Hugo Gong
email: hugo.gong@vuw.ac.nz

Miriam Lips
email: miriam.lips@vuw.ac.nz

Mary Tate
email: mary.tate@vuw.ac.nz

Revisiting the Conceptualisation of e-Campaigning: Putting Campaign Back in e-Campaigning Research

Keywords: e-Campaigning, election campaigning, conceptualisation, e-Campaigning practices, framework

As political parties' and candidates' e-Campaigning has become increasingly complex and sophisticated, scholars accordingly devise conceptual frameworks to understand and describe this social phenomenon. Yet, there is little scholarly debate concerning the varying conceptualisations of political parties' or candidates' utilisation of e-Campaigning. A review of existing e-Campaigning conceptualisations reveals three major limitations: namely, lack of academic rigour, a technologically deterministic orientation of e-Campaigning practices, and variation in the coverage of e-Campaigning practices. Potentially, these limitations might impede the comparability of e-Campaigning studies over time and across countries. In response, this research paper proposes a conceptual, practice-based framework that builds on the existing research. This paper then uses empirical data from a New Zealand political party to illustrate the application of the proposed framework.

Introduction

Political election campaigning is a long-standing ritual practised by campaign teams representing political parties or candidates during an election period in an effort to garner votes and hold political offices [START_REF] Farrell | Do political campaigns matter? Campaign effects in elections and referendums[END_REF], and also the research focus of electoral politics.

Within the realm of election campaigning, an emergent, global phenomenon can be observed that sees the Internet and its related applications being utilised for election campaigning. This phenomenon illuminates a new research avenue in electoral politics and is commonly referred to as e-Campaigning in academic literature [START_REF] Bentivegna | Italy: The evolution of e-Campaigning 1996-2006[END_REF][START_REF] Schweitzer | Innovation or normalization in e-Campaigning?: A longitudinal content and structural analysis of German party websites in the 2002 and 2005 national elections[END_REF].

Since its inception, e-Campaigning has attracted scholarly interest, including a number of e-Campaigning research frameworks, and analyses of political parties or candidates' e-Campaigning practices [e.g. [START_REF] Bentivegna | Italy: The evolution of e-Campaigning 1996-2006[END_REF][START_REF] Schweitzer | Innovation or normalization in e-Campaigning?: A longitudinal content and structural analysis of German party websites in the 2002 and 2005 national elections[END_REF][START_REF] Dougherty | The Internet and elections project research design[END_REF]. Typically, these studies have been based on a bottom-up study of the occurrence or frequency of using specific technology-enabled content elements, for example the use of social media or blogs on campaign websites. Those elements are then grouped into higher-level categories such as information dissemination [START_REF] Bentivegna | Italy: The evolution of e-Campaigning 1996-2006[END_REF][START_REF] Gibson | Australia: Potential Unfulfilled? The 2004 election online[END_REF][START_REF] Ward | The United Kingdom: Parties and the 2005 virtual election campaign -Not quite normal?[END_REF], interaction [START_REF] Bentivegna | Italy: The evolution of e-Campaigning 1996-2006[END_REF][START_REF] Schweitzer | Innovation or normalization in e-Campaigning?: A longitudinal content and structural analysis of German party websites in the 2002 and 2005 national elections[END_REF][START_REF] Ward | The United Kingdom: Parties and the 2005 virtual election campaign -Not quite normal?[END_REF], or targeting [START_REF] Ward | The United Kingdom: Parties and the 2005 virtual election campaign -Not quite normal?[END_REF][START_REF] Voerman | The Netherlands: Digital campaigning in the 2002 and 2003 parliamentary elections[END_REF] by the authors. However, divergent, incommensurable categories have been proposed by different scholars, and although academic research in this area is at an early stage, it is already difficult to compare and contrast different scholarly studies, or to combine studies in a meta-analysis. We propose to address this issue using a conceptual, practice-based framework informed by studies on campaign practices.

Political campaigning lends itself to practice-based theorising [START_REF] Dougherty | The Internet and elections project research design[END_REF][START_REF] Foot | Web campaigning[END_REF]. A practicebased framework focuses on our understanding of campaign practices, which predate the advent of electronic commerce, and how new technologies are appropriated to enable these; effectively, we want to put the campaign back in e-Campaigning. Although campaign practices can change over time, and may be influenced by the emergence of new technologies or applications, overall, campaign practices change much more slowly than the technologies and media used to enact them. They therefore potentially provide a stable and extensible basis for theorising about e-Campaigning. Accordingly, our research question is: How can political parties' or candidates' e-Campaigning utilisation be conceptualised in a way that leverages existing understanding of campaign practices and is consistent and extensible?

The remainder of this paper is organised as follows: first, we investigate current conceptualisations of e-Campaigning utilisation and their related issues; then, we propose and discuss our conceptualisation; following that, we illustrate the application of the proposed conceptualisation with an empirical example; and last, we provide our concluding remarks.

Conceptualisations of e-Campaigning Utilisation in the Literature

e-Campaigning first emerged as a mere information kiosk in cyberspace. However, as political parties and candidates continuously engage in e-Campaigning utilisation, it has become increasingly professionalised, sophisticated and complex [START_REF] Gibson | Web campaigning from a global perspective[END_REF][START_REF] Ward | Making a difference: A comparative view of the role of the Internet in election politics[END_REF]. Since each campaign is unique and discrete, and technology is constantly evolving, the changing landscape of e-Campaigning utilisation is compared to the aphorism that one never can step into the same river twice [START_REF] Margolis | The prospect of Internet democracy[END_REF].

As such, scholars often devise conceptual frameworks, commonly with a practicebased approach, to explore and understand the e-Campaigning phenomenon [START_REF] Foot | Web campaigning[END_REF]. A practice-based approach to theorising translates a series of practices observable in a social phenomenon into contemporary theory. Supporting or enabling tools, such as those offered by ICTs, are introduced and used within those practices [START_REF] Foot | Web campaigning[END_REF]. In the context of e-Campaigning, political parties' and candidates' practices are operationalised in a compendium of e-content elements on their e-Campaigning websites; that is, the e-content elements are manifestations of e-Campaigning practices [START_REF] Foot | Web campaigning[END_REF]. We posit a practice-based framework that focuses on campaign practices exhibited by e-content elements. To sum up, e-Campaigning utilisation entails at least one e-Campaigning practice and each practice can be observed by one or more e-content elements.

While a practice-based approach is deemed appropriate for theorising the e-Campaigning phenomenon, three main issues surfaced from a comparison of the varying theoretical frameworks in the literature: lack of academic rigour in conceptualising and theorising e-Campaigning utilisation, a technologically deterministic orientation of e-Campaigning practices, and variation in the coverage of e-Campaigning practices in existing frameworks.

Lack of academic rigour. A scientific theory about an observable phenomenonbe it derived from another theory, a confirmed hypothesis or an empirical observation -must include the constructs within the phenomenon and the relationship between the constructs, so that the theory can be falsifiable or enables understanding about the phenomenon under study [START_REF] Dubin | Theory building[END_REF]. Under that principle, in order to theorise the e-Campaigning phenomenon, both the key constructs and the relationship between the constructs need to be articulated. Most existing theoretical frameworks of e-Campaigning utilisation have clearly stated the key constructs concerning e-Campaigning utilisation: namely e-content elements, e-Campaigning practices, and election campaigning; they also explain the relationship between e-content elements and e-Campaigning practices. However, hardly any of these theoretical frameworks articulates the relationship between specific e-Campaigning practices and election campaigning [e.g. [START_REF] Bentivegna | Italy: The evolution of e-Campaigning 1996-2006[END_REF][START_REF] Schweitzer | Innovation or normalization in e-Campaigning?: A longitudinal content and structural analysis of German party websites in the 2002 and 2005 national elections[END_REF][START_REF] Dougherty | The Internet and elections project research design[END_REF][START_REF] Lilleker | [END_REF]; in other words, it is unclear what rational purpose each e-Campaigning practice serves in relation to election campaigning. The missing explanation between e-Campaigning practices and campaigning is a major weakness in existing conceptualisations of e-Campaigning utilisation.

A technologically deterministic orientation of e-Campaigning practices. In some theoretical frameworks e-Campaigning practices are classified in accordance with the latest technologies or applications, such as RSS feeds, interactive opinion polls, and podcasts [e.g. [START_REF] Lilleker | [END_REF][START_REF] Bivings | The Internet's role in political campaigns[END_REF]. This particular orientation demonstrates a technological deterministic viewpoint of the scholars concerned: the assumption that it is the technology that drives the utilisation of e-Campaigning. We would argue that it is the wider election campaign and its associated practices that shape the utilisation of e-Campaigning. This view is more closely aligned with the research orientation of scholars such as [START_REF] Ward | Making a difference: A comparative view of the role of the Internet in election politics[END_REF][START_REF] Gibson | Political parties and the Internet: Net gain?[END_REF]. It is worth noting that our perspective does not diminish the involvement of technologies in e-Campaigning but acknowledges their enabling role with regard to e-content elements that are manifestations of campaign practices.

Variation in the coverage of e-Campaigning practices. Some scholars focus on only one e-Campaigning practice [e.g. [START_REF] Dader | Spain: Cyber-quake in a soft democracy? The role of the Internet in the 2004 general elections[END_REF][START_REF] Hill | Indonesia: Electoral politics and the Internet[END_REF], whereas others cover a wide array of e-Campaigning practices [e.g. [START_REF] Gibson | Australia: Potential Unfulfilled? The 2004 election online[END_REF][START_REF] Ward | The United Kingdom: Parties and the 2005 virtual election campaign -Not quite normal?[END_REF][START_REF] Schweitzer | Germany: Online campaign professionalism in the 2002 and 2005 national elections[END_REF]. A possible explanation for this variation is that many studies have constructed their frameworks on the basis of a single election. Since the nature of e-Campaigning is evolutionary and contextual, it is likely that changes will happen to e-Campaigning adoption and utilisation within a specific institutional context, as well as across time [START_REF] Ward | Making a difference: A comparative view of the role of the Internet in election politics[END_REF]. Further, e-Campaigning studies in countries where ICT adoption is relatively advanced, tend to have a broader coverage of e-Campaigning practices compared to studies in countries with low levels of ICT adoption and utilisation. Generally, with the focus on a single election, many e-Campaigning studies have limited themselves to ICT-supported campaign practices in that particular campaign.

Towards a Conceptual Framework of e-Campaigning Utilisation

Given the issues associated with existing frameworks, we propose a conceptual framework for better exploring and understanding e-Campaigning utilisation.

The underlying approach of the conceptual framework proposed in this paper follows the basic principle underpinning most frameworks, namely, the inclusion of two interrelated components: e-Campaigning practices and their associated e-content elements. An extensive academic literature review was used to identify e-content elements, e-Campaigning practices, and their relationship. Before discussing the framework in depth, we explore the link between the e-Campaigning practice and election campaigning in order to solidify the theoretical foundations of the framework.

Some scholars warn that it is paramount for organisations to practice technological realism; that is, technologies per se rarely yield miracles or a competitive edge, and therefore organisations should hold a realistic view and focus on organisational practices [START_REF] Davenport | Information politics[END_REF]. We agree that technological realism should also be fostered in academic research of ICT-related social phenomenon. In this light, this paper posits that it is the wider campaign practices that shape the utilisation of technologies. Consequently, the e-Campaigning practices in the proposed framework are related to wider election campaign practices.

The e-Campaigning practices in our framework are derived from a review of e-Campaigning in multiple elections across countries, as opposed to the common single election focus in existing frameworks. This provides a solid empirical base for the proposed framework. The framework includes the following five campaign practices: information dissemination [START_REF] Bentivegna | Italy: The evolution of e-Campaigning 1996-2006[END_REF][START_REF] Dougherty | The Internet and elections project research design[END_REF][START_REF] Gibson | Australia: Potential Unfulfilled? The 2004 election online[END_REF]; voter interaction/engagement [START_REF] Ward | The United Kingdom: Parties and the 2005 virtual election campaign -Not quite normal?[END_REF][START_REF] Schweitzer | Germany: Online campaign professionalism in the 2002 and 2005 national elections[END_REF]; support mobilisation [START_REF] Bentivegna | Italy: The evolution of e-Campaigning 1996-2006[END_REF][START_REF] Dougherty | The Internet and elections project research design[END_REF][START_REF] Owen | United States: Internet and elections[END_REF]; targeting campaigns [START_REF] Ward | The United Kingdom: Parties and the 2005 virtual election campaign -Not quite normal?[END_REF][START_REF] Voerman | The Netherlands: Digital campaigning in the 2002 and 2003 parliamentary elections[END_REF]; and resource generation [START_REF] Gibson | Australia: Potential Unfulfilled? The 2004 election online[END_REF][START_REF] Anstead | The Internet and campaign finance in the US and the UK: An institutional comparison[END_REF][START_REF] Hill | World wide webbed: The Obama campaign's masterful use of the Internet[END_REF]. Each of these campaign practices will be further discussed below.

Information Dissemination

Information dissemination is considered the most fundamental, long-standing practice of election campaigning for two reasons [START_REF] Gibson | Web campaigning from a global perspective[END_REF].

First, election campaigns ultimately aim to influence voters' decision-making process and, with that, try to achieve votes maximisation. Information about political parties or candidates plays a critical role in this decision-making process. As Zaller explains, "every opinion is a marriage of information and predisposition: information to form a mental picture of the given issue, and predisposition to motivate some conclusion about it" [START_REF] Farrell | Do political campaigns matter? Campaign effects in elections and referendums[END_REF]. This is confirmed by empirical research, which suggests that voting behaviour is strongly affected by the awareness and knowledge of political parties or candidates, formed by the availability and quality of information about political parties or candidates from sources such as election campaigns [START_REF] Schmitt-Beck | Political communication effects: The impact of mass media and personal conversations on voting[END_REF]. Consequently, in order to shape voters' awareness, opinions, knowledge, and, most importantly, their decision, campaign teams benefit from producing, disseminating, and reinforcing information in a timely fashion. Moreover, research shows that swing voters are most responsive to campaign information: clearly, they are the voters whom most campaign teams endeavour to woo throughout an election period [START_REF] Mcallister | Calculating or capricious? The new politics of late deciding voters[END_REF].

Second, voters' active political involvement is crucial to election campaigning [START_REF] Ward | Making a difference: A comparative view of the role of the Internet in election politics[END_REF]. However, research from countries around the world demonstrates that voters' political involvement has declined for various reasons [START_REF] Ward | Making a difference: A comparative view of the role of the Internet in election politics[END_REF]. Thus, generating voters' interest to be involved election campaigning has been a major issue for a campaign team. Scholars point out that campaign information serves as an important stimulus for voters' political involvement. That is, the greater amount of campaign information being disseminated, the more stimulated voters could become to get involved in campaign activities [START_REF] Ward | Making a difference: A comparative view of the role of the Internet in election politics[END_REF].

Generally, the campaign practice of information dissemination is undertaken through a one-way, top-down approach -from campaign teams to voters. That is, no feedback or information from voters is expected [START_REF] Farrell | Do political campaigns matter? Campaign effects in elections and referendums[END_REF]. This important characteristic distinguishes information dissemination from another campaign practice, namely voter interaction/engagement.

E-content elements describing the operationalisation of information dissemination.

The following e-content elements are commonly associated with information dissemination: 1. the political party's or candidate's information, such as the history of the party or candidate, ideology and values that the party or candidate stands for, and key personnel of the party; 2. candidate biographies, such as background details and the constituency of political candidates; 3. an archive of press releases; 4. a collection of key policies; 5. a list of the campaign news; 6. a full coverage of campaign events; 7. an series of campaign speeches; 8. contact information of the party office, party leader and party candidates; or 9. information about the party's or candidate's other online presences, if there are any [START_REF] Bentivegna | Italy: The evolution of e-Campaigning 1996-2006[END_REF][START_REF] Dougherty | The Internet and elections project research design[END_REF][START_REF] Ward | The United Kingdom: Parties and the 2005 virtual election campaign -Not quite normal?[END_REF][START_REF] Foot | Web campaigning[END_REF][START_REF] Schweitzer | Germany: Online campaign professionalism in the 2002 and 2005 national elections[END_REF].

In general, the practice of information dissemination is considered highly standardised, due to its long existence. However, technological advancement enables campaign teams to innovate the dissemination of campaign information in order to generate and sustain voters' interest. For instance, many political parties or candidates utilise Internet multimedia technology to disseminate information in text, images, sound, video, or in combination [START_REF] Bentivegna | Italy: The evolution of e-Campaigning 1996-2006[END_REF][START_REF] Ward | The United Kingdom: Parties and the 2005 virtual election campaign -Not quite normal?[END_REF]. Also, political parties or candidates disseminate campaign information through their campaign blogs, which in essence are online journal entries [START_REF] Schweitzer | Germany: Online campaign professionalism in the 2002 and 2005 national elections[END_REF].

Voter Interaction/Engagement

This practice is also referred to as voter involvement [START_REF] Foot | Online structure for political action in the 2004 U.S. congressional electoral web sphere[END_REF]. Its underpinning rationale consists of two explanations: 1. interact with voters for campaign feedback, and 2. engage voters for building trust and relationships.

The first explanation argues that voters' constant feedback on an election campaign is critical for campaign team to evaluates the impact of the campaign on voters. Feedback provides the campaign team with an opportunity to take necessary actions to enhance or rectify its campaign practices in a timely manner [START_REF] Farrell | Do political campaigns matter? Campaign effects in elections and referendums[END_REF]. The second explanation holds that voters, especially swing voters, are more likely to cast their votes to the political party or candidate whom they trust or feel more closely connected with [START_REF] Norris | Digital divide? : Civic engagement, information poverty, and the Internet worldwide[END_REF]. Often, trust and connectedness are developed as a result of continuous efforts by a political party or candidate to interact and engage with voters. Furthermore, trust and connectedness are considered as taking precedence over securing, sustaining and mobilising grassroots support [START_REF] Foot | Web campaigning[END_REF].

E-content elements describing the operationalisation of voter interaction/engagement. Offline interaction and engagement can be categorised in two forms: synchronous and asynchronous [START_REF] Gallaugher | Social media and customer dialog management at Starbucks[END_REF]. The former refers to real time interaction, such as face-to-face communication; the latter denotes delayed interaction, such as postal mail. Those forms of interaction and engagement can be simulated online.

Synchronous voter interaction/engagement can be observed in: 1. instant chat/messaging; 2. instant opinion polls that are initiated by either the campaign team or voters; 3. instant surveys; or 4. applications that allow voters to interact with the political party's or candidate's key policies -such as tax/debt calculator -or campaign events -such as interactive events calendar, in real time [START_REF] Gibson | Australia: Potential Unfulfilled? The 2004 election online[END_REF][START_REF] Ward | The United Kingdom: Parties and the 2005 virtual election campaign -Not quite normal?[END_REF][START_REF] Lilleker | [END_REF][START_REF] Bivings | The Internet's role in political campaigns[END_REF][START_REF] Schweitzer | Germany: Online campaign professionalism in the 2002 and 2005 national elections[END_REF].

Asynchronous voter interaction/engagement in e-Campaigning is reflected in: 1. means to contact the political party or candidate, such as email or web form; 2. discussion forums; 3. interactive campaign blogs -blogs that enable readers to leave feedback or comments, in contrast to those disabling readers feedback or comments and thus considered as a form of information dissemination; or 4. means for voters to provide feedback about political party's or candidate's policies [START_REF] Ward | The United Kingdom: Parties and the 2005 virtual election campaign -Not quite normal?[END_REF][START_REF] Lilleker | [END_REF][START_REF] Bivings | The Internet's role in political campaigns[END_REF][START_REF] Schweitzer | Germany: Online campaign professionalism in the 2002 and 2005 national elections[END_REF].

Support Mobilisation

This practice represents the mobilisation theory [START_REF] Foot | Web campaigning[END_REF]. It suggests that political parties' or candidates' effort to maximise their votes/seats is reliant upon voters' support. Such support is reflected in different forms, such as organising and participating in campaign events -for example political rallies, and, most importantly, casting vote to the political party or candidate on election day. In this light, it is vital for campaign teams to identify potential supporters and translate support sentiment from them and the existing faithful into tangible support actions [START_REF] Foot | Web campaigning[END_REF].

Support mobilisation has been frequently regarded by campaign teams and scholars as an ever-increasing challenge [START_REF] Hill | World wide webbed: The Obama campaign's masterful use of the Internet[END_REF]. Voters not only have taken a back seat but also spend less time to participate in events supporting their party or candidate [START_REF] Owen | United States: Internet and elections[END_REF]. A further assault to this challenge is political disengagement of young voters who are below the age of 30. Those young voters represent the fastest growing voting population; they are the least likely to vote on election day and also account for the largest group of voters who are least interested in conventional politics [START_REF] Hill | World wide webbed: The Obama campaign's masterful use of the Internet[END_REF]. Given an increasing number of people, particularly the youth, connected to the Internet across the globe, it is anticipated that e-Campaigning can shed light on alleviating the severe challenges in campaign teams' practice of support mobilisation.

E-content elements describing the operationalisation of support mobilisation. In e-Campaigning, political parties' or candidates' support mobilisation is generally operationalised through providing: 1. means to invite supporters' friends and relatives to participate in campaign events organised by the parties or candidates; 2. means to inform voters of electoral information, such as voter registration, election date and voting location; 3. means to receive campaign information and updates; 4. links to supporter groups that are either formed by the parties or candidates, or by supporters themselves; 5. means to download campaign materials; or 6. means to forward campaign materials to others [START_REF] Bentivegna | Italy: The evolution of e-Campaigning 1996-2006[END_REF][START_REF] Ward | The United Kingdom: Parties and the 2005 virtual election campaign -Not quite normal?[END_REF][START_REF] Owen | United States: Internet and elections[END_REF].

Targeting Campaigns

As a campaign practice, targeting campaigns in general encompasses two distinct forms. The first is reflected in political parties' or candidates' election campaigns targeting their political rivals in the same election; it can be the rivals' specific views, policies, or the rivals in general. The fundamental assumption is that in order to sway voters' opinions and decision, a political party or candidate can devise an alternative practice to information dissemination, which aims at persuading and converting voters, especially swing voters, through "painting the public perception of the political party or candidate in a more favourable light" by launching attacks on its political opponents or their policies [START_REF] Farrell | Do political campaigns matter? Campaign effects in elections and referendums[END_REF].

The second form of targeting campaigns pertains to election campaigns that target specific voter strata. Its underlying discourse, narrowcasting, suggests that the needs and wants across voter strata vastly differ. Hence, effective campaigns depend upon not only increasing information being disseminated, but, more importantly, disseminating the right information to the right addresses [START_REF] Voerman | The Netherlands: Digital campaigning in the 2002 and 2003 parliamentary elections[END_REF][START_REF] Ward | Making a difference: A comparative view of the role of the Internet in election politics[END_REF]. In contrast to information dissemination that fosters mass communication and assumes that the characteristics of all voters are homogeneous, this form of practice emphasises tailored campaign information based on the unique characteristics of each voter stratum. Due to its nature, campaigns targeting specific voter strata require the precise voter segmentation.

Although the two forms of targeting campaigns differ fundamentally in their strategic aims, they both emphasise targeting a specific subject -be it a political rival or voter stratum -in order to achieve the ultimate purpose of election campaigning.

E-content elements describing the operationalisation of targeting campaigns. The operationalisation of e-Campaigns targeting political rivals could be observed in online contents such as speeches or press releases, which specifically aim at attacking political rivals' policies or the rivals in general [START_REF] Foot | Online structure for political action in the 2004 U.S. congressional electoral web sphere[END_REF].

Political parties or candidates' e-Campaigns targeting particular voter strata is reflected in contents dedicated to a specific voter segment or an individual visitor [START_REF] Voerman | The Netherlands: Digital campaigning in the 2002 and 2003 parliamentary elections[END_REF].

Resource Generation

To political parties and candidates in general, election campaigning is acutely dependent upon scarce resources [START_REF] Margolis | Major parties dominate, minor parties struggle: US elections and the Internet[END_REF].

Specifically, human resources are highly required in order for campaign teams to plan, organise and conduct different campaign activities. Ever since the practice of electioneering entered the era of modernism -characterised by television becoming the predominant technological platform for election campaigning -campaign advertising on television has become the norm in many democracies [START_REF] Farrell | Do political campaigns matter? Campaign effects in elections and referendums[END_REF]. That, among other campaigning activities, often consumes the largest share of political parties' or candidates' financial resources. In addition to televised campaign advertising, political parties or candidates need to finance other electioneering activities, such as direct mailing, in-person engagement with voters, telephone and door-to-door canvassing [START_REF] Farrell | Do political campaigns matter? Campaign effects in elections and referendums[END_REF].

Given the intense reliance on resources, it is essential for political parties or candidates to establish a solid practice in election campaigning to solicit resources of different forms. Resource generation is not directly associated with influencing voting decision; it, however, affects the sustainability and continuity of political parties' or candidates' election campaigning in general. The practice of resource generation in traditional election campaigning is often reflected in recruitment of members or volunteers, and different forms of fund raising.

E-content elements describing the operationalisation of resource generation. Resource generation in e-Campaigning is largely similar to that in traditional offline campaigning. Specifically, it involves establishing: 1. means to make online donations, such as online credit card payment; 2. merchandise shop; 3. means to become a party member; or 4. means to become a volunteer [START_REF] Gibson | Australia: Potential Unfulfilled? The 2004 election online[END_REF][START_REF] Ward | The United Kingdom: Parties and the 2005 virtual election campaign -Not quite normal?[END_REF][START_REF] Owen | United States: Internet and elections[END_REF].

Summary

In this section we propose and describe a conceptual framework of e-Campaigning utilisation. Figure 1

Applying the Conceptual Framework: An Empirical Example

We use a New Zealand political party National's 2011 e-Campaign home page, as depicted in Figure 2, as an empirical example to illustrate the application of the conceptual framework proposed in this study.

National's e-Campaign is content rich, consisting different forms of information and applications. Our framework suggests that the party's e-Campaign consists of five practices: information dissemination, voter interaction/engagement, support mobilisation, targeting campaigns and resource generation.

Information dissemination. This practice can be directly observed by: 1. CE 1 (party information); 2. CE 2 (candidate information); 3. CE 5, 6 and 7 (information about the party's and its candidates' other online presences); 4. CE 12 (speeches); 5. CE 13 (press releases); and 6. CE 18 (campaign blogs without visitor comments allowed). Voter interaction/engagement. This practice is reflected in CE 19 (interactive calendar of campaign events). Support mobilisation. This practice is operationalised in: 1. CE 3 (means to inform voters of electoral information); and 2. CE 4 (means to receive campaign information and updates). Targeting campaigns. This practice can be found in CE 8, 9, 10 and 11 (campaign targeting specific voter strata). Resource generation. This practice can be seen in: 1. CE 14 and 15 (means to make donations); 2. CE 16 (means to become a party member); and 3. CE 17 (means to become a volunteer).

The preliminary analysis indicates that National's e-Campaign encompasses all five e-Campaigning practices, with a particular focus on information dissemination and resource generation. We can also observe that a variety of different technologies are used to enable different content elements within the same e-campaigning practice. For example, information dissemination utilises drop-down boxes for CE 1 and 2 (to enable the viewer to select the information of most interest to them), links to social media (CE 5) and hyper-links to speeches and media releases (CE 12 and 13). We can see that different media can be used to enable the same practice, conversely, similar media (for example click-through links as shown in CE's 4, 14, 15, 16 and 17) can be used to enable different practices. This suggests that a practice-based framework will provide a more robust, and extensible basis for evaluating and comparing e-Campaigning practices than frameworks with a technologically deterministic orientation.

Conclusion

With an increasing uptake of new media in countries around the world and an institutional requirement for governments to organise election campaigns on a regular basis, it is clear that e-Campaigning practices will continue to be an important research topic for scholars working in the broader field of e-Participation. Consequently, having a comprehensive and robust analytical framework for understanding and explaining e-Campaigning practices over time and independent of the utilisation of specific technologies is a necessary condition for the development of theory and knowledge in this emerging research field. Thus far however, existing frameworks used for the study of e-Campaigning practices vary in the forms and types of e-Campaigning practices they cover and strongly focus on available technology to date. Drawing from political science literature, this paper aims to close these gaps by proposing a comprehensive analytical framework that puts the purposes of election campaigning back into e-Campaigning research. Further research will be needed to test the application of the proposed framework in a variety of political election campaigns and with the availability of new technologies over time.

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 2. The Home Page of the New Zealand National Party's 2011 e-Campaign

  encapsulates our conceptualisation and represents the framework proposed in this study.

		Means for voters to invite their peers to participate in
		campaign events
		Means to inform voters of electoral information
	Support mobilisation	Means for voters to receive campaign information and updates
		Means for voters to connect with supporter groups
		Means for voters to download campaign materials
		Means for voters to forward campaign materials to others
		Contents targeting political opponents
	Targeting campaigns	Contents targeting political opponents' policies
		Contents targeting specific voter strata
		Means to make donations
	Resource generation	Merchandise shop Means to become a party member
		Means to become a volunteer
	Figure 1. The Conceptual Framework Proposed in This Study
	e-Campaigning practice	e-Content elements
		Political party's or candidate's information
		Candidate biography
		Press releases
		Policy statements
		Campaign news
	Information dissemination	Campaign events
		Speeches
		Contact information
		Information about the political party's or candidate's other
		online presences
		Campaign blogs without visitor comments allowed
		Instant chat/messaging
		Instant opinion polls
		Instant surveys
		Applications for interacting with the political party's or
	Voter interaction/engagement	candidate's policies Interactive calendar of campaign events
		Means to contact the political party or candidate
		Discussion forums
		Campaign blogs with visitor comments allowed
		Means to provide feedback


Jakob Svensson
email: jakob.svensson@kau.se

Power and Participation in Digital Late Modernity: Towards a Network Logic

Keywords: Digital Late Modernity, Identity, Network Logic, Political Participation, Power

Through theories of mediatization it is commonly understood that political institutions and participatory practices adapt to the logics of mainstream media. Today the overall media and communication landscape is becoming digitalized. Technological processes of digitalization evolve in tandem with socio-cultural processes of reflexivity and individualization in late modernity. Thus politics and participation will be adapting to an increasingly digitalized and individualized media and communication landscape. This is a theoretical paper with an aim to critically analyze how contemporary media and communication landscape will influence practices of participation. Through the concept of network logic it is argued that users are disciplined into responsive and reflexive communication and practices of constant updating. As a result of this political participation will be more expressive and increasingly centered around identity negotiation.

New Media, New Logics?

It is commonplace to claim the strong links between media and democracy. For example, the idea of media as a fourth estate suggests an understanding of media as an integrated part of democratic institutions and its practices, a component of the political system outside the official administrative realm [START_REF] Leaning | The Internet, Power and Society: Rethinking the Power of the Internet to Change Lives[END_REF]. Through concepts such as mediatization and media logic(s), it has been argued that media and politics no longer can be understood as two separate domains. Media is not only linked to politics and power, but described as sites out of which power and politics are exercised [START_REF] Altheide | Media Logic and Political Communication[END_REF], [START_REF] Hjarvard | The Mediatization of Society A theory of the Media as Agents of Social and Cultural Change[END_REF], [START_REF] Kepplinger | Mediatization of Politics. Theory and Data[END_REF], [START_REF] Street | Politics and Popular Culture[END_REF]. This brings attention to a double-sided process in late modernity in which the media emerge as an independent institution with a logic of its own that political institutions have to accommodate to [START_REF] Hjarvard | The Mediatization of Society A theory of the Media as Agents of Social and Cultural Change[END_REF]. For example politicians have to adhere to the dramatization style in media discourses, the increasing prominence of short sound bites, visuals and entertainment formats [START_REF] Altheide | Media Logic and Political Communication[END_REF], [START_REF] Kepplinger | Mediatization of Politics. Theory and Data[END_REF]. Hence, political life in its broadest sense has become situated within the domain of media [START_REF] Street | Politics and Popular Culture[END_REF]. Media logics thus shape not only what gets taken up in the media itself, but also in politics, whose voices get represented and in what way [START_REF] Dahlgren | Media and Political Engagement. Citizens, Communication, and Democracy[END_REF]. 1 What is happening today is that the media, whose logic political institutions are supposed to adhere to, is changing profoundly. This paper focuses on technological processes of digitalization. 2 There is no doubt that the Internet has changed the media and communication landscape profoundly, both as a phenomenon in itself, and as a locus for established/ traditional mass media to migrate to. The Internet is already established as the main locus for mediated communication and socialization among the young in connected societies [START_REF] Medierådet | Unga & Medier 2010. Fakta om barns och ungas användning och upplevelser av medier (Youth & Media 2010. Facts about children's and youths' use and perceptions of media)[END_REF]. This leads to structural, architectural and social developments with its own significance beyond the technical aspects of digitalization [START_REF] Leaning | The Internet, Power and Society: Rethinking the Power of the Internet to Change Lives[END_REF], [START_REF] Dahlgren | Media and Political Engagement. Citizens, Communication, and Democracy[END_REF]. Not the least digital technology is in a dialectical relationship with sociocultural processes of individualization and reflexivity in late modernity [START_REF] Bauman | The Individualized Society[END_REF], [START_REF] Beck | Att uppfinna det politiska; Bidrag till en teori om reflexiv modernisering[END_REF], [10], [START_REF] Lasch | The Culture of Narcissism. American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations[END_REF], hence I use the term digital late modernity [START_REF] Svensson | The Expressive Turn of Citizenship in Digital Late Modernity[END_REF]. In other words, digital technology is influencing the way we live, socialize and digital technology is increasingly shaping the way things get done, providing access of information and providing us with new tools for arranging and taking part in all sorts of activities, encounters and social agency [START_REF] Dahlgren | Media and Political Engagement. Citizens, Communication, and Democracy[END_REF]. The question then arises what happens with politics and participation when digital technology is starting to claim a dominant position for communication, information and entertainment?

Developments towards a more interactive technology (often described as a web 2.0 or social media) are discussed by some to have far reaching consequences for economy, sociability and not least for politics and participation [START_REF] Anderson | The Long Tail -How Endless Choice Is Creating Unlimited Demand[END_REF], [START_REF] Benkler | The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom[END_REF], [START_REF] Hilts | Modeling Social Media Support for Elicitation of Citizen Opinion[END_REF], [START_REF] Jenkins | Convergence Culture. Where Old and New Media Collide[END_REF], [START_REF] Shirky | Here Comes Everybody. How Change Happen when People Come Together[END_REF]. The Internet is conceived of as a remedy for all kinds of problem democracy is facing, not least the problem of declining participation in representative democracy [START_REF] Coleman | The Internet and Democratic Citizenship: Theory Practice and Policy[END_REF], [START_REF] Kies | Promises and Limits of Web-deliberations[END_REF]. While the Internet no doubt opens up new avenues for engaging in politics, the contribution of this paper to the academic discussion is to put forward a critical perspective of digital technology. The argument is that digital technology disciplines us into certain kinds of behaviors. To conceptualize these relations of power manifested through processes of disciplining, I will outline a concept I claim is emerging in digitalized and late modern societies; a network logic. This paper is thus based on deductive reasoning; when the overall media and communication landscape change, media logics will also evolve, and then politics and participation will be adapting to new circumstances bringing about new types of political participation.

This rather deterministic argumentation where media precedes politics and participation is easily falsifiable in its simplistic and causal reasoning. For example it has been argued that the Internet will not change much when it comes to covering, framing and depicting politics, politicians and elections [START_REF] Schweitzer | Mediatized Politics on the Internet. Evidience From a Multi-Level Analysis of German Online Campaigns in State, National, and European Parliamentary Elections[END_REF]. However media logics is not only about a causal lineage from media and communication platforms to political institutions. Even though political institutions have become increasingly dependent on 1 For empirical studies see Asp showed how the political system was influenced and adjusted by the demands of mass media and their coverage [START_REF] Asp | Mäktiga massmedier: Studier om politisk opinionsbildning (Powerful Mass Media: Studies of Political Opinion Formation)[END_REF]. A more recent study of the German Parliament from show that the quantity of information related activities have increased sharply whereas the quantity of decision-making activities has remained fairly constant, indicating that politics are becoming increasingly dependent of media coverage [START_REF] Kepplinger | Mediatization of Politics. Theory and Data[END_REF]. 2 Digitalization should be understood in tandem with processes of deregulation of media ownership, globalization, an increasing number of channels to navigate, and at the same time a concentration of media corporations, increasingly driven by profit maximization [START_REF] Dahlgren | Media and Political Engagement. Citizens, Communication, and Democracy[END_REF].

the media, they continue in some measures to control politics and the power of state bodies is still felt in the various communication channels of the Internet [START_REF] Leaning | The Internet, Power and Society: Rethinking the Power of the Internet to Change Lives[END_REF], [START_REF] Hjarvard | The Mediatization of Society A theory of the Media as Agents of Social and Cultural Change[END_REF]. Hence, instead of establishing a causal lineage from media, communication and culture to politics and participation, it is more accurate to conceive of these as in mutual and dialectic relationships to each other [START_REF] Leaning | The Internet, Power and Society: Rethinking the Power of the Internet to Change Lives[END_REF], [START_REF] Svensson | The Expressive Turn of Citizenship in Digital Late Modernity[END_REF]. In this paper I will first have to establish the characteristics of new media and digital communication landscape before I can discuss what a new logic looks like and how this new logic is influencing practices of political participation.

Towards a Network Logic

To establish the characteristics of the emerging media and communication landscape I will turn to Leaning [START_REF] Leaning | The Internet, Power and Society: Rethinking the Power of the Internet to Change Lives[END_REF] and his extensive literature review on the definitions of socalled new media. He contends that what is often referred to as the new are greater possibilities for convergence, interactivity, continuity, digitization, content that is individually stored and individually produced, greater opportunities for interpersonal communication and more personalized forms of media content. The Internet, digital communication and mobile accesses to the Internet are often referred to when discussing new media. The Internet has now been around for over two decades, but what is often considered as new, is developments awarding greater interactivity, often referred to as web 2.0 or social media. O'Reilly [START_REF] O'reilly | What Is Web 2.0. Design Patterns and Business Models for the Next Generation of Software[END_REF] argues that if a website is going to be defined as social, the user must be able to contribute to the content on that site. The user will have the possibility to control his or hers information, and the design is supposed to be interactive. The definition of Social Networking Sites (SNSs from here on) is more elaborate. Ellison & boyd [START_REF] Ellison | Social Network Sites: Definition, History and Scholarship[END_REF] defines them as different from other sites because they allow the user to articulate their social networks and making them visible to other users. SNSs are thus web-based services allowing individuals to create a (semi)public profile, connecting this profile to other users (often self-selected peers), whose contacts in turn will be made accessible by the service [START_REF] Ellison | Social Network Sites: Definition, History and Scholarship[END_REF]. The major difference from older mass media platforms is the amount of activity demanded of the user. Traditional media are often used more passively, as a background channel feeding the user with information, entertainment or just company. SNSs require the user to be more active, actively search for the kinds of information, entertainment, friends and linkages he or she wants. In this way, the user is also taking part in producing information, entertainment and spheres for social interaction [START_REF] Bruns | Blogs, Wikipedia, Second Life, and Beyond. From Production to Produsage[END_REF], leaving digital footprints behind that could be used for all kinds of purposes (such as marketing or surveillance [START_REF] Andrejevic | I Spy: Surveillance and Power in the Interactive Era[END_REF]).

Virtualization of sociability is one consequence of contemporary adaptation to the new media and communication landscape, going hand in hand with an increasing domestication of social institutions and a de-territorialization of cultural experience and social interaction [START_REF] Hjarvard | The Mediatization of Society A theory of the Media as Agents of Social and Cultural Change[END_REF], [START_REF] Anderson | The Long Tail -How Endless Choice Is Creating Unlimited Demand[END_REF]. Already Dewey [START_REF] Dewey | The Public and its Problems[END_REF] identified a movement away from the principle of territorial organization in favour of to what he called occupational organization. However, geographic location is still important for identification and socialization, even online, but geographically spread niche networks based in interest are made possible because digital technology makes it easier for like-minded to socialize from their home environments but over great distances [START_REF] Livingstone | Taking Risky Opportunities in Youthful Content Creation: Teenagers' Use of Social Networking Sites for Intimacy, Privacy and Self-expression[END_REF]. This suggests one character of the emerging network logic that has been widely referred to, the increasing possibilities of socializing with like-minded [START_REF] Anderson | The Long Tail -How Endless Choice Is Creating Unlimited Demand[END_REF], [START_REF] Benkler | The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom[END_REF], [START_REF] Jenkins | Convergence Culture. Where Old and New Media Collide[END_REF], [START_REF] Shirky | Here Comes Everybody. How Change Happen when People Come Together[END_REF]. The main outcome of increasing socialization along lines of like-mindedness rather than geography is unlimited access to culture and content of all sorts [START_REF] Anderson | The Long Tail -How Endless Choice Is Creating Unlimited Demand[END_REF]. This in turn implies a different and more complex connectivity, depending to a greater extent on cultural reflexivity [START_REF] Hjarvard | The Mediatization of Society A theory of the Media as Agents of Social and Cultural Change[END_REF]. For example, instead of passively receiving news, you may today chose/ tailor what news to be served and on what topics. The era of one fits all is thus proclaimed to have ended, and a market of multitudes emerging, with mass market turning into a market of niches, and mass culture turning into a massively parallel culture, in turn making it hard to tell where professionals leave off and the amateurs take over [START_REF] Anderson | The Long Tail -How Endless Choice Is Creating Unlimited Demand[END_REF], [START_REF] Bruns | Blogs, Wikipedia, Second Life, and Beyond. From Production to Produsage[END_REF].

However, we need to be given ways to find our niches, find like-minded with similar interests [START_REF] Anderson | The Long Tail -How Endless Choice Is Creating Unlimited Demand[END_REF]. This is where the network enters the arena as an increasingly important filter through which we take part of information and conceive of the world. Through networks of peers and like-minded we reflexively organize our social life, interact with each other, share and get information. Interactivity and interpersonal communication, which is celebrated as aspects of the newness of the Internet and digital communication, concerns activities and issues going on between people. This requires continuous communication. Given the increasing mobility of communication platforms and mobile access to the Internet through smart-phones, expressions and maintenance of network connections are taking place all the time, or at least have the possibility to take place all the time. I would thus argue that an important aspect of the emerging network logic is that it disciplines us to be constantly updated in the double sense of the word -to be updated of the doings in the network as well as update the network of our doings, thoughts and feelings. Livingstone's [START_REF] Livingstone | Taking Risky Opportunities in Youthful Content Creation: Teenagers' Use of Social Networking Sites for Intimacy, Privacy and Self-expression[END_REF] study of British teenagers use of SNSs underlines updating as a central practice. If someone comments on a profile they are most likely will be commented back and therefore some teenagers spend hours going from one profile to another to leave comments, something Livingstone conceives of as a necessity on order to reaffirm one's place within the peer network. Referring to my students' media diaries, it seems that the mere risk of missing out of something pushes them to have their smart phones with them and turned on wherever they are 24/7. The network logic thus pushes us to be updated in a double sense.

Increasingly important characteristics of the emerging network logic must be responsiveness and connectedness. This is illustrated in a study of the cell phone where informants claimed that the phone enriched their social life, furthering opportunities for self-expression at the same time as managing and remaking relationships with friends and family [START_REF] Pröitz | Mobile Media and Genres of the Self[END_REF]. On SNSs more prominence is put on socalled friends 3 and links to others than on the text being produced [START_REF] Miller | New Media, Networking and Phatic Culture[END_REF]. Less space is allowed for actual text than links to others. What seems to be at stake is the position within the peer network [START_REF] Livingstone | Taking Risky Opportunities in Youthful Content Creation: Teenagers' Use of Social Networking Sites for Intimacy, Privacy and Self-expression[END_REF]. Hence, on SNSs, the most important list is the list of friends and the point of social networking is to establish and demonstrate linkages and connections, rather than to engage in dialogic communication [START_REF] Miller | New Media, Networking and Phatic Culture[END_REF]. The larger the network the more secure the individual. And today large networks are possible because of digital technology such as e-mail, text messaging, SNSs and smart-phones. People are continually in touch because technologies even stand in for us, leading to a kind of connected presence in which we are constantly contactable. Hence Miller [START_REF] Miller | New Media, Networking and Phatic Culture[END_REF] proclaims content is not king, but keeping in touch is, further underlining connectivity and responsiveness as important values in the emerging network logic.

The urge to manage lists of friends and linkages to others will lead us to a shift from the narrative as a key form of cultural expression to the database as the prominent cultural form in digital late modernity [START_REF] Manovich | The Language of New Media[END_REF]. Databases are always in progress and thus the management of them can never be finalized [START_REF] Manovich | The Language of New Media[END_REF], and digital technology enable communication among an ever-widening circle of contacts [START_REF] Livingstone | Taking Risky Opportunities in Youthful Content Creation: Teenagers' Use of Social Networking Sites for Intimacy, Privacy and Self-expression[END_REF]. Hence the emerging network logic disciplines us to build and maintain our networks and possible surfaces of contact. Digital technology enable/disciplines us to codify, map and view relational ties between ourselves and others [START_REF] Livingstone | Taking Risky Opportunities in Youthful Content Creation: Teenagers' Use of Social Networking Sites for Intimacy, Privacy and Self-expression[END_REF]. The web has thus become an endless and unrestricted collection of texts, images, data records, sound bites, whose purpose it is to efficiently store and retrieve for potential later usage [START_REF] Miller | New Media, Networking and Phatic Culture[END_REF]. Foucault [START_REF] Foucault | Truth and Juridical Forms[END_REF], when outlining the different characteristics of power in what he labels disciplinary society, 4 refers to the power to extract and make use of knowledge from individuals and about individuals. Today when we freely engage in this surveillance on SNSs, the possibilities of this type of power are multiplied and thus the possibilities for database management also increases.

Intertwined with the increasing importance of managing and sustaining our networks through practices of updating, the network logic underlines processes of identification and reflexivity, resonated in theories of late modernity [START_REF] Bauman | The Individualized Society[END_REF], [START_REF] Beck | Att uppfinna det politiska; Bidrag till en teori om reflexiv modernisering[END_REF], [10], [START_REF] Lasch | The Culture of Narcissism. American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations[END_REF]. A continuous emphasis of the self as something that can be managed, is put upon the individual to such a degree that the self becomes a reflexive project [10]. The question who are we arises at the end of the 18 th century [START_REF] Foucault | The Political Technology of Individuals[END_REF]. Supervision in this time of reflexivity is carried out at the level of what one is rather than what one does [START_REF] Foucault | Truth and Juridical Forms[END_REF]. It thus seems that the late modern self, anxiously trying to confirm who she really is, uses digital technology to both monitor her identity as well as reaffirming it in front of selected others/peers. This takes the form of reflexive connectivity and reflexive responsiveness when making links to other users public (as well as causes, organizations, brands) and hence freeloading on their supposed connotations, connotations to which we whish to tie images of our selves [START_REF] Donath | Public Displays of Connection[END_REF]. Individuality is then both fostered, and dependent on the network since we most likely will be ignored without network visibility with references to other users.

Through digital technology we negotiate ourselves, and the other is incorporated into this negotiation, underlining a form of networked individualism [START_REF] Castells | The Internet Galaxy: Reflections on the Internet, Business and Society[END_REF], particularly illuminating for understanding the practice of linking the self to different users and networks in digital late modernity. Social networking online is becoming an integral means of managing one's identity, expressing who you are to others [START_REF] Livingstone | Taking Risky Opportunities in Youthful Content Creation: Teenagers' Use of Social Networking Sites for Intimacy, Privacy and Self-expression[END_REF]. Hence, being updated (in the double sense) is as much about the self as it is about the other, the collective or rather the network. As Livingstone's [START_REF] Livingstone | Taking Risky Opportunities in Youthful Content Creation: Teenagers' Use of Social Networking Sites for Intimacy, Privacy and Self-expression[END_REF] study show, British teenagers tend to foreground their links to others, expressing a notion of identity lived through managing authentic relationships. Hence online communication is not so much about narcissism as it is about embedding the self within the peer group [START_REF] Livingstone | Taking Risky Opportunities in Youthful Content Creation: Teenagers' Use of Social Networking Sites for Intimacy, Privacy and Self-expression[END_REF]. We are thus dealing with identity through connectivity. Digital technology has enabled individuals to act as social switchboards, centre points for multiple changing and overlapping networks of interaction. Already Dewey [START_REF] Dewey | The Public and its Problems[END_REF] pointed out that the individual could not be understood without considering his associations with others. Similarly Arendt [START_REF] Arendt | The Human Condition. 2 nd Edition[END_REF] underlined the presence of others to assure us of the reality of the world and ourselves.

We should thus not underestimate the disciplining effects of the new kinds of social practices online. It is almost as digital communication platforms pressure us to engage in continuous reflexive self-presentations, always ready to respond, connect and update. This is one reason to focus on a network logic in order to underline that these practices also carries with it a logic based in other kinds of norms and values to which we have to position ourselves. For example, blog norms and values gets revealed in policing practices of newbies who have to earn the personal respect of others through establishing their presence over time, demonstrating commitment to the community [START_REF] Hodkinson | Interactive Online Journals and Individualization[END_REF]. According to Foucault [START_REF] Foucault | Truth and Juridical Forms[END_REF] we are in the midst of a disciplinary society, an age of social control that started at the end of the 18 th century. What is constitutive of this society is that power is exercised through disciplining (and not through sovereignty), normalizing power and the knowledge-power formations that support these largely discursive practices. The control of individuals started to be performed by a series of authorities and networks of institutions of surveillance and correction (not only the judiciary) such as the police and the psychological, psychiatric, criminological, medical and pedagogical institutions [START_REF] Foucault | Truth and Juridical Forms[END_REF]. Disciplining should thus be understood as increasingly controlled and rationalized processes of adjusting activities, communication networks and power relations [START_REF] Foucault | Subject and Power[END_REF]. Hence, power is a type of relationship between people, influencing others actions rather than acting immediately upon others. In other words, the exercise of power disciplines people to act in certain ways, in turn structuring the field of further possible actions [START_REF] Foucault | Subject and Power[END_REF]. These power relations are rationalized through different logics operating in different contexts. For example social control was used at the end of the 18 th century in relation to the formation of capitalist society as a way to protect economic wealth [START_REF] Foucault | Truth and Juridical Forms[END_REF]. The question here is what social control is used for in digital late modernity? How does the network logic discipline the users of digital technology, and into what kinds of behaviors? Preferred behavior online, to be successful on digital communication platforms, you need to master a slightly new form of sociability, through database and friend management and through constant updating, negotiating and maintaining an attractive self on as many stages as possible in order for peers to visit your digital profile, leave comments and reaffirm your identity(ies) [START_REF] Livingstone | Taking Risky Opportunities in Youthful Content Creation: Teenagers' Use of Social Networking Sites for Intimacy, Privacy and Self-expression[END_REF]. This is a kind of power that reveals it-self in the continuous preoccupation with expressing and negotiating our selves and our positions, as well as interpreting others through the production, maintenance and sustenance of network visibility. Social control today would be the constant monitoring/ supervision of both oneself and others through practices of updating. Foucault's discussions of power can be applied remarkably well on digital communication platforms. He outlines a form of power that makes individuals into subjects, ties them to their identity by conscience and self-knowledge [START_REF] Foucault | Subject and Power[END_REF]. In other words the late modern reflexive subject is, following Foucault, a result of a form of power exercised upon it through surveillance that individuals willingly submit them selves to through practices of online networking.

Visibility and power has always been connected but in different ways across times [START_REF] Thompson | Medierna & moderniteten[END_REF]. When in antiquity the visibility of the few to the many was connected to power, in modernity being watched was connected to a subordinate position of being disciplined, a more subtle normalizing power of the gaze (in schools, armies, hospitals, penal institutions et cetera). In digital late modernity we are all visible all the time through a type of connected presence. This resonates with Foucault's [START_REF] Foucault | Truth and Juridical Forms[END_REF] well-known discussion of the panopticon. 5 We are objects of the constant gaze of others, but what is different today is that we are participating in this disciplining by free will in order to secure a place on the social arena and to negotiate an attractive self. In fact it is not all obvious whether being watched online and being used by others in their identity negotiation is exercising power or being subordinate to power. It all depends how skillfully the user navigates the new social arena and manages his or hers databases of friends and connections, how skillfully the user governs his or hers visibility in the different contexts and front stages digital technology offers. Foucault [START_REF] Foucault | Truth and Juridical Forms[END_REF] underlines that the individuals over whom power is exercised are those from whom the knowledge they themselves produce are extracted and used in order to control them. The central question today is thus to decide what shall be public and to whom. This decision is to a large extent put in the hand of the everyday user of digital technology. At the same time the network logic disciplines us to self-revelations online in order to reaffirm ones position in the social arena.

Another way of illustrating power relations in networks is through the metaphor of a filter, a network of peers influencing our decisions. Anderson [START_REF] Anderson | The Long Tail -How Endless Choice Is Creating Unlimited Demand[END_REF], who has theorized about Internet economy as a long tail of niche markets, summarizes the long tail in two principles, 1) making everything available and 2) helping us finding it. It is especially in the second principle relations of power comes into play. In the increasing buzz of information in digital late modernity, it is impossible to make an informed decision on what to choose. Life choices seem to be multiplying and the responsibility for making the right choices are increasingly put on the individual when modern institutions (family, church, social movements) looses in relevance. We are experiencing an ever-expanding range of elective identities that may be easily embraced or rejected. In other words we need guidance and this is one way our networks are increasingly influential, amplifying certain sites, while sorting out others since it would be impossible for us to process the value of all the different sites on offer [START_REF] Anderson | The Long Tail -How Endless Choice Is Creating Unlimited Demand[END_REF]. The network thus works as peer power/ pressure, informing us about the variety of choices but also what others before us have done in similar situations.

The network function as a filter, as a group of peers guiding/ influencing us in our choices, and the network disciplines us to share our experiences and making our choices and visible to others (the constant updating), argued by some to lead to a selfendorsed surveillance society [START_REF] Andrejevic | I Spy: Surveillance and Power in the Interactive Era[END_REF]. This is where I whish to return to the kind of reflexive expressiveness I have argued is the dominant rationale for our updating practices [START_REF] Svensson | The Expressive Turn of Citizenship in Digital Late Modernity[END_REF]. Also Anderson [START_REF] Anderson | The Long Tail -How Endless Choice Is Creating Unlimited Demand[END_REF] discusses expressiveness as a motivator. Down in the tail where distribution and production costs are low, business considerations are often secondary. Instead people create for other reasons such as expression, fun and reputation [START_REF] Anderson | The Long Tail -How Endless Choice Is Creating Unlimited Demand[END_REF]. Getting noticed is everything. Arendt [START_REF] Arendt | The Human Condition. 2 nd Edition[END_REF] notices that the public realm in ancient Greece was reserved for individuality and thus permeated by a spirit where everybody had to distinguish him or herself. Hence she points at the inevitability in politics of men disclosing themselves, though speech and action, as subjects, as distinct and unique persons. In my own work I have labelled expressive rationality as the motivational force in the digital late modernity [START_REF] Svensson | The Expressive Turn of Citizenship in Digital Late Modernity[END_REF]. With the increasing possibility of identity, a kind of do it your self-biographies emerges [START_REF] Livingstone | Taking Risky Opportunities in Youthful Content Creation: Teenagers' Use of Social Networking Sites for Intimacy, Privacy and Self-expression[END_REF], [START_REF] Hodkinson | Interactive Online Journals and Individualization[END_REF]. In other words users of digital technology are becoming more self-expressive.

In conclusion, it is through a network logic of connectedness and responsiveness, users of digital technology are disciplined into behaviours of continuous updating and reflexive self-presentations. Following the analogy with media logics and mediatization presented in the introduction, it is to this though this network logic that politics and participation is supposed to adapt. In the next and concluding section I will situate the above discussion of the network logic more specifically in the realm of politics and participation

Network Logic and E-Participation

When it comes to the de-territorialization of cultural experience and social interaction, digital technology seems to be accompanied with logics where not least placeless communication and mobility challenge the rather geographically bounded character of traditional political participation and sociability [START_REF] Dahlgren | Media and Political Engagement. Citizens, Communication, and Democracy[END_REF]. At the same time there seems to be a trend in a seemingly opposite direction, towards the local and neighbourhood. The domestication of social institutions afforded by digital media together with increasing reflexivity and blurring between boundaries of the public/ private dichotomy in late modernity, tend to underline single-issue engagement rooted in the local and everyday life experiences rather than in grand ideologies of modernity. Both these trends turn their back on the nation state as the defining boundary for political participation since participation in digital late modernity to a larger extent is organized around identity and lifestyle as Giddens' [10] concept life politics indicates.

The need to feel connected to an issue, evoking some kind of identity, has proven to be an important incentive for communication on websites set up by political institutions for civic deliberation [START_REF] Hilts | Modeling Social Media Support for Elicitation of Citizen Opinion[END_REF]. This I argue will be increasingly the case since the network logic pushes us to share our experiences through processes of updating. Then our choices of arenas and topics for political participation will be carefully and reflexively chosen since it will be increasingly likely that we share our doings in different digital networks. Life politics demands a certain kind of self-reflexivity in terms of making conscious choices on what to engage in, since this will be visible online and surveilled by like-minded and peers. Late modern individualisation is thus not only about the liberation of the individual from social regulation in modern institutions (such as the family, church and social movements) but also a demand to supply our life stories, to import our selves into our biographies through our own actions (Beck & Beck-Gernsheim, discussed in Leaning [START_REF] Leaning | The Internet, Power and Society: Rethinking the Power of the Internet to Change Lives[END_REF]).

It has been claimed that in the market of niches and multitudes afforded by digital technology, it is hard to tell where professionals leave off and the amateurs take over [START_REF] Anderson | The Long Tail -How Endless Choice Is Creating Unlimited Demand[END_REF], [START_REF] Bruns | Blogs, Wikipedia, Second Life, and Beyond. From Production to Produsage[END_REF]. This points towards both a personalization and de-professionalization of political participation. De-professionalization applies mainly to the lowering of threshold for anyone to launch a life-political campaign digitally, organize an online petition or engage and inform oneself in a reflexively selected topic. 6 Personalization relates to the salience of individual identity for making participation relevant as discussed previously. Personalization is also a trend in professional politics accompanied by the increasing use of SNSs [START_REF] Anduiza | The Internet, election campaigns and citizens: state of affairs[END_REF]. The network logic seems to be push politicians to be more personal when appearing in different media and communication platforms. Not least it seems that personality is used as a resource for attracting participation and support, which could be understood in light of the increase of reflexive participation in digital late modernity. When identity management becomes part of political participation, people will more likely tie their engagement to attractive personalities, personalities they whish to connect their selves and their biographies to. Digital communication platforms increases the possibility of identity negotiation and management through displaying links to others and causes and their supposed connotations, further underlining and pushing for reflexive do-it-yourselfbiographies as part of participatory practices [START_REF] Donath | Public Displays of Connection[END_REF], [START_REF] Hodkinson | Interactive Online Journals and Individualization[END_REF].

The peer-network Livingstone [START_REF] Livingstone | Taking Risky Opportunities in Youthful Content Creation: Teenagers' Use of Social Networking Sites for Intimacy, Privacy and Self-expression[END_REF] underlines in her study of British teenagers is also at work in political networks. My own study of a politician's use of SNSs indicates that politicians are more likely to comment among each other and within the party community than with outsiders and potential voters, even though this often is the explicit aim when using SNSs [START_REF] Svensson | on the Net. A Study of A Politician campaigning on Social Networking Sites[END_REF]. This confirms Millers [START_REF] Miller | New Media, Networking and Phatic Culture[END_REF] conclusion that the point of social networking is to establish and demonstrate linkages and connections, rather than to engage in dialogic communication. This also contradicts the utopic visions deliberative democrats have projected on the Internet under web 2.0 with its promise of interactivity [START_REF] Coleman | The Internet and Democratic Citizenship: Theory Practice and Policy[END_REF], [START_REF] Kies | Promises and Limits of Web-deliberations[END_REF]. Surely people interact online, but this interaction seems to take place among like-minded to a larger degree than with people of diverging opinion. 7 What we witness online is rather identity through displaying connections with peers than rational communication towards consensus. It thus seems that the late modern self, regardless if it is a politician or a teenager, is anxious to confirm who she really is and thus uses digital media to both monitor her identity as well as reaffirming it in front of selected others. In other words participation in general is becoming more self-expressive.

One implication on political participation of values of connectivity and responsiveness through practices of updating would be that we tend to reveal our political interests to a larger extent in digital late modernity. An American study from the 2008 presidential campaign showed that 20 percent of the survey sample had discovered the political interests of their friends by using SNSs [START_REF] Zhang | The Revolution Will be Networked. The Influence of Social Networking Sites on Political Attitudes and Behavior[END_REF]. This seems to counter Eliasoph's [START_REF] Eliasoph | Avoiding Politics: How Americans Produce Apathy in Everday Life[END_REF] well-known ethnographic study of American volunteers, where she contends that people tend to avoid politics. Through a network logic, where updating and sharing practices are highly valued, users are to a less extent shying away from making their political opinions visible to others in the network. Not only will we monitor and classify our connections (friends) online, we are also making ourselves subject to surveillance through displaying our selves, life choices and political preferences. In this way the information we share may be used to target information to us, not only for commercial purposes, but also for political spin, for professional political campaign strategist to tailor messages to specific target groups.

We use the Internet as a database of texts, images, data records, sound bites, and sometimes store this for later usage [START_REF] Miller | New Media, Networking and Phatic Culture[END_REF]. When participation move online, websites are envisioned and designed as resources for its users to access and become informed about the various political perspectives and plans in our surroundings and spheres of interest [START_REF] Hilts | Modeling Social Media Support for Elicitation of Citizen Opinion[END_REF]. In other words governmental, NGO and activist websites are not only used as tools for reflexive identity management, but also often supposed to function as databases for information gathering. Arguably one consequence of subscribing to newsletters, e-mail lists, joining facebook groups and linking our online personas to different reflexively chosen causes and politicians, is that we may potentially become engaged and participate when proposed actions fit with our life stories and can be combined with our every day life.

In this paper I have discussed the emerging network logic and how it intersects and work in tandem with evolving participatory practices online. When media and communication landscape change, participation will also evolve since media, communication and political participation are mutually dependent on each other. Digital technology is no doubt a wonderful thing, connecting people across the globe often lowering the threshold for political participation. However the emerging media and communication landscape is not free from relations of power. Therefore as critical scholars we need to attend to how the network logic disciplines users in different ways, favoring certain behaviors over others. Though we should be somewhat careful with an all-encompassing detached network metaphor. We operate in many different networks at the same time, where somewhat different logics dictate because of different contexts [START_REF] Postill | Localizing the Internet beyond Communities and Networks[END_REF]. Participating on an activist group's facebook page differs from participating in the mummy group online, even though the two groups may consist of largely the same persons. Digital networks and online interactions should also not be exaggerated over relative positions and field specific capital in localized offline environment [START_REF] Postill | Localizing the Internet beyond Communities and Networks[END_REF]. Hence, network logic cannot be understood without contextualizing in what social fields the network interaction takes place.

Friend is becoming an increasingly non-sophisticated way of labeling visible contacts online as Livingstone[START_REF] Donath | Public Displays of Connection[END_REF] points out.

This refers to a society that emerges n the late 18 th century beginning of 19 th century.

Following Bentham, Foucault discusses a mechanism of surveillance where one can supervise the many.

When it comes to professional politics the increasing use of spin-doctors and communication advisors rather points towards professionalization of politics.

Sunstein [41] claims this leads to in group polarization rather than consensus.