Amina Beji-Becheur

Amina Béji-Bécheur

Nacima Ourahmoune
email: nacima.ourahmoune@neoma-bs.fr

Nil Özçağlar-Toulouse

THE POLYSEMIC MEANINGS OF COUSCOUS CONSUMPTION IN FRANCE

Keywords: Couscous, Mediterranean food, southern Mediterranean, food culture

This article reflects on consumer representations of a typical southern Mediterranean dish that has remained a centerpiece of cultural encounters ever since it was developed in North Africa: couscous. France -a country whose own cuisine is world-renowned, yet which regularly ranks couscous as one of its top three favorite national dishes, and which hosts the largest North African population in Europe -seemed a fertile site for an investigation of the polysemic meanings attached to couscous, a nomad product embedded in socio-historical interrelationships on both shores of the Mediterranean. We found that consumers appropriate and adapt the product in ways that demonstrate some of the major features of Mediterranean relationships, with food as a vehicle for creative personal narratives. We emphasize the diversity of representations of couscous that help dissolve the usual northern/southern Mediterranean binaries in order to achieve a complex understanding of Mediterranean consumer behaviors.

Introduction

The Mediterranean basin is an area of extensive interactions around the Mare Nostrum. The region sees extensive migratory flows; memories, senses, images, tastes and aromas travel with each moving group or individual. Thus, a number of foreign dishes have become popular all around the Mediterranean as well as in Western Europe as a whole, and have been continuously re-appropriated: pizza, paella, doner kebab, couscous and many others (Cağlar 1995). These traditional dishes are symbols of socio-historical accounts and stand as cultural artifacts that link communities. They reduce geographical and psychosocial distances between diverse Mediterranean populations. As a contribution to broadening the scope of previous research that has tackled Mediterranean consumption, we have chosen to investigate a southern Mediterranean dish in the context of France in order to understand the diverse meanings that consumers of various cultural backgrounds identify with such a consumption.

Through these narratives, we attain the complex dialectics of authenticity, place and hegemonies of taste that help de-binarize such cultural categories as northern/southern Mediterranean consumers, and illustrate nuances within the North African discourses, among others. This is to re-enact the plurality and diversity that guide the Mediterranean culture, where communitarianism and the ethnic grid of analysis that suits Anglo-Saxon approaches appear not to conform to Meridian Thought (Cassano, 1996). Rather, observing pluralist views within North African representations of couscous emphasizes a dialogic perspective.

Conceptual Framework The Mediterranean mindset and the Mediterraneanization of thought

The Southern French mindset, as proposed by Cassano, is a specifically complex mindset. A complex mindset is necessarily a Southern French mindset, in other words a Mediterranean one. [START_REF] Morin | Penser la Méditerranée et méditerranéiser la pensée[END_REF](Morin, -1999, p. 46) , p. 46) The Mediterranean mindset, as proposed by Morin, incorporates the notion of recognising the region's incredible legacy to humanity at various levels, from politics to poetry, from the sacred to the profane, and from conquest to integration. The Mediterranean basin is a land of contradictions par excellence, familiar with juggling opposites, and anyone reducing it to the stereotype of a hotbed of criminality or a spa resort runs the risk of missing out on the subtlety of its social interactions, the inventiveness of its lifestyle, and above all its visceral love of life, a simple concept immune to the acceleration of time in contemporary society. The Mediterranean mindset involves striving to penetrate the heart of the underlying societal structure without idealizing it or, conversely, viewing it as a model of decline. Thus, for Mediterraneans, the Mediterranean mindset is neither a question of veering towards ethnocentrism nor of systematically identifying onself as separate in juxtaposition with the English-speaking world. Nevertheless, investigating what the Mediterranean mindset can contribute towards elucidating the problems faced by consumer societies implies acknowledging that "The Northern English-speaking mindset is designed to accommodate and manage the prose of life, technical, practical and quantifiable problems. However, prose is a manner of surviving, whereas poetry is life itself: a Southern French mindset, as Cassano rightly says, incorporates the art of living and the poetry of life" [START_REF] Morin | Penser la Méditerranée et méditerranéiser la pensée[END_REF](Morin, -1999, p. 46, p. 46). However, it is well known that in marketing, the North American mindset has imposed itself as the standard. Despite acknowledging the merits of certain thoughts, techniques and results of North American inspiration, the world on which these theories are founded is often different from the world experienced by Mediterranean people. The values it enshrines, the causes for which it rallies and the prism through which it views the world are not always reflected in the North's manner of functioning. Accordingly, marketing is an ensemble of techniques but not devoid of ideologies that cause unease among researchers engaged in initiatives such as Mediterranean marketing, Nordic marketing and more recently Latino-American marketing. There is at least a desire to contribute an alternative viewpoint with regard to consumption phenomena, given that taking an interest in alternative pathways does not necessarily involve having specific cultural origins; it is enough to share the values of that culture.

The values of the Mediterranean and their contribution to marketing have already been highlighted in work dealing with authenticity [START_REF] Cova | Thinking of marketing in meridian terms[END_REF][START_REF] Badot | La différenciation symbolique des points de vente: Le cas de l'enseigne L'Occitane[END_REF][START_REF] Visconti | Authentic brand narratives: co-constructed Mediterraneaness for l'Occitane brand[END_REF], sense of proportion (Cova, 2004[START_REF] Cova | Thinking of marketing in meridian terms[END_REF], conviviality and desire [START_REF] Bucci | Appunti per un Marketing Mediterraneo[END_REF], hedonistic pleasure and contemplation (Firat, 2005;[START_REF] Visconti | L'individualisme postmoderne et la pensée Méditerranéenne: Oxymore et réconciliation par une approche de cultural-crossing[END_REF], and branding and Mediterranean style (Dalli and Romani, 2011;[START_REF] Badot | La différenciation symbolique des points de vente: Le cas de l'enseigne L'Occitane[END_REF][START_REF] Visconti | L'individualisme postmoderne et la pensée Méditerranéenne: Oxymore et réconciliation par une approche de cultural-crossing[END_REF], as well as in regional contexts [START_REF] Rémy | Régionalisme et consommation: Le cas de la Catalogne Nord[END_REF]Ourahmoune and Özçaglar-Toulouse, 2012). Following these works, our research is aimed at understanding the representations of consumers of couscous in a French context. Although the majority of work to date has concentrated on consumption phenomena in southern Europe, for us it was crucial to extend the scope of the investigation to attempt to understand the experience of consumers, and in exploring the consumption of couscous -a north African dish -in France, whether or not the consumers had a personal connection with places in the south of the Mediterranean.

Considering the homology drawn by Morin between the complex mindset and Cassano's southern French mindset, we will concentrate on "that which is woven together" (Morin's definition of complexity), which is so characteristic of the Mediterranean. From the history of couscous on both sides of the Mediterranean that de-binarize north-south rationales, the study reveals the complexity of the Mediterranean consumer.

The story of couscous, interwoven between the southern and northern Mediterranean

To carry out our research, our focus is on a highly symbolic case in France: couscous, a dish of steamed semolina served with vegetables and meat. The main reason for choosing couscous was its special place as the third-favorite dish (TNS Sofres, 2012 1 ) in France, a country particularly renowned for its gastronomy [START_REF] Ferguson | L'ostentation culinaire. Naissance du champ gastronomique[END_REF][START_REF] Hetzel | Contemporary haute cuisine in France: When French chefs are paying their tributes to the past[END_REF]. Secondly, couscous is an ancient dish that is nearly ubiquitous throughout the countries of the southern Mediterranean. It is a staple dish in Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Libya. Royalty in the kingdom of Granada knew of couscous, as mentioned in several thirteenth century books. It is also known to be an occasional dish in Egypt and Syria. Couscous is a traditional dish in the cuisine of Trapani, Sicily. In Rome, Barttolomeo Scappi's culinary guide of 1570 describes a Moorish dish, succussu, in Tuscany [START_REF] Dickie | Delizia! The Epic History of the Italians and Their Food[END_REF]. One of the earliest references to couscous in France is in Brittany, yet it made an earlier appearance in Provence, where the traveler Jean-Jacques Bouchard wrote of eating it in Toulon in 1630.

Couscous was to become a significant part of modern French cuisine by way of the nineteenth century colonial route. The first French people to settle in the Maghreb were typically colonists of modest means who lived in rural areas [START_REF] Hubert | Destins transculturels[END_REF]. Mediterranean migrants from Spain, Italy and Malta were also part of the European population in the north of Africa. At this point, pieds-noirs 2 appear to have adopted local produce temporarily until they were able to establish means of producing the foods of their home countries, preserving their status as colonists [START_REF] Tabois | Cuisiner le passé, Souvenirs et pratiques culinaires des exilés Pieds Noirs[END_REF]. During this period, the preparation of grain shifted from being a manual craft to an industrial operation, with the introduction of flourmills in Algeria (e.g., Maison Ricci in Blida in 1853or Ferrero in Algiers in 1907). Following independence (between 1956 and 1962), the families of millers from North Africa typically settled in Marseille and developed the unexplored couscous manufacturing industry there.

1 http://www.tns-sofres.com/etudes-et-points-de-vue/les-plats-preferes-des-francais-0 2 Literally "black foots," a term used to refer to french nationals colonizing French Algeria until the end of the Algerian War in 1962.

Since the end of the nineteenth century, there have been continuous waves of immigrants from Algeria to France. Couscous had been present in France since the nineteenth century as the staple food of the Kabyle people, a minority in Algeria who claim their Mediterranean origins over and above the Arabo-Islamic culture imposed on them, and who, behind Europeans, formed the vast majority of immigrants from the Maghreb. During the 1970s, in order to support French economic growth, North African immigration intensified.

At the same time French law allowed for wives and children of immigrants to join them in France. This shift from the migration of male workers to that of families was a key factor in the enduring presence of couscous in France.

Today, couscous is available in traditional, canned, frozen and microwaveable forms.

It has incorporated all the latest codes of contemporary consumption: organic, fair trade, prepackaged meals, takeaway, etc. It is served at canteens, restaurants, cafés, markets, and catered events. It can be found at social occasions: Republican couscous festival, 'Megafamily-couscous' against AIDS, Valentine's Day couscous, etc. It can even be the single unifying factor behind virtual communities, forums for couscous recipes, etc. In short, couscous is a Mediterranean symbol of cultural interpenetration.

Methodology

In order to investigate the consumer representations of this typically Mediterranean product in the contemporary French context, we carried out in-depth interviews with a varied sample of couscous consumers: 18 of Southern Mediterranean backgrounds some being French (French Algerians for instance is referred to as FR/A in the article), other being immigrants and also some regular tourists in France (Algerians (A), Moroccans (M) and Tunisians (T)) some of pied-noirs descent (PN)), and 10 interviews with French (FR) people who had no specific connection with the north of Africa. All informants were of diverse backgrounds, ages, genders and social statuses. In a second round of interviews, to obtain greater variation in consumer discourses regarding couscous consumption, we interviewed an additional four Algerians who travel to Paris on a regular basis. Subsequent to our first analysis, because Paris restaurants had frequently been mentioned by interviewees, we also interviewed two owners of restaurants in Paris that serve couscous.

The three authors of this paper have Mediterranean origins, but diverse backgrounds and relationships to couscous; the results represent their negotiated understanding of the data.

Interviews were all transcribed. Each interview was first read in its entirety to gain a sense of the whole. Further readings were necessary to develop an integrated understanding of consumption meanings. We then applied inter-case analysis (Thompson, 1997); deepening our understanding of couscous consumption through such comparison. Indeed, each informant expresses his or herself in a different manner and their relations to couscous are all different.

But some analogies exist at the subjective categories level, and thus we iteratively analysed our data between individual transcripts and our emerging understanding of the entire set of textual data (Thompson, 1997).

The cultural polysemy of couscous

Dialectics of authenticity

All interviewees agree couscous is a dish of North African origin. They also remark that when cooked by a native of North Africa, couscous is much tastier and, in a sense, "true couscous." So there is an essentializing dimension in the way respondents refer to a good couscous. Thus, couscous sold frozen or in tins appears to have a reputation as an unpleasant or even disgusting dish "stripped of any of its original culinary value" (Gilles, FR, 60). Industrialized couscous, however, is consumed by some informants of French origin, who acknowledge it is in no way an authentic couscous but rather the result of an assemblage, as is the case with other emblematic regional dishes such as paella, or blanquette de veau (veal in a white sauce).

They are aware that (the) market(ing) provides them more with an interpretation of the dish rather than anything else.

I have made it on occasion, but I have to admit that I didn't serve it by itself -I'd bought some ready-prepared frozen vegetables and I made the sauce myself, added the meat and so on. It's a bit like paella, really -we're not purists. (Catherine,FR,42) Informants with no link to a Mediterranean culture exhibit some technical knowledge with regard to how an authentic couscous should be, contrasting themselves with neophytes or unrefined consumers: I don't think it looks nice, because tinned foods are really ugly, and I don't think it's hygienic either, because couscous needs to be dried, exposed to the air (Alex, FR, 28) Informants of non-North African origin also recognize and admire traditional knowhow in how to cook a real couscous: When I came back from Morocco, I tried a couple of things, but the results were not my idea of couscous, so I gave up. I bought frozen vegetables, I made couscous, I added the meat, but to me it was a bit of a sacrilege, since in my head, couscous is something that takes a lot of work to make […]If I had to make a real couscous I wouldn't know where to start. (Sophie, FR, 55)

The cooks I've seen making it were Algerian, Moroccan or Tunisian, and they made the best couscous I've ever eaten. (Gilles, FR, 60) Informants of North African origin testify to this admiration via the cult of the mother, who is in charge of transmitting family and regional traditions. In keeping with the oral tradition, informants report that they learn by watching their mothers in the act of preparing it. One of the interviewees even filmed his mother: I filmed my mother while she was making the soup, and at every step I asked her to comment on what she was doing, so I have the recording on my PC. That way, whenever I want to make couscous, I put on the recording and follow it. For me, her food is the best. (Wael, FM, 23) A tribute to the mother's couscous is generalized as the gold standard for this cooking practice.

You'll often hear people say that they prefer the couscous their mother makes and that's all there is to it. If you ask my husband, he'll tell you that he prefers the couscous his mother makes, and if you ask me, I'll say that I prefer the couscous my mother makes […] for me, the real couscous is the one I make or that my mother makes. It's something I can't explain, because it's silly really. (Nissaf, FM, 33) Unsurprisingly, informants from a North African background similarly refused to recognize tinned and frozen couscous as couscous, with the same reaction; one informant described it as a "strange dish, not bad if you are really hungry but it has nothing to do with couscous" (Sofiane, A, 38). According to them, couscous must be prepared in the traditional manner, even if the recipe has been "Frenchified." Tinned couscous is seen as a sort of sacrilege, and almost a sign of contempt for one's culture of origin. The strictest rules seem to be reserved for dictating the list of ingredients used. Some Maghrebis insisted that the grain must come from their country of origin, and that ideally it should have been hand-rolled by their mother or a relative! They therefore insist on bringing back grain (up to 10 kg of it), olive oil or spices from their country when they go there on holiday. This is actually a practice that is very common among Mediterraneans who live far from their villages or towns: Italian grandmas' tomato sauce, Spanish ham and local olive oils are often given as presents before people fly back to the capital or abroad, signaling the strong attachment among Mediterraneans to local products. In a sense, "good" food a measure of distance from home. So, the semolina comes from Tunisia, the vegetables come from France; OK, as far as the meat goes, that depends, because when we make couscous just after coming back from Tunisia, we often bring back meat with us, because we like the produce over there … My sister and I laugh about it every time, We're not the only ones, either -an aunt of mine in Germany does the same. They even have their own ice-box because they buy fish to bring back as well. French fish just doesn't taste the same. (Mounia, T, 27) However, although on first reading it would appear that everyone is in agreement in their strong bias against ready-made couscous and in favour of authentic "essentialized" couscous made by experts from products coming from as close to the original culture as possible, the concept of "authenticity" here needs to be nuanced.

One should not take consensus among respondents to prescribe a binary view that distinguishes whether the consumers are of Mediterranean origin or not. At the heart of the North African scope of the study, it should be noted that "authentic" couscous actually corresponds to the couscous of the family or regional culture of the informant. Although frozen and other industrial preparations are criticized (as part of a consensus not far removed from an effect of social desirability), fish couscous fell short of the approval of all respondents: "I think it's not bad -I tried it in Tunisia -but it's not the same as a good couscous from back home" (Ania, FR/A, 41). Similarly, couscous made with tomatoes according to the Jewish tradition of North Africa is seen as sacrilege by Algerians, and Kabyle couscous with "chicken and white sauce is just appalling" (Sofiane, A, 38) for a respondent from another region of Algeria. Thus, from one region of a given country to another, recipes change and tastes are formed accordingly, via an effect of socialization from childhood onwards that idealizes the couscous of one's own region as opposed to the couscous of other regions or other countries.

Nevertheless, a contrary position is found among certain respondents, who admit that you can find good couscous in Paris no matter on which side of the Mediterranean your origins lie. Indeed a Parisian couscous has arisen from this socio-historical context and draws many tourists visiting Paris to these couscoussières (French restaurants where couscous is a staple dish on the menu), where they can experience this particular type of consumption.

To illuminate this phenomenon, interviews with owners of bistros serving couscous were conducted. One informant stressed the choice of maintaining the Kabyle culture as a reinforcement of his Mediterranean origin ("In 1980, I participated in the Kabyle cultural revolution …", Mohand, FR/A, 49), namely through the decoration and menu he proposed in his restaurant. This stands for the phenomenon of Parisian couscoussières as a sort of pan-Mediterranean culture.

Thus, Paella is found on a number of these menus, where couscous and its variants containing meat occupy such a prominent position for the sole reason that they typify a menu drawn up according to the strictest rules of French gastronomy, for a clientele composed chiefly of middle and senior managers. This reference to the overall Mediterranean experience is significant: it contributes towards placing the different waves of immigration from north or south of the Mediterranean on an equal footing. It undermines the distinctions between the categories of North Africa/southern Europe, Arabs/Berbers/Latins, Muslims/Christians, etc. by evoking a common identity springing from the same geographical basin. Presenting oneself appears to have found a third way in this approach, far removed from the mimetism of French provincial styles that involves renouncing one's culinary heritage or reconstituting a sumptuous orientalism that a restaurant owner describes as "fake … because back home in Kabylia, we never took tea, we don't like gilded décor (we prefer silver), and like those restaurants in Algiers owned by a lot of Kabyles that look like seaside or mountain restaurants and have nothing of the Thousand and One Nights about them." (Mohand, FR/A, 49) This practice is aimed at capitalizing on one's local traditions as reactivated by economic development or by a cultural awakening. By using the resources of its adoptive country, it manifests in the same way that other culinary traditions advertise themselves commercially. This is voiced as the justification for hybrid restaurants where the Spanish, French, Italian, or other neighbouring culture with Kabylia is incorporated, to imbue the business with a multicultural appeal.. This mix of cultures calls to mind Mediterranean culture as a whole, which is located at the crossroads of three continents hosting countless distinctive and yet interconnected traditions cultures.

Dialectics of the associative and the dissociative

For most of the interviewees with a Mediterranean background, having couscous in a restaurant was a regrettable affair. Except for Kabyle tourists in Paris or recent North African immigrants who, in the absence of a family network, would end up feeling guilty eating couscous in a restaurant, finding an association but one that disassociates: "I went there in spite of myself with a friend for Aïd; I don't know that many people there" (Sofiane, A, 38).

The touristic dimension of couscous, or the travel through "pluricultural" or exotic restaurants, is nevertheless present for people from both shores of the Mediterranean. One can consume "another culture" while remaining at home surrounded by familiar points of reference (Turgeon and Pastinelli, 2002). Marrakesh ambience, belongs to a Kabyle, who is offering an alternative product connected with exoticism and evasion, far removed from his culture of origin; this disassociates him from his group of origin but associates him with the group outside it.

The experience I have in

Couscous is an experience to be consumed. Some interviewees are aware that the setting created in restaurants is artificial. Some seem to like it, whereas others feel manipulated:

It's a bit like a fairy-tale setting, kind of. You get to experience this atmosphere, with the décor and everything else, and you get treated like royalty, and for that couple of hours you're in Marrakech. There's something artificial about it all but that doesn't matter! It doesn't mean the product itself is any less good, but there is kind of, yeah, that's it -something artificial. (Fleur,FR,27) Yet the experience is extremely marginal for people from the southern Mediterranean region to eat couscous in restaurants because they associate couscous with being a meal at home, with family, and prominently with the figure of the mother, as described above.

I would never eat couscous in a restaurant. Couscous for me is at home. I wouldn't go out for dinner to have couscous. There's no place like home … I'm not going to say that it's sacred and that it must only ever be eaten at home; it's a bit of a snap judgment … maybe it's the image of a family all sitting down together. (Moufida, F/M, 52) Couscous for interviewees with North African connections is first and foremost a dish that never needs to be paid for as it is a family dish, and thus is not eaten in restaurants. Here a Mediterranean notion of sharing and valuing home and clan atmospheres is coupled with values that are centered not around money but around exchanges, and which see cultural prowess as having a sense of hospitality: to share a couscous is to be associated with other people and to express one's attachment to the group. Couscous for us is the dish you share with people you value in life when you are sad and when you are happy, when your daughter is married or when your brother is buried, couscous in a sense is sacred, in these moments when we open the doors of our houses and feel the closeness and the satisfaction to feed as much people as possible.

Couscous is also something we give to mosques and to charity organizations, it is not something we make money from; it is more to share. Of course, in Europe our cousins and relatives have opened restaurants and we are proud of their displaying our national dish and allowing the whole world to discover it. As I said earlier, I never miss a couscous in Paris, yet to me, couscous in my house it is something else. (Moh, A, 62) Following on this collective dimension of couscous, all interviewees of diverse origins relate to this dish as a "connector" of people. They described the ambience associated with the consumption of couscous as festive and convivial.

Couscous is like paella, I relate very much to the food in Spain for instance, it is freshly made, family cuisine, tasty and convivial, that is how I like couscous. (Sofiane, A, 38) Couscous was the dish I served to my guests for my 40 th birthday, we had been cooking with my grandmother and mother all day long, and they talked about the atmosphere in Algeria back in the 1950s when they were still living there. In my family, couscous is definitely the dish for big fiestas, and for large gatherings of friends and family. (Lucile, PN,41) We all get together around this dish. That's the image that sticks in my mindcouscous being always eaten by a lot of people gathered around. You never eat couscous on your own. You can't make it in small quantities; well, you can, but … it's not like when you boil a single egg … I don't know. You have to make at least half a kilo at a time. Maybe that's the image I have of it, subconsciously. (Moufida, F/M, 52)

Dialectics of frontiers and checkpoints

As shown above there are various representations of couscous among interviewees from both shores of the Mediterranean. There is however a consensus on the federative, collective dimension of couscous, its required know-how idealized through the figure of the mother or through the concept of authentic couscous, and the diverse types of consumer experiences of eating couscous, both private and public, with a varied offer ranging from "authenticityseekers" to lovers of exoticism and travel.

Nonetheless, because the Mediterranean is such a space of clashes and communions, of diversity and difference, and because the Mediterranean food culture does not escape hierarchies of taste [START_REF] Bourdieu | Distinction: critique sociale du jugement[END_REF], we have reported limits to the positive representations of the third most popular dish in France.

For French people, couscous made in France can also be associated with the northern African immigrant population, with the accompanying connotations of social disadvantage. Some people can only obtain couscous in Maghrebi districts (in restaurants in such areas). This makes it inaccessible due to social differences. I wouldn't know which restaurant to choose, and I admit that as far as I know, the people I know or the restaurants I know are more upmarket restaurants, more towards the centre of Bordeaux, which are not restaurants in the Maghrebi area. … [I go where] you find people like me, you know -middle-class people. It's less workingclass. (Sophie, FR, 55) Some will characterize it as a popular dish lacking in refinement; it is mostly seen as a "dish of the people" or a "working-class dish." Although there is a selection of high-end restaurants that serve couscous in Paris, and although Morrocan cuisine for instance ranks among the three most refined cuisines in the world on a regular basis, it is still seen as a cheap, heavy dish that would not stand up to comparison with refined French cuisine. This marks a cultural distance and a contradiction within the discourse of informants that reduces the cultural distance by comparing couscous to "traditional" French dishes like magret de canard (fillet of duck), pot au feu (stewing beef) and cassoulet (sausage and beef hotpot).

No, it doesn't come from anywhere else -people don't go around saying, "now that's a couscous" or "I can't wait for it to be couscous season again." No, it's a dish that has been assimilated and absorbed by France. It's no longer a luxury dish (in the sense of rare). (Gilles,FR,60) The taste of real couscous also is not typical of French cuisine (being spicy), which is not very well-adapted to French taste (Laure,FR,28). This last comment stems from an association of couscous with an Oriental culture; not all couscous is spicy and some recipes do utilise very common Mediterranean spices, but the imaginary of exoticism is strong, creating an inescapable cultural distance.

In turn, some informants from southern Mediterranean backgrounds also maintain this cultural distance. One informant shows he is aware of people in France perceiving couscous as being associated with lower-class immigration in France. To mark his disapproval, he reverses the discourse by emphasizing that eating couscous requires also good manners sometimes absent in France: I do go to brasserie-type restaurants in areas of Paris that have become fashionable, where the trendy people eat, if you like. But I know they have a rather truncated vision of our culture, because their benchmarks are the suburbs, Barbès or something like that ... ignorance is basically everywhere, so what are you going to do? But when I see French people eat couscous, I think they have no refinement (laughs) … you don't eat from all corners of your plate at once, otherwise it becomes a huge mess; you work your way through it methodically, so your plate stays tidy, by combining a bit of semolina and a few vegetables at a time, sometimes a little meat … preferably with a spoon rather than a fork, because the grains should never fall back to your plate! (Moh, A, 62) This is a sort of lesson in savoir-vivre by someone who reasserts his culture of origin, sensing it is not sufficiently valued in the French context. Another informant described being asked what he considered to be insulting questions about couscous when he moved from Algeria to France recently:

Several people mentioned that we do eat couscous with our hands in Algeria! I was shocked because I have never seen that in 37 years living there! It is as ignorant as asking me if there are lions running the streets of Algiers, a town 700 kilometers from Marseille, the same distance between Paris and Marseille. Or who are so surprised we have snow and ski resorts! I was very disappointed that people should get everything so mixed up, given the geographical but also cultural, historical proximity. I know in Morocco some people traditionally eat couscous by hand; I have never been there, but you would see this sense of superiority in people who ask me about it. (Sofiane, A, 38) These statements illustrate the reworking of cultural distances to keep one's identity alive. For North African informants, couscous is a way of displaying and experiencing their identity in the French context. There is a mixing-up between the origins of the dish and the origins of the consumers. For some, couscous represents their sense of belonging to a particular social class or a particular region, and the forms it takes differ greatly depending on the province of origin. It appears to represent a difference they are proud of, and is a very specific symbol of their territorial origins. Knowing and thus learning how to cook couscous therefore appears to be a collective responsibility. It is everyone's responsibility to make sure that the tradition is preserved, both in the country or region of origin and in the host country. For the interviewees, losing this knowledge means not being able to transmit it in turn, and thus losing the last bastion connecting them with their country of origin.

In a world of systematic deterritorialization, the populations of northern and southern Mediterraean countries, despite their involvement in the uprooting process (whether voluntarily or through necessity), are tempted to strive to soothe the pangs of that uprooting, sometimes via "ethnic replanting" [START_REF] Touraine | Pourrons-nous vivre ensemble? Egaux et différents[END_REF], recreating real or imaginary barriers that permeate south-south and north-south interactions within the basin. That said, as the examples provided throughout the findings have shown, couscous remains a cultural liaison as defined by Cassano (1996): a means of creating a bridge between the cultures of the Mediterranean.

Discussion and conclusions

Through these findings, we can perceive the universal nature of food, not to mention its ability to act as a mediator between cultures. Food is both material and symbolic, both individual and collective (Fischer, 1990). It is also reiterative, ephemeral and emotional.

Food is functional and convivial; it is statutory, ostentatious, ritualized, sacred and associated with festive seasons. It has immediate or deferred effects on the health of the body and soul. It represents a unique link between inside and outside.

More precisely, our article is positioned as the next step after [START_REF] Bauman | Society under siege[END_REF] in terms of defining a distinction between "variety of cultures" and "cultural variety." One is essentialist and situates cultures as homogeneous and opposable entities, where individuals are nothing more than numbers, whereas the other is composed of complex, pluralist identities. Adopting this viewpoint thus equates to promoting diversity rather than difference.

Far from promoting a binary interpretation of the north-south relationship in the Mediterranean, this research suggests the nuances and complexities permeating the representations of consumers of North African origin based on the diversity of opinions expressed, whereas North Africa is often seen as a monolithic block, as though a homogeneous southern Europe stood facing it. In particular, variations in viewpoints between Kabyles interviewed regarding assimilation into French culture, pride in Mediterranean heritage (verging on the anti-Arab Muslim) and opportunities to take steps towards an orientalization show the complexity of situating one's North African identity by way of consumption. This diversity has been nourishing the Mediterranean basin for millennia and is based less on a principle of difference than on a principle of complementary rivals. This is keenly felt in the competition between couscous recipes and in the affirmation of one's own region or clan as the makers of the best couscous.

A number of parallels are drawn here between respondents from the north and the south of the Mediterranean, for whom sharing a couscous is as much about enjoyment as it is about connections. Couscous is seen as a mediator of sharing but also of pleasure, conviviality and collective coexistence in what has been called a "hyperindividualist" society. This has led to a form of nostalgia arising amongst Mediterranean respondents. An acceleration in forms of deterritoriality, borne by the values of freedom, capitalism and idealized or even imaginary territorial anchor points forms the backdrop for the viewpoints expressed by informants. The interviewees retrace cultural distances to gain a stronger sense of belonging to a history, a group, etc. Food in the modern context' has been sufficiently uprooted as to lack in authenticity or cultural identifiability and for that very reason becomes a problem of identity for the consumer who, not knowing what he is eating, suddenly does not know who he is. Yet, despite the upheavals caused by the revolution in wholesale distribution, the extreme variety of products on the market today and the difficulty in tracing their origins, Mediterranean people remain strongly attached to their culinary inheritance and its importance, if not in reality, at least in the collective imagination thanks to the close links that food practices have always woven into their history.

By increasing our knowledge of the various representations among consumers of the northern and southern Mediterranean, raising their preoccupation for authenticity, transmission, conviviality, and pleasure, we draw attention to the necessity of building a Mediterranean approach to marketing with consumers that represents the northern, southern and eastern shores of the Mare Nostrum. It is by emphasizing systematically this complex cultural dimension that cultural diversity (and not simply difference) can achieve a Mediterranean mindset, and a Mediterraneanization of thought [START_REF] Morin | Penser la Méditerranée et méditerranéiser la pensée[END_REF][START_REF] Morin | Penser la Méditerranée et méditerranéiser la pensée[END_REF] in our field.

  For couscous, you have to go to Paris (…) you can get couscous there that's better than the couscous I've eaten in Morocco. (Sophie, FR, 55) I live in Algiers and I travel about 10 times a year to Paris, I haven't missed a couscous in a Kabyle bistro for 20 years, (…) there are some good ones around le Marais/Bastille (…) It is so good and I can get a glass of red wine with it, which is more difficult in Algiers (not everywhere serves alcohol) … Couscous in Paris is an institution, it is totally different from the one I am used to at home, we would never serve merguez (North African sausage), chicken and mutton with couscous! You can only find it in France, and it is nevertheless delicious! (Moh, A, 62) From this we can locate the micro in the macro in light of our section on the history of couscous in the French context. The dish was available in Paris, where over 30,000 Kabyle (a minority in Algeria) were living before Algerian independence (1962) and who over time managed to acquire over half of Parisian bistros. Although maintaining a typical French decor that is reminiscent of French bars and restaurants in Kabylia during colonization, they serve both couscous and all the traditional French bistro dishes. Couscous recipes have evolved in the Parisian context to propose assemblages absent from their culture of origin, certainly in order to appeal to a French clientele. Alcohol in particular is universally present, in contrast with certain other North African restaurants, with even a selection of North African wines.

  Paris is also to do with the restaurant, the ambience, […] The atmosphere is hushed and three waiters are dressed in djellabas, just as if the restaurant were in North Africa rather than in Paris. (Laure, FR, 28) I've been to 404 in Paris, with its Berber décor, open kitchen, spices on display and the Moroccan chef. You feel like you're in Marrakesh, which for a Kabyle from Algeria is a change of scene! (Ania, FR/A, 40) The range of Parisian couscous encompasses three ambiences: a Parisian bistro ambience, a chic neo-Marrakesh ambience and a popular "Oriental" ambience. Each of these atmospheres targets the differing needs of consumers and connects Mediterranean cultures together: Paris-Kabylia, Marrakesh-wealthy Paris, and middle-class Paris-mythified Orient. The restaurant identified in the quote above, which presents Berber/Moroccan cuisine in a high-class


Source : BÉJI--BÉCHEUR A. et ÖZÇAGLAR--TOULOUSE N. (2014) Institutionnalisation du développement durable et émergence d'un marketing durable, Editorial du numéro spécial « Marketing et développement durable », Recherche et Applications en Marketing,Jul,29,3,[3][4][5][6][7][8][9] Editorial : Institutionnalisation du développement durable et émergence d'un marketing durable Amina Béji-Bécheur (Université Paris Est, Institut de Recherche en Gestion) et Nil Özçaglar-Toulouse (IMMD, Univ Lille Nord de France-SKEMA Business School) Le développement durable est aujourd'hui introduit dans les discours comme un modèle alternatif et légitime pour répondre à un problème majeur de notre époque contemporaine : il est urgent de combiner à la fois le développement économique et le respect des ressources naturelles, des droits sociaux et de l'équité dans la répartition de la richesse créée. Dans ce contexte, la responsabilité des acteurs du marché s'élargit au périmètre défini par le rapport Brundtland (1987). Ce dernier questionne les modalités de fonctionnement des entreprises et interpelle les théories en marketing notamment la notion d'échange entre l'entreprise et son marché, y compris ses parties prenantes. Pour autant, les moyens de la mise en oeuvre du développement durable par le marketing sont encore à préciser et à crédibiliser [START_REF] Gabriel | Le marketing comme moyen de légitimation des entreprises dans une perspective de développement durable[END_REF], même si de nombreuses expériences illustrent l'émergence de nouvelles pratiques et innovations marketing.

Quant à la recherche, elle se déploie désormais, dans une visée performative ou transformative, les actions des organisations souhaitant répondre aux enjeux du développement durable [START_REF] Trinquecoste | Marketing, éthique et efficacité : être au service, in Eclairages sur le marketing de demain : prises de décisions, efficacité et légitimité, Décisions Marketing[END_REF]. A ce titre, le marketing peut sortir par le haut [START_REF] Volle | Sortir des dilemmes par le haut, in Eclairages sur le marketing de demain : prises de décisions, efficacité et légitimité, Décisions Marketing[END_REF] en pensant le temps long de l'action des entreprises [START_REF] Pras | Marketing, présent et avenir : une question de tempo et de synchronisation, Décisions Marketing[END_REF]. Mais le marketing ne se pense seulement au niveau des organisations : les consommateurs sont à la fois des vecteurs et des acteurs de la performance des politiques mises en oeuvre par les entreprises. Ils peuvent aussi être les promoteurs de nouvelles orientations en marché [START_REF] Callon | Les marchés économiques comme dispositifs collectifs de calcul[END_REF][START_REF] Martin | Consumption-Driven Market Emergence[END_REF].

Dans cette mouvance, nous avons fait un appel à contributions, il y a déjà deux ans, pour dévoiler les transformations à l'oeuvre dans les marchés et dans les techniques de marketing en relation avec le développement durable : d'une part, pour mieux saisir la mise en oeuvre d'une démarche de développement durable (dans quelle mesure les dispositifs marketing accompagnent-ils la diffusion du développement durable ?) ; d'autre part, pour questionner les principaux concepts du marketing au regard des enjeux du développement durable (dans quelle mesure les dispositifs marketing peuvent-ils être transformés par le développement durable ?). Au total, vingt-sept contributions ont été reçues sur des thématiques aussi variées que : l'étiquetage carbone et son interprétation par le consommateur, l'influence du pays d'origine sur l'évaluation des produits éco-labellisés, la valeur perçue du développement Afin de comprendre le processus d'institutionnalisation du développement durable, le cadre néo-institutionnaliste nous semble pertinent ; celui-ci met l'accent sur les relations entre les mouvements des idées dans la société et la diffusion des techniques de management [START_REF] Rose | Political Power Beyond the State: Problematics of Government[END_REF]. Cet ancrage théorique présente une proximité avec la pensée de Michel Foucault (Miller et Rose, 1993) et les travaux de l'Actor Network Theory (ANT)1 . Combiner ces perspectives permet une approche compréhensive de l'institutionnalisation et ouvre un espace d'études tant à un niveau macro, meso et micro social des liens entre marketing et développement durable (cette approche a inspiré les travaux dans le domaine de la responsabilité sociale des entreprises, voir par exemple, [START_REF] Bensebaa | Institutionnalisation et rationalisation des pratiques de RSE[END_REF][START_REF] Moquet | Les technologies de la responsabilité sociétale ou l'invention du manager responsable -Le cas Lafarge[END_REF].

Le processus de rationalisation du développement durable au travers des techniques marketing

Pour [START_REF] Hasselbladh | The Project of Rationalization: A Critique and Reappraisal of Neo-Institutionalism in Organization Studies[END_REF], les institutions ne sont pas simplement des ensembles Cette approche met à jour comment et par quels moyens les idéaux sont développés et stabilisés. Cependant, la stabilisation (normalisation) du développement durable peut être problématique dans la mesure où elle peut soit renforcer, soit affaiblir les idéaux [START_REF] Alter | Les composantes d'un processus d'innovation, Croissance et innovation[END_REF]. Elle peut aussi remettre en cause les idéaux d'origine et assurer l'émergence de nouveaux idéaux dont les intentions peuvent échapper aux acteurs historiques du développement durable.

Le consomm'acteur, pierre angulaire du marché : mythe ou réalité ? Si l'institutionnalisation du développement durable est portée en partie par les techniques marketing, elle suppose aussi comme nous venons de le signaler l'engagement du consommateur dans un rôle attendu et martelé dans les discours sous le vocable de consom'acteur ou consommateur responsable. Cette figure n'est pas récente dans la littérature [START_REF] Dubuisson-Quellier | La consommation engagée[END_REF], et son étude a donné lieu à de nombreuses recherches en comportement du consommateur (Gonzalez et alii, 2009, Özçağlar-Toulouse, 2009, etc.).

Pourtant le questionnement sur les conditions matérielles de sa pratique reste peu exploré. -réinventer le marketing dans un contexte de ressources limitées -penser l'alternative à la société de consommation de masse et le rôle du marketing -revoir la notion de consommation à des fins de durabilité -penser la performance marketing à des fins de durabilité -étudier le rôle des marchés publics dans la diffusion du développement durable -intégrer la notion de risques environnementaux et sociaux dans la stratégie marketing -imaginer le marché comme un éco système, etc.

Nous tenons, pour finir, à exprimer notre reconnaissance aux nombreux auteurs qui ont proposé leurs travaux, aux membres du comité de lecture et aux lecteurs occasionnels qui ont évalués ces travaux, à Joël Brée qui nous a accompagnées, Raphael Cuffolo et Ahmed Benmecheddal qui nous ont assistées pour la réalisation de ce numéro.

  d'idées circulant de manière autonome : elles sont enchâssées (embedded) dans un contexte social et incarnées dans des techniques et discours. L'approche évoquée ici permet à cet égard d'étudier comment le développement durable (idéal) arrive à des formes (discours) et à des pratiques (techniques) hétérogènes d'objectivation. Trois formes d'objectivation de la réalité sociale sont suggérées par la littérature pour se déplacer entre les idéaux, les discours et les techniques : communication orale, formalisation écrite et évaluation par la codification (Mocquet et Pezet, 2006). S'il n'y a pas de correspondance étroite entre les idéaux, les discours et les techniques et ces trois mécanismes, il est possible d'observer quelques tendances : les idéaux s'expriment mieux par la communication orale, les discours par le texte et les techniques par des systèmes de mesures codifiés, notamment numérique. Ainsi, le processus de rationalisation du développement durable comporte : les frontières sémantiques des idéaux, définies par le biais de politiques et des normes écrites et/ou verbales (des labels, des produits verts, etc.) ; une spécification des rôles sociaux inclus ainsi que la description des relations des acteurs individuels et collectifs (entreprises responsables, des consom'acteurs, des consommateurs responsables…) ; le développement des modèles d'action et des systèmes de mesures et de contrôle (des techniques de pricing, la notoriété, les baromètres de satisfaction, l'évaluation de la qualité, etc.). L'une des techniques marketing les plus développées ces dernières années pour traduire les idéaux en matière de développement durable en pratiques des organisations consiste dans la mise en oeuvre de démarches de certification et de labellisation. Ces dernières visent à renforcer la crédibilité des discours et amènent à marquer les produits/services par des signes de qualité. Si de nombreux travaux ont déjà été menés dans cette perspective, l'originalité des recherches présentées dans ce numéro spécial est de mettre en évidence des effets contreintuitifs en termes de performance des techniques marketing soutenant des actions en développement durable, par des expérimentations permettant ainsi de lever certains biais comme le recommandent Devinney, Auger et Eckhardt (2010) dans leur ouvrage The myth of ethical consumer. Pour contrôler la performance d'une action marketing, deux voies sont choisies ici : la mesure des attributs (Jongmans, Jolibert et Irwin) ou celle du consentement à payer des consommateurs (Dufeu, Ferrandi, Gabriel et Le Gall-Ely). Dans leur recherche, Éline Jongmans, Alain Jolibert et Julie Irwin démontrent que les consommateurs tendent à sous-évaluer systématiquement les attributs environnementaux (certifiés ou non) lorsqu'ils sont présentés ensemble, par rapport à une évaluation des mêmes attributs présentés séparément. Cet effet non rationnel, appelé effet d'inclusion, est plus fort pour les individus davantage préoccupés par l'environnement et impliqués envers les écolabels. Les conclusions de cette étude remettent en question l'intérêt de cumuler de tels attributs pour les consommateurs de produits pro-environnementaux. En complément de ces résultats, les études menées par Ivan Dufeu, Jean-Marc Ferrandi, Patrick Gabriel et Marine Le Gall-Ely portent sur l'effet de multiplication des logos ou labels de qualité (Agriculture Biologique, Commerce équitable ou Label Rouge) -apposés sur les emballages des produits alimentaires-sur le consentement à payer des consommateurs. Elles mettent notamment en évidence un effet de complémentarité, dominant souvent les effets de redondance et de surcharge informationnelle. Les enseignements de cette recherche incitent les producteurs à associer des labels sur les packagings, lorsque ceux-ci sont concordants en termes de notoriété et de confiance et complémentaires en termes d'attributs. Ainsi, afin d'asseoir la notoriété du label d'agriculture biologique européen, il serait judicieux de l'associer à des labels complémentaires ayant une meilleure notoriété. Dans le cas contraire, il est préférable de sélectionner des labels simples et ciblés plutôt que de les cumuler.

  Ainsi, est-il toujours possible pour le consommateur d'être acteur du développement durable ? Et quel sens donne le consommateur aux pratiques dites durables ? Les réponses à ces questions mettent à jour l'encastrement des discours dans des pratiques sociales et ouvrent la voie à des méthodologies ethnographiques riches d'enseignement pour comprendre le processus d'appropriation par des acteurs et la construction du sens de l'action en matière de développement durable.Prenant comme contexte la fin de vie des produits, Zied Mani et Véronique Cova, à partir d'une étude netnographique, analysent la durabilité des pratiques de récupération d'objets.Leur questionnement porte sur le sens associé aux pratiques de récupération telles que traduites dans les discours sur les sites internet. Les résultats identifient deux profils de récupérateurs en fonction de leurs discours et réalisations : les maîtres et les courtisans. La recherche souligne que les actions de récupération ne sont pas motivées seulement par des convictions écologiques et n'aboutissent pas toujours à des actions concrètes et réellement « durables ». Il apparaît au contraire, que la récupération considérée comme une technique de traduction du développement durable se transforme plutôt en moyen de se distinguer socialement. Internet favorise dans ce cas la mise en scène de soi dans un objectif de désirabilité sociale. Ainsi, les internautes transforment la pratique de récupération selon des modalités valorisées socialement mais entrainant des pratiques parfois dispendieuses sur le plan environnemental. En outre, ces dernières peuvent entrer en contradiction avec les actions des organisations spécialisées dans le recyclage. Aussi, nous observons la difficulté de stabiliser un idéal dans des pratiques et l'émergence de nouvelles pratiques pouvant aller en contradiction avec l'idéal de départ.Dans leur étude des pratiques de tri des déchets ménagers, Elisa Monnot, Fanny Reniou et Aurélien Rouquet, mettent en évidence trois types de logistiques en fonction des caractéristiques du contexte de tri et du rapport souhaité aux déchets : la massification, le juste-à-temps et la mutualisation. Contribuant au courant de la consumer logistics, cette recherche montre que les pratiques engagées en matière de développement durable sont fortement dépendantes des conditions matérielles d'exercice mais aussi des ressources disponibles. En effet, pour le consommateur, l'effort demandé est d'autant plus important qu'il doit à la fois résoudre des problèmes matériels mais aussi coordonner trois activités de la logistique du tri : séparation des ordures, stockage et expédition.Aussi, le rôle de consommateur responsable attendu et supposé par l'idéal du développement durable se voit-il mis à mal par les conditions effectives de la mise en oeuvre d'une technique a priori simple mais in fine plus complexe qu'il n'y paraît. Ce travail donne des pistes pour surmonter les freins à la réalisation de la figure du consommateur responsable en matière de tri en étudiant la capacité du consommateur à créer sous contrainte. En effet, des micropratiques ont été mises en évidence qu'il serait utile de partager (par exemple, compactage des ordures, gerbage de plusieurs contenants, stockage vertical). Dès lors, comment le marketing peut-il se penser autrement pour accompagner par des techniques efficaces le développement durable ?Penser le marketing au service du développement durableLe processus d'institutionnalisation du développement durable a tendance à engendrer la création de nouveaux marchés pour les entreprises. Comment celles-ci peuvent-elles agir sur ces marchés, sous quelles conditions et quels sont les obstacles ? Ce sont à ces questions que l'ouvrage Sustainable Marketing de Diane Martin et John Schouten (2012) offre des pistes de réflexion. Selon les auteurs, le marketing joue un rôle majeur, car il est le chaînon indispensable de la création de valeur et de lien entre l'entreprise et les consommateurs.Autrement dit, le marketing peut répondre aux attentes pour orienter les consommateurs vers des modes de pensée et des pratiques durables mais aussi inventer de nouvelles techniques pour orienter les marchés. Poursuivant leur réflexion dans ce numéro spécial, Diane Martin et John Schouten, proposent le marketing durable comme réponse à la question « Que pouvons-nous faire ? ». Cela signifie de revoir le processus de création, communication et transmission de valeurs aux consommateurs dans le but de préserver voire améliorer le capital naturel et humain. Considérant le rôle d'agent du marketing entre les entreprises et la société, ils proposent de promouvoir : 1) la pratique d'un marketing d'une façon durable, par la conception des processus d'entreprise, qui permettent de limiter les empreintes environnementale et sociale du marketing, et 2) la durabilité du marketing, par le soutien apporté à une culture globale de la consommation durable. Penser le rôle du marketing durable n'est pas sans rappeler la transformation de la vision du rôle du dirigeant d'entreprise portée dans son discours par Antoine Riboud, fondateur de Danone, en 1972 : « Le rôle et la responsabilité du Chef d'Entreprise prend dès lors une nouvelle dimension. Il sera soumis lui aussi à deux critères d'appréciation : la réalisation des objectifs économiques vis-à-vis de ses actionnaires et de l'environnement et la réalisation des objectifs humains et sociaux vis-à-vis de son personnel. Pour réaliser ce double but, il devra trouver un équilibre dynamique entre les quatre valeurs d'efficacité, de responsabilité, de personnalisation, de solidarité. » (Riboud, 1972). Une entreprise qui innove en matière de développement durable peut bénéficier d'un avantage pionnier. Grâce à l'innovation et au changement, il est possible de mettre en place des outils, des processus et des stratégies marketing encourageant les objectifs et les résultats de la durabilité. La démarche doit être systémique et engager l'entreprise tant au niveau stratégique que tactique. Par ailleurs, elle suppose de mettre en place une « fabrique » sociale participative comprenant des chercheurs, des entrepreneurs, des managers, des organisations publiques et associatives et des consommateurs. Dans cette perspective, le cas Panera Cares étudié par Giana Eckhardt et Susan Dobscha interroge l'efficacité de la participation consciente du consommateur à promouvoir la durabilité sociale. Panera Cares, une filiale à but non lucratif de Panera Bread, exploite une stratégie baptisée « Pay What You Want » (Prix libre), dans le but de servir les consommateurs jugés en situation de précarité alimentaire. Cette stratégie de tarification est basée sur l'hypothèse selon laquelle les consommateurs agiront dans le respect des règles éthiques, lorsqu'on leur en donne la possibilité ; dans le cas présent, ils paieront davantage pour leur repas, sachant que la différence servira à lutter contre l'insécurité alimentaire. L'étude de cas met en évidence un échec. Malgré une attitude favorable, les consommateurs ne s'engagent pas financièrement en payant plus, bien au contraire ils ont tendance à payer moins. Fréquenter les restaurants leur donne le sentiment de participer à une cause sans nécessité de devoir payer plus. Espérer que les consommateurs adoptent, à travers leurs habitudes d'achat et d'utilisation, un comportement responsable allant dans le sens de la durabilité, serait un voeu pieux. Ainsi, s'il y a des freins à l'enrôlement de consommateurs pourtant intéressés, est-ce parce que le consommateur citoyen est un mythe ou est-ce parce que le chercheur ne regarde pas au bon niveau le sujet d'étude ? Ceci permet de remettre en question l'idée préconçue selon laquelle le développement du marché durable est essentiellement issu des croyances et attitudes positives des consommateurs. Si nous suivons la logique de Devinney, Auger et Eckhardt (2010), on ne peut étudier et comprendre le développement durable sans appréhender le système de coévolution sous forme de boucle rétroactive : une réaction aux actions des entreprises, actions qui constituent une réponse aux réactions des clients. Considérer cette boucle rétroactive, c'est appréhender le marché dans sa globalité comme un système d'interactions favorables ou défavorables au développement durable. C'est ce que nous proposent d'étudier Fletcher et Grose (2012) dans leur ouvrage Fashion and Sustainability dans le contexte particulier de la mode. Dans leur réflexion les auteurs montrent que les journalistes, les designers ou les chercheurs de tendances constituent les passeurs qui par leurs choix organisent la diffusion des nouveaux produits et des nouveaux symboles culturels. Le phénomène d'interagence illustre comment s'opère la construction sociale des symboles culturels : tant les désirs des consommateurs, que les inspirations des designers ou des fabricants sont socialement construites (Béji-Bécheur et Atik, 2012). La mode est le moyen de créer de l'adhésion, du plaisir, et joue son rôle de moteur de transformation sociale par le phénomène d'imitation et de distinction sociale. Ne pourrait-elle pas alors être une force pour faire évoluer la société vers une forme plus durable (Fletcher et Glose, 2012). Quel est alors le rôle du marketing ? Il constitue l'interface entre la fabrication et la consommation. Il est l'intermédiaire principal entre les entreprises et leurs parties prenantes, pour le matériel comme pour l'information. Le marketing exerce une influence considérable sur les cultures matérielle et immatérielle. En résumé, il occupe une position idéale pour apporter des modifications positives aux pratiques de production et de consommation. Le développement durable questionne le marketing pour son rôle certes dans le présent et dans le futur, mais aussi ici et là-bas. Ainsi, nous était-il difficile de clôturer ce numéro sans une réflexion sur les pays du Sud qui ne bénéficient pas des richesses économiques et subissent des contraintes environnementales et sociales très difficiles. A partir de ses trente ans d'expérience en Afrique, Eric Arnould invite les chercheurs à dépasser les frontières géographiques, théoriques et méthodologiques et propose un programme de recherches en marketing en faveur du développement durable dans les pays en voie de développement rappelant que leurs enjeux environnementaux et sociaux sont aussi les nôtres. Ce programme propose d'intégrer les différentes parties prenantes du système, d'étudier les réseaux d'acteurs pour en appréhender les liens de dépendance et de prendre en considération les contextes culturels structurant les modes d'action des individus. Eric Arnould appelle à l'engagement des chercheurs pour produire des connaissances actionnables. En conclusion, si le développement durable est une formule opérant la neutralisation de la conflictualité (Krieg-Planque, 2010), elle permet tout au moins d'envisager l'émergence de consensus pour répondre aux défis de notre société. Les producteurs de pratiques et de significations sur le développement durable sont à la fois les consommateurs, les entreprises, les chercheurs, etc. C'est la mise en oeuvre de cet « écosystème durable » dans lequel interviennent différents types d'acteurs (entreprises, certificateurs, consommateurs, Etat, supports techniques, etc.) que ce numéro spécial met en lumière. A notre modeste niveau, il explore les solutions envisageables pour qu'une nouvelle donne voie le jour. Le marketing durable, conscient des conséquences du développement actuel sur la pérennité des conditions d'une vie « authentiquement humaine » (Jonas, 1979) sur la planète, peut ainsi se renouveler, et assurer sa propre durabilité. Les contours de ce marketing durable restent encore à tracer, en dialogue avec le Service Dominant Logic, la Transformative Consumer Research, le marketing social, le marketing critique ou encore le macro marketing. Parce que le marketing est au coeur du commerce des hommes (faire ensemble), il peut et doit participer à la mise en oeuvre d'un système économique plus durable produisant et intégrant les liens qui font défaut à la définition de la planète comme un bien commun. A cet égard, nous souhaitons que ce numéro puisse ouvrir des perspectives de recherche pour approfondir le rôle transformateur et performatif du marketing au service de l'intérêt collectif. Nous en suggérons quelques unes ici :

Éline Jongmans, Alain Jolibert et Julie Irwin ; Ivan Dufeu, Jean- Marc Ferrandi, Patrick Gabriel et Marine Le Gall-Ely). Les seconds visent à comprendre les pratiques et conditions sociales de l'appropriation du développement durable par les consommateurs et leurs limites (Zied Mani et Véronique Cova ; Elisa Monnot, Fanny Reniou

  durable et la fidélité au point de vente, le tourisme durable, l'éco-innovation et le modèle économique des entreprises, la communication « durable » par les dirigeants, le suremballage, etc. et reflètent les préoccupations actuelles des chercheurs. Au final, penser le lien entre marketing et développement durable prend ici deux voies. La première consiste à le considérer comme une donnée, un critère, une norme à intégrer dans les techniques marketing des entreprises dans un processus de rationalisation et dont il faut étudier les effets sur les consommateurs. La seconde est d'envisager le développement durable comme une construction sociale, politique, économique et culturelle en cours à laquelle les actions marketing participent tout comme les réactions des consommateurs. Les travaux présentés dans ce numéro spécial offrent ainsi aux lecteurs ces deux facettes de compréhension du lien entre marketing et développement durable. En conséquence, les deux

	premiers articles s'ancrent dans le processus de rationalisation du développement durable par
	les techniques marketing, en analysant la performativité des actions promotrices du
	développement durable (et Aurélien Rouquet). Ensuite, les experts invités à participer à ce numéro mettent en lumière
	en quoi le développement durable peut être source d'inspiration pour renouveler le marketing
	dans sa définition (Diane Martin et John Schouten), ses pratiques (Giana Eckhardt et Susan
	Dobscha) et ses lieux d'action (Eric Arnould).

Selon l'ANT, les sciences et les technologies occupent une place centrale dans le processus de redéfinition de la société. C'est pourquoi, les « technologies » de marketing doivent être étudiées comme des dispositifs de traduction et non pas uniquement par rapport à leur efficacité économique(Callon,

2001).


Assane Diop

Carlos Alberto Nunes Consenza

Roger Marcelin Faye
email: roger.faye@ucad.edu.sn

Félix Mora-Camino

Airports in Urban Networks 2014

Keywords: airport noise, noise impact, fuzzy modelling

In this communication the problem of assessing the noise impact of airport operations on surrounding communities is treated. The specific objective of this study is to provide a tool to predict the noise impact resulting from the modification of air traffic patterns as a consequence not only of possible traffic increase but also of rearrangements of departure and arrival procedures and tracks. It is a general opinion that to access accurately the noise impact over people, noise cannot be only represented by an overall noise index and the corresponding level areas. The perception of traffic noise near airports is quite subjective and is dependent of many other parameters in general characteristic of the nearby air transport activity. So in this paper, fuzzy modeling is used to generate from traffic information on one side and from a mapping of local activities on the other side, a quantitative evaluation of noise impacts at different locations around an airport. This will allow to identify the critical locations with respect to noise as well as to perform sensitivity analysis studies when comparing different traffic scenarios.

Résumé

Dans cette communication, le problème de l'évaluation de l'impact du bruit des activités aéroportuaires sur les communautés environnantes est traité. L'objectif de cette étude est de fournir un outil pour prédire l'impact du bruit résultant de la modification des schémas de trafic aérien en raison non seulement de l'augmentation possible du trafic, mais aussi des modifications des procédures et des pistes de décollage et d'atterrissage. C'est une opinion générale que pour apprécier avec précision l'impact du bruit aéroportuaire sur les populations, le bruit ne peut être représenté seulement par un indice de bruit global et les zones de niveau de bruit correspondantes. La perception du bruit du trafic aérien à proximité des aéroports est très subjective et dépend de nombreux autres paramètres souvent caractérisant les activités au voisinage de l' aéroport. Donc, dans cet article , la modélisation floue est utilisée pour générer d'une part des informations de trafic et d'autre part une cartographie des activités locales , une évaluation quantitative de l'impact du bruit à différents endroits autour d'un aéroport . Cela permettra d'identifier les points critiques en ce qui concerne le bruit, ainsi que d'effectuer des études d'analyse de sensibilité lorsque l'on compare différents scénarios de trafic . Mots-clé: bruit aéroportuaire ; impact sonore ; modélisation floue.

Introduction

The air traffic development over the last decades as well as the urban growth have been generating significant critical situations regarding the noise annoyance in surrounding areas of many airports. That is why ICAO has requested to develop the necessary tools to assess the environmental benefits, including noise issues, which can be associated with ATM (Air Traffic Management) improvements. Within the balanced approach philosophy , [START_REF] Murphy | Study on the Balanced Approach to Noise Management and its Influence on the Economic Impact of Air Transportation[END_REF], to manage the noise issue at airports, it has been considered that the air navigation system should also contribute by considering noise in the implementation and operation of the new developments of the global air navigation system. In such a situation, the aeronautical noise assessment becomes an important issue when assessing new traffic scenarios and new departure or landing procedures. This estimation has been traditionally done using trajectory segmentation models.

Since noise was accepted as a serious component of environmental pollution, many studies have been performed in order to evaluate the degree of the problem and to d evelop appropriate noise indexes to assess and predict the noise impact on the airport surrounding communities.

Here a clear distinction must be established between subjective and objective noise impacts. The perception of aircraft noise near an airport by an individual is quite subjective and depends not only on the physical characteristics of this noise (levels distribution, spectrum, time occurrence distribution) over a span of time and over the given area where this person moves, but also of many pers onal parameters such as occupation, age, state of health and local sources of noise contributing to personal background noise. Then at the level of individuals, the subjective impact of aircraft noise is the result of a rather complex process. The generalization of subjective evaluation through some averaging process to populations presenting quite often a large degree of heterogeneity appears hazardous. In the present study, the objective impact of aircraft noise is only considered. The objective impact of noise at a given location is here considered to result from the local noise parameters and the geographical distribution of population and human activities.

Generally the objective noise impact over people cannot be only represented by an overall noise in dex and the corresponding level areas as produced by software like INM. In this context, this paper presents a fuzzy modeling approach which generate from traffic information on one side and from a mapping of local activities on the other side, a fuzzy evaluation of the objective noise impact at different locations around an airport. The aim of this paper is to provide a quantitative tool to predict the objective noise impact resulting from the modification of traffic patterns as a consequence not only of p ossible traffic increase but also of rearrangements of departure and arrival procedures and tracks. This tool adopts the fuzzy dual formalism to be able to cope with its inherent uncertainty in a feasible way. Then, it will be possible to perform analysis and predictions to identify critical locations with respect to noise as well as to perform sensitivity analysis studies when comparing different traffic scenarios.

Evaluation of elementary noise impacts

The sound exposure at a given location l during a time period [t 1 ,t 2 ] is given by (Mora-Camino 7 ):

) ( ) , ( p T) , SE( 2 2 A 2 1 s Pa dt t l l t t    where ] , [ 2 1 t t T  (1)
where p A (l,t) is the noise pressure through a A-type filter. The two following assumptions are adopted with respect to the sound exposure index:

-Temporal additivity (where the T p , p =1 to P, are P disjunctive time intervals) :

  ) , ( , 1 2 1 p P p P T l SE T T T l SE       (2)
.-Additivity with respect to n incoherent noise sources:

   n s s total T r SE T r SE 1 ) , ( ) , ( (3)
One of the main noise metric used in the aeronautical domain is the sound exposure Level (SEL) given at a location l for an acoustical event starting at t 1 and of duration T, by:

    ) ( ) /
dBA dt p t l p T p T l SE T l SEL T t t A             (4)
where p 0 is a given reference pressure level ( a P 

20

) and s T 1 0  . Now, considering a set L of receptors located around an airport at relevant positions (schools, hospitals, residency areas, etc), and the sets R A and R D of arrival and departure routes, with

D A R R R  
, a dimensionless weighting, which is supposed to be representative of the relative importance and nature of the different receptors and routes (day or night operated), can be introduced:

R r L l lr    , 0  with     L l R r lr 1  (5)
Then is introduced the set A of all aircraft types which can be operated at that airport :

Rm R m Rr R r D A A D A      (6)
where Rr A is the set of aircraft types allowed on arrival route r and Rm D is the set of aircraft types allowed on departure route m. Using an evaluation tool such as INM , it is possible to compute for each feasible triplet

L l A a R r l a r    , , ), , , (
, an elementary sound exposure level, expressed in dBA and given by: Observe also that there is in general a significant degree of uncertainty in the evaluation of the noise elementary impacts. This is mainly the result of track dispersion of aircraft along the nominal routes and of wind intensity and direction statistics. Then a fuzzy evaluation of noise impacts can be of interest. Here, to represent the uncertainty relative to the elementary noise impacts, the fuzzy dual formalism, [START_REF] Cosenza | Fuzzy Dual Numbers and Sets[END_REF], is adopted. Then, the fuzzy noise elementary impact is given by:

)

) , , ( , ( )) , , ( , ( ) , , ( ~l r a T l SEL l r a T l SEL l a r E      (8)
where  is the pure dual number ( 0 2   ) and where the dual

)) , , ( , ( l r a T l SEL 
is the degree of uncertainty , given in dBA, about the elementary noise impact of a noise occurrence of duration T at position l for aircraft type a along route r. Observe that since the degree of uncertainty is a positive value, relation (8) defines effectively a fuzzy dual number. Here for simplicity only triangular fuzzy dual numbers will be considered, as displayed on figure 1. There  is the classical membership function of fuzzy sets, [START_REF] Kandel | Fuzzy Mathematical Techniques with Applications[END_REF].

A first estimate of this dual number is to adopt as real part the mean value of the elementary impact and as dual part, the standard deviation of the elementary noise impact. Depending on the effective distribution of the elementary noise impact for each triplet (l, a, r), this choice can be considered acceptable or must be revised.

Estimation of critical noise impacts

From the computation of the elementary impacts, useful information to analyze noise impact can be retrieved. To determine critical situations the upper expected bound of a local impact in dBA is defined as:

L l A a R r l r a E l a r E l a r E        , , ) , , ( ) , , ( ) , , ( (9)
Then, it is possible to compute indices such as:

-the critical noise event for the whole airport surroundings characterised by the triplet   * *, *, l a r such as:

    ) , , ( max arg * *, *, , , l a r E l a r lr L l A a R r        (10)
-the maximum noise impact which can be expected from a flight characterized by a route r and an aircraft type a:

         L l l a r E lr 10 / ) , , ( 10 log 10  D Dr A Rr R r A a or R r A a     , , (11)
and when it is assumed that, taking into account the importance weightings defined above, there is additivity between noise impacts at different locations:

-the noise critical aircraft for route n: -the noise critical approach route and departure route for aircraft of type a: The above indices are computed considering the upper expected bounds of local impacts and correspond to a worst case analysis. However to maintain explicit the uncertainty level of impacts, direct computations and comparisons between fuzzy noise impacts can be performed by considering fuzzy dual operations and fuzzy dual ranking rules. The fuzzy dual addition of fuzzy dual numbers, written  ~, is identical to that of dual numbers and is given by:

            L l l a r E lr A a
              L l l a r E lr A a R r c Aa Rr A n 10 / ) , , ( , 10 log 10 max arg  (12.c)               L l l a r E lr A a R
) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 y y x x y x y x           (13) Its neutral element is ) 0 0 (  
, written 0 ~. The fuzzy dual product of two fuzzy dual numbers, written  ~, is given by:

)) ( . ( ) ( ) ( 1 2 2 1 2 1 2 2 1 1 y x y x x x y x y x            (14)
Ranking rules providing partial orderings between triangular fuzzy dual numbers must be also considered. First a strong partial order written   can be defined over  ~, which is the set of triangular fuzzy dual numbers (

    R b R a b a , ), (  ), by: 2 / 2 / : , 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 b a b a b a b a b a b a                  (15)
Then a weak partial order written   can be also defined over  ~ by:

2 / 2 / ) ( : , 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 b a b a b a b a b a b a                  (16)
More, a fuzzy equality written  ~can be defined between two fuzzy dual numbers by:

    2 / , 2 / 2 / , 2 / ) ( : , 2 2 2 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 1 2 2 1 1 b a b a a et b a b a a b a b a b a b a                    (17)
Then, the min and the max operators for triangular fuzzy dual numbers can be introduced:

               b a c , max (18)
with

   R R b a  , , ,
where

  b a c , max  and     b a b a , max 2 / , 2 / max        (19) with    R R b a  , , , where   b a d , min  and     b a b a , min 2 / , 2 / min       
Then it will be possible to compare and rank partially the different dual fuzzy noise impacts considered in the previous subsection.

Global evaluation of noise impact

According to the definition of deterministic elementary noise impact, given a traffic flow pattern   A a R r ra   ,  for the airport, the corresponding local noise impact at receptor l is given by:

  L l N l a r E ra lr A a R r l       10 / ) , , ( 10 log 10   (20)
while the global noise impact of this traffic flow pattern is given by:   10 / ) , , ( 10 log 10

l a r E ra lr L l A a R r G          (21)
Observe that these global noise indexes are more objective than those based on the size of the surface over a given noise level since they can take into account the effective land use around the airport.

Then, given a traffic flow pattern   A a R r ra   ,  for the airport, its local fuzzy noise impact at receptor l is such as: while its global noise impact is given by: In both expressions, the dual term represents the uncertainty about the global noise impact resulting from the uncertainty with respect to the elementary noise impacts.

  L l l a r E Log N l a r E ra lr A a R r l         )) , , ( 10
             )) , , ( 10

Case study

The considered case study considers Dakar's International Airport, Leopold S. Senghor Airport, which is today tightly surrounded by different suburbs of Dakar as shown in figure 1. Wide body and long range aircraft compose a large part of traffic, while, due to climate conditions, night operations take a large share of it, see table 1.

  of the acoustical event at location l corresponding to an aircraft of type a flying (arrival or departure) route r. The computation of these elementary sound exposure levels can be performed using repeatedly INM with unitary traffic as much as L

Fig. 1

 1 Fig.1 Example of triangular fuzzy dual number

Fig. 1

 1 Fig. 1 Surroundings of Dakar Airport

0 1 000 2 000 3 000 4 000 5 000 6 000 7 000 00h00-00h59 01h00-01h59 02h00-02h59 03h00-03h59 04h00-04h59 05h00-05h59 06h00-06h59 07h00-07h59 08h00-08h59 09h00-09h59 10h00-10h59 11h00-11h59 12h00-12h59 13h00-13h59 14h00-14h59 15h00-15h59 16h00-16h59 17h00-17h59 18h00-18h59 19h00-19h59 20h00-20h59 21h00-21h59 22h00-22h59 23h00-23h59

Trafic horaire -DAKAR

Table 1 -Hourly distribution of traffic at Dakar Airport ( year 2010) It appears clearly that the noise impact of airport activities over the surrounding population is rather important and that the proposed approach should be quite helpful to assess new scenarios about arrivals and departure traffic at this airport.

Conclusion

The aim of this paper has been to provide a quantitative method to predict the objective noise impact resulting from the modification of traffic patterns as a consequence not only of possible traffic increase but also of rearrangements of departure and arrival procedures and tracks. This tool adopts the fuzzy dual formalism to be able to cope with uncertainty in a feasible way. Then, it will be possible to perform analysis and predictions to identify critical locations with respect to noise as well as to perform sensitivity analysis studies when comparing different traffic scenarios.


Cécile Cavet
email: cecile.cavet@apc.univ-paris7.fr

Michèle Detournay

Volker Beckmann

Beckmann Volker

François Arago

Cloud computing for Astroscience applications

à la diffusion de documents scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

Definition

Cloud computing is a new IT paradigm taking place in the distributed computing family.

Distributed computing [4]: the Cloud computing paradigm has emerged due to Web evolution and virtualisation.

Cloud computing models.

The main attribute of Cloud computing is its flexibility.

Cloud Computing

On-Demand

Self-Service

Broad Network Access

Resource Pooling

Rapid Elasticity

Measured Service

Due to all these properties, Cloud computing is a promising platform for scientific computing.

StratusLab Cloud

Working of the StratusLab Cloud [START_REF] Philippon | [END_REF].

The StratusLab [START_REF]StratusLab: stratuslab[END_REF] project offers an academic IaaS Cloud since 2010. This public Cloud provides both StratusLab Cloud solution and virtual computing resources. VMs are:

• generated by KVM hypervisor and managed by OpenNebula virtual infrastructure manager (sonly replaced by LibVirt).

• supported by physical machines @LAL: 16 nodes, 440 cores, 772 GB of memory and 15 TB of storage.

• provided in OS disk images by the MarketPlace [7] and manageable by the Stra-tusLab command line client.

Big Data on the Cloud

Technics to treat huge volume of data are encompassed in Big Data term which includes algorithme (Map/Reduce) and environment (Hadoop cluster). Hadoop cluster is a challenging application due to huge amount of memory and storage requirements.

Hadoop Cluster with YARN (2.0)

Cluster benchmarking with Sort application is the first step of the study.

Sort benchmark (preliminary result).

French Cloud Federation

The French actors of academic Cloud computing are federated [1] in order to offer Cloud services to user. Several sites provide StratusLab, OpenStack and Open-Nebula with specific resources.

French Cloud infrastructures [3].

Performance Benchmark

To obtain VM performance, High Performance Computing Challenge (HPCC) benchmark was run [2] and particularly the High Performance LINPACK (HPL) benchmark. Small differences are due to the type of CPU (cache size).

HPL benchmark: performance comparaison of the Arago cluster (FACe/APC) vs StratusLab VM (top) and a bare metal system vs KVM VM (bottom) [START_REF] Luszczek | [END_REF].

The behaviour is similar: no overhead due to virtualisation.

Virtualisation

Virtualisation is at the heart of the process allowing for the creation of VMs. Hypervisors (KVM, Xen, VirtualBox, VMWare...) are supported by the native OS of physical machines and create virtual ressources with the limitation of physical ones.

Hypervisor role [START_REF] Loomis | Journée Cloud[END_REF]: process between physical and virtual resources.

VM life cycle

When users are porting an application on the Cloud, this undergoes VM's life cycle.

VM states and interaction [START_REF] Loomis | Journée Cloud[END_REF].

Application porting

Euclid mission (@Euclid).

Application porting = adaptation of the IT environnement to the code.

Cloud computing advantages:

• OS and resources on-demand.

• Immediate instantiation and ssh connection.

• Infinite life duration of the VM (or almost).

• Advanced system using due to root user rights.

• Immediate code porting and execution.

• No overhead on computing (execution time is similar).

SlipStream: multi-cloud

The SlipStream TM solution [9] allows to automatically deploy an environnement on VMs. With the Web interface, users just need to:

• create an SlipStream account and register Cloud credentials and ssh keys.

• run VM or deployment and access by ssh to VM. SlipStream Web interface: example of Torque deployment on a virtual cluster of one master node and two worker nodes.