Karen De Clercq

Liliane Haegeman

Invariant "die" and adverbial resumption in the Ghent dialect

It is generally accepted that Standard Dutch (StD) and its dialects are bona fide Verb Second (V2) languages, meaning that in root clauses the finite verb is preceded by exactly one constituent. The V2 pattern is illustrated in (1): in the grammatical (1a), the finite auxiliary heeft ('has') is preceded by the direct object zijn wagen ('his car'). ( 1b) and (1c) are ungrammatical because the finite verb is preceded by two constituents. At first sight, (1d) might also seem to be a violation of the V2 constraint because the finite verb heeft ('has') is preceded by two constituents: the participle verkocht ('sold') and the object zijn wagen ('his car'), but the example is in line with the V2 constraint because the string zijn wagen verkocht can be analysed as one constituent, a (possibly extended) projection of V.

(1) a.

[ Toen hij in Gent was, heeft Jan zijn wagen verkocht. when-3sg-he in Ghent was has Jan his car sold 'When he was in Ghent, Jan sold his car.' However, in spite of being a V2 language, StD and the dialects display V2 'transgressions' (Catasso 2015), i.e. patterns that seem to fall short of the V2 condition. In this chapter, we focus on one such pattern, labelled 'resumptive V3'.1

Resumptive V3

In resumptive V3 patterns, the finite verb is preceded by two elements: a 'dislocated' phrasal constituent which is itself followed by a resumptive element, a demonstrative that is anaphorically dependent on the left-adjacent constituent. The initial constituent may be an argument (1.2.1) of the predicate, a pattern which we refer to as argument resumption, or an adverbial element (1.2.2).

Argument resumption

Argument resumption is illustrated in the StD (3). In these examples, the finite verb in a linearly third position is preceded by a 'dislocated' phrasal constituent which is followed by a resumptive element, a demonstrative which is anaphorically dependent on the left adjacent constituent. For instance, in (3a) the dislocated non-neuter direct object DP, Jan, is followed by die, which corresponds to the StD demonstrative pronoun and looks at first sight as if it is also a resumptive element. In (3b), an initial neuter argument dat boek ('that book') is resumed by the neuter resumptive demonstrative dat. In (3c), the initial constituent is the PP over taalkunde ('about linguistics'); it is resumed by the R-pronoun daar ('there') ( Van Riemsdijk 1978[START_REF] Koopman | Prepositions, postpositions, circumpositions, and particles[END_REF], 2010[START_REF] Noonan | Dutch and German R-pronouns and P-stranding[END_REF], the complement of a stranded preposition, over ('about'). In (3d), finally, the initial embedded clause is resumed by the neuter demonstrative dat ('that').

( In the literature, the pattern in (3) is usually labelled Contrastive Left Dislocation (abbreviated as CLD), though a contrastive interpretation is not necessarily present for all speakers (cf. [START_REF] Broekhuis | Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrases[END_REF]Corver 2016, De Vries 2009 for insightful recent discussion). There is a considerable literature on the derivation of resumptive V3 patterns in the Germanic languages [START_REF] Broekhuis | Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrases[END_REF] for Dutch, Holmberg 2015, for Scandinavian, and the references cited in these works), which we cannot hope to summarize or evaluate here. The debate concerns a.o. the status of the resumptive constituent and how it is related to the initial constituent, the first merge position of the resumptive constituent, that of the first constituent etc. Most discussions also take into consideration the alternative resumptive patterns illustrated in (4), in which a matching pronominal resumptive element occupies a TP-internal position. In the literature, the latter pattern is sometimes referred to as Hanging Topic Left Dislocation [START_REF] Cinque | The movement nature of Left Dislocation[END_REF][START_REF] Cinque | Types of A' dependencies[END_REF], for Scandinavian Holmberg (to appear), for Dutch specifically: De Vries 2009[START_REF] Broekhuis | Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrases[END_REF]: 1691).

( Predicates can also be associated with resumptive elements, (5) provides some examples. As can be seen by these examples, the appropriate resumptive demonstrative for predicative elements is always the neuter demonstrative dat, whether this be with an AP (5a), a DP (5b) or a VP (5c) predicative element. Note in particular that the resumptive in (5b) does not match the gender of the initial constituent, een knappe dame ('a smart lady') being a feminine noun phrase. For early discussion of the use of dat see [START_REF] Rullman | On Saying dat[END_REF].

(5) a. Slim dat is ze wel. clever that is she part b.

Een knappe dame, dat is ze wel.

A smart lady, that is she well c.

Hard werken, dat doen ze niet. hard work, that do they not

We will set aside resumptive patterns with initial predicates for future study as these introduce a number of complications that would lead us too far.

Adverbial resumption

In the resumptive V3 patterns in (3), the resumed constituent corresponds to an argument of the predicate in the associated clause: in (3a) and in (3b), for instance, the initial constituent corresponds to the direct object of the lexical verb kennen ('know'). The resumptive pattern in (6) also linearly violates the V2 constraint. In these examples, the constituent left-adjacent to the resumptive constituent, here an adverb, does not correspond to an argument of the associated clause but rather to an adjunct. In (6a) the initial constituent is a place adjunct in Gent ('In Ghent'), in (6b) it is the temporal adjunct volgende vrijdag ('next Friday'), in (6c) it is the temporal adjunct vorige week ('last week'). As can be seen, the choice of the resumptive adverb (daar ('there'), dan ('then'), toen ('then')) co-varies with the dislocated adjunct.

(6) a.

In Gent, daar kan je lekker eten. in Ghent, there can you well eat 'You eat well in Ghent.' b.

Volgende vrijdag dan komt ze terug. next Friday then comes she back c.

Vorige week toen was ze er niet. last week then was she there not

For StD, [START_REF] Zwart | Morphosyntax of Verb Movement. A Minimalist Approach to the Syntax of Dutch[END_REF], [START_REF] Hoekstra | On D-pronouns and the movement of Topic features[END_REF] and [START_REF] Broekhuis | Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrases[END_REF]Corver (2016: 1134) analyse the patterns with a dislocated adjunct in (6) as the adverbial variant of CLD in (3). Linearly, the resumptive patterns in (6) again constitute V2-transgressions. Nevertheless, it has been noted in the literature that the availability of precisely this adverbial resumptive pattern seems to have a remarkable correlation with the V2 property. Meklenborg (2020) observes, for instance, that in the older stages of Romance languages with a V2 grammar such as Old French [6] [START_REF] Barbara | Syntactic Change in Medieval French: Verb-Second and Null Subjects[END_REF][START_REF] Reenen | The Pragmatic Functions of the Old French Particles AINZ, APRES, DONC, LORS[END_REF][START_REF] Ferraresi | Particles and sentence structure: a historical perspective[END_REF][START_REF] Salvesen | Topics and the left periphery: a comparison of Old French and Modern Germanic[END_REF]Wolfe, 2015a), Old Florentine [START_REF] Poletto | Word Order in Old Italian[END_REF], Old Neapolitan [START_REF] Ledgeway | Satisfying V2 in early Romance: Merge vs[END_REF], Old Perugian [START_REF] Ledgeway | Satisfying V2 in early Romance: Merge vs[END_REF], and Old Sicilian (Wolfe, 2015a). the use of a resumptive particle si/sì was attested (see a.o. [START_REF] Vanelli | Typologie des Pronoms Sujets dans les Langues Romanes[END_REF]; Salvi (2004); [START_REF] Benincà | A detailed map of the left periphery of medieval Romance[END_REF]; [START_REF] Ledgeway | From Latin to Romance: Morphosyntactic Typology and Change[END_REF]; Wolfe (2015a)). ( 7) illustrates Old French.

(7) Quant Erec l' ot, si l' an mercie. when Erec it.Cl heard si him.CL of-it thanks 'When Eric heard that, he thanked him. ' OFr, ErecKu, p.5f, v.1286 (Meklenborg 2020: 104) By and large, adverbial resumption or adverbial V3 is absent from non V2 languages.

Resumption in the Ghent dialect

This chapter focusses on a specific instantiation of adverbial resumption in the Ghent dialect in which an adverbial adjunct is reprised by what looks like an invariant demonstrative pronominal die.

Our research is based on two transcribed recordings dating from the 1960s [START_REF] Leemans | Syntactische kenmerken van het Gents dialect[END_REF], [START_REF] Hoe | Enkele syntactische kenmerken van het dialect van Melle[END_REF], supplemented with anecdotal data collected by the authors, as well as on consultation of native speakers and on elicitation by means of a questionnaire survey of native speakers.

The pattern will be illustrated in full in Section 1.3.2 but before doing so we briefly set a wider perspective by introducing the Ghent varieties of CLD.

Nominal CLD

By the term 'nominal CLD' we refer to resumptive strategies mainly involving nominal arguments. The label is an approximation and has no theoretical content. The Ghent dialect displays two varieties of nominal CLD, which we provisionally label CLD1 and CLD2. Both patterns are root phenomena. We will not explore argument CLD in detail, and there are several aspects of the patterns which at the moment we do not understand. We also will not consider resumption of predicate elements, as in (5).

In CLD1, illustrated in (8a), the resumptive den dienen (lit: 'the that') is a referential demonstrative: it consists of a combination of the masculine singular form of the definite determiner den ('the') and the masculine singular form of the demonstrative dienen ('that'). This combination corresponds to the referentially independent use of the demonstrative (8b). The resumptive constituent in (8a) matches the leftadjacent dislocated constituent for gender and number: masculine singular den dienen ('the that') alternates with feminine singular and plural de die; it also alternates with neuter singular dat ('that') (8c een beetsen te klein geworden and that school.dim that was a little too small become 'And that little school had become a little too small.' ( Van Hoe,Melle,I: 11) Though we have not done a statistical corpus analysis, it is our impression that CLD2, illustrated in (9), represents the majority of CLD instances in our corpus. This pattern features a 'short' form of the demonstrative, die; there is no gender or number matching with the left-adjacent nominal constituent: even with a neuter initial constituent, the formative die, rather than dat, is used (9b, c). In this respect, the Ghent dialect differs from many other Dutch varieties, which maintain gender matching.

Adverbial resumption

The Ghent dialect also displays the 'adverbial' resumption illustrated for StD in Section 1.2.2. In the attested (10), a sentence-initial dislocated adjunct is resumed by a left-adjacent adverbial (tons 'then', daar 'there') (cf. [START_REF] Hoekstra | On D-pronouns and the movement of Topic features[END_REF][START_REF] Broekhuis | Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrases[END_REF]: 1134). The resumptive element matches the dislocated constituent: tons ('then') and dan ('then') are temporal/conditional adverbs and in the corpus example (10a) and the attested (10b) they resume a conditional/temporal adverbial clause; daar ('there') is a locative adverb, in the corpus example (10c) it matches a locative dislocated PP in ding in Oedelem ('in thingy in Oedelem').

(10) a. The analogues of ( 12) in which die is used as a resumptive element for the initial adjunct would be strongly ungrammatical in other varieties of Dutch, including StD.

Goals

This chapter focusses on adverbial die resumption in the Ghent dialect illustrated in (11a)-( 12) and compares the pattern with StD adverbial CLD in (6) and in (11b) and with Ghent adverbial resumption in (10). Where relevant to the discussion, we will also occasionally refer to argument resumption in StD (3) and in the Ghent dialect (8) and ( 9), though this will not be the core focus of our chapter.

The first part of the chapter inventorizes the empirical facts. In the second part, we elaborate a formal syntactic analysis. Section 2 first introduces Meklenborg's distinction between specialized resumptives and generalized resumptives. The distinction refers to the matching restrictions, i.e. the restrictions imposed on the choice of resumptive element by the left-adjacent constituent. At first sight, on the basis of the criteria developed there, invariant die in the Ghent dialect functions as a generalized resumptive. Section 3 inventorizes the properties of adverbial die resumption in the Ghent dialect, i.e. configurations in which die is found right-adjacent to an adverbial constituent, though we will also occasionally touch upon patterns in which invariant die is right-adjacent to an argument constituent. We will systematically compare the properties of invariant die, by hypothesis a generalized resumptive, with those of the specialized adverbial resumptives in StD and in the Ghent dialect. Exploring these properties, we will formulate some initial hypotheses of how the observed contrasts between the two types of resumption correlate with their syntactic representation.

Section 4 develops the cartographic analysis of die resumption. The proposed analysis further explores the concept of indirect satisfaction of the criteria associated with left-peripheral heads as first proposed in Rizzi andShlonsky (2006, 2007) and developed in [START_REF] Haegeman | Variation in English Subject Extraction : the Case of Hyperactive Subjects[END_REF]. Crucially, it relies on the idea that a left-peripheral head may be featurally enriched and that the enrichment allows the satisfaction of a lower head.

Adverbial resumption: specialized resumption vs. generalized resumption

Specialized resumptives

The patterns of adverbial resumption in the Ghent variety which we introduce in Section 1.3.2 reflect the distinction between specialized resumptives and generalized resumptives (Meklenborg 2020). This contrast has also been discussed in work by a.o. [START_REF] Eide | Om verbplassering og så-konstruksjonen i to språkmøter[END_REF], [START_REF] Sollid | On verb second and the så-construction in two Mainland Scandinavian contact situations[END_REF], [START_REF] Nordström | The Swedish så-construction, a new point of departure[END_REF], Eide (2011, Holmberg (2015, to appear) and Meklenborg (2020). StD (6) and Ghent (10) illustrate specialized resumptives and Ghent (11a) and ( 12) illustrate generalized resumptives.

With specialized resumptives, i.e. StD (6) and Ghent (10), the constituent functioning as the resumptive is a regular adverb which has retained its full original adverbial meaning (and -we speculatefunction), i.e. it has the semantics of its non-resumptive adverbial use, and interpretively the resumptive adverbial matches the initial constituent. The specialized nature of the resumptive is clear from the StD data: the choice of the resumptive element co-varies with the semantics of the initial constituent. StD deploys the locative adverb daar ('there'), the manner adverb zo ('so'), the temporal adverbs, dan ('then') and toen ('then'). Temporal resumptive adverbs ((6b) and (6c)) show additional specialization: dan ('then') is used for future/conditional contexts, toen ('then') is reserved for past time contexts; this difference is replicated in the resumptive use. Specialization is also illustrated in the Ghent examples in (10): temporal tons ('then') matches a dislocated temporal adjunct and locative daar ('there') matches a dislocated locative adjunct.

The specialized resumptives right-adjacent to adverbial constituents are adverbs which can be used independently without overt left peripheral antecedent: for instance, StD dan ('then'), toen ('then'), daar ('there') and zo ('so') can be used in a regular V2 clause, either in initial position (13) or in mid-position (14). Given their demonstrative/deictic meaning they are anaphoric with an accessible antecedent in the discourse.

(13) a.

Daar

Generalized resumptives

Generalized resumptives differ from the specialized resumptives illustrated in Section 2.1.1 in that, possibly as a result of semantic bleaching, they have become compatible with a wider range of initial constituents.

One example that has received a lot of attention is the Mainland Scandinavian resumptive så ('so') in ( 16), cf. [START_REF] Nordström | The Swedish så-construction, a new point of departure[END_REF], Eide (2011); ( 16) should be compared with the specialized resumptive pattern in (15a-c) (cf. Nordström (2010: 48, her (10)) and Meklenborg (2020: 96) As illustrated in (12), the Ghent dialect can deploy an invariant form, die, to resume a wide range of dislocated adjuncts: a temporal adjunct (12a), a conditional adjunct (12b), a locative adjunct (12c), a goal adjunct (12d), a causal adjunct (12e), a result adjunct (12f). Our tentative hypothesis at this point is that Ghent invariant die is also a generalized resumptive. Pursuing this line of thinking, CLD2 in the Ghent dialect could also be categorized as an instance of 'generalized' resumption because, differently from CLD1, there is, for instance, no gender or number matching between the element die preceding the finite verb and the left adjacent constituent (see also Section 3.3.3 for additional discussion).

Specialized vs. generalized resumptives

Our discussion of the distinction between specialized and generalized resumptives is perhaps slightly misleading because it might be taken to imply that specialized resumptives and generalized resumptives are syntactically equivalent and that they constitute interchangeable alternatives merely differing in terms of their degree of semantic specification and the corresponding range of constituents they can resume, as schematized in (17a):

(17) a. Da jeg kom hjem, da var jeg sliten. så when I came home was I tired

While this would be a theoretical possibility, it remains an empirical question to what extent the generalized resumptive and the specialized resumptive are syntactically equivalent. It is also possible that the differentiation in semantics and in the matching restriction with respect to the constituent left-adjacent to the resumptive correlates with underlying syntactic differences. One diagnostic for the full equivalence of the generalized resumptive and the specialized resumptive as depicted in (17a) is to assess whether they are in complementary distribution. For the Norwegian pattern in (16a) the answer is negative: the specialized resumptive may co-occur with the generalized resumptive, and their relative order is fixed, as shown in (17b) and (17c).4 The same holds for Swedish så (16b), as demonstrated in Nordström (2010: 48, her (10)).

( That a generalized resumptive can co-occur with a specialized resumptive is clear evidence that the two items, though to some extent functionally similar, must be differentiated in the syntax.

We will investigate the use of invariant die in the Ghent dialect and compare it with that of specialized adverbial resumptives. Using a series of distributional and interpretive diagnostics, we first aim to present a survey of the similarities and differences between the specialized and the generalized resumptive. The diagnostics will shed light on to the nature of the resumptive constituent, and its relationship with the leftadjacent constituent. In particular, the evidence is expected to point to the constituent left-adjacent to the resumptive being either clause-external (in the sense of [START_REF] Astruc-Aguilera | The form and function of extra-sentential elements[END_REF][START_REF] Broekhuis | Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrases[END_REF]: 1133-1134, Haegeman and Greco 2018a,b) or being part of the root V2 clause and it may reveal whether the resumptive has phrasal or head status. These findings obviously have ramifications for the derivation of the adverbial resumptive patterns.

While concentrating on adverbial resumption, we will also return at some places to the argument CLD2 pattern because a comparison with this pattern sheds additional light on the nature of generalized resumption. Based on the diagnostics in Section 3, we elaborate a cartographic analysis of Ghent invariant die in Section 4.

Invariant die in the Ghent dialect

The initial adverbial constituent

Categorial features

As shown in the Ghent examples in (11a) and ( 12), the adverbial constituent left-adjacent to invariant die may instantiate a range of syntactic categories: it can be a nominal phrase (11a), an adverbial phrase (12a,f), a prepositional phrase (12c), a finite clause (12b,e), a non-finite clause (12d) etc. In this respect, the pattern is no different from that found with the specialized -i.e. semantically matched -resumptive: in the latter pattern too, semantic matching of the adverbial resumptive does not entail categorial matching. For instance, the StD temporal resumptive toen ('then') can resume a left-adjacent adverbial clause as in (19a)

Optionality

In all examples of adverbial resumption illustrated so far, those with a specialized resumptive as well as those with invariant die, the initial adverbial constituent is not related to a thematic role assigned by the predicate and as such it is 'optional' in relation to the clause, as is the corresponding resumptive. Optionality entails that the relevant constituents can be omitted, possibly entailing some further modifications. Three scenarios are briefly looked at here: (i) omission of the resumptive as well as the left-adjacent adjunct, (ii) retention of the resumptive and omission of the left-adjacent adjunct, (iii) omission of the resumptive element and retention of the left-adjacent adjunct.

(i) Omission of both the resumptive and the left-adjacent adjunct Because of the V2 constraint, the simultaneous omission of the resumptive and the left-adjacent adjunct would lead to a change of word order. ( 20a) and (20b) rephrase the StD examples in ( 19) leaving out the initial constituent and its specialized resumptive. (20c) rephrases the Ghent example (11a), leaving out invariant die and the left-adjacent adjunct. In each case, to satisfy the V2 constraint, the finite verb is now preceded by another constituent, here the subject.

( (ii) Omission of the initial adverbial constituent with retention of the resumptive As the specialized resumptive is itself a contentful adverb, the presence of an immediately preceding matching constituent is not required. The examples in (21) will be licit as long as there is an accessible contextual antecedent for the demonstrative adverbs daar ('there'), dan ('then') and toen ('then'). Specialized resumptives in the Ghent dialect can thus appear as independent sentence-initial adverbial adjuncts. Incidentally, in (21) these adverbs also satisfy the V2 constraint.

(21) a. Daar kan je lekker eten. there can you well eat 'You eat well there.' b.

Dan komt ze terug. then comes she back c.

Toen was ze er niet. then was she there not However, in the Ghent dialect, omission of the constituent left-adjacent to invariant die is not possible. This restriction was identified in Vanacker (1980: 77) and is labelled an 'antecedent requirement' in De [START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF]. The requirement is confirmed both by our corpora, in which all occurrences of invariant die are immediately preceded by an adverbial constituent, and by our informants who consider the exchange in ( 22) unacceptable. In spite of the fact that utterance (22A) would supply a plausible contextual antecedent ('because Myriam takes care of the cats tomorrow'), the continuation in (22B) is not acceptable.

(22) A:

Myriam komt morgen voor de katten zorgen.

Myriam

comes tomorrow for the cats care 'Myriam will take care of the cats tomorrow.' B: * Die kunnen we met een gerust hart naar de cinema gaan. Die can we with a peaceful heart to the movies go (1 9 2 2 3 0 4 0 5 1 )6

The difference between the specialized resumptive pattern and the generalized resumptive pattern uncovered here is a first indication that the contrast between specialized resumptive and generalized resumptive correlates with additional differences and it implies that [START_REF] Zwart | Morphosyntax of Verb Movement. A Minimalist Approach to the Syntax of Dutch[END_REF] assimilation of the two patterns, to be further discussed in Section 3.2, is untenable. In later sections, additional differences will come to light.

(iii) Omission of the resumptive Finally, the specialized resumptive or the generalized resumptive itself can be freely omitted without change in word order and without loss of grammaticality: (23a) illustrates omission of the StD specialized resumptive toen ('then'), (23b) illustrates omission of the Ghent specialized resumptive tons ('then') and (23c) illustrates omission of invariant die:

(23) a. baked we four kinds bread 'We used to bake four kinds of bread.' (Gijzenzele 0.28) (Vanacker 1980: 76) Omission of the resumptive results in a regular root V2 configuration with an adverbial constituent as the first constituent left-adjacent to the finite verb. Indeed, as we will see (Section 4.4.2), the initial constituent in the resumptive V3 pattern can invariably function as the initial constituent in a V2 configuration.

Discourse function of the resumptive patterns

In the literature, it has often been proposed that the dislocated constituent in the StD CLD pattern illustrated in (3) is topical (see [START_REF] Zwart | Morphosyntax of Verb Movement. A Minimalist Approach to the Syntax of Dutch[END_REF]: 249-50, Hoekstra 1999). Regrouping argument and adverbial resumption, Hoekstra (1999: 60), for instance, refers to the StD doubling demonstrative pronouns die and dat and the doubling demonstrative adverbs dan, daar, toen etc. as topic pronouns. 7 Because the relevant pronouns mostly begin with d-, he labels them D-pronouns (see also d-words in [START_REF] Zwart | Morphosyntax of Verb Movement. A Minimalist Approach to the Syntax of Dutch[END_REF] and [START_REF] Koster | Why Subject Sentences Don't Exist[END_REF]. In this chapter, we examine among other things whether and to what extent the invariant die pattern in the 1 9 means that 9 informants considered the sentence unacceptable and gave it score 1. If informants gave 3, 4 or 5, we considered the sentence acceptable.

Some sentences were only judged by one or two speakers. In that case, the same 5-point Likert scale was used and the score per informant is indicated as for instance 3/5, if a 3 was given for a particular sentence. 7 For a comparison of the binding behavior of D-pronouns and personal pronouns, see among others Hoekstra (1999: 61-3) and the works cited.

Ghent variety of Dutch can be analyzed in terms of topicalization along the lines of the StD instantiations mentioned above and of their analogues in the Ghent dialect.

Our main focus will be on adverbial resumption patterns which feature invariant die in the Ghent dialect, but we will first briefly go over the properties of what we could informally refer to as 'nominal CLD', i.e. the pattern in which the dislocated constituent is a nominal, because this will reveal an interesting discrepancy between nominal CLD2 in the Ghent dialect on the one hand and StD nominal CLD and nominal CLD1 in the Ghent dialect on the other.

Nominal CLD

With respect to the analysis of StD nominal CLD, in which the constituent left-adjacent to the resumptive constituent corresponds to a clausal argument, one fairly common assumption in the literature is that the initial constituent is topical (Zwart 1997: 249-50). In addition, according to some analyses, the initial constituent occupies a clause-external position (cf. [START_REF] Koster | Why Subject Sentences Don't Exist[END_REF][START_REF] Broekhuis | Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrases[END_REF]: 1133-1134).

Both topicality and clause-external position conspire to lead to the prediction that neither negative constituents nor wh-constituents are good candidates to function as first constituents in StD nominal CLD: on the one hand, quantificational constituents are not good candidates for topic status (see [START_REF] Rizzi | The fine structure of the left periphery[END_REF]; on the other, if the relevant dislocated constituent in the CLD pattern were indeed clause-external, its very position would prevent it from taking clausal scope. ( 24) presents judgments on StD nominal CLD drawn from the literature.

(24) a. *Niemand die heeft ze gekust. no one die has she kissed (Hoekstra (1999: 66), cf. [START_REF] Broekhuis | Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrases[END_REF]: 733, (260b), 1458, 1697, (49b)). b. *Wie die ga je dan uitnodigen? who die go you then invite [START_REF] Broekhuis | Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrases[END_REF]Corver 2016: 1699, (54b))

In this respect, the StD resumptive CLD pattern contrasts with the regular root V2 pattern in which negative or quantificational constituents are suitable first constituents, as shown in (25). In these examples, the initial constituent can be construed as being focal; it can take clausal scope from a designated clause-internal position in the left periphery (e.g. SpecFocP). This entails that in (25), the initial constituents niemand ('no one') and wie ('who') are not clause-external.

(25) a. Niemand heeft ze gekust. no one has she kissed b.

Wie ga je dan uitnodigen? who go you then invite

Recall from Section 1.3.1 that the Ghent dialect displays two root patterns in which an initial nominal constituent is separated from the finite verb by what looks like a resumptive element. We label these CLD1 and CLD2, though we hasten to add that using this label, we are not committed to the view that the second pattern is a case of contrastive left dislocation. In CLD1, a dislocated argument is resumed by a referential demonstrative consisting of the definite article and the demonstrative pronoun. Because it matches the dislocated constituent in terms of gender and number features, we proposed that the resumptive constituent in CLD1 qualifies as 'specialized'. Like StD CLD, Ghent CLD1 is incompatible with a bare quantified nominal (26a) or with a wh-phrase (26b): ( 26 These data bring to the fore a clear contrast between nominal CLD1 and CLD2 in the Ghent dialect on the one hand, and also between StD CLD and the Ghent nominal CLD2.

The compatibility of Ghent CLD2 with a quantified initial constituent has two ramifications: (i) the constituent left-adjacent to die in this configuration is not necessarily topical, quantifiers being incompatible with topic status. (ii) The constituent left-adjacent to die, can, at least in these patterns, not be main clauseexternal in the sense of [START_REF] Broekhuis | Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrases[END_REF]: 1133-1134) and Haegeman and Greco (2018a,b): a clause-external position would prevent the initial constituent from taking clausal scope (see Haegeman and Greco 2018a,b on scope restrictions with clause-external constituents).

8 Invariant die is not equally accepted with all wh-constituents: (i) in comparison with (27d) is of interest. It looks as if the presence of dan ('then') in (27d) facilitates the presence of die . Given that dan ('then') anchors the sentence to the discourse, this might suggest there is a D-linking effect. See also Section 4. The incompatibility of the StD adverbial CLD pattern with such quantified initial constituents will follow both from the topical nature of the initial constituent and from the hypothesis that this constituent is clauseexternal and hence unable to take scope within the domain of the clause. Again, the adverbial resumptive pattern with the specialized resumptive contrasts with regular V2 pattern in which both negative and wh-constituents qualify as first constituents as shown in StD (29). Provided that the initial constituents in (29) are clause-internal, they will be able to take clausal scope and can be associated with left peripheral focus.

(29) a.

Nergens verkopen ze nog kleine notebroodjes. nowhere sell they PART small nut rolls b.

Nooit kunt ge kleine notebroodjes krijgen never can you small nut rolls obtain c.

In welke periode woonde zij in Geneve? in which period lived she in Geneva d.

In welke van die twee winkels verkopen ze biofruit? in which of those two shops sell they biological fruit

In contrast with the both the StD and the Ghent dialectal specialized adverbial resumptive, however, invariant die in the Ghent dialect is compatible with a left-adjacent negative adjunct, as in ( 30):

(30) a.

Nergens dieverkopen ze nog kleine notenbroodjes. nowhere die sell they PART small nut rolls b.

Nooit die vindt ge kleine notenbroodjes. never die find you small nut rolls

In addition, for some speakers, the constituent left-adjacent to invariant die can be a wh-constituent, (31):

(31) Wanneer die komt ze terug? when die comes she back (1 1 , 2 4 , 3 1 , 4 3 , 5 3 ) These two patterns again show that invariant die must not be viewed as semantically and syntactically equivalent to the specialized resumptive (pace Zwart 1997: 249-50) and confirms our conclusion in Section 2.3 that the two patterns diverge (cf. also Section 3.2.1 where that conclusion is also partly confirmed in relation to StD nominal CLD and Ghent CLD1). Because quantifiers are not likely candidates for topic status, the data suggest that the constituent leftadjacent to invariant die is not necessarily interpreted as a topic. The next section offers some additional evidence against assigning general topic status to the constituent left-adjacent to invariant die.

In addition, the availability of negative and wh-adjuncts left-adjacent to invariant die leads to the conclusion that the relevant constituents cannot be clause-external in the sense of [START_REF] Broekhuis | Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrases[END_REF]: 1133-1134), because in a clause-external position they would be unable to scope over the clause and ensure clause typing. Following standard views, the data in ( 30) and ( 31) thus lead us to the conclusion that the constituent left-adjacent to invariant die occupies a clause-internal specifier position in the left periphery.

Additional evidence that the constituent left-adjacent to invariant die is clause-internal comes from the scope effects in (32). In these examples, the continuations force a reading in which the initial quantificational constituent is within the scope of the clausal negation, i.e. it is interpreted in its TP-internal reconstruction site below sentential negation. One speaker rejects (32c) while accepting (32a) and (32b). ( 32 The reconstruction data thus further confirm that the constituent left-adjacent to die is not clause-external. We assume that like the initial constituent in the regular V2 pattern, it originates TP-internally and moves to the left-peripheral position. We generalize this conclusion to instances in which the initial constituent is not quantificational.

Arguments against the generalized topic analysis

Example (34) shows that the constituent left-adjacent to invariant die may provide an answer to a whquestion. This would be unexpected if this constituent is a topic, i.e. represents old or discourse given information, because the answer to a wh-question typically constitutes new information.

(34) Q:

Wanneer komt ze terug? when comes she back 'When is she returning?' A:

Volgende vrijdag die komt ze terug next Friday die comes she back 'She's coming back next Friday.'

(1 1 2 0 3 5 4 1 5 5 )

In addition, some adverbials which do not obviously constitute topics can precede invariant die. The epistemic modal waarschijnlijk ('probably') in ( 35) is a case in point (cf. also [START_REF] Broekhuis | Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrases[END_REF]Corver (2016: 1707) on waarschijnlijk in StD).

(35) Waarschijnlijk die is hij weeral ziek. probably die is he again sick the context implies contrastive focus on the constituent left-adjacent to die. In the absence of more general data on the choice between sentences with and without invariant die, we do not speculate further.

'He is probably ill again.' (1 2 2 1 3 2 4 5 5 2 )

An additional contrast between specialized resumptives and invariant die

(36) and (37) provide additional evidence that invariant die differs from the StD specialized resumptives such as temporal dan or locative daar. StD proximal adjuncts such as nu ('now') or vandaag ('today') cannot function as the left-adjacent constituents for resumptive dan or daar (see ( 36)). 12 The corresponding proximal adjuncts can licitly function as left-adjacent constituents for die in the Ghent dialect (37).

( The compatibility of the specialized resumptives with focusing entails that these resumptives -at least in those configurations -have phrasal status.

On the other hand, the Ghent invariant die cannot be modified by focusing devices, (41). To capture the contrast with the specialized resumptive, De [START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF] propose that invariant die spells out a functional head in the left periphery. Alternatively, one might argue that die is a weak pronominal element, possibly an expletive, whose semantics are incompatible with focusing (see also Section 4.3). 13 (41) a.

*Als het regent,

13 Marcel den Dikken (p.c) points out that the phrasal status of specialized resumptives in StD is confirmed by their availability for coordination as shown in (i):

(i) In mei in Gent, daar en dan wil ik een lezing geven In May in Ghent, there and then want I a lecture give 'In May in Ghent, there and then want I a lecture give'. The Ghent data are, however, inconclusive. While indeed invariant die cannot be coordinated with a specialized resumptive (iia,b), our informants both rejected the coordination of two specialized resumptives in (iic): (ii) a.

In mei in Gent, die en daar wil ik een lezing doen. (Luc 1/5, Claudine 1/5) In May in Ghent, die and there want I a talk do b.

In mei in Gent, dan en die wil ik een lezing doen. (Luc 1/5, Claudine 1/5) In May in Ghent, then and there want I a talk do c.

In mei in Gent, dan en daar wil ik een lezing doen. (Luc 1/5, Claudine 1/5) In May in Ghent, dan and die want I a talk do if it rains, zelfs die ga ik te voet naar het werk.

(1 8 , 2 3 , 3 1 , 4 0 , 5 0 ) even die go I on foot to the work b.

*Toen de bel ging, juist die ging ik vertrekken. (1 8 , 2 3 , 3 1 , 4 0 , 5 0 ) when the bell went, just die went I leave

Mid-position of the resumptive

In StD argument V3 resumption with a nominal constituent in initial position, the resumptive demonstrative (die or dat) is not necessarily moved to a left peripheral position: whenever the left peripheral (henceforth LP) slot of the root clause which combines with the topical constituent is itself unavailable because another LP feature is independently activated, the resumptive demonstrative is located in a middle field position. This is illustrated in (42). We start from StD CLD (42a), in which the resumptive demonstrative die occupies the LP position. Let us assume that the initial constituent je laptop ('your laptop') is clauseexternal (in the sense of [START_REF] Broekhuis | Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrases[END_REF]: 1133-1134). The StD resumptive demonstrative die itself is then the leftmost constituent of the V2 root clause and immediately precedes the finite verb. In (42b), the wh-phrase waar ('where') occupies the first slot in the root V2 pattern; in this case, the LP slot is already occupied and hence the resumptive demonstrative die must remain in a middle field position (cf. [START_REF] Mikkelsen | VP anaphora and verb-second order in Danish[END_REF]. ( 42c) and (42d), in which both waar and die would occupy an LP slot, are ungrammatical. Even on the assumption that the initial constituent je laptop ('your laptop') is clauseexternal in (42c) and (42d), the examples would violate the V2 constraint, because the finite verb is preceded by two constituents. In imperatives too, the demonstrative resumptive occupies a middle field position (43a). This is compatible with the assumption that the LP of the imperative is activated, for instance by a non-overt operator, as represented in (43b). Again, the resumptive demonstrative cannot precede the imperative: (43c) and (43d) would violate the V2 constraint on the assumption that in addition to the fronted die the imperative also has an LP operator.

(43) a.

Je From the distributional restrictions above, we draw the conclusion that the specialized resumptive, whether 'nominal', i.e. realised by the demonstratives die or dat, or 'adverbial', i.e. realised by the adverbs dan ('then'), toen ('then'), daar ('there') etc., is merged in the middle field and that, probably by virtue of a discourse related feature, it must shift to the LP whenever it can (see Hoekstra 1999: 63-5 for some arguments from StD). 15 When movement to the LP is unavailable due to the independent activation of another LP feature, the resumptive can remain in the middle field. A precise analysis of this distribution could be worked out along the lines of Mikkelsen (2015)'s proposal for the distribution of det in Danish.

15 Observe that the data are complex. Hoekstra (1999: 64) (Hoekstra 1999: (19a)): (i) c. Elkaars boeken lezen, dat doen ze niet. each other's books read, that do they not If the initial constituent is merged in a peripheral position and does not reconstruct to a mid-position then the binding option is hard to account for. Hoekstra (1999: 66) offers additional evidence in which the 'assumption that binding requires reconstruction to a simple c-command configuration might be mistaken'. We refer to his work for discussion.

With respect to the distributional properties outlined above, invariant die in the Ghent dialect again patterns differently: as shown in (46), mid-position is not available even in those contexts in which the LP is activated:

( (1 10 , 2 2 , 3 0 , 4 0 , 5 0 ) then go we DIE walk

In line with the reasoning deployed above, we postulate that while specialized resumptives are merged TPinternally and move to the LP, invariant die is not merged TP-internally but instead, it is merged directly as an LP constituent.

Though we only focus on the use of invariant die with initial adverbial constituents, note that the conclusions carry over to die as used with nominal constituents too. (47) illustrates a case of CLD2 in which die follows a neuter nominal speltbrood met noten ('spelt bread with nuts'). As discussed in Section 1.3.1, in the CLD1 pattern the resumptive demonstrative matches the left-adjacent nominal argument antecedent in gender and number (den dienen, de die, dat), but in the CLD2 pattern with a nominal argument antecedent, right-adjacent invariant die does not display any matching effects. For an initial neuter nominal, the resumptive demonstrative expected in the CLD1 pattern would be dat; invariant die appears in the CLD2 pattern. In patterns in which the initial slot becomes unavailable to dat or to die because of the presence of a competing operator, die cannot and dat can be located TPinternally. Again the contrast between the acceptability judgements on die and those on dat suggests that while dat is merged as a complement and shifted to the left periphery, die is merged directly in the left periphery. 16 (47) a.

Speltbrood met noten die koop ik enkel in het weekend. spelt bread with nuts dat buy I only at the weekend (LdG, 2.6.2020 4/5, CM 3/5, 5.6.2020) b.

Speltbrood met noten, waar zoudt ge die kunnen kopen? spelt bread with nuts where would you that can buy (LdG, 2.6.2020 1/5, CM 5.6.2020, 2/5) 16 For completeness' sake, we add that one of our speakers does seem to allow some examples with nonmatching die in mid position in the CLD2 pattern and accepted (ib) and (ic). The matching demonstrative in the CLD1 pattern would have been den dienen ('the that' Da geld, dat ging in een zakske. (LdG, 2.6.2020, 5/5, CM 5.6.2020 5/5) that money that went in a pocket c.

't geld dat ge ontvangt, steek die in een zakske. (LdG, 2.6.2020, 1/5, CM 5.6.2020 2/5) the money that you receive put that in a pocket d.

't geld dat ge ontvangt, steek dat in een zakske. the money that you receive put that in a pocket (LdG, 2.6.2020, 5/5, CM 5.6.2020 5/5) e.

en 't geld, waar werd die bewaard? (LdG, 2.6.2020, 1/5, CM 5.6.2020 2/5) and the money where was that kept? f. en 't geld, waar werd dat bewaard? (LdG, 2.6.2020, 5/5, CM 5.6.2020 5/5) and the money where was that kept?

P-stranding and resumptive V3 patterns

In StD CLD (49a), the initial constituent is a prepositional phrase (over examens 'about exams').

Informally speaking, it corresponds to the complement of the lexical predicate, the verb spreken ('talk').

The initial PP is resumed by the specialized resumptive R-adverbial daarover ('there about'), which we assume is the complement of the verb spreken. The R-adverbial consists of the demonstrative daar and the preposition over. Schematically, for (49a) we postulate derivation (49b): the dislocated PP over examens ('about exams') is clause-external, the R-resumptive daarover originates as the complement of the verb and moves to the LP. Observe that daarover ('thereabout') can be argued to be a specialized resumptive in that it matches the initial PP.

(49) a. Over examens, daarover spreken wij niet in de les. about exams, there about talk we not in the class b.

[Over examens], [CP daarover spreken wij niet daarover …].

StD ( 50) is a variant of (49) which displays CLD with P-stranding. In (50a), the dislocated PP (over examens 'about exams') again corresponds to the complement of the lexical predicate, the verb spreken ('talk'). In this variant, the specialized resumptive is the bare R-word daar ('there'), which is the complement of the TP-internal stranded preposition over ('about'). For (50a) we postulate the partial derivation (50b): the PP over examens is clause-external, the R-resumptive daar originates as the complement of the preposition over ('about') and moves to the LP, stranding the preposition. The stranded preposition constitutes evidence for the movement analysis of the specialized resumptive daar.

(50) a. Over examens, daar spreken wij niet over in de les. about exams, there talk we not about in the class b.

[Over examens], [CP daar spreken wij niet over daar___ in de les].

The parallel P-stranding facts in the Ghent dialect reveal two further contrasts between the specialized resumptive daar ('there'), which patterns with its StD analogue, and its invariant counterpart die.

(i) like its StD analogue, the specialized resumptive daar in the Ghent dialect can strand a preposition; on the other hand, invariant die cannot strand a preposition.

(ii) The specialized resumptive daar can be preceded either by a dislocated PP or by a dislocated DP; invariant die can only be preceded by a PP. We discuss each contrast in turn, drawing relevant conclusions for the syntactic analysis.

The Ghent examples in (51) illustrate a V3 pattern in which a dislocated argument PP is resumed: daar ('there') functions as the specialized resumptive, it is an R-adverb which has stranded the preposition van ('of'). The examples are analogous to StD (50) and can be analysed in the same way: the dislocated PP occupies a clause-external position; the specialized resumptive is merged in the middle field as the complement of the preposition and subsequently moves to the LP slot. Observe that our informant (LdG) signals a clear prosodic break after the initial constituent, this is in line with our hypothesis that this constituent is clause-external. 17 The ungrammaticality of ( 52) is in line with our hypothesis: on the basis of the unavailability of midposition for invariant die, we postulated in Section 3.3.2 that invariant die does not originate in the middle field. If this line of reasoning is correct, then invariant die can also not originate as the complement of the preposition entailing that in (52) the 'stranded' prepositions would lack a complement. In ( 53), the dislocated constituent is a DP, the specialized resumptive daar ('there') is the complement of the stranded preposition. 18 These examples can be viewed as cases of HTLD [START_REF] Cinque | Types of A' dependencies[END_REF], with a dislocated 'hanging topic' in a clause-external position (plausibly SpecFrameP in the sense of Haegeman and Greco 2018, see also Eide (2011:198) for a similar proposal). Again, we can then assume that the specialized resumptive daar is first merged clause-internally as the complement of the preposition (van ('of') in (53a), op ('on') in ( 53b)), and is attracted to the LP, where it will function as the initial constituent of the root clause, hence it satisfies the V2 condition. Also here our informant (LdG) signals a clear prosodic break after the initial constituent, which is in line with our hypothesis that it occupies a clauseexternal position.

(53) a.

Exåmes, daar spreke wij nie van in de lesse. exams, there talk we not of in the class b.

(H)eur pensioeƞ, daar peist ze-zij nog nie op.

her pension, there thinks she not yet on

Again, the specialized resumptive daar cannot be replaced by invariant die in the P-stranding context (54).

In the absence of the stranded preposition, die remains unavailable with an initial nominal constituent: (54c) and (54d) are ungrammatical because there is no P complement for the relevant verbs. However, a slight modification to the verb spreken 'talk' in (54c) by means of prefixation with be-gives rise to a transitive verb with the same meaning without the need for a P-complement, thus allowing for the presence of die, as illustrated in (54e). 19 In relation to the judgements in (i), our informant LdG confirms that in line with the judgements for (54a) and (54b), he would not use (ib), hence our *. However he points out that he can imagine it being used by younger speakers, which led to his scoring (ib) as 4/5. However, he also commented that speakers using (ib) would be less assured dialect speakers ("dialectonvast"), so the status of this example is unclear. For the present discussion, we continue to assume that (ib) is out, as is (ic). Incidentally, (ic) shows that a fronted nominal P-complement cannot strand the associated preposition, which is also the case for most speakers of Dutch. (i) a.

Examens daar spreken we niet over in de les. We therefore assume that the initial PP in (55) originates as the complement of the predicate. It is merged as a vP-internal constituent and moved to a clause-internal LP position. In our earlier discussion (see Section 3.3.2), we formulated the hypothesis that invariant die is NOT first merged TP-internally. Rather, it is first merged in the LP. The fact that invariant die does not block the movement of the PP to a position to its left can be accounted for in a number of ways. One option, pursued in De [START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF] and discussed in Section 4.4, is that invariant die is first merged as an LP head; an alternative option would be to propose that invariant die is phrasal but that its feature composition is sufficiently distinct from that of the moved PP to ensure that there is no intervention effect. In particular, one might propose that die is a C-expletive element. We briefly explore and discard this option in Section 4.3.

Summary and outline of a derivation

Table 1 inventorizes the various points of comparison between the specialized adverbial resumptives (dan, daar, zo) in StD and in the Ghent variety on the one hand, and the invariant die with a left-adjacent adverbial constituent in the Ghent dialect on the other. On the basis of these properties, we tentatively formulate the following conclusions and hypotheses:

(i) Invariant die resumption in the Ghent dialect cannot be assimilated to specialized adverbial resumption in StD or in the Ghent dialect (pace Zwart 1997: 249-50).

(ii) The specialized adverbial resumptive is a phrasal constituent which is first merged in a TP-internal position and is moved to the LP because of some specific feature, a plausible candidate being a topic feature. The movement also satisfies the V2 constraint.

The dislocated constituent left-adjacent to the specialized resumptive is clause-external.

(iii) Invariant die is first merged in the LP. The left-adjacent constituent is merged TPinternally and is moved to an LP position. This movement is triggered by a topical feature or a focal/wh-feature and satisfies the V2 constraint.

The attested (57) shows that in the Ghent dialect the temporal adverb dan can be used without a matching temporal or conditional adverbial to its left, in which pattern it can be followed by invariant die. We assume that in (57a) the specialized resumptive originates TP-internally and moves to the LP. In this case too, invariant die follows the adverbial element and not the other way around, (57b).

( 57) and ( 58) show that the specialized resumptives and invariant die are not in complementary distribution. In (58a) an initial adverbial clause is left-adjacent to the specialized resumptive dan ('then'), which is itself left-adjacent to invariant die. In (58b), the initial conditional clause is left-adjacent to specialized toens which is in turn left-adjacent to invariant die. In (18b), repeated as (58c), the locative PP in Sint Kruis is left-adjacent to the specialized adverbial resumptive daar ('there'), which in turn is leftadjacent to invariant die. (58d) shows that the specialized resumptive toens ('then') can be modified by a focussing adverb, a pattern not available with invariant die, as shown in Section 3. A more precise analysis will be elaborated in Section 4, but we already point out that the data in (58) are in line with our proposal that the constituent left-adjacent to invariant die has undergone movement from a TP-internal position. For these examples, we again assume that the constituent undergoing the movement is the specialized resumptive and that the constituent left-adjacent to the specialized resumptive is clauseexternal.

In Section 4, we explore the cartographic analysis of invariant die resumption.

The cartography of invariant die resumption

In this section we will first summarize the analysis developed in De [START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF], which follows Poletto (2013) and Wolfe's (2015aWolfe's ( ,b, 2016))'s typology of V2. This particular proposal deploys a fairly reduced left periphery for V2 languages and does not attempt to capture the discourse function of the constituent left-adjacent to invariant die. In Section 4.5, maintaining te core ingredients of the earlier analysis, we elaborate an account in terms of an articulated left periphery in which the discourse function of the initial constituent is encoded.

The ingredients

Our analysis of invariant die resumption in the Ghent dialect explores the two hypotheses which we have elaborated so far on the basis of the empirical evidence and which are repeated here for the reader's convenience.

(i) invariant die is first merged in the LP;

(ii) the constituent left-adjacent to invariant die is first merged TP-internally and is moved to an LP position.

First let us try to informally plot the position of the various left peripheral (LP) components associated with invariant die. Consider (11a), repeated in (59a). The subject of the clause ze ('she') is preceded by the inflected verb komt ('comes'). Subject-verb inversion entails that the finite verb must occupy an LP head position. In addition, two constituents precede the finite verb, the initial adjunct volgende vrijdag ('next Friday') and die. The adjunct is phrasal; in Section 3.2.2 we concluded that the constituent left-adjacent to die occupies an LP specifier position and that it has been moved to this position.

One way of analysing these data in line with the V2 constraint would be to propose that the constituent left-adjacent to die forms a constituent with die. (59b) summarizes this proposal in templatic form.

(59) a.

Volgende One might then propose that the initial position of the constituent volgende vrijdag die is the result of movement from a TP-internal position driven precisely by the presence of die, which would carry a LP feature. While this analysis is fully compatible with our traditional understanding of the syntax of V2, it leads to an incorrect prediction. If die and the adjunct preceding it form one constituent, coordination of two such constituents would be expected to be possible, contrary to fact, (60a). Rather, a coordination of two adjuncts precedes a unique occurrence of die, as illustrated in (60b).

(60) a.

*Gisteren die en eergisteren die heea ze thuisgewerkt. yesterday die and the day before die has she home-worked (LdG: 28.11.18: 0/5) b.

Gisteren en eergisteren die heea ze thuisgewerkt . yesterday and the day before yesterday die has she home-worked (LdG: 28.11.18: 5/5) If we discard hypothesis (59b), examples with die pose a challenge for the account of V2 in which the LP of a V2 root clause contains just two positions: the specifier hosting the initial constituent and the associated head hosting the finite verb. Assuming one specifier per head, the LP of (59a), repeated as (61a), must harbour at least two head positions: the head position whose specifier hosts the adjunct and a second head position hosting the finite verb. Invariant die is sandwiched between the phrasal specifier volgende vrijdag ('next Friday') and the head hosting the finite verb komt ('comes'), leading to the hypothesis of an articulated LP. (61b) summarizes these findings in templatic format.

(61) a.

Volgende

The options

In the light of the preceding discussion, a number of options can be envisaged for the analysis of invariant die resumption; they will be listed below and (62) provides a simplified representation for each. The provisional labels FP and F represent LP projections and heads. Obviously, in line with proposals for the articulated CP, the nature of these can be defined more precisely, a point addressed in Section 4.4.

o invariant die is a phrasal constituent in a LP spec position (62a); o invariant die occupies a LP head position (62b) (in which it is either merged directly or to which it has been moved from a lower head position); o combining the preceding options: invariant die is a phrasal constituent which moves from a LP spec position to a LP head position (62c);

(62

) a. [F1P Volgende vrijdag [F1] [F2P die [F2 komt] [TP hij volgende vrijdag terug komt]]] b. [F1P Volgende vrijdag [F1 die] [F2P [F2 komt] [TP hij volgende vrijdag terug komt]]] c. [F1P Volgende vrijdag [F1 die] [F2P die [F2 komt] [TP hij volgende vrijdag terug komt]]]
Below, we examine options (62a) and (62b). Option (62c) will not be explored: being a combination of (62a) and (62b) it suffers from the drawbacks to be presently identified for (62a).

Invariant die as a left peripheral expletive

Let us start with (62a). The proposal has various implementations, which for reasons of space we cannot all envisage here, but we show the main advantages and disadvantages of the proposal. The hypotheses are (i) that die is first merged in the LP, and (ii) that the initial left-adjacent adjunct is main clause-internal, it is first merged TP-internally and moves to its LP position.

A first problem for (62a) is why merging the (by hypothesis) phrasal constituent die in de LP does not block the movement of the initial constituent (volgende vrijdag 'next Friday'). Recall in particular that invariant die can be immediately preceded by wh-constituents and by negative constituents with sentential scope. To account for absence of a blocking effect by phrasal die for a constituent targeting a higher LP landing site, one might propose that its feature content is minimal, and that the constituent to its left can cross die by virtue of feature-based relativized minimality [START_REF] Starke | Move dissolved into merge. A theory of locality[END_REF][START_REF] Rizzi | Locality and the left periphery[END_REF]. Concretely, we could analyze die as a pure LP expletive whose only role is to satisfy the V2 condition on F2. Being 'contentless', the incompatibility of die with focusing modifiers (property (vii) in Table 1) would follow.

If invariant die is a V2 phrasal expletive, the question arises, however, why it does not in itself allow the termination of the projection of the root clause (Section 3.1.2, ( 22)). Put differently, why is an additional constituent, the left-adjacent adjunct, mandatory?

The observed strict antecedent requirement would set invariant die apart from the specialized V2 expletive t ('it') in Flemish varieties of Dutch. In West Flemish, for instance, a specialized C-resumptive t occurs in the first position of existential root V2 clauses; its function seems to be that of satisfying the V2 requirement. Crucially, it is found in the initial position of root clauses only, as illustrated in (63a). In embedded clauses (63b), and in the inverted position to the right of the finite verb in root clauses (63c), the subject related expletive function is realized by er ('there'), which we take to be the canonical TP-internal subject position.

(63) a.

't stonden vanuchtend a drie mensen. it-stood this morning already three people 'There were already three people.' b.

dan-der vanuchtend a drie mensen stonden that-3PL-there this morning already three people stood 'that there were already three people c.

Vanuchtend stonden-der a drie mensen. this morning stood -there already three people 'This morning, there were already three people.' (West Flemish)

The West Flemish C-expletive t in initial position does not require the presence of an additional initial constituent; what is more, it is incompatible with LP fronting of a constituent, as shown in (64). To illustrate this constraint, we use a fronted wh-phrase (64a) and a fronted negative adverb (64b), because WF independently allows non-inverted V3 patterns with non-quantificational adverbials (see Haegeman and Greco 2018a,b).

(64) a. *Wanneer t stonden vanuchtend a drie mensen. when it-stood this morning already three people b.

*Nooit t stonden meer dan drie mensen. never it-stood more than three people

If invariant die is an expletive satisfying the V2 constraint, the presence of an additional left adjacent constituent remains unexplained. For this reason, we discard this hypothesis.20

Invariant die as a left peripheral head

Invariant die as a root complementizer

Let us now explore hypothesis (62b), according to which die spells out a LP head. For a similar proposal for Scandinavian så ('so') see Eide (2011)). Before elaborating our analysis, we sketch our assumptions for the derivation of regular V2, based on the Poletto/Wolfe typology (Wolfe 2015a(Wolfe , 2015b[START_REF] Wolfe | On the left periphery of V2 languages. Selected papers from the 41st Incontro di Grammatica Generativa[END_REF], under review, see also Haegeman and Greco 2018a,b). For reasons of space, we do not go into the motivation or the details of this typology.

Adopting an articulated LP along the lines of [START_REF] Rizzi | The fine structure of the left periphery[END_REF], and following Poletto and Wolfe, we assume that the V2 constraint is either operative at the level of the ForceP layer or at that of the FinP layer. In so called Force-V2 languages, which include the Germanic V2 languages, the finite verb moves via Fin to Force and the initial constituent in the V2 configuration moves through SpecFinP to SpecForceP. See also [START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF] and Haegeman and Greco (2018a,b) for discussion.

We assume that in the Ghent dialect, the regular V2 pattern is derived by V movement to Force (via Fin), and by movement of a constituent to SpecForce (via SpecFin), (65a) is derived as in (65b). The restriction to one constituent appearing to the left of the finite verb follows from the so called bottleneck effect [START_REF] Haegeman | Verb second, the split CP and null subjects in early Dutch finite clauses[END_REF], Roberts 2004, Holmberg (to appear) The core ingredients of derivation (66b) are as follows:

o Fin is occupied by the finite verb (which will be left-adjacent to the canonical subject position). o Force is occupied by invariant die. o The constituent left-adjacent to invariant die is first merged TP-internally. It moves via SpecFinP (cf. [START_REF] Haegeman | Verb second, the split CP and null subjects in early Dutch finite clauses[END_REF] to SpecForce. o The obligatory presence of a constituent left-adjacent to invariant die in Force, i.e. a "die second" constraint, is a variant of a spell out requirement on Force. o Like the finite verb in regular V2 sentences, invariant die is not selective in terms of the left-adjacent constituent, it is compatible both with topical constituents as well as with foci. o The derivation according to which invariant die fills a root C position comes down to saying that it is a root complementizer. The question arises why, if invariant die is in a complementizer position, it is not -and indeed cannot be -realized as dat, the regular complementizer in the Ghent dialect ( 67 De [START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF] view the alternative spell out of the Force head as die as a by-product of derivation (66b). (68a) would be the same derivation as (66b), but with the Force head realised as dat instead of die. In (68b), the movement of the constituent from SpecFinP to SpecForceP across the complementizer dat yields a representation superficially containing a that-trace violation [START_REF] Chomsky | Filters and Control[END_REF], i.e. the pattern in which the complementizer dat is left-adjacent to a trace. One could view the replacement of dat by die as a rescue strategy in which invariant die spells out a variant of the complementizer enriched with the features to allow the trace to survive, (68c).

( Qui crois-tu qui va partir? who think-you qui will leave 'Who do you think will leave?' However, while (68b) does present a linear dat-trace sequence, the nature of the data is quite different from that associated with the dat/die alternation. In the latter case, replicating the French que/qui effect, replacing dat by die is a rescue strategy to facilitate a subject trace in SpecTP, and in all the analyses of the alternation the subjecthood of the trace plays an important part. Indeed, the relevance of subjecthood has become a core property in recent work in the cartographic tradition (Rizzi andShlonsky 2006, 2007). In (68b), though, the constituent trace is not obviously associated with subjecthood, but rather it occupies SpecFinP and is basically the result of the transiting of the initial constituent in the V2 pattern. At this point there seem to be no restrictions on the nature of what would be the offending trace and the analysis in De [START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF] also does not make any suggestions as to the properties or features of die that would be at stake in the alleviation of the alleged dat-trace violation. 21For completeness 'sake we acknowledge that the hypothesis that die is a LP head does not as such preclude a movement analysis whereby die or some component originates TP-internally and moves to the LP in the spirit of a d-complementizer in Germanic [START_REF] Leu | Generalized x-to-C in Germanic[END_REF] or the analysis of emphatic topicalization in Bavarian [START_REF] Lutz | Structures of "emphatic topicalization[END_REF] in Samo (2019: 172). However, as far as we can see, the Ghent data do not provide any specific empirical evidence in favour of any of these approaches.

Some predictions of the analysis

The analysis proposed in De [START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF] leads to a number of predictions, some of which we elaborate on in this and the following sections.

o Like regular V2 (=V movement to the LP) in the Ghent dialect, die resumption, whose derivation implies that the finite verb moves to Fin, is correctly predicted to be a root phenomenon (see Section 1.3.2). o (71a) shows that die resumption can co-occur with a (fronted) specialized resumptive (Section 2.3, examples ( 17)/( 58)), which we assume to be phrasal. ( 71a) is derived as in (71b). Our hypothesis is that the specialized resumptive, daar ('there'), is merged TP-internally and moves to the LP. The constituent left-adjacent to the specialized resumptive is merged in a clause-external position [START_REF] Broekhuis | Syntax of Dutch. Verbs and verb phrases[END_REF]. Concretely, following Haegeman and Greco (2018a,b), we propose that it occupies the specifier of the clause-external projection FrameP. o While in the Ghent dialect the regular complementizer (dat (72a)) may display complementizer agreement, invariant die is incompatible with complementizer agreement (72b).

(72) a.

A ze zegge dan de autobuase der kome•… they say that-PL the coaches there come 'they say that there will be coaches' (Leemans, Ghent Corpus I: 3) b.

Een jaar nadien die/*dien waren ze al gescheiden. one year after die/*die AGR were they already divorced 'One year later they were already divorced.' (judgement: CM, 24.2.2015)

The absence of complementizer agreement is predicted. In terms of the Wolfe/Poletto V2 typology, C-agreement is most plausibly located in Fin (73a). In die resumption, the finite verb has moved to Fin and will spell out the phi features (73b).

(73) a.

[

ForceP [Force da-/die-] [FinP [Fin phi ] [TP …]]] b. [ForceP [Force die] [FinP [Fin Vfin phi ] [TP …]]]
o According to the analysis, the constituent left-adjacent to invariant die satisfies the V2 condition associated with Force. This leads to two predictions:

(i) constituents that fail to qualify as the first constituent in a V2 pattern will not qualify as initial constituents for invariant die;

(ii) constituents that qualify as the first constituent in a V2 pattern are predicted to be licit first constituents for invariant die.

Below we discuss one correct prediction not discussed in De [START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF]. See De [START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF] for additional predictions.

There is considerable literature on the external syntax of adverbial clauses which we cannot go into. We focus on those adverbial clauses that, following Frey's (2016) classification, are taken to be syntactically unintegrated, abbreviated as NiC. NiCs modify some aspect of the speech act (e.g. its relevance, its timing etc.), rather than the content of the proposition contained in it. Typically, NiCs cannot constitute the first constituent in a V2 configuration; rather, they combine with a regular V2 clause. Among NiCs we cite, for instance, relevance conditionals (74) and speech act modifiers (75) (see also d'Avis 2004). These systematically give rise to linear V3 patterns.

NiCs are correctly predicted not to be able to immediately precede invariant die. In (74a) a relevance conditional combines WITH a regular V2 clause; (74b) shows that when interpreted as a relevance conditional, the conditional clause als je honger hebt ('if you are hungry') does not itself constitute the first constituent in the V2 configuration. As predicted, a conditional clause with a relevance reading cannot appear left-adjacent to invariant die. The pattern is illustrated for an adverbial clause bearing on the timing of the speech event in (75). ( 74

then) PART along

To account for the incompatibility of invariant die with the null operator in imperatives and in yes/no questions, De [START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF] propose that die spells out a declarative Force head, i.e. it is a declarative root complementizer. 24 This revised hypothesis obviously leads to at least one empirical problem because we have seen that die resumption is compatible with wh-questions as in (31), repeated in (79).

(79) Wanneer die komt ze terug? when die comes she back (1 1 , 2 4 , 3 1 , 4 3 , 5 3 ) De [START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF] speculate that ( 79) is licit because the complement of wanneer ('when') is in fact presupposed. For this proposal to go through, the concept 'declarative' should not be defined in terms of 'assertion' but rather it should be negatively defined as the default value of clause typing for clauses that are neither yes/no questions nor imperatives (cf. Roberts and Roussou (2002: 141)). Observe that this definition would be in line with the observation that, for instance, clausal complements of factive verbs or finite adverbial clauses though presuppositional, are also 'declarative' (Haegeman and Ürogdi (2010a,b) and references cited there). However, this solution is only partial since the complementizer dat is also present in the Ghent dialect in embedded yes/no questions, as shown in (80). While one may, of course, be tempted to associate the restriction to 'declarative' mood to just die, it remains the case that if -as is also proposeddie is a reflex of da, the data in (80) are at least puzzling.

( In the next section, we reconsider the cartographic analysis of invariant die in terms of a more richly articulated left periphery.

Enriching the Wolfe/Poletto hypothesis: an articulated left periphery

De [START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF] opt for the Wolfe/Poletto derivational typology of V2 which conceives of an impoverished LP featuring only ForceP and FinP. They leave out of consideration any specialized projections that encode discourse properties such as TopP and FocP (cf. [START_REF] Rizzi | The fine structure of the left periphery[END_REF], which means that no specific discourse properties are associated with the constituent left-adjacent to invariant die. However, the constituent left-adjacent to invariant die, which is assumed to occupy SpecForce, is often associated with a specific discourse function (topic, wh, new information focus, etc) which, as it stands, is not formally encoded. In this section, we will elaborate an alternative derivation for invariant die resumption which remedies this shortcoming and aims at encoding the discourse function of the initial constituent.

The articulated left periphery and indirect satisfaction of the criteria

In line with 'classical' cartographic approaches, let us assume that discourse functions associated with the initial constituent in the invariant die resumption patterns are encoded in a LP functional projection. We will combine this hypothesis with the Poletto/Wolfe Force-Fin typology of V2 languages. From the account above we maintain the following ingredients:

(i) following Wolfe (2015aWolfe ( , b, 2016) ) the Ghent variety of Dutch is a Force-V2 language, thus requiring the Force head to be spelt out, (ii) in die resumption, the finite verb halts in Fin, (iii) invariant die ultimately spells out the topmost head, i.e. Force. (iv) the appearance of invariant die rather than dat as a Force head is an effect of a dat/die alternation.

While the constituent left-adjacent to invariant die could be argued to occupy SpecForceP, its discourse property is more naturally represented in association with a specialized LP projection, say Top or Foc. A first partial LP representation of die resumption with a topical constituent left-adjacent to invariant die, would be as in (81a).

(81) a.

[ The same problem will arise if the constituent left-adjacent to die is focal, of course. The next section explores how this derivational paradox can be overcome.

Satisfying the LP criteria by enriched Force

In an attempt to tie the V3 pattern with die to the satisfaction of LP criterial features as well as with the Force/Fin V2 hypothesis, we explore an alternative implementation inspired by Rizzi andShlonsky's (2006, 2007) work on modes of satisfaction of the Subject criterion, which we briefly introduce before presenting our analysis. Rizzi andShlonsky's (2006, 2007) proposal concerning criterial satisfaction shows how the one-feature-one-head maxim inherent in the cartographic enterprise can be circumvented by virtue of a bypassing strategy and featural enrichment. For another application of the same idea see also [START_REF] Haegeman | Variation in English Subject Extraction : the Case of Hyperactive Subjects[END_REF].

SubjP, the Subject Criterion and subject extraction

In one cartographic implementation, the layer of the clause containing the canonical subject position has been decomposed into three structural layers: TP, SubjP and the LP FinP, (82). In Rizzi & Shlonsky's (from now on R&S) approach to subject extraction, SubjP is a criterial projection, that is a projection whose head comes with a criterial requirement, defined as in (82b) (R&S 2006: 138, their (53)):

(82) a. FinP Fin'

Fin° SubjP

The relation of SpecSubjP with Subj in (82c) is geometrically identical to that between Φin and Subj in (84a). R&S (2007: 138-139) restate the criterial condition as in (84b).

(84) b.

For [+F] a criterial feature, X+F is locally c-commanded by A+F.

For R&S, the φ-features on enriched Φin have to be independently licensed. The licencing is achieved by the wh-moved subject; on its way to its ultimate LP landing site, the wh-subject moves through SpecΦin and licenses the φ-features of Φin.

Enriching Force

We now review the invariant die pattern in the light of the preceding discussion and recast our analysis according to whether the spell out of the LP head by die is a reflex of the dat/die alternation (cf. Section 4.4.1). Consider (85a), with the adjunct morgen ('tomorrow') left-adjacent to invariant die. Let us assume that morgen ('tomorrow') carries a criterial topic feature which has to be associated with a LP criterial TopP. Let us also continue to follow Wolfe's proposal (2015aWolfe's proposal ( ,b, 2016) ) that the V2 property of Force-V2 languages requires that Force be overtly spelt out and that it must have a specifier. (85b) is not a licit derivation because once morgen has satisfied the Top criterion SpecTopP, it should be frozen for movement. The licit derivation for (85a) leads to an apparently paradoxical situation because it should allow satisfaction of the Topic criterion while at the same time moving morgen directly to SpecForceP, without transiting through SpecTopP. We propose that this is achieved through insertion of die in Force, i.e. the appearance of die is a reflex of R&S's alternative bypassing mechanism now deployed to satisfy the Topic criterion. Specifically, assume that die differs from the complementizer dat in that it has a deictic D-feature which encodes discourse relatedness and that the D-feature on Force suffices to satisfy the Topic criterion in the projection TopP which it selects. Put differently, adding the feature 'D' to Force 'enriches' Force in the way that adding nominal features enriches Fin in order to allow for indirect satisfaction of the Subject criterion.

The enriched Force spells out as die:

(86) a.

FinP

In line with Rizzi and Shlonsky, the enriched Force head must be licensed independently, and this is achieved by the movement of the constituent morgen to its specifier. On its way to SpecForce morgen skips TopP, but it indirectly contributes to the satisfaction of the Topic criterion because it licenses the enriched head Force by virtue of its D-feature. The grammars of speakers allowing for both topical constituents and focal constituents left adjacent to die might be taken to allow Force to be enriched either with a D-feature and with a Q-feature. The contrast between the judgements for (87a) and (87b) already pointed out in footnote 8 suggest that the presence of die entails a D-linking effect. It appears that the presence of dan ('then') in (87a) facilitates the presence of die. Given that dan ('then') anchors the sentence to the discourse, this might suggest there is a D-linking effect, i.e. that die is compatible with D-linked wh-constituents. In (87b), the hypothesis would be that the D-linked interpretation of wie is facilitated by the presence of dan. This needs further study.

(87) A: 't is mijn verjaardag.

Ik wil een feestje geven. it's my birthday.

I want a party give a.

B: Wie die wilt ge dan allemaal inviteren? who die want you then all invite (1 0 , 2 1 , 3 4 , 4 4 , 5 3 ) b.

B: (*)Wie die wilt ge allemaal inviteren? who die want you all invite (1 6 , 2 2 , 3 1 , 4 0 , 5 2 )

For speakers rejecting wh-specifiers in die patterns, we might narrow down the possible featural make up of Force/die to, for instance, being just D.

If D-linking is crucial in licensing die, the incompatibility between invariant die and imperatives and yes/no questions as discussed in Section 4.4.3 could then be related to the hypothesis that the relevant null operators in such cases are not D-linked.

That the featural enrichment of Force, spelt out as die, is licensed by the specifier of Force reintroduces a closer relation between the initial constituent and Force than that which we proposed in the analysis developed in Section 4.4.

As it stands, there unfortunately remains an undesirable redundancy in the system developed here. SpecForceP has to be filled for two distinct reasons: (i) on the one hand, SpecForceP has to be filled because the Ghent dialect is a Force-V2 language in Wolfe's typology, (ii) on the other, SpecForceP has to be filled because Force is featurally enriched and the added feature has to be licensed. We need to examine in future work how this redundancy can be eliminated.

We briefly look at the ramifications for the derivation of V2 in general in the next section.

The derivation of Force-V2

In De [START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF] analysis outlined in Section 4.4.1 and summarized in (88a), with an impoverished LP, the discourse property of the constituent left-adjacent to invariant die was not syntactically encoded. In the alternative analysis developed in the present section and illustrated in (88b), the discourse status of the initial constituent is encoded via a LP projection. The initial constituent morgen ('tomorrow') bypasses TopP in (88b) but it indirectly contributes to the satisfaction of the Topic criterion because it licenses the enriched head Force. In the light of (88b), we need to return to the derivation of regular V2 sentences. As a first proposal, we might adopt derivation (89), according to which a byproduct of V movement to Force is the formation of a complex head which recruits the discourse feature resident in the LP and which allows the satisfaction of the LP criterion at the level of ForceP: (89) exemplifies the derivation with a LP topic feature.

(89) [ForceP XPtop [Force+Top+Fin Vfin] [TopP [Top Vfin] [FinP XPtop [Fin Vfin] [TP …]]]] (88b) and (89) differ subtly in terms of the way the Topic criterion is satisfied. In (88b), the Force head, enriched with a discourse feature, satisfies the Topic criterion. In (89) the initial constituent satisfies the Topic criterion in a specifier head relation with the complex head Force.

Summary

In this chapter, we analyze resumptive strategies in the Ghent dialect, focussing on patterns in which an initial adverbial constituent in a V2 clause is separated from the finite verb (which would be expected to be in second position) by what at first seems to be a resumptive demonstrative element. We examine the distribution of specialized and generalized resumptive constituents, focussing the discussion on the syntax and semantics of the Ghent invariant die, which we compare with the specialized resumptive adverbs dan, toens, daar `then, then, there' and with the corresponding specialized resumptives for adverbial material in StD.

We show that given the distributional differences between the specialized resumptives in StD and in the Ghent dialect on the one hand and invariant die in the Ghent dialect on the other, the two patterns should not be analysed in the same way. A first analysis of the material which is summarized here was couched within the Poletto/Wolfe typology of V2, according to which the Germanic languages, and hence also in the Ghent dialect, are characterised by a Force-V2 requirement, which means that the finite verb must move to Force. The finite verb moves to Force via Fin.

We continue to endorse the main ingredients of that analysis. For the syntax of specialized resumptives like dan it is proposed -in line with the literature -that they are phrasal, they are merged TP-internally, they move from within TP to SpecForceP via SpecFinP and they satisfy the V2-constraint in Force. Any constituent preceding a specialized resumptive is assumed to be clause-external. We propose that invariant die in the Ghent dialect is a head directly merged in Force. Because Force is spelt out by die the finite verb halts in Fin. The invariant die pattern thus represents a variant on the Wolfe's Force-V2 patterns. This initial analysis of the data used a representation of the LP in the V2 languages which was devoid of any encoding of discourse functions of the initial constituent.

The final part of the chapter develops a fully cartographic analysis of the Ghent die resumption pattern deploying an articulated left periphery with two novel ingredients. First the analysis explores the D-linking function of die as a prime ingredient, and in addition it is proposed that die spells out of an enriched Force head which is responsible for the indirect satisfaction of LP criteria on Top and Foc. The analysis attempts to reconcile the one feature one head maxim underlying the cartographic approach with the empirical observation that in V2 languages the root CP layer seems to be impoverished, which might suggest that the left peripheral discourse functions are not encoded in terms of featurally specialized functional heads.

In theoretical terms, our proposal extends the implementation of the concept of indirect satisfaction of the LP criteria first proposed in Rizzi andShlonsky (2006, 2007) and also developed in [START_REF] Haegeman | Variation in English Subject Extraction : the Case of Hyperactive Subjects[END_REF] to a new empirical domain.

(

  Sint Kruis [ForceP daar [Force die] [FinP [Fin hebben [TP we daar ...]]]]

  Morgen [Force dat/die] [TopP morgen [FinP morgen [Fin komt] [TP hij terug t]]]]

  [ForceP Morgen [Force die] [TopP [Top][FinP morgen [Fin komt] [TP hij terug t]

  [Force die] [FinP morgen [Fin komt] [TP hij morgen terug]]] b. [ForceP Morgen+D [Force+D die] [TopP [Top] [FinP morgen [Fin komt] [TP hij morgen terug komt]]]]

  The Ghent variety displays an additional pattern of adverbial resumption which sets it apart from the other Flemish and Dutch varieties and which is illustrated in (11a). In this example, an adverbial adjunct volgende vrijdag ('next Friday') is left-adjacent to what looks like a demonstrative pronoun die and the finite verb. At first sight, die seems to have the same function as the resumptive adverb tons ('then') in the resumption pattern in (10a) or as the resumptive adverb dan ('then') in the StD adverbial resumption pattern in (6b), repeated here for convenience in (11b). In (11b), StD dan cannot be replaced by die.

			die (h))adde(n) ze (h)ulder	(Peggy, Ghent female, 1968, 07.05.2018) kliefmes.
		c.	In ding die	had	in Oedelem, daar zate(n) m(e) in de slag. they their cleave.knife
			in thingy 'To cleave the wood they used their cleaving knive.' in Oedelem, there sat we	in the battle
			'In Oedelem we were caught in the fighting' (Oostakker.I.202; Vanacker 1980:76)
		e.	Doordat	er	iets		verkeerd	(Van Hoe Melle Corpus III: 76) gelopen is
			because	there something	wrong	went
			die	is	die beschrijving	verloren	gegaan.
			die	is	that description	lost	gone
			'Because something went wrong, the description has been lost.' (FM, 09.12.2009)
		f.	Bijgevolg	die	moet da	zu rap	meu(ge)lijk
			consequently DIE	must that so quick	possible
			dervan			verwijderd wor(d)en
			there.of		removed	be
	(11) a.	Volgende vrijdag 'Consequently, that has to be removed as quickly as possible.' die komt ze terug.	Ghent
			next Friday		DIE		comes she (St. Martens-Latem I.239; Vanacker 1980: back
	76)	b.	Volgende vrijdag	dan/*die	komt ze	terug.	StD
			next	Friday	dan/DIE	comes she	back
								76)
		b.	Os 't nodig	is, die	kunder	u	nog bij	zetten.
		c. b. d.	Os if it necessary is die ge moet beginnen / can if you must start 'If it's necessary, you can still come and sit with us.' you still with u(w) stokken za(ge)n, your sticks saw en beginnen rond maken/ en (Evergem: I. 200) (Vanacker 1980: 76) sit u(w) (h)oor(n)s beginnen za(ge)n/ and begin round make and your horns Bij Arsène die hebben ze zo niet vele waar. begin saw tons + en with Arsène die have they so not much PART kunder nie(t) komen. 'At Arsène's, they don't have so many of these, is it? then en can=you -there not come (Leemans Ghent Corpus I, 30, 23) (Van Hoe, Melle Corpus : III 98) Als de zon zo Voor ulder hout te klieven begint binnen te zitten when the sun so begins inside to sit for their wood to cleave
			dan	wordt		het		echt warm.
	then 3 (i) is attested in other informal spoken varieties of Flemish. Our Ghent recordings contain no embedded becomes it really hot
	occurrences of die resumption and our informant CM explicitly pointed out that she rejects die dat sequences:
	(i)	Ik	vind	die	da	zaterdag	te laat is
		I	find	die	that	Saturday	too late is
		'I think Saturday is too late.'			(Vet, AS, 22.11.2000 telephone conversation)
	(i) We will therefore not examine these examples here. Speltbrood dat koop ik	enkel in het weekend.
	.	spelt bread	dat	buy	I		only	at the weekend (CM, 14.09.2015)

2 Our informant graded (9c) with a score 6/7 on a 7-point Likert scale and signaled that die could be replaced by dat. (i), in which the initial constituent is picked up by neuter dat, should probably be taken as an instantiation of CLD1, i.e. with dat as the neuter variant of den dienen (cf. (8c)).

The resumptive pattern with die is a root phenomenon.

3

In this use die is invariant, it does not alternate with dat (see (67) in Section 4.4.1 for discussion). We label this use of die as 'invariant die'. Invariant die does not only appear right-adjacent to a temporal adjunct (as in (11a)): it can follow a range of other dislocated adjuncts. (

12

) provides some examples: in (12a), the constituent left-adjacent to invariant die is a temporal adjunct, in (12b), it is a conditional adjunct, in (12c), it is a locative adjunct, in (12d), it is a goal adjunct, in (12e), it is a causal adjunct, in (12f) the constituent left-adjacent to die is a result adjunct:

(12) a.

Vroeger, die bakten wij vier soorten brood. before die baked we four kinds bread 'We used to bake four kinds of bread.' (Gijzenzele 0.28)

[START_REF] Vanacker | Een Vlaams adverbiaal steuntje[END_REF]

  In CLD2, what looks like a resumptive constituent is an invariant form, die. Though further research is needed, this use of die may be tentatively viewed as that of a generalized resumptive because there is no matching with the initial constituent: regardless of the gender or number of the initial constituent. CLD2 with invariant die is compatible with a bare quantified nominal (27a,b), as well as a wh-phrase (27c,d) as the initial constituent.

	) a.	*Niemand	den dienen	komt daar	naartoe
		no one		the dienen	comes there to
		'No one goes to the other animals [in the zoo]'	(CM, 26.05.2009)
	b.	*Wie de die		wilt ge	dan	allemaal	inviteren?
		who the that	want you	then all	invite
	(27) a.	Niemand	die	was tervoren bereid
		no one		die	was	before prepared
		om	direkt da(t) groensel te kweken	voor de vijand.
		to	directly that vegetable to grow	for	the enemy
		'and before no one was immediately willing to grow vegetables for the enemy'
							(Van Hoe, Corpus Melle, I, p. 5)
	b.	Niemand	die	komt daar naartoe.
		no one		die	comes there to
		'No one goes to the other animals [in the zoo]'	(CM, 26.05.2009)
	c.	A: Hier zijn de bloemen voor de boeketjes.
		these are	the flowers for the bouquets
		B: Hoeveel die	moet ik er gebruiken	per boeket?
		how many die	must I there use	per bouquet?
	d.	A: 't is mijn verjaardag.	Ik wil een feestje	geven.
		it's my birthday.		I want a party	give
		B: Wie die wilt ge	dan	allemaal	inviteren? 8
		who die want you then all	invite (1 0 , 2 1 , 3 4 , 4 4 , 5 3 )

  As is the case for StD 'nominal' CLD (24a), StD adverbial CLD, in which an adjunct is left-adjacent to a specialized resumptive, is incompatible with a bare negative adverbial (28a,b), or with a wh-antecedent (28c,d). The same restriction holds for the Ghent pattern with a specialized resumptive adverb.

	3.2.2. Adverbial CLD
	(28) a.	*Nergens	daar verkopen	ze	nog kleine notebroodjes. 9
		nowhere	there sell		they part small nut rolls
	b.	*Nooit dan kunt ge	kleine notebroodjes krijgen.
		never then can	you	small nut rolls	obtain
	c.	*In welke periode	toen woonde zij in Geneve?
		in which period then lived she in Geneva
	d.	*In welke van die twee winkels daar verkopen ze	biofruit? 10
		in which of those two shops		daar sell	they	biological fruit
							5.2.2 for additional discussion.
	(i)	A:	t Is mijn verjaardag. Ik wil een feest geven.
			'it's my birthday. I want to give a party.'
		B:	(*)Wie	die	wilt	ge	allemaal inviteren?
			who	die	want	you all	invite? (1 6 , 2 2 , 3 1 , 4 0 , 5 2 )

  OFTEN go to church on Sunday, in fact he hardly ever goes.' Reconstruction is also available for a regular V2 root clause with the quantified constituent in first position but without invariant die. One speaker finds the two patterns near-equivalent, the second speaker prefers the reconstruction patterns without die. 11 (33) a.Dikwijls gaat hij niet naar de kerk op zondag, eigenlijk bijna nooit. often goes he not to the church on Sunday, actually almost never 'He doesn't OFTEN go to church on Sunday, in fact he hardly ever goes.'

						(Luc 5/5, CM: 4/5)
	b.	Alle weken	koop ik geen	groenten op de boerenmarkt,
		all weeks	buy I		no	vegetables at the farmers'market
		maar toch zeker	twee keer per	maand.
		but PART definitely two times a	month
		'I don't buy vegetables at the farmers'market every WEEK, but I do certainly twice
		a month.'				(Luc 5/5, CM: 5/5)
	c.	Alle weken staat hij niet op de markt met zijn kraam,
		all weeks stands he not on the market with his stall
		maar toch zeker twee keer per maand.
		but PART definitely two times a month
		'He doesn't have a weekly stall on the market, but he's definitely there twice a
		month.'				(Luc 5/5, CM:
		5/5)
						(Luc 4/5, CM: 3/5)
	b.	Alle weken die koop ik		geen groenten op	de	boerenmarkt,
		all weeks die buy I		no	vegetables at	the	farmers'market
		maar toch zeker twee		keer	per	maand.
		but PART definitely two			times a	month
		'I don't buy vegetables at the farmers'market every WEEK, but I do certainly twice
		a month.'				(Luc 4/5, CM: 3/5)
	c.	Alle weken die staat hij niet	op de markt	met zijn kraam,
		all weeks die stands he		not	on the market with his	stall
		maar toch zeker twee		keer	per maand.
		but PART definitely two	times a	month
		'He doesn't have a weekly stall on the market, but he's definitely there twice a
		month.'				(Luc 4/5, CM
		2/5)

) a. Dikwijls die gaat hij niet naar de kerk op zondag, eigenlijk bijna nooit. often die goes he not to the church on Sunday, actually almost never 'He doesn't

  The distributional patterns displayed in the argument resumption carry over to specialized adverbial resumption: (44) shows that the presence of a wh-constituent in the LP forces mid-position for the resumptive tempo-conditional dan; (45) illustrates the same pattern in an imperative.

		'Just leave your laptop at home.'	(StD)
	b.	Je laptop,	OP	laat	die	maar thuis.
		your laptop OP	leave die	PART home
		'Just leave your laptop at home.'	(StD)
	c.	*Je laptop,	die OP		laat	maar thuis.
		your laptop die OP		leave PART home
	d.	*Je laptop,	OP die		laat	maar thuis.
		your laptop OP die		leave PART home
	(44) a.	Als	het regent, wat	gaan we dan	doen?
		if	it rains,	what go	we then	do
	b.	*Als het regent, dan	wat	gaan we	doen?
		if	it rains,	then what go	we	do
	c.	*Als het regent, wat	dan	gaan we	doen?
		if	it rains,	what then go	we	do
	(45) a.	Als het regent blijf dan	maar thuis.
		if	it rains stay then PART home
	b.	*Als het	regent	dan blijf	maar thuis.
		if	it	rains	then stay	PART home
		laptop,	laat	die	maar thuis.
		your laptop leave die	PART home

  The ungrammaticality of the examples in (54a-b) is in line with our hypothesis (but see note 19 for a complication). Because die does not originate in the middle field, it cannot constitute the complement of the preposition or of the lexical verb.Recall, though, that invariant die is compatible with a left-adjacent PP. This PP can also be argument. Relevant examples are given in (55): (55a) and (55b) were spontaneously constructed by our informant LdG, (55c-d-e) are attested, (55f) is scored 7/7 by our informant.

	(54) a.	*Exåmes,	die spreke wij	nie van in de lesse.
		exams,	die talk	we not of in the class
	b.	*(H)eur pensioeƞ,	die	peist ze-zij nog nie op.
		her pension,	die	thinks she	not yet on
	c.	*Exåmes, die spreke wij nie	in de lesse.
		exams, there talk we not of in the class
	d.	*(h)eur pensioeƞ,	die	peist ze-zij nog nie.
		her pension,	there thinks she	not yet
	e.	Exåmes, die be.spreke wij	nie	in de lesse.
		exams,	die on.talk	we	not	in the class
	(55) a.	Van exåmes, die spreke	wij nie in de lesse.
		of exams, die speak	we not in the class
	b.	Op (h)eur pensioeƞ, die	peist ze-zij nog nie.
		of her pension,	die	thinks she	not yet
	c.	midden daarop	die	stond de	vuurpot
		middle there.on	die	stood the	fire.pot
		'In the middle on top of it stood the pot with fire' (Vanacker 1980)
	d.	In ding in Assene(de) /die e ... (h)e(d) kik
		in thingy in Assenede die e… had I
		(e)ne kam .. (e)ne kameraad wonen
		a friend … a friend live
		'I had a friend living in Assenede'	(Van Hoe Melle Corpus III: page 7)
	e.	Aan Cecile die	vaart het	hij	ook natuurlijk ewaar.
		to Cecile	die	fares it	he	also of course PART
		'Cecile is also affected, of course.'	(Leemans Ghent Corpus I: page 21)
	f.	In de Sint Pieterskathedraal die ben	ik	al geweest.
		in the Saint Peter's cathedral die am	I	already been
		'I've already been in St Peter's cathedral.'	(CM, p.c. 12.09.2015)
	The initial PPs in (55) are selected by the lexical verbs: they cannot be omitted without change of meaning
	or loss of grammaticality. Though (56), for instance, would as such be grammatical, it has a different
	interpretation: (56) means 'we are silent in class'.
	(56) Wij spreke niet in Exams there talk we not of in the class de lesse. b. *Examens die spreken we niet over in de les. we talk not in the class	(LdG 09.06.2020, 5/5) (LdG 09.06.2020, 4/5)
		exams die talk we not about in the class
	c.	* Examens spreken we niet over in de les.	(LdG 09.06.2020, 5/5)
		exams talk we not about in the class

Table 1 :

 1 specialized resumptive (dan/tons/demonstrative pronoun) vs. invariant die

				Section	Specialized	Invariant die
					resumptive
		StD			Yes	No
		Ghent dialect		Yes	Yes
		Patterns
	(i)	Dislocated	adjunct	3.1.2	No	Yes
		obligatory
	(ii)	Negative	quantifier	3.2.1, 3.2.2	No	Yes
		antecedent
	(iii) Wh-antecedent	3.2.1, 3.2.2	No	Yes
	(iv) Modal	adverbial	3.2.3	No	Yes
		antecedent
	(v)	Proximal antecedent	3.2.4	No	Yes
	(vi) Focal modifier on	3.3.1	Yes	No
		resumptive
	(vii) Middle field position	3.3.2	Yes	No
		(wh/imperative)
	(viii) P stranding		3.3.3	Yes	No

  . with invariant die is derived as in (66b): the finite verb halts in Fin and invariant die occupies the head Force. We outline the steps of the derivation in some more detail below.

	(65) a.	Volgende vrijdag	komt	hij terug.
		next	Friday	comes	he back
	b.	[ForceP Volgende vrijdag [Force komt]
				[FinP volgende vrijdag [Fin komt] [TP hij terug komt]]]
	(66a) (66) a.	Volgende vrijdag	die	komt hij	terug.
		next Friday	die comes he back
	b.	[ForceP Volgende vrijdag [Force die]
			[FinP volgende vrijdag [Fin komt] [TP hij volgende vrijdag terug komt]]]

  The dat-die alternation is also found in the case of subject extraction in the Ghent dialect, as shown by (69), in which the relativizer die displays complementizer agreement. See also Section 4.4.2.[START_REF] Haegeman | Die and dat in West Flemish relative clauses[END_REF] views the dat/die alternation in West Flemish as the West Flemish counterpart of the French que/qui alternation, illustrated in French (70). In (70a), subject extraction across que ('that') is ungrammatical, while object extraction is licit. Subject extraction is made possible by replacing the complementizer que ('that') by the alternative form qui in (70c). See also the discussion in Section 4.5.2.

	68) a.	*[ForceP Volgende vrijdag [Force dat]
			[FinP volgende vrijdag [Fin komt] [TP hij volgende vrijdag terug komt]]]
	b.	*[ForceP Volgende vrijdag [Force dat] [FinP t [Fin komt] [TP hij t terug t]]]
	c.	[ForceP Volgende vrijdag [Force dat =>die] [FinP t [Fin komt] [TP hij t terug t]]]
	(69) en	ge	hebt daar die	cafes dien	ton zo inspringe
	and you	have there those pubs that.AGR then so set.back
	'and there are those pubs that are slightly set back'	(Leemans I: p.3)
	(70) a.	*Quii crois-tu	que [SubjP	___i va	partir]?
		who think-you	that		will leave
	b.	Quei crois-tu	que [SubjP Jean a	fait ___i ]?
		what think-you that	Jean has	done
		'What do you think (that) John did?'
	c.

Verb first, null operators and invariant die

  By De[START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF] account summarized above, constituents qualifying as the first constituent in a V2 pattern should invariably be able to appear left-adjacent to the invariant die.All things being equal, the De[START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF] analysis would lead to the prediction that die resumption is available with yes/no questions and with imperatives, effectively leading to a pattern without an overt antecedent. 23 However, such patterns are not attested in the corpus. On the contrary, yes/no questions and imperatives are judged incompatible with die resumption (77), also in those cases in which what would be a suitable initial constituent is supplied (78):

	4.4.3. As is well
	known, among root sentences in V2 languages, yes/no questions (76a) and imperatives (76b) depart from
	the linear V2 order and display a linear Verb first order. One hypothesis is that such patterns conform to the
	V2 constraint because a null operator satisfies the V2 condition on Force (76c, d) (cf. Holmberg 2016, for
	relevant discussion).
	(76) a.	Komt Jan	vanmiddag naar de vergadering?
		comes Jan	this afternoon to the meeting
	b.	Kom vanmiddag maar naar de vergadering!
		come this afternoon PART to the meeting
	c.	[ForceP OP [Force Komt] [FinP OP [Fin komt]
					[TP Jan vanmiddag naar de vergadering komt]]]?
	d.	[ForceP OP [Force Kom] [FinP OP [Fin kom] [TP Ø vanmiddag naar de vergadering
	kom]]]]!
	) a. Als g'honger	hebt -der ['daar, er'] ligt nog	brood in de kast.
		if you hunger	have there	lies PART	bread in the cupboard
						(LdG, 28/11/2018, score 5/5)
	b. (*)Als je honger hebt, if you hunger have (77) a. *Die zou hij c. * Als je honger hebt, die would he if you hunger have b. *Die bel Stef misschien ligt er lies volgende week komen? nog brood in de kast. 22 there PART bread in the cupboard die ligt er nog next week come brood in de kast. die lies eerst in verband met de onderzoeksdag. there PART bread in the cupboard die call Stef perhaps first in connection with the research day (LdG, 28/11/2018, score 1/5) (78) a. *In de supermarkt die hebben ze (daar) shampoo?
	(75) a. b. c. b. d. e.	Voor we in the supermarket met de les die have they beginnen, before we *In Geneve die heb je (daar) ook aan de Universiteit gewerkt? (there) shampoo with the lesson start ik geef volgende week in Geneva die have you (there) also at the University worked geen les. I give next week *Vroeger die verkochten ze (tons) shampoo in de supermarkt? no class before die sold they (then) shampoo in the supermarket 'Before we start, I am not teaching next week.' (LdG, 28/11/2018, score 5/5) *Voor we met de les *In de oorlog die hadden de mensen (dan/tons) nog groenten? beginnen, before we in the war die had the people (then/then) still vegetables with the lesson start geef ik *Als de les gedaan is die kom (dan) maar langs! volgende week geen les. give I next week no class when the lesson finished is DIE come (
	c.	*Voor we	met de les	beginnen,
		before we	with the lesson start
		die	geef ik	volgende week geen les.
		die	give I	next week	no class	(LdG, 28/11/2018, score 0/5)

  ForceP [Force die] [TopP [Top] [FinP [Fin Vfin] [TP …]]]]If, in line with De[START_REF] Clercq | The typology of V2 and the distribution of pleonastic DIE in the Ghent dialect[END_REF], the V2 requirement in Germanic is associated with both the heads Fin and Force. This means that the topical constituent matching the criterial topic feature of Top will first move to SpecFinP, it should then target the projection TopP and it should ultimately end up in SpecForceP as shown in derivation (81b), in which XPtop stands for the relevant topic constituent. However, (81b) is not licit: the feature [topic] being criterial, SpecTopP is a halting position and once XPtop has attained SpecTopP, it will be frozen there (cf.[START_REF] Rizzi | On the form of chains: criterial positions and ECP effects[END_REF]) (see Hsu 2017:13 for a similar argument).

	(81) b.

*[ForceP XPtop [Force die] [TopP XPtop [Top] [FinP XPtop [Fin Vfin] [TP …]]]]

For additional illustrations of non-resumptive patterns that violate the V2 pattern, see among many others,Haegeman and Greco (2018a,b) on West Flemish and[START_REF] Meinunger | Verb position, verbal mood and the anchoring (potential) of sentences[END_REF] on German.

Thanks to Terje Lohndal for judgements.

But seeSollid and Eide (2007:17) for Finland Swedish.

12 informants from Ghent, who confirmed that they were users of the die pattern, have participated in our survey. Each informant rated 52 sentences containing die on a 5-point Likert scale, with 1 being unacceptable and 5 being fully acceptable. For every test sentence that we use we report how many of our informants gave a particular score:

This example is grammatical in an alternative parse in which nergens daar ('nowhere there') is one constituent meaning 'nowhere in that place'. This is not directly relevant for the issue at hand.

Again, this example is grammatical with the alternative parse in which daar is part of one initial constituent, modifying winkels ('shops'): 'in which of those two shops over there'.

The difference in judgements for CM, the second speaker, are of interest but we are not in a position to assess the cause here. The score 3/5 in (32a-b) points to the fact that these examples are acceptable for the informant . The degradation in these examples compared to the fully acceptable (33a-b) might, for instance, be due to the fact that

Thanks to Petra Sleeman for pointing out the relevance of these data.

For relevant discussion of Danish anaphora see also[START_REF] Mikkelsen | VP anaphora and verb-second order in Danish[END_REF].

Observe in passing that the Ghent particle die is here seen to differ from the Welsh declarative particles fe and mi[START_REF] Borsley | The Syntax of Welsh[END_REF] Willis 2007: 35, Roberts 2005) or the Breton particle e[START_REF] Jouitteau | La syntaxe comparée du Breton[END_REF][START_REF] Jouitteau | The Brythonic reconciliation[END_REF], which can themselves satisfy the V2 requirement (see Holmberg to appear).

We thank Marcel den Dikken for pointing out this shortcoming.

In its acceptable form, the conditional clause in (53b) does not have the intended relevance reading.

Thanks to Giuseppe Samo (p.c.) for bringing up this point.

Thanks to Luc de Grauwe for very helpful discussion of these examples.

TP

In principle the Subject criterion requires that SpecSubjP cannot be skipped. In other words, the Subj criterion would block all extraction of subjects because once a subject nominal has landed in SpecSubjP, it will be halted there. R&S (2006, 2007) propose that the replacement of que by qui in French ( 70) is a reflex of a special mechanism for the satisfaction of the Subject criterion which allows the subject to skip SpecSubjP. ( 83) repeats the relevant patterns:

(83) a. *Quii crois-tu que [SubjP ___i va partir]? who think-you that will leave b.

Qui crois-tu qui va partir? who think-you qui will leave 'Who do you think will leave?'

For R&S (2007), qui in French (83b) is a manifestation of the functional head Fin enriched with φ-features. [START_REF] Haegeman | Variation in English Subject Extraction : the Case of Hyperactive Subjects[END_REF] represent the enriched Fin as 'Φin'. By locally c-commanding the head Subj, the φ-features on Φin satisfy the Subject criterion, as shown in (84a):