have the right to and it emphasizes the free or affordable access to universities as well as inclusivity and diversity. It emphasizes how universities interact and contribute to the broader social environment and its culture, norms, history, and techniques as well as socially-pressing issues such as equality and ethics. The social logic also views universities as historical institutions, where certain myths and traditions are seen as important.

LOGICS INDUSTRY OR MARKET LOGIC SOCIAL LOGIC

Key values

The market or industry logic sees universities more from a business-like perspective. When the market logic is enacted, individuals pay attention to the functional characteristics of the university and its practical, immediate values (e.g. buildings, classrooms, ITs, sports stadiums, and amphitheaters) as well as their sophistication, exhaustiveness, or modernity.

Individuals also put forward the qualities of the campus, its education and competitive advantage, drawing differentiation on an economic and/or strategic rhetoric, and how they sustain the value customers will be willing to pay for.

Data collection methods

Our data collection was based on participant observations of real life campus tours in order to collect rich and contextual data. Our sample was based on multiple observations at nine different universities in the US and Europe performed between April 2013 and July 2014. The campus tours lasted for approximately 60-180 minutes. Notes were taken during and right after the tours, which were extended to include details we did not have time to elaborate on during the actual tour. Our observations followed an observation guideline (see appendix 1).

The guideline was elaborated after a first exploratory tour at McGill University in April 2013.

The dimensions it includes derived from cross-discussions among co-authors. We identified dimensions likely to describe the modalities, context, focus, objectives and process of the tours.

Each tour generated between 5-10 pages of typed notes and in total, we gathered more than 60 pages of notes. We followed a disciplined approach to our field-note taking and always expanded and finalized the notes within the same day of the tour. This was to ensure that the notes would include a maximum of detail and be as accurate as possible. Numerous photos were also taken at each site in order to remember details of the context, such as certain artifacts or the arrangement of spaces.

In addition to observational data we also collected archival data, such as campus maps, articles, books, and information about the history of the campuses and the universities. This information (detailed in Table 2 below) enabled us to understand more about the background and to place the narrative told during the tour in a broader context. The maps were also used to get a clear understanding for the sites of each campus that the tours presented, as well as obscured.

To systematize our data collection, we applied an observation guide (see appendix 1), which aligned with our interests in capturing the legitimation processes and how these were framed in a narrative anchored in space and materiality. Our real life experience of campus tours confirmed that multiple logics were at play in this setting, and that university members invoked the material context of the organization to promote and/or reconcile the logics on which the organization drew. Our analysis of the qualitative data started with an open coding of the data set, in particular our field notes [START_REF] Charmaz | Constructing grounded theory: A practical guide through qualitative research[END_REF]. We coded our data in a grounded way [START_REF] Corbin | Grounded theory research: Procedures, canons, and evaluative criteria[END_REF]) by completing open and axial coding of our memos (see appendix 2), which was followed by a discussion and comparison of the emerging codes. At this stage, what emerged as particularly salient was the various ways in which the buildings, spaces, and artifacts of the universities were invoked during the tour in ways that clearly suggested an adherence or rejection of particular institutional logics.

In a second round, after iterating with the literature and de [START_REF] De Certeau | Idéologie et diversité culturelle. Diversité Culturelle[END_REF] in particular, we coded the data again with the ambition to understand more clearly the various forms of practices that organizational members undertook to create links between materiality and logics during the tours. This led to a more fine-grained categorization of various forms of de Certeau's (1984) 'synecdoches' and 'asyndetons. (See Table 3 below for an overview of our coding scheme).

Creating links between legitimacy claims and space through the walked campus tour

In this section, we build and justify four propositions related to the relationship between legitimizing practices (in particular, those focused on asyndetons and synecdoches), materiality and institutional logics emerging from our data.

Proposition 1 -Practices, performed in the material context of walking campus tours, can rely upon "legitimizing synecdoches" that highlight certain parts of a campus expected to legitimize the entire organization.

In a context of institutional complexity with multiple logics [START_REF] Friedland | Bringing society back in: Symbols, practices and institutional contradictions[END_REF][START_REF] Kraatz | Organizational implications of institutional pluralism[END_REF], which impose conflicting demands and pressures on organizations and their members (Jarzabkowski et al. 2013;Greenwood et al. 2010), walking was a way for organizational members to invoke artifacts and narratives to mobilize and emphasize the adherence to particular logics. Particularly, it was a way to create "legitimizing synecdoches".

We define legitimizing synecdoches as the walked practice of invoking particular places and artifacts in legitimacy claims.

This was visible in all of the campus tours that we observed. In some cases, a campus tour seemed to draw on mainly one particular logic in its legitimizing synechdoches. In other cases, multiple logics were blended with equal emphasis. In yet other cases there was a dominant logic with additional elements from other logics. Independent of one of the several logics being promoted, it was clear that universities engaged in a practice of carefully choosing only a selected few out of many possible spaces and artifacts to promote during the campus tour. For example, at San Jose State University (SJSU), which adhered mostly to the social logic, the starting point of the tour took place at the Student services center, which was largely emphasized. The center was invoked to tell a narrative of all the various types of services that students could receive for free, such as counseling, course advice and preadmission services, the guide acknowledging that everyone can have a hard time at some point during their studies. The fact that the tour started at the Student services center gave the audience a sense of accessibility to these services, as well as established credibility to these claims. Throughout the tour, the social logic of a university that is accessible and open to everyone continued to be emphasized by pointing out particular spaces that were carefully selected. For example, when arriving at the building in which the bookstore was located, the guide, pointing at the bookstore, emphasized that books can be purchased on credit allowing for more payment flexibility for students with financial difficulties. Another example is how two statues of Afro-American men located at the 'Malcolm X plaza' -'Tommie Smith and John Carlos', former students known for their historic demonstration as medalists in the 1968 Olympic games, are invoked in a narrative about the university's focus on diversity. The guide vividly describes the statues in detail and how Smith's raised right black-gloved fist represents black power. The scarf around the neck represents pride and the box he is carrying with an olive sapling represents peace. The other statue is of Carlos, with his raised left blackgloved fist representing unity in America, and the beads around his neck signifying the lynching suffered by Black people, the guide explains. She further emphasizes that students successfully fought for the statue to be placed at the center of campus instead of being located at the sport's center, which was the original idea. Diversity is important to the campus, the Latin tour guide says with emphasis.

A contrasting example of a university that drew largely on the market logic, putting forward the competitive and functional elements of the campus, was Stanford. For example, when the tour arrived in front of the main quad, the guide, who was also a student of the university, engaged in a narrative that emphasized the vastness of the campus, stating that it is the second largest in the world after University of Moscow. The large auditoriums were also pointed out as places that had hosted numerous famous speakers such as Hillary Clinton, Al Gore, and the Dalai Lama. Thus, these particular places came to be invoked in the campus tour as something larger, illustrative of a broad claim of superiority and elitism along the lines of the market logic. Another example of amplification is when the tour passed the computer science buildings named after Bill Gates, and the Hewlett and Packard buildings, where the guide points out that the original server of Google is still in the basement of one of the buildings on campus; and that the founders -Sergey Brin and Larry Page -had studied at Stanford. These particular buildings were invoked to make legitimacy claims that again drew on the market logic, stating the innovativeness and the many companies that had spurred from the university.

As yet another illustration of how walking was a way for organizational members to invoke artifacts and narratives to mobilize and emphasize the adherence to particular logics, the University of Sorbonne drew largely on historical artifacts and spaces to craft legitimacy claims drawing on the social logic. Historical artifacts have a very strong symbolic power through their longevity and can be invoked and put forward when more market-oriented, competitive and functional resources are lacking. In the case of Sorbonne University, the working spaces of former Professors Pierre and Marie Curie (who attended the university in the beginning of the 1900s) were pointed out. Also, the grandiose scene of the amphitheater was pointed out and interwoven with a narrative revolving around Marie Curie and her historical keynote speech which was held there, which was an event often categorized as the turning point in the history of the role of women in French academia. Thus, these examples show how historical artifacts are invoked in the practice of campus tours as a resource to bring up equality and diversity, connoting the social logic. It could also be argued that this emphasis on historical spaces and artifacts was a way to compensate for a lack of infrastructure, or a 'real' campus to show (as Sorbonne is spread out in several different buildings throughout Paris and does not have a campus in the American sense).

The examples above illustrate a practice that, on one hand, was about selectivity of a few among many possible spaces and artifacts that could have been shown during the campus tour, and on the other, an emphasis and amplification of these particular spaces and artifacts.

This resonates with de Certeau's (1984) notion of synecdoche and we therefore refer to this as 'legitimizing synecdoches' due to the connection that we establish with legitimacy. For synecdoches to work, walking is clearly imperative. During a guided tour, the selectivity and exaggeration done through the invocation of synecdoches become less problematic than in other forms of communication. This is because, even if not emphasized, many of the spaces and artifacts are oftentimes still visible. Thus, the problem of making 'false' claims is less present in this form compared to other forms of communication where distortion, exaggeration and selectivity, the making of 'more' [START_REF] De Certeau | Idéologie et diversité culturelle. Diversité Culturelle[END_REF] would be seen as false advertising and potentially threaten legitimacy. When organizations of today make legitimacy claims drawing on the social logic to claim sustainability, for example, it is often received with suspicion and skepticism among stakeholders [START_REF] Gond | Gérer la performance sociétale de l'entreprise[END_REF][START_REF] Butler | Bodies that matter: On the discursive limits of sex[END_REF]. However, by pointing out material manifestations of the logic by employing legitimizing synecdoches, legitimacy claims may become more credible. The walked format, in particular, allows the audience to gain a lived experience of a large part of a campus, yet only a few spaces and artifacts are chosen to become interwoven into the narrative of legitimacy claims.

Proposition 2 -The material practice of walking allows organizational members to make legitimacy claims by drawing on 'reconciling synecdoches' that invoke space to mediate potential conflict between logics.

Synecdoches are not only useful as a way to make legitimacy claims drawing on one particular logic. "Reconciling synechdoches" refer to how spaces were invoked to alleviate potential conflict between logics, as a form of strategy to make legitimacy claims compatible despite invoking competing logics simultaneously. This definition extends Swan et al 's. (2010, p. 1334) view of individuals crafting compatibility out of seemingly incompatible logics. They stated that "despite creating a patchwork of seemingly contradictory modes of working", individuals can blend logics "artfully and selectively […] to lend legitimacy to their practices". It also alludes to [START_REF] Pache | Embedded in hybrid contexts: How individuals in organizations respond to competing institutional logics[END_REF] argument that individuals can respond to competing logics by attempting to integrate them. We show that materiality has an important role in this practice.

A first illustrative example of how the campus tour managed to alleviate a conflict between logics was when the tour guide on the Stanford campus tour invoked the church to show the university's adherence to ethics (connoting the social logic) rather than being a religious institution (hence avoiding connoting a religious logic, which does not characterize today's higher education, but was largely present and guided the activities of universities a century or so ago). This maneuver was done by spending a relatively long period of time of the tour in the church, where participants were instructed to tour it in silence, particularly focusing on the inscribed messages on its walls. A text about the church states that these inscriptions were selected by Mrs. Stanford and represented her religious faith. However, before entering the church, the tour guide framed them as being ethical guidelines to students rather than religious ones. At the same time, the fact that the tour did indeed spend a considerable amount of time in the church, providing the opportunity for the audience to live the space and project their own interpretations of it, signaled an importance attributed to religious institutions, and hence dissolved a possible tension between the two logics. In this example, the church was invoked in the pedestrian figure of a synecdoche to signify a 'more' that expanded beyond the most obvious connotation of a religious logic. Yet again, this example shows how synecdoches are employed to exaggerate and emphasize the adherence to particular logics. In addition, it also demonstrates that through possibilities that are offered by walking in a space, by experiencing it, synecdoches invite multiple interpretations of a space that allow for mediation of conflicts between logics. Through the walked campus tour, which is simultaneously a narration and a movement in space, multiple interpretations and experiences are invited that would be much harder to navigate in other forms of communication.

A second example from the campus tours at Stanford was the attempt to balance the market logic that they drew largely upon (as described under proposition 1), with elements of the social logic. For example, the campus tour guide at Stanford repeatedly pointed out recycling bins, construction sites (framed as building more environmentally-friendly buildings), electric bus shuttles, the large number of bikes on campus, and the nearby train station (alluding to the accessibility to campus via train to all). In this way, seemingly mundane artifacts and spaces were invoked as synecdoches, i.e. manifestations and materializations of the social logic.

Another example is drawn from the campus tour of VU Vienna. This campus is very recent, and was designed by numerous famous architects and ended up being highly expensive (≈500 million Euros). During the tour, the great architecture was continuously emphasized by pointing out the various buildings, explaining the thoughts behind each of them and the respective architects. Thus, each building came to represent a logic of the market, where universities compete for their students not only based on the degrees and knowledge they provide, but also on their aesthetics and functional and infrastructural aspects of the campus.

Simultaneously, the tour guide used synecdoches to make 'more' out of the natural materials chosen in the new buildings, the natural light and the so called 'lakes' on campus, as well as the closeness to a vast natural park, which altogether aimed at connoting a social logic where nature and environmental values are more salient. Thus, this practice apparently reconciled incompatible logics by invoking various material aspects of the campus.

The London School of Economics tour also illustrates this point, creating both an adherence to the social and market logics. Starting the tour with the Old building gave a sense of longevity and social importance to a relatively young institution (compared to Oxford or Cambridge universities). Moving then to recent, modern and grandiose places of the campus (Student service center, Lincoln's Inn fields acquired in 2013 and the New academic building) in contrast gave a sense of the global competitiveness, expansion and growth of LSE, adhering to a market-logic of business-like growth.

An final example of this practice of making the incompatible compatible is the campus tour at

McGill, which aimed to reconcile the competing social and market logics by prioritizing its immersion and interaction with its local context of Montreal and the Quebec area (social logic), while simultaneously emphasizing that it is a university that competes on the global arena for the most talented students (market logic). This is a longstanding challenge for

McGill as it at times sees protesters at its doorsteps who bemoan that its courses are offered in English. As a way to resolve this conflict, the tour guide invoked several synecdoches to make 'more' out of artifacts in the storytelling during the campus tour. First, a long period of time was spent in front of the tomb of the founder McGill, referring to his English origins, making the tomb a manifestation of the European impregnation of the university, hence exaggerating the presence of the tomb to become a symbol for something largerthe adherence to a market logic that acknowledges internationalization and globalization, while also acknowledging its history and longevity and thus drawing on the social logic.

Thus, synecdoches allow for multiple interpretations and reconciliation of logics since they can be framed as multifaceted. To reconcile multiple logics in practices of legitimation is a complex exercise. The examples above show how the very flexibility of space itself (de Vaujany and Vaast, 2014) and how it is simultaneously walked and narrated, can be helpful in the management of tensions. Thus, this practice was possible due to the interpretive flexibility of materiality, which implies that they can be invoked to put forward various logics, i.e. an artifact does not signify a logic in itself, but it is the context in which it is invoked and the narrative surrounding it that creates its meaning in relation to institutional logics. This flexibility creates possibilities for actors to 'play' with artifacts and craft legitimation practices that are coherent, but may simultaneously put forward multiple and competing logics. This practice resonates with previous studies that have found that organizational members can employ 'interpretive flexibility' and 'strategic ambiguity' to frame artifacts in various ways in order to cater to the needs and agendas of various stakeholders [START_REF] Orlikowski | The duality of technology: Rethinking the concept of technology in organizations[END_REF]Barley et al. 2012).

Proposition 3 -The material practice of walking allows organizational members to make legitimacy claims by invoking 'concealing asyndetons' in order to make legitimacy claims.

Our empirical data also showed that a common practice during campus tours was to hide or avoid (deliberately) particular spaces and artifacts. "Conceiling asyndetons" implies that the walked practice allows for an avoidance of undesirable spaces and artifacts that do not fit the desired legitimacy claims. The tour at Sorbonne university is one example where this strategy was implemented to make legitimacy claims. During the campus tour, there was much emphasis placed on how the space relates to the republic (laic) governance system of the state, emphasizing that the university is a social institution and part of the broader society. Several artifacts were used as synecdoches of this governance system, such as the statue of the Marianne, which is a symbol of the French republic. However, in order to craft this adherence to the social logic, the campus tour was also forced to invoke a strategy of asyndetonsof avoidance of certain artifacts, such as the Fleur de Lys, that were symbolic of the historical monarchic governance system.

In the case of San Jose State University, we also found the use of the legitimizing strategy of asyndetons. For example, the tour guide points out the business school building, which is a pretty tall and fairly new building. The surrounding concrete buildings from the 60s or so are not mentioned and instead the audience's attention is directed to another modern building that has just been constructed. This is clearly a strategy of concealing and downplaying in order to make legitimacy claims.

In summary, the guided walk of campus tours allows for a subtle way for organizations to select and disregard particular places and artifacts that they consider undesirable and that would risk undermining legitimacy. While the audience has the experience of a transparency of the campus that is laid out for them, the asyndetons are invoked to hide or downplay particular spaces or artifacts.

Proposition 4 -The material practice of walking allows organizational members to make legitimacy claims by invoking 'evoking asyndetons' in order to make legitimacy claims Finally, our findings also showed that organizational members at times employed a strategy to make legitimacy claims that involved the creation of imagery or particular atmospheres during the walked practice. We define this as "evoking asyndetons". Here, the campus tour guide could describe, vividly, a space or artifact that would be out of sight to the audience, yet making legitimacy claims based on this invisible materiality. This involved a great deal of storytelling as well as the audience's own imagination. It also required more trust compared to the pointing out of artifacts and spaces that were before the eyes of the beholders. One example of this was during the campus tour at Berkeley, where the tour guide pointed to a building hidden behind a grove and explained that it hosts the College of national resources, which does research on environmental sciences, nutrition and political management. This building, the guide emphasized, also hosts the first undergraduate library in the US. This was clearly a legitimacy claim that drew on the social logic. However, the materiality that was invoked to support this claim remained invisible, yet had an important role. Another example is drawn from the tour at San Jose State University, where the tour guide brought the audience through a long and beautiful hallway that was atypical of the architecture of the rest of the buildings on campus and which was located in an older building. The guide did not talk much during the passing in the hallway, yet this passage seemed to feature an important symbolism, namely that the university has a long history and traditions worthy of an old institution. Here, the storytelling was left to the audience's imagination and by instantiating an atmosphere that was historical, it could be expected that the audience would equal their experience with that of touring an older, more ancient institution. Thus, the particular atmosphere that the hallway provided was a way to connote the social logic by emphasizing, through an atmosphere created by movement in a particular space, the (not quite so) long history of the university and its roots.

Discussion

Our propositions shed light on how campus tours provide embodied experiences of the intangible activities of universities. They constitute opportunities for stakeholders to get to know an organization through sensory experiences such as seeing, touching, smelling. Since many contemporary service-oriented organizations, such as universities, engage in complex, abstract and immaterial activities, such embodied experiences of the organization's physicality and performing activities take on a heightened importance (de Vaujany and[START_REF] De Vaujany | Dual Iconographies And Legitimation Practices In Contemporary Organizations: A Tale Of The Former Nato Command Room[END_REF]. Gieryn (2002, p. 40) argued that materiality, such as buildings, provides an "institutional reality to the intangible such as academic disciplines or specialties" and they help "convert the abstraction of [academic] discipline into something more palpable, stable, and enduring". That legitimation practices and logics are linked is well known. However, what institutional scholars have not yet greatly examined is the way in which artifacts are used to show adherence to particular logics and how these can be mobilized in legitimation practices in ways aimed at promoting legitimacy. Research on legitimation has so far remained at a symbolic and discursive level and artifacts have mostly been absent. This paper attempts to address this gap in the literature. Our propositions outline the different roles that artifacts and spaces take on as they are invoked in legitimacy claims in the walked campus tour.

First, legitimation practices based on walking can reflexively select and combine different institutional logics. Through the invocation of artifacts into narratives, an organization chooses to put forward certain claims while concealing others. Spaces and artifacts provide a material reality to the desired logics and claims and are thus powerful, concrete tools in legitimation practices. Thus, we allude to how material practices direct attention and inform meaning-making among stakeholders. This is an important distinction from the more common preoccupation regarding how values shape practices.

Second, materiality can also be used to resolve conflict and altering meanings due to the interpretive flexibility of materiality, and the playfulness or artfulness of organizational members (Swan et al, 2010).

Third, for the same reason of interpretive flexibility, invoking materiality allows organizational members to downplay institutional logics and create alternative, credible legitimation practices. If universities lack resources or infrastructures to make market-related claims for functionality, for instance, campus tours may highlight, instead, the historical features of buildings and present narratives that emphasize other sources of meaning and legitimation. Thus, the walked practice allows not only for putting forward, but also concealing and hiding undesirable materialities that may risk undermining the desired legitimacy claims. This practice of 'concealing' is important and has thus far been largely ignored in studies on the how individuals enact logics on the ground. Even in institutional studies that promote the visual, there has been a neglect of that which is not seen (Meyer et al,

2013).

Fourth, materiality and particular spaces and sites allows for the creation of experiences that foster the imagination among stakeholders to, for example, historical or prospective times. It is more about an aesthetic springboard for invoking logics, rather than a cognitive one, and it cannot easily be translated into language [START_REF] Langer | Philosophy in a new key[END_REF]. Aesthetics are often referred to as the 'non-rational of organizational life' [START_REF] Warren | Empirical challenges in organizational aesthetics research: Towards a sensual methodology[END_REF]. The aesthetic experience is triggered by material things and it is also a highly embodied, sensory mode of being in the world [START_REF] Warren | Empirical challenges in organizational aesthetics research: Towards a sensual methodology[END_REF]. While aesthetics has been largely ignored in institutional theory, our findings open up a new line of inquiry that promotes a need for a deeper understanding how aesthetics are linked to institutional logics as well as how this 'non-rational' medium can be used to make legitimacy claims.

This research adds to the emerging field of understanding the micro-foundations of institutional theory, where scholars have started to show an interest for how institutions are enacted in the everyday practices of individuals [START_REF] Mcpherson | Logics in Action Managing Institutional Complexity in a Drug Court[END_REF][START_REF] Smets | Reconstructing institutional complexity in practice: A relational model of institutional work and complexity[END_REF], as well as the role of materiality [START_REF] Jones | The immaterial of the material in institutional logics[END_REF]) and visuality (Meyer et al, 2013;[START_REF] Puyou | The Visual and Material Dimensions of Legitimacy: Accounting and the Search for Socie-ties, Organization Studies[END_REF] in altering, disrupting, or maintaining institutional logics. Materiality has been conceptualized as an actor in several theoretical fields, in particular research on organizational space, Science and Technology Studies, Actor Network theories and some evolutionist views of organizations [START_REF] Jones | The immaterial of the material in institutional logics[END_REF]de Vaujany and Mitev, 2013). Also, in the literature about organizational space and spatial practices, the spatial and material dimensions of societies and more recently, organizations, have been largely explored [START_REF] Gagliardi | Dynamics of grinding brittle materials with coated abrasives[END_REF]Kornberger and Clegg, 2005;[START_REF] Dale | The spaces of organization and the organization of space: Power, identity and materiality at work[END_REF]Yanow and Marrewjik, 2010). Mainly in continuation of [START_REF] Lefebvre | The production of space[END_REF] and the spatiomaterial aspects of seminal social studies (e.g. [START_REF] Marx | On historical materialism: a collection[END_REF][START_REF] Bourdieu | Les stratégies matrimoniales dans le système de reproduction[END_REF][START_REF] Giddens | The constitution of society: introduction of the theory of strcuturation[END_REF][START_REF] Giddens | A contemporary critique of historical materialism: the nation-state and viloence[END_REF], but also Merleau-Ponty (1945, 1961) and his view of experience or American pragmatism, it shows that organizations and organizing processes are interpenetrated by their spatial, temporal and material environment (Dale, 2005;Pitz et al, 2017;[START_REF] De Vaujany | Rules, Practices and Information Technology: A Trifecta of Organizational Regulation[END_REF]. Finally, it illustrates the 'materiality turn' that has grown increasingly popular in IS and organization studies and posits practices as socio-material, and materiality as constitutive of everyday life [START_REF] Barad | Posthumanist performativity: Toward an understanding of how matter comes to matter[END_REF][START_REF] Latour | La science en action: introduction à la sociologie des sciences: La Découverte/Poche[END_REF][START_REF] Suchman | Human-machine reconfigurations: Plans and situated actions[END_REF][START_REF] Orlikowski | Sociomaterial practices: Exploring technology at work[END_REF]Pozzebon et al, 2018)). Materiality, in this view, "is not an incidental or intermittent aspect of organizational life; it is integral to it" [START_REF] Orlikowski | Sociomaterial practices: Exploring technology at work[END_REF]Orlikowski, , p. 1436).

Nonetheless, this stream of literature has rarely investigated the relationship between spatial practices and legitimacy claims (Wasserman and Freckle, 2011;de Vaujany and Vast, 2014).

Our tentative theory integrates these two streams and suggests the various ways in which materiality is invoked in legitimacy claims drawing on various institutional logics. Thus, materiality constitutes an important part of the 'tool box' of cultural elements [START_REF] Swidler | Culture in action: Symbols and strategies[END_REF] that organizational members may invoke to construct legitimacy. This research also brings attention to mobility, i.e. walking, as a practice worthy of including in institutional analyses. By drawing on de Certeau's work, we zoomed in on a particular aspect of the micro-foundations of institutions that had not yet been examined, namely the important role of moving in instantiating the materiality of organizations and in asserting particular legitimacy claims. While practices have started to become an important focus for institutional theorists, there is still little effort put into theorizing about the constitution of practices. Practices are oftentimes used as a synonym to micro-level actions, but the elements of practices remain largely blackboxed. By acknowledging mobility as an important facet of practices, we start to unpack this concept. We find support for this among an emerging number of scholars in methodology, who have started to acknowledge the uniqueness and empirical value of walking practices [START_REF] Anderson | Talking whilst walking: a geographical archaeology of knowledge[END_REF]Evans and Jones, 2011). However, there is still a dearth of research on the role of embodied mobility in and between organizations. Our research illustrates how the practice of walking provides visual experiences as well as embodied and material matter to institutions. Movement may be experienced merely as a visual flow (e.g. a passenger sitting on a train in motion). Yet, walking in the streets and spaces of cities, campuses or organizations allows for multi-sensory stimulation of the surrounding environment [START_REF] Adams | Editorial: Senses and the city[END_REF], which provides "an immediacy as well as a kinaesthetic rhythm" (Middleton, 2009 in Evans andJones, 2011, p. 850) that a focus on the visual alone does not capture. Thus, walking is not only about a transfer from A to B, but an occasion where the surrounding materiality is instantiated and brought to life through asyndetons and synechdoches (de Certeau, 1980). Walking practices relate to, transfer and transform institutional logics, and give life to the material matter of organizations. While we agree that the recent preoccupation with the role of the visual in institutional theory is an interesting way to advance the inclusion of materiality (Meyer et al, 2013), our focus on movement underlines its limitations in accounting for the more embodied experiences that materiality provides when 'walked and lived'.

Conclusions

This paper has examined how the walking practices of campus tours invoke materiality to make legitimacy claims and provided five tentative propositions that constitute the stepping-stone for an emerging theory on the links between materiality and legitimacy. It is a first attempt to shed light on the importance of incorporating mobility and materiality into any analysis of legitimation and institutional dynamics. In qualitative research, the challenge of representativeness is always lingering. In this work, in particular, we had no way of ascertaining that the tours we followed at particular universities were representative of the other tours we could have followed over the academic year. Moreover, our study was focused on a subset of European and North American campuses, which provides a highly westernized view on the phenomenon.

For future research, there is promise in contrasting campus tours to other tour contexts (e.g. corporate tours or museum tours) as this may reveal different instantiations of institutional logics. We also urge scholars to continue to deepen the exploration of how visuality and materiality participate in micro-institutional dynamics and may embody organizational legitimacy.

Universities explored Period of observation Collected data Key spaces involved in the campus tour Main artifacts shown Tour schedule

	Vienna,
	Austria
	London School of	June 2014	Participant observation of one campus tour Maps, leaflets (e.g. 'LSE explorer'), screen	Entire campus	Old building, the Shaw library,	Annual tours. Self-guided
	Economics & Political Sciences, London, UK		printings of the website Pictures (18)			fourth floor restaurant, student service center, library, Lincoln's inn fields, new	tours (with big map LSE explorer). Maps and recommendation
							academic buildings,	to do the tour
							Saw Swee Hock student center,	offered at the students' center.
							Peacock theater, the	Duration: 1 ½
							towers, Clement	hour on average
							house, LSE Garrick	to cover the 12
									recommended
									spots.
	San	Jose	July 2014	Participant observation of one campus tour.	Entire campus	Student	services	Close to daily
	State			Maps, leaflets provided at check in.			center,	various	tours year
	University,		Pictures (10)			departments,	round. Duration:
	San	Jose,					Malcolm X plaza,	1 hour.
	CA, USA					Tommy Smith and	Registration via
							John Carlos statues,	online system
							library,	sports	required.
							facilities and dorms
	San		July 2014	Participant observation of one campus tour.	Entire campus	Student	services	Close to daily
	Francisco		Maps, leaflets provided at check in.			center,	various	tours year
	State			Pictures (8)			departments,	round. Duration:
	University,					student	union,	1 hour.
	San						library,	science	Registration via
	Francisco,					buildings		online system
	CA, USA							required.
	Mc Gill	April 2013	Participant observation of two campus tours	One campus (of	Buildings, statues	1 hour
	university,	Participation	(around 1h each)	two)				(Two per day)
	Montreal, Canada	in campus tours two	Pictures (12), maps, leaflets, screen Articles and books about the history of printings of the website					On-line registration
				McGill University
	La		September	Participant observation of two campus tours	A	main,	Buildings, big	Two hours
	Sorbonne,	and October	Maps, leaflets, screen-printings of the	historical		historical lecture	(by appointment
	Paris, France		2013	website. Articles and books about the history of La Sorbonne and the Université de Paris	building (Maison Sorbonne)		hall, paintings, status	from Monday to Friday and on one Saturday
				Pictures (9)					per month)
									Registration by
									email
	Stanford	September	Participant observation of one campus tour	The oldest parts	Sports	facilities,	1 ½ hour (twice
	University,	and October	Pictures (24), maps, leaflets, books and	of campus		oldest	buildings,	a day, year
	Stanford, CA, USA	2013	articles about the history of Stanford university Pictures (19)			big lecture halls, buildings named after famous people	round, open to all). No registration
							or where famous	needed.
							researchers	have
							worked	or	are
							working.
	UC		November	Participant observation of one campus tour	The oldest parts	Sports facilities,	1 ½ hour (on
	Berkeley,	2013	Maps, leaflets, screen-printings of the	of campus		library, old	specific days
	Berkeley, CA, USA		website. Articles about the history of UC Berkeley Pictures (11)			buildings and artifacts	year round). Registration via online
									registration
									system required.
	Vienna		May 2014	Participant observation of one campus tour	New campus	Modern		new	45	minutes
	University		Maps, leaflets, screen printings of the			buildings (library,	(upon request)
	Economics of		Pictures (12) and videos (3) website			student center)
	and
	Business,

Table 2 .

 2 Overview of data collection. Analysis

Table 3 .

 3 The guide points to the Bill Gates building and says that this is where Google started and that Google's server was located in a Lego box in that building, hence the colors of the Google logo, he says. He then points to the Hewlett and the Packard buildings, two buildings that are built in a much more modern style. He says that both Hewlett and Packard went to Stanford and that they got together in the so-called HP garage and started their company. The tour arrives to the area in front of the main quad, the oval, which is where the Palm drive leads up to the university. It is a big open space and the Palm Drive, a street with palm trees planted on each side, can be seen the whole way down to Palo Alto. It is a stretch of approximately 1 km. The guide talks a bit about the education at Stanford. Overview of coding scheme.

	First order codes	Empirical examples		Examples of		Theoretical	Axial coding Propositions
	Isolated artifacts	Berkeley: Presentation of a dinosaur	logics connoted Social logic -	constructs Legitimacy	Drawing on	Proposition	1:
	pointed out as	skeleton intertwined with a story of	Emphasis	on	claims based	materiality to	Practices,
	descriptive of the	how students	and professors	learning, equal	on	object-	infer	performed in the
	university		cooperated in crafting the dinosaur,	opportunities,		focused	adherence to	material context
			which was delivered in thousands of	student support	synecdoches	particular	of	walking
			pieces.				and involvement		logics	campus tours, can
	Unique	spaces	and the role of the university in society. Stanford University: Market logic -	Legitimacy	rely "legitimizing upon synecdoches" that highlight certain
	pointed out as					emphasis on the	claims based	parts of a campus
	descriptive of the					unique	and	on	spatial	to legitimize the
	university						successful		synecdoches	entire
							innovations that		organization.
							the	university
							has fostered			Proposition	2:
											The	material
											practice	of
											walking allows
											organizational
											members to make
											legitimacy claims
	Territories pointed out and used as an entryway to an unrelated description of the university	Stanford University: He says that as a prospective student,	Social logic -emphasis on the accessibility of and environmental friendliness of alternative transportation. the university	Legitimacy claims based on territorial synecdoches	by 'reconciling invoking synecdoches' that invoke space to mediate potential conflict between logics. Proposition 3: The material practice of
			you apply to Stanford and not to					walking allows
			specific courses, and once you are					organizational
			accepted you choose from 3 different					members to make
			undergraduate schools. He says he					legitimacy claims
			now transportation and mentions that wants to talk about					by 'interpretively invoking
			there are more bikes than people on campus, but that he prefers to walk					flexible synecdoches'.
			everywhere. He says that some
			people use skateboards.
	Avoidance	of	McGill University: We move on to a	Avoidance	of	Legitimacy	Avoiding or	Proposition 4 :
	places		corridor linking two buildings and	undesirable		claims based	downplaying	The	material
			enter	into	the	anthropology	places	and/or	on focused	materiality to	practice	of
			department, which is avoided (we do	departments that	asyndetons	show	walking allows
			not go straight and avoid a liminal	do not fit into		adherence to	organizational
			corridor) and is not commented by	the narrative and		or	refrain	members to make
			our guide. This is another period of	the	desired		from	legitimacy claims
	Transition between places	silence. San Jose State University: On the way from the office of student	symbolic. Certain transitional		Legitimacy claims based	particular logics	by 'concealing invoking asyndetons'
			affairs, where the tour started, we	spaces		are	on
			pass several anonymous grey cement	passed,	yet	transitional
			buildings. The guide does not	neglected since	asyndetons
			comment on these and instead	they do not fit
			engages in a narrative that explains	into the narrative
			the various forms of support	and the desired
			available to students of the	symbolic.
	Hidden	places	university. LSE: The guide emphasizes that the	Market logic -	Legitimacy	Proposition	5:
	pointed out as	access to the New Academic	emphasizing that	claims based	The	material
	descriptive of the	Building is restricted to LSE staff	the school is	on imaginary	practice	of
	university		and students, creating a sense of	only	for	a	asyndetons	walking allows
			prestige and exclusivity.		selected few			organizational
											members to make

APPENDICES Appendix 1. Observation guideline of campus tours

The guide aimed at capturing the main verbal narrative that was told, as well as how this narrative related to places and artifacts during the tour.

-D1: How is the tour communicated? Our focus here was the tools, actors, organizational structures, etc.

involved in the practice of legitimation.