Zaaraoui
email: hind.zaaraoui@orange.com

Zwi Altman
email: zwi.altman@orange.com

Eitan Altman
email: eitan.altman@sophia.inria.fr

Beam focusing antenna array technology for non-stationary mobility

Keywords: Vehicular mobility, Multilevel beamforming, Multilevel codebook, Virtual small cell, Self-organizing network, Heterogeneous antenna system, 5G network, α-fair utility

The aim of this paper a is to study new antenna array technologies in order to manage efficiently heterogeneous, fixed and mobile traffic. Traffic light close to the cell edge is introduced to generate non stationary mobility pattern in the cell. A car following model is used to model the mobility behavior of the vehicles. A heterogeneous antenna system with different large antenna array technologies is considered: Virtual Small Cell (VSC), virtual small cell with Self-Organizing Network (VSC-SON) and beamforming with multilevel global codebook that manages the heterogeneous antenna system at the Base Station (BS). The first two technologies improve the cell performance due to the capability to focus the signal at the traffic concentration near the traffic light. The novel beamforming solution with global codebook can further and significantly improve performance due to the capability to focus the signal along the road and to implicitly balance the traffic between the different antennas. Numerical simulations illustrate the benefits brought about by the different antenna technologies.

I. INTRODUCTION

Large antenna array technology, with beam focusing capabilities has received recently intensive research and development efforts in view of increasing spectral and energy efficiency. This technology is likely to be among the main pillars of 5G networks in order to achieve the ambitious capacity targets [START_REF] Osseiran | Scenarios for 5G mobile and wireless communications: the vision of the METIS project[END_REF].

Three beam focusing technologies are considered here, adapted to environments with significant Line of sight (LoS) component. All three are considered and analyzed in the context of non-stationary mobility. The first technology is the Virtual Small Cell (VSC) or Virtual Sectorization (ViS), ( [START_REF] Galindo-Serrano | Virtual small cells using large antenna arrays as an alternative to classical HetNets[END_REF]), [START_REF] Tall | Virtual sectorization: design and self-optimization[END_REF]. It is noted that the term ViS is sometime used when the size of the virtual cell is large with respect to that of a small cell. VSC aims at covering remotely a localized traffic zone, e.g. a hot spot. The VSC is created by a narrow beam generated by an antenna array. It can constitute a cell with a distinct cell ID, and utilize the same frequency resources as the macro-cell (frequency reuse 1). While small cells can be used to cover locally concentrated traffic zone, the associated a This work has been partially financed by the ANR IDEFIX project.

deployment cost for the backhaul has motivated the study of the VSC technology.

The second technology is the VSC combined with Self-Organizing Networks (SONs). We consider the VSC and the macro-cell as a single logical cell with a single cell-ID, that dynamically shares frequency resources by means of a SON algorithm [START_REF] Tall | Virtual sectorization: design and self-optimization[END_REF]. While less resources are allocated to each of the cells (macro-and VSC), the mutual interference between them is suppressed.

Multilevel beamforming has been proposed for backhaul alignment [START_REF] Hur | wave beamforming for wireless backhaul and access in small cell networks[END_REF] and more recently, for the Radio Access Network (RAN) [START_REF] Tall | Multilevel beamforming for high data rate communication in 5G networks[END_REF]. The set of multilevel beams defines a codebook with a hierarchical form, from large coverage beams to more focused ones. In [START_REF] Tall | Multilevel beamforming for high data rate communication in 5G networks[END_REF], the concept of beam planning is proposed, namely the form of the beams is preoptimized to suit the specific need for coverage while taking into account basic geometric parameters of the cell. Multilevel beamforming can be efficiently applied to both Time Division Duplex (TDD) and Frequency Division Duplex (FDD), and is motivated by its capability to handle large codebook size with reduced complexity associated with feedback and processing. The high level focusing allows to minimize the interference generated at neighboring cells.

The third technology is a new generalization of the concept of multilayer codebook. We consider a heterogeneous antenna system of a single BS and one cell. Each antenna can support a single or a set of beams. All the beams of the heterogeneous antenna system comprise a single codebook, denoted here as the global codebook. In this system, the scheduler selects the users to be served according to a utility function (e.g. Proportional Fair (PF)), and then, the best beam from the global codebook is selected iteratively in TDD or FDD systems. The advantage of this solution is the beam selection and resource allocation for the heterogeneous antenna system that is performed at a millisecond time scale, hence allowing to react instantaneously to traffic variations. The load generated by the traffic served using the different antennas is implicitly balanced. Furthermore, the transmissions from the different antennas do not interfere with each other.

The paper analyzes the performance of the above three technologies in the context of non-stationary mobility. The analyzed scenario comprises a macro-cell with fixed users, crossed by a road. A traffic light located close to the cell edge generates a non-stationary mobility pattern [START_REF] Zaaraoui | Alleviating cellular network congestion caused by traffic lights[END_REF]. Periodic traffic cumulation occurs according to the traffic light periodicity. A simple car following algorithm (see Simulations and Numerical results section) is applied to account for the impact of grouped mobility.

The contributions of the paper are the following:

• Design of a multilevel codebook for serving traffic along a road • Introduction of the concept of a global codebook of beams for a heterogeneous antenna system of a BS. • Performance analysis and comparison of beam focusing technologies using antenna arrays for non-stationary mobility pattern The paper is organized as follows. Section II describes the system-, mobility-and propagation models and explains the utilized scheduling and beam selection algorithm. Section III presents the three beam focusing technologies investigated in the paper, including the VSC, the combination of VSC and SON, and the multilevel beamforming for a heterogeneous antenna system. The performance indicators are formulated in Section IV. The scenario description and the numerical results are described in Section V, followed by concluding remarks in Section VI.

II. SYSTEM MODEL

Consider a macro-cell with a BS located at its center. A road crosses the cell with a traffic light close to the cell edge, as shown in Figure 1. The BS has an omni-directional antenna with full cell coverage, and can have one or two additional antennas for the road traffic coverage according to the considered scenario. The reference scenario comprizes an omni-directional macro-cell antenna; The second scenario has an additional VSC antenna covering the area of the red light which is a hotspot like area; The third scenario comprises two antenna arrays with multilevel beamforming capability in addition to the macro-cell antenna (see Figure 4).

A. Traffic model

Mobile and fixed users are both considered in the cell. Fixed users can be located all over the cell surface (except on the road), while mobile users consist of vehicles moving along a one-way linear road from the left border to the right (Fig. 1). All users arrive with an exponential random inter-arrival time with parameters λ 1 and λ 2 that can depend on time:

• vehicular users arrive from the left border of the cell through the road (see Fig. 1 with intensity λ 1 ; • fixed users arrive uniformly on the cell surface with intensity λ 2 . The traffic light close to the cell edge creates a periodic congestion. In a previous work [START_REF] Zaaraoui | Alleviating cellular network congestion caused by traffic lights[END_REF] it has been shown how a heterogeneous network with a small cell and a suitable resource allocation can alleviate congestion and optimize performance. We consider here different approaches, namely VSC and an antenna array supporting multilevel beamforming as cost efficient alternative solutions which do not require backhaul deployment. While any antenna can serve both fixed and mobile users according to the attachment criterion, the macro-cell antenna serves mainly the fixed users, and the VSC and multilevel beamforming antennas serve mainly users on the road and its direct proximity.

B. Data rate and scheduling

Denote by R(x i , t) the mean data rate of a user located at position x i at time t. R(x i , t) depends on the considered scheduling, and is computed as the mean instantaneous data rate received during one second (see Fig. 2). The PF scheduler is considered throughout the paper, with a time step of 2ms. A user K(t) is selected by the scheduler if he maximizes a utility function defined as the ratio between its instantaneous and its mean data rates:

K(t) = argmaxi∈Users r(xi, t) R(xi, t) . (1) r(x i , t) = min(4.4, 0.6log 2 (1 + SIN R(x i , t)))
is the instantaneous data rate with modified Shannon formula [START_REF] Gpp | Evolved Universal Terrestrial Radio Access (E-UTRA); Radio Frequency (RF) system scenarios[END_REF]). SIN R(x i , t) is the signal to interference plus noise ratio of a user in position x i at time t

SIN Rs(xi, t) = Pshs(xi, t) N0 + k =s P k h k (xi, t) . (2)
s is defined by the best serving cell / beam for a user in position x i . The sum in the denominator is taken over the interfering signals from other BSs. P s is the transmitted power and the channel gain h s includes the fading F and the pathloss.

R(x i , t) is calculated as R(xi, t) = (1 -)R(xi, t -1) + 1 i=K(t) r(xi, t -1) (3)
with > 0 being a small averaging parameter. The scheduling algorithm depends on the coherence time of the radio propagation channel which varies with the user speed. In the present work, we assume that the mobile speed does not exceed 50km/h and that the coherence time is large enough for the scheduler to converge in one second, and in this case, the Proportional-Fair scheduler converges to Round-Robin one. We suppose in this paper symmetric fast fading statistics, namely all the users have the same distribution of fast fading. The second one corresponds to an environment with significant direct, LoS component between the transmitter and the receiver. Reference [START_REF] Viswanath | Opportunistic beamforming using dumb antennas[END_REF] shows that the Rician fading is the appropriate model in the case of opportunistic beamforming (LoS case). To simplify the analytical expression of the fading, we use the approximation of the Rician distribution by the Nakagami model [START_REF] Charash | Reception through nakagami fading multipath channels with random delays[END_REF] with parameters m and w:

f (x, m, w) = 2m 2 Γ(m)w m x 2m-1 e -m w x 2 1 x∈]0,∞] (4)

III. ANTENNA ARRAY BEAM FOCUSING SOLUTIONS

A. Virtual small cell (VSC)

A VSC is a remotely created small cell using an antenna array that radiates a narrow beam. The beam is directed towards the desired coverage area using antenna array techniques [START_REF] Tall | Virtual sectorization: design and self-optimization[END_REF]. The VSC antenna can be located beside the macro-cell BS antenna, thus avoiding backhaul deployment cost as in classical small cells. The VSC beam can either operate on the same frequency bandwidth as the macro-cell (and is denoted here as VSC) or can dynamically share the bandwidth using a SON algorithm (and is denoted as VSC-SON).

For sake of illustration, consider a N x × N z antenna array of vertical dipoles, at a distance of λ 4 from a square metallic conductor, with λ being the wavelength. To simplify the model, the reflector is approximated as an infinite Perfect Electric Conductor (PEC). The N x and N z elements in each row and column are equally spaced with distances d x = 0.5λ and d z = 0.7λ, respectively. The full antenna modelling is described in [START_REF] Tall | Multilevel beamforming for high data rate communication in 5G networks[END_REF], including the antenna tapering which considerably reduces the side lobe level.

While the smaller antenna which supports a wider beam in Figure 3a covers all the road, it is less focused and achieves lower SINR than the the more focused beam in Fig. 3b. The latter is designed to mainly cover the area of the traffic light where periodic congestion may occur. The resource allocation for VSC and VSC-SON is described presently.

1) VSC: Full frequency reuse consists of allocating the entire bandwidth to both the macro-cell and the VSC. A fixed power budget P is assumed, namely the BS power is shared equitably between the VSC, P v , and the macro-cell antenna, P m , P/2 = P m = P v . In this scenario, Significant interference can be expected between the macro-cell and the VSC.

2) VSC-SON:

The frequency bandwidth W is shared between the macro-cell and the VSC. A split factor, δ, dynamically optimizes the α-fair utility, U α , of the users' throughputs [START_REF] Zaaraoui | Alleviating cellular network congestion caused by traffic lights[END_REF]. We suppose here that α = 1, which corresponds to the PF scheduler utility. The objective is to remove the interferences between macro-cell and VSC. Denote by S s and S m the surfaces covered by the VSC and the macro-cell respectively. We want to find a time dependent δ that optimizes the αfair utility: U (δ) = x i ∈Ss log(δR(xi, t))

+ x i ∈Sm log((1 - δ)R(xi, t))dt.
The closed form of the optimal fixed frequency split factor δ(t) is given as follows [START_REF] Zaaraoui | Alleviating cellular network congestion caused by traffic lights[END_REF]:

δ(t) = Ns(t) Nm(t) + Ns(t) , (5)
where N s the number of users in the VSC and N m -in the macro-cell.

B. Multilevel beamforming for heterogeneous antenna system

Consider a heterogeneous antenna system comprising a macro-cell covering the entire cell and two antenna arrays that are able to follow the users along the road (see Fig. 4). 2) Multilevel global codebook: The beamforming with multilevel global codebook for the heterogeneous antenna system is described presently:

• Level 0 (Fig. 5a): A global coverage from the central macro-cell antenna (Antenna 1 Fig. 4) is used to select the user to be served; • Level 1 (Fig. 5b): Two beams are transmitted by the two parallel antenna arrays (antennas 2 and 3) to cover users on the road on the left and right of the BS; • Level 2 (Fig. 5c): each beam of level 1 is split into two more focused beams to achieve higher rates for vehicular users in the road; • Level 3 (Fig. 5d): beams of level 1 are split into 3 more focused beams than in level 2. To choose the user to schedule we use the PF algorithm with the best beam for each user over all the levels. In practice, to reduce complexity, one can design a scheduling algorithm in which the PF utility of a user is calculated for its present beam in level i and its direct neighbors in level i + 1 and i -1 in the multilevel tree of beams. One could think that at any case a user is served with the most focused beam (i.e. at level 3). However as {Beams level i} ⊆ {Beams level i-1}, if a user is between two beams in level 3 it is preferable to take an appropriate beam in a lower level.

IV. PERFORMANCES INDICATORS

A. Mean user throughput

The instantanaeous Mean User Throughput (MUT) is defined as following:

M U T (t) = 1 Nt N t i=1 R(xi, t). (6)

B. File transfer time

The File Transfer Time (FTT) for user i is given by :

F T Ti = min{ ∞ 0 (( dxi(t) vi(xi(t)) 1 v i =0 + 1v i =0)1x i <L)dt, ∞ 0 dσi(t) R(xi(t)) } (7)
where x i (t) the position of the user i at time t scaning the driving path of length L and that verifies the dynamic equation

dxi dt = v(x i ). dσ i (t)
is the volume data that can be transmitted during time dt (1sec). Denote by σ i (t) the volume data left to transfer for user i:

dσi(t) = min{R(xi(t))dt, σi(t)}. ( 8
)
We suppose that the mobile users start their data transfer from the left cell edge while entering in the cell. FTT in mobility (applicable also for fixed users) represents how much time a mobile user needs to transfer all his data as long as he is in the cell.

C. Throughput outage probability

In this section we compute the mean Throughput Outage Probability (TOP) of users. This KPI is the probability that the throughput T hp experienced by the users located in a given surface unit does not exceed some threshold γ. The expression for this probability is p = P (T hp < γ). Knowing that the throughput R(x, t) is a bijective function of SINR (Shannon formula supposing that the PF scheduler converges to the Round-Robin one):

p = P (T hp < γ) = P (SIN R < 2 γ W N t -1). (9)
We can compute this probability using Monte Carlo and the approximation in [START_REF] Zhao | Outage probability at arbitrary SNR with cooperative diversity[END_REF].

V. SIMULATIONS AND NUMERICAL RESULTS

Consider a scenario of a cell with a BS in the center and a road crossing it. We want to serve users with a highest throughput possible. A traffic light is located at the cell edge and creates a periodic congestion. Vehicular users move according to our mobility model defined in the next section. Six technologies scenarios are considered: macro-cell only, four VSC cases with fixed beams equivalent to level 1 and 3 (see Figure [START_REF] Tall | Virtual sectorization: design and self-optimization[END_REF] and TableIII) and finally the beamforming with mulitevel global codebook.

A. Mobility model

A deterministic behavior of mobile users is considered in our simulator. We implemente our car following algorithm which preserves their relative order (overtaking is excluded), i.e. ∀t:

xi(t) + vidt < xi-1(t) + vi-1dt (10)
where i is the i th car arriving in the cell, v i is its speed and x i -its position. There exists a parameters a < 1 (see Table II) such that (10) can be reformulated as follows:

vi = a (vi-1 + xi-1 -xi dt ) (11)
The car following algorithm is given in Table I. We rewrite the speed of the i th vehicle v i (t) = v i (x i , t), and denote by N t the number of users in the cell at time t.

TABLE I CAR FOLLOWING ALGORITHM                 
x 1 = 0, v 1 = 1 at t = 0; 1 st user initiatial conditions ; x 1 , x 2 , ..., xn are given at time t; v 1 dynamic evolution at time t+1; for i = 2 to n do:(evaluation of v i one by one)

v i = a (v i-1 + x i-1 -x i dt ); [dt = 1] end update all x i ← x i + v i dt
The first vehicle begins its constant deceleration from a safe distance to the traffic light position when the light turns red. The next car follows the behavior of the previous one according to the car following algorithm (Table I). We assume that a vehicle has a limited maximal speed.

B. Technologies performance comparison

In this section, we compare the six scenarios cited above. The group of users cumulated by the red light will end up leaving the VSC coverage and therefore another antenna system is needed to follow the vehicular users in the cell. Multilevel beamforming with global codebook could be an effective solution. The performance indicators covering the different cases are depicted in Figures 6 for the mean MUT, 8-9 for mean throughput outage probability and in Figure 7) for the mean FTT. One can see that the performance of the multilevel beamforming technology outperforms the VSC technology. The first point observed in the TOP curves (Fig. 8 and Fig. 9) is that for the case of macro only, as users are periodically accumulated in the traffic light at the cell edge, their data rate condition gets worst with the increased traffic congestion. The departure rate of users from the network decreases and the throughput gets lower which induces a sharp increase in the TOP as shown in Fig. [START_REF] Viswanath | Opportunistic beamforming using dumb antennas[END_REF]. We also notice that for the 6 cases the periodic behaviour of the curves is reduced as the degree of beam focusing is increased. To alleviate the impact of the congestion due to the red light, VSC and multilevel beamforming are investigated:

• VSC with beam level 1: full reuse and bandwidth sharing are both considered. In this case, the bandwidth sharing scenario is three times better than the full reuse one (see Fig. 6). The periodicity is almost lost in the bandwidth sharing (VSC-SON) case as departure rate of users is getting higher (better data rate is achieved). Moreover, the more the VSC beam is narrowed the higher are the cell and users performance.

• VSC with beam level 3: For the case of the narrowest beam (level 3), VSC and VSC-SON achieve similar MUT but differ in the FTT. The impact of the macrocell interference on the SINR becomes insignificant as the beam gets narrower: in Fig. 6 MUT in VSC-SON is only 10% higher than that of the VSC MUT in level 3 comparing to three times at level 1. • Beamforming with multilevel global codebook: one might expect that the radio performances of the cell for the multilevel beamforming would be the same as the VSC as it is the same beam focalised at the traffic light location for both cases. What makes the difference between these two cases is that vehicular users will leave the small cell as soon as the traffic light turns green. The impact of users leaving the VSC is shown through the high peaks in TOP: probability varying between 1.3% and 3% for the full reuse in beam level 3 (see Fig. 9). These peaks are not anymore periodic in these cases as the departure of users from the network becomes higher as data rate is bigger. The outage probability peaks disappear in the beamforming scenario (see Fig. 9).

The mean TOP in this case equals 0.7%. Users who leave the VSC have a significant impact on the network performance: MUT for multilevel beamforming is 40% higher than that of of the best VSC scenario i.e. with bandwidth sharing at level 3 (Fig. 6).

VI. CONCLUSION

This paper has considered three large antenna array technologies to efficiently manage fixed and mobile users: VSC, VSC-SON and beamforming with multilevel global codebook. We have shown how to adapt the concept of beam planning to construct a multilayer codebook for serving traffic along a road. The beams are designed a priori to fit the coverage needs along the traffic axis.It is shown that due to mobility, the beamforming with multilevel global codebook provides a significant performance in FTT, MUT and TOP with respect to the two VSC technologies. The better performance of the multilayer beamforming with global codebook is two folds: (i) additional focused beams are added which cover all the road, and (ii) the ressource allocation between the three antennas is made almost at real time which implicitly balances the traffic between all the antennas.

Fig. 1 .

 1 Fig. 1. Macro-cell with a road crossing it. A traffic light is located close to the cell edge. Mobile users enter the cell with intensity λ 1 , and fixed users arrive uniformly at the cell area with intensity λ 2 .

Fig. 2 .

 2 Fig. 2. Scheduling model

Fig. 4 .

 4 Fig. 4. Two antennas with multilevel beamforming capability cover the traffic along a road crossing the cell

Fig. 5 .

 5 Fig. 5. Beamforming with global multilevel codebook adapted to the road case

7Fig. 6 .Fig. 7 .Fig. 8 .

 678 Fig. 6. Mean user throughput in time for the six scenarios: Macro only (MO), VSC in full reuse level 1 and level 3 cases(VSC L1 and VSC L3), VSC-SON level 1 and level 3 cases (VSC-SON L1 and VSC-SON L3), multilevel beamforming (MB)

Fig. 9 .

 9 Fig. 9. Throughput outage probability for VSC in level 3 (Full reuse level 3) and multilevel beamforming (Beamforming) scenarios


PANEL: CONFUCIANISM (pre-modern history)

Chosǒn Confucian scholars' attitudes toward the Laozi KIM Daeyeol (INaLCO, Paris) Incontestably Confucianism, as a whole system of culture, was a dominant current to Korean society and provided models in almost every field of culture for Chosòn period.

If it was a model, a model for what was it? A cultural pattern has a role in relation with meaning or further purpose which man aspire to attain to. In working on a cultural model, we must distinguish the model from . This sort of question can arise in various fields and in particular we can think it regarding moral thought and religious behaviour, in which man throws his sight over the way of thinking, expressing, or seeking something more fundamental or ultimate. Then we can compare Confucianism or 'confucianization' to a keyhole through which we can begin to see an inner space of spiritual or religious world of Korean people for Chosòn period. In my today's talk, I would like to give an example by presenting some cases of Chosǒn literati whose attitudes toward the Laozi are interesting in this respect.

The established and general position of the Neo-Confucian orthodox school from the beginning of Chosǒn Dynasty is that Daoism is 'heterodox' (idan 異端). However, after about two centuries' evolution during which the Korean Neo-Confucianism developed on its own, the literati started to show diverse attitudes: tolerant, open or even receptive vis-à-vis the 'heterodox' tradition. For example: Daoist hygienic system was highly estimated and adopted in the former chapters of the Precious Mirror of Eastern Medicine (Tong'ŭi pogam 東醫寶鑑) published by a royal order; also, many poems of Confucian literati were inspired by the idea of Daoist Immortals' world.

With regard to Daoist philosophical ideas, several scholars of Chosǒn commented the Laozi and tried to interpret it differently from their predecessors. About twenty scholars also left shorter texts about this Daoist book. Some of them said, for example, that those who considered it as a heterodox text did not correctly understand it. In general, they read it while keeping their Confucian eyes. Still, it would show that, seen from this angle too, the boundaries between Confucianism and other traditions could be ambiguous for some intellectual groups in Chosǒn.

Five commentaries on the Laozi fully transmitted to the present day attract our first attention (see Table 1). Indeed, they are the subjects of very recently published research works (see Bibliography). Excepting Yi Ch'ungik, all of these commentators were well known authors and thinkers by their time, and moreover, they all occupied one of the highest official posts in government at a point of their life. In general, they found out that Confucianism and certain ideas from the Laozi can be in accordance with each other on the level of fundamental thought. Their central interests focus on principles and moral values to which Confucian literati adhere.

One of the pivotal figures in history of Korean Confucianism, Yi I left a commentary on the Laozi. This is characterized by an interpretation of the Laozi in a pure Confucian terms and point of view, as in the example of his reading of the word 'inaction' (muwi 無爲) into governing the people according to the 'decree of Heaven' (ch'ǒnmyǒng 天命). But, regarding the issue developed in this paper, the most interesting point is that a large part of his commentary selects the passages concerning 'making mind empty' (son 損) or 'frugality' (saek 嗇) and interprets them from the viewpoint of Confucian moral concerns related to 'self-cultivation' (ch'igi 治己) and 'governing the people' (ch'iin 治人). It raises an interesting question: why did this great Confucian scholar rely on the Laozi to remind the fundamental moral duty of Confucian literati? In the epilogue to his commentary, he deplores that moral persons are too rare in his time, as if he were warning the leading class of Confucian society of his time by professing the moral instructions drawn from the Laozi.

As to Pak Sedang who frankly criticized Zhu Xi, he exposed in his commentary Daoist characteristics different from those Confucians but tried to prove that basically these Daoist characteristics are not contradictory to Confucian logic and thought. This attitude is also seen in the commentary of Sǒ Myǒng'ŭng. Considered as one of the pioneers of 'Northern learning school' (pukhakp'a 北學派), Sǒ Myǒng'ŭng even introduces in his interpretation of the Laozi some proper Daoist cosmological notions (as chǒng 精, ki 氣, sin 神) or practical ideas (as yangsaeng 養生). Moreover, he explains the criticisms in the Laozi against some Confucian ideas ('sense of humane' (in 仁), 'sense of just' (ŭi 義), 'learning' (hak 學), for examples) and tries to clarify the real meaning of these criticisms. For him, this is not contradictory to but even accordant with Confucian fundamental spirit. This kind of attempt is also seen in the commentary done by Yi Ch'ungik. A scholar of the Kanghwa school, a Korean Yangming school, entirely dissociated from orthodox Zhu Xi-ism, he even called the author of the Laozi as a 'mysterious sage' (hyǒnsǒng 玄聖).

Hong Sǒkchu is one of the central figures of the history of Confucian ideas in 19 th century Korea. While being widely interested in diverse intellectual traditions out of Confucianism, he tried to replace the perspective of 'ordering the world' (kyǒngse 經世) in the center of the Zhu Xi-ist Neo-Confucianism. In his close examining of the similarities and the differences between the ideas of the Laozi and Confucianism, he finds out that some ideas of the book are closer to Confucianism, not only than the individualism of later Daoists, who were only looking forward to their salvation, but also than the immorality of vulgar Confucian literati, and even than both of the dhyāna school of Buddhism and the Yangming school of Neo-Confucianism who neglect the necessity of accumulating efforts at learning, which Confucianism advocates. While scrutinizing the limits of the Laozi, however he also elucidates valid meanings of this Daoist book expressed in its peculiar ironies, which were employed only to criticize the abuses of it's time disguised with moral virtues.

In addition to these commentaries, some shorter but not less significant texts for my argument confirm that many Chosǒn Confucian literati read and even appreciated the so-called 'heterodox' writing (see Table 2). These texts appeared from the beginning of the 16 th century on. Before Yi I, Yi Haeng declared that the Laozi deserved esteem, and Sin Hŭm, contemporary with Yulgok, sang that it enlightened him and made his mind empty. The latter also argued that the author of the Laozi didn't consider the Confucian Daeyeol KIM, AKSE 2007 4/6 virtues as defects, but that he was distressed about the loss of the Way and the Virtue, and that its profound meanings were distorted by later Daoists and Buddhists. Along with Sin Hŭm, Hǒ Kyun expressed a similar opinion and Chang Yu agreed with Yi Haeng to say that the Laozi should not be neglected. Since Yun Hyu, many of them balanced their criticisms against the Daoist book with the esteem they expressed about it.

On the one hand, they underlined its limits : for example, the Laozi concerns the principles of things (mulli 物理) not those of human being (Yun Hyu, Cho Kumyǒng), or it talks about the Dao without careful consideration. "He was good in beholding the Dao, wrote Im Sangdǒk, but not good in expressing it." On the other hand, they regretted that people, even Confucian literati, did not rightly understand these five thousands words and criticized what could not be criticized (Yi Tǒksu, Im Sangdǒk, Yun Ki). In Yi Tǒksu's opinion, one could easily misunderstand the book's profound meanings about Dao because of its ambiguous and subtle expressions, and one could thus be misled as most of Daoists were; but one should meet ultimate beauty and joy in the idea of frugality and of lack of concern expressed in the book 1 .

To conclude, we could at first underline the fact that most of these literati were high officials in government, that is to say, not marginal persons but central, active and influential figures in Chosǒn society. This seems me to raise an important question in relation with the general issue of our panel: to what degree did the founders of the Zhu Xi-ist school and Korean Neo-Confucian predecessors have authority on later Confucian literati? We can say at least that the attitudes of these literati toward the Laozi are not dogmatic or sectarian. More than to certain canonic texts, schools, or charismatic persons, they referred to comprehensive principles or fundamental values, which could possibly weaken the Confucian identity. Further research should be done in order to confirm this interpretation and to understand better these positive attitudes regarding the Laozi. The cases analyzed in this paper, however, seem to suggest the idea of an erosion of the border line between orthodox Confucianism and philosophical Daoism, coming from the very side of Confucian literati group itself. After all, beyond these misty and instable boundaries between Confucianism and the other intellectual 1 李德壽, 老子要解序.

Daeyeol KIM, AKSE 2007 5/6 traditions of Chosǒn society, it may be more judicious to ask what were the practical goals or ultimate concerns in the quest of which some groups of Chosǒn literati in their proper circumstances adopted Confucian legacy as one of the available ways. 13 『立齋先生遺稿』,卷之十五, 辨. This text is not to discuss on the idea of the Laozi but to argue that the person with whom Confucius is known to have learned about the rites is not Laozi but Laodan and that the latter had not written the five thousands words, namely the Laozi.

14 『東谿集』, 卷之七, 雜著.

15 『保晩齋集』, 卷第二, 詩.

16 『李參奉集卷四』, 文.

17 『無名子集文稿册十』, 文.

18 『五洲衍文長箋散稿』, 道藏雜說, 經史篇/道藏類.

Table 1 : commentaries

 1

	Name	Date	One of the highest official posts/grades occupied by person	School	Commentaries
	1 李珥	1536-1584 判書 (正二品)	西人	醇言
	2 朴世堂 1629-1703 判書 (正二品)	少論	新註道德經
	3 徐命膺 1716-1787 判書, 大提學 (正二品)	北學派	道德指歸
	4 李忠翊 1744-1816 X	江華學派 談老
	5 洪奭周 1774-1842 左議政 (正一品)	老論	訂老

Table 2 : others texts Name Date One of the highest official posts/grades occupied by person School Texts

 2 Tongsǒ ch'ǒlhak yǒn'gu 동서철학연구, n° 24, p. 115-134. KIM Hak Mok. 2003. "Yǒnch'ǒn Hong Sǒkchu ka Todǒkkyǒng ŭl chusǒkhan mokchǒk" 淵泉 洪奭周가 道德經을 주석한 목적, Ch'ǒlhak yǒn'gu 철학연구, n° 60, p. 5-24. KIM Hak Mok. 2004. "Kanghwa hakp'a ŭi Todǒkkyǒng chusǒk e kwanhan koch'al -Ch'owǒn Yi Ch'ungik ŭi Ch'owǒn tamno rŭl chungsim ŭro" 江華學派의 『道德經』 주석에 관한 고찰 -椒園 李忠翊의『椒園談老』를 중심으로 -, Tongsǒ ch'ǒlhak yǒn'gu 동서철학연구, n° 34, p. 277-299.

	1 李荇	1478-1534	左議政 (正一品)	X	讀老子 2
					老子吟 3
	2 申欽	1556-1628	判書 (正二品)	西人 ?	讀道德經
					書道德經後
	3 許筠	1569-1618	參議 (正三品)	大北 ?	老子 4
	4 鄭忠信 1576-1636	兵馬節度使 (從二品武官)	X	讀老子有感 5
	5 張維	1587-1638	右議政 (正一品)	?	老子見道體 6
	6 尹鑴	1617-1680	判書 (正二品)	X	老子道德經序 7
	7 朴世堂 1629-1703	判書 (正二品)	少論	讀老子 8
	8 任相元 1638-1697	判書 (正二品)	X	讀老子 9
	9 李德壽 1673-1744	判書, 大提學 (正二品)	X	老子要解序 10
	10 鄭來僑 1681-1759	僉知中樞府事 (正三品武官, 中人出身)	X	讀老子 11
	11 林象德 1683-1719	牧使 (正三品)	少論?	老子論 12
	12 姜再恒 1689-1756	縣監 (正六品)	少論	問禮於老子 13
	2 『容齋先生集』, 卷之五, 南遷錄.

3 『象村稿』, 卷之八, 七言古詩. 4 『惺所覆瓿藁』, 卷之十三, 文部十, 讀.

5 『晩雲集』, 卷之一, 詩. 6 『谿谷先生漫筆』, 卷之一, 漫筆. 7 『白湖先生文集』, 卷之二十二, 序.

8 『西溪先生集』, 卷之二, 詩. 9 『恬軒集』, 卷之九, 詩.

10 『西堂私載』, 卷之三, 序. 11 『浣巖集』, 卷之二, 詩. 12 『老村集』,卷之三, 論. 18 Selected bibliography KEUM Jangtae 금장태. 2006. Han'guk yuhak ŭi Noja ihae 한국유학의 『노자』이해 (Interpretations and Commentaries of Lao Tzu in the History of Korean Confucianism). Seoul National University Press. KIM Hak Mok 김학목. 2002. "Chosǒn yuhakchadŭl ŭi Todǒkkyǒng chusǒk kwa kŭ sidae sanghwang -Sunǒn, Sinju Todǒkkyǒng, Chǒngno rŭl chungsim ŭro -" 조선 유학자들의『道德經』 주석과 그 시대상황 -『순언』 『신주도덕경』 『정노』를 중심으로 -,


teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers.

I present here some preliminary observations in a research project which aims at describing and understanding the meanings of practices from Korea of the 18 th and 19 th centuries that either claim the Confucian tradition or are closely associated with it. In the present paper, I try to look into the way a Chosǒn king made use of the Confucian tradition and its ideology for state affairs, in particular to reinforce his political power.

In the political history of religions, the exegesis of canonic texts has been used as a political mean. It constitutes one of the essential facets in the history of Confucianism which regards good government as one of the ultimate purposes of the tenet. As it is well known in the history of Korea (and also of East Asia), studying the canonic texts was not only necessary for the candidates to pass civil service examinations but also recommended or officially imposed to princes and even monarchs. Higher officers read the canonic texts with monarchs in kyŏngyŏn 經筵 or "Royal Lecture". These lectures should have played a fundamental and intensive role in the political dynamics and human relationships of the Court, considering the well-known rivalry between monarchical and bureaucratic power in the Korean history.

During the Chosŏn period, the royal lecture was intensified and its role was enlarged to a policy council. It provided occasions allowing literati officers not only to inculcate the Neo-Confucian ideal on kings but also to give them moral admonitions as well as political criticisms. It functioned in fact, in most cases, as a means for literati officers to restrain the power of the king. However, it is also known that some kings, such as Yŏngjo 英祖 (r. 1724-1776) and Chŏngjo 正祖 (r. 1776-1800), utilized the royal lecture rather to reinforce their political authority.

But there are remarkable differences between these two kings in terms of practice as well as strategy. At the beginning of his reign, Yŏngjo behaved as a humble and scrupulous student by continuous striving and sincere commitment in lectures, in the quest of acquiring moral authority vis-à-vis his officers; his conquest of authority depended on their recognition of his sagacity. Nevertheless progressively King Yŏngjo turned into an arbiter, eventually compared himself to the sages even though indirectly, and at last introduced his own writings in the royal lectures. He remained however true to the Neo-Confucian ideology of Zhu Xi's school, or that of the literati. Unlike Yŏngjo or his grand-father, King Chŏngjo manifestly did not need the stage for acquiring acknowledgement and credentials from his officers. His objective as to the royal lecture was less to obtain personal moral authorityperhaps it had already been done by his grand-fatherand more to restore a Confucian primitive worldview that might legitimate the monarchial authority. He tried to carry out this project through an education of officers by restoring and intensifying the study on Classics as well as through his own charisma.

Since the beginning of his reign in 1776, Chŏngjo established several institutional apparatus to this aim. During that year, with "continue to achieve the ideal of ancestors" as a slogan and "restore the order and the system by rectifying relaxed moral duty" as an explicit objective, he restored and expanded the functions of the Kyujanggak 奎章閣 instituteof which the original function had been to preserve the royal compositions and calligraphies, and which had been seen as a symbol of dynastic authority in the eyes of literati officers. However, the king's real intention was to win the talent over to his side and educate them in order to make up the base of his influence. In 1781, he set the institute in a greater place in the The way in which Chŏngjo attended these lectures and examinations is particularly worth our attention. Though he questioned like his ancestors did, he did that less to learn and more to problematize and to channel discussion along his desired course, or even to test or correct his officers. Frequently, after their answers, he settled different opinions or interpretations and made a conclusion. Sometimes, when unsatisfied with the answers provided, the king gave his opinions and then the officers in their turn admitted that they were not able to answer his questions or understood the subjects in question thanks to his illustrations. Indeed, it is the king who led and dominated discussion, and in this way controlled discourses. Afterwards his first lecture at Imunwon, he received a vivid reaction from the literati : some days after, an officer in charge of the royal lecture, Chŏng Ch'angsŏng 鄭昌聖 (1724~?), presented him a memorial claiming that the king should continue to ask questions even though his scholarship was so high that no one among his officers could equal him and allow the literati to state their opinion and debate freely. The literati officers could sense a crisis not only in their relationship of master-disciple with the king but also in their political status implicitly guaranteed in the Neo-Confucian ideology. Later, Kim Chongsu 金鍾秀 (1728~1799), who was appointed 'Scholar' (提學)the highest officer of Kyujanggakand was part of the Pyŏk 僻 faction, pointed out the king's original motive for the inauguration of the institute and criticized his haughty attitude which prevented literati officers from speaking without At first, the king showed a constant concern about the formation of the Classics and its authenticity. This could reveal the limit of the Chosŏn 'orthodox' tradition of Zhu Xi school which had a tendency to unquestioningly admit or corroborate received interpretations on the canonic texts. As such it could weaken the literati group's academic authority. Secondly, in questions dealing with the notion of 'original nature' (性) which Zhu Xi generalized (性=衆理 ), the king differentiated it (性=性分) and underlined the difference in nature between king and non-king. Thirdly, he frequently held talks evoking the Ancient sage kings.

Fourthly, through the expression of 'king-professor' (君師), he replaced literati by monarch in the Neo-Confucian association schema of 'government-literati' and matched the transmission of the Confucian doctrine (道統) and that of the kingship (王統). Fifthly and lastly, as to the Great Learning which Neo-Confucian literati considered rather as a guide for the selfcultivation, he treated it as a text for governing.

Whether the king's sayings on these classics could be considered or not as new commentaries, it seems certain that he intended to change the ancient discourses on the classics in order to construct new ones, and thereby to own new political and cultural hegemony.

  Ch'angdŏk Palace. He then extended the royal lecture by organizing it in Kyujanggak as well as in Hongmungwan 弘文館 where the royal lecture on the Classics used to take place. The Annals reports in details on the first royal lecture at Imunwŏn 摛文院office house of the Kyujanggakwhich occured on the 18 th day of the 3 rd month in 1781. The article on the lecture begins by describing a solemn opening ceremonial procedure with the burning of incense, the playing of music, the entrance in procession and the salutation of the officers to the king, etc. Moreover, a special education program for young officers, Ch'ogye munsin 抄啓文臣 or "singled out and recommended civil officers", was newly associated with the Kyujanggak institute. Scholars thirty-seven years old or younger, who had just passed the state examination, they would belong to the Kyujanggak and engage in scholarly activities focusing on reading the Four Books and Three Classics and training themselves to various (about 30) literary styles of compositions. And, having turned forty, they were exempted from this program but during their engagement, they could enjoy privileges including guarantee of the person's status and exemption from affairs other than study. Examinations on reading, kang 講, and composing, che 製, were regularly held. For the kang, there were the kwagang 課講 done twice a month by the examiners approved by the king and the ch'ingang 親講 given once a month by the king himself. Regarding the che, it occurred monthly, once with the examiners (課試) and once with the king (親試). In 1781, on the 18 th day of the 2 nd month, the first twenty Ch'ogye civil officers were nominated. The program continued during twenty years, producing one hundred thirty-eight men of talent under the reign of Chŏngjo. The 10 th day of the 3 rd month, the Imunwŏn of Kyujanggak was moved to a new place; the 18 th day of the same month, as was mentioned above, the king inaugurated the royal lecture at Imunwŏn by reading the Reflections on Things at Hand; the 19 th day of the 4 th month, at the Sŏngjŏnggak 誠正閣 where the crown prince studied, the king attended for the first time the examination of the Ch'ogye officers. The Chŏngjo's lecture was not limited to the Ch'ogye officers but extended to the officers of Imunwon and Hongmungwan, to the students of Sŏnggyungwan 成均館 and even to provincial literati.

  hesitation. Even Chŏng Yagyong 丁若鏞 (1762-1836), one of the ancient ch'ogye officers and favorite subjects of the king, lamented the inappropriate, inefficient and excessive control practice of the ch'ogye program putting literati officers into an awkward position. The king's questions were not simple interrogations but almost always were preceded by some definitions or remarks in which he analyzed, deconstructed or challenged the Neo-Confucian commentaries on the Classics before indicating problems. These questions, related to general or detailed problems in the reading and the understanding of the texts, they also included the king's basic point of view. They could convey the king's opinion under the guise of academic enquiries or encouragements. The scholarly program established by the king for his literati officers was eventually an academic way, among others, to consolidate his political position. In these lectures and examinations, Chŏngjo continued to prove himself to be a genuine scholar, superior to any other literati officers and conveyed the idea that the monarch was in the very best position to govern the State. His questionings and discourses were themselves the announcement of a return to the original Confucianism in which the monarchial authority had never been challenged.His view on classical studies can amply be found in the Kyŏngsa kangŭi 經史講義 orLectures on Classics and histories, in 56 fascicles 券, occupying one third of the Hongjae chŏnsŏ 弘齋全書, or Integral Collection of the King Chŏngjo's Works. The Lectures are in fact a collection of the questions raised by the king and the answers provided by his literati officers on issues concerning the Confucian Classics and some canonical texts on history and administration. Some characteristic ideas which could be related to his intention to reinforce the monarchical authority were observed through the analysis of his interrogatory discourses.


As much as their originality, the important volume and variety of subjects dealt with in Tasan's works are an object of admiration. If these remarkable accomplishments are at times attributed to his genius or the time available to him during his eighteen-year exile, it is nonetheless pertinent to also investigate his practice of study for an explanation. An intellectual tradition is not only summed up by its contents, but is also equally constituted, among other things, of its approaches, methodologies, and work and production methods.

Moreover, the practice of learning (or method of work) can also serve to set parameters in order to characterise an individual or a group in the same scholarly social milieu. In the writings classified as "miscellanies" (雜文), Tasan lays out concrete propositions and teachings concerning what study, reading, writing, and editing should be. The aim of this paper is to bring together the relevant elements contained in his writings connected to this subject and make a preliminary synthesis of studies already completed on this question.

Let us begin with the kind of study that he adhered to. Tasan is commonly known as a thinker who opposed Zhu Xi Neo-Confucianism and who succeeded in breaking through the limits that were apparent in this tradition in his time. However, the most recent studies are agreed that Tasan did not resist, but on the contrary, attempted to renovate tradition by restoring its fundamental spirit. If scholars at the threshold of the 20th century invented the « Sirhak » (實學) stream in Korean intellectual history through positing a dichotomy between the real/practical (實) and the abstract/empty (虛) in order to distinguish the present from the past, or modernity from pre-modernity, Tasan used this same dichotomy not to break with tradition, but rather to criticise the present and reclaim the past. He distinguished in particular five types of learning in his time.

More exactly, he criticises five groups of scholars. Scholars engaged in the study of Nature and Principle (性理之學) come first, because, according to him, they retire from public life and refuse to serve in official posts, or are only interested in the posts of commentators or presenters at the colloquia on the Classics or as teachers of the Crown Prince. From what remains from among around 500 works that he produced, there are 232 kwon of studies on the classics and 260 kwon of various other works 6 .

As to the kind of attitude to adopt towards study and learning, Tasan evokes the study of the ancients, which according to him "consists of having a vast knowledge, minutely questioning and scrupulously reflecting, distinguishing with clarity and putting into practice with sincerity". He finds that his contemporaries aspire only to have a vast knowledge and are not interested in the rest. He is particularly concerned with action, at least as much as with theoretical considerations. It is this pragmatic spirit that underscores his reformist ideas and his criticisms of the irrationality and ineffectiveness of contemporary society, as well as his thought concerning practical morality which was designed to refute the discussions of his time on metaphysical subjects. The learning of a « true scholar » (眞儒之學), he says, does not merely consist of «writing, commenting, and training in etiquette»; it also has to contribute to « administering the country, helping the people live in peace, repelling the barbarians, making the economy prosper, and being in possession of literary knowledge and military strategy» 7 . 8 . In the same vein, he recommends bringing together in one's writing the quotation of classical texts and examples taken from historical texts. « A scholar (士) is an official (仕) » 9 .

One of the unique features of Tasan's methodology of study and learning is first of all the technique of « prompt note-taking" (疾書). Yi Ik 李瀷 (1681 -1763) had already advocated this method and according to him, Zhang Zai 張載 (1020 -1077) had practised it in his work, the Zhengmeng 正蒙. The first step in this method consisted of asking questions about the Classical texts and the commentaries and reflecting on their meaning. This would be followed by immediately writing down the ideas that came to mind thanks to multiple periods of reflection. Questioning and note-taking needed to continue until one arrived at a satisfactory understanding of the meaning. The aim of this method was not to criticise the opinions of the ancients in a spirit of systematic scepticism, but rather to form a solid personal opinion through perfect understanding10 . Yi furthermore denounces the attitude of scholars who exactly copy the opinion of others without questioning and who do not come up with new ideas. He recommends questioning oneself even on the commentaries of Zhu Xi so as to arrive to a satisfactory understanding for oneself, since this would be following Master Zhu's own attitude of subjective commentary. This method was appreciated and followed by the disciples of Yi Ik's school,11 who considered Zhu Xi's commentaries as one of the possible interpretations. Tasan recommends the same thing in several of his writings: a careful reading of the Classics should be followed by research and reflection in order to find the meaning. Moreover, this work would not be fruitful were it not for « quick note-taking » of one's train of thought (隨所思卽行箚錄)12 . It is not difficult to imagine that this kind of reading would permit the reader to attain a personal understanding, a creative appropriation of the text, and an open reflection on oneself and the society in which the reader would find himself 13 . Apart from this, Tasan often underlined the necessity of having his own authentic and subjective opinions and refused to renounce his will and intelligence in order to only follow the ancient commentaries14 . He was so faithfully associated with this method that he was often noted or even reproached by his colleagues for questioning ideas that had been viewed as authoritative and bases of reference.

Another point that characterises Tasan's study and learning and that of the school to which he belonged to was frank and free discussion and exchange between colleagues.

Before Tasan's time, Yi Ik already considered that the practice known as "mutual enrichment" (麗澤) was one of the teachings of the ancient masters and was a way of learning that should be followed by his disciples. The practice consisted of encouraging learning between master and disciple and between colleagues through presentations and discussions. It was recommended to ask questions concerning that which was found in the text and was considered a useful, even necessary way of resolving problems when a scholar alone could not find a solution. According toYi Pyǒnghyu (1711 -1776), in their study meetings, Yi Ik's disciples did not hesitate to bring forth their questions and did not make valueless concessions in order to submit themselves to another opinion. These were therefore not conferences where disciples would learn and approve "orthodox" doctrines, but rather they were exchanges by which they helped each other to advance their personal understanding of the subject in question. The mutual re-reading of writings also seems to have been common in the milieu surrounding Tasan.

This exchange was done in two different ways: exchanges of letters and face-to-face discussion. According toYi Ik, Yi Hwang apparently considered the first method as an excellent way to exchange developed ideas. In a letter addressed to Yi Samhwan, Yi Ik's great-grandson and one of his own direct disciples, Tasan reiterated that it was necessary to write letters to ask questions and discuss points on which doubts had not been dissipated, even after investigation15 . He even advocated discussion between three or even more people (大夫相訟); he asked the opinion of a third person concerning a debate that he had already had with another colleague. In a large part of his correspondence, Tasan applies this practice or recommends it to his colleagues or sons. As to face-to-face discussions, we are aware of two representative cases. In the meeting at Chuǒ monastery at Ch'ǒnjinam in 1779, Tasan got acquainted with Catholicism through Yi Pyǒk. In the discussion at Sǒk'am in Onyang in 1795, Tasan put forth a different opinion from that of Yi Samhwan in defence of Yi Pyŏk's ideas 16 .

For Tasan, the task of writing was an organised development of knowledge that was useful to humanity and society. The work starts with the choice of a subject to undertake.

The criteria for this did not differ from that he placed on reading 17 . Once a subject was chosen, a plan for writing was necessary. This was done by laying out an outline or provisional table of contents, followed up by research into sources and references 18 . This was followed by the collection of works and documents, the examination of studies already completed on the subject, the determination of the content to be addressed in each part of the outline, and determining the size of the work. This needs to be adapted to the proposed audience and use of the work 19 . After this comes reading and copying quotations from texts (鈔書) 20 , the usefulness of which he repeatedly underlines. In the course of reading, Tasan would have in this way accumulated small files on which he rapidly noted passages. In works of exegesis, it is necessary to make vast etymological investigation on words of uncertain meaning and 6 embark on a daily task of explaining these one by one and writing up texts 21 . In historiographical works, cross-referencing with documents from China is indispensable 22 .

After this, it is needful to rationally organise the information and data by a system of classification and organisation 23 .

Tasan's works are marked by a concern for clarity, a refined organisation of material, and distinctions on the nature of his works. In his Ancient Exegesis of the Book of Documents 尙書古訓 , for example, he classifies the different texts and commentaries he cites as follows : differing characters and texts (考異), erroneous texts (考誤), texts cited with reference to another work (考證), points for discussion (考訂), controversial points(考辨), etc.

He distinguishes his works by specifying whether they are overviews of his own opinions (著), commentaries on the Classics (述), rationalisations of incoherent or complex materials (編), collections of other's ideas and miscellaneous materials (輯), and editions and classifications of materials according to subject (編次). He was concerned with the rationalisation of his Tasan's ideas of study and learning remain within the Confucian and Neo-Confucian tradition. The spirit that underlies learning is rooted in the moral value of this tradition and in the authenticity that he gives to its basic Classics. Certain modern elements that we can find in his pragmatic spirit, his sceptical and critical attitude towards established authority, his research into subjective thought and his responses to his own questions already exist in his predecessors such as Zhang Zai, Zhu Xi, Yi Hwang, Yi Yi, Yi Ik, to mention but the most famous names. These qualities must have also been known, appreciated and followed by some of Tasan's contemporaries, such as the disciples of Yi Ik. He is an heir of this tradition and he has the merit of consecrating his whole life to applying it and going far with it.

7

However, his study and learning is set apart from the other streams of the same tradition that rested on « orthodoxy » and who accepted ideas on the basis of ancient authoritative ideas rather than the spirit and methodology of learning residing in the tradition.

Besides this, the second half of the Chosŏn period manifested in both the philosophical and literary spheres a tendency towards a personalisation and freedom of thought and style that criticised the old ways that were seen as too rigid and empty of content. The autobiography for his epitaph (自撰墓誌銘) written by Tasan reflected this tendency.

Moreover, this period was marked by an abundant flow of information and materials in the realm of knowledge, in particular the publication and circulation of encyclopaedic works and the mass introduction and importation of Chinese, Japanese and Western works. In the face of this abundance of accumulated information and material, it seems that Tasan had a particular talent for bringing together, classifying, organising, and rationalising data so as to render it useful and understandable through his vast documentation, exhaustive research, and innumerable methodical and rigorous works.

This paper has attempted to establish, from explicit and descriptive details, a survey of the characteristics of Tasan and his entourage's practice of study and learning. There remains a need to deepen this research by going into more detailed analyses and comparisons, applying them to the internal elements of learning such as questioning and debate, as well as to the external factors such as social and material conditions and human relations.

Bibliography

  Japon (EHESS/CNRS) Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales

  work: he insisted on establishing rules for composition and for captions, recapitulating general content by tables, facilitating the understanding of essential points, and the basic outlines and the differing importance of the contents. *** On first observation, the factors which characterise Tasan's study and learning and which can explain his prolific and original work come from the tradition to which he is attached to, the cultural and intellectual context of his period, and his own personality.

  The second group were those who studied the Han period commentaries (誥訓之學) who boasted of their vast knowledge of etymology, but neglected to distinguish between what was true and false and the means of practical application. As for the third group, those who study literature (文章之學), they follow vain pleasures and cause to forget the source of human nature and the affairs of the people and the state. As for those who only study to prepare for

	the civil service examinations (科擧之學), they have a formalist and ambitious spirit and in
	reality, are incompetent in their work. He accuses the fifth group, those who study divination
	techniques (術數之學), of deceiving the people.
	What kind of learning then does Tasan consider valid? Tasan scrupulously adheres to
	Confucian ideology with regard to the ends and objectives of Confucian learning: self-
	perfection and administration of society. Concerning this, it seems that he was able to find a
	fine balance between these opposing poles that in the history of Confucianism had led to the
	causes and debates of factional and scholarly division. Morality, study, and politics were all
	intimately linked. Tasan bases learning on Confucian morality, notably filial piety and
	brotherly love (孝悌), and underlines the aspirations and duties of scholars to promote the
	prosperity of the people 1 . " […] It is in this way that one can cultivate oneself in the world,
	manage the household and govern the state and the world, and in relation to Heaven, know the
	celestial virtue and recover the Mandate of Heaven" 2 .
	Basic learning therefore remained the study of the Classics, history, and writings on
	the economy of the country 3 . The learned of his day should, according to him, probe the
	meaning of the ancient texts by consulting the Han commentaries and finding their meaning
	through Zhu Xi's commentaries. He states that "the original meaning of the Six Classics and
	Four Books are linked one with another. Consequently, if one distinguishes truth from error

and profit from loss by referring to the Classics and the commentaries, one ends up certain even if there was a doubt in the beginning; we end up knowing everything even if we stray in the beginning». It is after all this that one can make the fruits of learning one's own, put it into practice and action, and verify it 4 . He also proposes a concrete order of reading texts: first of 1 'Ki Yia' 寄二兒 ; 'Si Hagyǒn kagye' 示學淵家誡. 2 'Ohangnon Yi' 五學論二. 3 'Ki Yia' 寄二兒 ; 'Wi Yi Inyǒng Chǔngǒn'爲李仁榮贈言 ; 4 'Ohangnon yi' 五學論二 3 all the Classics and histories, and thereafter works on administration and the economy 5 .

  AN Taehui 안대희, 'Chosǒn hugi chach'an myoji myǒng yǒn'gu' 조선후기自撰墓誌銘 연구, Hanguk hanmunhak yǒn'gu 한국한문학연구 (2003), 237 -266. CHARTIER Roger, « Texts, Printing, Reading », in The New Cultural History, ed. By Lynn HUNT, Berkeley : University of California Press, 1989. CHONG Min 정민, Tasan sǒnsaeng chisik kyǒngyǒng pǒp 다산선생 지식경영법, Kimyǒngsa 김영사, 2006. KIM Yongsik 김영식, Chǒng Yagyong sasang sok ui kwahak kisul 정약용 사상속의 과학기술, Seoul National University Press 서울대학교출판부, 2006. SCHWARTZ Benjamin, « Some Polarities in Confucian Thought », in Confucianism in Action, ed. by D.S.Nivison & A.F.Wright, Stanford :Stanford University Press, 1959. WON Chaerin 원재린, 'Chosǒn hugi Sǒngho hakp'a ui toksǒbǒp kwa kangnon pangsik' 조선후기 성호학파의 독서법과 강론 방식, Hanguksa yǒn'gu 한국사연구 120, 157-183. YI Pongyu 이봉규, 'Tasan ui chǒngch'iron : Chuja waui kǒri' 다산의 정치론: 주자와의 거리, Tasanhak 다산학 제 11 호 (2007) : 205-234.

'Tosan sasungnok' 陶山私淑錄.

Wǒn Chaerin,[159][160][161][162][163][164][165][166]

'Wi Pansan Chǒng Such'il chǔngǒn' 爲盤山丁修七贈言 : 唯易書詩禮論孟等當熟讀。 然須講究考索。 得其精義。 隨所思卽行箚錄。 方有實得。

Chartier 1989, 157.

'Tosan sasungnok' 陶山私淑錄.

'Sang Mokchae sǒ' 上木齋書

An Chaerin,[166][167][168][169][170][171][172][173]

'Sang Chungssi' 上仲氏 : 孝悌, 禮樂, 鑑衡, 財賦, 軍旅, 刑獄, 農圃, 醫藥, 曆象, 算數, 工作.

'Ki Yanga' 寄兩兒

'Sang Chungssi' 上仲氏

'Ki Yia' 答二兒