Clément Samuel Goeta

Samuel Goëta

Clément Mabi

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L'open data peut-il (encore) servir les citoyens ?

!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!! 1 !Maurice!Ronai,!"Données!publiques:!accès,!diffusion,!commercialisation,"!in!Problèmes!politiques!et!sociaux,! Problèmes*politiques*et*sociaux,!!no.!773B774,!La!Documentation!Française,!1997,!p.!68.! 2 !Graham!Vickery,!«!Review!of!recent!

Des données « inoffensives » ?

Dans de nombreux cas, l'ouverture se limite à des données qui ne comportent pas de dimension politiquement sensible. Les producteurs de données évaluent sans cesse les Il ressort ainsi que l'ouverture des données telle qu'elle est conduite actuellement peut difficilement servir la transparence de l'action publique. Cela s'explique par la fragilité du processus politique de libération des données qui limite les risques pris par l'administration.

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Obtenir des données pour faire émerger un contre-pouvoir citoyen nécessite bien souvent un travail militant difficile et une bataille juridique contre l'administration.

Comment l'open data peut servir la « puissance d'agir » des citoyens ?

Le constat que nous avons dressé à travers cet examen rétrospectif reste nuancé. Le passage à l'open data peut être une opportunité pour les militants, mais l'activité réelle ne

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Le besoin d'une impulsion juridique forte

Former les citoyens aux données

Mais pour que cette impulsion par le haut fonctionne, il est également essentiel que les citoyens soient en capacité de s'emparer des données, qu'ils y soient formés notamment dans un cadre scolaire. Les enjeux autour de cette formation sont de deux ordres. Le premier consiste à réussir à former l'ensemble de la société aux enjeux de la production et

  Parmi les concepts en vogue dans les questions numériques, l'open data ne cesse d'être évoqué comme le levier quasi mécanique de bouleversements économiques, sociaux, scientifiques ou politiques de grande ampleur. Concrètement, l'open data, ou ouverture des données publiques, consiste à diffuser de manière proactive des données issues du travail quotidien des administrations afin de permettre à quiconque de les utiliser gratuitement. Les données sont mises à disposition en vue de la production d'études, d'articles de presse utilisant le journalisme de données, d'applications mobiles, de services en ligne de visualisation de données ou encore d'infographies. Juridiquement, elles sont assorties à des licences dites ouvertes dérivant de Creative Commons, la référence en matière de contenus ouverts, qui permettent à quiconque d'utiliser les données à la seule condition d'indiquer leur source et éventuellement de partager les enrichissements faits aux données dans une logique de bien commun. L'espoir de la découverte d'un « nouveau pétrole » a longtemps dominé le débat sur l'open data, reléguant au second plan ses enjeux citoyens en terme de transparence et d'émancipation des citoyens. En théorie, avoir accès aux mêmes données que l'administration permettrait aux militants de réaliser des contre-expertises, d'argumenter avec un appui statistique ou encore de contester les données et catégories sur lesquels se fondent les décisions publiques. Il est indéniable que l'ouverture des données a le potentiel de renouveler le débat public et d'égaliser les rapports entre les militants et les administrations. Mais le discours commun sur l'open data doit d'abord sortir d'une ornière qui l'associe mécaniquement à l'idée d'empowerment, comme si la mise à disposition volontaire de données publiques produites, sélectionnées et travaillées par les institutions pouvait donner automatiquement du pouvoir aux citoyens sans qu'il soit nécessaire d'interroger les conditions d'appropriation de ces informations. Après environ dix ans d'existence et alors que les principes de l'ouverture de données publiques sont maintenant mieux définis, l'open data doit parvenir à faire tenir ensemble les opportunités économiques et les espoirs de renouvellement des pratiques citoyennes qu'il suscite sans que les logiques de marché prennent le dessus. Au terme d'un bilan critique des premières réalisations qui montre que nous n'avons parcouru qu'une partie du chemin, comment mettre l'open data au service des militants ? Est-il (encore) possible de transformer les politiques d'ouverture de données de façon à ce qu'elles servent les intérêts de la société civile ? Comment faire de l'open data le vecteur de la « puissance d'agir » des citoyens ? Pour réfléchir à ces questions, nous proposons d'apporter un regard critique et rétrospectif sur la conduite de l'ouverture de données par les institutions et leur appropriation par la société civile. À partir de ces observations, nous formulerons de manière normative plusieurs propositions susceptibles de créer les conditions pour que l'open data puisse devenir une véritable ressource de l'action militante et citoyenne. La rencontre entre des militants de la transparence et une industrie en émergence L'open data s'est développé sur plusieurs scènes en parallèle. Il convient de revenir brièvement sur cette genèse complexe pour mieux comprendre comment les opportunités économiques et les enjeux citoyens ont pu cohabiter au sein du mouvement. Rappelons tout d'abord que l'open data s'inscrit dans la continuité de politiques de transparence et dans une longue tradition qui a imposé un droit d'accès des citoyens à l'information produite par les administrations. Déjà, la Déclaration des Droits de l'Homme et du Citoyen de 1789 stipulait dans son article 15 que « la société a le droit de demander compte à tout agent public de son administration ». Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale émerge le concept d'Open Governement qui désigne originalement le droit d'accès des citoyens aux secrets de l'Etat. Aux États-Unis, la dénonciation de l'opacité de l'armée pendant la Guerre du Vietnam aboutit à l'adoption en 1966 du Freedom of Information Act qui oblige les agences fédérales des États-Unis à transmettre leurs documents non classifiés à tout citoyen qui en fait la demande. En 1978, en France, la loi CADA (Commission d'Accès aux Documents Administratifs) copie ces dispositions et donne à la commission du même nom le dernier mot en cas de litige. La loi concerne uniquement les informations publiques, c'est-à-dire les documents produits ou reçus dans le cadre d'une mission de service public. Le droit d'accès à l'information publique est désormais la norme dans la plupart des démocraties. Le mouvement open data a complété ce droit en définissant des principes qui facilitent la réutilisation technique des données et encouragent l'administration à ouvrir volontairement ces données. Bien plus que les promesses assez anciennes de renouvellement du débat public et de transparence accrue, ce sont d'abord les perspectives de croissance économique qui sont à l'origine de l'engouement politique pour l'open data. C'est cet intérêt pour la création de valeur qui a d'abord rendu possible la conduite des politiques de mise à disposition des données publiques. Ainsi, les travaux de Maurice Ronai 1 rappellent l'influence dans les années 1970 aux États-Unis du lobby de l'industrie de l'information qui est parvenue à imposer dans la législation la doctrine, toujours en vigueur, de la gratuité de l'information publique. Plus tardivement, depuis 2000, la Commission Européenne multiplie les études sur le potentiel économique de la libération des données, évaluant jusqu'à 200 milliards d'euros par an la valeur de leur circulation optimale dans les pays de l'Union 2 . L'open data trouve ainsi une justification économique simple : la taxation des revenus prévus financerait la production et l'ouverture des données. L'ouverture des données publiques suscite depuis longtemps un fort intérêt parmi les industriels de l'information et les gouvernants qui y voient un possible « nouveau pétrole. » À partir de 2007, on assiste à une surprenante convergence entre les enjeux techniques et politiques. Les acteurs du monde économique et les militants de la transparence vont inscrire l'ouverture des données comme une des priorités des politiques numériques. Libérer les données serait susceptible de créer de la richesse tout en développant la transparence de l'Etat. Le moment clé de cette convergence est la réunion qui se tient à Sebastopol en Californie en 2007 où émerge le terme d'Open Government Data. Les principes dits de Sebastopol établis par des activistes numériques bien connus comme Lawrence Lessig, Tim O'Reilly ou Aaron Swartz demandent la libération des données publiques dès leur production, dans leur intégralité et telles qu'elles sont collectées. Cette demande de données « brutes » vise à l'émergence d'une contre-expertise citoyenne par la réduction des asymétries d'information. Les citoyens comme les entreprises pourraient alors refaire les calculs, disposer de données au niveau local plutôt que de se contenter d'agrégats et contester les décisions publiques avec les mêmes données que l'administration. À un niveau plus institutionnel, les principes de Sebastopol ont exercé une grande influence dans la campagne qui a abouti à l'élection de Barack Obama. Ils sont également à l'origine d'une prolifération de portails partout dans le monde avec le lancement de data.gov aux États Unis en 2008, data.gov.uk en Royaume-Uni en 2009 ou data.gouv.fr en 2011. En

  studies!on!PSI!reBuse!and!related!market!»,!Paris,!2011.! 2013, les principes établis à Sebastopol sont repris par le G8 qui, dans sa charte sur l'open data, se fixe les mêmes objectifs de transparence et de création économique et établit que l'ouverture des données deviendra la pratique par défaut des administrations signataires. De fortes résistances administratives Passé les déclarations d'intention et les coups de communication, peut-on dire que l'ouverture des données de l'administration est parvenue à s'imposer comme une norme de l'action publique ? L'open data est-il vraiment la pratique par défaut des administrations ? En nous appuyant sur une étude ethnographique de projets open data dans les administrations françaises, il ressort que la libération des données ne s'inscrit pas véritablement dans les routines administratives et dans les pratiques quotidiennes des agents. L'impératif d'ouverture imposé « par le haut » constitue un important bouleversement qui n'est pas toujours bien évalué en interne. Ces fortes résistances ont pour effet de limiter l'ouverture systématique des données que détient l'administration. Il est en effet rare que les données publiées sur les portails open data répondent totalement aux exigences définies à Sebastopol, notamment en termes de données publiées dans leur intégralité et telles que collectées. Les fichiers avant leur publication sont des documents de travail difficiles à comprendre hors de leur contexte de production avec leurs catégories, leurs jargons administratifs, leurs mises en forme et leurs commentaires. Les données sont bien souvent sélectionnées et retravaillées pour réduire la complexité et les risques de leur utilisation par un public inconnu. Ces résistances de l'administration s'expliquent aussi par le fait que, bien souvent, ce sont les producteurs de données qui se retrouvent en première ligne pour décider quels fichiers publier. Dans la hiérarchie administrative, ce sont eux qui vont proposer à leurs chefs de service les données à ouvrir. Or, ces derniers n'ont pas intérêt à s'exposer en mettant à disposition des données dont ils ne peuvent garantir la qualité ou qui sont susceptibles de remettre en cause la légitimité de précédentes décisions. La mission des chefs de service consiste avant tout à répondre à leurs objectifs et missions dont la diffusion de données au grand public ne fait pas officiellement partie. De plus, la circulaire adoptée en 2011 en vue du lancement de data.gouv.fr n'impose pas la publication des données. Elle exige seulement la désignation d'un correspondant open data dans chaque ministère chargé d'identifier et de coordonner l'ouverture des données de son ministère. Des données dont la décision de publication reste à l'appréciation seule des agents et de leur hiérarchie. L'arbitrage entre risques et avantages de la libération de données incite donc l'administration à la prudence. Adopter l'open data nécessite ainsi une transformation ambitieuse du fonctionnement de l'administration, mais son accompagnement n'a pas toujours été à la hauteur des enjeux d'un tel bouleversement. Au niveau national, le lancement de data.gouv.fr a nécessité la mise en place d'Etalab, une structure d'environ huit personnes d'abord sous l'autorité du Premier Ministre puis intégrée au Secrétariat Général à la Modernisation de l'Action Publique (SGMAP). Etalab a longtemps concentré ses efforts sur le développement de data.gouv.fr afin d'en faire une infrastructure facilitant la réutilisation des données. La dernière version du site, publiée en open source, semble d'ailleurs satisfaire les principales exigences des collectifs qui militent pour l'ouverture des données publiques en France comme Regards Citoyens 3 . L'enjeu principal de cette structure consiste désormais à ancrer l'open data dans les pratiques de l'administration, notamment en lui donnant une assise juridique. La nouvelle secrétaire d'État au numérique, Axelle Lemaire, va dans ce sens et réclame une inscription dans la loi de l'open data pour « en finir avec les actions au coup par coup, les appréciations en pure opportunité et […] des décisions parfois arbitraires » 4 . Le gouvernement vient également de nommer un administrateur général des données (Chief Data Officer) qui sera autorisé à inspecter les données de l'administration pour favoriser de nouvelles vagues d'ouvertures. Les difficultés sont les mêmes sur les portails open data locaux où de nouvelles données peinent à être ouvertes et mises à jour parmi la cinquantaine de collectivités territoriales de toutes tailles engagées dans une politique d'open data 5 . Peu de collectivités locales ont pris la peine de recruter des agents dédiés à faire perdurer la démarche. Par exemple, seules cinq villes ont publié les résultats des élections municipales au niveau du bureau de vote en open data alors que ces données ont permis des analyses poussées dans la presse 6 . Là aussi, l'ouverture des données locales nécessite une volonté politique forte pour accompagner la transformation des administrations. On suivra donc avec intérêt les conséquences de la nomination à Grenoble d'un adjoint au maire chargé de la libération des données.

  3!"Nouvelle!Version!de!Data.gouv.fr!et!Libération!de!La!DILA :!Un!Nouveau!Souffle!Pour!l'OpenData!Gouvernemental ?! « Regards!Citoyens."!Regards!Citoyens,!décembre!2013.!http://www.regardscitoyens.org/nouvelleBversionBdeBdataB gouvBfrBetBliberationBdeBlaBdilaBunBnouveauBsouffleBpourBlopendataBgouvernemental/.! 4!"Open!Data :!Axelle!Lemaire!veut!inscrire!dans!la!Loi!La!Gratuité!Ou!Le!Partage!Par!Défaut."!Libération,!Mai!2014.! 5 !Voir!le!travail!de!recensement!de!l'association!Libertic!:!http://www.opendataBmap.org/! 6 !«!Peu!de!villes!donnent!les!résultats!électoraux!en!openBdata!»,!LeMonde.fr,!mars!2014,! http://data.blog.lemonde.fr/2014/03/25/quatreBvillesBseulementBdonnentBlesBresultatsBelectorauxBenBopenBdata/! risques de la publication d'un jeu de données : « C'est un peu notre propriété, même si ce sont des données du service public et donc, il pouvait y avoir des hésitations, notamment pour les problèmes de sécurité ou pour éviter que l'on tende un bâton pour se faire battre. » 7 Souvent la sélection des données publiées se fait par opportunité et vise à « se distinguer à travers l'ouverture d'un jeu de données que personne n'a encore diffusé, l'intérêt que peuvent représenter certaines données, les difficultés ou facilités techniques de leur diffusion ». 8 La transparence de l'action publique n'est pas nécessairement l'effet recherché par la libération des données. Les militants de l'open data se sont longtemps préoccupés d'aspects techniques, mettant au second plan les enjeux politiques majeurs de ce mouvement. L'auteur critique Evgeny Morozov dans son livre To Save Everything Click Here dénonce le fait que les activistes de Sebastopol étaient « principalement intéressés par les aspects techniques du processus de révélation et ont posé peu de questions à propos de la politique. » Il souligne également que des politiques d'open data ont été mises en place dans des pays peu ou pas démocratiques comme le Maroc ou Singapour. Même la Russie a publié, suite au G8 de 2013, un plan d'action pour l'open data. Harlan Yu et David Robinson dans un article important sur l'émergence de l'Open Government Data 9 dénoncent le fait que « la libération de données sur la propagande des leaders de Corée du Nord serait susceptible de répondre aux principaux critères du gouvernement ouvert et de l'open data. » 10 Les données déjà publiées en open data parviennent rarement à révéler des faits jusqu'alors inconnus. L'enquête de Sylvain Parasie et Éric Dagiral sur le journalisme de données dans une rédaction à Chicago 11 rapporte que, passée la mise en place de portails open data, le nombre d'articles ayant recours à des données ouvertes volontairement par l'administration a considérablement diminué. Pourtant, l'espoir que les journalistes fassent des données publiques un support d'enquête dans la vague du journalisme de données a participé à l'essor de l'open data. Or, bien souvent les données publiées se révèlent décevantes pour conduire une enquête comme nous l'a confirmé le journaliste de données du Monde, Alexandre Léchenet : « aujourd'hui, les données publiées sont souvent les plus inoffensives. En terme d'investigation, il n'y a pas trop de révélations à faire ni de choses à chercher. » Il

  7!Entretien!avec!un!agent!dans!une!collectivité!locale,!mai!2013! 8 Jérôme Denis et Samuel Goëta. « La fabrique des données brutes. Le travail!en!coulisses!de!l'open!data!»,!in!Penser* l'écosystème*des*données.*Les*Enjeux*Scientifiques*et*Politiques*des*données*numériques,!dir.!Mabi!Plantin!MonnoyerB Smith,!éditions!FMSH,!à!paraître.!Accessible!en!ligne!:!http://halshs.archivesBouvertes.fr/halshsB00990771! 9 !Harlan!Yu!and!David!G!Robinson,!"The!New!Ambiguity!of!'Open!Government,'"!UCLA*Law*Review,!2012,!vol.!178,!p.! 178-208..! 10!Evgeny!Morozov,!To*Save*Everything*Click*Here.!PublicAffairs.!2013! 11 !Sylvain!Parasie!et!Eric!Dagiral,!«!DataBdriven!journalism!and!the!public!good:!"ComputerBassistedBreporters"!and! "programmerBjournalists"!in!Chicago!»,!New*Media*&*Society,!2012.! souligne toutefois que les données publiées en open data permettent un journalisme « de contexte » comme le projet Les Décodeurs 12 qui vise à « rétablir les faits » par notamment la cartographie et la visualisation de données. Dans le cas du journalisme de données, l'open data sert peu de « machine à scandale », mais plutôt de point d'appui à l'argumentation. Ce sont plus des références accessibles et utilisables par tous selon la définition même d'une donnée : « ce qui est connu ou admis comme tel ». Hors des rédactions, du côté des militants de la transparence, les données publiées de manière volontaire par l'administration en open data sont encore peu utilisées. Le cas de l'association Regards Citoyens qui milite depuis plusieurs années de manière vigilante pour que l'ouverture des données de l'Etat serve la transparence de l'action publique est éclairant sur ce point. Cette association militante composée en grande partie de développeurs adeptes du logiciel libre a créé plusieurs outils citoyens d'évaluation des politiques publiques et de l'action publique des élus. Leurs outils les plus célèbres, nosdeputes.fr et nossenateurs.fr, dépendent d'une extraction automatique de l'activité parlementaire sur le site de l'Assemblée Nationale et du Sénat et du bon vouloir de l'administration des deux chambres qui peuvent facilement couper l'accès à l'association 13 . Leur autre site, NosFinancesLocales.fr, dépend lui de l'extraction automatique des données du site collectivites-locales.gouv.fr. Le travail bénévole de militants est indispensable pour extraire et traiter ces informations qui sont en ligne, mais très difficilement exploitables. Regards Citoyens en 2013 a aussi publié dans des formats ouverts les données de la réserve parlementaire largement reprises dans la presse nationale et locale. Elles ont été obtenues grâce au travail de l'association « Pour une Démocratie Directe » qui a dû porter plusieurs plaintes contre le Ministère de l'Intérieur pour obtenir la publication directe de ces données par le Parlement.

  12 !lemonde.fr/lesdecodeurs! 13 !Le!Sénat!a!toutefois!lancé!en!octobre!2013!data.senat.fr!pour!encourager!à!la!réutilisation!de!certaines!de!ses! données!mais!Regards!Citoyens!continue!d'extraire!des!données!depuis!le!site!de!l'institution.! témoigne certainement pas de l'émergence d'un contre-pouvoir citoyen qui tirerait appui des données ouvertes. En d'autres termes, l'open data ne crée pas mécaniquement de l'empowerment. Il nous semble pourtant qu'un chemin vertueux soit possible. Qu'il soit possible de proposer au débat public un certain nombre de préconisations, susceptibles de mettre la libération des données publiques au service des citoyens. Si la fenêtre est étroite, elle n'en reste pas moins accessible. Il s'agit d'éviter que l'open data ne serve qu'à renforcer le pouvoir des puissants, que l'ouverture des données « empower the empowered » selon l'expression du chercheur canadien Michael Gurstein 14 qui a dénoncé ce risque des politiques actuelles d'open data de n'offrir des opportunités de développement qu'aux acteurs dominants. Faisant le constat de la fragilité politique du processus de l'ouverture, nous formulons ici trois propositions pour que l'ouverture des données soit mise au service du pouvoir d'agir des citoyens et stimule la mise en place de nouvelles pratiques citoyennes. Ces propositions tendent vers un idéal normatif qui replace le citoyen au coeur des politiques publiques, et considère l'open data comme un support pour de nouvelles formes d'actions de la société civile. Elles sont organisées autour de trois thèmes : d'une part sur la question des infrastructures de l'open data (comment organiser techniquement la libération des données ?) ; ensuite autour de la définition du cadre juridique nécessaire au développement de l'open data (quelles lois mettre en place pour s'assurer que les « bonnes » données sont libérées et que les acteurs concernés peuvent les utiliser ?) et enfin sur la question de la formation à l'usage des données, préalable essentiel et trop souvent négligé pour un usage plus large des données libérées.Ces éléments portés au débat public sont le fruit de notre travail de recherche et du dialogue mis en place avec les acteurs de terrain afin de construire des questionnements cohérents avec leurs préoccupations.1. Des infrastructures qui facilitent l'usage des données par un public largeTout d'abord il nous semble qu'une attention redoublée doit être portée aux infrastructures de libération des données si l'on veut s'approcher de l'idéal de données brutes, libérées « en l'état ». L'enjeu consiste ici à disposer des mêmes données que l'administration pour réduire les asymétries d'information entre l'État et les citoyens. Mais ces données doivent également être proposées sous une forme intelligible et facilement exploitable. Pour se faire, les données pourraient être proposées en deux versions : un fichier « brut », tel qu'utilisé par l'administration et une version simplifiée par son format, ses catégories et sa mise en forme

  pour cibler un public large et faciliter sa réutilisation. Il sera nécessaire d'engager des moyens pour soutenir les producteurs de données, notamment par la création de nouveaux métiers comme celui d'éditeur de données (data editor). On suivra avec attention la création récente de ce poste au sein de l'équipe d'Etalab. Actuellement, pour accéder à un fichier sur data.gouv.fr, il est nécessaire d'ouvrir un tableur, une contrainte qui peut rebuter de nombreux utilisateurs. Conformément aux revendications des militants de l'open data, de nombreuses données sont disponibles au format csv, un standard de données ouvert qui facilite leur utilisation par des machines, mais nécessite des compétences techniques relativement avancées ne serait-ce que pour ouvrir le fichier. Tant que les portails open data ne proposent pas un accès direct aux données, il sera difficile de faire en sorte que ces informations servent à l'émancipation d'un large public qui est réduit à utiliser des médiations (infographies, services, cartes) qui sont chargées de sens et perdent l'idéal d'objectivité d'une donnée « brute ».

  Atteindre un plus large public ne suffit pas. Encore faut-il que les données sensibles puissent être libérées. Cela nécessite l'impulsion du législateur qui pourra profiter de la transposition de la directive européenne Public Sector Information (PSI) qui régit le droit des données publiques. La publication des données doit devenir une pratique systématique et régulière plutôt qu'une initiative volontaire dépendant des volontés politiques et administratives passagères. Aboutir à une ouverture par défaut des données nécessitera une instance administrative dédiée. La sélection et le travail des données en vue de leur publication volontaire par les administrations ne sont pas pour le moment encadrés par la loi alors que ces opérations mettent en oeuvre concrètement la transparence de l'action publique. L'évolution de la loi vers l'ouverture par défaut des données pourrait s'inspirer directement du cadre légal de la statistique publique. Ce dernier est strictement encadré depuis 1972 par un organisme de concertation, le Conseil National de la Statistique (CNIS) composé de représentants des institutions, des syndicats, des organisations patronales, de la recherche et de la société civile. Pour arbitrer les litiges dans la production et l'ouverture d'une information publique, il est nécessaire de créer un Conseil National de l'Information Publique (CNIP) avec une composition similaire. Il permettra d'éviter une trop grande prudence de l'administration dans l'ouverture de ses données par une évaluation collégiale des risques d'anonymisation des données ou du coût financier de l'ouverture qui restreignent souvent leur publication.

  de l'utilisation des données qui « colonisent » le monde social. Cet objectif est atteignable par le développement de dispositifs types « infolabs », espaces hybrides où techniciens et citoyens interagissent pour apprendre à utiliser les données, ou par la mobilisation des espaces publics numériques (EPN) pour réaliser cette « éducation aux données ». Le second consiste à exploiter les données disponibles en open data dans les programmes scolaires pour illustrer par des cas réels des problèmes rencontrés en classe. Ainsi, des données sur l'environnement, la citoyenneté ou encore la géographie sont d'ores et déjà disponibles et pourraient être mobilisées pour fournir des études de cas. Il ne s'agit pas de tomber dans une posture naïve qui considèrerait que nous sommes tous susceptibles de devenir journaliste de données, loin de là. Notre propos est plutôt d'insister sur la nécessité d'initier les citoyens aux enjeux sociopolitiques liés à l'usage des données. Une prise de conscience par la pratique sensibiliserait au pouvoir des données et apprendrait à ne pas se laisser « éblouir » par les infographies et autres visualisations de données, devenues l'instrument privilégié des communicants. Comme nous avons pu le voir, le mouvement open data doit être compris comme le fruit d'une rencontre entre différents milieux socio-économiques, d'une tension entre la recherche de profits économiques et la défense de valeurs politiques liées à l'empowerment citoyen et à la plus grande transparence de l'action publique. Plusieurs conditions d'ordres techniques et politiques sont nécessaires pour que les données publiques puissent se transformer en outil d'émancipation des citoyens. La partie n'est pas encore perdue pour qui veut bien s'atteler à ce défi, et ces conditions peuvent constituer l'horizon normatif des politiques de libération des données. S'engager pour les mettre en place peut, en soi, être considéré comme un objet de lutte.

!Michael!Gurstein,!"Open!data:!Empowering!the!empowered!or!effective!data!use!for!everyone?,"!First*Monday,! 2011,!vol.!16,!no.!2.!

L'open data


Sarah Nila

MS Julien Barthes

PhD Pierre-Andre Crochet

PhD Bambang Suryobroto

PhD Michel Raymond
email: michel.raymond@umontpellier.fr

Kin Selection and Male Homosexual Preference in Indonesia

Keywords: male homosexual preference, Darwinian paradox, kin selection hypothesis

Male homosexual preference (MHP) challenges evolutionary thinking because the preference for male-male relationships is heritable, implies a fertility cost (lower offspring number), and is relatively frequent in some societies (2%-6% in Western countries) for a costly trait. It has been proposed that individuals with a MHP counterbalance reproductive costs through the transfer of resources to kin, thereby improving their indirect reproduction through kin's reproductive success.

This kin selection hypothesis is not supported in Western countries and Japan, although consistent evidence has been obtained in Samoa. In this study, data from Java (Indonesia) were obtained to assess the avuncular tendencies of men with contrasting sexual orientation to measure possible resource transfer. Consistent with the kin selection hypothesis, males with a homosexual orientation reported an increased willingness to transfer resources toward nephews and nieces and declared having transferred more money to nephews and nieces. We developed a method to quantitatively estimate the contribution of kin selection on inclusive reproduction associated to sexual orientation, taking into account various possible biases. Kin selection reduced the direct reproductive cost of homosexual men by 20%, so suggesting that kin selection alone is insufficient to explain the maintenance of male homosexuality. Other potential factors are discussed, as well as the limitations of the study and the social determinant operating for the expression of increased avuncular tendencies of homosexual men.

INTRODUCTION

Human male homosexual preference (MHP), i.e., the preference in males for same sex mates, despite the availability of partners of the opposite sex, has long been considered an evolutionary puzzle. Indeed, reproductive cost is observed among men reporting MHP [START_REF] Bell | Homosexualities: A study of diversity among men and women[END_REF][START_REF] Iemmola | New evidence of genetic factors influencing sexual orientation in men: Female fecundity increase in the maternal line[END_REF][START_REF] Rieger | Sexual orientation and childhood gender nonconformity: Evidence from home videos[END_REF][START_REF] Vasey | Comparative reproductive output of androphilic and gynephilic males in Samoa[END_REF], and MHP is partially heritable [START_REF] Alanko | Common genetic effects of gender atypical behavior in childhood and sexual orientation in adulthood: A study of Finnish twins[END_REF]Bailey, Dunne, & Martin, 2000;[START_REF] Kendler | Sexual orientation in a US national sample of twin and non-twin sibling pairs[END_REF][START_REF] Kirk | Measurement models for sexual orientation in a community twin sample[END_REF][START_REF] Långström | Genetic and environmental effects on same-sex sexual behavior: A population study of twins in Sweden[END_REF]. Thus, from an evolutionary standpoint, the frequency of MHP is expected to decrease. However, MHP has been described at least since antiquity [START_REF] Crompton | Homosexuality and civilization[END_REF], and it is relatively common in several societies: between 3 and 12 % in South and East Asia (Cáceres, Konda, Pecheny, Chatterjee, & Lyerda, 2006), 2 and 6% in Western countries (review in Table 4.3 of [START_REF] Berman | The puzzle: Exploring the evolutionary puzzle of male homosexuality[END_REF], and between 1.4-4.7% in Samoa [START_REF] Vanderlaan | The prevalence of fa'afafine relatives among Samoan gynephilic men and fa'afafine[END_REF].

From an evolutionary point of view, homosexual preferences can emerge and be maintained if the decrease in fertility associated with MHP is compensated by sufficient increases in fertility among close relatives. This increase may be promoted behaviorally by kin selection, and it has been proposed that individuals displaying MHP could behave as "helpers," favoring the reproduction of kin and thereby directly compensating for the reproductive cost of their preference for same sex partners [START_REF] Trivers | Parent-offspring conflict[END_REF][START_REF] Wilson | Sociobiology: The new synthesis[END_REF][START_REF] Pillard | Human sexual orientation has a heritable component[END_REF]. In Western/industrialized societies (Canada, UK, and U.S.) and in Japan, homosexual men do not display increased avuncular tendency (i.e., a willingness to channel resources toward nieces and nephews, including gifts, monetary support, and help with childcare) compared with heterosexuals [START_REF] Bobrow | Is male homosexuality maintained via kin selection?[END_REF][START_REF] Forrester | Male sexual orientation and avuncularity in Canada: Implications for the kin selection hypothesis[END_REF][START_REF] Rahman | An empirical test of the kin selection hypothesis for male homosexuality[END_REF]Vasey & VanderLaan, 2012). This suggests that, in these societies, kin selection is currently not involved in the reduction of the reproductive cost associated with male homosexuality. However, in Samoa, individuals reporting a homosexual preference (referred to as fa'afafine) displayed an increased avuncular tendency compared with heterosexuals (VanderLaan & Vasey, 2012;[START_REF] Vasey | Kin selection and male androphilia in Samoan fa'afafine[END_REF][START_REF] Vasey | Materteral and avuncular tendencies in Samoa: A comparative study of women, men, and fa'afafine[END_REF], 2010b), exhibited higher avuncular altruistic behaviors in reported situations concerning monetary transfers toward nephews and nieces (Vasey & VanderLaan, 2010c), and had a stronger propensity to invest in young female kin in hypothetical investment scenarios (VanderLaan & Vasey, 2014). However, how this higher avuncular tendency translates into inclusive fitness has not been empirically evaluated.

The inclusive fitness of a trait depends on two components: direct fitness and indirect fitness [START_REF] Hamilton | The evolution of altruistic behavior[END_REF]. Direct fitness refers to copies of the trait passed to future generations via direct offspring, and indirect fitness refers to copies of the trait passed to future generations via the reproduction of relatives. Thus, a trait associated with a loss of direct fitness could increase in frequency if the indirect fitness overcompensates for the loss of direct reproduction. When combined to calculate the inclusive fitness, direct and indirect fitness are weighted by the degree of relatedness [START_REF] Hamilton | The genetical evolution of social behaviour I[END_REF], so that to compensate the loss of one direct offspring (with a relatedness of one-half), two nephews or nieces (with a relatedness of 1/4) are required. In a demographically non-decreasing population, at least two offspring able to reproduce are produced; thus, at least four additional nephews or nieces, also able to reproduce, are required. This threshold is based on the assumption that all direct reproduction is suppressed. This is probably true in Samoa, where fa'afafine do not reproduce at all [START_REF] Vasey | Comparative reproductive output of androphilic and gynephilic males in Samoa[END_REF]. However, if homosexual men have some direct offspring, then a lower additional number of nephews or nieces is required for kin selection to play a significant role.

In addition to kin selection, the increase in fertility in a close relative could be the result of an antagonistic factor. Sexually antagonistic genetic factors that favors MHP in males and that increases fecundity in females have been proposed [START_REF] Camperio-Ciani | Evidence for maternally inherited factors favouring male homosexuality and promoting female fecundity[END_REF], and several studies support this hypothesis or have provided results that are consistent with predictions from this hypothesis (for a review, see [START_REF] Barthes | Male homosexual preference: Where, when, why?[END_REF].

The skepticism expressed toward kin selection as an explanation for the maintenance of male homosexuality is based on two points. First, there is the absence of any increased avuncular tendencies in industrialized societies [START_REF] Abild | Does geographic proximity influence the expression of avuncular tendencies in Canadian androphilic males[END_REF][START_REF] Bobrow | Is male homosexuality maintained via kin selection?[END_REF][START_REF] Rahman | An empirical test of the kin selection hypothesis for male homosexuality[END_REF]Vasey & VanderLaan, 2012), where the partial reproduction of homosexual men decreases the threshold of the additional number of nephews/nieces required. Second, in a non-industrialized society, perhaps closer to the social condition where male homosexuality emerged, it seems unlikely that at least four additional nieces and/or nephew could be produced as a result of an avuncular tendency to compensate for the complete absence of direct reproduction displayed by homosexual men. However, to the best of our knowledge, this question has never been empirically addressed in a non-industrialized society.

In this study, we collected original data from Java (Indonesia). Firstly, we tested whether male subjects reporting MHP have an inherent tendency to increase resource transfer toward their kin. Finding evidence that MHP males have an increased tendency to transfer resources to kin would support the idea that kin selection contributed to the evolution of MHP in this population.

To do so, we compared the avuncular tendencies of men with contrasted sexual orientation, taking into account possible confounding factors. Secondly, we tested more directly whether kin selection can explain the maintenance of MHP in this contemporary Indonesian population by comparing inclusive fitness of males with contrasted sexual orientation. In order to measure the fitness consequences of sexual orientation, we developed a method to quantitatively estimate inclusive fitness from a field sample, taking into account control variables such such as age and number of sibs. Because a possible increase in fecundity in female relatives due to a genetic antagonistic factor can interact with the effects of kin selection, we first applied this method to offspring from male relatives only to test if kin selection alone is quantitatively sufficient to counterbalance the direct-reproductive fitness cost of homosexual men. We then considered the offspring from all relatives together to examine whether kin selection together with genetic antagonist factors can counterbalance the direct reproductive cost displayed by homosexual men, providing a more realistic test for the maintenance of MHP is this population.

METHOD Social Context and Participants

In Indonesia, male homosexuality has existed for several centuries [START_REF] Boellstorff | Playing back the nation: Waria, Indonesian transvestites[END_REF]: it is currently not totally accepted socially but is not criminalized [START_REF] Manalastas | Homonegativity in Southeast Asia: Attitude toward lesbian and gay men in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam[END_REF][START_REF] Osira | Vulnerability life of LGBT community in Curup Rejang Lebong Regency of Bengkulu Province[END_REF]Pew Research Center, 2013;UNDP & USAID, 2014). There is a traditional third gender social category, the "waria", consisting of biological men living openly as women [START_REF] Boellstorff | Playing back the nation: Waria, Indonesian transvestites[END_REF].

The participants (n = 178) consisted of 62 heterosexual men, 82 homosexual men, and 34 bisexual men. Sampling took place in Western and Central Java, Indonesia (for general ethnographic information, see [START_REF] Wessing | A community of spirit: People, ancestors, spirits in Java[END_REF]. Male participants were recruited from March 2014

to May 2016 in Jakarta, Bogor, and Yogyakarta. Homosexual and bisexual participants were recruited through a targeted sampling performed in a health-care center in Bogor and Yogyakarta (frequented by members of a local LGBT association), and through a network sampling procedure, which involved contacting initial participants and then obtaining referrals from them for additional participants who, in turn, provided further referrals, etc. Further sampling of heterosexual men was performed randomly in the same areas (e.g., in the streets). All interviews were conducted in Bahasa Indonesian by the same local researcher (S.N.). At the beginning of each interview, the participants were informed of the general aim of the study, the type of data collected, and the fact that the data would only be used anonymously for scientific purposes. A written voluntary agreement was obtained prior to data collection. A compensation was provided to the subjects for their time spent to participate in the present study (IDR 50,000 in Bogor and IDR 100,000 in Yogyakarta, corresponding to ~4 or ~8 €).

Measures and Procedure

The following data were collected for each participant: birth date, nationality, ethnic group (of the participant, parents, and grandparents), highest level of education (four classes: primary, middle school, high school, college or university; for both public or Islamic schools), self-reported weight and height, net monthly income (in Indonesian rupiah, or IDR), parent (mother and father) income, the quality of their relationship with their parents (on a scale ranging from 1 to 10, with 1 being the worst possible and 10 being the best possible), and whether the parents were aware of the subject's sexual orientation. The following demographic variables were also collected: subject's biological children (number, sex, and age) and siblings or half siblings (number, sex, sexual orientation, birth dates, and number of sons or daughters). Only full siblings were further considered. The participants were asked, for each of their siblings considered one by one, how far away (in km) they live, the quality of their relationship with them (scale 1 to 10, with 1 being the worst possible and 10 being the best possible), the number of visits or phone calls during the last year, and how much money was transferred (directly as money, or indirectly as gifts, etc.) for the corresponding nephews or nieces. Participants were invited to provide an overall amount of money transferred if this was more relevant.

In addition, participants were interviewed using a standardized questionnaire (the Family Relationship Scale) to assess their involvement with family members. The questionnaire employed was from [START_REF] Vasey | Kin selection and male androphilia in Samoan fa'afafine[END_REF] and Vasey and VanderLaan (2010b) and was composed of three sections: the Overall Generosity subscale (n = 11 items), measuring participant willingness to provide resources, both financial and emotional, to family members; the General Neediness subscale (n = 6 items), measuring the extent to which participants received financial and emotional resources from family members; and the Avuncular Tendencies subscale (n = 9 items), measuring the theoretical willingness of participants to channel resources toward nieces and nephews. Responses for each item were based on a seven-point Likert-type scale ("strongly disagree/ disagree/ rather disagree/ neither disagree nor agree/ rather agree/ agree/ strongly agree"), and reliability between items for each subscale was measured using Cronbach's α [START_REF] Tavakol | Making sense of Cronbach's alpha[END_REF].

Sexual orientation (three classes: heterosexual, homosexual, bisexual) was self-reported by the participants and was completed by a Kinsey scale questionnaire (Questions 2-5 of Table 1 from [START_REF] Iemmola | New evidence of genetic factors influencing sexual orientation in men: Female fecundity increase in the maternal line[END_REF]. In some cases (N = 40, 22.2% of the sample), the participant hesitated when providing his sexual orientation or the self-declared sexual orientation contradicted the Kinsey scale. Additional information from these participants or from their social network was sufficient to explain the initial hesitation or contradiction and thus correctly assign the sexual orientation. Hesitation was common for heterosexual sex worker men, who regularly have sexual activity with men for financial reasons, as they were unsure if the orientation questions were concerned with their business or personal interest. Three hesitating self-declared bisexual men turned out to be fully homosexual after further questioning (one was married due to social homophobia, and the two others were insecure about disclosing their homosexuality). Among the 82 men reporting a homosexual preference, 11 were declared to be "waria,". When they were not considered, none of the following results were qualitatively changed, and thus they were kept in the final sample.

Individuals with different sexual orientations did not differ in age (F(2, 177) = 1.78, p = .17, M age = 31.2 years, SD = 10.6), education (Fisher's exact test, p = .29), or the number of full sibs (χ 2 = 0.95, df = 2, p = .62, M number of full sibs: 3.2, SD = 2.4). Individuals with distinct sexual orientation differed in income (Homosexuals: M = IDR 5,461 x 10 3 /month, SD=11,705 x 10 3 ; Bisexuals: M = 2,853 x 10 3 , SD = 2,447 x 10 3 ; Heterosexuals: M = 2,561 x 10 3 , SD = 3,801 x 10 3 ). These differences were not significant between homosexuals and bisexuals (Wald test, χ 2 = 2.3, df = 1, p = .13), or between heterosexuals and bisexuals (Wald test, χ 2 = 0.027, df= 1, p = .87), but the incomes of homosexuals were significantly higher than the incomes of heterosexuals (Wald test, χ 2 = 4.2, df = 1, p = .04). There was a tendency for the number of nieces and nephews to differ according to sexual preference (Homosexuals: M = 5.2, SD = 7.8; Bisexuals: M = 4.8, SD = 6.2; Heterosexuals: M = 4.2, SD = 6.9). This difference was significant between homosexuals and heterosexuals (Wald test, χ 2 = 7.1, df = 1, p = .008) but not between homosexuals and bisexuals (Wald test, χ 2 = 0.69 , df= 1, p = .40) or between heterosexuals and bisexuals (Wald test, χ 2 = 1.8, df = 1, p = .18). The ethnic composition of the three groups of men were comparable, as the four most represented grandparent ethnicities were similar: Javanese (33.3% of the heterosexuals, 42.4% of the homosexuals and 30.9% of the bisexuals), Sundanese (29.4%, 25.3%, and 46.3%, respectively), Batak (15.7%, 5.8%, and 5.1%, respectively) and Minangkabau (8.1%, 3.0%, and 3.7%, respectively).

Statistical Analyses

Data from questionnaires based on Likert-type scales, thus with a bounded distribution, were analyzed using censored (left and right) Tobit models [START_REF] Amemiya | Tobit models: A survey[END_REF]. The censored dependent variable was the note on the Likert-type scale, and the explanatory variable was sexual orientation.

Significant differences between factor modalities were tested using the Wald χ 2 test. The R "censReg" (version 0.5-22) and "aod" (version 1.3) packages were used for these computations.

The distribution of the money spent (directly or indirectly) by the participants for their nephews/nieces displayed a zero-inflated distribution due to a large portion of the individuals in the sample spending no money (focal individuals without nephews or nieces were not considered).

Thus, tests were conducted on two response variables-the first on the probability to give money (yes or no, binary variable) using a logistic regression, and the second on the amount of money spent (quantitative variable) using a linear model-restricting the analysis to individuals who actually gave money. A quasibinomial error function was used for fitting generalized linear models to binomial responses to control for an eventual over-dispersion. The amount of money given was log-transformed to obtain a normal distribution of the residuals. In all cases, the explanatory variable was the sexual orientation of the focal individual, and the control variables were the income, age, the total number of nephews/nieces from full sibs, and (only when the dependent variable was the amount of money spent) the proportion of money given directly to the nephews/nieces over the total amount of money given (quantitative variable, from 0 [only directly given] to 1 [only indirectly given]). The significance of each independent variable was calculated by removing it from the full model and comparing the resulting variation in deviance using an F test. The normality of the residuals was tested using the Shapiro test [START_REF] Royston | Remark AS R94: A remark on algorithm AS 181: The W test for normality[END_REF]. All the computations were completed using R version 3.3.1 (R Core Team, 2016).

A linear regression was used to assess the difference in direct reproduction according to sexual orientation. Control variables were age (centered on the mean age) and the interaction between age and sexual orientation. A linear regression was used to assess the difference in direct or indirect reproduction according to sexual orientation. To measure only indirect reproduction due to avuncular tendencies and not increased female fertility associated with a sex-antagonistic effect [START_REF] Camperio-Ciani | Evidence for maternally inherited factors favouring male homosexuality and promoting female fecundity[END_REF], nieces and nephews from brothers only were considered. The number of brothers was introduced as a control variable, thus controlling for the confounding effect of a higher number of older brothers in homosexual men (see [START_REF] Blanchard | Homosexuality in men and number of older brothers[END_REF]Bogaert & Skorska, 2011). The other control variables were age, the number of direct children (it is expected that avuncular effects decrease with the number of direct children), and all interaction terms with sexual orientation.

RESULTS

Homosexual and bisexual men did not differed for the traits studied, and thus the bisexual category was pooled with the homosexual category.

Perception of Relationships with Parents

Individuals reporting a homosexual, compared with heterosexuals, had a significantly worse relationship with their father (M ± SE, homosexuals = 6.35 ± 0.24, heterosexuals = 7.85 ± 0.25, Wald test: χ 2 = 14.3, df = 1, p < .001). No significant differences were observed in the relationship with their mother (M ± SE, homosexuals = 8.47 ± 0.16, heterosexuals = 8.60 ± 0.21, Wald test: χ 2 = 0.045, df = 1, p = .83). Homosexuals had worse relationships with their siblings compared to heterosexuals (M ± SE, heterosexuals = 7.62 ± 0.22, homosexuals = 7.00 ± 0.22, Wald test: χ 2 = 7.6, df = 1, p = .006).

Among the individuals reporting a homosexual, 29.5% declared that their father was aware of their sexual orientation, compared to 95.0% for men reporting a heterosexual orientation, this difference being significant (Fisher exact test, p < .001). Similarly, 44.3% men reporting a homosexual declared that their mother was aware of their sexual orientation, compared to 95.2% for men reporting a heterosexual orientation, this difference being significant (Fisher exact test, p

< .001).

Avuncularity

There were no significant differences between homosexuals and heterosexuals in giving resources, either financial or emotional, to family members (Overall Generosity scale, p = .81, Table 1). However, they differed in their perception of receiving financial and emotional resources from family members, with heterosexual men reporting a higher perception than homosexuals (General neediness scale, p = .001, Table 1). For all men (individuals without any nephews or nieces were removed), the avuncularity scores were positively and significantly correlated with their number of nephews and nieces (Kendall correlation, τ = 0.19, z = 3.2, p = .0014), but not with their number of older brothers or older sisters (Kendall correlation, τ = 0.05, p = .41, τ = 0.10, p = .

11). The two groups of men were significantly different in their willingness to assist nephews and nieces, with higher values for homosexuals (Avuncular tendencies scale, p < .001, Table 1). For all measures, the estimate of the reliability (Cronbach's α) was acceptable (above 0.70, see [START_REF] Tavakol | Making sense of Cronbach's alpha[END_REF], except for heterosexuals on the Overall Generosity scale (0.42) and heterosexuals on the General Neediness scale (0.65).

Resources Transferred

The probability of the participants to give money to nephews or nieces was slightly higher for homosexual men, although this was not significant (p = .18, Table 2). Considering only those individuals (N = 99) who actually spent money on their nephews/nieces, a model was built to explain the amount of money given. This model was not adequately fitted, as the residuals were not normally distributed (Shapiro test: W = 0.97, p = .020). This result was due to two outliers, as normality of the residuals was not rejected when they were removed (Shapiro test: W = 0.99, p = . 97). Conservatively, these two outliers were kept for further analyses (removing them provided more significant results). Homosexual participants gave directly to their nephews and nieces, on average, an additional IDR 9,516 x 10 3 compared to heterosexual participants (p = .0015, Table 2), representing an increased transfer of 169% compared to heterosexuals. As control variables, the income of the participants had a significant effect (p = .01), with higher incomes increasing the amount of money transferred, but the total number of nephews/nieces, or the number of older brothers or the number of older sisters did not significantly (p = .15, p = .31, p = .69, respectively) affect the amount of money spent. The type of money transfer to the nephews/nieces had a significant effect (p < .001), with direct transfers associated with higher amounts transferred. The model explained (adjusted R-squared) 28.4% of the variance.

Direct and Indirect Reproduction

The number of direct children increased with age, this increase being different according to sexual orientation (F(1, 174) = 50.06, p < .001): heterosexual men had an average of 0.85 direct child per decade, compared to 0.15 for homosexual men (Table 3, Fig. 1A). The deficit in number of children for homosexual men, compared to heterosexuals, thus increased with age, from -0.21 children at 20 years old to -1.27 children at 40 years old (Table 4). The model explained (adjusted R-squared) 49.0% of the variance.

Indirect reproduction was evaluated through the number of nephews and nieces. Firstly, to measure only the effect of different avuncular tendencies and not of the increased female fertility associated with a potential sex-antagonistic effect, indirect reproduction was compared using only nieces and nephews from brothers (men without at least one brothers were not considered, resulting in a sample of 132 men). The control variables were age, avuncular tendencies, mean amount of money given per nephew/niece, number of brothers, number of direct children, and their interaction with sexual orientation. There was an average of 2.5 nieces and nephews per subject, from an average of 2.0 brothers, with one heterosexual man displaying 25 nieces and nephews from 9 brothers. This outlier was removed (keeping it did not change any of the following qualitative conclusions). The number of nephews and nieces increased with the number of direct children, with a slope not significantly different between heterosexuals and homosexuals (interaction: orientation x number of children, F(1, 102) = 1.32, p = .25). This interaction term was dropped. The number of nephews and nieces increased with the number of brothers, with a slope not significantly different between heterosexuals and homosexuals (interaction: orientation x number of brothers, F(1, 102) = 2.80, p = .097). This interaction term was kept in the model.

The number of nephews and nieces was not significantly different according to sexual orientation, independently of the number of brothers (at mean age, 0.54 additional nephews or nieces for homosexuals, p = .58, Table 3). This result was modulated by interaction terms with age. The number of nephews and nieces increased for each year (for a decade, increase of 0.16 for heterosexuals and increase of 1.59 for homosexuals, p = .003 for the difference, Table 3). The model explained (adjusted R-squared) 62.0% of the variance.

Homosexual men displayed a deficit of nephews and nieces when young, and an excess when older, this excess was statistically significant from 40 years old (Table 4). At all ages, the excess of indirect reproduction did not fully compensate for the deficit of direct reproduction, resulting in an overall deficit of ca. 0.42 inclusive children. Several variables differing between homosexual and heterosexual men where then considered. At 40 years old, when the higher avuncular tendencies and the higher amount of money transfer of homosexual men towards their nephew and nieces was taken into account, this resulted to 0.5 additional indirect children for homosexual men, reducing the overall deficit to 0.17 (SE = 0.34) inclusive children. When the lower number of direct children of homosexual men was taken into account, this resulted to 0.83 less indirect children for homosexual men, increasing the overall deficit to 0.83 (SE = 0.33) inclusive children. When both effect were considered together, homosexuals had an excess of 1.3 (SE = 0.56) indirect children, resulting in a deficit of 0.63 (SE =0.30) inclusive children compared to heterosexuals. Taking into account the reproductive output of half-brother (each half-brother was counted as 0.5 brother, and each of their offspring was counted as 0.5 niece or nephew) did not change qualitatively the results (Table 4, B).

Secondly, in order to evaluate whether kin selection and potential antagonist factors can together counterbalance the direct reproductive cost displayed by homosexual men, inclusive reproduction was also calculated by considering all offspring from all full and half siblings (brothers and sisters). Overall, the indirect reproduction of homosexuals did not fully compensate for their deficit of direct reproduction: at 40 years, 0.52 inclusive offspring were missing compared to heterosexuals, i.e., either 0.52 children or 1.04 nephews or nieces (Table 4).

DISCUSSION

Homosexual Men Exhibit Increased Altruistic Behavior

One of the aim of the present study was to test the kin selection hypothesis for the maintenance of male homosexuality through an examination of the propensity to aid kin, particularly nephews and nieces, and of transfer of resources towards the children of siblings. The data showed that homosexual men, compared with heterosexual men, were more willing to channel resources towards nephews and nieces and that this effect did not extend to other family members, as they did not differ in their score on the overall generosity scale. The measure of (self-declared) money transferred to nephews and nieces suggested that this willingness possibly translates into actual behavior. To ascertain that this result was consistent with the kin selection hypothesis, potential confounding variables were controlled for: income (as amount of resources could affect financially avuncular behaviors), age (avuncular behaviors could perhaps vary with age), and total number of nephews and nieces (family size and realized fertility could affect avuncular behaviors).

Similar research conducted in industrialized countries [START_REF] Abild | Does geographic proximity influence the expression of avuncular tendencies in Canadian androphilic males[END_REF][START_REF] Bobrow | Is male homosexuality maintained via kin selection?[END_REF][START_REF] Rahman | An empirical test of the kin selection hypothesis for male homosexuality[END_REF]Vasey & VanderLaan, 2012) has not reported any significant differences in the altruistic tendencies of homosexual and heterosexual males. Thus, support for the basic prediction of the kin selection hypothesis, stating that homosexual men should direct more altruistic behavior toward kin than heterosexual men, has thus far only been demonstrated in Java (this study) and Samoa (VanderLaan & Vasey, 2012;[START_REF] Vasey | Kin selection and male androphilia in Samoan fa'afafine[END_REF][START_REF] Vasey | Materteral and avuncular tendencies in Samoa: A comparative study of women, men, and fa'afafine[END_REF], 2010b, 2010a).

Indirect Reproductive Advantage of Homosexual Men

Under the kin selection hypothesis, higher altruistic tendencies increase the indirect fitness of homosexual men through increased reproductive output of relatives. To further evaluate this hypothesis, we compared the inclusive reproductive output of homosexual men, through direct or indirect reproduction, with that of their heterosexual counterparts. For that aim, two potential biases should be considered. Firstly, only indirect reproduction through brothers should be compared, to avoid interference with the potentially increased female fertility associated with a sex-antagonistic effect [START_REF] Camperio-Ciani | Evidence for maternally inherited factors favouring male homosexuality and promoting female fecundity[END_REF]. Secondly, older brothers, who are more numerous for homosexual men (e.g., [START_REF] Blanchard | Homosexuality in men and number of older brothers[END_REF]Bogaert & Skorska, 2011), should also be controlled for, as they have necessarily completed a higher part of their reproductive lifetime, leading to more nephews and nieces and thus increased inclusive reproduction for their homosexual brothers, independently of any kin selection mechanism.

The indirect reproductive output increased with age, this effect being significantly higher for homosexual men relatively to heterosexual men (Table 4). At 40 years old, taking into account differences concerning avuncular tendencies, money given and number of direct children, homosexuals had 1.3 additional nephew or nieces, or 1.3/2 inclusive children, thus reducing the deficit of direct reproduction by 50 %. Avuncular behaviors (money given and avuncular tendencies) accounted for only 0.5 additional indirect reproduction, thus reducing by itself the deficit of direct reproduction by only 20%. The remaining effect (0.78 additional nephew or nieces, or 30% cost reduction) could still be the result of kin selection not captured by our variables. Alternatively, this could be the result of a higher fertility of homosexual's brothers, as previously proposed by [START_REF] Rieger | Further Data concerning Blanchard's (2011) ''Fertility in the mothers of firstborn homosexual and Heterosexual Men[END_REF]. This higher fertility could result from pleiotropic genetic influences increasing their attractiveness, thus (for example) resulting in marriage with more fecund women. Consistent with this effect, a higher mating success of homosexual's brothers has been proposed [START_REF] Zietch | Genetic factors predisposing to homosexuality may increase mating success in heterosexuals?[END_REF].

Direct and Overall Indirect Reproduction of Homosexual Men

We first confirmed that homosexual men pay a cost in direct reproduction; this direct reproductive cost increased with age, with a deficit of 0.7 children per decade. This corresponds to a difference of 0.21 children for men at an age of 20 years and 1.27 children for men aged 40 (Fig. 1A,Table 4). In order to evaluate whether sexually antagonistic genetic effect increasing fecundity of sisters of homosexuals, as proposed by [START_REF] Camperio-Ciani | Evidence for maternally inherited factors favouring male homosexuality and promoting female fecundity[END_REF], could add up to the possible increased fecundity of brothers of homosexuals reported above, inclusive reproduction was also calculated by considering offspring from the brothers and sisters. The overall reproductive deficit of homosexual men was not improved, and the effect of kin selection alone in direct cost reduction was similar (21%), in agreement with an absence of differential avuncular tendencies towards brother or sisters. This suggests that the pleiotropic factors increasing fecundity in brothers are here comparable in effect with a possible pleiotropic factors increasing fecundity in sisters. In any case, no support was found for a substantial contribution of kin selection to reduce the direct reproductive cost of homosexual men. Overall, homosexual men displayed a cost in inclusive fitness, since their higher indirect reproduction did not fully compensate for their direct reproductive cost and the higher avuncular tendencies displayed by homosexual men from Java marginally affected their number of nephews and nieces.

Direct Reproduction and Avuncular Tendencies

Interestingly, the familial pressure on homosexual men to marry and have children could modulate selection on altruistic behavior by limiting the reproductive cost of male homosexuality.

In our sample, 9.4% of homosexual men had children, resulting in a mean of 0.17 direct children (i.e., 21.0% of the direct reproduction of heterosexual men) at 32.8 years, the mean age of the sample. This direct reproduction reduces a potential selection for indirect reproduction and thus avuncular tendencies. In this regard, it would be interesting to establish whether avuncular tendencies are enhanced in populations where the direct reproduction of homosexual is decreased.

In Samoa, where homosexual men do not reproduce at all (VanderLaan & Vasey, 2012), the increased avuncular tendencies of homosexual men (Fa'afafine), compared to heterosexual men (+ 8.7% or +11.6%, from Study 1 in Table 1 from VanderLaan & Vasey [2012] and from Table 2 from Vasey & VanderLaan [2010b], respectively), was not higher than the similar increase observed here (+11.7%, from Table 1), although further comparison with other populations are required to settle this point. In any case, an increased avuncular tendency could thus be seen as a mechanism (among others) that only reduces the reproductive cost of male homosexuality. Whether or not these enhanced kin-directed behaviors displayed by homosexual men have been selected for as a cost-reduction mechanism is an open issue.

Avuncular Tendencies of Homosexuals Across Societies

Based on currently available data, the higher avuncular tendency of homosexual men is expressed in two societies, Java and Samoa, and not in industrialized countries, such as Canada, the U.S., the UK, and Japan [START_REF] Bobrow | Is male homosexuality maintained via kin selection?[END_REF][START_REF] Forrester | Male sexual orientation and avuncularity in Canada: Implications for the kin selection hypothesis[END_REF][START_REF] Rahman | An empirical test of the kin selection hypothesis for male homosexuality[END_REF]Vasey & VanderLaan, 2012). Several cultural traits modulating the expression of help among kin could potentially explain these discrepancies.

The first trait is the social and familial acceptance of homosexual men: the limited acceptance of male homosexuality in Western countries (with the possible exception of Canada) and in Japan contrasts with the fairly complete acceptance of these individuals in Samoa [START_REF] Forrester | Male sexual orientation and avuncularity in Canada: Implications for the kin selection hypothesis[END_REF]Vasey & VanderLaan, 2012). In Java, male homosexuality is also poorly accepted socially, as revealed through conversations with participants after interviews and in the results of the present study, as homosexual men have a lower perception of receiving financial and emotional resources from family members (Table 1). In addition, homosexual men reported poorer ratings concerning their relationships with their fathers compared with heterosexual individuals. While there was no significant difference in the relationships with their mothers, these individuals rated the quality of the relationship with their siblings lower than the heterosexual individuals. Indeed, the overall acceptance of male homosexuality is limited in Indonesia (Pew Research Center, 2013;UNDP & USAID, 2014). Officially, no national law prohibits homosexual relationships, but several participants reported verbal public bullying, and many individuals did not publicly display their sexual orientation. Within the family, a same-sex preference was not always accepted. For example, among homosexuals and bisexuals participants, only 29.5% declared that their father was aware of their sexual orientation, and 44.3% reported that their mother was aware of their sexual orientation (compared with 95.0% and 95.1% for the father and mother, respectively, of heterosexual individuals). Thus, the social acceptance of male homosexuality is not a critical feature to observe increased avuncular behaviors among homosexual men. individuals with different ages are compared. However, individuals with distinct sexual orientations did not differ in mean age, and age was also explicitly introduced as a control variable in the estimates of inclusive reproductive output.

Fourth, Indonesians and Samoans are both considered as descendants of the Austronesian expansion, and thus these individuals could be considered as non-independent due to a possible single evolutionary origin of homosexual preference. However, the Javanese settlement occurred circa 2,000 BCE [START_REF] Taylor | Indonesia: Peoples and histories[END_REF], and the Samoan settlement occurred circa 1,500 BCE [START_REF] Leach | New information for the Ferry Berth site, Mulifanua, Western Samoa[END_REF]. Thus, both ethnic groups have diverged for more than 3,500 years. There are no cultural constraints known to persist for these time scales, which are even sufficient for genetic adaptation to occur [START_REF] Itan | The origins of lactase persistence in Europe[END_REF][START_REF] Perry | Diet and the evolution of human amylase gene copy number variation[END_REF]. The maintenance of the presence of homosexual preference in both lines (Javanese and Samoans), even if the expression of the higher avuncular tendency reduces the associated cost, thus probably results from independent selection on both lines. Alternatively, the evolutionary origin of homosexual preference is perhaps not unique between Javanese and Samoans: again, selection to maintain the trait (homosexual preference) and its cost modifier (higher avuncular tendency, necessarily selected after the emergence of homosexual preference) would be independent. In any case, Samoans and Javanese diverged sufficiently long ago to safely consider that the higher avuncular tendencies in both groups result from independent selection. Last, bisexuals were merged with homosexuals in all statistical analyses because no significant differences were found when men declaring a bisexual preference were compared with homosexuals for all the traits analyzed. This absence of differences is consistent with the common and pervasive social bisexuality experienced by homosexual men in Indonesia: it is notoriously known that for homosexual men "Marriages of convenience are common" due to the "strong cultural pressures to enter a heterosexual marriage and form a family," leading to the situation where "the pressure to form a heterosexual family is very strong [meaning] that bisexuality is fairly common, although a bisexual identity is not" (UNDP & USAID, 2014). There are thus no obvious cues in this country suggesting that men declaring a bisexual orientation represent a specific category.

Compared with heterosexuals, homosexual men from Java showed an increased willingness to channel resources toward nieces and nephews, and this avuncular tendency was translated into a higher financial support for their siblings' children. However, only marginal support was found for a contribution of kin selection to indirect reproduction, suggesting that kin selection alone is insufficient to explain the maintenance of male homosexuality. The direct reproductive cost of homosexual men is likely decreased through familial and social pressures for conformity (e.g., heterosexual marriage), thus reflecting a specific mechanism of cost reduction. Kin selection could still play a role in the evolution of male homosexuality by increasing the quality of nephews and nieces, although this effect remains to be established. protocols that were used to recruit the study's participants and collect data were approved by the French National Commission on Informatics and Liberties (CNIL declaration #1226659).

Informed Consent: Informed consent was obtained from all individual participants included in the study.

Figure 1 .

 1 Figure 1. Fitted values for inclusive reproduction according to sexual orientation. A. Direct reproduction (number of children) in function of age. B. Indirect reproduction (number of nephews and nieces) in function of age. Heterosexual or homosexual men are depicted by an empty circle or a cross, respectively. The lines (B) represent the fitted values for the mean number of brothers, the mean number of children, the mean avuncular tendency, and the mean amount of money given to nephews or nieces, for heterosexuals (plain line) and homosexuals (dotted line).

Table 1

 1 Comparison of homosexual and heterosexual men with the Family Relationship Scales.

			Cronbach's α M ± SE		Wilcoxon	Cohen's d
	Scale	Items
			Homo Hetero Homo	Hetero	W	p
	Overall generosity 11 0.72 0.42 4.56 ± 0.08 4.66 ± 0.10 3517 .81	.13
	General neediness 6	0.65 0.73 3.36 ± 0.12 4.03 ± 0.15 2474 1.0x10 -3 .54
	Avuncular tendencies 9	0.84 0.72 4.93 ± 0.10 4.41 ± 0.12 3770 6.5x10 -5 .56
	W = statistics for Wilcoxon-Mann-Whitney test.

Table 2

 2 Effects of sexual orientation on the probability of giving money to nephews or nieces, and on the amount of money given.

		Variables	β	SE	F	p
	Probability of giving
	money:
	(logistic regression) Intercept	1.69	0.60	-	-
		SexOrientation(homosexual)	0.88	0.64	1.83	.18
		Income	-0.54	0.38	3.88	.05
		Number of nephews/niece	-0.01	0.07	0.01	.93
		Number of older brothers	-0.13	0.21	0.38	.54
		Number of older sisters	-0.02	0.25	0.01	.93
		Age	0.11	0.38	0.09	.77
	Amount of money
	given:
	(linear regression)	Intercept	7.98	0.47	-	-
		SexOrientation(Homosexual)	0.99	0.30	10.68	.002
		Income	0.88	0.34	6.64	.012
		Number of nephews/nieces	0.04	0.03	2.12	.15
		Number of older brothers	0.09	0.09	1.02	.31
		Number of older sisters	0.05	0.12	0.16	.69
		Type of money transfer	-2.07	0.49	17.49	< .001
		Age	-0.07	0.17	0.18	.67
	β = regression coefficient, SE = Standard Error, F = change in F when the variable is
	removed (numerator df = 1).

Table 4

 4 Estimates of reproductive output of homosexual men relative to heterosexual men from models of Table3.

	Reproduction
	Direct	Indirect:		All:
		Brothers:	All Sibs:
	Age	A: Full	B: Full & half C: Full & half A:	B:	C:
	25 -0.21 (0.13)	-0.36 (0.58)	-0.48 (0.62) -1.63 (0.80)	-0.39 (0.32) -0.45 (0.33) -1.02 (0.42)
	30 -0.56 (0.11)	+0.33 (0.53)	+0.22 (0.56) -0.58 (0.73)	-0.40 (0.29) -0.46 (0.30) -0.86 (0.38)
	35 -0.91 (0.12)	+1.02 (0.56)	+0.91 (0.60) +0.46 (0.77) -0.40 (0.31) -0.46 (0.32) -0.69 (0.41)
	40 -1.27 (0.14)	+1.71 (0.69)	+1.61 (0.73) +1.50 (0.93) -0.42 (0.37) -0.46 (0.33) -0.52 (0.49)
	Standard Error in parentheses. Bold p < .05

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We are very grateful to Siti Nur Faizah, SKM, Dr Sih Kahono, Rumah Singgah Kebaya Yogyakarta and the Innovative Program One Stop HIV-AIDS of the Kedung Badak Community Health Center. We would like to thank all the participants, especially Yusin Januar Aditya Maulana and Vinolia Wakijo. This study was supported by the Agence Nationale pour la Recherche 'HUMANWAY' project (ANR-12-BSV7-0008-01), and by Beasiswa Unggulan Kemdikbud 2016. This is contribution 2018.XXX of the Institut des Sciences de l'Évolution de Montpellier (UMR CNRS 5554).

Compliance with Ethical Standards

Second, a limited kin network, with kin not necessarily living close to each other, is typical of most industrialized societies with nuclear families, but it is not favorable for the expression of valuable resource transfer toward kin [START_REF] Bobrow | Is male homosexuality maintained via kin selection?[END_REF]. In contrast, Samoans have extended kin networks, in which related individuals typically live in close proximity and individuals have numerous social contacts [START_REF] Vasey | Kin selection and male androphilia in Samoan fa'afafine[END_REF]. Javanese and Sundanese (the main ethnic groups of Java) have a kin network centered on the nuclear family [START_REF] Mangundjaya | Is there cultural change in the national cultures of Indonesia?[END_REF][START_REF] Schröder-Butterfill | The impact of kinship networks on old-age vulnerability in Indonesia[END_REF], while the "Preferred Family Form" for the Javanese is coded as "extended" in the Standard Cross Cultural Sample. One of the authors of this article (B.S.), an Indonesian anthropologist, classifies the traditional Javanese and Sundanese family as an extended kin network. A quantitative measure of kin networks is likely required to settle this point and evaluate whether this aspect contributed to the higher avuncular tendencies of homosexual men.

Limits and Perspectives

There were several limitations of the present study. First, as the reproductive gap between homosexual and heterosexual men changes with age, potentially increasing the indirect reproduction of homosexual men even though they sustain avuncular tendencies, a sample with a mean age of only 31.2 years is perhaps limited to fully capture this phenomenon.

Second, the simple quantitative count of additional nieces or nephews to measure indirect reproduction has some limitation, as it represents a single generation estimate. Depending on the quality of these nieces/nephews, their contribution to the following generations could vary, modifying indirect fitness. Thus, if avuncular tendencies affect both the number and the quality of nieces or nephews, a lower number of additional sib's children could be required for indirect reproduction compensating the lower direct reproduction of homosexual men.

Third, Indonesian fertility has reduced since 1968 due to a national family planning program [START_REF] Hull | Resolving contradictions in Indonesian fertility estimates[END_REF], potentially affecting measures of inclusive fitness when Conflict of Interest: Authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.

Ethical Approval: All procedures performed in studies involving human participants were in accordance with the ethical standards of the institutional and/or national research committee and with the 1964 Helsinki declaration and its later amendments or comparable ethical standards. The