Suely Fragoso

Breno Maciel

Souza Reis

Ludic Re-Enchantment and The Power of Locative Games: A Case Study of the Game Ingress

Keywords: Re-Enchantment, , Ludic, Locative Games, Ingress

Games can promote a powerful form of reversal of the Weberian disenchantment of the modern world, which we refer to as "ludic re-enchantment". In this article, we present the notion of ludic re-enchantment and situate it in relation to other forms of re-enchantment, proposed by previous authors. Ludic re-enchantment is particularly powerful in locative games, which affect the experience of urban life both with respect to the associations between the inhabitants of the city and with respect to their relationship with urban materialities. These claims are exemplified with an ethnographically inspired study of the game Ingress in the city of Porto Alegre, Brazil. The double composition of gameplay and narrative of Ingress is shown to interlace with urban life in a variety of ways. The strength of ludic re-enchantment by locative games is confirmed and demonstrated to be modified according to the characteristics of Ingress narrative and gameplay. Although play always results in some degree of ludic re-enchantment, the meanings deriving from that re-enchantment vary depending on the attributes of the game.

Introduction

Locative Games are games in which the physical world is used as a "tabletop" and Alternate Reality Games are games which deliberately integrate fictional narratives with real world experiences. Locative ARGs (LARGs) are a subgenre of both, in which fiction is integrated to physical space, usually public urban spaces. Digital mobile technologies and wireless networks were decisive for the increase of popularity of Locative Games over the last decade and some authors prefer to include technology in their definition of Locative Games and even of ARGs. This is the case of Kiefer et al. [START_REF] Kiefer | Systematically exploring the design space of location-based games[END_REF], for example, differentiate Locative Games from other types of games in which the position of the players is an important element of gameplay. The authors, who prefer the designation "Location-Based Game", differentiate between Mixed-Reality and Augmented Reality Games. The former are defined as those which "add a virtual game layer to the real world, which is embedded through cognitive reasoning" and therefore comply with our understanding of LARG [START_REF] Kiefer | Systematically exploring the design space of location-based games[END_REF] (p. 4). The latter are experienced in first-person and therefore required the mediation of virtual reality technologies [START_REF] Kiefer | Systematically exploring the design space of location-based games[END_REF] (p. 4).

Montola et al. [START_REF] Montola | Pervasive Games, theory and design: Experiences on the boundary between life and play[END_REF] think of Locative Games in terms of three types of "expansion": spatial, temporal and social. The spatial expansion promoted by Locative Games is due to the change of the grounds of play: from a virtual environment, a board or a tabletop to the city. The temporal expansion refers to the fact that these games are played in mobile devices which are constantly with the player, allowing for more playing time. Social expansion refers to the eventual inclusion of passers-by into the game, with or without their acknowledgment. Thus, Locative Games can change the experience of the places in which they are played for those present at those place, be them playing or not.

LARGs players describe changes in their relation with the city, as space and as place. When a game is multiplayer, those who play refer to peculiar social interactions: friends who are rivals due to their relation to enemies from other dimensions, gatherings that cannot be missed but the need for which the non-initiated will not understand.

We take these to be signs of a new form of experience of urban life, both with respect to the associations between the inhabitants of the city and with respect to the relationship with urban elements and city structure. This understanding directed our interpretation toward a Weberian perspective of the disenchantment of the modern world. More specifically, it led us to perceive the existence of a specific type of re-enchantment of urban life promoted by locative games. We refer to re-enchantment by games in general as 'ludic re-enchantment', a denomination that encompasses the special case of locative games.

In this paper, we present the idea of ludic re-enchantment and search for evidence of it with an ethnographically inspired study of the LARG Ingress in Porto Alegre, Brazil. Launched in 2012 by Google and Niantic Labs, Ingress is played in situ, using mobile devices for in-game interaction. Context is provided by a cross-platform narrative which invites players to join one of two factions.

The article is organized as follows: in the next section, we introduce the notions of disenchantment and re-enchantment of the world and of the city, as proposed by Weber and contemporary authors. This is followed by the presentation of our idea of ludic re-enchantment by games in general and considerations about the particularities of ludic re-enchantment by locative games. The second part of the article is dedicated to the case study. It starts with brief descriptions of the game Ingress and of the methods and techniques used for data collection. After which there is the presentation and discussion of the results and final considerations.

Disenchantment and Re-enchantment

Max Weber attributed the disenchantment of the world to the convergence of several forces at the intersection of the Protestant Reform and the Scientific Revolution. As secularization and the modern scientific paradigm advanced, traditional political and religious forms of authority became increasingly meaningless. This process weakened understandings of the world based on religious or traditional meta-narratives, leading to the subjugation of "legitimate forms of domination"3 by bureaucratic arrangements. Commitment and passion declined in favour of instrumentality and objectivity.

Before modernity, the world was understood in metaphorical ways and ruled by multiple supernatural forces. Invisible beings and spirits were tightly interwoven with natural phenomena, causing awe and admiration. As modernity advanced, a new world was created: a rational world, in which everything can be calculated and controlled. Enchantment was thus expelled from the world and the only means to explain and even question reality are instrumental.

However, as previous authors have already noted, modernity was never fully realised and, given its internal contradictions, could not have been [START_REF] Latour | We have never been modern Cambridge[END_REF]. Consequently, the world has never been completely disenchanted. [START_REF] Assunção | O "Reencantamento do Mundo": Interpelando os intérpretes do desencantamento do mundo[END_REF] studied the works of several authors who have discussed the possibility of reenchantment of the world and identified interesting patterns. A few commentators, he says, restrict their search for opportunities of re-enchantment to Weber's own work. The majority, however, compare and contrast Weber's ideas with those of his contemporaries and/or current scholarship. In both cases, the discussion oscillates between science and religion as the most promising fields for re-enchantment. A large degree of variation is found with regard to religion: some authors restrict their considerations to institutionalized religion and others consider broader notions of mystical experience, including the wonder and fascination of arts, sports, or even tourism. These broader approaches treat new forms of "latu sensu religion", an intensity, a "diffuse energy", an impulse, that pertains to certain behaviours and could be qualified as religious" [START_REF] Assunção | O "Reencantamento do Mundo": Interpelando os intérpretes do desencantamento do mundo[END_REF] (p. 176).

Science, in its turn, is mostly discussed in terms of the differences between the modern and contemporary scientific paradigms, generally translated as views of man as master or as part of the natural world, between the marvels of science, on the one hand, and towards ecological notions of reunification on the other.

Assunção's generalizations certainly discard many details from each author. This does not diminish the merit of the broad picture he managed to draw, which is particularly useful as a synthesis of the many ways in which the current configurations of the two main axes of Weber's notion of disenchantment, science and religion, can be leading to a re-enchantment of the world.

Different understandings of disenchantment lead to different views about the possibilities for re-enchantment. This article is concerned with a specific possibility of re-enchantment, based on ludic appropriations of urban spaces. Before presenting and discussing this possibility, it is necessary to understand some specific aspects of the disenchantment of urban life.

Disenchantment and Urban Experience

Weber's considerations about the city are concentrated on a long chapter of Economy and Society, a book which is not primarily about the disenchantment of the world [START_REF] Roth | Introduction[END_REF] (p. LXIV) 4 . The text occupies an important place in the history of urban studies, as Weber's emphasis on the need to "explain inter-human actions in terms of the meanings they have to the parties involved as well as in terms of the specific changes they entail" [START_REF] Martindale | Prefatory Remarks[END_REF] (p. 51) represented a turning point in urban theories at the time.

In its early years, urban theory concentrated on the physical elements and structure of urban spaces. Authors who included city dwellers in the equation focused on their relation to the material settings. Weber's view of the city as a system of social relations and focus on the rationalization of human associations and power structures provided a new perspective. As described by Weber, the Modern city supplied the princely and Episcopal authorities with revenue, but did not count on their administrative resources, which were insufficient to meet urban economic needs. The gap was filled by what Weber called "non-legitimate forms of domination", that is, by multiple and circumstantial local authorities, who subsumed legal and charismatic powers to their instrumental and unstable agendas. As the locus per excellence of "non-legitimate forms of domination", modern Western cities are also the perfect stage for the disenchantment of the world.

We contend that a proper understanding of the city and urban life requires the integration of those three approaches. The material aspects of urban spaces, the ways city dwellers relate to that materiality and their congregations and hierarchies must be taken into account simultaneously, and considered in relation to each other. This threefold approach will be followed in the discussion of the case study presented in this paper.

Ludic Re-enchantment

Ludic re-enchantment is a particular form of re-enchantment that derives from the experience of games and play.

There are some intriguing parallels between the literature on play and games and Weber's considerations about the imperative of rationalization in the modern world. In Homo Ludens [START_REF] Huizinga | Homo Ludens a Study of the Play-Element in Culture[END_REF], which is probably the best-known text about play and games, Huizinga affirms the importance of play in all matters related to people and their relations to each other, as well as to the natural world. Huizinga makes clear separations between play and seriousness and places himself decisively within the modern scientific paradigm in the Foreword, when he stresses his choice to approach the question of play "historically, not scientifically" assuring his readers that they would "find no mention of mana and the like, and hardly any of magic" [START_REF] Huizinga | Homo Ludens a Study of the Play-Element in Culture[END_REF] (p. x).

However, magic is the word Huizinga chooses to name one of his main concepts: the "magic circle". He arrives at the notion of magic circle by his considerations about the differences between play and "ordinary life". These same differences direct him to the conclusion that play "always belongs to the sphere of festival and ritual -the sacred sphere" and, "as there is no formal difference between play and ritual, so the "consecrated spot" cannot be formally distinguished from the play-ground" [START_REF] Huizinga | Homo Ludens a Study of the Play-Element in Culture[END_REF] (p. 9-10). This would authorize the use of the expression "magic circle" to talk about the borders that separate different types of "temporary worlds within the ordinary world" [START_REF] Huizinga | Homo Ludens a Study of the Play-Element in Culture[END_REF] (p. 10). This supposedly well-defined separation has been challenged by contemporary views of the magic circle as, at best, a permeable boundary repeatedly traversed during gameplay [START_REF] Andrade | Jogos digitais, cidade e (trans)mídia: A próxima fase[END_REF][START_REF] Montola | Pervasive Games, theory and design: Experiences on the boundary between life and play[END_REF][START_REF] Nieuwdorp | The pervasive interface: Tracing the magic circle In[END_REF].

It is also worth considering that the relation between play and seriousness is also not clearcut as posited by Huizinga. In "The Play of Art", for example, Gadamer [START_REF] Gadamer | The Play of Art[END_REF] discusses play in a different, more general note, which can be informative to consider. As often quoted, he understands play as something that "contains its own, even sacred, seriousness" [START_REF] Gadamer | The Play of Art[END_REF] (p. 102). By denying Cartesian dualities, he is led to an understanding of play neither on the side of the player nor of the game, but "in-between the player and the game". This is the basis of his idea of the medial character of play [START_REF] Gadamer | The Play of Art[END_REF] 5 .

For Fragoso [START_REF] Fragoso | The spatial experience of games and other media: notes from a theoretical-analytical model of representations of space[END_REF], the differential character of playing games is agency, which she defines as "the dynamic and continuous process of symbolic exchanges between players and game systems". Its spatiality is not that of one "magic circle", but of many, ontologically different, tightly interwoven circles. In this scenario, play consists of continually traversing different instances of materiality and representation. As players experience fictional and physical spaces separately and integrally at the same time [START_REF] Fragoso | The spatial experience of games and other media: notes from a theoretical-analytical model of representations of space[END_REF], play (re)unifies the real and the magic, the secular and the sacred, the modern disenchanted world and other, enchanted, worlds. No wonder modern rationality had banned it from adult life.

Ludic Re-enchantment and the City: Locative Games

In the case of LARGs, game experience is enriched by the fact that materialities of ordinary life are also part of the game world, anchoring the magic circle from within as well as from without. All gameplay is a simultaneous experience of fictional and real spaces, but in LARGs, the elements of the game world and the real world are one and the same. As a result, the magic, the mystery and the challenges of the game interlace with ordinary life more closely and easily. This is why LARGs promote a particularly powerful form of ludic re-enchantment.

Most of the literature on LARGs has focused on players' social interactions and ties [START_REF] Caon | A pervasive game to promote social offline interaction[END_REF], predominantly emphasizing game aspects over urban aspects [START_REF] Björk | Understanding Pervasive Games through Gameplay Design Patterns. Situated Play[END_REF]. Fewer authors have studied how players relate to the city as a game space and even fewer focused on the urban elements incorporated to the game worlds [START_REF] Walz | Pervasive Persuasive: A Rhetorical Design Approach to a Location-Based Spell-Casting Game for Tourists. Situated Play[END_REF]. There are still those who focus on technological issues [START_REF] Mun | Traffic analysis of a social mobile game[END_REF], the educational potential of LARGs [START_REF] De Souza E Silva | Hybrid Reality Games Reframed: Potential Uses in Educational Contexts[END_REF] and their use for surveillance or counter surveillance [START_REF] Farman | Creative Misuse as Resistance: Surveillance, Mobile Technologies, and Locative Games[END_REF]. Works about the LARG chosen for our study, Ingress, follow the same lines.

For example, Li, Li, Liu et al [START_REF] Li | A Probe into Ingress and Its Social Interaction: Augmented Reality's Influence on Mobile Game[END_REF] focused on social interactions at the local community level and Chess [START_REF] Chess | Augmented regionalism: Ingress as geomediated gaming narrative[END_REF] on how Ingress narrative can promote alternatives to globalism and regionalism. Morgado [START_REF] Morgado | Ingress -potencialidades pedagógicas de um jogo georreferenciado de realidade alternativa em rede[END_REF] notices the importance of the reinterpretation of reality by the addition of alternative layers of information, but emphasizes Ingress promotion of social interactions as the main point of its education possibilities. The use of Ingress for data collection has been discussed from the point of view of surveillance [START_REF] Hulsey | The Gift that Keeps on Giving: Google, Ingress, and the Gift of Surveillance[END_REF] and as an incentive for participation in collaborative mapping projects [START_REF] Antoniou | Participation Patterns, VGI and Gamification[END_REF].

Nearest to our proposal in this paper is the work of Andrade [START_REF] Andrade | Jogos locativos, espaço e lugar: o caso de Ingress[END_REF]. The author's study of the IFSs in two Brazilian cities exemplifies how the urban structure interferes in Ingress gameplay. The author describes how the labyrinthic experience of attacking and defending portals in the narrow winding streets of Juazeiro differed from the larger scale run between distant portals in Petrolina's wider streets. He also noticed the influence of non-players present in the game areas, who interfered in the dispute blocking the movement of players, screaming, cheering and providing information to help or hinder. Andrade also mentions that "the movement of players in the city interferes in an important way in the in-game movements, connecting in a peculiar way the game space, [as] seen on the screen of the smartphone, and the physical space" [START_REF] Andrade | Jogos locativos, espaço e lugar: o caso de Ingress[END_REF] (p. 19). Unfortunately, there are no further details about this point.

The first and foremost difference between our work and Andrade's is that he was concerned with how "the function of space and place in game culture is reconfigured by the ludic use of locative media"; that is, how ordinary space and place are reconfigured during gameplay. Our focus is on how the ludic re-enchants the ordinary experience of space and place, that is, how the out-of-game experience of the city is reconfigured by the game. We searched for evidences of this with an empirical case study of the LARG Ingress in Porto Alegre, Brazil. The next section consists of a brief description of the game.

Ingress is [not] a game

Ingress catch phrase "The World around you is not what it seems" introduces the story of the recent discovery of a strange energy (Exotic Matter, or XM) which flows from portals distributed around the world. Ingress promotional images are self-explanatory (Fig. 1). Little is known about XM beyond that it alters human cognition and it is controlled by a mysterious group, which has been given the nickname 'Shapers'. Players must join one of two factions, known as the Enlightened and the Resistance. The Enlightened believe that XM is beneficial and will lead humanity to a higher stage of evolution. For the Resistance, XM is a way to control human minds that will ultimately lead to enslavement by the Shapers. Thus, both factions play to control XM: the Enlightened, to help the "mental evolution" of those under its influence; the Resistance to protect humanity against that influence. Developments in the narrative of the game do not clarify whether the XM influence is good or bad, or who or what the Shapers are; therefore, there is no right or good faction, nor a wrong or bad faction.

The effect of XM on humans explains the location of Ingress portals in "monuments, memorials, historic buildings and sites, exterior works of art, significant structures and unique businesses" [START_REF]Portals & Linking[END_REF], that is, materializations of high levels of human intelligence and inspiration. Players can propose new portals, which become active after approval by the game managers. In reference to the expected impact of Ingress on ordinary experience, portals are said to "help Agents discover and enjoy their community" [START_REF]Candidate Portal criteria[END_REF].

Ingress' mechanics and gameplay are relatively simple: players can hack any portal which is less than 40 meters distant from them. If the portal belongs to their faction, hacking allows them to place or upgrade a "resonator". If the portal is under the control of the rival faction, they can attack their resonators 6 . Contiguous portals of the same faction can be linked, forming control fields which capture new mind units, strengthening the faction which controls the field (Fig. 2). Ingress players coordinate attacks on portals under control of the opposite faction, and join forces to protect their own. They form teams in which special attention is given to beginners, who are helped with hints and explanations for the good of the whole faction. Thus, Ingress gameplay enhances collaboration. The narrative, on the other hand, is based on conquest, rivalry and suspicion.

Two years after the release of the beta version of Ingress, Google and Niantic assumed the general coordination of large scale meetings between factions. There are different types of Ingress events, for example, XM Anomaly, Mission Day, Ingress First Saturday (IFS) and #NL-1331 [START_REF] Ingress | Ingress Events[END_REF].

Methods

The study we present in this paper was performed with the intention of grounding our hypothesis about ludic re-enchantment and locative games. Data collection included participation, survey and interviews. One of the authors, an Ingress player, was in charge of participation 7 , which took place over a period of months. Observation was directed towards the IFSs in Porto Alegre. This choice was guided by many facts, amongst which is that IFSs are held in a large number of cities throughout the globe, their date and time are known in advance and the specific location of the meetings is widely informed. A decisive factor was that an IFS starts with the resetting of all portals in the area 8 , which intensifies the need of orchestrated action and movement around the play area. Thus, during an IFS, the key elements of locative games in general, and Ingress in particular, are amplified: levelling the portals increases the attention to the material elements of the city that also pertain to the gameworld and the need to build new fields requires thinking about their distribution on the urban tissue. As a result, during IFSs the interactions with portals, with the city and between players is intensified.

The survey was divided in 3 sections: player profile, game experience and final considerations. It was distributed to groups of both factions in online platforms and applications (Whatsapp, Telegram and Google +) and responded by 28 players 9 . Three players agreed to participate in face-to-face interviews, with sound recording. Questions were directed to the player's relation to other players and non-players during gameplay, to the city and the play areas in general and to the elements of the city which are portals in Ingress. Possible signs of reenchantment were investigated with questions about Ingress narrative, integration of gameplay to ordinary life and eventual alterations of urban sociability by playing Ingress.

Playing Ingress

Ingress' narrative adds a fictional layer to ordinary cities, that of the existence of a strange energy which affects human cognition and is controlled by a mysterious group. This energy, XM, flows through some material elements of the city, called portals, which are Ingress' most prominent anchors in the real world. To conquer a portal, players have to remain physically near to it for a couple of minutes, while the "hacking" takes place. This increases the attention to the elements chosen as portals.

Links between portals establish fields that amplify the interference of XM, which reach a larger number of human minds. Creating fields require knowledge of portals location, their relative positions and their accessibility. As a result, Ingress players are particularly aware of the relative position of portals and the urban structure.

In the city narrated by Ingress, portals and non-portals, agents and non-agents, XM and daily life are tightly connected. The gameplay, however, appears to take place in a different city, composed solely of portals, the streets around them and the flows of XM. This city is represented to the player as seen in Fig. 3; it is a magic, ethereal place and, also, an empty space. The emptiness of this representation makes it easier to understand the independence between Ingress narrative and gameplay. In the words of one player:

I don't follow [the narrative]. At times I watch the videos [...] I know of novelties, but more the technical aspects of the game. I always know when new objects are launched, but of the story [I know] little. At times people talk of anomalies and I become aware of them, but I don't know much about them.

Another interviewee is of the opinion that even though the narrative can be complex and at times confusing and hard to follow, the gameplay itself and the actions required to hack, attack or defend one portal are very simple. Even when only the basic facts of the narrative are taken into account, everything that is, or can be, a portal, is resignified in ordinary life. Those who are in the area, but not playing, are also erased from the empty Porto Alegre of Ingress. The mechanical voice reporting the situation of the portals nearby in the players' earphones help reduce the awareness of the surroundings. Interviewees mentioned being sufficiently engrossed in play to risk their physical integrity in falls or by entering violent districts of Porto Alegre's metropolitan area to create or expand fields.

when we play, all that interests is playing, is getting AP 10 , then we stay in that bubble. You don't notice the world

When not playing, players are aware of the correspondences between the fictional city and the ordinary city. Some mentioned using Ingress map (the "Intel") to encounter places in their ordinary life, in preference to other tools equally at hand. The Intel map is also used to verify the availability of portals and adapt daily routes accordingly.

at times, before leaving for work, I set up a little 'scheme' with a print of the screen on the mobile and [...] plan. But I also keep an eye on things, checking how my house is, the size of my field in relation to the city, etc.

Our interviewees have become more aware of the physical elements of the city, always considering whether they are or could be a portal. This changes their perception of the city, as "even when not playing (...) we see things with other eyes". Elements that were previously unnoticed, or even seen negatively, acquire a new meaning and greater importance. Local history emerges through the characteristics of portals, particularly as a result of the need to approach and stay near the portal for long enough to read signs and other indications, for example, in monuments.

[The IFS Porto Alegre location] is the historical city centre. There is the Cathedral Square, which is pretty cool, there is the Piratini [Government Palace], which is where we shouldtheoretically -praise our history, there is this guy who always has a pigeon on his head, General Osorio11 …

The same applies to personal histories, as in the case of the player who discovered the identity of the person in the monument she passed by everyday:

when I started to play, I noticed there is a bust on the square that I had never seen.

I didn't know who [a historical figure her school was named after] it was.

There is an obelisk in honour of [other historical figure] which is the name of the street. It was something I changed my way to avoid when going to the bus stop. This was the greatest shock [I passed by those] for nearly 14 years and had never seen [them]. It is a great square [...] and I had never sat there before playing [Ingress] Some players report having developed strong affection to portals they have guarded for a long period. Referred to as guardians, these are as valuable as those which are difficult to conquer. These portals are not special in Ingress narrative, they become special by features exclusively related to gameplay. Beyond personal satisfaction, conquering and maintaining portals are important for players' reputation and for the hierarchy of the local Ingress community. Ingress players level up by accumulating points earned with the control of portals and creation of fields. At level 8, players cross an important threshold in the game's hierarchy. In Porto Alegre, there is a special discussion group for players above this level.

There are signs of other layers of meaning in the investment to control of portals and create fields, which are noticeable, for example, when players refer to their habitual playing areas as "workplaces". It is also worth noticing that players refer to each other by their in-game names (agent names) in out-of-game situations.

All interviewees identify sociability as their main motivation to play Ingress. However, it must be taken into account that all are known to participate in Ingress First Saturday events which, despite centred on gameplay, involve a great amount of social interaction and are usually followed by social gatherings. On the other hand, a sense of community can also emerge from individual play, due to the knowledge that others are also playing in other physical locations.

The As important as in-game social ties, in-game rivalries also impregnate the social relation of players beyond the gameplay. The profiles of Enlightened and Resistance players are undistinguishable from one another, but those in the other faction, Enlightened or Resistance, are seen respectively as alienated and gullible or conservative and fearful. Even in social situations that do not involve gameplay, players aggregate by faction. One of our interviewees mentioned that an Ingress First Saturday had been suspended due to the hostilities between two players. Their disagreements started with the dispute of a guardian portal and have degenerated to material grounds such as the ownership of Ingress memorabilia imported to Brazil by one or the other.

Diffuse as they are, the boundaries of the magic circle interfere with social associations which are not related to the game. Playing or not playing Ingress is more important than the choice of faction and affects the relevance of others in ordinary life. Everyone who is seen using a mobile phone is a potential player and, as such, a fellow member of the Ingress community: "for me, anyone with the mobile phone on the street is an Ingress player". The sympathy towards those who play is instantaneous:

I have many times passed by players, first time was "wow, there is someone else playing here" Some other times I hid, when it was a player of the other faction. I [hid and] watched that other person playing

Non-players who acknowledge the fiction can be respected, as in the case of the daughter who proudly described how her mother points out buildings which she thinks are or could be portals.

Andrade [START_REF] Andrade | Jogos locativos, espaço e lugar: o caso de Ingress[END_REF] mentioned non-players interfering with the gameplay in Juazeiro and Petrolina. In Porto Alegre, however, non-players disappear and, as everything else that is not represented in the Intel map, become irrelevant. When questioned about the presence of others in the areas of Ingress events, one of the interviewees was emphatic: Curiously, this attitude is in direct contradiction to how Ingress narrative justifies the need to conquer portals and create fields, which is to alter the flow of XM and, therefore, its influence on the minds of those in their surroundings: the non-players. When reminded of this, our interviewees were surprised of having forgotten the narrative to the point of not taking it into account.

I

Ludic Re-Enchantment in Ingress

Ingress is a fortunate example of LARGs power of re-enchantment. Its rich narrative and gameplay are relatively independent from each other, making it easier to identify the different forces of re-enchantment set in motion by the game. Ingress' narrative dialogues directly with the two axes of disenchantment and re-enchantment, science and religion. It also appeals simultaneously to the modern imaginary and to the contemporary desire of re-enchantment. Ingress' gameplay is less specific: most aspects of Ingress' mechanics and dynamics can be encountered in other LARGs 12 . Therefore, considerations about ludic re-enchantment emerging from Ingress' gameplay are more suitable for generalization than those deriving from the narrative.

Regardless of how independent gameplay and narrative appear to be in the description of a game, in the experience of play they are inseparable. In this section, narrative, gameplay and their intersection are discussed separately exclusively for clarity. The same is true for the organization of the discussion of gameplay according to the three major approaches previously identified in urban theories, which are the focus on city materialities, on how city inhabitants relate to the materialities and on the human associations which comprise the social hierarchies and urban power relations.

Ingress' Narrative: Religious and Scientific Re-Enchantment

Ingress overarching meta-narrative reestablishes the role of the supernatural in ordinary life. In Ingress, humanity is subject to forces that have resisted every wave of modernization. XM interferes with a foundational aspect of Modernity: human cognition. Its mere existence challenges modern rationality. An even greater challenge comes from the existence of those who control it, the Shapers. They are "endowed with supernatural, superhuman, or at least specifically exceptional powers" [START_REF] Weber | Economy and Society: An outline of interpretative sociology[END_REF] (p. 241) and, therefore, a typically charismatic source of authority. Knowingly or not, humanity has always been subject to some degree of legitimate domination. This sets the scenario for the mystical qualities world of Ingress.

In parallel to a plot centered on scientific re-enchantment, Ingress world is closer to strictu sensu religion than some of the forces of re-enchantment by epiphany given as examples by Assunção [START_REF] Assunção | O "Reencantamento do Mundo": Interpelando os intérpretes do desencantamento do mundo[END_REF]. Ingress' world is marvelous in several ways, starting from the beauty of its visual representation. The transparent shades of green and blue, the sparkle of XM and, perhaps above all, the emptiness, combine to suggest a space suspended from reality by incantation. Besides its visual atmosphere, the mechanical sounds that come from this world are trance-inducing and continuously repeated in a ritualistic fashion.

The intersection of Ingress' Gameplay and Narrative: Battle for Disenchantment

In contrast to the re-enchanting ingredients of its narrative, Ingress gameplay is a call to arms in defense of Modern values. It starts with a practical choice between the Enlightened and the Resistance both of which, contrarily to what the denominations suggest, appeal to a predominantly modern set of beliefs likely to be attuned to the profile of Ingress players. This is more obvious for the Enlightened, whose attempts to maneuver the flows of XM are based on confidence that science will be able to understand and control that mysterious force, elevating humanity to a demiurgic level. The Resistance is fighting for the Modern paradigm in a less obvious, but perhaps more effective, way. They attempt to overcome the charismatic domination of the Shapers and reestablish a social organization based on "non-legitimate domination". Regardless of which faction they choose, Ingress players always side with Modernity. The Enlightened defend Modernity because of their trust in science. The Resistance, because of their lack of trust in charismatic authority.

These battles for disenchantment are not clear when just Ingress' plot is considered, or when just the gameplay is taken into account. They only become apparent at the intersection of Ingress' narrative and gameplay.

Ingress' Gameplay: Re-Enchantment of the City

The discussion of Ingress gameplay in relation to disenchantment and re-enchantment is organized according to the threefold approach to the city and urban experienced previously proposed. Transposed to LARGs, its three axes correspond to the integration of the game to the physical elements and the structure of the city; the impact of the game on the relation players establish with that materiality and the effect of playing on social associations, with players and non-players.

Re-Enchanted Urban Materialities

The elements chosen to be Ingress portals are already enchanted by being incorporated into the fiction; that is, by being transposed from ordinary life to the experience of the game. More important for our search for signs of ludic re-enchantment in Ingress, however, is that they are also re-enchanted as part of ordinary life. An element identified as portal, or potential portal, is immediately sparked with the magic of XM. On the other hand, looking at the city under the new light and with the care required by Ingress reveals new facets which are independent of the game. The first reason to pay attention to a monument can be the fact that it is a portal, but the discovery that it is also part of the local history, or of the players' personal history, is a reenchantment of them in real life and by real life. Ingress gameplay is only the trigger of that process of re-enchantment.

Re-Enchanted Urban Experience

Ingress players describe a highly immersive experience, in which they would be transported from the ordinary world to a different sphere, a space which can be identified with the maps on their Intel screens. In this sense, the mystical qualities of that empty and ethereal space qualify gameplay as an experience of religious re-enchantment. However, there is evidence that players forget or disconsider most elements of Ingress' narrative during gameplay. This is hardly surprising given that very few narrative elements are important for the game mechanics and dynamics: at the limit, only the existence of the two factions and of in-game objects like resonators and portals.

Ingress players need to move from one portal to the next and to identify contiguous portals to created fields. As a consequence, they develop awareness of the distribution of the portals in the city and learn to see the Ingress city in the real city, and vice-versa. The use of interactive maps to play and the Intel map in ordinary life increases and mixes the layers of meanings attributed to the areas around portals, expanding to embrace larger parts of the city as the player proceeds. Urban experience is re-enchanted by the non-instrumental relations to the urban tissue set in motion by Ingress.

Within the context of the game, the initial motivation to invest time and resources to conquer and maintain portals can be instrumental (leveling up), but the type of attachment that results from the investments of time and resources to maintain them is not. This is evident in the choice of words used by Ingress players to refer to portals they have controlled for some time: players care for portals, guard them, protect them. The hacking of a portal which has been guarded for some time is reason for grief and can be understood as a personal attack. These portals are re-enchanted by affection, and remain enchanted when the player is not in-game.

Re-Enchanted Urban Associations

Social interaction is at the core of Ingress' gameplay. Even individual actions such as conquering and maintaining portals are meaningful only in the context of the competition between the two factions. As typical in team games, Ingress players develop a sense of community which tends to cross the fuzzy boundaries of the "magic circle". In Ingress, this is amplified by fact that one of the few points in which the narrative fully impregnates the gameplay is the choice between the Enlightened and the Resistance. Joining one or the other influence in-game and out-of-game relations. Even the most rational players will at times be impregnated by beliefs such as those who joined the Enlightened are foolish or that those of the Resistance are fearful.

It is important to consider that the choice between the factions is typically a rational decision. The Enlightened and the Resistance are typical modern aggregations: their members are bound by instrumental, temporary and unstable links. This is not contradicted by the sense of belonging which tends to emerge within either faction. One of the internal contradictions of Modernity is that even the most disenchanted human relations never ceased to include enchantments such as love, hatred or camaraderie.

Ingress' gameplay does not erase only the materialities of town, but also others who happen to be in the play area, but are not participating in the game. Materialities which are not useful for the game, that is, that are not relevant for the instrumental logic of gameplay, have been erased, including all living beings. Even the mechanical sounds contribute to the perception that the esoteric city in the Intel map is inhuman and still.

However, the community of Ingress players is lively. The sense of belonging that binds all players is more important than the internal links of each faction, or the rivalry between them. Players become part of this community for non-instrumental reasons; they want to enjoy the game. This would be, in principle, a re-enchanted form of human association. However, Ingress' gameplay establishes hierarchies through conditional achievements. Added to gamification strategies such as token distribution, these give rise to power relations which are essentially disenchanted. When Niantic and Google took charge of the Ingress events, they chose to establish fixed rules and start the distribution of material goods and mementos for a few elite players. Despite their express intention of motivating participation, these inherently disenchanting strategies are bound to have weakened the magic of Ingress social gatherings and run the risk of compromising the sense of belonging that has, so far, been an important aspect of playing Ingress.

Final Considerations

When defined in opposition to rationality, play is a form of re-enchantment; that which we chose to call ludic re-enchantment. Play is not restricted to games, but, in games, the intersection between fiction and reality is more evident. This is even clearer in ARGs, which enhance the effect by explicitly entangling the fantasy world with ordinary life. LARGs go one step further in their incorporation of spaces of the material world in the fictional universe. For this reason, one of the hypotheses of this paper was that ludic re-enchantment is particularly powerful in LARGs.

We searched for evidence of ludic re-enchantment with a study of the LARG Ingress. It confirmed the existence of ludic re-enchantment and made it possible to identify some of its characteristics. First and foremost, the study indicated that the peculiarities of a game interfere with the processes of re-enchantment it sets in motion. Ingress' narrative brings to the fore aspects of religious and the scientific re-enchantment which characterize it as a tale about an ongoing re-enchantment of the world. Ingress gameplay promotes three lines of reenchantment. The first derives from the incorporation of urban elements from ordinary life into the gameworld. Players interact with these elements as part of Ingress fiction, resignifying them in a variety of ways. These elements are also reenchanted in their role in ordinary life as, by looking at the city in a new light, players discover new aspects which are not related to the game and change their relation to the city to a less instrumental one. Finally, Ingress' gameplay requires joining one of two factions which are typical modern aggregations. On the other hand, these are essentially human associations and, as for Modernity in general, a contradiction always emerge from them. However rational at the start, even the most disenchanted human relations lead to enchantments such as love, hatred or camaraderie.

The dynamics and narrative of a game can be described and discussed in parallel, but they are never experienced separately. At the intersection between its gameplay and narrative, players of Ingress become champions of Modernity. Disenchantment is at the core of the instrumentality of the dispute of territory between two factions. Within each group, the defense of Modern values is clearer in the case of the Enlightened, but stronger and more effective in the Resistance. Moreover, when the narrative and gameplay are taken into account, playing Ingress revealed to be a complex convergence of processes of re-enchantment, disenchantment and even disenchantment of the re-enchanted.

Play does not always involve games. Ludic re-enchantment is not a privilege of LARGs, or even of games, it is part of the experience of play. Further studies are necessary to understand ludic re-enchantment not only in games, but also in other forms of play.

Fig. 1 .

 1 Fig. 1. Ingress promotional video: XM (in blue) flows from the portal (the fountain).

Fig. 2 .

 2 Fig. 2. Left: Ingress resonator. Right: field composed of 3 portals in a neighbourhood of Porto Alegre

Fig. 3 .

 3 Fig. 3. Left: in-game representation of the player's surroundings. Middle: satellite image of the same area. Right: map of the same area.

  enter the game [...] and don't pay attention to anything [else]. Not [even] the people, but yes, [I pay attention] to places, what are the portals around, [I pay attention to the architecture and the like. Human beings that are not playing don't matter at all.

E-mail: suelyfragoso@ufrgs.br

E-mail: brenoreis@ufrgs.br

The notions of legitimate and non-legitimate forms of domination are at the basis of Weber's considerations about the modern city. He defines domination as"the probability that a command with a given specific content will be obeyed by a given group of persons"(1978, p. 53). Domination "may be based on the most diverse motives (...) from simple habituation to the most purely rational calculation of advantage" (1978, pg 212).

The chapter, "The City (Non-Legitimate Domination)" was also published as a book entitled "The City" (1958).

In parallel to the recognition of the importance of Gadamer's perceptions to the present discussion, it should not be forgotten that the context of his discussion of play is rather different from ours. Gadamer approaches play in relation to the realm of art and is interested in its medial character as a way to understanding central binding elements in his hermeneutics.

A resonator is a virtual element which contains XM energy. There are 8 slots for resonators in each portal. For a more detailed description of resonators, portals, and other elements of Ingress, see for example http://decodeingress.me/ingressmanual/. Access date: 10 Feb. 2016.

We avoid the use of "participant observation" as, despite compatible with the latu sensu understanding of the expression, it was not planned, performed or documented in strict accordance to ethnographic methods.

More information about Ingress events can be found at https://www.ingress.com/events

Questions (in Portuguese) can be seen at https://professor.ufrgs.br/suelyfragoso/files/IngressSurvey2016.pdf

APs, or Action Points, can be gained by hacking or updating portals, for example. They are cumulative and it is through them that a player can reach higher levels, what grants access to more powerful items.

Niantic's specification that portals must be expressions of human intelligence and artistic skills leads to a concentration of portals in specific areas of the cities. In Porto Alegre, one of these areas is the historical centre, which contians several recently restored buildings, squares and monuments. The IFSs Porto Alegre takes place between two squares that date back to the foundation of the city: and Praça da Alfândega (Customs Square) by the lake, is the site of the original settlement, and Praça da Matriz (Cathedral Square), on higher terrain, is the site of the official foundation.

Ingress' gameplay consists basically of a dispute of tokens and territories between two factions. As such, it can be thought of as a variation of the traditional children's game "capture the flag".

Acknowledgements

This work presents partial results of research projects supported by the Brazilian National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) and the Coordination for the Improvement of Higher Education Personnel (CAPES). The authors are grateful to the University Federal of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) for financial support to participate in CATaC 2016, to Mr Robin D. W. Lane for proofreading and to CATaC reviewers for their insightful criticism and advice.


Daniel G Cabrero

Heike Winschiers-Theophilus

José Abdelnour-Nocera¹
email: jose.abdelnour-nocera@uwl.ac.uk

Reconceptualising Personas across Cultures: Archetypes, Stereotypes & Collective Personas in Pastoral Namibia

Keywords: Personas, Stereotypes, Archetypes, Collective Personas, User-Created Personas, User-Centred Design, User Experience, Namibia

) to what degree are current personas a useful method to represent end-users in technology design? And, (3) how can we ultimately read accounts not conforming to mainstream individual persona descriptions but to collectives?

Introduction

Persona is a designerly communicational artefact in Human-Computer Interaction. Persona was originated by Cooper [START_REF] Cooper | The Inmates Are Running the Asylum: Why High Tech Products Drive Us Crazy and How to Restore the Sanity[END_REF] as a representative of a specific group of users sharing commonalities when interacting with technology products or services [START_REF] Putnam | Communicating about users in ICTD: leveraging HCI personas[END_REF]. Persona thus endeavours to inform design on the needs, requirements and aspirations of each of these groups of users regarding technologies or technological innovations. Paradoxically, however, some utilize persona to capture user-data that they then build upon assumptions and not on actual grounded data [START_REF] Friess | Personas and decision making in the design process: an ethnographic case study[END_REF]. Besides Nielsen and Hansen [START_REF] Nielsen | Persona is Applicable: A Study on the Use of Personas in Denmark[END_REF] indicate a scarcity of empirical research on personas as research foci, which as a result endures a lack of consensus on what this artefact comprises, as well as in many researchers and practitioners' reluctance to embrace it in design decision-making [START_REF] Williams | A Collaborative Rapid Persona-Building Workshop: Creating Design Personas with Health Researchers[END_REF].

Experiential paucity is greater outside technology dominant settings [START_REF] Nielsen | Personas in Cross-Cultural Projects[END_REF], with persona mainly deployed following User-Centred Design (UCD) mainstream approaches -be this qualitative, quantitative or a mixture of the both [START_REF] Cabrero | Participatory design of persona artefacts for user eXperience in non-WEIRD cultures[END_REF]. This is a rather dangerous procedure as it can lead to users' misinterpretations through misrepresentations. Nielsen [START_REF] Nielsen | Personas in Cross-Cultural Projects[END_REF], a persona advocate and expert, ultimately questions whether different cultures may understand personas differently; while from India Chavan [START_REF]Innovative Solutions: What Designers Need to Know for Today's Emerging Markets[END_REF] acknowledges conceptualising designerly tools, techniques and methods like persona vary across cultures, as otherwise data captured by a method originated in one culture, if deployed in a different setting, it will taint this data, thus final outcomes may no longer legitimately correspond to the authenticity and veracity of the latter cultural milieu.

To further advance persona empirical research in cross-cultural sites this paper presents, debates and reflects on User-Created Persona (UCP) sessions in rural Namibia. This specific study condenses the findings presented at CaTaC by Cabrero et al. [START_REF] Cabrero | Re-Conceptualising Personas across Cultures: Archetypes, Stereotypes and Collective Personas in Two Locales in Pastoral Namibia[END_REF]. The study holds persona as research foci, while it belongs to a larger project where personas are co-created with urban and rural Namibian societies from different ethnic groups, namely ovaHerero, ovaHimba, Ovambo and Khoisan [START_REF] Cabrero | User-Created Persona: Namibian rural Otjiherero speakers[END_REF][START_REF] Cabrero | Reflecting User-Created Persona in Indigenous Namibia: what NOT to do when working in Foreign Land[END_REF][START_REF] Cabrero | User-Created Personas: A Micro-Cultural Magnifier revealing Smart Workplaces in thriving Katutura[END_REF][START_REF] Cabrero | A UX and Usability expression of Pastoral OvaHimba: Personas in the Making and Doing[END_REF][START_REF] Cabrero | A Hermeneutic Inquiry into User-Created Personas in different Namibian locales[END_REF].

The core objective of the larger project is to discern cross-cultural representations of the persona artefact, and as such to attempt answering the following questions: (1)how do different Namibian populaces take-on, understand and co-create persona artefacts capable of representing their technological needs, requirements and desires; [START_REF] Putnam | Communicating about users in ICTD: leveraging HCI personas[END_REF]what cultural assumptions may emerge regarding typical creations and depictions of personas and how these differ or mimic usual values, guidelines and concords, and (3)whether the persona co-design process, be it undertaken with users, may depict legit persona proxies relevant to the design of useful and gratifying technologies.

To answer such queries we began to co-design personas with ovaHerero citizens. In this process we encountered a set of additional questions regarding stereotypical, archetypical and collective persona events and depictions: [START_REF] Nielsen | Persona is Applicable: A Study on the Use of Personas in Denmark[END_REF]to what extent user representations are stereotypical or archetypal? If the former primes, [START_REF] Williams | A Collaborative Rapid Persona-Building Workshop: Creating Design Personas with Health Researchers[END_REF]to what degree then are current personas still a useful method to think about users of systems designed or in the process of design? And, (6)how can we ultimately interpret accounts not conforming to typical individual persona description but to collectives?

Given the above questions, this manuscript first explores literature on personas, stereotypes, archetypes and collective personas to frame our accounts of UCP depictions. Second we propose the methodological approach related to the findings in the paper. Third results are presented as stereotypical, archetypical and collective portrayals. Fourth a reflection and a commentary regarding UCP as co-designed with ovaHerero pastoral communities tackle the concepts and the data presented, and scaffold our argument to guide the paper and the possible consequences regarding further theoretical and empirical research on personas in cross-cultural milieus around the globe. Ultimately a set of conclusions emerging from the data presented draw a close.

Persona Introduction and Conceptualisations

A brief literature review clarifies the persona concept and the distinctions between archetypes versus stereotypes, and between collective versus individual personas. Scaffolding from literature, findings across sessions are then framed to offer an account of the paths within the wider project and that keep persona research evolving.

Personas

Persona is a designerly tool generating from the UCD philosophy [START_REF] Cooper | The Inmates Are Running the Asylum: Why High Tech Products Drive Us Crazy and How to Restore the Sanity[END_REF]. It works as a communicational proxy of groups of individuals sharing technological commonalities. Persona holds vital benefits such as (i) creating a solid understanding of target-users; (ii) providing early design requisites; (iii) introducing or reinforcing design thinking; (iv) enabling focus on users' goals and traits, and (v) portraying dimensions of the ecosystem where users operate. Further benefits of persona are stated in Cabrero [START_REF] Cabrero | User-Created Persona: Namibian rural Otjiherero speakers[END_REF].

Persona though holds on to a tendency by designers to use tacit [START_REF] Friess | Personas and decision making in the design process: an ethnographic case study[END_REF] or explicit [START_REF] Cooper | The Inmates Are Running the Asylum: Why High Tech Products Drive Us Crazy and How to Restore the Sanity[END_REF] assumptions on the users, instead of data grounded from user-research processes [START_REF] Nielsen | Personas: User Focused Design[END_REF]. Persona also lacks an agreement about its definition, creation and its deployment [START_REF] Putnam | Communicating about users in ICTD: leveraging HCI personas[END_REF], as well as it lacks on empirical research outside technology dominant settings [START_REF] Nielsen | Personas in Cross-Cultural Projects[END_REF]. Ultimately persona misses involving users in its creation and final representation [START_REF] Bødker | Personas, people and participation: challenges from the trenches of local government[END_REF]. As such, persona does not sustain a solid enough degree of scientific reliability [START_REF] Getto | Designing globally, working locally[END_REF], for what many designers feel reticent to use personas in design decision-making [START_REF] Williams | A Collaborative Rapid Persona-Building Workshop: Creating Design Personas with Health Researchers[END_REF].

Archetypes vs. Stereotypes

Originally persona is held as an archetype of the end-users technology is aimed at [START_REF] Cooper | The Inmates Are Running the Asylum: Why High Tech Products Drive Us Crazy and How to Restore the Sanity[END_REF]. Jung [START_REF] Jung | The Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious[END_REF] defines archetypes as universal mythic characters residing in the collective unconscious of people across the world. Nielsen [START_REF] Nielsen | Personas: User Focused Design[END_REF] claims archetypes as comprised of personality traits built on ideals of basic human patterns appearing as blends of stabled features defining the individual person. Archetypes according to Nielsen, thus, relate to three main dimensions typifying psychological preferences of an individual: extrovert-introvert, sensory-intuition, thinkingfeeling [ibid]. These traits and dimensions Nielsen continues arguing that hold potential to communicating relevant user-data to the technology design process [ibid].

Stereotypes, however, are but shortcomings personas can easily result into [START_REF] Turner | Is stereotyping inevitable when designing with personas?[END_REF]. Stereotypes are simplified clichéd ideas that express the way humans categorize people who are [or seem] alike by providing social images as synthesised reasons on why 'others' act as they do [START_REF] Nielsen | Personas: User Focused Design[END_REF]. Under this situation it is not bizarre that Marsden and Haag state personas in design run the risk of re-inscribing existing stereotypes and following more of an Imethodological than a user-centered approach [20, p. 4017]. Ultimately, Nielsen claims that a persona resulting as a stereotype towards designing technological tools becomes a so-called flat character with only one character trait and who does not create engagement or identification [15, p.62].

Collective Personas vs. Personas

Where persona acts a proxy of a set of users sharing commonalities about technology, Collective or Collaborative Persona (CP) comprises groups and communities by including relevant data informing the design of tools intended for collaboration [START_REF] Giboin | Emphasizing dysfunctional group dynamics in collaboration personas: specification of an approach[END_REF].

CP dissimilates individual-based personas, amongst other features, in holding on to (1) multiple inter-related individuals playing specific if intertwined roles and duties; (2) a focus on collective goals and elaborating individual ones affecting collective's; and (3) new attributes characterizing collaborative aspects of the group's work [START_REF] Matthews | Collaboration personas: A new approach to designing workplace collaboration tools[END_REF]. Thus CP is aimed to groups with common behaviours, problems to solve, and interactions amid themselves as cultural or traditional groups. CP solves pitfalls whereby designers create collaboration tools by using methods focusing on individuals [ibid]. This is so for CP strives to lead to tools that are well-targeted at the group by addressing specific interactional properties of different types of collaborations in order to improve tool adoption of collaboration tools [ibid]. Thus this is an important shift in the culture of creating and deploying personas towards the design of technologies. Furthermore, Gaudioso et al. [START_REF] Gaudioso | Preface to the special issue on user modeling to support groups, communities and collaboration[END_REF] point out that collective portrayals of users often (4) involve considerations of dynamic social factors such as interactions and relationships between users currently not present in individual models such as UCD personas; (5) allow for an individual's degree of satisfaction that may importantly impact upon other group members through either emotional contagion or through conformity; and (6) allow to make visible challenges on physical, cognitive or social skills, as well as factors such as experience and availability. Ultimately, practitioners prefer CP when technological aims and collaborations are at stake due to the advantages this type of artefact provides [START_REF] Judge | Comparing collaboration and individual personas for the design and evaluation of collaboration software[END_REF].

User-Created Personas

Persona is typically deployed within UCD. This means UCD methods, techniques and artefacts such as persona are exclusively created and solely utilised by design experts. However, a main disapproval upon the workings of UCD as a philosophy in design, and by extension on the persona artefact, is that it neither grants users with methods, nor with artefacts capable of bringing about cultural and contextual nuances with which laypeople can achieve full appropriation of the technology design process [START_REF] Winschiers-Theophilus | Being participated: a community approach[END_REF].

As such persona empirical studies outside predominant settings are mainly carried out by designers themselves, usually following UCD guidelines and concords [START_REF] Cabrero | A Critique of Personas as representations of "the other" in Cross-Cultural Technology Design[END_REF]. Functioning through methodologies originated somewhere else encourages ways of thinking and logics that may be far from those of milieus where a project is deployed. This enhances the prospect of using guesses and assumptions in cross-cultural design; it also endangers persona providing reliable user data to technology design processes.

A recent emergence of persona projects has, though, either pinpointed this situation or taken an active part in tackling the issue of seeing 'us' when looking at 'them'.

As design methods, tools and techniques differ across cultures [START_REF]Innovative Solutions: What Designers Need to Know for Today's Emerging Markets[END_REF], and due to the lack of persona research [START_REF] Nielsen | Persona is Applicable: A Study on the Use of Personas in Denmark[END_REF], we argue involving users in persona depictions will aid eliciting major cultural elements for the diverse societies where UCP is positioned. This scaffolds from our theoretical appreciation [START_REF] Cabrero | A Critique of Personas as representations of "the other" in Cross-Cultural Technology Design[END_REF] and practical study [START_REF] Cabrero | User-Created Persona: Namibian rural Otjiherero speakers[END_REF][START_REF] Cabrero | Reflecting User-Created Persona in Indigenous Namibia: what NOT to do when working in Foreign Land[END_REF][START_REF] Cabrero | User-Created Personas: A Micro-Cultural Magnifier revealing Smart Workplaces in thriving Katutura[END_REF][START_REF] Cabrero | A UX and Usability expression of Pastoral OvaHimba: Personas in the Making and Doing[END_REF][START_REF] Cabrero | A Hermeneutic Inquiry into User-Created Personas in different Namibian locales[END_REF], and from inspiring, hands-on projects such as those presented as follows:

Lecomte et al. [START_REF] Lecomte | Towards a Better Frugal Design using Persona -issues and insights from an ethnography on prosthetics in Vietnam[END_REF] deploy frugal re-design to create prosthetics for underprivileged amputees in Vietnam, and claim that when creating and deploying personas local knowledge must be taken into account and adopted. Their persona representations embrace dimensions of the ecosystem, for which they conclude that there is an imminent need for a locally situated awareness to respond to new questions on the personas role and into collaboration for articulating implicit, local, embedded and grassroots expertise with more formalized information and methods [ibid, p. 1].

In the Malaysian jungle Zaman and Winschiers-Theophilus [START_REF] Zaman | Penan's Oroo' Short Message Signs (PO-SMS): Co-design of a Digital Jungle Sign Language Application[END_REF] adopt and adapt the persona artefact in a Participatory Design project with some Long Lamai youth. Researchers propose creating depictions of local youth and elders in the surroundings by creating personas that possess a name, a gender and a set of usual characteristics. This facilitates the design process to first draw upon participants' necessities regarding styles of communication, and in turn it enabled the suitability of local affordances to co-design an SMS App based on a local disappearing signs' language.

In the attempt to co-create personas in rural and urban Namibia, our theoretical appreciation has in turn ascribed to what Chavan points out [START_REF]Innovative Solutions: What Designers Need to Know for Today's Emerging Markets[END_REF] in that persona is a westerly conceived method that either needs adaptation or full redesign when deployed somewhere else [START_REF] Cabrero | A Critique of Personas as representations of "the other" in Cross-Cultural Technology Design[END_REF]. This we have observed through practical studies with persona as research foci, and whereby results have shown vital differences between UCD persona as it currently is and the methods to elicit data representative of the users for whom technological products or services may eventually be aimed at [START_REF] Cabrero | User-Created Persona: Namibian rural Otjiherero speakers[END_REF][START_REF] Cabrero | Reflecting User-Created Persona in Indigenous Namibia: what NOT to do when working in Foreign Land[END_REF][START_REF] Cabrero | User-Created Personas: A Micro-Cultural Magnifier revealing Smart Workplaces in thriving Katutura[END_REF][START_REF] Cabrero | A UX and Usability expression of Pastoral OvaHimba: Personas in the Making and Doing[END_REF][START_REF] Cabrero | A Hermeneutic Inquiry into User-Created Personas in different Namibian locales[END_REF].

To reach a persona cross-cultural dialogue in design, thus to avoid misrepresentations, we then promote UCP for users to create self-representations aimed to support design processes. UCP works as an instrumental way to enable laypeople exploring and creating ways in which they desire to be depicted towards technology designs that, ultimately, strive to become useful and gratifying in people's daily lives.

Inspiration about UCP comes from World Machines defined by Light et al. as a new archetype for systems that draw together computational powers to connect, sense and infer with a social agenda of crossworld collaboration… to raise the profile of tools that maintain a collaborative agenda and resist a tendency towards networks as giant surveillance and marketing devices [29, p. 1]. Thus UCP aims to avoid cross-cultural misrepresentations by enticing heterogeneity and a myriad of respected viewpoints.

Methodology

The lack of persona empirical research beyond dominant sites is an irregular situation that can easily lead to user misrepresentations by seeing 'us' when looking at 'them'. In Marsden and Haag [START_REF] Marsden | Stereotypes and Politics: Reflections on Personas[END_REF] terms, this is but to do with the very person perception. The methodology of our findings frames such perception via stages presented as per (1) context, (2) data collection and (3) analysis of the different sessions.

Context

Four sessions held with pastoral ovaHerero communities between 2014 and 2015 attempted to identify their cultural variant representations of personas. Sessions occurred in three different villages in the Omaheke region in the East of Namibia -Okomakuara, Erindiroukambe and Otjinene. A snippet about ovaHerero comes as:

OvaHerero comprise around 10% of Namibia's populace (200,000). They do not seem to have developed historic, literary or artistic heritage, while literature on them is scarce and mainly focuses on the German genocide between 1904 and 1909 [START_REF] Sarkin-Hughes | Colonial Genocide and Reparations Claims in the 21st Century: The Socio-Legal Context of Claims under International Law by the Herero against Germany for Genocide in Namibia, 1904-1908[END_REF]. Today, ovaHerero are concerned with their kinships and wealth conveyed in cattle counts, though only elderly and some infants live in rural areas. Other kin have "temporarily" migrated to urban areas in search for further careers beyond agribusiness.

The aim was to explore and test UCP by building on and sharing benefits of persona via immersive, participated, experientially gained community design practice.

Data Collection

In the 4 sessions a set of assorted methods to elicit personas was gradually scaffold. The methods utilised were deployed chronologically and they did evolve as follows: (1) a focus-group in Okomakuara with 8 female ovaHerero elders in October 2014; (2) a 'persona' session in Erindiroukambe: 4 male elder and 1 youth in October too; (3) a scenario narration in Otjinene with the same female above in November of 2014; (4) a focus-group in Okomakuara with 4 male and 1 female elder in March 2015.

Worth noting, we did not intend to co-create personas at once but to probe diverse methods to find if data elicited would respond to queries proposed as in page 2 above. Also worth noting, methods did not focus in particular technologies but in the study of persona as the research foci per-se. However, as sessions with ovaHerero groups amounted we realised the complexity of our attempt in co-creating personas from a methodological and conceptual view. We observed occurrences of archetypical, self-stereotyping and collective representational accounts. At this point in research though, we can only speculate the cause for such variants by posing the following questions: [START_REF] Nielsen | Persona is Applicable: A Study on the Use of Personas in Denmark[END_REF] To what extent user representations are stereotypical or archetypal?

(5) If stereotypical representations prime, to what degree are current personas still a useful method to represent end-users in technology design? And, (6) How can we ultimately interpret accounts not conforming to mainstream individual persona descriptions but to collectives?

Analysis of Different Sessions

To answer the queries above this section groups sittings as per archetypical, stereotypical and collective accounts/depictions as they emerged. Thus Archetypes comprises (1) a focus-group in Okomakuara in October 2014 with eight female elders, as well as (4) a focus-group also in Okomakuara with 4 male and a female elders.

Stereotypes: (2) a 'persona per-se' session in Erindiroukambe with 4 male elder and 1 youth and (3) a scenario narration in Otjinene with 1 female. CP covers sessions (3) and (4).

Archetypes

In Okomakuara 8 local ovaHerero females engaged in a session inspired by the relevance of things that matter in October 2014. The first part was on concrete things that matter; the second dealt with wishful possibilities for future User Experiences (UX). The objective was two-folded: to introduce oral, visual and tangible stimulus via a tablet device to elicit relevant UX, and to then corroborate the UX by enticing partakers to think of possible futures based the concrete things as possibilities for progress. Two foreign facilitators carried this 2-step method with local researchers translating.

The sitting began presenting a family portrait from the tablet to provide intercultural interaction, trigger stimulus and elicit UX features scaffold from the abstraction of the family as a concrete concept for inspiration, meaning and design thinking (Fig. Sequentially participants unanimously stated their love for and comfort with their families. Next they got asked about their likeability of flowers. Once a participant conveyed her love for flowers the rest tailed on endorsing such feeling.

In the next part of the session participants got enticed to convey wishful possibilities with no guidelines or a defined starting point. A participant conveyed her family discomfort due to her brother-in-law possessing the cattle she lost to widowhood and tradition, while her daughter firmly supported the livestock regain (Fig. 2 &3). When further enquired about having flowers, they stated that none but the mother and daughter above (neighbours of another village nearby) had or looked after flowers. By having proposed the above two-step method around concrete things that matter and then wishful possibilities for future UX, initial statements of family niceness and flora attention gave way to prompting issues of family disputes to do with legacies and tradition, and to the fact that flora barely exist in such a dry settings.

Thus this session initially provided misguided archetypical indications on mythic features and characters inherent to the collective unconscious of these participants. Apropos technology design this could have led to false results and misunderstandings. However outcomes also hinted the collaborative efforts through the collective behaviour in answering to the questions provided. On the other hand the session provided a relevant glimpse into things that matter to the participants when aspirations where let free to participants' own choice of expression.

In a subsequent session in March 2015 in Okomakuara a focus-group compounded of 2 female and 4 male elders devised a scenario of their choice where a young woman got pregnant and the father took-on the fatherhood. Participants described the young woman as raised by her mother while learning household chores and duties; whereas the young man was a gentle person capable of looking after the homestead and cattle, and taught farming by his father. Despite the amount of detail provided throughout the storytelling exercise, participants claimed nowadays this is an impossible scenario for youngsters are all gone from the village in pursuit of further careers in urban settings. Participants keep recurring to the past indicating previous generations dedicated to crafts such as stick-makers and horse-trainers which they yet appealed now as extinguished. They also claimed that in spite of the changes undergone in recent times responsibilities in the village for the youth are still but the very same. So when male youth come back to the village during school holidays they are still taught cattle managing, how to slaughter a goat, and how to look for cow-footprints. Participants argued such skills as still paramount even if usually living in the capital. They also exhorted that for urban girls to become women they must nurture the way they walk as ovaHerero and to be properly groomed. Participants also detailed despite school 'trains' children, these must follow tradition and customs when in the village and that, for instance, the sun may not rise while one is still in bed! Regarding fun activities participants stated young men as hunters, horse riders, and catching cows and putting them down; also going in the field to look at the cattle. For girls it was about milking cows, fulfil domestic tasks, and playing catching-the-girl.

Lastly, when confronted with activities like football, modern music, earphones and technology, one participant stated those are bad things due to the amount of time they take away from youth. The others, though, said it is not all bad by any means.

Thus this session demonstrated conflicting archetypes with incompatible realities.

Stereotypes

In Erindiroukambe four elders and one youth met in a focus-group in October 2014. The session aimed to codesign personas per-se. It was led by a western researcher, while a local facilitator translated and accommodated the questions proposed.

Participants were first explained the concept of personas as typical people in the village and then they were asked to describe those. The conversation drifted into a self-stereotypical account of ovaHerero men (reiterating the significance of the men's hat, stick and chair as recurrently noted in other sittings stated in Cabrero et al. [START_REF] Cabrero | A Hermeneutic Inquiry into User-Created Personas in different Namibian locales[END_REF]) with a further emphasis on the ecologies of the context (i.e. homestead, holy fire, cooking fire and cattle) rather than the persons themselves. Next, participants were asked to focus on individual traits, which they did not understand. Subsequently they were asked to portray themselves as individuals. After a further lack of comprehension, they allocated themselves desirable features such as "the elder", "the youngster" "the naughty one", "the humorous one" and "the doctor or wise man" (Figure 4). This session in Erindiroukambe eventually showed a lack of understanding of personas, drifting into selfstereotyping and also over-simplifying archetyping.

In the attempt to avoid stereotyping, an ensuing session held in November 2014 in the town Otjinene enabled us to propose an elder woman to describing other persons through storytelling an initial scenario. The scenario was about her having first seen a school-girl passing-by in front of her homestead, and sometime later the father of this girl also passed-by asking the elder whether she would have seen his daughter around.

The elder stated that her recount on the facts would vary if the girl was in a hurry, looked calmed, or held a jumping rope, as she would look different in each situation. She also claimed that if the girl was in a group, the narration would be subjected to whether she had, for instance, committed a mistake, as in this case she was bound to be surrounded by others and put in the spotlight. As for the girl's physical appearance, the elder argued the girl being clean, well-dressed and groomed, and also respectful.

Then the elder got further asked to comment on the girl having become a woman. She claimed she would be a good wife looking after the house, though she remarked the woman would probably hold on to her personality as acquired during childhood. To clarify on traits and adopted behaviours she went on contrasting a good girl -the one detailed above-versus a bad one -clubbing, drinking, looking scruffy. Eventually she drew and coloured the school girl and the woman on a notepad (Figures 5 &6).

In comparison to the girl's the good woman's description did not bring about as many emotional states. This we argue because of the conformity to her social role within the ovaHerero culture. On the contrary, the settling of the contrast with the bad one who goes clubbing, drinking, and that looks scruffy provided detail entailing implicit emotional states through the traits depicted.

Reflections and Discussion

We run four sessions with ovaHerero in pastoral Namibia to find whether persona conceptualisations carry cultural variants. This has brought up a set of vital questions around persona in relation to archetypes, stereotypes and collective depictions.

During such sessions we realised the complexity of our effort to elicit personas from a methodological and conceptual angle, as we observed such occurrences of self-stereotyping, archetypical and collective accounts, thus the further queries posed in this paper. Currently though, we can only speculate the causes for such variants.

Archetypes

Archetypes have come about in both sessions Okomakuara in that the mythic characters still reside within this particular collective when describing an ideal set of female and male youngsters, as well as when collectivising the information provided about family relationships and ecologies such as flora. Rather than unconscious, though, the people depicted, the young man and woman in pregnancy, have come as fully acknowledged in the existing situation. They have thus arise as argued by Nielsen [START_REF] Nielsen | Personas: User Focused Design[END_REF] in that they have compounded of personality traits built on ideals of basic human patterns expressed as combinations of stabled features describing individual persons. This has been similar in Otjinene, whereby the elder woman clearly referenced dimensions characterizing psychological preferences and traits of an individual such as the school girl being extrovert or introvert depending upon the emotional situation, as well as via the array of possibilities she offered to this scenario regarding feelings. Equally the grown-up woman was described as 'the humble wife' as found through many ovaHerero narratives, thereby bordering amid archetypes and self-stereotypes. However these dimensions and traits have shown to be engaging to the participants' conception of legitimacy, and which, besides, upholds tradition on ovaHerero milieus. Thus we would argue that the above characterisations can be capable of communicating relevant user-data to the design process as it has been stressed by Nielsen [START_REF] Nielsen | Personas: User Focused Design[END_REF]. Yet this needs further analysis on realities, underlying values and archetypical traits.

Stereotypes

As seen in the sitting in Erindiroukambe, participants also showed a tendency towards self-stereotyping. Nielsen states to avoid stereotypes, as they create flat characters with one only trait which does not create engagement, nor identification [13-15, p.62]; However considering for example the representation of a ovaHerero elder through his hat, stick and chair reoccurring through different sessions and locales seem stereotypical, yet they carry a much deeper meaning and significance within ovaHerero culture. Thus we could argue that in a cross-cultural context, self-stereotyping does contribute to empathy towards and understanding of the users. In all sessions individual accounts have pointed towards commonalities of the different communities.

Collective Personas

The mythic features and characters inherent to the collective unconscious of the 8 female participants in the first session in Okomakuara hinted the collaborative efforts via the collective, unquestioned behaviour in answering to the questions prompted.

Describing other people rather than deriving attributes from themselves played well with ovaHerero communities in engaging participants and avoiding stereotyping. This also provided vital insights on traits, emotional detail and physical appearance. In such settings the persons described were mostly related to others over a narrative.

Since we observed a strong sense of community and aptitudes toward working scenarios of interrelated people, we hypothesize that collaborative persona seem more suitable to ovaHerero communities than individual persona representations.

Conclusion

In an attempt to engage Namibian pastoral ovaHerero communities into UCP sessions we soon encountered incomprehension about the concept of persona per-se, while exploring cultural variants did not allow us typifying typical persona descriptions. Thus we deployed different triggers such as probes and narrations. While probes and meaning designation to objects clearly failed, narrations showed to be more fruitful. Yet in a cross-cultural setting, tendencies of stereotyping and archetypes need a deeper analysis to ensure that interpretations of narratives are contextualized appropriately.

Reoccurring descriptions like the hat, stick and chair of the ovaHerero male elder are good indications they are indeed illustrative cultural markers and not stereotypes. This has been set by our own observations and by local ovaHerero researchers alike. A similar case emerged in the depiction of the ovaHerero female elder. Moreover descriptions of conventional individual personas seemed inappropriate within the rural, collectivistic community contexts in Namibia. An indicative of this has been the interrelatedness of the characters hinting at collaborative persona, opening possibilities for deploying Information Systems that allow interactions where multi-user environments hold the potential of introducing relational elements like emotion, motivation and satisfaction. Thus, we argue that collective persona can help to address challenges on modelling groups and therefore community collaboration.

However, and to reach a persona cross-cultural dialogue in design thus to avoid misrepresentations, we postulate that UCP brings out specific characteristics of the cultural setting by allowing laypeople designing persona artefacts in their own terms. Hence we promote UCP for users to create self-representations aimed to support design processes, as UCP functions as an instrumental way to enable laypeople exploring and creating ways in which they desire to be depicted towards technology designs that will ultimately be useful and gratifying in their daily lives. The above concepts and methods will be pursued in detail in upcoming research.

Figs. 1 , 2 & 3 .

 123 Figs. 1, 2 & 3. Families & Flowers in a Tablet & Mother-Daughter Discuss Family Issues.

Fig. 4 .

 4 Fig. 4. Five Participants; Five one-single traits.

Figs. 5 & 6 .

 56 Figs. 5 & 6. Participant Drawing and Final Drawings of School Girl & Woman.

Acknowledgments

Our sincere thankfulness to the ovaHerero communities we have co-designed with for their time, their trust, their patience, their candour and their appreciated insights.