Agnes Korn
email: agnes.korn@cnrs.fr

The non-change of postconsonantal y and w in Middle Persian in context

Keywords:

Old Persian shows a change of postconsonantal y, w to iy, uw, respectively. However, if one applies (pre-)Middle Persian sound changes to the Old Persian forms, the result is at variance with certain Middle Persian forms. If one were to assume a syncope reversing the Old Persian change of y, w to iy, uw, this would also affect old cases of iy, uw and likewise yield incorrect results for Middle Persian. The Old Persian change can thus not have operated in the prehistory of Middle Persian, and there is a dialectal difference between attested Old Persian and the later stages of the language, which is to be added to those already noted. The paper also discusses some sound changes that are connected to the Old Persian change in one way or the other. Cases in point are the processes called Epenthesis and Umlaut in previous scholarship, which this article suggests to interpret as occurring in different contexts and in different periods. The former is limited to Vry, which yields Vir and feeds into a monophthongisation that, as shown by some late Old Persian word forms, occurred within Achaemenid times, giving ēr and īr from ary and əry. Epenthesis did not occur in the prehistory of Parthian, whereas the monophthongisation did. The Appendix presents a tentative sequence of the processes discussed in this article, which is intended as a contribution to the relative chronology of Persian historical phonology.

Introduction

As argued by Hoffmann (1976: 636-38), Old Persian (op) shows a change of postconsonantal y, w to iy, uw, respectively. The present article discusses evidence that this change did not operate in the dialect(s) on which Middle Persian is based; this difference between Middle Persian (mp) and attested Old Persian is thus to be added to those already identified.

This article is part of ongoing research on the chronology of Persian sound changes, which intends to proceed differently from what has been done so far: Traditionally, a "black box" method has been applied in studies on the historical phonology of Iranian, i.e., apart from isolated notes that a certain change X has to be earlier than change Y, they have limited themselves to contrasting an input-Proto-Iranian (Ir.), or even Proto-Indo-European (pie)-with an output (Old, Middle, or New Persian) without examining what happens in between. Conversely, the "glass box" approach tries to determine in what sequence the various processes take place, while at the same time also taking into account how they interact.1 This article will show examples of sound changes that yield incorrect results if one disregards how they interact.

The present attempt at presenting a relative chronology of some Persian sound changes is hypothetical in many details-necessarily so for lack of data in some parts-and awaits further refinement in others. It does try to establish what seems reasonably certain, and to offer additional points for subsequent discussion, laying out at each step the evidence (or lack of the same) on which the proposal is based. The suggestions systematically attempt to follow the principle of economy in terms of hypotheses: where two explanations seem equally viable, the approach which explains the data in the most straightforward way will be preferred. The Appendix (Section 5.) lists a preliminary tentative chronology of the sound changes suggested here; the numbers cited throughout the article refer to the items on this list, which, however, will be limited to changes discussed in this article. In the formulaic form of the sound changes, asterisks are omitted.

Dialectal differences between Old, Middle, and New Persian (np) are of central importance to this article. I will use the terms "Proto-Old Persian", "Proto-Middle Persian", and "Proto-New Persian" to refer to the dialect(s) from which attested Old, Middle, and New Persian, respectively, derive.2 For rea-sons of economy and also to avoid ex nihilo arguments, the assumption will be that Proto-mp is identical to attested Old Persian unless there is evidence to assume a difference (and similarly for Proto-np). Similarly, I will assume that Elamite renderings of Ir. word forms reflect Old Persian unless they show features implying a dialectal difference, and that Armenian has borrowed from Middle Persian and Parthian (Pth.) unless there is evidence to the contrary.3

The term "Classical Old Persian" will be used to refer to what seems to be the "normal" form of attested Old Persian, differentiating it from other dialects and from late stages of Old Persian.4 As in any discussion of Middle Iranian phonology, the evidence of Ir. loanwords in Armenian (Arm.) is of crucial importance. Expressions such as "Armenian shows …" are meant to refer to the Ir. items found in the Arm. lexicon, more precisely the older layer of (Proto-)Middle Iranian loanwords (showing inherited p, t, k in postvocalic position),5 which is most relevant for the present discussion.6 korn Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127

Old Persian

Before discussing the Middle Persian non-change which is the topic of this paper, it is necessary to review a number of Old Persian changes in some detail. The argument chiefly follows [START_REF] Hoffmann | Zur altpersischen Schrift[END_REF], whose argument (revising much of previous scholarship) seems convincing to me so far as Classical Old Persian is concerned.

Old Persian y > iy, w > uw 1.1 In his comprehensive article on the Old Persian script, Hoffmann (1976: 636-38) argues that op spellings such as ⟨h-ru-u-v-⟩ 'all' , ⟨a-n-i-y-⟩ 'other' , ⟨θ-u-va-m⟩ 'you (acc.sg)' stand for haruwa-, aniya-, θuwām, respectively, implying a change of postconsonantal y and w to iy and uw,7 and opposing the forms just mentioned to Proto-Iranian *harwa-, *anya-, *θwām.

Hoffmann thus argues against other authors' assumptions that spellings such as ⟨a-n-i-y-⟩ and ⟨h-ru-u-v-⟩ represent anya-, harwa-, etc., with the additional i, u being merely orthographic.8 For instance, Meillet & Benveniste (1931: 87-89, §144, 146)9 had considered it improbable that an old šyāti-'joy' would become šiyāti-and then change back to the šyāt-that is required to yield mp šād since the change šy to mp š appears to presuppose the absence of i, u.10 A similar argument would hold for Ir. *dw-> (Middle Persian) d-, which appears to speak against an intermediary stage duw-.11

However, as pointed out by [START_REF] Risch | Zur lautlichen Struktur des Altpersischen[END_REF]: 151, followed by Hoffmann 1976: 636), reversals of iy, uw to postconsonantal y, w are in fact not uncommon. For instance, the development of pie *médhi̯ os 'middle' (OInd. mádhya-) to Latin medius (trisyllabic) implies *dhi̯ > dii̯ , which then reverted to *di̯ -to yield Italian mezzo. Moreover, says Hoffmann (1976: 637), had the op form been /harwa-/, 7

The development of hy need not be an exception, see 1.8. See 2.5 for further discussion of aniya-and haruwa-. 8

The account by Brust (2018: 22-24) is inconclusive and based on a misunderstanding regarding Sievers' Law. Schmitt (e.g., 1989: 64-65) considers as "orthographic rules" much of what Hoffmann considers a real phenomenon; his transcription is a "regrettable step backwards" (Werba 1993: 141-42) compared to [START_REF] Hoffmann | Zur altpersischen Schrift[END_REF]. 9

In contrast to [START_REF] Meillet | Grammaire du vieux-perse[END_REF], Meillet (1915: 75 § 144, 77 § 147) does not appear to doubt "real" iy, uw; he notes that this i/u is of recent date and specific to Old Persian (implying, I assume, that it is absent from Avestan), and mentions the difference between op *huw-and mp xw-from Ir. hw-. 10 See 2.3 and 3.4 for further discussion of this word. 11

See 2.1-2.3 for further discussion of this change.

Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127 one would expect it to be written †⟨h-r-v-⟩; one would hardly write ⟨h-ru-u-v-⟩ with a ⟨Cu-u⟩ "representing a phonetic nothing"; the same argument could be made about ⟨du-u-v-r-⟩, which could just as well be written †⟨d-v-r-⟩ (or †⟨du-vr-⟩) if a form /dwara-/ was meant.12 12 One might be tempted to compare the Avestan ii and uu which render *y and *w in intervocalic and postconsonantal position. Hoffmann & Forssman (1996: 84) suggest that this orthography might be due to the influence of Old Persian and thus belongs to the transmission of the Av. texts, not to the Av. language while it was spoken. At any rate, metrical and other details show that the difference between historic iy vs. y (both written ii) and uw korn Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127 Hoffmann (1976: 638) further argues that both inherited -iya-and the output of Ir. *ya are written ⟨Ci-ya-⟩ in Elamite, and old and secondary uwa are both rendered by ⟨Cu-ma-⟩ or ⟨ma-⟩ (cf. Mayrhofer 1973: 33, 85, 93).13 Moreover, both inherited and secondary iya are contracted in later Old Persian according to Schmitt (1989: 71, see 1.7,2.1). Potential examples are op marīkā (voc.sg) ⟨m-ri-k-a-⟩14 'lower-rank / younger man'15 from *maryaka-(cf. OInd. maryaká-) via *mariyaka-16 and several possible cases of -y-a-> -iy-a-> -ī-where the contraction seems to operate across the morpheme boundary of the preverbs ni-, abiand the augment a-(*niy-a-> nī-; *abiy-a-> abī-from *ny-a-, *aby-a-as seen in OInd. parallel forms):

vs. w (both written uu) is preserved in Avestan (Hoffmann & Narten 1989: 39-49). We can conclude that there are the Av. phonemes /y/ and /w/, which have word-initial allophones written with the signs transcribed ⟨y⟩, ⟨v⟩ and word-internal allophones written ii, uu.-See also n. 53. 13 ⟨m⟩ is the regular Elamite rendering of any op w in any position of the word (see the list in Mayrhofer 1973: 85-87). 14

None of the three instances (DNb 50, 55, 57) is fully preserved; the fact that the text is structured in parallel sentences may confirm the restorations. The rock shows both old cracks that seem to antedate the inscription and later ones, which does not facilitate the interpretation (see also the details in Schweiger 1998/i: 74 and ii: 215-21). The comparatively best instance is the one in line 50. Schmitt (2000: 34) reads ⟨m-r-i-•-k-a⟩, which has a lacuna in the middle (cf. the photo in Plate 18 of [START_REF] Schmitt | The Old Persian inscriptions of Naqsh-i Rustam and Persepolis[END_REF]. It seems to me that the crack is old, and that no sign is lost (which is what Schmitt's ⟨•⟩ implies; thus also Sims-Williams 1981b: 3); also, the ⟨k⟩ is rather narrow, as if compensating for the space lost by the crack, and in the lines below, the crack continues in a way coherent with line 50, and no signs appear to be lost. As for the individual signs, I think that ⟨k-a⟩ are beyond doubt, ⟨m⟩ and ⟨i⟩ fairly certain, while ⟨r⟩ is not. 15 Schmitt (1999b: 129-31) argues in favour of marīka-meaning 'young man' (cf. mp mērag 'young man, husband') rather than 'servant' (which is the meaning of Bactrian μαρηγο).

For cognates from other ie languages meaning 'boy / girl' and pointing to a possible root *mer(H) 'young' , see Milanova (2021: Section ii. 2.3.1). In the Aramaic version (cf. Sims-Williams 1981b), the equivalent passages are not preserved. 16

The argument by Brust (2018: 25-26, 187, 283) is circular: According to him, the middle signs in op marīka-are not readable (this is not entirely accurate, see n. 14), from which he concludes that there is no change iya > ī in Old Persian. From the supposed absence of this change he concludes (p. 187) that ⟨a-b-i-j-a-v-y-m⟩ cannot be an imperfect abī-ǰāwayam < *abiy-a-ǰāwayam (according to him, ⟨n-i-š-t-a-y⟩, ⟨n-i-š-t-a-y-m⟩ and ⟨n-i-š-a-d-y-m⟩, are injunctives as well). While ⟨a-b-i-j-a-v-y-m⟩ might indeed be an injunctive (abi-ǰāwayam), even if it would be the only injunctive in this inscription (among many imperfects and some aorist forms), a lack of readability of marīka-would not prove that there is no change iya > ī. Also, and independent from the details of marīka-and the interpretation of the cited verb forms, the change iya > ī clearly did take place at some point in the prehistory of Middle Persian and also in numerous other Ir. languages (see 1.7, 2.1); it thus seems to have occurred rather early.

Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127

Uncontracted form Contracted form Meaning

*mariyaka-⟨m-r-i-k-a⟩ DNb marīkā 'young man' (voc) ⟨n-i-y-š-t-a-y⟩ niy-a-štāya ⟨n-i-š-t-a-y⟩ XPh nīštāya 'he established' ⟨n-i-y-š-a-d-y-m⟩ niy-a-šādayam ⟨n-i-š-a-d-y-m⟩ XPh nīšādayam 'I placed down' ⟨a-b-i-y-j-a-v-y-m⟩ abiy-a-ǰāwayam ⟨a-b-i-j-a-v-y-m⟩ XPf abīǰāwayam 'I added' a Readings from Schmitt (2014: 63, 246 and 45, 183, respectively).

1.2 Postconsonantal y, w yielding op iy, uw recalls iy, uw arising from i/ī, u/ū (including ai, au) in word-final position. Examples include paruw ⟨p-ru-u-v⟩ 'much' (OInd. adverb purú); the 3rd sg imperative ending -tuw (⟨-tu-u-v⟩, OInd.

-tu); naiy ⟨n-i-y⟩ 'not' < *nait; =čiy ⟨-c-i-y⟩ (particle, etymologically 'any') < *čit (OInd. čid); and the 3rd sg ending active -tiy, middle -taiy (OInd. -ti, -te, respectively) are both written ⟨-t-i-y⟩ in spite of the ambiguity this creates since there is no sign ⟨ti⟩ (cf. Schmitt 1989: 64). Again, Hoffmann (1976: 635, 643) argues that this is a real change, not a quirk on the part of the scribes ("Schreibermarotte").

I suggest that this change and the one discussed in 1.1 are in fact a single process, which can be interpreted as a general tendency for both i, u and y, w to be excluded from certain positions in the word. Note that interconsonantal i, u (including i, u occurring in the diphthongs ai, au) are not affected.17

Change (9) Ir. i, y > op iy /C_V [ u, w ] [ uw ] { /_# }
Similar processes sporadically operate in other contexts. While y and w mostly appear as such between vowels (V_V), there are cases of a change to iy, uw even in this position, e.g., adāra(i)ya ⟨a-d-a-r-(i-)y⟩ 'he held' (OInd. adhārayat), ba(u)watiy ⟨b-(u-)v-t-i-y⟩ 'becomes' (OInd. bhávati), etc.18 However, these sporadic cases are not on the same level as the systematic ("regelmäßig", Schmitt 1989: 69) change of postvocalic y, w to iy, uw. Likewise apparently related is, according to Hoffmann (1976: 635), the phenomenon of ⟨u-v⟩ for expected ū, but it needs to be kept in mind that this 17 Word-internal i and u are normally written ⟨Ci-i⟩, ⟨Cu-u⟩ where a Ci / u character is available (⟨Ci / u⟩ alone is also found), otherwise ⟨C-i/u-⟩, thus identical to ai, au. Word-initial ai and au are written ⟨a-i/u-⟩, and i-, u-⟨i-⟩, ⟨u-⟩ (Kent 1953: 13-14). 18

Examples from Hoffmann (1976: 63524). Cf. also Kent (1953: 21).

korn Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127 is limited to isolated cases, it is thus different from the systematic change in (9). Relevant cases include gen.pl dahyuwnām ⟨d-h-y-u-v-n-a-m⟩ beside dahyūnām ⟨d-h-y-u-n-a-m⟩ 'countries' (OInd. dásyūnām) and uwnara-⟨u-v-nr-⟩ 'skill' (OInd. sūnára-). The analysis on the part of Old Persian scribes of ū as a combination of u+w is noteworthy from a phonological point of view (Hoffmann 1976: 636).19

Some changes preceding op y > iy, w > uw

The op change (9) can be used as point of reference for a relative chronology of some other changes.

1.3

As pointed out by Meillet (1915: 75 §144, 77 §147),20 the change of *čy and *θy to *šy, yielding instances such as ⟨š-i-y-v-⟩ šiyaw-'move, proceed' (OInd. √cyu); ⟨š-i-y-a-t-i-⟩ šiyāti-'joy' (Latin quiēs); ⟨h-š-i-y-⟩ hašiya-'true' (Av. haiθiia-, OInd. satyá-), presupposes contact of the two consonants; it thus predates the change of Cy/w to Ciy / Cuw. It may be noted in passing that Avestan shows šíi for *čy as well (but not for *θy). However, the agreement of the two Old Ir. languages should not be taken to imply that *čy > šy is a Proto-Iranian change. Some later Ir. languages have an affricate in the relevant words (Khotanese ts, Ossetic c, Kurdish č),21 so it is more likely that the change *čy > šy occurred independently in those Ir. languages that show it (in fact, most Ir. languages)-aided perhaps by contact among some of them, but not as part of a common inheritance.

If, then, the op change *čy > šy is independent of the parallel change in Avestan, this offers the possibility to assume (as is generally done), if only for reasons of economy, that the specifically Persian change *θy > šy occurred together with the parallel change *čy > šy.

Change (3) Ir. čy, θy > op šy

It would be interesting for the purposes of relative chronology if the fact that op θ is of several origins-pie *t preceding a consonant, *th2 and *ḱ (> Ir. *ś)-

19
See Werba (1993: 142-43) for an alternative interpretation: He suggest that there was a neutralisation of vowel quantity in word-final i, u in the same way as there clearly is in the case of -a/ā, which both yield op -ā (see 1.5); he interprets ⟨-i-y⟩ [ij] as an allophone of /ī/, implying a lengthening of -i, -u > op -ī, -ū. 20

Note the change in opinion by [START_REF] Meillet | Grammaire du vieux perse[END_REF]Meillet & Benveniste (1931: 87) consider as "sûrement graphique" the i and u in op Cy/w (see n. 9). 21

Thus also the argument by Cheung (2007: 41) for the root *čyaw, cf. also MacKenzie (1961: 71-72).

Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127 provided an element of relative chronology for the subsequent processes, but unfortunately there is no good example nor a compelling counterexample of whether or not op θ deriving from pie *ḱ is included in the change *θy > šy.

It has generally been assumed that it is [START_REF] Brandenstein | Handbuch des Altpersischen[END_REF]: 135, following Kent 1953: 34a) Change (1) Indo-Ir. K > Ir. X /_C 1.4 Another change (occurring, in my view, systematically) preceding that of Cy/w > Ciy / Cuw is that of *r̥ to ǝr. This is shown by op ⟨k-r-i-y-⟩ 'be done' , ⟨mr-i-y-⟩ 'die' from Proto-Ir. *kr̥ ya-and *mr̥ ya-: Had the op forms still been *kr̥ ya-, *mr̥ ya-(i.e., if r preceding -ya-behaved like a vowel), the change Cy/w > Ciy / Cuw would not have taken place in these forms, and they would be written †⟨k-r-y-⟩ and †⟨m-r-y-⟩. As the change -ya-> -iya-is operating, the element preceding it is behaving like a consonant. ⟨k-r-i-y-⟩ and ⟨m-r-i-y-⟩ thus must contain a consonantal r, and encode kǝriya-, mǝriya-which arose from *kǝrya-, *mǝryawith consonantal r providing the context for the change to the forms with -iy-(cf. Gippert 2001: 15). The statement just made differs from the scenario suggested by Schmitt (1967: 61-62, similarly in subsequent works), who argues that the Old Persian passive shows full grade throughout (thus kariya-, mariya-, where the ar contains the consonantal r triggering -ya-> -iya-). He further holds that ⟨c-x-r-iy-a⟩ ča-xr-iyā (3sg.prf.opt)-with the consonantal r effecting *kr > Ir. xrestablishes a sequence of changes *ča-kr̥ -yā-t > *čakriyāt > čaxriyā, i.e., there would have been a resyllabification of *r̥ y > op riy; the passive should thus be †xriya-(not ⟨k-r-i-y-⟩) had this category had zero grade.

22

The question merits a separate study, which is beyond the scope of this article. 23

See Tremblay (2005: 674-85)

Input op form Schmitt My reading mp form Meaning

*kr̥ -ya-⟨k-r-i-y-⟩ kariya-kəriya-⟨k(y)l-⟩, ⟨qyryh-⟩ do-pass *mr̥ -ya-⟨m-r-i-y-⟩ mariya-məriya-⟨myr-⟩ (np mīr-) 'die' *čakr̥ -yā-t ⟨c-x-r-i-y-a⟩ čaxriyā-do.prf-opt-3sg

While at least the latter seems a valid point considering cf. OInd. kriyá-, mriyá-, it is difficult chronologically: since k changing to x (in fact, the change of any stop to fricative) in pre-consonantal position (1) surely is Proto-Iranian (see 1.3), this would date *kr̥ y > *kriy > *xriy-to Proto-Iranian. However, the corresponding Avestan forms are unambiguous and demonstrate that this scenario is unlikely: the perfect stem is čāxr-and the passive kiriia-; the latter is obviously not the full grade, but from *kr̥ ya-and does not yield **xriya-. Pointing in the same direction is Manichean mp (mpm) ⟨qyryh-⟩ 'be done' and inscriptional mp (mpi) ⟨kylyt, klyty⟩ 'is being done' , according to Skjaervø (1997: 161) "the direct descendant" of the op form,24 thus militating against Schmitt's assumption of a full-grade passive in Old Persian. čaxriyā is then likely to contain the prevocalic variant ča-xr-V-which was generalised as the only perfect stem, including in the position preceding -y-, thus showing the same process as Avestan čāxr-.

Similarly, as pointed out by Gippert (2001: 15), Av. miriia-and mp/np mīr-'die' speak against Schmitt's assumption of a full-grade op passive /mariya-/ replacing the expected *mr̥ ya-, and in favour of an op form *mərya-with consonantal r necessary here as well to yield məriya-.25

In fact, in view of the rigorous method otherwise applied by these authors, it is surprising that Brandenstein & Mayrhofer (1964: 33, 35), [START_REF] Mayrhofer | Vorgeschichte der iranischen Sprachen; Uriranisch[END_REF]: 10), Hoffmann (1976: 631), Schmitt (various works), and Brust (2018: 13) are somewhat unclear on the status of *r̥ ; assuming that there was "a phoneme r̥ that was pronounced [ǝr]", as it were (thus explicitly Schmitt 1989: 69). However, "it is difficult to motivate the development in op if one assumes a real r̥ " (Gippert 24 See 2.1, 2.4 for the further development of kərya-. 25 nb that a scenario Proto-op *marya-> pmp *maira-(by the change discussed in 2.1, 2.5) > mp †mēr-> np mīr-is impossible: except for the position preceding a nasal, the merger of mp ē and ī is limited to postclassical standard New Persian, while the two vowels are kept distinct in the classical literature and in dialects and varieties such as Afghan Persian (see [START_REF] Korn | On Armenian -agin: Additional evidence for a third West Middle Iranian dialect?[END_REF]: 209-1034); the vocalism of mīr-for classical np (and by extension for mp) is thus beyond doubt. See also 2.4 for further discussion of mərya-.

2001: 15), and the idea that the question of the phonemic and phonetic reality does not matter (thus explicitly, e.g., Brust (2018: 13), following others) is linguistically odd. One cannot help but feel that the approach aims at "explaining away" evidence against the preservation of *r̥ in Old Persian, and at positing a maximum of regularity for the op verbal system (thus also Schmitt's argument for other verbal categories in his 1967 article).

Concerning the vocalism of the op output of *r̥ , the op orthography does not distinguish ar and the output of *r̥ (both are written ⟨a-r⟩ word-initially and ⟨C-r⟩ word-internally), but the Elamite rendering of *r̥ is ir, e.g., ir-ta-for op ⟨a-r-t-⟩ ǝrta-'justice' and Birdiya-(personal name) for op ⟨b-r-di-i-ya-⟩ (cf. Mayrhofer 1973: 25). Conversely, had *r̥ given op ir generally as Elamite might suggest, one would not expect both ir and ur as mp/np outputs of *r̥ (cf. mp burd 'carried'). Taken together, this makes a pronunciation ǝr for the op result of *r̥ likely26 and establishes ə as a phoneme for Old Persian.27

While op provides direct evidence for *r̥ yielding a vowel plus consonantal r (ǝr) only for *r̥ preceding y (*r̥ y yielding *əry being shown by op əriy), the Elamite rendering of *r̥ as ir shows that *r̥ > ər was a general process.

Change (8) *r̥ > ǝr

As for relative chronology, *r̥ > *ǝr (8) needs to precede y > iy, w > uw (9) as argued above. I am grouping *r̥ > *ǝr next to y, w > iy, uw (thus after *θy > šy (3) discussed in 1.3), assuming that they follow the same tendency of insertion of anaptyctic vowels, although there is no direct evidence for this specific relative chronology.28 26 Thus also Gippert (2001: 15). Bartholomae (1925: 48) states: "The opinion I voiced earlier (…) about Proto-Indo-Iranian r̥ being still pronounced as a sonant [i.e. vocalic *r̥ ] in Proto-Iranian is wrong." He also points out (1925: 17-19) that the vowel can neither have been a nor i or u. He thus notes ɒ r for Old Persian and (54) ə r for Proto-Iranian. 27

See also Werba (1993: 142), who postulates (for slightly different reasons) that the op output of *r̥ was a biphonemic combination of a reduced vowel and r, and that the former is thus to be added to the inventory of op vowels. He follows [START_REF] Hoffmann | Zur altpersischen Schrift[END_REF] in transcribing "ạr", but interprets it as /ər/. 28 Some authors (e.g., Werba 1993: 142) have dated *r̥ > ər to Proto-Iranian (see also n. 26).

While the question surely needs more research, I am sceptical of such an early date, seeing that the result of *r̥ is treated differently from combinations of vowels with r in Sogdian: It is lost between voiceless consonants (e.g., as in *kr̥ taka-> kte 'done' , Schwartz 2005: 165) and otherwise yields a "light syllable" (Sims-Williams 1984: 210). For an argument along similar lines, see Tremblay (2005: 680-81). See also n. 97.

korn Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127

1.5

The change i, u > iy, uw also needs to postdate the loss of word-final t/d, as shown by *čit > =čiy and *nait > naiy (see 1.2). The change is usually formulated as affecting word-final t, but in fact this includes -d, because there is no voice opposition of word-final stops in pie and Proto-Iranian, and the voice feature depends on that of the initial sound of the next word (thus, e.g., *čit/d).29 It may safely be assumed that the loss of other word-final consonants is part of the same change, so that the only consonants permitted in word-final position are y, w, m, r, and š (Brandenstein & Mayrhofer 1964: 45). This produces the coalescence of many verbal and nominal endings in -a (< Ir. *-ah, -an(h), -a(n)t/d, -ats).30

Change (7) t/d, ts, n(h), nd/t, h > op ∅ /_#
As pointed out by Hoffmann (1976: 633-34), this -a does not coalesce with inherited word-final *-a because the latter was lengthened at a previous stage. That this lengthening was likewise a real (not only graphic) phenomenon is shown by the consistent spellings as well as by the absence of the lengthening if a clitic follows (e.g. manā I.gen/dat vs. mana=čā with =čā 'and'). The change is shared by Proto-Middle Persian, as shown by some mpm fossilised phrases where -ā became phrase-internal later on and thus treated as one word with the following item, cf. mpm ⟨psʾc⟩ pasāz (cf. op pasā 'afterwards') with the mp clitic =(i)z 'also' (see 1.6), mpm ⟨gwʾm⟩ < *gaubā=mai 'tell me!' and several such instances in the Psalter (Sims-Williams 1981a: 174).

Change (6) a > op ā /_# 1.6 As likewise noted by Sims-Williams (1981a: 175), Manichean Middle Persian shows another peculiarity which is relevant here. The words kas 'someone' and tis 'something' , which are usually derived from *kas=čid and *čis=čid, are written with a final ⟨w⟩ when the clitic =(i)z 'also' is attached, thus ⟨qswc⟩ kasuz and ⟨tyswc⟩ tisuz.31 Now, kasčid and *čisčid would hardly yield kasu, čisu. More probably, the inherited *čid, showing the pronominal nom/acc neuter ending -d, was adjusted to *čim (a process that also yields Av. čim), i.e., took the much more frequent nominal nom/acc ending. The -m then caused a labialisation of 29 Cf. Fortson (2010: 70) for the pie sandhi and EWAia (i: 542) for the OInd. form. 30

Cf. Brandenstein & Mayrhofer (1964: 45-46). Kent (1953: 32, 39) assumes the loss is only graphic (except for d/t following i).

31

Needless to say, mp kas and tis may also be combined with the freely available clitic =iz, thus tis=iz noted by Durkin-Meisterernst (2004: 333).

the vowel: *čum, and the nasal was later lost, yielding *ču (as it did in Sogdian cu and Khotanese ju), thus pmp *kasčim > *kasu and *čisčim > *čisu.

Conversely, Classical Old Persian shows =čiy, which can only be from *čid, not from *čim, because -m is not among the word-final consonants which were lost (cf. ( 7)). The substitution *čid → *čim is another dialectal contrast between Classical Old Persian and Proto-Middle Persian.

If one assumes that the op loss of word-final t/d etc. in ( 7) also operated in Proto-Middle Persian, the substitution of *čim for *čid needs to precede this change: the element *=či(y) probably no longer functioned as an independent element and was not perceived as a pronominal nom/acc anymore; it thus was not a candidate for being replaced by *čim. I do not see particular evidence for a relative chronology of this change and of the loss of word-final t/d, n, h and the changes in 1.3-1.4. Perhaps both could be part of a tendency favouring open syllables that could be seen in 1.2, so as a preliminary hypothesis, I place sč > s near y, w > iy, uw (9), but leave *r̥ > ǝr (8) and the loss of word-final consonants next to y > iy, w > uw as possibly even more closely related phenomena. Change (5) Ir. sč > op s Some changes following op y > iy, w > uw Conversely to the cases just discussed, the op change of postconsonantal y, w to iy, uw is presupposed by some other changes.

1.7

As pointed out by Hoffmann (1976: 637), instances of the contraction iya > ī occurring within Old Persian show that both the inherited sequence iya as well korn Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127 as iya arising from Cy undergo this change (see 1.1). One obvious effect is that the frequent suffix combinations *-iya-ka-and *-ya-ka-both yield -īka-. Indeed, a contraction iya > ī is widespread in Iranian, and *-iya-ka-yields -īk/g in much of Middle and New Iranian, which makes it likely that the change is rather old.33 In the Arm. Bible, -ik occurs in "adjectives of appurtenance, mostly of Iranian origin" and reflects both Ir. *-(i)yaka-and *-ika-according to Olsen (1999: 454-55); obviously the suffix was borrowed into Armenian before the change of postvocalic Ir. p, t, k (for which see 2.7).-As I will argue in 2.1, however, the merger of *-iya-ka-and *-ya-ka-is a specifically Old Persian phenomenon, and *-ya-ka-does not necessarily yield -īg in Middle Persian.

Quite probably there was a parallel change *uwa > ū (Schmitt 1990: 18-20). This appears likely a priori, and is also suggested by some Elamite evidence: It seems that a certain op place name is rendered both by Si-qa-hu-ut-ti-iš /Θikayūtiš/ and Ši-ik-ki-ú-ma-ti-iš reflecting Ir. /Sikayuwatiš/ (also showing the dialectal difference op θ vs. other Ir. s).34 There are also some rather convincing mp examples: xūb 'good' may be derived from *hu-Hapah-(via *huwapah-, cf. Av. huuapah-)35 and d(u)rūd 'health' reflects Ir. *druwat-(cf. Arm. druat-ikʿ 'praise').36

However, there are also cases of uwa yielding mp ō rather than ū, e.g., padrōd 'farewell' .36 The change uwa > mp ō could be comparatively late, which would mean that some cases of uwa escaped the change to ū. The contrast of d(u)rūd vs. padrōd, both containing a cognate of Av. druuatāt-'health' , makes it unlikely that the phonetic context plays a role. It is likewise unclear whether the accent might play a role. One might assume that úwa could have yielded ū while uwá (and/or unstressed uwa) changed to ō only later,37 but this assumption is rendered difficult by the accent of OInd. Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127 the details of these changes are not quite clear at present, the development of uwa does not seem to be entirely parallel to that of op iya.

Change (11) iya > ī (only for cases of inherited iya in mp) uwa > ū ?

(conditions of change unclear)

1.8 Another change that needs to be later than Cy/w > Ciy / Cuw is the op loss of h preceding u, e.g., ukāra-⟨u-k-a-r-⟩ 'having good people' < *hu-kara-, Aura-⟨a-u-r-⟩ < *ahura-(god's name). Since hu > u includes huw that comes from *hw (e.g., uwaspa-⟨u-v-s-p-⟩ 'having good horses' < *hw-aspa-, Harauwati-⟨h-r-u-vt-i-⟩ 'Arachosia' < *harahwati-), it needs to postdate (9) y > iy, w > uw (Hoffmann 1976: 641-42). That this is a real change in Classical Old Persian again (not only graphical) is shown by the consistent absence of h preceding u. Also, Elamite renderings mostly have u in op words with *hu, and this in spite of the fact that there is an Elamite sign hu available. This sign is of course used in Elamite words containing hu, and also in op words containing hǝyu, which is changed to yhu in Elamite (thus Elamite da-ay-hu-na-um renders op dahəyūnām). The fact that this sign is normally not used for cases of Ir. *hu confirms the change *hu > op u (Hoffmann 1976: 639-42).

However, some Elamite words do show preserved Ir. *hu, providing evidence for the existence of a dialect that preserved hu [START_REF] Hoffmann | Zur altpersischen Schrift[END_REF]: 639, see also 2.1, 2.2). This dialect would agree with Middle Persian, where *h preceding u and w was not lost, but yields hu-/xu-and xw-.38

It is generally assumed that the loss of h in other contexts is part of the same process. Hoffmann (1976: 63933) thus suggests that hm > m is regular for Old Persian, which means that ahmiy ⟨a-h-mi-i-y⟩ 'I am' in XPl (several attestations) beside more common amiy ⟨a-mi-i-y⟩ differs from Classical Old Persian just as regular hu > u vs. dialectal hu reflected in Elamite. Brandenstein & Mayrhofer (1964: 42-43) treat the op loss of h preceding r (rautah-, nom/acc.sg ⟨r-u-t⟩ 'river' < Ir. *hrautah-) as part of the same change, but whether this is really so is not quite clear.39 Synchronically, y following h is an exception to (9) in that it shows no trace of an i, i.e., *hy does not appear to yield op hiy. Werba (1993: 142) and summarising Hoffmann (1976: 642-43), suggests that y after h did yield iy together with all other instances of postconsonantal y and that *hiy (including the output of word-final -hi) then changed to həy (i.e., op ⟨h-y⟩ is to be read /həy/).40 Sporadic cases of ⟨h-i-y⟩ hiy for ⟨h-y⟩ həy in Xerxes' inscriptions support the reality of a vowel in the op result of *hy (Hoffmann 1976: 643) and may reflect a memory of hiy being the older form. It seems possible to me that op h at least in hə was pronounced in a specific way (e.g., like the German "ich"-fricative, ipa [ç]),41 and that Elamite ⟨yh⟩ mentioned above might be an attempt to render this sound.

In view of proto-mp not sharing the op loss of h preceding u, one might expect that it does not share the loss of h preceding consonants either. However, whether this is indeed so does not seem quite clear to me. It also seems possible that the loss of h preceding m is not on the same level as that of hu > u: cases of preserved hm are found in the op corpus itself, while preserved hu is not found in the op corpus and is reflected only in Elamite. For the time being, I prefer to separate the case of hu, for which the developments to op u and to mp xu are equally well established, from other op losses of h.42 Change (10) h > ∅ /_u, m (does not operate in pmp) 40

The op spelling of the name of Anāhitā as ⟨a-n-h-t⟩ in A2Sa (several copies) and A2Ha (beside ⟨a-n-h-i-t⟩ in A2Sd) might point in the same direction (see also 3.4).

41

Thomas Jügel (p.c.). Note that Avestan xíi likewise indicates a specific pronunciation of the result of *h(i)y.

42

For the np loss of h in word-initial ha-, see Hübschmann (1895: 215).

Proto-Middle Persian

Evidence against the op change y > iy, w > uw in Middle Persian

As pointed out by Hoffmann and Risch (see 1.1), it is a mistake to think that a change of postconsonantal y, w to op iy, uw would be disfavoured by the mp developments presupposing šy and dw: iy, uw could have reverted to y, w in the same way as it demonstrably was in other languages. Still, a process y > iy, w > uw being possible a priori is obviously no proof that it did take place in the dialect(s) on which mp is based. Indeed, I argue that there is evidence against Cy/w > Ciy / Cuw having operated in Proto-Middle Persian, and that this difference to Classical Old Persian is to be added to the dialectal differences already established.

2.1

First, some op input forms showing postconsonantal iy, uw would yield wrong results.

a. One of these is *maryaka-> op *mariyaka-(see 1.2) > marīka-(see 1.1). From this form, one would expect mp †marīg, just as the common suffix combination *-iya-ka-yields the mp adjective suffix -īg (see 1.7). However, the attested form is mpz ⟨mylk'⟩ mērag 'young man' (cf. Bakhtiari meyre 'husband' , Anonby & Asadi 2014: 168). This suggests *maryaka-> *mairak-without an intervening form containing iya. 43 The change seen in mērag, viz., *ary > mp ēr,44 is best known from *aryānām > *airān-> Ērān 'Iran' (mpm ⟨ʿyrʾn⟩, mpz ⟨ʾylʾn'⟩, mpi ⟨ʾyrʾn⟩), crucially not via the op form ariyānām, from which one would expect †Aryān or †Arīn.45 Other instances of *ary likewise seem to be best explained under the assumption that there was no sequence iy in their prehistory, e.g. mpm ⟨pyrwz⟩, mpz ⟨pyrwc⟩ pērōz 'victorious' from *pari-auǰah-via *paryauǰah- (Bartholomae 1904: 862) c. There are parallel cases with postconsonantal w (> op uw): Input forms such as op duwara-'door' and *huwat-'self'48 would yield †dūr / dōr (see 1.7) and †xūd (cf. the parallel case of *huwapah-> mp xūb 'good'), respectively, whereas the existing forms are dar and xwad.

2.2

Having seen that the op forms with iy, uw cannot be the input for Middle Persian, the alternative would be to follow Hoffmann and Risch and assume a syncope to revert šiy, duw, etc. to šy, dw, etc. to yield mp šād 'joy' , dar 'door' from Ir. *šyāta-, *dwara-, etc. (see 1.1 and 2.3). However, this would likewise produce wrong results in some cases.

For instance, a syncope of Cuw would yield Ir. *hu-Hapah > op *huwapah > *hwapa-> mp †xwab (cf. *hwat-'self' > mp xwad) instead of the attested This can only mean that the contrast between Ir. word-initial Ciy / Cuw vs. Cy/w was preserved in Proto-Middle Persian, whereas the distinction was lost in Old Persian. In view of all this, the conclusion seems unavoidable that Proto-Middle Persian goes back to a dialect that, differently from attested Old Persian, did not show Cy/w > Ciy / Cuw.

2.3

The change of word-initial dw-to d-mentioned in 1.1 and 2.1-2.2 and seen in examples such as dar 'door'49 has generally been discussed together with the cluster simplification of šy to š, which suggests that the two changes are contemporary. It is not clear to me whether this really is so, since *dw-> d-is specifically Persian (in Parthian, the result of *dw-is b-) while *šy > š also happened in other Ir. languages such as Parthian and Balochi and *šy yields š́in Young Avestan. On the other hand, *šy > š is surely natural korn Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127 enough (a palatal pronunciation of š "absorbing" a following y, as it were) for it to occur in several languages independently.

There is evidence of *šy to š happening in late Old Persian times, since A3Pa shows ⟨š-a-y-t-a-m⟩ (apparent šāyatām) for expected (and attested) ⟨š-i-y-a-ti-m⟩ šiyātim 'joy' , which appears to imply a pronunciation š-rather than šiy-. Given that ⟨š-a-y-t-a-m⟩ also shows the effects of vowel-neutralisation in wordfinal syllables (see 3.4), I tentatively place the change šy > š next to these processes. Elamite and Greek forms likewise reflect šāt- (Schmitt 1999: 96-98). On the other hand, Armenian dahlič 'chamber' (np dihlīz, mpm ⟨dhryz⟩50 vs. op duwarθi-'hall, portico') shows that *dw-> d-precedes the change of postvocalic č to z (26) discussed in 2.7 and seen in examples such as mp rōz 'day' (op raučah-) and =čim > =(i)z 'also' (see 1.6).

Change (19) šy > š dw-> d-

The Middle Persian Epenthesis 2.4 Hübschmann (1895: 131) treats mp/np īr resulting from Ir. *r̥ y as part of the same process that yields mp ēr resulting from Ir. *ary (calling it, as does Henning 1934: 205, "Epenthesis").51 This suggestion seems attractive to me, and its reformulation in the present framework (aimed as it is at a detailed account) would be Ir. *r̥ y > *əry > *əir > īr (( 14) and ( 15)) parallel to *ary > air > ēr (see 2.1),52 rather than a development of *r̥ y > iry > īr as suggested by Hübschmann (1895: 131, 145-46; see also 3.

3).53

Differently from the argument just made, Skjaervø (1997: 161, followed by Durkin-Meisterernst 2014: 229) suggests kirīh-for the mpm passive ⟨qyryh-⟩ 'is done' (apparently for reasons of the mpi variants). However, New Persian forms deriving from *r̥ y unambiguously show īr, not only in mīr-mentioned in 1.4, 50

See Korn (2009: 205) for discussion of the mp word. 51

Note, however, that they include under Epenthesis also forms that in my view rather show Umlaut, see 2.5, 3.1. I use Epenthesis and Umlaut with initial capitals to refer to the mp sound changes under discussion here, differentiating them from similar processes in other languages whose conditions may be different. 52

Cf. Bartholomae (1925: 362), who notes " ə ri̯ " changing to īr.

53

The Avestan forms that Hübschmann cites at various points, showing "airii" or "irii", should not be held to imply that we are looking at the same phenomenon; these orthographies probably indicate a palatal pronunciation of the consonant (Martínez & de Vaan 2004: 17-18), parallel to, e.g., the orthography of Irish, and might even be only a feature of the transmission of the Avestan text, whereas the pmp change *ary > *air is a phonological process, leading as it does to a long vowel ēr.

but also in np guzīr-, mpz wizīr-'avoid' (*wi-tr̥ -ya-, the full grade is seen in np guzar-'pass by' < *wi-tara-), cf. also mpm parzīr-'keep away' (< *para-čr̥ -ya-), wistīr-'spread (itr.), be successful' (full grade in np gustardan 'spread (tr.)').54 On the strength of the np evidence, Henning (1934: 205-06) follows Hübschmann (1893: 131) in reading mpi ⟨kylyt, klyty⟩ kīr-ēδ, and explains mpm ⟨qyryh-⟩ kīrīhas showing the passive suffix -īh-secondarily added to the (already passive) stem kīr- (205,210,212).55 For reasons of the np data, the readings advocated by Hübschmann and Henning seem compelling to me both in the sense of *r̥ ya yielding np īr and in the sense that, had the mp output been irī as suggested by Skjaervø for mpm ⟨qyryh-⟩, the same process should have given †mirī-'die' , etc., instead of the forms just cited.

As in the case of a possible change uwa > ū parallel to op iya > ī, one might wonder whether there was an epenthesis *arw > *aur > ōr parallel to *ary > *air > ēr, but Bartholomae (1925: 5) points out that potential examples are rare, and some of them might be loanwords from other Ir. languages or from Avestan, and that no Epenthesis takes place in mp harw (see 1.1 and n. 59).

2.5

Conversely, I think that Hübschmann (1895: 131) is wrong in assuming that there was a parallel Epenthesis of Ir. *any producing mp ēn. His (only) examples are mp mēnōg 'spirit' (mpm ⟨mynwg⟩, mpz ⟨mynwḵ⟩, cf. Av. mainiiu-, OInd. manyú-),56 which seems to imply *manyawaka-> *mainawak-,57 and mp "mēn-" (mpz ⟨myn-⟩, mpm ⟨m(y)n-⟩) 'think' (OInd. mán-ya-). He is followed by Henning (1934: 205-06), who adds "framēn-" (mpm ⟨f/prmyn-⟩) 'rejoice' and (Pth.) "viγēn-" (< *wi-kan-ya-).58

54

Examples from Henning (1934: 206). 55

The suffix must have originated in verbs whose root ends in a consonant other than -r. The origin of the -h is not clear to me; perhaps it originated as a hiatus-avoiding consonant in the past stem, which is -īh-ist for all the attested mpm passives (see Henning 1934: 221).

The explanation of -īh-by Skjaervø (1997: 177-79) seems unlikely to me. He suggests that -īh-was abstracted from roots in -h (from *θ and dialectal *θ < *d), e.g. * siθ-ya-> * sid-ya-> abē-sīh-'cut off (passive)' . However, I find it difficult to imagine that a form such as *sīhwould have been reanalysed as *s-īh-, for which there is no model. It also seems important to me that, as noted by Henning (1934: 210, 222), Pazend -ih-and Early Judeo-Persian -əhrather suggest a short vowel for this suffix.

The passive suffix ⟨-yd⟩ in the Psalter is likely to be a hyperarchaic orthography (Henning 134: 211), probably standing for -īy-as suggested by Skjaervø (1997: 177-78), potentially confirming that -y-, -h-are hiatus-deleting consonants. 56

Cf. EWAia (ii: 313-14) for the etymology and cognates. 57

Note that if inherited, mp mēnōg would be another counterexample to the op change (9) y, w > iy, uw /C_ operating in Proto-Middle Persian: *manyawaka-should yield op *maniyawaka-and result in mp †manīwag (cf. marīka-in 2.1). 58 Henning (1934: 172) derives mp "man-", i.e., the variants written without ⟨y⟩, from a stem korn Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127

However, there is solid counter-evidence of several types. First, the mpm spelling of Henning's "mēn-" and derivatives is ⟨mn-⟩ beside ⟨myn-⟩ and Pth. "viγēn-" is spelt ⟨wyg(y)n-⟩, both rather indicating a short vowel, and the same applies to mpz/mpm ⟨dwšm(y)n⟩ 'enemy' (Ir. *duš-man-yu-). Also, Ir. *anya-'other' yields any (mpm ⟨ʾn(y)⟩, mpz ⟨zkʾy⟩),59 not †⟨ʾyn⟩ †ēn,60 contrasting with mpi ⟨ʾyrʾn⟩, mpm ⟨ʿyrʾn⟩ Ērān 'Iran' with ēr from *ary.

In the light of this evidence, it seems preferable to regard mp mēnōg/y as an Avestan loanword, which is particularly likely for a Zoroastrian concept.61 The other items are better explained as containing a (short) -e-arising from the Middle Persian "Umlaut" discussed in 3.1 as suggested by [START_REF] Mackenzie | A concise Pahlavi dictionary2[END_REF]. Crucially, Ir. *any > mp en yields an, e.g. in np dušman 'enemy' (not †dušmēn), without any epenthesis and monophthongisation that would give a long vowel.

2.6

As cautiously suggested by Hübschmann (1895: 131, 146), pmp *r̥ wy does seem to be treated in the same way as *r̥ y, both giving mp īr. Examples for the former include pīr 'old' (Ir. *pr̥ wya-62 > *pǝrwya-> *pǝrya-) as well as gīr-'seize' and mp padīr-, np pazīr-'accept' from *(pati-)gr̥ bya-; for the latter there is mīr-'die' (see 1.4) and the examples discussed in 2.4. Whether or not one should assume that the pmp forms of gīr-and padīr-contained Old Ir. *b (thus *gr̥ bya-)63 or rather a lenited sound as in Av. gǝuruuaiia-is not clear to me. In the former case, Ir. *b > pmp *β could have coalesced with Ir. *w at least in this context.64 without *-ya-, but the Ir. data rather point to a present stem *man-ya-with the possible exception of some Avestan forms (see Cheung 2007: 262-63). 59 [START_REF] Hoffmann | Zur altpersischen Schrift[END_REF]: 63726, following Bartholomae 1906: 62-63, 113) takes this as another argument in favour of the op change of postconsonantal *y, w to iy, uw as being real, stating that the mp cognates of op aniya-'other' and haruwa-'every' (see Table 1), mpm ⟨hrw⟩, mpz ⟨hl⟩, "are hardly likely to have been pronounced ani̯ and haru̯ , but anī(…) and haru." He goes on to explain the difference in the development of -iya-in "ani, haru" vs. that of *martya-> mp ⟨m(y)rd⟩ (not †⟨mrdy⟩ mardi) as being due to the light syllable of the former (see also n. 91 for this word). However, this approach has not been upheld in recent scholarship; MacKenzie 1986 reads har(w) for mpz, Durkin-Meisterernst 2004 harw for mpm (np har), both read any. np nīz 'also' can also be derived from the combination of mp any and the clitic =(i)z mentioned in 1.6. Hübschmann (1895: 104) suggests a derivation from *anid=čid (op *aniščiy), thus likewise assuming the presence of the same element that gives mp =(i)z. 60

This problem was already seen by Bartholomae (1906: 62-633), who adduces unlikely analogies to account for the form, which he reads anī.

61

Thus also the suggestion by Skjaervø (2002: 307). 62

There seems to be no trace of the laryngeal seen in Av. paoiriia-, op paruwiya-(ta) and OInd. pūrvyá-, all from *pr̥ Hwya-(cf. It is possible that *d is lost in the same context as well, as suggested by Bartholomae (1925: 35-37). A possible example is mpm ⟨syr-⟩ 'to become angry (?)' if it is to be read sīr-and if it derives from *sr̥ d-ya-as suggested by [START_REF] Henning | Das Verbum des Mittelpersischen der Turfanfragmente[END_REF]: 205, following Bartholomae 1925: 36-37, who compares Av. sarədanā-'contempt'). However, an alternative derivation is likewise possible, viz., a reading sēr-and an interpretation as a denominative of sēr 'full, content' ,65 thus 'be full' > 'be fed up, have enough of …' .66 Henning's (1932: 503) argument against this explanation is in my view not compelling. He states that since the mp Psalter has ⟨sgl⟩ for 'full' (cf. mpz ⟨sgl⟩), this word must go back to *sagr- (Bartholomae 1925: 14, 35),67 which should yield mpm †⟨sgr-⟩ (vs. attested ⟨syrq⟩ sēr-ag). However, what one in fact expects is a variation of mpm ⟨yr⟩ / ⟨gr⟩ as seen in other instances of mp ēr < *agr (see 2.8), and since there is only one attestation each of the verbal noun ⟨syr-yšn⟩, the finite verb ⟨syr-yd⟩, and ⟨syrq⟩, the variant ⟨sgr-⟩ might be unattested by coincidence. Bartholomae (1925: 14, 35-37) posits a general (early) loss of *b, d, g68 > β, δ, γ preceding y.69 While some of his examples are in my view not instances of β, δ, γ plus y (see 2.8), it seems plausible to me (and perhaps even a priori likely) that at least complex clusters such as rδy were reduced in the same way as *rwy (and *rβy?). For the present purposes, my tentative formulation is: Change ( 13) rwy (and rβy, rδy, rγy?) > ry As noted by Bartholomae (1925: 362), this change feeds into Epenthesis (14) (2.1, 2.4), i.e., ry from the clusters just mentioned is treated in the same way as inherited *ry > ir. Indeed, a loss of w appears most likely at a time when there was a consonant cluster such as *ǝrwy that emerged from *r̥ wy in (8) (1.4), i.e., *rwy > ry postdates *r̥ > ər; perhaps it also postdates (as Bartholomae assumes) the change *b, d, g > β, δ, γ.

65

This suggestion appears to go back to Salemann (Henning 1932: 215) and seems to underly the reading sēr-in Durkin-Meisterernst (2004: 312), following Colditz (2000: 18383), who follows Boyce (1977: 83) It is noteworthy that the loss of (*b > β >) w does not happen in Parthian (cf. ⟨gyrw-⟩ 'seize' , ⟨pdgyrw-⟩ 'accept'). The change *ary > ēr did not happen in Parthian either: Sasanian inscriptions (3rd c. ad) have ⟨ʾryʾn⟩ in the Pth. version corresponding to ⟨ʾyrʾn⟩ in the mp one. This is echoed by Armenian, which shows the Pth. forms Arikʿ (ew Anarikʿ) beside the mp forms Eran (ew Aneran) 'Aryans (and non-Aryans)' (Schmitt 1986: 447).

These facts suggest that Parthian does not share the Epenthesis of *ary > *air, and that, by extension, *ǝry does not change to *əir either. We therefore do not expect a long vowel in Pth. ⟨myr-⟩, ⟨(pd)gyrw-⟩. The Pth. output of (*r̥ y, *r̥ wy >) *əry, ərwy could thus be read ir, irw.70 This in turn might mean that Balochi, which shows short vowels in these words (mir-, gir-), might not have experienced Epenthesis either, in which case any instance of ēr from *ary would be a Persian loanword.

The op monophthongisation 2.7 It seems obvious that the result of ( 14) ary > air (see 2.1) feeds into the wellknown and amply evidenced monophthongisation of ai to mp ē, i.e., that ai in Ir. *air from *ary changes to ē at the same time as old ai. It is highly likely and has generally been assumed that the parallel monophthongisation of *au to ō (as, e.g., in mp pērōz mentioned in 2.1) is part of the same change.71 As mentioned in 2.4, I suggest that *ǝi > ī is part of the monophthongisation of ai and au.

The op inscriptions indicate that the monophthongisation occurred within Old Persian, and that it included *aya and *awa (as is probable in any case). One relevant example is ⟨p-r-d-y-d-a-m⟩ 'palace' ( A2Sd) for what would be *paridaidam *⟨p-r-i-d-i-d-m⟩ in Classical Old Persian. By a hypercorrect application of the following logic: "Where we say ē, the older, i.e., better / more official forms have aya"-generalised from the (correct) observation that older forms with aya and ai were pronounced with ē at the time of writing-, the scribe (and/or the author) "restored" an apparent par(a)dayadām from the contemporary pronunciation pardēd-.72

It is entirely possible, but not a necessary assumption for the purposes of this paper, that aya, awa were first "syncopated" to ai, au73 which then yielded ē, ō generally, and that there was an intermediary stage ei, ou.74

Change (15) aya, ai > ē awa, au > ō əi > ī
This sets a point of absolute chronology, as the inscription A2Sd is from the reign of Artaxerxes ii (first half of the 4th c. bc), and the monophthongisation had happened by this date, but the scribe must still have remembered a register (or words from older inscriptions) that had ai / aya for their ē.75 By extension, all preceding changes are from the Achaemenid period as well. Where we do not have direct evidence in the op inscriptions for this being the case, this can be due to the limited size of the corpus. More crucially, any orthography tends to be stable once it is installed and to mask changes ongoing in the language-particularly in royal inscriptions, which will certainly aim at a formal and conservative standard. All the more remarkable are those instances that do deviate from the traditional spellings and thus demonstrate a change in the language. The Armenian loanwords likewise reflect ē from Ir. *aya and *ai (yielding Arm. ē, later e), and ō from *awa and *au (Arm. oi, later o),76 and this in combination with preserved postvocalic voiceless stops, e.g. kapēnkʿ 'dowry' (mp kābēn), hro(r)t-icʿ (gen.pl, month name) < *frawarti-(mp Fraward-īn), kapoit 72Thus Schmitt (1999: 82-84, with in-depth discussion of the various interpretations of this word). For discussion of the final syllable, see 3.4. 73

Cf. Werba (2006: 279-83) and Schmitt (2014: 225) about ⟨p-r-d-y-d-m⟩. 74

Thus Werba (2006: 283), adducing further evidence for ai > ei; he assumes that ⟨p-r-dy-d-m⟩ reflects "an allegro form /pardeida/ that was on its way to monophthongisation" (281). Further evidence for -ei-comes from Elamite ik-še-ir-ša for Xerxes (op ⟨x-š-y-a-r-š-⟩, cf. Schmitt 1999: 114) and from Greek renderings e.g. of Artaxerxes (cf. Korn frthc.). Werba's word-final -a seems unlikely to me, however (see 3.4).

75

As pointed out by Hoffmann (1976: 643-45, contra Brandenstein &Mayrhofer 1964: 29 andothers), the Elamite data militate against this change having happened already in Classical Old Persian, as they render the op diphthongs as well as can be expected of a language that does not have diphthongs. 76

For the Arm. outputs, see Hübschmann (1897: 14). In nonfinal syllables, ē, oi yield i, u.

korn Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127

'blue' (mp kabōd).77 This shows that late op forms with p, t, k, č were not mere historical spellings, and that they were preserved at the time when the monophthongisation had already taken place.

As likewise shown by Armenian ( ǰatuk vs. Ir. *yātuka-'magic'; zatik vs. *ǰatika 'sacrifice'), the voicing of the voiceless stops is also preceded by the change of Ir. *ǰ to z, and by that of word-initial *y-to ǰ (both specific to Persian), of which the former must precede the latter since otherwise the new ǰ-would also have yielded z. The use of etymologically unjustified ⟨c⟩ for Ir. *z and *ǰ in the early Sasanian inscriptions shows that č had coalesced with z from other sources (i.e. from postvocalic č and from non-Persian z < Ir. *ź) by that time.78 Cf. [START_REF] Korn | Lengthening of i and u in Persian[END_REF]Korn ( : 206, 2010: 423-24) : 423-24) for further discussion of these changes and [START_REF] Korn | Parthian ž[END_REF] for the output of postvocalic č in Parthian. See also 2.3. 79 Bartholomae (1925: 12-14, 36), who also discusses *aγr > np ēr, seems not to have known mpm ⟨dgr⟩ yet; he assumes a derivation from a comparative *darγ-yah-(with analogical γ) and a loss of γ by his rule of *βy, δy, γy > y (see 2.6). 80

Change (20) ǰ > z Change (21) y > ǰ /#_ Change (26) ⎡ ⎢ ⎢ ⎢ ⎣ p ⎤ ⎥ ⎥ ⎥ ⎦ > ⎡ ⎢ ⎢ ⎢ ⎣ b ⎤ ⎥ ⎥ ⎥ ⎦ /V_ t d k g č z 2.
Note that the mpz orthographies are not compelling because ⟨g⟩ and ⟨y⟩ are usually not distinguished. The words are not attested in the mp inscriptions.

Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127 mon phenomenon cross-linguistically, it is not surprising that there are several instances of ai > ē in the prehistory of Persian. Again, there is a parallel development with vowels other than a, as the change *igr > *iγr > *iyr > īr seen in np tīr 'arrow' (Ir. *tigra-'sharp ' , cf. Hübschmann 1893: 249) had not yet occurred in Middle Persian (mpm ⟨tygr⟩, mpi ⟨tgl-⟩, mpz ⟨tgl⟩). Another example is np sīr 'garlic' (the mp form is not attested), which is likely to contain *iγr because of the op month name ⟨θ-a-i-g-r-c-i-⟩ Θāigrači-, a derivative from *θigra-ka-81 and probably referring to a garlic festival (Schmitt 2014: 256).

As in the case of rβy, rδy, rγy in 2.6, it seems possible to me that aδr was treated in the same way as aγr. One possible case is mp ēr (mpm ⟨ʾyr⟩, ⟨ʿyr⟩) 'below, under' (in np with the preposition (a)z 'from' as z-ēr) if it derives from *adari (Av. aδairi) via *aδr-(cf. Horn 1983: 150-51, Korn 2005: 119, 199). Another possible instance might be mp bēr (mpm ⟨byr⟩), np bēl (mpz ⟨byl⟩) 'spade' if it goes back to *badra-(>*baδra-, cf. Balochi bard, Bashkardi bahr) instead of to the athematic form *badar-(> *bayar-) as suggested by Gershevitch (1962: 78-79); a form with metathesis would be seen in Balochi bard and in np bāl.82 In principle, one might then expect that iδr was treated like iγr, but I am not aware of an example. Change (28) aγr, aδr (?)

> ayr iγr (and iδr?) iyr

Change (29) ay > ē iy ī

For the words with γr just mentioned, MacKenzie (1986) and Durkin-Meisterernst (2004) read -gr, but postvocalic inherited voiced stops (*b, d, g) must have yielded fricatives before the inherited voiceless stops (*p, t, k) yielded voiced ones (26), else the two series would have coalesced.83 Indeed, it seems possible that b, d, g had [β, δ, γ] as allophones either "generally or in some word-internal positions" (a fortiori in postvocalic position) already in Old Per-81 Since it is np sīr (not †sēr), this derivation seems indeed preferable to the alternative possibility *θaigra-ka-also mentioned by Schmitt (2014: 256). See Lubotsky (2012: 102-04) for a suggestion that the op word is borrowed from *tsigra-, the Scythian cognate of *tigra-'sharp' . 82

Cf. Gershevitch (1962: 78-79), who further assumes that np bēl shows a contamination of bēr and bāl.

83

One might say that at least in the case of ⟨dgr⟩, the postvocalic position of the ⟨g⟩ is secondary (*darga-, cf. Av. darəga-), but this does not apply to ⟨tygr⟩.

korn Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127 sian (Hoffmann 1976: 628-29)

> β / V_ ⎡ ⎢ ⎢ ⎣ d ⎤ ⎥ ⎥ ⎦ ⎡ ⎢ ⎢ ⎣ δ ⎤ ⎥ ⎥ ⎦ g γ 3 Middle Persian
The Middle Persian vowel assimilation 3.1 I argue that the mp sound change called "Umlaut" by Hübschmann (1895: 129) and others is not part of the process called Epenthesis ( 14), although various authors have included some or all cases of Umlaut as Epenthesis. As argued in 2.1, 2.4, the Middle Persian Epenthesis is rather early and yields long ē, ī that are preserved as such in Middle and New Persian. Conversely, Umlaut is later and appears to yield a short vowel (e, o) in Middle Persian, as indicated by the spellings, which oscillate between forms with and without ⟨y/w⟩ (see 2.5).86 Moreover, this vowel has frequently "reverted to /a/" in New Persian (MacKenzie 1967: 24),87 which rather confirms that the vowel is short. An alternative interpretation would be that Umlaut did not happen in the mp variant(s) which is/are the predecessor of New Persian (Proto-New Persian); in this case as well, Umlaut would be different from Epenthesis since the latter did occur in Proto-New Persian. Instances of Umlaut yielding mp e include mp men-'think' (Ir. *man-ya-) and dušmen 'enemy' (Ir. *duš-man-yu-, np dušman)88 as well as mp deh 'land, vil-84 Thus also Hübschmann (1893: 181, 198, 247) Examples from MacKenzie (1967: 23-25). 97

See also [START_REF] Bartholomae | Zur Kenntnis der mitteliranischen Mundarten[END_REF] Examples from Hübschmann (1895: 144-45). The -a-in the np past stem kard is surely analogical to the infinitive, cf. op čartanaiy (Bartholomae 1925: 76).

Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127

Note that this more detailed account removes a problem that would arise if one were to posit a development of mp ur/ir from *r̥ directly: Had *r̥ yielded ur in labial environments and ir elsewhere, instances such as *mr̥ ya-'die' and *gr̥ wya-'seize' could be expected to show ur as well. Under the present account, w in the latter example is lost at an early stage (13), and Epenthesis and the subsequent monophthongisation *əry > əir (14) > īr (15) likewise took place quite early (in Achaemenid times, see 2.7). The relevant examples thus get their ī from changes independent of the phonetic contexts long before the contextdependent colouring takes place.

Word-final phenomena again 3.4

The argument just made adds some perspective to the sequence of changes in op/mp word-finals discussed in [START_REF] Korn | Final troubles: Armenian stem classes and the word-end in Late Old Persian[END_REF]: Certain op word forms show that op vowels in final syllables experienced a "Quantitätenkollaps" ("collapse of [vowel] quantities")99 by which -ām and -am (the accusative of the most frequent f. and m. stem classes, and the nominative/accusative of the most common neuter class) would have coalesced; similarly, -im, -īm and -um, -ūm would have coalesced to -im and -um, respectively. This was followed by a neutralisation of the vowel, the just mentioned word-finals thus all yielding *-əm. The assimilation of *-əm > *-um (cf. 3.3) could be part of the mp vowel assimilation; *-um < -am etc. is thus parallel to -dom < *-tama-etc. mentioned in 3.2.

If this account is on the right track, it would refine the relative chronology suggested in Korn (2013: 85) in dating the merger of final nominal syllables to *əm before Umlaut. Since op ⟨p-r-d-y-d-a-m⟩ 'palace' (implying -ām instead of expected -am) in an inscription from the reign of Artaxerxes ii (see 2.7) reflects both monophthongisation and the neutralisation of vowel quantity, I tentatively place the "Quantitätenkollaps" next to the op monophthongisation ((15), see 2.7).100

The neutralisation of vowel quality is likely to have been later than the neutralisation of vowel quantity because a neutralisation of vowel quality seems more probable in a short vowel. This sequence may be confirmed by the fact 99 I borrow the term "Quantitätenkollaps" from Romance linguistics, where it refers to the loss of vowel length distinctions in popular / late Latin, which is followed by a loss of some distinctions of vowel quality depending on the individual Romance language (see, e.g., Lausberg 1969: 144 for the term and Banfi 1996 for a survey, specifically p. 166). 100 As pointed out in Korn (2013: 85), a weakening in successive stages seems more likely to me a priori than a loss without trace of word-final syllables. The mp and Arm. data as well as the mp elements mentioned in 1.6 likewise militate in favour of intermediary stages.

korn Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127 that op ⟨š-a-y-t-a-m⟩ 'joy' (from šiyāti-, see 2.3) is from the reign of Artaxerxes iii (reigned mid-4th c. bc) and shows (apparent) -ām instead of -im (šiyātim, see

2.3).101

There is also evidence for a neutralisation of quantity of word-final vowels (or at least word-final a) in instances such as (see Schmitt 1999: 112-13) apparent nom.sg puçā ⟨p-u-ç-a⟩ for puça ⟨p-u-ç⟩ attested elsewhere (i.e., ⟨-C-a⟩ instead of expected ⟨-C⟩) and Anāhi/ət(a).102 Furthermore, word-final ai not being written in several instances (Schmitt 1999: 113)

might imply a change -ai > -ē > -e > -ə.103 Change (16) V̅ > V̆/_(m)# Change (17) V > ə /_(m)#
Clearly later, but still in Proto-mp times, is the loss of final -m. The word-end of most stem classes would thus have ended in *-u, which explains a number of Ir. a-and ā-stems (discussed in Korn 2013) being found in the u-and o-stem class in Armenian despite the marginal status of these classes, and also the mpm forms reflecting *kasu and *čisu mentioned in 1.6. This loss of -m must, I think, precede the change (26) of postvocalic p, t, k, č to b, d, g, z (see 2.7) because there is no trace of the word-final -m in Armenian or in any mp spelling, while Armenian as well as the archaising mpi and mpz orthographies reflect Old Ir. postvocalic p, t, k, č.104 Change (24) -m > ∅ 3.5 Several items discussed in the preceding sections show the loss of a short vowel: parzīr-'keep away' (2.4) and probably also op ⟨p-r-d-y-d-a-m⟩ par(?)dēd-101 The inscription also shows the same treatment of i-stems in other lexemes, see Korn (2013: 84). Cf. Werba (2006: 283), whose observation is set in different terms, but also amounts to stating that inflectional classes were no longer distinguished, so that any stem received the same accusative ending. 102 See n. 40 for the spellings of Ardashir II's inscriptions. 103 This neutralisation of vowel quantity is not to be confused with the one mentioned in 1.5:

The latter operates in a period preceding Old Persian, neutralising inherited (Ir. and Indo-Ir.) word-final -a and -ā (6), while the process discussed here concerns vowels that came to be in word-final position by the op loss of word final consonants (7). 104 Unfortunately, none of the Arm. instances of unexpected u-or o-class shows a postvocalic stop which would allow us to establish a relative chronology with the change of postvocalic p, t, k, č to b, d, g, z.

'palace' (2.7), both containing *pari-, as well as mp ēr 'below' if this derives from Ir. *adari > pmp *aδr-(2.8), suggesting a syncope (at least) in open middle syllables. However, we also find unsyncopated forms such as Arm. aparankʿ 'palace' (2.8) and Spandaramet (3.1). It seems possible that there are several types of syncope in the prehistory of New Persian,105 one of them possibly in Achaemenid times for reasons of the missing ⟨-i-⟩ in ⟨p-r-d-y-d-a-m⟩, and (as shown by the Arm. examples just mentioned) earlier than the voicing of postvocalic voiceless stops, possibly close to the op monophthongisation (15) and to the neutralisation of vowel quantity in word-final syllables (16) as potentially related processes of vowel reduction. Their study is reserved for future research.

Conclusion

While one cannot help but be amazed at the insights obtained by the pioneers of Iranian historical linguistics such as those mentioned throughout this paper, it is clear that the data available today permit a refinement of their research results. This is not only a question of the quantity of data and results, but also one of method. I argue that it is possible to go beyond the "black box" approach applied until now, which compared an input (such as Proto-Iranian or Proto-Indo-European) with an output (Middle or New Persian), largely resulting in an unsorted list of sound changes, as it were, disregarding their sequence and the ways in which they interact. The present contribution attempts to demonstrate the results at which one arrives by putting into practice the converse approach called "glass box". This implies the study of a given sound change (such as postconsonantal y to iy and w to uw) within the context of somehow connected processes. In our case, this concerns, on the one hand, other phenomena affecting syllable structure such as the change of vocalic r (*r̥ ) to ǝr, by which some instances of y come to be in postconsonantal position, as well as processes in which y and w are involved. Examples of the latter are changes affecting vowel quality, called Epenthesis and Umlaut in previous scholarship. The present approach permits us to view them as two distinct processes, which moreover took place in different periods.

The output is, I think, twofold. On the one hand, the study of these sound changes yields the relative chronology presented in the Appendix below (Sec-

Proto-Old Persian:

(protoforms in this part are Proto-Iranian)

• terminus ante quem: inscription db (521 bc)

(2) • *ś, ź > op θ, d (1. 106 As repeatedly noted, the final paragraph of DNb does not show any textual coherence with the preceding text: "ursprünglich bildete der etwas abgesetzte Schlußteil DNb 50-60 (…) einen eigenständigen Text" (Schmitt 1989: 59); "This last paragraph of DNb is virtually an independent inscription, differing in manner and subject-matter from the preceding text and separated from it, in all three versions, by an uninscribed space. When Darius's son, Xerxes, issued a version of DNb in his own name (XPl), he did not include this paragraph" (Sims-Williams 1981: 1). It thus is not clear to me whether it is from the same period as the rest of DNb or not.

Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127 (27) • Lengthening of i and u in word-final syllables i, u > mp ī, ū /_[b, d, g, z]# side-effect of preceding item or later [START_REF] Korn | Lengthening of i and u in Persian[END_REF] Within Middle Persian: (28) • Vγr (and Vδr?) > yr (2.6, 2.8)

unclear

  (operates in pmp, but not in op) i.e.: pmp: *kas=čid → *kas=čim > *kasim →*kasu op: *kas=čid > kas=čiy The substitution *čid → *čim probably also precedes the change *sč > s (seen, e.g., in *pas-ča > op pasā, mp/np pas 'after'):32 Had the latter change happened first, *kas=čid and *čis=čid would have yielded †kasid and †čisid, arguably morphologically obscure and unlikely to be replaced by †kasim, †čisim. This yields a relative chronology *kas/čis=čid → *kas/čis=čim > *kasim, *čisim > *kasu, *čisu.

  daya-> *dr̥ daya-)(3) ⁂ • *čy, *θy > op *šy(1.3) (*čyāti-> šyāti-; *haθya-> *hašya-) (4) ‡ • Analogical replacement of *čid by *čim(1.6) (*kas=čid → pmp *kasčim) ‡ operates in Proto-Middle Persian, does not operate in Proto-Old Persian(5) • sč > op s (1.6) (*kas-čim > pmp *kasim; *pas-ča > op pasā)(6) • Neutralisation of vowel quantity 1 a > ā /_# (1.5) (manā vs. mana=ča) (7) ⁂ • Loss of word-final consonants (1.5) t/d, ts, n(h), nt/d, h > ∅ /_# (endings *-ah, -an(t), -at > -a; *paryauǰah > *paryauǰa) (8) ⁂ • Development of ə (1.4) *r̥ > ǝr (*dr̥ daya-> *dərdaya-, *mr̥ ya-> *mǝrya-; *mr̥ tam > *mərtam; pmp *gr̥ bya-> *gǝrbya-) (9) ‡ • i/y, u/w > op iy, uw /{C}_{V,#} (Ir. *θwām > θuwām; *hw-… > *huw-; *hašya-> hašiya-; *šyāti-> šiyāti-; *mǝrya-> mǝriya-; *maryaka-> *mariyaka-) (1.1) (Ir. 3sg.mid *-tai > -taiy; 3sg.imp *-tu > -tuw) (1.2) ‡ operates in Proto-Old Persian, does not operate in Proto-Middle Persian (2.1-2.2) (10) ‡ • h > ∅ /_u, m (1.8) *huw-> op uw- ‡ does not operate in Proto-mp Within Old Persian: (11) ⁂ • Contraction across glide iya > ī (1.1, 1.7, 2.1) (*mariyaka-> op marīka-; *-iyaka-> pmp *-īka-) some of uwa > ū, context unclear (1.7) (*huw-apah-> pmp *hūpa-) korn Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127op: works for inherited iya (plus potentially certain cases of uwa) and for the output of (9); pmp: works only for cases of inherited iya and some of inherited uwa • terminus ante quem: Xerxes i (1st half of 5th c. bc) and final paragraph of DNb106 (12) ⁂ • Lenition of postvocalic voiced stops (2.8): b, d, g > β, δ, γ (at least in some vocalic and sonorant contexts) (*gǝrbya-> *gǝrβ/wya-) nb: could also be earlier Late Old Persian:(13) • rwy (and rβy, rδy, rγy?) > ry (2.6) (*gǝrβ/wya-> *gǝrya-) dating unsure; postdates (8) and possibly (12), antedates (14) nb: does not operate in Parthian (14) • Epenthesis (2.2) *ary > *air (2.1) (*maryaka-> *mairaka-; *paryauǰa > *pairauǰa) *ǝry > *ǝir (2.4) (*mǝrya-> *mǝira-; *gǝrya-> *gǝira-) nb: no epenthesis in *any > †ēn (2.5) nb: does not operate in Parthian (15) ⁂ • Monophthongisation 1 (2.7, 3.3) aya, ai > ē (*mairaka-> *mēraka-; *paridaida-> *paridēda-; *dərdaya-> *dərdē) awa, au > ō (*pairauǰa-> *pērōǰa-) ǝi > ī (*mǝira-> *mīra-) • terminus ante quem: Artaxerxes ii (1st half of 4th c. bc)

( 16 )

 16 ⁂ • Neutralisation of vowel quantity ("Quantitätenkollaps") in word-final syllables 2 (3.4) V̅ > V̆/_(m)#(-ā(m), -ī(m), -ū(m) > -a(m), -i(m), -u(m), respectively)• terminus ante quem: Artaxerxes ii(17) • Syncope 1 (3.5) (*paridēda-> pardēd-) exact context unclear • terminus ante quem: Artaxerxes ii (18) ⁂ • Neutralisation of vowel quality (3.3-3.4) V > ə /_(m)# (-a(m), -i(m), -u(m) > -ə(m); čim > čəm) • terminus ante quem: Artaxerxes iii (mid-4th c. bc) (19) • Reduction of consonant clusters (1.1, 1.3) ⁂ šy > š (2.7) (šyātim > *šātəm) dw-> mp d-(2.1, 2.3) (*dwarθič-→ Arm. dahlič) • terminus ante quem: Artaxerxes iiiPrior to layer 1 of Middle Persian loanwords in Biblical Armenian:(20) • ǰ > mp z (2.7) (*pērōǰa-> pērōz; *ǰatika-→ Arm. zatik)(21) • y-> mp ǰ-(2.7, 2.8) (Arm. ǰatuk, ǰatagov) (22) • "Umlaut" (3.1) a > e /_.y, i (pati-> -bed, Arm. pet, *martya-> merd) a > o /_.w, u (-tama-> -dom) (23) • Vowel assimilation (3.2-3.3): a > e /_nn, nd, h, sibilant (*-astānəm > -estān) a > o /_m, w ə > u inlabial contexts, else i (*-əm > *-um; *čəm > *čum; *mərtəm > *murtum; *dərdē > dil) One change with (22)? ⁂ Loss of word-final -m (3.4) (-um > -u; čum > ču) (25) ⁂ Loss of word-final vowels (-u > ∅) Pre-Middle Persian: (26) ⁂ • Lenition of postvocalic voiceless stops (2.7, 3.4) p,t,k > b,d,g /V_ • Lenition of postvocalic č (2.7, 3.4) č > mp z /V_ • terminus ante quem: early Sasanian inscriptions • terminus post quem: layer 1 of Ir. loanwords in Armenian

table 1

 1 Examples of postconsonantal y, w in Old and Middle Persian

	Old Indic (OInd.)		op spelling		op form	mp
					Hoffmanna Meillet &
							Benvenisteb
	sárva-		'all'	⟨h-ru-u-v-⟩ haruwa-	harwa-	harw
	tvam		'you (acc.sg)' ⟨θ-u-v-a-m⟩ θuwām		θwām
	dvar-		'door'	⟨du-u-v-r-⟩ duwara-	dwara-	dar
	√cyu		'move'	⟨š-i-y-v-⟩	šiyaw-		šyaw-	šaw-
	*čyāti-(Latin quiēs) 'joy'	⟨š-i-y-a-t-i-⟩ šiyāti-		šyāti-	šād
	satyá-		'truth'	⟨h-š-i-y-⟩	hašiya-		hašya-
	anyá-		'other'	⟨a-n-i-y-⟩	aniya-		anya-	any
	a Hoffmann (1976: 636-38).
	b Meillet & Benveniste (1931: 88-89, §144, 146).
	table 2	Proposals for the development of some Ir. consonant clusters in Old and Middle
		Persian
			Proto-Ir.	Proto-op	op		Proto-mp	mp
	Meillet &		*čy, *θy	>	šy		> š
	Benveniste:	*dw-		dw-		d-
	Hoffmann:	*čy, *θy	> *šy	> šiy	> *šy	> š
			*dw-	*dw-	duw-		*dw-	d-

table 3 Possible

 3

cases of op -iya-vs. -ī-a

  s u v-ápas-(EWAia i: 84) vs. np xūb. While

	33	Rastorgueva & Molčanova (1981: 53, 69), Durkin-Meisterernst (2014: 160). A similar change
		is seen in Bactrian (-ιγο, Sims-Williams 2007: 217) and Sogdian (-yk /-īk/, Gershevitch 1954:
		31 §202, 148 §977).
	34	Schmitt (1990: 18-20). For Elamite uma rendering op uwa see 1.1.
	35	A derivation from *hu-Hpah-seems less likely because of the Av. and OInd. forms, both
		pointing to Proto-Indo-Ir. *s u w-ápas-. Also, Ir. compounds with hu-are productive and
		transparent in Old Iranian (hence one expects the independent form of the word as
		second member). As pointed out by de Vaan (2003: 565-68, 575), hu-is even frequently
		restored in front of vowels in Avestan rather than changed to xv-as would be regular for
		inherited *hwV-.

36 Hübschmann (1895: 169)

has drōd (thus also read in other sources) and padrūd, but the rhymes speak in favour of the reverse distribution of vowels in the Shāhnāma

(Horn 1899: 182-84)

and also elsewhere (Chams

Bernard, p.c.). 37

This is what I thought at some point (noted in Bernard 2019: 48).

  46 > *pairauǰah, while op *pariyauǰah would perhaps have given †paryūz.47 As I will argue in 2.4, the output of Ir. *r̥ y > *əry (as established in 1.4) shows a development parallel to that of *ary > *air and yields *əir > īr.

	43	Note that the problems with the attestation of op marīka-(see 1.1) are immaterial to this
		argument: even if neither op *mariyaka-nor marīka-were attested, this would not remove
		the problem that Proto-Indo-Ir. *maryaká-should yield op *mariyaka-> *marīka-> mp
		†marīg.
	44	For this change, see Hübschmann (1895: 131).
	45	See 2.6-2.7 for further discussion of this word.
	46	Cf. Av. pairiiaoǰas-tara-.
	47	See Hübschmann (1895: 131) for further examples.

korn Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127

table 6

 6 Word-initial *duw and *huw in Old and Middle Persian 'is done' cannot have been the input forms for Middle Persian as they would have yielded †mirī-, †kirī-, crucially with a short i in the first syllable, which is at variance with np mīr-(see also 2.4 and Table8below). Middle Persian thus treats *iya and *ya differently while both yield iya in Old Persian.

	6.a Development with op as input
	Input	> Old Persian	> Outcome
	dw-*dwara-'door'	duwara-	†dūr / dōr
	hw-*hwat-'self'	*huwat-(> uwa-)	†xūd
	6.b Development with Proto-Iranian as input
	Old Persian	< Iranian	> Middle Persian
	duwara-	*dwara-	dar 'door'
	uwa-< *huwat-	*hwat-	xwad 'self'
	Change (14) *ary > *air	> ēr (mp, not operating in op)
	*ǝry	*ǝir	īr

b. Similar to op *mariyaka-> marīka-, op məriya-'die' and kəriya-

table 7

 7 Word-initial *dw and *hw in Old and Middle Persian The syncope assumed by Hoffmann and Risch can thus not have taken place. As shown in 2.1, the op unsyncopated forms do not work either as inputs for Middle Persian.

	7.a Development with op as input
	Input	> Old Persian Syncope	> Outcome
	duw-*duwā	*duwā	*dwā	†dā
	huw-*hu-Hapah-	*huwapah-	*hwapah	†xwab
	'good'	(> *uwapah-)
	7.b Development with Proto-Iranian as input
	Old Persian	< Iranian		> Middle Persian
	*duwā	*duwā		dō 'two'
	*uwapah-< *huwapah-	*hu-Hapah-		xūb 'good'

xūb 'good' (cf. 1.8). Similarly, Ir. *duwā 'two' would yield *dwā, which, with the change dw > d, would give †dā rather than the attested mp dō.

  Development of *ary, *əry and *ərwy in Persian, Balochi and Parthian

	Old Persian < Input form	> Parthian	Balochi Middle Persian
	ariy		*ary (aryānām)	ary (aryān) ?		air > ēr (Ērān)
	əriy *əruwiy	*əry (*mərya-) *ərwy (*gərwya-)	ir (mir-) irw (girw-)	ir	(mir-) (gir-)	əir > īr	(mīr-) (gīr-)
			.
	66	I am grateful to Iris Colditz for discussion of this word.
	67	This means that the etymology of Hübschmann (1895: 78, 131, following Müller 1893:
		376)-deriving sēr from *sarya-and comparing Greek κόρος 'satiety'-is impossible.
	68	As he points out (Bartholomae 1925: 144), any case of *g preceding y has to be secondary
		(analogical), since inherited cases of *g( u̯ )(h) followed by a palatal vowel, etc. yield *ǰ
		already in Proto-Indo-Iranian.

69 One of his arguments is that (contrary to the argument made by Hübschmann 1895: 200), a group δy cannot feed into the general change *d > * δ > mp y since this would yield *maδyāna-> * mayyāna-> †mēyān instead of np miyān 'middle' . korn Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127 table 8

  He did, however, add a question mark to indicate that this does not necessarily follow. In the meantime, his doubt proved justified since mp evidence now shows preserved ⟨g⟩: mpm ⟨dgr⟩, mpz ⟨dgl⟩ daγr 'late' beside mpm ⟨dyr⟩ dēr,79 and the same applies to šēr 'lion' , for which there is mpm ⟨šgr⟩, mpz ⟨šgl⟩ šaγr.80 The change *agr > *aγr > *ayr thus cannot have happened before mp times; rather, the varying mpm spellings seem to date *aγr > *ayr right into mp times. The ay arising here therefore cannot have fed into the (Achaemenid, see 2.7) monophthongisation. Given that monophthongisation is a highly com-

	77	Examples from Hübschmann (1895: 141-42, 167, 169).
	78

8 In his discussion of ary, *r̥ y > ēr, īr, Hübschmann (1893: 131, cf. 2.4) also mentions dēr 'late' < Ir. *darga-(via *daγr, Hübschmann 1893: 249), so that one might be tempted to assume that *daγr > *dayr > dēr feeds into the change (15) ai > ē.

  .84 My situating the change of intervocalic *b, d, g to β, δ, γ within the period of Classical Old Persian is a mere guess; it could also be earlier. Armenian agrees with this sequence of changes by showing voiceless stops preserved in postvocalic position, but fricatives for Ir. voiced stops, e.g., aparankʿ 'palace' (op apadāna-) with Arm. r (regularly) rendering Ir. δ, and ǰatagov 'advocate' (op gaub 'speak' , cf. mp ǰādag-gō(w)) with v for Middle-Ir. β (the first member is from the same root as ǰatuk mentioned in 2.7 and shows the specifically Persian change y-> ǰ (21)).85

	Change (12)	b

  *dahyu-(cf. OInd. dásyu-'member of a "barbaric" tribe' , op dahəyu-89), weh 'better' (mpz ⟨wyh⟩, mpm ⟨why⟩, ⟨wyh⟩) < *wahyah-(cf. OInd. vásyas-, op wahəyah-90), merd 'man' (mpm ⟨m(y)rd⟩) < *martya-(cf. OInd. mártya-, op martiya-). Examples for o include dušox 'hell' (mpz ⟨dwšhw'⟩, mpm There is also an assimilation of Ir. *a > mp e, o when certain consonants follow[START_REF] Mackenzie | Notes on the transcription of Pahlavi[END_REF]: 23-24, Durkin-Meisterernst 2014: 131-32). Predictably, o appears next to labial consonants, as in abdom 'last' (mpz ⟨ʾpdwm⟩, mpm ⟨ʾbdwm⟩, Ir. *-tama-). mp e is found before nn (< *nd), nd, h (< *θ)94 and sibilant, 'bind' (mpm ⟨byn⟩),95 -āwend 'having …' (mpm ⟨-ʾw(y)nd⟩), namehk 'salt' (mpm ⟨nmyhk⟩, Ir. *namaδ-ka-).96 It is not entirely clear whether this assimilation is to be seen as part of the change called "Umlaut", but the two changes could at least be related processes. It seems possible to me that the "colouring" of the op vowel ə, which arises by the change (8) *r̥ > ər (see 1.4), can likewise be considered vowel assimilation. As established byHübschmann (1895: 143-50), Ir. *r̥ yields mp/np ur in labial contexts, and ir otherwise.97 Under the present approach, ər changes colour by assimilation to the respective contexts. Examples include np purs-'ask' (op pərsa-, OInd. pr̥ cchá-), burd (Av. bərəta-, OInd. bhr̥ tá-); dil 'heart' (op *dərd-, Av. zərəd-, OInd. hr̥ d(aya)-), kirm 'worm' (OInd. kr̥ mi-), mp kird 'done' (OInd. kr̥ tá-), mp tišn 'thirst' (OInd. tr̥ ṣṇā-).98It seems a priori likely that ə arising from other processes is "coloured" at the same time. A possible candidate is *ə in word-final *-əm, which, as argued in[START_REF] Korn | Final troubles: Armenian stem classes and the word-end in Late Old Persian[END_REF] is the pmp result of Old Ir. -am and of other word-final syllables and then changes to *-um (see 3.4). Differently from mp e, o, the products of the pmp Umlaut, however, these coloured vowels are not changed to a in New Persian, but are treated like inherited i, u.

		korn
	lage' (mpm ⟨dyh⟩) < ⟨dwš(w)x⟩) < *duš-ahw-and passox 'answer' (mpz ⟨pshw'⟩, mpm ⟨pswx⟩) < pati-sah-wan-(Hübschmann 1895: 36, 218).91 In combination with the argument in 2.5, this means that Epenthesis is lim-ited to Vry, and that any other mp ⟨y⟩ in a syllable where one expects a is the effect of Umlaut.92 Change (22) a > e /_Cy o /_Cw Armenian shows that the vowel assimilation had taken place at a time when the voiceless stops were still preserved in postvocalic position, e.g. pet 'lord' (mpm ⟨-byd⟩, Ir. *pati-, np -bad, -bud), Spandaramet (Av. spəṇtā-ārmaiti-), etc.93 e.g., benn-3.3 Change (23) a > e /_nn, nd, h, sibilant o /_m, w ə > u u /_m /p, b, m, w_ 3.2 because of the mp form; the second element is also contained in other compounds (Av. aŋrō.mainiiu-'evil spirit' , etc.) and attested independently in Avestan and Old Indic i elsewhere
		(manyú-), with several derivatives such as Av. mainiiauua-, which underlies mp mēnōg
		(see 2.5). However, np dušman could go back to the synonymous Ir. *duš-manah-(like-
		wise attested in Avestan) and thus does not need to show a reversal of Umlaut (this seems
		to be the suggestion of Bartholomae 1904: 754). See also 2.5.
	89 95	Cf. 1.2. The change *nd > nn does not occur in mpz and np (band-).
	90 96	Note that the ə in dahəyu-, wahəyah-is a product of the specifically op changes *hy > *hiy
		> həy (see 1.8), none of which occurred in pmp.
	91	mp examples (except for men-) from MacKenzie (1967: 23-25). MacKenzie (1986: 54) reads
		mpz ⟨mlt'⟩ mard; this form could go back to *marta-(thus Bartholomae 1925: 55, compar-
		ing OInd. márta-). np mard is ambiguous: it could go back to *marta-, or, with reversal of
		. Old Persian thus would have resembled Span-Umlaut, to mp merd < *martya-(OInd. mártya-, see n. 59). Bartholomae (1925: 55) assumes
		ish with respect to this feature. that mpm ⟨myrd⟩ is to be read mērd and has its vowel from mērag (for which see 2.1), but
	85	Examples from Hübschmann (1895: 182, 201). There is no sound γ in Old Armenian, so this seems more complicated to me than an explanation by Umlaut.
	92	that Middle Ir. γ is rendered by Arm. g (Hübschmann 1895: 247); Armenian thus does not This means that the derivation of mp mēnōg and the reading of mp men-and dušmen with
		provide evidence for g > γ. long ē in EWAia etc. (cf. 2.5) need to be revised.
	86 93	See n. 51. Cf. the examples in Hübschmann (1895: 130), even if his interpretation differs from mine.
	87 94	This statement refers to the mp vowel assimilation in general. *θ of any origin (i.e. pie *ḱ, *th2 and *t preceding a consonant) changes to mp h (ex. dah
	88	A derivation of the np form from *duš-manyu-(Av. dušmainiiu-) has been assumed 'ten' , rāh 'way' , cf. Hübschmann 1895: 210-11).
		Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127

  for detailed discussion. Note that statements to the effect of "The syllabic *r̥ of Old Iranian [sic] yields a consonant r with accompanying vowel in Western Middle Iranian. The vowel depends on the preceding consonant: ur after labials, ir after all other consonants" (Durkin-Meisterernst 2014: 138) should not be taken to refer to Western Middle Iranian in general, but only to attested Middle Persian and Parthian, since other Western Ir. languages show different developments. In Balochi, the result is ir in palatal contexts, but ur elsewhere(Korn 2005: 143-48), and Zazaki and Taleshi might show ar. These data cannot be accommodated in a view that holds the mp and Pth. result of *r̥ to be valid for Western Middle Iranian in general (seeKorn 2016: 409-12 for the significance of this change as an isogloss). 98

cover symbols and other signs

  For the sigla referring to Old Persian inscriptions, seeSchmitt (2009: 8-32); for linguistic abbreviations, see the Leipzig glossing rules (https://www.eva.mpg.de /lingua/resources/glossing-rules.php). Other abbreviations used in this article are:

	pie	Proto-Indo-European	V	any vowel
	pmp	proto-mp (see the Introduc-	voc	vocative
		tion)	X	any fricative
	Pth.	Parthian
	.	syllable boundary	C	any consonant
	#	word boundary	Ir.	Iranian, Proto-Iranian
	/_	in the context of (e.g.: A > B	K	any stop
		/K_: A changes to B in the	mp	Middle Persian (mpi: inscrip-
		context after stop)		tional mp; mpm: Manichean
	=	attaches clitic		mp; mpz: Zoroastrian mp)
	-	attaches affix	np	(classical) New Persian
	act	active	OInd. Old Indic (Vedic, Sanskrit)
	Arm. Armenian	op	Old Persian
	Av.	Avestan	opt	optative

which contexts exactly participate in this change (29) • Monophthongisation 2 (2.8) ay, iy > ē, ī Abbreviations,

I owe the terms "black box" vs. "glass box" to the teachings of Heiner Eichner, who has applied the latter principle, e.g., in[START_REF] Eichner | Indogermanisches Phonemsystem und lateinische Lautgeschichte[END_REF].

Obviously matters are in principle even more complicated since Middle and New Persian are not dialectally homogenous.

Indo-EuropeanLinguistics 9 (2021) 85-127

Some Armenian forms require the assumption of a third Western Iranian language as source, see[START_REF] Korn | On Armenian -agin: Additional evidence for a third West Middle Iranian dialect?[END_REF].

Brust (2018: 1) uses the term "Achaemenid Old Persian", but this has the unfortunate consequence that variations within the extant inscriptions such as ahmiy 'I am' in Xerxes' inscription in Persepolis instead of op amiy elsewhere (see 1.8) would qualify the former inscription as "non-Achaemenid

". 5 See, e.g., Hübschmann (1897: 12-14) on this

matter. 6 In the transliteration of Old Persian, I follow[START_REF] Schmitt | Die altpersischen Inschriften der Achaimeniden[END_REF] and others by noting the potentially a-inherent signs as C (e.g., ⟨t⟩ instead of ⟨ta⟩ or ⟨ta⟩) and the signs with inherent i and u as ⟨Ci⟩, ⟨Cu⟩. I transliterate ⟨c⟩, ⟨j⟩, ⟨v⟩ following the tradition, but prefer č, ǰ, and w for the transcription; the latter seems a more likely pronunciation, as also shown by the processes

The change *sč > s is not seen in the op compounds containing *=čid, which have the "Median" form with šč (e.g., kaščiy "someone"); seeKorn (2013: 83) for further discussion.

This form would be from an op dialect that conserved word-initial hu-(see 1.8).

For this change, see[START_REF] Hübschmann | Persische Studien[END_REF]Hübschmann ( : 1162, 166, 166).

Thus the suggestion inKorn & Durkin-Meisterernst (2009: 12) for reasons of the Balochi evidence.

For ai, au > mp ē, ō seeHübschmann (1895: 141-42).

One type of pmp syncope is described byKlingenschmitt (2000: 210-15), which results in the loss of certain short unaccented vowels in (Old Ir.) penultimate syllables (e.g., Ir. *paθana-> mp pahn 'wide' , *zarita-> zard 'yellow' , *wīsati > wīst).

Acknowledgments

I owe a big thank-you to Thomas Jügel for a close reading of several versions of this article, to Chams Bernard, Nicholas Sims-Williams, and two anonymous reviewers for comments, to Ron Kim for a thoughtful editing of this article, and to Heiner Eichner and Martin Schwartz for bibliographical information. Thomas Jügel and Joachim Matzinger kindly helped out with access to literature. My sincere thanks go (again) to Sasha Lubotsky for arranging a research stay in Leiden in 2012, during which the central idea of this article was developed.

korn Indo-European Linguistics 9 (2021) 85-127 tion 5), which is a sorted list resulting from the application of the glass box approach. An absolute chronology is possible to some extent since certain word forms in Old Persian inscriptions attest a terminus ante quem, i.e., they show that a given change must have happened by the date the inscription was composed. All this also contributes to the philological interpretation of Old and Middle Persian word forms by suggesting, e.g., that the present stem of 'die' and the identically structured passive of 'do' are to be read mp mīr-(as always assumed), mp kīr-and op məriya-, kəriya-, respectively.

At the same time, the "glass box" approach highlights an element of dialectology by showing that the op sound changes under study cannot be brought into line with the Middle Persian varieties that have come down to us. The op change of postconsonantal y and w, which, as I argue, did not happen in Proto-Middle Persian, thus constitutes a dialectal difference between Old and Middle Persian to be added to those already noted. I am sure that more such cases can be found where a look into the "glass box" allows to refine both the sequence of changes and their dialectal status. Appendix

The following list contains the changes discussed in this article, with references to the sections where they are discussed. The list does not pretend to be the only possible solution, but is meant to encourage further studies on the relative chronology of sound changes in the prehistory of Persian. Changes that seem to be more closely connected chronologically or directly depend on one another are presented together and separated from the next set by an empty line.

While the list might seem somewhat bold, the intention is to submit some preliminary results for improvement and refinement through subsequent research.

Signs used (see also the list of abbreviations preceding the bibliography): ‡ specific to some subdialect(s) of Persian, not shared by others ⁂ surely / probably / potentially also shared by non-Persian languages (e.g. Parthian)

Common Iranian:

(1) ⁂ • Indo-Ir. K > Ir. X /_C (1.3) (*tvām > Ir. *θwām; *satya-> *haθya-)