Arlo Griffiths

Timothy Lubin

Was T Bhat

Kei Kataoka

Prof Shingo Einoo

Dr Helmut Krasser

While no thematic volumes of papers exist, to my knowledge, on the traditions of the other three Vedas, the traditions of the Atharvaveda do seem to be a favored topic.

The ten papers collected here can be divided into five categories. The contribution by PHILIPP KUBISCH presents the results of his study of the particularities of Atharvavedic Meter on the basis of kān . d . as 1-7 of the 'vulgate' Śaunakasam . hitā. In the context of this volume, however, his contribution also intends to lay the basis for a sophisticated treatment of the metrical patterns found in and metrical problems posed by the Paippalādasam . hitā, that is still in the process of being edited. A reviewer of Dipak BHATTACHARYA's 1997 editio princeps of Paippalādasam . hitā kān . d . as 1-15 justly observed about that edition: "no attention seems to have been paid to prosody". 1 Developing an adequate terminological apparatus for the analysis of the metrical irregularities of Atharvavedic meter is a desideratum felt by all those involved in editing the Paippalādasam . hitā, several of whom are contributors to this volume. At first sight, the apparatus developed by Kubisch in his contribution seems both remarkably thorough and IV ARLO GRIFFITHS complex. Kubisch is at this time preparing an edition of kān . d . a 20, which will allow him to test in practice the utility of his analytic apparatus, and we look forward eagerly to the results.

The next four contributions concern Material from the Paippal ādasam . hit ā. ALEXANDER LUBOTSKY presents a new edition with translation of the hymn 8.15, whose contents have certain implications for the relative chronology of the R ˚gvedasam . hitā and (this part of) the Paippalādasam . hitā. The paper illustrates the extent to which improvements can be made upon the editio princeps, and exemplifies the interesting information that can be culled from all parts of this text, which is still half-unpublished. WERNER KNOBL's wide-ranging paper arrives at a convincing explanation for the two hitherto unknown words jatravyaand abhīlī-, the first of which had to be resurrected from the corrupt manuscriptreadings in a passage which had been previously edited, while the latter is found in kān . d . a 20, in a passage edited here for the first time with collation of Orissa manuscripts. YASUHIRO TSUCHIYAMA starts from the hymn 10.4, and tries to show the interest of the material contained in kān . d . a 10 for the history of royalty in Indian social history. TIMOTHY LUBIN's contribution is a bridge to the next group of contributions, in that it shows the value of the Nīlarudropanis . ad, a text composed entirely out of verses culled from the Paippalādasam . hitā, for the textus constitutio of the latter, but also uses this 'Upanis . ad' as a starting point for important observations on the medieval history of Atharvavedic transmission in western India, and from there to the East.

There are two contributions that deal specifically with the only surviving stronghold of Paippalāda tradition, The Atharvavedic Tradition of Orissa. Both papers deal with different genres of the literary heritage of this tradition. In my own contribution, I build up a survey of the Atharvavedic ancillary literature preserved in Orissa around another ' Upanis . adic' work, called Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad. ALEXIS SANDERSON demonstrates the interest of one of the extant ancillary genres, that of tantric texts attributed to the Ā ṅgirasakalpa, which have considerable implications for the evaluation of the medieval role of Atharvavedic priests in the broader religious landscape of Orissa.

The next pair of papers deal with The Atharvavedic Tradition of Kashmir, a tradition that seems to have left no physical traces except for the famous T übingen birchbark manuscript of the Paippalādasam . hitā in Śāradā script. WALTER SLAJE's paper discusses the historical events leading up to the copying of this manuscript, or its exemplar, in the year 1419 AD, and provides the background that can explain the need for a re-import of the text into Kashmir from 'Karnataka' in the early 15 th century, the extraordinarily corrupt nature of the sole Kashmirian witness, and the fact that the corrupt nature of the text as contained in it could never be improved upon from oral tradition -because such a tradition, if it had been alive until the end of the 14 th century, could not have survived the politico-religious turmoil of the time described in this contribution. That there must have been an earlier tradition of the Paippalāda Atharvaveda

The Metrical and Prosodical Structures of Books I-VII of the Vulgate Atharvavedasam . hitā Philipp Kubisch

Purpose

Whereas the stanza and verse types of the R ˚gveda (R ˚V) have been described in detail for the first time by Hermann OLDENBERG in the first volume (all published) of his Die Hymnen des R . igveda (1888: 1-190) and even more comprehensively by Edward Vernon ARNOLD in his monograph Vedic Metre in its Historical Development (1905) and since then numerous scholars have corrected and deepened their results, up to now only little attention has been paid to the metre of the two Atharvavedasam . hitās ( Śaunakīyasam . hitā [ ŚS] and Paippalādasam . hitā [PS]), after the R ˚V the oldest vedic collections of s ūktas. Two pages were dedicated to this subject by Maurice BLOOMFIELD in his treatise on the Atharvaveda from 1899. Having mentioned the often arising difficulty of distinguishing between poetry and prose and furthermore "the greater freedom and irregularity of all types" 1 he stated:

Atharvan metres are so generally capable of improvement that we are in danger of singing our own rather than Atharvan hymns, when we apply ourselves to the task of improving them. 2 In the introduction to his annotated ŚS-translation, William Dwight WHITNEY added to BLOOMFIELD's remarks the observation that the Anus . t . ubh is the predominant stanza in the Atharvaveda. 3 Concerning the quality of Atharvan metres he suspected -just like BLOOMFIELD -that "the irregular verses outnumber the regular." 4 Unfortunately none of these claims has been founded on precise computations of the available data, neither by WHITNEY nor by anybody else during the last century.

To contribute to filling this gap I attempted in my Viennese Diplomarbeit to document statistically which types of stanzas and verses occur in ŚS I-VII and to investigate how much of the material is regular and which types of irregularities are to be found. 5 The limitation to the vulgate's core kān . d . as 6 was necessary due to constraints of time, but as e.g. regarding Atharvan stanzas a shift 2 PHILIPP KUBISCH of relative frequencies in comparison to the R ˚V is certainly a common feature of both recensions, I am optimistic that the presented statistics will cast some light on Atharvan metre in general and may also be useful to the contemporary PS-editors. In this paper I will discuss the method employed to examine this selection of Vedic textual material with regard to metre and summarize the results.

Database

Using the edition of [START_REF] Roth | Atharva Veda Sanhita[END_REF] as a starting-point, I prepared a database including the complete text of the first seven kān . d . as. 7 Besides that, metrical analyses have been prepared of all poetic material, in the form of schemata including prosodical symbols for all syllables; pāda-designations have been assigned to all pādas 8 and each stanza has been categorized. Upon these pāda-designations and stanza-categorizations I have founded pāda-and stanza-statistics for each kān . d . a.

Pāda-analyses: general

The pāda-designation contains symbolically encoded information about the number of syllables, the prosodical structure of the verse and phenomena such as restoration or omission of syllables. Since occurrence of such last-mentioned phenomena does not play a role in the pāda-statistics which is just aimed at showing which verse types occur and to what degree these verses are regular or not, symbols used to denote such phenomena will not be dealt with in the following. Instead, I will confine myself to the explanation of symbols designating verse types and their structure.

But first some general remarks concerning my analyses must be made: principally, I have analyzed the text of ŚS without taking notice of better readings of parallel texts. That is, in case of catalectic or hypersyllabic verses I have attempted to give the text a regular form by restoration or omission of syllables, even if a parallel version from the R ˚V or PS has another metrically unproblematic reading. E.g., with regard to pāda 2. 1.4d (dhāsy úr es . á nanv ès . ó agníh . ), I have suggested that the true reading is dhās i y úr es . á nan ú v ès . ó agníh . , although PS 2. 6.4d shows another way of obtaining the correct syllable-number (dhāsyur n u v es . a nan u v es . o agnih . ). 9 If such restoration or omission of a syllable is not possible, 7 Syllables to be restored or omitted have been marked in sub-and superscript (e.g. t u vam and pr ˚th i iv í). 8 In this paper the terms "verse"/ "pāda" and "stanza"/"mantra" respectively are used with the same meaning. 9 Cf. ZEHNDER 1999: 36.

I have assessed the pāda as irregular: e.g., concerning pāda 4.5.5a (yá áste yáś cárati) the reading of R ˚V 7.55.6a makes clear that after yáś a ca has to be inserted, but I judged that the pāda is heptasyllabic.

In case of metrical ambiguity up to three possible interpretations have been recorded. The interpretation which seemed most likely to me has been given first and in the statistics only this first interpretation is included. It has to be admitted, however, that the determination which interpretation is most probable is often difficult and subjective. E.g., pāda 2. 27.2a is transmitted in the form: suparn . ás tv ánvavindat. The following readings are possible: suparn . ás tv ā ánvavindat; suparn . ás tv án u vavindat; suparn . ás t u v ánvavindat.

Because of the fact that tvā in pāda b (s ūkarás tv ákhanan nas á) is pronounced monosyllabically it seems probable that it is monosyllabic in pāda a also. But it is difficult to decide which of both other possible readings is the best. I have preferred the first one because it produces trochaic rhythm in the second half. 10 In the following, the problem of ambiguity will be discussed repeatedly and I will try to explain some of my conventions.

Verse types

The following verse types are to be found: pentad verse, dimeter verse and trimeter verse. I will now discuss my ideas about their prosodical structures, which irregularities I have decided to mark, and how this has been done.

Pentad verse

The pentad is the shortest verse in the Veda. In ŚS I-VII not infrequently two of them ("Pentadenreihe" 11 ) take the place of one pāda of a Trimeter-stanza and sometimes also sole pentads occur in combination with other verses. In the predominant form of the pentad the third syllable is short and the second and fourth are long, but besides that also length of the third and shortness of the second and (rarely) the fourth are found. 12 In my work pentads which show in their middle a rhythmic alternation of short and long syllables have been marked with the symbol "V", but those which have three short or long syllables in this place, with "#V", e.g. 4.2.5b 1 samudré yásya (#V) and 4.2.5b 2 ras ám íd āh úh . (V).

PHILIPP KUBISCH

Only in s ūkta 2.5 extended pentads were discovered. They have been characterized with " • V". The underlying pādas are found in PS 2.7 (ZEHNDER 1999: 37-39).

Principally, it is often difficult to distinguish the "Pentadenreihe" from a Tris . t . ubh-pāda. E.g., the deficiency of pāda 5.1.7c utá vā śakró rátnam . dadhāti might be removed by pronouncing rátnam trisyllabic (rát a nam), but since this reading has no parallels in the R ˚V or ŚS, the interpretation as "Pentadenreihe" might be preferred. 13 If both interpretations seemed possible to me I have listed them both, but in trimeter-context usually the Tris . t . ubh-interpretation as the first one, which is included in the statistics.

Dimeter verse

The octosyllabic dimeter is without doubt the most common verse type in the Atharvavedasam . hitās. It is found with other dimeter-pādas in Gāyatrī-, Anus . t . ubh-, Pa ṅktiand Mahāpa ṅkti-stanzas and also in combination with other verses. Dimeter-pādas have no caesura, but they fall into two halves, the first of which is less strictly regulated than the second one. 14 Whereas I have treated the first half as prosodically free, I have marked the prosodical structure of the last four syllables in the following way: pādas which show regular iambic rhythm have been characterized with the symbol "A", those which are trochaic (like those in R ˚gvedic "trochaic Gāyatrī" stanzas) with "+A" and those which have the antispast (as in uneven pādas in the classical Śloka) with "+#A". Pādas which show any other ("irregular") prosodical structure have been marked with "#A".

Already OLDENBERG (1892: xiii) pointed out that in post-R ˚gvedic Anus . t . ubhstanzas in the second half of uneven pādas neither the diiambus nor the antispast is the predominant prosodical structure, but that all possible combinations are found. For this reason it was in some cases questionable whether an uneven pāda with irregular prosodical structure should be made regular by intervention in the recorded sandhi. E.g., pāda 6.15.3a has trochaic rhythm in the second half: yáthā sóma ós . adhīnām. But it is possible to "amend" the pāda by means of double sandhi and disyllabic pronunciation of the ā of the ending of the gen. pl.: yáthā sóma ós . adhīn a ām. In such cases I have recorded both conceivable readings, but that one which stands closer to the transmitted text as the first one, which is included in the statistics. If the same phenomenon was found in an even pāda, however, I only recorded the reading with iambic cadence. Thus, uneven Anus . t . ubh-pādas were treated in a different way than even pādas. 13 Cf. PS 6.2.7a. GRIFFITHS (forthc.) analyzes the verse as Tris . t . ubh-pāda lacking one syllable and rejects trisyllabic rat a nam. Note, however, that assumption of such pronunciation would seem to be supported by developments in middle Indo-Aryan languages, e.g. Pāli ratana. 14 OLDENBERG 1888: 8; cf. ARNOLD 1905: 10 and KORN 1998: 11. Dimeter-pādas consisting of seven syllables have been marked with the symbol "A7". According to ARNOLD (1905: 161) most of these pādas lack the last syllable, that is the first four syllables are followed by three syllables with the structure ∪-∪15 ("catalectic" dimeter verse). He called other verses of seven syllables "heptasyllabic verses ". Brent VINE (1977: 247) attempted to prove that these pādas are "acephalic", that is that a trisyllabic opening is followed by a regular dimeter cadence: ∪-∪∪. But principally, it is often doubtful if the syllable-number of such catalectic or acephalic pādas is to be corrected by restoration of a syllable. Such questionable restorations involve the disyllabic reading of long vowels 16 and syllabic scansion of semi-vowels after light syllable. The following cases may be suitable to exemplify this problem. 1.26.1b: hetír devāso asat is neither catalectic in ARNOLD's sense nor acephalic in VINE's. Instead, the syllabic deficiency might be removed by the reading dev a āso (producing iambic rhythm in the second dimeter with antevocalic -o being scanned as long 17 ), but such scansion is not demonstrable elsewhere in ŚS or in R ˚V. 18 6.135.1b: itthám . vájram ádade is either acephalic or may be amended by the trisyllabic reading váj a ram. For this reading several instances are found in ŚS I-VII, but always in trimeter-breaks. 19 Principally, in such cases both possible interpretations have been recorded, but the irregular/catalectic reading has been given first and included in the statistics. Accordingly, the statistical result of 121 "A7-"verses is the maximum number of pādas which may be interpreted as consisting of seven syllables.

PHILIPP KUBISCH

Whereas hypersyllabic dimeter-pādas are rare in the R ˚V, 20 [START_REF]satām . stutyā diśām . bheryā mukhāni dhvanayann ayam | paurān . ām . prā ṅ manah . paścād rājadhānīm . nr ˚po 'viśat JRT 752[END_REF] such pādas were found in ŚS I-VII. In many cases they might be improved by omission of glosses or interpolations. E.g., stanza 2. 29.5 (= PS 1.13.2ab) is transmitted as follows:

úrjam asmā ūrjasvatī dhattam . , páyo asmai payasvatī dhattam | úrjam asmái dy ávāpr ˚thiv í adhātām . , víśve dev á mar úta úrjam ápah . Whereas pādas c and d are regular Tris . t . ubh-pādas (in c read pr ˚th i v í), both pādas of the first half can hardly be analyzed likewise. Instead, because it seems strange that in the first half of the stanza asmai is twice unaccented, but then in pāda c bears the udātta, it might seem probable that the first half is based upon two original dimeter-pādas: úrjam ūrjasvatī dhattam . , páyo payasvatī dhattam (twice "+#A"). 21 Such extended pādas have been characterized with the symbol " • A".

Trimeter verse

Both subtypes of Vedic trimeter verse (Tris . t . ubh-and Jagatī-pādas) are structured equally. For this reason it will suffice to explain my ideas about their prosody in detail only by means of the Tris . t . ubh-pāda. In the paragraphs on the Jagatī-and the Tris . t . ubh-Jagatī-pāda I will restrict myself to demonstrating the differences.

Tris . t . ubh-pādas

Tris . t . ubh-pādas usually occur in Tris . t . ubh-stanzas which consist of four such pādas, but they are also found in groups of two, three, five or six. Besides that, in the Atharvavedasam . hitās they are frequently combined with dimeteror Jagatī-pādas. Tris . t . ubh-pādas consist of three parts: opening, break and cadence. In most cases they have a caesura, which is either after the fourth or the fifth syllable ("early" and "late" caesura) and marks the end of the opening. This caesura was treated in the same way as the end of a pāda. If the caesura is found after the fourth syllable the break consists of three syllables, otherwise it is disyllabic. 22The cadence includes four syllables. In the database Tris . t . ubh-pādas with early caesura were characterized with the symbol "Ta", those with late caesura with "Tb".

Only in very few cases it is not possible to determine the position of the caesura. E.g., pāda 5.18.5c: sám . tásyéndro hŕ ˚daye 'gním indhe can be interpreted either as "Ta" by cancelling the Abhinihitasandhi between break and cadence or as "Tb" by cancelling the Praślis . t . asandhi in the opening. In the database both possibilities have been recorded. My choice for "Tb" is entirely arbitrary.

In some Tris . t . ubh-pādas there is a "weak" caesura in the place of a seam of a compound 23 or of a morpheme boundary. 24 Such pādas have been marked with the symbols "Tca" or "Tcb", depending on whether the "weak caesura" is found after the fourth or the fifth syllable. Only few Tris . t . ubh-pādas entirely lack the caesura (symbol "Tc"). 25In the opening an iambic rhythm is usually given, 26 that is in case of early caesura length of the second syllable and in case of late caesura length of the second and fourth syllable are to be expected. Pādas which do not comply with this expectation were marked with the symbol "+" in front of the "T".

In case of early caesura the break prefers the anapaest (∪∪-) or creticus (-∪-). 27 Tris . t . ubh-pādas which have another prosodical structure in the break have been characterized with the symbol "+#" (e.g. "+#Ta"). Irregular structure of opening and break has been marked with the symbol "+(#)". The cadence is the most rigidly regulated element of a Tris . t . ubh-pāda: here trochaic rhythm is to be expected (-∪-∪). Pādas which do not follow this regular pattern have been characterized with the symbol "#", those with irregularities in opening and cadence with "(+)#" and those which have an irregular break and a wrong cadence with "(+#)".

In case of late caesura the cadence is usually equally trochaic. Since for this reason the eighth syllable is normally long and besides that the seventh is regularly short, it can be stated that the caesura is -independently of its position -followed by the same prosodical pattern, preferably the anapaest, which in case of caesura after the fifth syllable reaches into the cadence. 28 In this way the eighth syllable is both the end of the break and the starting-point of the cadence, but nevertheless a Tris . t . ubh-pāda with late caesura and short eighth syllable was marked as containing an irregular cadence, not only an irregular break.

Several variants of the discussed hendecasyllabic types are found: catalectic pādas in which an opening of four syllables is combined with a disyllabic break (Virāt . sthānā-verse, symbol "T1") and dodecasyllabic pādas containing a pentasyllabic opening and a trisyllabic break (symbol "T2"). 29 Pādas with a trisyllabic 8 PHILIPP KUBISCH opening which is followed either by a di-or trisyllabic break30 are characterized with the symbol "T3". Catalectic pādas without caesura -or with "weak" caesura -were marked with the symbol "T1c", dodecasyllabic Tris . t . ubh-pādas which lack a caesura -or have a "weak" caesura -with "T2c".

Principally, as in the case of irregular dimeter pādas, it is often questionable if such pādas are to be regularized by an uncertain restoration or omission of a syllable. E.g., regarding pāda 2.28.3b (yé jāt á utá vā yé jánitvāh . ["T3"]) the syllable-number could be corrected by reading jāt a áh . . Such pādas have been treated like catalectic dimeter-pādas, that is in the database the irregular reading has been recorded first and in the statistics only this irregular reading has been included.

Like extended dimeter verses, many extended Tris . t . ubh-pādas might be amended by omission of a superfluous word. E.g., pāda 6.63.1c seems to contain two breaks: tát te ví s . yām i y áyus . e várcase bálāya. Here omission either of áyus . e or of várcase would yield a regular Tris . t . ubh-pāda with late caesura. Or with regard to pādas 4.26.7d: stáumi dy ávāpr ˚thiv í nāthitó johavīmi, 4.28.7c: stáumi bhavāśarváu nāthitó johavīmi and 4. 29.7c: stáumi mitr ávárun . au nāthitó johavīmi, it might be considered to replace the dual-dvandvas by the elliptic duals dy ávā, bhaváu and mitráu. In all mentioned cases it might also be possible to assume condensed ūha-pādas, as LANMAN (1903: 301-302) found in ŚS 8.8.2cd: "the words of the sa ṁhitā appear plainly to be . . . the condensed form of two half-verses which vary by only a single word and are condensed by the non-repetition of all that is common to both." Be that as it may, such pādas have been marked with the extension-symbol " • " in front of the "T". 31It was noted above that some pādas can be interpreted either as "Pentadenreihe" or as Tris . t . ubh-pāda. Besides that, some cases are found which can be scanned either as two dimeter-pādas or as extended pādas 5.7.7cd: véda tvāhám . nim ívantīm . , nitudántīm arāte, following two dimeter-pādas, also seem to be two dimeters, 32 the first octosyllabic and ending in an antispast and the second catalectic. But as nim ívantīm . and nitudántīm are very similar in meaning it is also conceivable to interpret one of these two words as a gloss and to assume an original Tris . t . ubh-pāda with early caesura: véda tvāhám . nitudántīm/nim ívantīm arāte. 33 Comparably pādas 6.140.1cd: táu dántau brahman . as pate, śiváu kr ˚n . u jātavedah . can be scanned as two octosyllabic dimeters. But firstly jātavedah . is a typical word of a Tris . t . ubh-cadence, and secondly the fact that two vocatives stand so near to each other makes it imaginable that brahman . as pate is a secondary interpolation and that the text is based upon an original Tris . t . ubh-pāda with late caesura: táu dántau śiváu kr ˚n . u jātavedah . . 34 However, in both cases I have given the dimeter-interpretation as the first one, simply because it is more obvious.

Jagatī-pādas

Jagatī-pādas are found in Jagatī-stanzas and furthermore in combination with dimeter-and Tris . t . ubh-pādas. They differ from Tris . t . ubh-pādas in so far as the cadence includes five syllables: -∪-∪∪. 35 Their structure is marked in the same way as that of Tris . t . ubh-pādas ("Ja", "Jb" etc.) and the same syllabic irregularities are found as discussed above. Not infrequently catalectic Jagatī-pādas are found in a Tris . t . ubh-context and hypersyllabic Tris . t . ubh-pādas in a Jagatīcontext. 36 In some cases it is difficult to determine whether a pāda is Tris . t . ubh or Jagatī. E.g., pāda 3.3.1a: ácikradat s u vap á ihá bhuvat is transmitted side by side with two Tris . t . ubh-pādas (b and d) and one Jagatī-pāda (c). Being scanned as Tris . t . ubh-pāda the cadence would be irregular in so far as the eighth and tenth syllable are short. Being scanned as (catalectic) Jagatī-pāda with caesura after the fourth syllable and disyllabic break the offending syllable in the cadence would be the ninth. This irregularity might be removed by means of lengthening of the -á (ih á). In this case both possible analyses have been recorded, the interpretation as Tris . t . ubh-pāda as the first one because of the correctness of the syllable-number.

Another comparable difficulty occurs in the case of pādas 3.21.1ab: yé agnáyo aps úv àntár yé vr ˚tré yé p úrus . e yé áśmasu. Here the problem is the determination of the pāda-boundary. WHITNEY (I: 124) suggested to analyze the text as 11+8 rather than 8+11. In this case the Tris . t . ubh-pāda in the beginning (yé agnáyo aps úv àntár yé vr ˚tré) would include an irregular cadence which might be corrected by means of scanning yé (before a consonant) as short. In the other case "11" would not denote a Tris . t . ubh-pāda, but a catalectic Jagatī-pāda ("J1") and yé in front of a vowel being scanned as short. I have listed both interpretations but I preferred the second one since I do not know a certain parallel for short scansion of a diphthong before a consonant.

Tris . t

. ubh-Jagatī-pādas Some Tris . t . ubh-pādas can be scanned as Jagatī-pādas by means of restoring a syllable in the last place but one. If the pāda is not in pure Tris . t . ubh-context this 34 As Arlo Griffiths informs me, a preliminary edition of the parallel passage PS 19.49.9cd (on the basis of two Orissa-mss.) would be: tau dantau brahman . ā brahman . as pate, śivau kr ˚n . u tvam iha jātavedah . ("J3" and "Tb";cf. BARRET 1940: 78: tau dantau vrahman . as pate, mā hi ṅsis . t

. a ṁ pitara ṁ mātara ṁ ca). 35 Cf. e.g. OLDENBERG 1888: 42. 36 LUBOTSKY 2002: 12. PHILIPP KUBISCH possibility has been recorded by the definition of the pāda as "T/J". E.g., in case of pāda 2.35.4a: ghor á ŕ ˚s . ayo námo ast u v ebhyah . , it is conceivable to scan ebhyah . as trisyllabic, because of the fact that in the same stanza side by side with two T1 Virāt . sthānā-verse, decasyllabic Tris . t . ubh-pāda T/Ja Tris . t . ubh-pāda with early caesura which can be scanned as Jagatī-pāda (by restoration of a syllable in the last place but one)

T/Jb Tris . t . ubh-pāda with late caesura which can be scanned as Jagatī-pāda (by restoration of a syllable in the last place but one)

T/Jc Tris . t . ubh-pāda without caesura which can be scanned as Jagatī-pāda (by restoration of a syllable in the last place but one)

T/Jca Tris . t . ubh-pāda with "weak" caesura after the fourth syllable which can be scanned as Jagatī-pāda (by restoration of a syllable in the last place but one)

T/Jcb Tris . t . ubh-pāda with "weak" caesura after the fifth syllable which can be scanned as Jagatī-pāda (by restoration of a syllable in the last place but one)

T/J1 decasyllabic Tris . t . ubh-pāda with caesura after the fourth syllable which can be scanned as Jagatī-pāda (by restoration of a syllable in the last place but one)

T/J1c decasyllabic Tris . t . ubh-pāda without/with "weak" caesura which can be scanned as Jagatī-pāda (by restoration of a syllable in the last place but one)

T/J2 dodecasyllabic Tris . t . ubh-pāda with pentasyllabic opening, trisyllabic break and Tris . t . ubh-cadence which can be scanned as tridecasyllabic Jagatī-pāda (by restoration of a syllable in the last place but one)

T/J2c dodecasyllabic Tris . t . ubh-pāda without/with "weak" caesura which can be scanned as tridecasyllabic Jagatī-pāda (by restoration of a syllable in the last place but one)

T/J3 Tris . t . ubh-pāda with trisyllabic opening, di-or trisyllabic break and Tris . t . ubh-cadence which can be scanned as Jagatī-pāda (by restoration of a syllable in the last place but one)

V Virāj-pāda/Pentad

• extended pāda (gloss, interpolation, condensed ūha-pādas) + 1) [in front of "A":] dimeter verse which ends in trochaic rhythm

2) [in front of "T", "J" or "T/J":] trimeter verse which lacks iambic rhythm in the opening # 1) [in front of "A":] dimeter verse which ends neither in a diiambus nor in a trochee or antispast

2) [in front of "T", "J" or "T/J":] trimeter verse with irregular cadence

3) [in front of "V":] pentad verse with three short or long syllables in its middle 1) [in front of "A":] dimeter verse which ends in an antispast

+#
2) [in front of "T", "J" or "T/J":] trimeter verse whose caesura is followed neither by the anapaest nor by the creticus (+)# trimeter verse which lacks iambic rhythm in the opening and contains an irregular cadence +(#) trimeter verse which lacks iambic rhythm in the opening and whose caesura is followed neither by the anapaest nor by the creticus (+#) trimeter verse whose caesura is followed neither by the anapaest nor by the creticus and which contains an irregular cadence Pāda-statistics: summary

In conclusion, the statistical result of the pāda-descriptions in the database shall now be summarized. All in all 6689 pādas have been included in the statistics. 37 Namely:

79 pentads (= 1,18%). Of these 61 are "V" (= 77,22%), 8 are "#V" (= 10,13%) and 10 are " • V" (= 12,66%);

3919 dimeter (= 58,59%). Of these 2511 are "A" (= 64,07%), 120 are "+A" (= 3,06%), 335 are "+#A" (= 8,55%), 762 are "#A" (= 19,44%), 121 are "A7" (= 3,09%) and 70 are " • A" (= 1,79%); 37 Metrical pādas which are in one stanza mixed with prose and pādas from "formulaic" hymns (cf. below, p. 19f.), have been exluded from the statistics because their interpretation is often very uncertain. Besides that, some especially irregular pādas have not been included in the statistics, mainly pādas consisting of six syllables (1.11.3a; 2.29.4d; 2.32.6d; 3.21.9a; 3.23.5d; 4.15.15a; 5.13.7b; 5.29.14b; 6.16.3d; 6.16.4c; 7.70.3a) and trimeter with irregular structure in all three members (1.31.3b; 2.1.4c; 3.1.5a; 3.4.4a; 4.12.7a; 4.14.8c; 5.11.9c; 5.18.4d; 5.26.3a; 5.29.11c; 6.113.1b; 6.117.2c). (= 34,19%). Of these 1) 1140 have early caesura (= 49,85%): 562 are "Ta" (= 24,57%), 131 are "+Ta" (= 5,73%), 269 are "+#Ta" (= 11,76%), 79 are "+(#)Ta" (= 3,45%), 18 are "#Ta" (= 0,79%), 6 are "(+)#Ta" (= 0,26%), 12 are "(+#)Ta" (= 0,52%), 42 are "T1" (= 1,84%), 14 are "+T1" (= 0,61%), 2 are "+#T1" (= 0,09%), 4 are "#T1" (= 0,17%) and 1 is "(+)#T1" (= 0,04%);

trimeter with Tris . t . ubh-cadence

2) 1007 have late caesura (= 44,03%): 714 are "Tb" (= 31,22%), 172 are "+Tb" (= 7,52%), 10 are "+#Tb" (= 0,44%), 5 are "+(#)Tb" (= 0,22%), 15 are "#Tb" (= 0,66%), 7 are "(+)#Tb" (= 0,31%), 1 is "(+#)Tb" (= 0,04%), 33 are "T2" (= 1,44%), 27 are "+T2" (= 1,18%), 15 are "+#T2" (= 0,66%) and 8 are "+(#)T2" (= 0,35%);

3) 27 have a trisyllabic opening (= 1,18%): 19 are "T3" (= 0,83%), 7 are "+#T3" (= 0,31%) and 1 is "(+#)T3" (= 0,04%); 4) 43 are without/with "weak" caesura (= 1,88%): 6 are "Tc" (= 0,26%), 3 are "+Tc" (= 0,13%), 1 is "#Tc" (= 0,04%), 1 is "(+)#Tc" (= 0,04%), 1 is "(+#)Tc" (= 0,04%), 8 are "Tca" (= 0,35%), 4 are "+Tca" (= 0,17%), 1 is "+#Tca" (= 0,04%), 2 are "Tcb" (= 0,09%), 6 are "+Tcb" (= 0,26%), 1 is "+#Tcb" (= 0,04%), 1 is "(+)#Tcb" (= 0,04%), 1 is "T1c" (= 0,04%), 3 are "+T1c" (= 0,13%), 3 are "+T2c" (= 0,13%) and 1 is "+(#)T2c" (= 0,04%); 5) 70 are extended (= 3,06%): 7 are " • T" (= 0,31%), 19 are " • Ta" (= 0,83%), 1 is " • +Ta" (= 0,04%), 6 are " • +#Ta" (= 0,26%), 1 is " • #Ta" (= 0,04%), 34 are " • Tb" (= 1,49%), 1 is " • +Tb" (= 0,04%) and 1 is " • #Tb" (= 0,04%).

383 trimeter with Jagatī-cadence (= 5,73%). Of these 1) 164 have early caesura (= 42,82%): 86 are "Ja" (= 22,45%), 17 are "+Ja" (= 4,44%), 32 are "+#Ja" (= 8,36%), 10 are "+(#)Ja" (= 2,61%), 7 are "#Ja" (= 1,83%), 3 are "(+#)Ja" (= 0,78%), 8 are "J1" (= 2,09%) and 1 is "+J1" (= 0,26%);

2) 188 have late caesura (= 49,09%): 136 are "Jb" (= 35,51%), 34 are "+Jb" (= 8,88%), 3 are "+#Jb" (= 0,78%), 2 are "#Jb" (= 0,52%), 1 is "(+)#Jb" (= 0,26%), 7 are "J2" (= 1,83%), 4 are "+J2" (= 1,04%) and 1 is "+(#)J2" (= 0,26%);

3) 3 have a trisyllabic opening (= 0,78%): 3 are "J3"; 4) 9 are without/with "weak" caesura (= 2,35%): 1 is "Jca" (= 0,26%), 4 are "Jcb" (= 1,04%), 3 are "+Jcb" (= 0,78%) and 1 is "J1c" (= 0,26%); 5) 19 are extended (= 4,96%): 1 is " • J" (= 0,26%), 5 are " • Ja" (= 1,31%), 1 is " • +#Ja" (= 0,26%), 11 are " • Jb" (= 2,87%) and 1 is " • +#Jcb" (= 0,26%). Eleven of these fifteen categories are well-known from the R ˚V: Gāyatrī, Anus . t . ubh, Pa ṅkti, Mahāpa ṅkti, Virāj, Tris . t . ubh, Jagatī, Br ˚hatī, Satobr ˚hatī, Us . n . ih and Tris . t . ubh-Jagatī. 39 Obviously, WHITNEY's supposition as to the Anus . t . ubh 38 The following 16 stanzas occur twice (in ŚS I-VII) and have therefore been excluded from the statistics: 4.17.3 (= 1.28.3), 5.6.1 (= 4.1.1), 5.6.2 (= 4.7.7), 5.23.10-12 (= 2.32.3-5), 6.58.3 (= 6.39.3), 6.84.4 (= 6.63.3), 6.94.1-2 (= 3.8.5-6), 6.95.1-2 (= 5.4.3-4), 6.101.3 (= 4.4.7), 7.23.1 (= 4.17.5), 7.75.1 (= 4.21.7), 7.112.2 (= 6.96.2). 39 Stanzas consisting of four pādas, which are in differing distribution partly Tris . t . ubh-, partly being the predominant Atharvavedic stanza is verified. Whereas in the R ˚V its frequency is about one fifth that of the Tris . t . ubh, in ŚS I-VII it is twice as common as the Tris . t . ubh, representing about 43% of the total number of stanzas. The Gāyatrī, the second in order of frequency in the R ˚V, does not play a prominent role in the Atharvaveda with scarcely 4% being composed in this metre and similarly the Jagatī, number 3 in the R ˚V, is with just 1% an extremely rare stanza-type in ŚS I-VII. Of the remaining above-mentioned categories only the Tris . t . ubh-Jagatī-group represents a significant fraction, that is 7% of the total number. The share of pure Trimeter-stanzas consisting of four pādas in the whole thus being increased to almost 30% (21% Tris . t . ubh + 1% Jagatī + 7% Tris . t . ubh-Jagatī), these stanzas nevertheless next to the Gāyatrī show the heaviest losses in comparison to the R PHILIPP KUBISCH T+T+T+T+T+T+T 4.34.5 = 1 V+V+T+A+A+A+V+V 4.11.7 = 1 V+V+V+V+V+V+V+V+V 2.5.4 = 1 40 Further investigation of this material may prove to be interesting. The Atharvaveda on the one hand records the disappearance of old Vedic stanza types, like the Gāyatrī, which have no successors in classical Sanskrit poetry, but may on the other hand foreshadow post-Vedic/middle Indo-Aryan metres. Such an investigation, however, is outside the scope of this contribution.

Besides these new stanzas the Atharvavedasam . hitās include some material which is not purely metrical. An alternation between poetry and prose can be proved in both s ūktas and single stanzas, and for this reason some stanzas have been categorized either as "Not metrical" or "Partly metrical". E.g., the first four stanzas of s ūkta 7.97, which are all good Tris . t . ubhs, are followed by four definitely non-metrical stanzas. Stanzas 4 and 5 of s ūkta 7.81 The first half of stanza 4 could be interpreted as consisting of two Anus . t . ubhpādas (darśò 'si darśatò ' a si, sámagro ' a si sámantah . ), the first of which even shows iambic rhythm in the last four syllables (with -o before vowel being scanned as long), but the second half is clearly non-metrical. The formulation in the beginning of stanza 5 occurs repeatedly in the Atharvavedasam . hitās 41 and has, as far as I know, always been characterized as prose. 42 Disyllabic pronunciation of the root dvis . "to hate" may be undemonstrable in the R ˚V, but it would nevertheless bring about a perfect Tris . t . ubh-pāda with late caesura: yò 'sm án d u vés . t . i yám . vayám . d u vis . máh . . 43 What remains of the first half is certainly prose, but the beginning of the second half, again, seems to be metrical ("A"), followed by the non-metrical refrain known from the preceding stanza. This example may be suitable to illustrate the difficulty of drawing the line between prose and poetry, already mentioned by BLOOMFIELD as noted above. In principle, I have 40 The following stanzas have also been categorized as "N. N.", but include an especially problematic pāda: 2. 29.4 (T+T+T+?); 3.1.5 (?+A+A); 4.12.7 (?+T+A+A); 4.14.8 (T+T+?+T+T); 4. 15.15 (?+V+A+A); 5.21.11 (J+T+?+T/J); 5.26.3 (?+T); 5.26.12 (?+T+T+T); 5.29.14 (A+?+V+T); 6.113.1 (T+?+V+V+T). 41 In ŚS I-VII: 2.11.3; 2.19-23.1-5; 3.27.1-6; 7.81. 5. 42 See e.g. ZEHNDER on PS 2.48 (1999: 115). 43 Or: yò ' a sm án dvés . t . i yám . vayám . d u vis . máh . (= Tb). Several Yajurvedasam . hitās have the reading . . . yám . ca vayám . . . (cf. the references given by ZEHNDER). In this case the position of the caesura must be after the fourth syllable.

attempted to register all material which could be interpreted as metrical, even if it is so only by accident, and consequently, both stanzas have been categorized as "Partly metrical".

Whereas the two categories discussed in the last paragraph include together less than 3% of the whole, the group "Formulas" is with more than 6% the fifth in order of extent. This important feature of Atharvan prose has been identified by Hermann OLDENBERG:

Unter den prosaischen Zaubertexten herrschen sehr entschieden die vor, die in k ürzerer oder längerer Reihe von Sätzen dasselbe Schema wiederholen, variiert nur nach der Abfolge irgend eines Systems, etwa der Zahlenreihe, der Weltgegenden oder Aehnlichem. (. . .) Der Typus des Zaubertexts mit Durchf ührung eines bestimmten Schemas, oft geradezu in tabellarischer Weise, ist offenbar uralt; daß der strengen Regelmäßigkeit zuliebe da Prosa bevorzugt wurde, begreift sich leicht. 44 To exemplify this statement OLDENBERG refered to three s ūktas, two of which are taken from ŚS I-VII (2.15 and 3.26). But in case of s ūkta 2.15 his view gives rise to a contradiction. In six stanzas we find the following scheme: As both X and Y do not fear, are not harmed, so, my breath, fear not. 45 However, as each of these six stanzas is a regular Gāyatrī, it is to be seen that the adoption of a formulaic scheme is not necessarily connected with prosaic form. But the parallel version of the Paippalādins ( 6.5) -adding to the refrain a fourth dimeter-pāda and so bringing about Anus . t . ubh-stanzas 46 -contains three stanzas (2, 3 and 6), the first pāda of which consists of nine syllables, due to the names applied for X and Y. In this way the Anus . t . ubh-stanzas become irregular.

My impression is that such groups of stanzas in which a scheme is realized ("formulaic hymns") 47 are in most cases -not always -based upon a metrical structure which only in some stanzas is disturbed. The difficulty of assessing this material is increased by the fact that such "formulaic hymns" often include very rare stanza types. E.g., in s ūkta 2.17, in seven stanzas the following scheme is used: X art thou; X mayest thou give me: hail! The first six stanzas could be scanned as Tris . t . ubh-pādas with early caesura, e.g.: ójo ' a s i y ójo me dāh . s u v áhā (1). But in the last one, with parip án . am as X, the metrical structure of the preceding stanzas can hardly be recognized. Besides that, stanzas consisting of just one verse are not found in the R ˚V. 48 44 OLDENBERG 1917: 10-11 (= III/1758(= III/ -1759)). 45 The translation follows WHITNEY I. 46 This seems to be preferable to the ŚS-text, cf. GRIFFITHS forthc. 47 I wish to thank Erwin Steinbach, who suggested the German term Formularhymnus to me. 48 But cf. PS 7.20 (ed. GRIFFITHS forthc.), a s ūkta which is very similar to ŚS 2. 17. In its ten stanzas, the following scheme is adopted: To X, the one that slays enemies, hail!, X in each stanza being represented by a different name of the wind. Whereas the first six stanzas can be scanned unproblematically as Tris . t . ubh-pādas with early caesura, in the last four stanzas the opening

PHILIPP KUBISCH

In other cases adoption of a scheme in definitely prosaic form is connected with a metrical refrain. E.g., in s ūkta 6.107 the refrain cátus . pād yác ca nah . s u vám is clearly metrical. Only in very few cases "formulaic hymns" are completely unmetrical. For this reason it seems to me that these "formulaic hymns" take up a special position between poetry and prose. In any case further investigation of the material categorized as "Not metrical", "Partly metrical" and "Formula" may supply information regarding the development of the oldest Indo-Aryan prose.

In the end it has to be stated that (post-R ˚gvedic) metre still remains a field requiring precise investigations. The statistics summarized in this paper are far from giving answers to all questions, but it is hoped they will supply a useful basis for further linguistic and philological studies. PS 8. [START_REF]Śaktis Vāmā to Manonmanī and surrounded by the M ūrtis, Ancillaries, Vidyeśvaras, Gan . eśvaras, Lokapālas, and their weapons. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase rudraprayoge pippalādakalpah[END_REF]. Offense against a Brahmin *

Alexander Lubotsky

The topic of my paper is a hymn from the Paippalāda Atharvaveda, which is typical of what we can expect from this text: new material, new insights in the life of the Vedic Indians, new words, archaic verb forms next to grammatical innovations and, at the same time, new problems of various kinds, especially those of the tradition of the text and its relation to the Brāhman . as. This hymn, which represents an appeal to the Brahmins to stay united in their protest when one of them is abused, is as far as I know unique in its subject matter. The keyword of the hymn is kilbis . a-'offense, abuse', which appears almost in every stanza, and the question arises what kind of abuse is here meant. It must of course be something serious and the first thing which comes to mind is the offense against a Brahmin, the archetypical brahmakilbis . á so to speak, described in the famous hymn R ˚V 10.109 (∼ ŚS 5.17,PS 9.15), which is concerned with the abduction of a Brahmin's wife by a king. Our hymn does not specify what kind of property has been taken (no doubt, a king could also expropriate land or cattle), but it seems probable to me that the poet seeks to achieve Brahmanic unity against a king's high-handedness. We get important information about the usual procedure in case of an offense against a Brahmin from the beginning of R ˚V 10.109: R ˚V 10.109.1 ∼ ŚS 5.17.1 ∼ PS 9. [START_REF]Śaktis Vāmā to Manonmanī and surrounded by the M ūrtis, Ancillaries, Vidyeśvaras, Gan . eśvaras, Lokapālas, and their weapons. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase rudraprayoge pippalādakalpah[END_REF].1 tè 'vadan pratham á brahmakilbis . é 'k ūpārah . saliló mātaríśvā | vīl . úharās tápa ugró mayobh úr ápo dev íh . prathamaj á r ˚téna They spoke first at the offense against a Brahmin: the boundless sea, Mātariśvan, Tapas of stout heat, the mighty Refresher, 1 the heavenly waters -the first-born according to the R ˚ta.

The first deities who spoke at the offense were the powers of nature closely connected with Varun . a (prathamaj á r ˚téna), the reason presumably being the fact that an offense against a Brahmin is an offense against the R ˚ta (cf. also stanza 5 below: brahmakilbis . e prokta ud eva tis . t

. het sa r ˚tasya panthāh . 'When an offense against a Brahmin is announced, up he should rise. This is the path of the R ˚ta').

These powers of nature seem to act as the prototypical Brahmins, who in our hymn are summoned to speak unanimously at the offense of a Brahmin.

It is remarkable that in this hymn, archaic and late features exist side by side: on the one hand, we find here an archaic form nim . sīta (stanza 5), but, on the other hand, the poet's knowledge of the definitive make-up of the R ˚V (see ad stanza 6) and of the Brahmanic families which only appear in the Brāhman . as (stanza 2) makes a late impression. Since the hymn contains 13 stanzas and is thus 2 stanzas longer than the usual 11 in this kān . d . a, we may assume that stanzas 2 and 6 are later additions (note that these two stanzas only contain the names of the families plus the last pāda, which is identical with that of stanza 1). The additions may have been induced by the aim to involve as many Brahmanic families as possible in the protest. In particular, stanza 6 can be seen as an attempt to address the R ˚gvedins. We may also see in this light the mentioning of the name Prasravan . a, which is only known from the Kaus . B, a text of a R ˚gveda school. 2 8. [START_REF]Śaktis Vāmā to Manonmanī and surrounded by the M ūrtis, Ancillaries, Vidyeśvaras, Gan . eśvaras, Lokapālas, and their weapons. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase rudraprayoge pippalādakalpah[END_REF]. 1 PS only (d: 2d,6d) yo jāmadagnya iha kauśiko ya (11) ātreya uta kāśyapo yah . | (9) bharadvājā gotamā ye vasis . t . hās (11) tebhyah . pra br ūma iha kilbis . ān . i (11) Who is a descendant of Jamadagni here, who of Kuśika, who of Atri, and who is a descendant of Kaśyapa, the Bharadvājas, the Gotamas and the Vasis . The stanza refers to the descendants of the seven seers, although the usual PS list of the seven seers includes Viśvāmitra instead of Kuśika (cf. 5.28.4, 11.5.13, 14.7.3). Both names most probably refer to the same family, 3 however. At R ˚V 3.53.10,11, the Kuśikas are addressed as those belonging to the clan of Viśvāmitra. BHATTACHARYA edits jāmadagnya. a. The reading jāmadagniya of the Or. mss. is less probable in view of the metre (no caesura). Cases where the Or. tradition alleviates consonant clusters by inserting an epenthetic vowel are very common. 2 I am indebted to Arlo Griffiths for providing me with the critical apparatus for this hymn. The use of editorial signs and brackets throughout this paper conforms with the system explained in GRIFFITHS & LUBOTSKY 2000-01: 196, n. 1. The Or. mss. Ku, JM and V/126 were collated through autopsy. In words with br, BARRET consistently transliterates the spelling in K of the common ligature as vr, and BHATTACHARYA follows him in this regard. In every case, a transliteration br could also be defended. Since the meaning of the text is nowhere affected by the decision how to transliterate this sign, I have everywhere assumed it stands for br. 3 The authors of book III of the R ˚V, cf. OLDENBERG 1888cf. OLDENBERG : 209 = 1967: 578.

d.

For the meaning of kilbis . a-, cf. the discussion in GRIFFITHS forthc. ad PS 7.3.6 and further ŚS 6.96.2 (= 7.117[112].2 ∼ PS 3.17.4, 19.12.5) mu ñcántu mā śapathy ád átho varun . y ád utá | átho yamásya pád . bīśād víśvasmād devakilbis . át 'Let them free me from that which comes from a curse, then also from that which is of Varun . a, then from Yama's fetter, from all offense against the gods' (WHITNEY); ŚS 6.118.1 (∼ PS 16.50.3) ān . i (11) The Agastis, the Kan . vas, the Kutsas, the Prasravan . as, the Vir ūpas, the Gargas, the Mudgalas, the Yaskas, the Śaunakas, the Sam . kr ˚tis -the Brahmins who are not deceitful, to them we announce here the offenses. Pādas a-c are prose. This may be an indication that the whole stanza is a later addition, induced by the endeavour to mention as many Brahmanic families as possible. The fact that the text mentions the descendants of Prasravan . a, the name which is only attested in a R ˚gvedic Brāhman . a, may be interpreted as an invitation towards the R ˚gvedins to join the ranks, cf. also below, ad stanza 6. BHATTACHARYA edits agastyayah . and ś ūnakāh . . a. The descendants of Agasti are called agástayah . , the unanimous reading of the PS mss. being due to contamination of the two forms of the name: agastya-(R ˚V+) and agasti-( ŚS 4.9.3 = PS 4.38.3). Prasravan . a is a rare name. As far as I know, it is only attested in Kaus . B 13.3, where Avatsāra is called prāsravan . a-'descendant / son of Prasravan . a'.

c. For the name Sam . kr ˚ti, cf. ŚB 14.9.4.31 (at the very end of the B ĀU) s ám . kr ˚tīputra-in the Brahmanic genealogy. The name also occurs several times in name-lists in the S ūtra literature (e.g. Lāt . y ŚS 6.4.13,.

For the meaning cf. 8a tasmai sa druhyād ya idam . nāyad 'To him (to the oppressed Brahmin) he will be deceitful, who will not come here'. The idea of the sentence seems to be that the Brahmins that have come are not deceitful to the Brahmanic cause, to the Brahmanic unity, to the oppressed Brahmin. (11) Who will not rise, being confused by sloth and by presumption, when a Brahmin is in distress, the All-Gods, who witness this, will pour the poison of the offense into him. b. māndyais a Vedic hapax. dháiryan., being derived from dh íra-'wise, intelligent', usually has positive connotations ('intelligence, forethought'), but here this is evidently not the case.

d. kilbis . ya-'pertaining to the offense', to be read as kilbis .ī ya-, is a hapax. (11) tathā tad devā uta veśayanti (11) Whatever pains there are in an offense against a Brahmin and whatever transgressions, [whatever] manifold misdeeds, he who will not stand up [when (an offense) is announced] puts it into himself, and so the gods make it enter [him]. . han has been suggested to me by Jan Houben. The reading tan has already been proposed by BARRET. It seems likely that prokte has been taken from the following stanza. If we delete this word, we get a regular tris . t . ubh line.

d. The same idea as in pāda d of the previous stanza. Since veśáyati often occurs with a locative complement and since Kashmir reads tasmai, it seems attractive to emend tathā to *tasmin. For the meaning, cf. GELDNER's remark ad R ˚V 1.176.2a: "ā-viś Kaus. ist s.v.a. einem (Lok.) b. BHATTACHARYA's conjecture nim . sīta is adopted here. This is an archaic athematic form of the reduplicated present to nas (cf. ním . sate 3pl. med. R ˚V+). GOT Ō 1987: 200f. argued that the meaning of this present is 'aufsuchen', 'to visit' and not 'to kiss', as had been usually assumed. Although the R ˚gvedic passages are often ambiguous, it seems clear, however, that in the PS the meaning 'to kiss' is unavoidable, cf. especially 1.55.4ab madhuman mama nīsanam . (read: *nim . sanam . ) jaghanam . madhuman mama 'sweet is my kissing, my loins are sweet'. The word *nim . sanashows that already by the time of the PS nim . swas conceived as a root. 8. 15.6 PS only (6d = 1d,2d) śatarcino mādhyamā ye mahars . ayah . ( 12) ks . udras ūktānām uta yā prajeha | (11) r ˚s . īn . ām . yāni janimāni vidmas (11) tebhyah . pra br ūma iha kilbis . ān . i (11) The [descendants of the] Śatarcins, [the descendants of] the great r ˚s . is who have composed the middle parts, and those here who are the progeny of those whose hymns are short -whichever races of the r ˚s . is we know, to them we announce here the offenses. BHATTACHARYA's edition omits the apparatus for this stanza.

The stanza seems to be a later addition. This is indicated by its strange position in the hymn and by the fact that it mentions the authors of the R ˚gvedic hymns, which are only known since the late texts of the R ˚gveda school: while the mādhyamāh . are referred to at Kaus . B 12.3:5ff., the earliest other attestation of śatarcinah . seems to be at Ait Ā 2.2.1 (alongside the mādhyamāh . ), and the ks . udras ūktāh . are not referred to before Śā ṅkhGr ˚S 4.10, ĀśvGr ˚S 3.4.2. A typical passage is Śā ṅkhGr ˚S 4.10.3: śatarcinah . , mādhyamāh . -gr ˚tsamadah . , viśvāmitrah . jamadagnih . , vāmadevah . , atrih . , bharadvājah . , vasis . t . hah . -pragāthāh . , pāvamānāh . , ks . udras ūktamahās ūktāh . . For viśvāmitrah . jamadagnih . , cf. R ˚V 3.53, 10.167. 4. a. The intention of the poet is clear: he addresses the descendants of the great poets of the R ˚V, but the syntax is rather cumbersome. c. Note the aberrant form of 1pl. pf. → pres. vidmas. The regular form vidma is the usual form and is abundantly attested in the PS, but vidmas is further found at 15.13.10c (is . ūr yā es . ām . vidmas) and vidmasi is found at 17.12.2b, 17.13.13c (nāmadheyāni vidmasi) and at 19.47.2b (may ūram . vayam . vidmasi). The latter form is secured by the metre and conclusively shows that vidmas is not a mistake of the transmission, but an original 1pl. form of the PS, although it is not attested in the ŚS. The present form vidmas(i) is most probably due to the reinterpretation of ppf. avet as an impf.

8.15.7

PS only sodaryān . ām . pa ñcadaśānām . śatānām . (12 T ) trayastrim . śad ud aśis . yanta devāh . | (11) ekasmin viddhe sarve a rupyan (10) tad brāhman . e kilbis . am anv avindan (11) From the fifteen hundred of the same kin, there were [only] thirty-three gods left. When one was wounded, all suffered racking pain. In that way they discovered the offense against a Brahmin. BHATTACHARYA edits 'rupyam . . a. In early Vedic, sodaryais only found in the PS. Cf. 6.12.5d sarvaih . sodar i yaih . saha 'together with all [my] siblings '. Later, the word appears in the Gr ˚hyas ūtras (GRIFFITHS forthc. ad loc.).

'Fifteen hundred' is more likely than 'hundred fifteen'. The original number of gods must be big and presumably be divisible by three, cf. R ˚V 3.9.9ab es . u (11) To him (to the oppressed Brahmin) he will be deceitful, who will not come here, who will not rise, will not come to an agreement about this, about the offense against an oppressed Brahmin who is seeking solidarity among the Brahmins. b. The cadence is wrong. It is conceivable that the original text had vadāta asmin with a more archaic subjunctive form (vadāte). For the meaning of vad in the middle ('to converse, consult, come to an agreement', later maybe 'to (re)claim') see GOT Ō 1987: 282. Cf. further R ˚V 10.109.4: dev á etásyām avadanta p úrve saptar ˚s . áyas tápase yé nis . ed úh . | bhīm á jāy á brāhman . ásyópanītā durdh ám . dadhāti paramé vyòman "Die G ötter, die sieben R . s . i's, die sich zur Kasteiung niedergesetzt hatten, besprachen sich vormals über diese: Furchtbar wird des Brahmanen Weib, wenn es von einem anderen heimgef ührt wird; es schafft Unordnung im h öchsten Himmel" (GELDNER). The author of the PS hymn clearly summons the Brahmins to do the same.

d. sodaryatāis a hapax. BHATTACHARYA edits uttis . t

. had and yācāma. a. In the present context, I do not understand the form uttis . t . had, which the mss. transmit unanimously. The proposed emendation yields better metre.

b. For the meaning of jīta-(both 'what is scathed' and 'who is scathed'), cf. ŚS 12.5.57ab (= PS 16.146.7ab) ād áya jītám . jīt áya lokè 'm ús . min prá yachasi 'Taking to thyself what is scathed for him who is scathed, thou presentest [it to him] in yonder world' (WHITNEY).

The reading yācāma (1pl. subj.) found in V/126 Mā (and Ma, post correctionem) is also theoretically possible: it would mean that the direct speech of the Brahmins begins with punar aitu sarvam. However, me in pāda d pleads for the adopted reading. anveti or anvetu is most probably the authentic reading of the archetype, but the verb is always transitive and does not suit the context. I would propose to emend the text to *vadati (cf. 11d and R ˚V 10.109.1, discussed in the introduction) and assume that anveti is due to perseveration from passages like PS 9.24.6cd amaiva pun . yam astu no atr ˚n (lege: attrīn) anv eti (or: etu) kilbis . am 'let it be propitious for us at home, the offense goes/may go to the Devourers (name of the demons)', PS 20.23.9d Accents are marked on the second hemistich in K, and on the first word of the next stanza. I have added the accent on vádati, and corrected brāhman . áh . , which is incorrectly accented in the ms., without marking this word as an emendation. Cf. GRIFFITHS 2004: 60 (with n. 27) for another case of an accented mantra unique to PS. 4 Cf. the Introduction to GRIFFITHS forthc., §2. 1.1.4, for general information on the sporadic marking of accents in K.

a. Cf. PS 20.61.8ab na tatra bhavo hanti na śarva is . um asyati 'There Bhava does not slay, nor does Śarva shoot an arrow, . . . '. 8. [START_REF]Śaktis Vāmā to Manonmanī and surrounded by the M ūrtis, Ancillaries, Vidyeśvaras, Gan . eśvaras, Lokapālas, and their weapons. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase rudraprayoge pippalādakalpah[END_REF]

The drink of Soma, looking after men, together with the pressing-stones is pleased about him, who has removed a shot [arrow] from the Brahmin's heart as S ūrya [removes] the darkness. 18.14.4c . . . ābhi panthām . ) 'her let them carry along the road of what is not gone' (WHITNEY), ŚS 11.10.16f candrámā yutām ágatasya pánthām 'let the moon put [them = the enemies] on the track of what is not gone' (WHITNEY). Cf. r ˚tasya panthāh . in 5d above.

Got ō, Toshifumi 1987 Die ,,I. Präsensklasse" im Vedischen. Untersuchung der vollstufigen thematischen Wurzelpräsentia. Wien. Griffiths, Arlo 2004 Paippalāda Mantras in the Kauśikas ūtra. In: A. Griffiths & J.E. M. Houben (eds.), The Vedas. Texts, Language & Ritual (Groningen: Egbert Forsten), 49-99. forthc. The Paippalādasam . hitā of the Atharvaveda, Kān . d . as Rituals. In: ZDMG 42, 199-247. 1967 Kleine Schriften, herausgegeben von Klaus L. Janert. Wiesbaden. Zwei Studien zum Wortschatz der Paippalāda-Sam . hitā * Werner Knobl * * Von den beiden, in nachfolgenden Wortstudien behandelten W örtern ist das eine erst noch zu suchen, das andere zwar schon gefunden, aber noch zu erklären.

A. Auf der Suche nach dem Schl üsselwort

Die drei eng zusammengeh örigen Strophen PS 7.15.6/7/8 sind in der sehr verdienstvollen editio princeps von Dipak Bhattacharya 1 -und in einer von Arlo Griffiths mir großz ügig im voraus zugänglich gemachten Fassung seiner kritischen Neuausgabe des sechsten und siebten Buchs der PS 2 -bereits ediert worden. Gest ützt auf diese beiden Editionen, die durch kleinere, jeweils begr ündete Veränderungen ergänzt wurden, lege ich meiner Übersetzung und Erläuterung der Stelle folgende Version zugrunde: us . n . īs . am . tvā śīrs . akt i yā vāsas tvā + tan u vāmayāt | candram . hiran . yam andh i yāt *karn . ādattam . śukram . bhrājad * Diese Wortstudien sind dem Andenken Paul Thiemes (18.3.1905 -24.4.2001) gewidmet, der am 18. März 2005 seinen 100. Geburtstag gefeiert haben w ürde.

* * Mit Dankbarkeit gedenke ich der großz ügigen finanziellen Unterst ützung, die mir das Japanische Ministerium f ür Erziehung und Wissenschaft im Rahmen des COE-Programms der Literarischen Fakultät der Universität Kyoto gewährt hat und durch die meine Teilnahme am 29. Deutschen Orientalistentag vom 20. bis zum 24. September 2004 in Halle an der Saale sehr erleichtert wurde. Den Freunden Arlo Griffiths und Masato Kobayashi bin ich f ür ihre technische Hilfe bei der Herstellung einer brauchbaren Druckvorlage sehr zu Dank verbunden. Diwakar Acharya, Arlo Griffiths und Annette Schmiedchen danke ich f ür zahlreiche Hinweise und Verbesserungsvorschläge, Arlo besonders auch noch daf ür, daß er seine Manuskripte zu der von mir in der zweiten Wortstudie (B. Eine Hautkrankheit namens abhīlī-) besprochenen Stelle, PS 20.62.9a-63.5d, verglichen und einen kritischen Apparat meinen Zitaten hinzugef ügt hat. Die variae lectiones zu PS 7.15.6-8, dem Gegenstand meiner ersten Wortstudie, sind hingegen in seiner Dissertation (siehe die übernächste Fußnote) schon alle verzeichnet. 1 Dipak Bhattacharya, The Paippalāda-Sam . hitā of the Atharvaveda, Critically edited from palmleaf manuscripts in the Oriya script discovered by Durgamohan Bhattacharyya and one Śāradā manuscript. Volume One, Consisting of the first fifteen Kān . d . as. Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, 1997: 515. 2 Arlo Griffiths, The Paippalādasam . hitā of the Atharvaveda: Kān . d . as 6 and 7. A New Edition with Translation and Commentary. Proefschrift, Universiteit Leiden, 2004: 404-407. Angesichts der Tatsache, daß dieses magnum opus bislang noch seiner Endfassung entgegenharrt, erlaube ich mir die Freiheit, mich einstweilen auf das vom Verfasser freundlichst mir zur Verf ügung gestellte Manuskript der Dissertation zu beziehen. Denn es war ja gerade durch diese Vorarbeit und deren ein langes Nachdenken anregende Vorläufigkeiten, daß ich zur Behandlung obiger Stelle, vor allem aber zur L ösung des durch datkravyāt gestellten Problems veranlaßt wurde. Wenn schon die deminutiven libelli nicht zu klein sind, um sua fata zu haben, dann werden auch die opera magna ihre Geschichte und ein eigenes Schicksal beanspruchen d ürfen -zumal im Leben der Freunde ihrer Autoren.

bādhiryāt pātu daks . in . ā 6 upabarhan . am . t u vā grīv a āmayān man . ayo yaks . m ād †datkravy āt † | a ṅgarogād abhya ñjanam annam . tvāntas . t .i yāmayāt 7 adhaspadād āmayatah . pado rogād upānahau | dan . d . as tvādattah . pari pātu sarpād daks . in . atah . prayato daks . in . ena 8 [Ein Priester spricht seinem Auftraggeber zum Dank f ür empfangene Geschenke folgenden Wunsch aus:] Als [mir von dir überreichter] Priesterlohn soll dich sch ützen: der Turban vor Kopfweh, das Gewand vor Leibschmerz, der leuchtende Goldschmuck vor Blindheit, der vom Ohr genommene hell glänzende [Ring] vor Taubheit. [6.] Das Kopfkissen [soll dich sch ützen] vor Nackenschmerz, der Halsschmuck vor dem yáks . ma . . . , das K örper öl vor Gliederschmerz, die Speise vor Bauchweh. [7.] Die Sandalen [sollen dich sch ützen] vor einer unten an den F üßen schmerzenden Fußkrankheit. Der von dir gegebene Stab soll [dich] ringsum sch ützen vor [dem Biß] der Schlange, von rechts (und von S üden), 3 dargereicht mit der Rechten. [8.] Meiner ausf ührlichen Diskussion der Editoren-Crux †datkravyāt † seien einige -hauptsächlich textkritische -Bemerkungen vorausgeschickt. Sie betreffen andhyāt in 6c, *karn . ādattam . und das supplierte [kun . d . alam] in 6d, die metrische Struktur von 7a, das von Bhattacharya getrennt edierte dat kravyāt in 7b, die Syntax von 8a-b und das vermutliche Kompositum tvādattah . in 8c.

6c.

Alle Orissa-Handschriften ebenso wie das einzige Kaschmir-Manuskript überliefern einhellig andhy āt. Es mag uns zwar zunächst so erscheinen, als fordere nicht sowohl die im Sanskrit sehr beliebte Wortbildungsregel, nach welcher aus Eigenschaftsw örtern neutrale Abstrakta mit jenem Suffix -yaabgeleitet werden, das Dehnstufe des Vokals der ersten Silbe bewirkt, 4 als vielmehr 3 Mit diesem 'S üden' k önnte auf K önig Yama und sein Totenreich angespielt sein, in das der Yajamāna durch einen Schlangenbiß versetzt zu werden drohte, wenn der dem Priester als Lohn f ür seinen Opferdienst überreichte Stab ihn nicht mit magischer Kraft davor zu sch ützen verm öchte. Arlo Griffiths weist mich noch eigens darauf hin, daß der Opferherr insofern besonders gefährdet erscheinen k önnte, als er ja auf der S üdseite des Opferplatzes sitzt und der aus s üdlicher Richtung drohenden Gefahr -etwas leichtsinnig -den R ücken kehrt. 4 Vgl. Wackernagel & Debrunner, AiGr II 2, 821 f. § 660a & 834 ff. § 667; ferner in Pān . ini's Grammatik zum Beispiel die S ūtren . . . 123 [varn . a-]dr ˚d . hādibhyah . s . ya ñ ca 124 gun . avacana-brāhman . ādibhyah . [karman . i ca]. In dem Gan . a dr ˚d . hādayah . zu A 5. 1.123 (Gp. 118 ed. B öhtlingk 119*) findet sich zwar badhira-(118.16 ed. B öhtlingk), nicht jedoch andha-. Aber wir werden diese in unterschiedlicher Länge überlieferte Liste von Eigenschaftsw örtern wohl ebenso als einen unabgeschlossenen ākr ˚ti-gan . aansehen d ürfen wie den Gan . a brāhman . ādayah . zu A 5. 1.124 (Gp. 167 ed. B öhtlingk 128*). Zur Überlieferung vgl. Robert Birwé, Der Gan . apāt . ha zu den Adhyāyas IV und V der Grammatik Pān . inis. Versuch einer Rekonstruktion. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1961, 324 f. & 326 ff. auch das parallele bādhiryāt in Zeile e Vr ˚ddhi des ersten Vokals. Dennoch haben wir von einer -immerhin zweifach nahegelegten und somit notfalls begr ündbaren -Emendation der Überlieferung zu *āndhyāt abzusehen, weil das Abstraktum auch an einer anderen Stelle der Paippalāda-Sam . hitā mit kurzem Vokal anlautet. Es findet sich nämlich ein zweiter Beleg des Nomens in dem Vers PS 2.81.2a yad andhiyam . yad algan . am. Ob die dort bezeugte Dreisilbigkeit uns erlaubt, mit Zehnder, Buch 2, 5 182, von andhiyaals einer -iya-Ableitung zu sprechen, oder ob das -ides auch in unserem Vers metri causa dreisilbig zu lesenden andhiyāt als bloßer Sproß-und Svarabhakti-Vokal zu werten ist, soll hier nicht entschieden werden.

Auch bleibe vorläufig dahingestellt, ob wir berechtigt sind, "āndhiya-" als "die j üngere Form" (so Zehnder, loc. cit.) zu bezeichnen. Jedenfalls ist ein von andhá-'blind' abgeleitetes Abstraktum nicht erst in der Suśruta-Sam . hitā mit gedehntem Anlaut belegt. Es kommt vielmehr auch schon im Vedischen vor. Abgesehen von einer Stelle der späten (und obskuren) Tejobindu-Upanis . ad, findet sich vr ˚ddhiertes āndhya-(* ándhya-) n. bereits in den beiden ältesten Śrauta-S ūtren des Yajurveda, und zwar in einer von 72 respective 32 Formeln, die pāpmano vinidhayah . 'Ablegungen je eines Übels [in verschiedenen Menschen, Tieren, Dingen, und Gegenden]' genannt werden: Baudh ŚS 2.5: 39.6 gavaye ma āndhyam . gaure me bādhiryam 'im Bos gavaeus [soll] meine Blindheit [deponiert sein], im Bos gaurus meine Taubheit' 6 -das Abstraktum steht also auch hier in unmittelbarer Nachbarschaft von bādhiryan. -und Vādh ŚS ["Mantrapariśes . a"] 15.9 tāmanyes . u ma āndhyam 'in den Tāmanyas [soll] meine Blindheit [abgelegt sein]'. 7 Falls nun āndhyan. nicht "die j üngere Form" wäre, es sich vielmehr -und im Widerspruch zu Zehnders Annahme -gerade als die ältere Form erweisen sollte, so ließe sich unser im ersten Vokal gek ürztes andhyaals eine Unregelmäßigkeit von jener Art ansehen, wie sie auch im Falle anderer Nomina mit urspr ünglich langem -āder ersten Silbe schon f ür die ältere Sprache einigermaßen belegbar ist.

Zu vergleichen wären z. 13.17: 172.3 antrān . i & ĀgniGS 3.5.1: 140.20 5 Thomas Zehnder, Atharvaveda-Paippalāda, Buch 2: Text, Übersetzung, Kommentar. Idstein: Schulz-Kirchner Verlag, 1999. 6 Vgl. W. Caland, Über das rituelle S ūtra des Baudhāyana (AKM XII. 1.), Leipzig, 1903(= Nendeln, Liechtenstein: Kraus Reprint, 1966), 18 f. § 23. 7 Vgl. W. Caland, Eine dritte Mitteilung über das Vādh ūlas ūtra, Acta Orientalia 4, 1926, 3 = Kleine Schriften, 1990, 305; M. Sparreboom and J. C. Heesterman, The ritual of setting up the sacrificial fires according to the Vādh ūla school, 1989, 89 & 91, und vor allem Yasuke Ikari, Zinbun 34 (2), 1999, 25. antrān . i [?] 8 ) 9 ← āntrán. 'Eingeweide' (R ˚V2× +) oder marga-( ĀpGS 20.12 gavām . marge) ← mārgam. 'Weg' (ältester [?] Beleg in R ˚VKh 1.2.12 [= ŚvetU 1.4c] trimārga-bheda-). Solche in vedischen Texten allerdings noch sehr vereinzelten Beispiele von 'Vokalk ürzung vor einer Konsonantengruppe' scheinen das später in den Volkssprachen wirksam gewordene Dreimorengesetz anzuk ündigen, ja vorwegzunehmen, es sei denn man spricht mit Wackernagel, AiGr I, 1896, 44 § 39 Anmerkung, kurzerhand von Prakritismus. Ausf ührlicher hierzu: Wackernagel, KZ 59, 1932, 32 = Kleine Schriften I, 1953, 343 mit Anm. 1. 6d. Sowohl Bhattacharya als auch Griffiths edieren im Anschluß an die Lesung offenbar aller Handschriften karn . ād dattam. Statt 'vom Ohr gegeben' erwartet man jedoch 'vom Ohr genommen'. Deshalb schlage ich vor, mit einer nur geringf ügigen Änderung der bezeugten Lautfolge, besser *karn . ādattam (= karn . aādattam) zu lesen. Unter dem Einfluß der benachbarten Ablative auf -āt konnte aus dem erschlossenen Kompositum *karn . ādattam leicht ein weiterer Ablativ herausgelesen und das aufgrund dieses Mißverständnisses übriggebliebene attam zu dem im dáks . in . ā-Geschenks-Kontext so offenbar sinnvollen dattam ergänzt werden. 10 In seinem Kommentar zur Stelle hat Arlo Griffiths, Proefschrift 405, unter Hinweis auf Wilhelm Rau, Metalle und Metallgeräte im vedischen Indien, Wiesbaden, 1973, 51 f., schon vermutet, daß als einziges, zu den drei neutralen Adjektiven in 6d in Gedanken zu ergänzendes Substantiv, nur das Neutrum kun . d . alam in Frage kommen kann. Diese Vermutung findet in mehreren samāvartana-Kontexten ihre Bestätigung, in denen vom Snātaka gefordert wird, daß er f ür sich und seinen Lehrer -oder nur f ür diesen -neben einem Turban (us . n . īs . a-), Ober-und Untergewand (vastra-yuga-), einem Stab (dan . d . a-), Sandalen (upānah-/upānad-yuga-), K örper öl (anulepana-), einem Halsschmuck (man . i-) und einigen anderen Requisiten auch zwei Ohrringe (kun . d . ale) besorge. Siehe zum Beispiel ĀśvGS Parallelen zu unserem dáks . in . ā-Kontext sind frappant. Übrigens werden zwei Ohrringe (kun . d . ale) nicht nur hier, sondern auch in zwei Śrautas ūtren des Sāmaveda als dáks . in . āerwähnt: L ŚS 8 Mit kurzem a-Anlaut nach Vishva Bandhu, VWC IV 1, 224a. Der ĀgniGS-Kontext, sarpis . āntrān . i p ūrayitvā ('nachdem er die Gedärme mit Butterschmalz gereinigt hat'), erlaubt jedoch keine eindeutige Entscheidung zugunsten einer K ürze des anlautenden Vokals. 9 Die von Vishva Bandhu, VWC I 1, 288b, 289a und 6, 3769c verzeichneten PS-Belege f ür antrafinden sich zwar alle in der einzigen Kaschmir-Handschrift, es wird jedoch keine von ihnen durch die mehreren Orissa-Manuskripte bestätigt. Die K-Lesungen sind belegt an folgenden vier Stellen: PSK 8+3× 4.30.1d-8d cārum antrādam . . . . dvis . antam, 16.148.7a yat te gudās u v antres . u, 17.29.10 yad antragudam und 19.18.5c yathāsyām antram . . . . An der ersten Stelle liest Bhattacharyas Ausgabe jedoch cārum annādam . . . . Die drei zuletzt zitierten Stellen sind zwar noch nicht verbindlich ediert, aber die PSK entsprechenden PSO-Passagen scheinen überall anders zu lesen, wie mir Arlo Griffiths nach dankenswerter Einsicht der ihm vorliegenden Handschriften freundlich mitteilt. 10 Die Gefahr, das ebenfalls mit -dattazusammengesetzte tvādattah . 'der von dir gegebene [Stab]' in Zeile 8c auf gleiche Weise zu verlesen, bestand hingegen nicht, weil die Sprache mit keinem Ablativ *tvād einer solchen Verlesung Vorschub zu leisten vermocht hätte. 4.12.8 und D ŚS 12.4.13. 11 Besonders aufschlußreich im gegenwärtigen Textzusammenhang ist jedoch eine AV-Parallelstelle, an der sich zwar nicht kun . d . alé, wohl aber das synonyme pravartáu findet. Ich meine die f ünf Nominalsätze in der Prosa von ŚS 15.2.5 (PS 18.28.2) '. 12 Wie in unserer Passage erscheinen also auch hier v ásas-, us . n . ís . aund man . íneben einem Wort f ür 'Ohrring '. 7a. Im Gegensatz zu zehn ziemlich regelmäßigen und zwei ganz regulären fällt der Jagatī-Vers 7a aus dem Rahmen des metrisch Üblichen. Dieser versuchsweise mit zweifacher Aufl ösung als upabarhan . am . t u v ā grīv a āmayāt gelesene Vers ist nicht etwa durch seine Zw ölfsilbigkeit außergew öhnlich, sondern allein dadurch, daß hier das enklitische tvā unmittelbar nach der Zäsur eines trimetrischen Pāda zu stehen scheint. An keiner der 589 Belegstellen von tvā im R

:1 an . d . a-parśu-) ← ān . d . á-n. & m. 'Ei' & 'Hode' (R ˚V4× +) oder antra-(Vaikh ŚS
˚V findet sich das Pronomen in dieser Position. Auch in der ŚS ist es nirgendwo in gleicher Stellung belegt. Ob dieser negative Befund ebenso auf die PS zutrifft, wird sich erst nach Abschluß der kritischen Editionen aller 20 B ücher entscheiden lassen. 13 Freilich 11 Zum Dual kun . d . ale vgl. noch Pata ñjali, Mahābhās . ya I 7.16-17 (ed. Kielhorn-Abhyankar, Poona 4 1985) suvarn . apin . d . ah . . . . kun . d . ale bhavatah . 'Der Goldklumpen [als dravya-'Stoff'] wird [modifiziert] zu zwei Ohrringen [als ākr ˚ti-'Form']' -mit einer ebenso seltsamen wie seltenen Attraktion des finiten Verbs ans Prädikatsnomen: 'Der Goldklumpen werden zwei Ohrringe'. Vgl. J. S. Speijer, Sanskrit Syntax, Leiden 1886, 18 § 27, 2 und J. S. Speyer, Vedische und Sanskrit-Syntax, Straßburg 1896, 30 § 95 a. Der in diesen beiden Werken zitierte einzige Beleg f ür Attraktion eines verbum finitum ans nominale Prädikat in Manu-Smr ˚ti 9.294cd sapta prakr ˚tayo hy etāh . saptā ṅgam . rājyam ucyate ("these [foresaid] seven elements are named together the seven-membered kingdom" [Speijer]) scheint mir nicht eindeutig genug zu sein, um als ein gutes Beispiel f ür die rare Erscheinung gelten zu d ürfen. Denn die beiden Verse lassen sich auch als von einander unabhängige Sätze auffassen, die dann so zu übersetzen wären: 'diese (K önig, Minister, Residenz, Reich, Schatz, Armee und Verb ündete) sind die sieben Elemente [der K önigsherrschaft]; und die K önigsherrschaft wird [dementsprechend] siebengliedrig genannt'; vgl. G. B ühler, The Laws of Manu, SBE 25, Oxford 1886, 395: ". . . (hence) a kingdom is said to have seven limbs (a ṅga)."

12 Zwar ist die Bedeutung 'Hof' im Sinne von 'Halo, Nimbus' von mir geraten, aber nur sie scheint die Gleichsetzung des vom Vrātya um den Hals getragenen Schmuckst ücks mit einem kalmalíin ihrer ganzen, offenbar beabsichtigten Konkretheit verständlich zu machen. Jedenfalls ist der von Mayrhofer,EWA I 325 s.v.,aus dem PW [2.177: "viell. Glanz (etwa der Sterne)"] fast w örtlich übernommene Bedeutungsansatz ["vielleicht: Glanz (der Sterne?)"] nicht so bestimmt und anschaulich, daß er an der oben zitierten AV-Stelle mit aller w ünschenswerten Genauigkeit passen w ürde. 13 Bis dahin werden wir uns wohl noch ein gutes Lustrum gedulden m üssen.

k önnte unsere Zeile einstweilen auch ohne Zäsur gelesen werden. 14 7b. Die als Crux markierte Lesung †datkravyāt † stammt von Griffiths, Proefschrift 405. Bhattacharya liest stattdessen in zwei W örter getrenntes dat kravyāt, ohne jedoch wenigstens das rätselhafte dat -seiner sonstigen Gepflogenheit entsprechend -mit einer geraden Linie unter der Zeile als ein Rätsel zu kennzeichnen. Was mag der Herausgeber der Erstedition sich zur Bedeutung dieses W örtchens gedacht haben? Außer im Kompositum k önnte dántm. 'Zahn' wohl kaum die Form dat annehmen. Oder hätte man sich etwa einen Injunktiv des a-Aorists von dā 'geben' vorzustellen? Gesetzt den Fall, wir stellen uns dies vor, so erhebt sich damit zugleich die Frage: W ürde denn hier ein 'hat gegeben / gibt / soll geben' syntaktisch funktionieren? Doch offenbar ebenso wenig, wie ein falschem Anschein nach neutraler, 'blutiges Fleisch fressender' Zahn in Verbindung mit dem Ablativ yaks . māt auch nur einigermaßen befriedigenden Sinn ergäbe.

7d. Als -tya-Ableitung von antár 'innen' (R ˚V154× +) wäre eigentlich *antástyazu erwarten, wie es AB 2× 1.21.5 2× und A Ā2× 1.5.1 2×

8a.

Es wäre immerhin m öglich, die beiden W örter dieses Verses als von pado rogād unabhängige Ablative anzusehen und unmittelbar auf upānahau [pātām] zu beziehen. Dann m üßte adhaspad ād āmayatah . mit 'vor dem, was unten an den F üßen schmerzt' wiedergegeben werden. Es erscheint mir jedoch einleuchtender, den Ausdruck als eine nähere Bestimmung der 'Fußkrankheit' selbst zu verstehen, denn durch die 'von unten' angebundenen Sandalen (up ānáh-← *upa-Hnád h -) sollen die F üße ja besonders vor einer Krankheit gesch ützt werden, die sie 'von unten' anzufallen droht. Übrigens läßt sich adhaspadād ebenso gut als Adverb wie auch als ein weiteres, rogād qualifizierendes Adjektiv interpretieren.

8b. Nach seiner grammatischen Form k önnte der Genitiv pado im Sandhi vor rogād zwar als Singular padás aufgefaßt werden. Es ist aber weitaus wahrscheinlicher, daß wir es mit dem Dual padós zu tun haben und also beide F üße als potentiell von der Krankheit Betroffene gemeint sind. tvādattah . ('der von dir gegebene Stab') den Vorzug zu verdienen. Das Kompositum tv ádattaist im Vedischen zwar nur zweimal belegt, nämlich R ˚V 2.33.2a und 8.92.18b -während das synonyme (?) 15 tv ádātaetwas häufiger vorkommt: R ˚V4× ( ŚS 1× 20.6.6c = R ˚V 1.10.7b = R ˚V 3.40.6c) -aber trotz dieser Seltenheit auch in unserer PS-Passage tvā und dattah . als Zusammensetzung zu lesen w ürde die Rarität tv ádattaum einen weiteren Beleg vermehren (wenn auch zugleich deren Kostbarkeit in demselben Maße vermindern). Und so zu lesen wäre ebenso sehr zum Vorteil der oben erwogenen Emendation von getrennt überliefertem karn . ād dattam zu komponiertem *karn . ādattam, wie umgekehrt dieses geeignet wäre, ein tv ádatta-Kompositum zu st ützen. Auch ließe sich daran denken, daß hiermit auf R ˚V 2.33.2ab = TB 2.8.6.8 angespielt wird, wo 'heilsamste Arzneien', die ein volle hundert Jahre währendes Leben gewähren m ögen, tv ádattagenannt werden. 16 Nach diesen kritischen Vorbemerkungen nun zur Diskussion der Crux selbst. In den oben zitierten drei Strophen PS 7.15.6-8 werden zehn dem Priester zur Belohnung (dáks . in . āf.) 17 f ür seinen Opferdienst überreichte Gaben aufgezählt, die den Opferherrn -in genauer Entsprechung zu seinen Geschenken -vor den folgenden, verschiedene K örperteile affizierenden Leiden sch ützen sollen: 1. ein Turban, us . n . ís . an., vor Kopfweh (6a), 2. ein Gewand, v ásasn., vor Leibschmerz (6b), 3. Gold,híran . yan.,vor Blindheit (6c) Überall sind hier die betroffenen Partien entweder unmittelbar genannt: 1. der Kopf (śíras-/ śīrs . án .n.) in śīrs . -aktíf., 18 2. der K örper (tan úf.) in tan u v- 15 Die M öglichkeit, daß -dātavon einer anderen Wurzel abgeleitet sei als -datta-'gegeben', wird von Geldner, Übersetzung I 11, kurz er örtert in seiner Anmerkung zu R ˚V 1.10.7b (= R ˚V 3.40.6c) índra tv ádātam íd yáśah . 17 Es sei mir hier -wie auch gelegentlich in späteren Abschnitten dieser Studien -gestattet, nominale Stammformen so zu akzentuieren, wie sie in vedischen Texten belegt sind oder wie es den uns bekannten Intonationsregeln entspricht. Daß die PS, im Unterschied zu den meisten anderen Sam . hitās, fast durchgehend ohne Akzentzeichen überliefert ist, braucht wohl nicht eigens b e t o n t zu werden. Zu den wenigen, ausnahmsweise akzentuierten Stellen im Kaschmir-Manuskript vgl. Arlo Griffiths, Kān . d . as 6 and 7,§ 2.1.1.4: "Sporadic marking of accents." 18 Zur evident richtigen Erklärung des Kompositums śīrs . -aktí-'Kopfschmerz' ( ŚS 5× 1.12.3a, 9.8.1a, 12.2.19d & 20d, 12.5.23) vgl. F. B. J. Kuiper, Acta Orientalia 17, 1939, 22 ff. = Selected Writings, Amsterdam, 1997, 178 Nur in 7b (6.) scheint der Name desjenigen K örperteils zu fehlen, welcher durch die als yáks . ma-19 identifizierte Krankheit betroffen sein k önnte. Oder verbirgt sich der schmerzlich vermißte Name etwa hinter dem mit zwei Kreuzen quasi als doppelte Crux markierten 20 und von unserem kritischen Herausgeber vorläufig un übersetzt gelassenen †datkravyāt †? Jedenfalls werden wir an eben dieser Stelle nach dem verborgenen Namen zu suchen haben in der Hoffnung, hier f ündig zu werden. Wer aber f ündig werden will, muß findig sein. Und so wollen wir im folgenden versuchen, am Leitfaden just eines Schmuckst ücks zum Fundort hinzufinden.

Vor der yáks . ma-Krankheit in 7b sollen die ihr voranstehenden man . áyas sch ützen. Diese k önnte man versucht sein, als 'Amulette' wiederzugeben, und 'Amulett' als Wiedergabe von man . íist an zahlreichen anderen Stellen durchaus m öglich und angemessen. Es wäre zwar auch hier nicht gerade falsch, aber mißverständlich w ürde es doch sein. 21 Denn solange wir unter einem Amulett nichts anderes verstehen als irgendeinen Fetisch, ein Maskottchen beliebiger Art, ist der Gebrauch dieses Wortes hier nicht eindeutig genug. In einem Zusammenhang, der neunmal auf ganz bestimmte K örperpartien Bezug nimmt, 22 erwarten wir beim zehnten Mal ebenfalls ein Wort von einschlägiger Bedeutung. Und diese Erwartung wird auch nicht enttäuscht: wir brauchen uns nur darauf zu besinnen, daß man . ím. konkret einen 'Halsschmuck' bezeichnet. 23 Der kann freilich als Talisman verwendet werden und apotropäischen Zwecken dienen, aber das ist hier nicht der springende Punkt. Denn sonst k önnten ja 19 Eine Art 'Schwindsucht' oder 'Auszehrung'? 20 Doppelte Crux in dem Sinn, daß sowohl †dat als auch kravyāt † unl ösbar scheinende Rätsel aufgeben. 21 Leicht mißverständlich ist auch Wilhelm Raus Übersetzung, Metalle und Metallgeräte, 53 Anm. 62, von man . iin JB 2.12: 5-6 nis . kasya haitan man . e r ūpam | tasmān nis . kam . man . im . srajam . purastād bibhrati "Das ist ja die Gestalt eines Halsreifs, eines Amuletts. Daher trägt man einen Halsreif, ein Amulett, ein Blumengewinde vorn [auf der Brust]." Hier stehen ja drei Arten von Halsschmuck in sch önster Parallelität nebeneinander: Halsreif, Halskette, Halskranz. 22 Genaugenommen achtmal auf einen bestimmten, beim neunten Mal aber -nämlich im Falle des Schlangenbisses -auf einen unbestimmten K örperteil. 23 Vgl. Manfred Mayrhofer, EWAia II 293 s.v. mit Literatur. Besonders aufschlußreich ist das nur R ˚V 1.122.14a (erstaunlicherweise ohne Akzent!) belegte Bahuvrīhi-Kompositum man . i-grīva-(*man . í-grīva-oder *man . i-grīv á-? Hatte der Dichter etwa die Absicht, seinem eigenen, grammatisch berechtigten, Schwanken dadurch poetischen Ausdruck zu verleihen, daß er die Intonation suspendierte?) 'mit einem Halsschmuck um den Hals', wenn man es vergleicht mit dem ganz parallel gebauten, und regulär betonten, rukmá-vaks . as- (R ˚V6× ) 'mit einem Brustschmuck auf der Brust'. ebenso all die anderen Geschenke, vom Turban bis zum Stock, 'Amulette' genannt werden, da es auch deren Bestimmung ist, Übel abzuwenden. Worauf es hingegen in unserem Kontext vor allem ankommt, das ist der eindeutige Bezug jeder einzelnen dáks . in . ā-Gabe auf je einen bestimmten K örperteil. Ein solcher soll nämlich jeweils -durch die allerdings magische Wirkung jenes Geschenksvor dem speziell ihn bedrohenden Leiden gesch ützt werden.

Exkurs 1: Daß mit man . í-m. (R ˚V1× [1.33.8b] +) eine Glasperle oder eine Glasperlenkette gemeint sein kann, geht deutlich aus folgender Textstelle des Jaiminīya-Brāhman . a hervor. JB 3.73:1-3.74 'wie aber die Perlenschnur in die Perlenkette gefädelt ist, so ist auch der Trirātra (3-Tage-Ritus) in die [drei] Welten hier gefädelt'. Ähnlich PB 20.16.6 tad yathā-ado man . au s ūtram otam evam es . u lokes . u trirātra otah . "Just as in ordinary life a thread [is] strung through a pearl, so is this three-day-rite strung through the three worlds" (Caland). 24In unserem PS-Kontext sind wir nun also darauf gefaßt, daß sich das einstweilen unentzifferte Wort auf einen K örperteil bezieht, der in unmittelbarer Nähe der um den Hals getragenen Glasperlen(kette[n]) liegt. Das k önnte zunächst der vordere Teil des Halses sein, also die Kehle, deren Name, kan . t

. hám., erstmals an drei Stellen der Paippalāda-Sam . hitā belegt ist. 25 Denn auf den hinteren Teil des Halses, nämlich das Genick, wurde gerade erst Bezug genommen mit dem Kompositum grīv a -āmayá-'Nackenschmerz' in 7a. Es k önnte zweitens auch die Brust sein, auf die die Halskette hinabreicht, oder ein Teil der Brust, zum Beispiel das Brustbein. W örter, welche die Brust bezeichnen, sind úrasn., krod . ám. und váks . asn.: die beiden Neutra sind seit dem R ˚V bezeugt, úras-2×, váks . as-9×; das Maskulinum krod . áseit der ŚS, wo es 3× belegt ist. Das Sternum scheint -wenn man dem PW glauben will; doch siehe unten, Exkurs 3 (S. 50 f.) -mit dem seltenen Wort k íkasāf. gemeint zu sein, das einmal im R ˚V und f ünfmal in der ŚS vorkommt. Und schließlich k önnte das Gesuchte etwas zwischen Hals und Brust Liegendes sein, zum Beispiel das Schl üsselbein. Keines der oben genannten W örter, von kan . t

. hábis k íkasā-, hat eine zu †datkravyāt † nach Silbenzahl und Lautfolge auch nur annähernd passende Gestalt. Aber eben eine solche Gestalt ist von dem bislang vermißten Worte gefordert.

Die Entzifferung einer zunächst unverständlichen Lautfolge wird desto eher gelingen, je weniger sie von den Lesungen der Handschriften abweicht und je sorgfältiger sie alle Lesungen ber ücksichtigt. Gerade eine allseitige Beachtung ist in diesem textkritisch schwierigen Falle besonders wichtig, und sie ist es auch, die zum Erfolg f ühren wird. Die drei Or.-Mss. V/126, Mā, und Ku lesen zwar übereinstimmend datkravyāt, und so hat Bhattacharya (wie vorläufig auch Griffiths) ediert; das Ms. K aber bietet stattdessen nicht mehr als ein offenbar zu kurz gekommenes atravyā. Es wäre nur allzu leicht und verf ührerisch naheliegend, dieses k ürzere atravyā als eine Verst ümmelung der tr ügerisch einheitlichen Orissa-Lesung datkravyāt zu verstehen. Ohne die Frage vorschnell entscheiden zu wollen, läßt sich aber auch sagen: Den beiden Lesungen gemeinsam sind die Laute atravyā. Es k önnte ja sein, daß sich aus eben dieser scheinbar verst ümmelten Lesung die L ösung des Rätsels ergibt.

Das auslautende t der Or. Mss. werden wir getrost verwenden d ürfen, denn ein zweiter Ablativ neben yaks . māt läßt sich ohne große Schwierigkeit rechtfertigen, wenn ein den yáks . maqualifizierendes Adjektiv vorausgesetzt wird. Die Lautfolge avya aber legt es nahe, von der mit dem -h öchstwahrscheinlich svaritierten -Suffix -yagebildeten Ableitung eines -u-Stamms auszugehen und 25 PS 16.147.6ab (PSK 16.147.4ab) Exkurs 2: Nominale Bildungen, die mit dem keine Vr ˚ddhi der ersten Silbe bewirkenden svaritierten -y à-Suffix von -u-Stämmen abgeleitet sind und in der Sequenz -avy à-enden, sind seit der ältesten Sprache gut bezeugt: 27 apsavy à-(MS 1× 2. 3.3: 30.16-17; KS 2× 12.6: 169.2, 35.15: 61.4): aps ú 'im Wasser' (R ˚V84× +), 28 is . avy à-(VSM 1× 22.22 = VSK 1× 24.8.1; MS 1× 3.12.6: 162.8; KS 1× ; TS 1× 7.5.18.1): ís . u-f. → m. 'Pfeil' (R ˚V11× +), r ˚tavy à-(TS 7× 5.3.1.1&2; 5.3.11.32; 5.4.2.13): r ˚t ú-m. 'Jahreszeit' (R ˚V38× +), kaśipavy à-(TB 1× 1.6.8.9): kaśípun. 'Matte, Kissen' ( ŚS 1× 6.138.5 +), paśavy à-(R ˚V1× 7.98.6a = ŚS 1× 20.87.6a; MS 10× ; KS 5× ; KpS 4× ; TS 3× ): paś ú-m./n. 'Vieh' (R ˚V55× +), pām . savy à-(VSM 1× 16.45 = VSK 1× 17.7.4 = MS 1× 2.9.8: 126.13 = KS 1× 17.15: 258.9 = KpS 1× 27.5: 136.6 = TS 1× 4.5.9.1): pām . s ú-m. 'Staub' ( ŚS 2× 7.109.2, 12.1.26 +), madhavy à-(PS 2× 1.88.2c, 4.20.1c; MS 2× ; KS 1× ; KpS 1× ; TS 3× ): mádhun. 'Honig' (R ˚V254× +), yātavy à-(MS 2× 2.3.1: 27.17, 28.1; KS 2× 11.11: 158.11,15): yāt ú-m. 'Zauber' (R ˚V4× +), rajjavy à-( ŚB 6.7.1.28; K ŚS 2× 17.2.9, 26.2.7) 10.90.8c; ŚS 2× 9.6.17 / PS 16.112.4, 19.6.14c 1.6.42: 92.8,9; 2.9.7: 126.1; KS 1× 17.15: 257.19; KpS 1× 27.5: 135.10-11; TS 1× 5.2.8.5): v ástun. 'Stätte' (R ˚V9× +), śaravy à-(R ˚V2× 6.75.16b, 10.87.13c; ŚS 6+2× ; TB 2× 1.7.6.8, 3.4.3.1 +): śáruf./m. 'Pfeil' (R ˚V18× +) und -im Hinblick auf unser Problem von besonderem Interesse, insofern ein K örperteil betroffen ist -hanavy à-( ŚS 1× 6.43.3a / PS 19.33.9a): hánuf. 'Kiefer' (R ˚V7× +). 26 Zum Taddhita-Suffix yat, das als tit svaritiert ist gemäß Pān . ini,As . t . ādhyāyī 6.1.185 tit svaritam, .162.4a +) handelt es sich jedoch um den sogenannten selbständigen oder unabhängigen (jātyà-/nítya-) Svarita. Vgl. A 6. 1.213 yato [205 dvy-ac, 197 ādir, 159 udāttah . . . . ], wonach ein Nominalstamm, der auf dieses Suffix ausgeht und zweisilbig ist, den Hochton auf dem Vokal der Anfangssilbe trägt. 27 Die von Wackernagel & Debrunner, AiGr II 2, 808 § 651 d, gegebene Liste dieser Ableitungen ist noch ziemlich unvollständig. Mit den im folgenden angef ührten Beispielen und deren Belegstellen habe ich mich nach Kräften bem üht, m öglichst alles mir Zugängliche zu erfassen. Gewiß wird k ünftig noch einiges nachzutragen sein. 28 Freilich ist aps ú urspr ünglich kein Wortstamm, aber der Lokativ Plural von áp-/ap-´f. 'Wasser' wird dennoch zuweilen als solcher behandelt, sowohl in Kompositis wie apsu-jít-(R ˚V8× 8.13.2c sám apsujít "aller Gewässer Ersieger" [Geldner]) und apsu-yogá-( ŚS 1× 10.5.5 apsuyogáir vo yunajmi :: PS 16.127.5 apām . yogair . . . "with water-junctions I join you" [Whitney]), als auch in den Ableitungen apsavyà-(MS 1× , KS 2× ) und apsu-mánt-(MS 7× ); vgl. AiGr II 1,46 § 19d. Das unklare ūrjavyà- (R ˚V1× 5.41.20a) -nach Sāyan . a ist es der Name eines K önigs -scheint von einem, allerdings unbelegbaren, * ūrjuabgeleitet zu sein. Walter Neisser, Zum W örterbuch des R ˚gveda, Erstes Heft, Leipzig: F. A. Brockhaus, 1924, 182 s.v. ūrjavy à, gibt als Bedeutung des Neutrums (?) "Nahrungs-, Kraftf ülle" an und vermutet, daß es dem parallelen paśavyà-"Reichtum an Vieh" (R ˚V1× 7.98.6a = ŚS 1× 20.87.6a +) nachgebildet sei. Ich verweise weiterhin einerseits auf die ohne Akzent belegten Bildungen AB 4× 6.32.1,16,17 2× ; KB 1× 30.5 (ed. Lindner = 30.4.11 ed. Sarma); GB 4× 2. 6.12 4× : 262.15, 263.4,5-6,7 kāravy ā-(*kāravy à-): kār ú-m. 'Sänger' (R ˚V48× +), auf B ŚS 3× 1.7: 11.2-3; 5.1: 129.6,7-8; Bh ŚS 3× 5. 14.6,14; 8.1.21; M ŚS 1× 1.7.1.18; V ŚS 1× 1.4.4.31 caravya-(*caravy à-): car ú-m. 'Topfbrei' (R ˚V6× +), auf den Prātiśākhya-Ausdruck tālavya-(*tālavy à-; VSPr 3.35 +): t álun. 'Gaumen' (VSM 1× 25.1 +), auf das von Pān . ini,As . t . ādhyāyī 4.3.168, als Ableitungsgrundlage von p áraśava gelehrte paraśavya-(*paraśavy à-): paraś ú-m. 'Beil' (R ˚V11× +), auf die von Pata ñjali unter vtt. 1 & 4 zu A 5. 1.2 (Mbh. II.337.4 & 18) erwähnten śa ṅkavya-(*śa ṅkavy à-): śa ṅk ú-m. 'Holzpflock' (R ˚V1× +) & saktavya-(*saktavy à-): sáktum. 'Schrotmehl' (R ˚V1× +), andererseits auf das zwar unbelegte, aber nach Pān . ini, A 5.2.4, bildbare *an . avy à-: án . u-m. 'Panicum miliaceum' (VSM 1× 18.12 = VSK 1× 19.4.4, MS 1× 2.11.4: 142.3, KS 1× 18.9: 272.6, KpS 1× 28.9: 147.8, TS 1× 4. 7.4.2), und das bislang nur lexikalisch bezeugte ūravya-(* ūravy à-): ūr ú-m. (R ˚V7× +) 'Oberschenkel' aus Amarakośa 2.9.1ab, wo es in einer Reihe von sechs Synonymen neben ūruja-, arya-, vaiśya-, bh ūmi-spr ˚ś-und viśaufgef ührt ist. Zu vergleichen sind auch die aus infinitiven -tu-Stämmen abgeleiteten Gerundiva auf -tavy à-, von denen die zwei allerersten Beispiele je einmal im Atharvaveda belegt sind: ŚS 1× 4. 23.7b (PS 4.33.7b) janitavy à-und ŚS 1× 5.18.6a (PS 9.17.8a) him . sitavy à-. 29 Sehr zur L ösung des Problems beitragen k önnen ferner einige svaritierte -yà-Ableitungen von Nominalstämmen, die K örperteile bezeichnen. 30 29 Weitere mit dem im Vergleich zu -távyaälteren Suffix -tavyàgebildete Gerundiva finden sich in Vishva Bandhu's Vedic Word-Concordance, Volume V, Part 2: Index ab ultimo, 273e [yas . t

: rájju-f. 'Seil' (R ˚V1× +), vasavy à-(R ˚V11× +): vásu-n. 'Gut' (R ˚V +), vāyavy à-(R ˚V1×
. avyà-] -274e [dagdhavyà-] verzeichnet. In den YV-Sam . hitās kommen die folgenden R1tavyà-Bildungen am häufigsten vor: aśitavyà-

(MS 5× , KS 5× , KpS 4× [= S 14× ]), kartavyà-(KS 7× , KpS 3× , TS 2× [= S 12× ]), grahītavyà-(MS 7× , KS 11× , TS 2× [= S 20× ]), cetavyà-(MS 10× , KS 9× , KpS 7× , TS 9× [= S 35× ]), bhavitavyà-(MS 6× , MS 4× , KpS 2× [= S 12× ]), yas . t . avyà-(MS 7× , KS 2× [= S 9× ]
) und, mit den weitaus meisten Belegen, hotavyà-(MS 51× , KS 20× , KpS 11× , TS 17× [= S 99× ]).

30 Vgl. Pān . ini,As . t . ādhyāyī 4.3.55 śarīrāvayavāc ca [54 yat, 53 tatra bhavah . ] und 5.1.6 śarīrāvayavād yat [5. 1.5 tasmai hitam] -diesen beiden Aphorismen entsprechend tritt das Suffix -yà-, wenn auch jeweils in verschiedener Funktion, an K örperteilbezeichnungen -und die Kāśikā Vr ˚tti mit den allerdings nur zweisilbigen und daher gemäß A 6. 1.213 3.1.7.1 und ŚB 14.4.1.8 (= B ĀUM 1.1.8 / B ĀUK 1.3.7) je einmal belegte āsanyà-: āsánn. 'Mund' (R ˚V28× ) erwähnenswert.

Darunter sind besonders jene Adjektiva von Interesse, welche verschiedene nach dem Ort ihrer Entstehung oder ihres Aufenthalts 31 benannte Unterarten der yáks . ma-Krankheit spezifizieren: R ˚V 10.163.1c = ŚS 2.33.1c / PS 4.7.1c yáks . mam . śīrs . an . y àm "die Auszehrung, die im Kopf sitzt" (Geldner), R ˚V 10.163.2c = ŚS 2.33.2c / PS 4.7.2c yáks . mam . dos . an . y àm "die Auszehrung, die in den Vorderarmen sitzt" (Geldner), ŚS 2.33.5a / PS 4.7.6a yáks . mam . bhasady àm "the yáks . ma of the rump" (Whitney), ŚS 2.33.7c = ŚS 20.96.23c / PS 4.7.7c yáks . mam . tvacasy àm . te "the yáks . ma of thy skin" (Whitney). Zu vergleichen wäre auch ŚS 9.8.1c / PS 16.74.1c sárvam . śīrs . an . y àm te rógam "every head-disease of thine" (Whitney).

Von gewissen, apacítgenannten Symptomen einer Hautkrankheit 32 heißt es ŚS 7.76.2b, daß sie upapaks . y àsind: "along the sides" (Whitney). 33 Eine andere Art von Krankheit wird ŚS 9.8.5b mit dem gleichen Suffix als viśv ā ṅgy àm "of all the limbs" (Whitney) charakterisiert, während die PS-Parallele 16.74.5b stattdessen das mit dem Suffix -īnagebildete viśvā ṅgīnam liest.

Den oben angegebenen Bedingungen entsprechend, ist also ein -u-Stamm zu suchen, von dem 1. ein Adjektiv auf -avyà-abgeleitet werden kann, das eine Abart der yáks . ma-Krankheit qualifiziert, und zwar ein -u-Stamm, durch den 2. ein K örperteil bezeichnet wird, der in unmittelbarer Nähe des man . ígenannten Halsschmucks liegt, und dessen -u-3. auf ein Wortst ück folgt, das mit den allen Handschriften gemeinsamen Lauten atr m öglichst genau übereinstimmt. Soweit ich sehe, kommt überhaupt nur ein einziges Wort in Frage, das diese Bedingungen alle drei zugleich erf üllt, und das ist jatr ú-.

Exkurs 3:

In der j üngeren Sprache bezeichnet das zumeist neutrale jatr ú-, wenn es auch vielleicht nicht ausschließlich in diesem Sinne gebraucht wird, das Schl üsselbein. Siehe zum Beispiel Amarakośa (ed. Loiseleur Deslongchamps) 34 2.6.2.29cd: skandho bhujaśiro 'm . so 'strī sandhī tasyaiva jatrun . ī, oder Halāyudhakośa (ed. Jośī) 35 523c: jatru vaks . o'm . sayoh . sandhih . , oder die Vaija-31 Auf einen solchen Ort bezogen ist Pān . ini's S ūtra A 4.3.53 tatra bhavah . , das nicht nur f ür unser -yà-Suffix, sondern auch f ür andere A 4. 1.83 ff. eingef ührte Suffixe gilt. Der Formulierung dieses S ūtras entsprechend kann -yà-als ein tātrabhavika-Suffix bezeichnet werden. 32 Zu apacít-'rash with pustules' vgl. Kenneth G. Zysk, Religious Medicine: The History and Evolution of Indian Medicine, New Brunswick (U.S. A.) and London (U. K.): Transaction Publishers, 1993, 82-86. 33 Vgl. Sāyan . as Kommentar: upapaks . yā upapaks . e paks . asamīpa upakaks . e bhavāh . . 34 Amarakocha ou vocabulaire d'Amarasinha, publié en sanskrit avec une traduction franc ¸aise, des notes et un index par A[uguste] Loiseleur Deslongchamps. I & II. Osnabr ück: Biblio Verlag, 1988 (= Paris, 1839 / 1845). 35 Halāyudhakośah . (Abhidhānaratnamālā). Sampādakah . : Jayaśa ṅkara Jośī. Lakhna ū: Hindī Samiti, 1967 (= 1957). yantī (ed. Oppert), 36 S. 178 Z. 138: am . sasandhī tu jatrun . ī. Vgl. auch, in Aufzählungen der Knochen des menschlichen K örpers, Yāj ñavalkya-Smr ˚ti 3.88cd grīvā pa ñcadaśāsthih . syāj jatrv ekaikam . tathā hanuh . "der nacken besteht aus f ünfzehn knochen, ein schl üsselbein an jeder seite und die kinnlade" (Stenzler), 37 oder Vis . n . u-Smr ˚ti 96.70-72: pa ñcadaśāsthīni grīvā [70] jatrv ekam [71] tathā hanuh .

[72] "The neck consists of fiveteen (bones). The collar-bone consists of one (bone on each side). The jaw likewise" (Jolly). 38 Jean Filliozat, La doctrine classique de la médecine indienne, 39 119 n. 1 und 123 f., schreibt dem Wort eine etwas weitere Bedeutung zu, indem er es als "l'arc osseux sterno-claviculaire" (119) und als die Verbindung von "clavicules et sternum" oder als die "régions claviculaires et sternales" (123) bestimmt. F ürs Klassische rechnet Filliozat allerdings mit der engeren Bedeutung "base du cou, jointure du cou et de la poitrine" (123).

Dagegen betont Rudolf Hoernle, Studies in the Medicine of Ancient India: Osteology, 40 159 f.: "In the earliest medical compendia the term jatru is either synonymous with grīvā, neck, or signifies more especially a particular aspect of it. The neck contains two structures, posteriorly the cervical column, denoted more particularly by the term grīvā, and anteriorly the windpipe, denoted more particularly by the term jatru." Von der Bedeutung 'clavicle', die Amarasim . ha und in seinem Gefolge auch andere Lexikographen f ür jatruannehmen, vermutet derselbe Hoernle, op. cit. 166, daß sie durch ein Mißverständnis zustande gekommen sei.

Vom Schl üsselbein kann man im Singular sprechen, da die beiden Sf örmigen Einzelknochen, aus denen es besteht, und die in der Mitte durch das Brustbein eng miteinander verbunden sind, als ein einziger durchgehender Bogen erscheinen, der sich zwischen Schulter und Schulter spannt. Deshalb ist singularisches jatr úeine ebenso nat ürliche Gebrauchsweise des Wortes, wie unsere Singulare 'le clavicule' oder 'the collarbone' oder 'das Schl üsselbein' es sind. Der freilich ein wenig pedantisch anmutende Dual jatrun . ī der Lexikographen und Kommentatoren bedarf eigentlich keiner Rechtfertigung. Einzig die in vedischen Texten vorherrschende Mehrzahl der Pluralformen heischt eine Erklärung. Diese herbeizuf ühren, sind einige Brāhman . a-Stellen besonders geeignet, und keine eignet sich besser als JB 36 The Vaijaiyantī of Yādavaprakāśa. For the First Time Edited by Gustav Oppert. Madras, 1893. 37 Adolf Friedrich Stenzler, Yâjnavalkya's Gesetzbuch, Sanskrit und Deutsch. Osnabr ück: Biblio Verlag, 1970 (= Breslau, 1849). 38 Julius Jolly, The Institutes of Vis . n . u, Text with English Translation and Critical Notes, Reedited by J. L. Kamboj. Delhi / Varanasi: Bharatiya Vidya Prakashan, 1991

( ∼ = SBE VII).
39 Jean Filliozat, La doctrine classique de la médecine indienne, ses origines et ses parallèles grecs. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1949. 40 A[ugust] F[riedrich] Rudolf Hoernle, Studies in the Medicine of Ancient India. Part I: Osteology or The Bones of the Human Body, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1907 (= New York: AMS Press, 1978). 2.57: 181.11, wo pluralisches jatravas dicht neben dem Singular jatrus steht. Die JB-Passage, in welcher der durch einen siebzehnteiligen Stoma charakterisierte Opfertag mit siebzehn jatrugenannten K örperteilen gleichgesetzt wird, lautet so: as . t

. āv ime jatravo 's . t

. āv ima ūrdhvo jatrus saptadaśas tad eva saptadaśam ahah . . Mit dem zweimaligen ich-und hier-deiktischen ime 'diese' weist der Sprecher offenbar auf je acht jatravas am eigenen K örper hin. Deren Summe von 16 wird nun als Siebzehnter ein ūrdhvas 'senkrechter' jatrus hinzugezählt. F ür diesen aber kommt kein anderer K örperteil in Frage als das vertikale Brustbein. Also werden wir von den jeweils acht jatravas erwarten d ürfen, daß sie auf beiden Seiten des Sternums gelegen sind, vermutlich quer dazu verlaufen und, da sie mit dem gleichen Wort bezeichnet werden, ebenso knochenhaft wie das Brustbein -oder jedenfalls knochenartig, also zum Beispiel von knorpelhafter Konsistenz -sein m ögen. Die Schl üsselbeinknochen entsprechen zwar all diesen Erwartungen, doch sind sie eben nur zwei. Zweimal sieben weitere Knochen werden ben ötigt, um die erforderliche Gesamtzahl von 16 voll zu machen. Hier bieten sich die sieben 'echten' Rippen an -oder aber die das Brustbein mit diesen Rippen verbindenden Rippenknorpel von gleicher Anzahl.

Der JB-Passage parallel geht ŚB 12.2.4.11 41 42 In Fußnote 2 zu seiner Übersetzung dieser Stelle, SBE 44, 163 f., spricht sich Eggeling zunächst gegen die im PW s.v. jatru mit aller Vorsicht angesetzte Bedeutung 'tuberculae costarum' aus, die er mit "tubercles of the ribs, the projections near the 'heads' of the ribs where these join the spinal vertebrae" paraphrasiert. Gegen diese eine -ebenso wie gegen jene andere, als 'Fortsätze der Wirbel' angegebene -Konjekturalbedeutung hatten B öhtlingk & Roth selbst schon geltend gemacht: damit scheine nicht zusammenzustimmen, daß die jatrávas gemäß ŚB 8.6.2.10 (siehe sogleich) "zur Brust gerechnet werden". Deshalb vermutet nun Eggeling, loc. cit.: "Perhaps, therefore, the jatravah . may rather be the costal cartilages connecting the seven true ribs with the sternum". Von dem achten jatr úauf jeder Seite der Brust aber nimmt derselbe Gelehrte an, es sei "the ligament of the collarbone where it joins the sternum". Wie sehr auch jene Vermutung einleuchten mag, so wenig wird uns diese Annahme zu überzeugen verm ögen. Bei weitem naheliegender ist es doch, statt der Sehnenbänder, die das Brustbein mit 41 Akzentlos und ohne Dan . d . a, im übrigen aber beinahe gleichlautend ist GB 1.5.3: 116.1-2: urah . saptadaśo 's . t . āv anye jatravo 's . t

. āv anya urah . saptadaśam. 42 Angesichts der Parallelität der beiden Brāhman . a-Stellen scheint die Vermutung nicht ganz abwegig, daß úras in ŚB úrah . saptadaśám im Sinne von ūrdhvo jatrus in JB ūrdhvo jatrus saptadaśas aufzufassen sei, also ebenfalls 'Brustbein' bedeute. Und tatsächlich hat Hoernle, Osteology 105 § 42.3 den ŚB-Ausdruck mit "and the breast-bone (uras, sternum) is the seventeenth" wiedergegeben.

den beiden Schl üsselbeinknochen verbinden, diese zwei Knochen selbst den zweimal sieben Rippenknorpeln hinzuzuzählen.

Die zweite ŚB-Stelle steht im Agnicayana-Kontext. Hier sind verschiedene, nach einzelnen Metren, chándas-, bezeichnete und daher chandasy àgenannte Backsteine, ís . t

. akā-, die beim Bau des Feueraltars der Reihe nach aufgelegt werden, mit bestimmten Teilen am K örper des Prajāpati -und damit indirekt auch des Yajamāna -identifiziert. ŚB 8. 6.2.10 III 15 s.v. jatr ú, hatten sich mit den beiden geratenen Bedeutungen 'Rippenh öcker (tuberculae costarum)' oder 'Wirbelfortsätze', wenn auch nur z ögernd, daf ür entschieden, daß die jatrávas am R ückenende der Rippen gelegen sind. Dagegen war Eggeling aufgrund von ŚB 12.2.4.11 der Ansicht gewesen, sie bildeten einen Teil der Brust. Um diese Auffassung mit der f ür k íkasāzwangsläufig antonymen Bedeutung zu bestätigen, sei auf R ˚V 10.163.2 (= ŚS 2.33.2 / PS 4.7.2) grīv ábhyas ta us . n . íhābhyah . k íkasābhyo an ūk í y àt | yáks . mam . . . . ví vr ˚hāmi te "Von deinem Nacken, von den Halswirbeln, von den Rippen, vom R ückgrat ziehe ich die Auszehrung . . . dir ab" (Geldner) hingewiesen, wo k íkasāneben an ūkyà-'R ückgrat' steht und also auf ähnliche Weise zum Bereich des R ückens gerechnet werden muß, 44 wie die im Vers einander benachbarten 43 Nach dem einzigen Sam . hitā-Beleg von ubhayátra in R ˚V 3.53.5ab párā yāhi maghavann á ca yāh[i í]ndra bhrātar ubhayátrā te ártham "Geh fort, du Gabenreicher, und komm wieder, Bruder Indra; an beiden Orten hast du ein Ziel" (Geldner; vgl. dessen Note zu 5b: "ubhayátrā, d.h. hier und zu Hause", nämlich hier bei uns und daheim bei dir in der Ferne) und nach sämtlichen ŚB-Belegen ( ŚBM 10× , ŚBK 4× ) zu urteilen, bezeichnet dieses Adverb regelmäßig einen konträren Gegensatz. Insofern hat Eggelings Ansicht, daß sowohl die k íkasās als auch die jatrávas im Brustbereich angesiedelt seien, nicht viel an Wahrscheinlichkeit f ür sich. Vgl. seine Übersetzung, SBE 43,114: "these ribs are fastened on both sides, on the breast-bone and the costal cartilages", und dazu die Fußnote 2: "That is, on both sides of the chest". 44 A. F. Rudolf Hoernle geb ührt wohl die Ehre, ŚB 8.6.2.7&10 zum erstenmal annähernd richtig verstanden zu haben. JRAS 1906, 924 übersetzt er den letzten Satz dieser Textstelle so: "Hence these ribs, on either side (i.e. at either of their ends), are fastened to the thoracic vertebrae (at the back) and the costal cartilages (in front)", indem er die k íkasās als 'Brustwirbel', und somit als einen Teil des R ückgrats, die jatrávas aber als 'Rippenknorpel', und somit als einen Teil der Brust, auffaßt. Vgl. auch seine leicht veränderte Wiedergabe der ŚB-Passage in Osteology, 1907, 106. Allerdings muß vorläufig offen bleiben, ob k íkasāwirklich eine ganze 'thoracic vertebra' grīv áund us . n . íhābeide als zum Hals geh örig anzusehen sind. Auch sonst werden in diesem Hymnus die jeweils von einer Abart des yáks . mabefallenen K örperteile in Gruppen aufgezählt, die der gleichen Region zugeordet sind, zum Beispiel in Strophe 1: Augen, Nase, Ohren, Kinn, Gehirn und Zunge als vom yáks . ma-śīrs . an . yà-, der im Kopf sitzenden Auszehrung, affizierte Organe.

Zwar läßt sich 'Schl üsselbein' als primäre Bedeutung von jatr úanhand der oben behandelten vedischen Belegstellen einstweilen nicht eindeutig nachweisen. 45 zwar ausgerechnet einen der beiden zweifelhaften Bedeutungsansätze des PW übernommen, aber einige Jahre später ist derselbe Gelehrte mit seiner die betroffene K örperpartie vermutlich genauer treffende Wiedergabe von VaikhGS 2.5: 24.13-14 sarvato vapati nādho jatror als "He . . . shaves his head all round . . . taking care not to shave him beneath the collar bone" 46 davon wieder abgekommen und hat also unausdr ücklich nicht nur sich selbst, sondern auch das PW korrigiert.

Ältester Beleg des Substantivs jatr úist der Ablativ Plural jatr úbhyas in der Verszeile R ˚V 8.1.12b (= SV 1.244 = ŚS 14.2.47b / PS 18.11.7b = PB 9.10.1 = K ŚS 25.5.30) pur á jatr úbhya ātŕ ˚dah . , die Geldner mit "bevor (das Geschoß) die Schulterknochen durchbohrt" wiedergibt, Oldenberg, Noten II 72, aber als "ehe die Rippenknorpel . . . angebohrt (durchbohrt) werden" übersetzt, indem er sich f ür die Bedeutung 'cartilagines costarum' auf Hoernle, Osteology 164, beruft. Was Geldner mit den "Schulterknochen" meint, ist nicht ganz klar. In einem streng anatomischen Sinne scheint er dieses Wort hier nicht zu gebrauchen. Oder bezieht er sich damit auf den sogenannten Schulterg ürtel, also auf das Ensemble von je zwei Schulterbezeichnet, wie Hoernle annimmt, oder aber nur einen Teil davon, und zwar -wie ich vermuten m öchte -den seitlichen Vorsprung oder Fortsatz ('transverse process'), der in späteren medizinischen Texten sthālakagenannt wird, da er als 'Basis' und 'Sockel' die zugeh örige Rippe st ützt, indem er deren Rippenh öcker (tubercula costae) festen Halt gibt. Vgl. Osteology, 146 f. 45 W. Caland, Das Śrautas ūtra des Āpastamba, Achtes bis F ünfzehntes Buch aus dem Sanskrit übersetzt. Amsterdam: Akademie van Wetenschappen, 1928 (= Wiesbaden: Martin Sändig, 1969), 455. 46 W. Caland, Vaikhānasasmārtas ūtram, The Domestic Rules and Sacred Laws of the Vaikhānasa School Belonging to the Black Yajurveda Translated. Calcutta: The Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1929(= New Delhi: Ramanand Vidya Bhavan, 1982), 44. blättern und Schl üsselbeinknochen? Im Glossar 47 hatte Geldner, S. 64a s.v. jatr úm., noch die beiden reichlich heterogenen Bedeutungen "Schl üsselbein, pl. Brustwirbel" angesetzt.

F ür unsere Zwecke ist es zwar nicht entscheidend, ob wir die urspr ünglichste Verwendung von jatr úendg ültig herausfinden oder vorläufig unentschieden lassen, worauf es sich zuerst bezogen haben mag. Immerhin wird spätestens im klassischen Sanskrit das Wort eindeutig auch auf die Schl üsselbeinknochen angewandt. Da wir jedoch die Pluralformen des Vedischen ernst nehmen m üssen, stellt sich uns folgende Alternative: Entweder hat jatrávas zunächst eine Pluralität bezeichnet, etwa die Brustwirbel (Geldner, Glossar) oder die Rippenknorpel (Oldenberg, Noten, im Anschluß an Hoernle). Dann wäre das Wort später auf die Schl üsselbeinknochen übertragen worden. Oder aber es war damit von Anfang an vor allem das Schl üsselbein gemeint. Dann wäre der Plural als elliptisch zu erklären, und jatrávas hätte also eigentlich 'das Schl üsselbein und die anderen [ihm benachbarten Knochen oder Knorpel]' bedeutet. Wenn Hoernle, Osteology 164, behauptet: "The plural excludes any reference to the clavicles", so hat dieser Gelehrte offenbar alles vergessen, was er über elliptische Ausdrucksweise im Altindischen wie in anderen Sprachen je gewußt haben mag. 48 Außer in ŚS 14.2.47b / PS 18.11.7b (= R ˚V 8.1.12b) pur á jatr úbhya ātŕ ˚dah . (siehe oben), das Whitney, offenbar nur sehr z ögernd, mit "before the piercing of the neck-ropes (? jatr ú)" wiedergibt, 49 findet sich jatr únoch an einer zweiten, im Gegensatz zur ersten vom R ˚V unabhängigen Stelle des AV. In einer hyperbolischen Verherrlichung des Reisbreis mit einer ganzen Serie von, sagen wir, pseudo-mystischen Identifikationen 50 heißt es ŚS 11.3.9-10: khálah . p átram . sphy áv ám . sāv īs . é an ūkyè [9] āntr án . i jatr ávo g údā varatr áh . [10] "The threshing-floor is [its] receptacle, the two splints (sphyá) are [its] 47 Karl F . Geldner, Der Rigveda in Auswahl, Erster Teil: Glossar. Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1907. 48 Zum elliptischen Plural siehe Bertold Delbr ück, Altindische Syntax (= Syntaktische Forschungen, 5), Halle an der Saale: Buchhandlung im Waisenhaus, 1888 (= Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1968= 1976), 102, mit dem "f ür unseren Geschmack auffällige[n]" Beispiel MS 1.8.1: 116.4-5 saptá grāmy áh . paśávah . "die sieben zahmen Thiere". In dieser Siebenzahl sind nicht nur Mensch (p úrus . a-), Pferd (áśva-), Rind (gáv-), Schaf (ávi-), und Ziege (aj á-)also die f ünf auch sonst als paś úbezeichneten Lebewesen -inbegriffen, sondern zusätzlich noch Gerste (yáva-) und Reis (vrīhí-). Siehe auch op. cit. 600, Nachtrag zu 102, MS 4.5.6: 72.10 sárvān . y any áni śrótrān . i "alle anderen Sinne (eig[entlich] Geh öre)". Vgl. ferner das mehrmalige saptá hótāras / hótr ˚n / hótr ˚bhis des R ˚V, welches sich auf den Hotar und die anderen sechs Opferpriester bezieht, und den in Prosa häufigen Plural prān . ás im Sinne von 'Aushauch (prān . á-), Einhauch (apāná-), [vyāná-usw.]' oder, noch allgemeiner, '[alle] Lebensfunktionen'. 49 So übersetzt auch W. Caland, Pa ñcavim . śa-Brāhman . a, The Brāhman . a of Twenty Five Chapters, Translated. Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, 1931, 227, offenbar im Anschluß an Whitney. 50 Whitney, Vorspann zu 11.3: "The rice-dish, hot and yellow and nourishing, is a symbol of the sun (cf. vs. 50); its ingredients and the utensils used in making it are identified with all sorts of things in the most grotesque manner of the Brāhman . as." zu pur á jartŕ ˚bhya ātŕ ˚dah . verschlimmbessert werden konnte -dann wird man a fortiori von dem aus jatr úabgeleiteten Adjektiv *jatravyà-annehmen d ürfen, daß es sich fr ühzeitig unmittelbarem Verständnis entzog, ja widersetzte. Die K-Lesung atravyā legt nahe, daß der Archetyp *G aus Gujarat noch jatravyāt las. Und in diese offenbar undurchsichtig gewordene Lautfolge ein geläufiges kravyá-'blutiges Fleisch' 53 oder gar das besonders im AV sehr häufige Kompositum kravy ád-'blutiges Fleisch fressend' (R ˚V7× , ŚS 47× +) hineingelesen zu haben, stellt eine zwar fehlgeleitete, aber verzeihlich naheliegende Verdeutlichung dar. Wir werden sie den Trägern der Tradition mit umso gr ößerer Indulgenz nachsehen k önnen, als die Traditoren -ihrer scheinbaren Absicht, uns, die Empfänger der Überlieferung, in die Irre zu f ühren, zum Trotz -uns vielmehr die sehr willkommene Gelegenheit gaben, ein neues Wort ausfindig zu machen. Ich bin versucht zu sagen: es noch einmal erfinden zu d ürfen.

Die zweite Schwierigkeit aber betrifft den Übergang von der als urspr ünglich anzunehmenden sandhibedingten Doppelkonsonanz jj an der Wortfuge zwischen yaks . māj und jatravyāt zu einem doppelten dd, das dann allerdings in der Handschrift K vereinfacht wurde. Hier kann ich mich nur auf eine zu vermutende Ähnlichkeit der Schreibung (und Aussprache) berufen. Zwar hebt Zehnder, Buch 2, 15, hervor, daß die Verwechslung von j und d einer der "besonders typische[n] und häufige[n] Fehler der Orissa-Mss." sei, ob man jedoch eine vergleichbare Fehlschreibung f ür den Archetyp *G -oder f ür einen von dessen Vorgängern -annehmen darf, hängt von dem darin verwendeten Schrifttypus ab.

In einer Entwicklungsphase der im alten Gujarat gebräuchlichen Schriftsysteme, in welcher sich j und d vor allem dadurch unterschieden haben m ögen, daß beim j die obere der beiden Kurven nach rechts, beim d jedoch nach links ge öffnet ist, 54 konnte es leicht geschehen, daß im Falle eines doppelten jj dessen insgesamt vier Kr ümmungen, wenn sie nicht deutlich genug als in gleicher Richtung offen geschrieben wurden, einer Verlesung der ganzen Ligatur als dd Vorschub leisteten. 55 53 In den Sam . hitās ist unkomponiertes kravyánur an folgenden drei Stellen belegt: MS 3.10.1: 130.13-14 kravyám . v á etárhi paś úr yárhy áśr ˚tah . und TS 5.5.10.4 ∼ = PS 2.56.2 kravy á n áma stha. 54 Vgl. A. H. Dani, Indian Palaeography, First Indian Edition, Delhi: 1986[Original Edition, Oxford: 1963], 280 zum "double-curved ja" und 283 zum "double-curved da". 55 In der westindischen Valabhī-Schrift des 6. bis 9. Jahrhunderts ist die Ähnlichkeit von j und d jedenfalls so groß, daß eine Verlesung der Ligatur jj als dd leicht vorstellbar ist, wenn diese undeutlich oder nicht vollständig geschrieben wurde, wie mir Annette Schmiedchen versichert, die mich freundlicherweise auf folgende Inschriften hinweist: Epigraphia Indica 22, Nr. asmadd āyo • . Auch sei die M öglichkeit einer Verlesung der Ligatur "gewissermaßen in zwei Schritten" zu erwägen, und zwar so, daß zunächst jj zu j vereinfacht und dieses dann als dd verlesen wurde.

Textkritisch relevant ist hier der Hinweis auf PS 6.2.4b *ajuryam, das Griffiths, Proefschrift 25 f., mit Recht in den Text aufgenommen hat, obwohl die Handschriften duryam (K) oder aduryam (Or) lesen, also alle d an Stelle von j bieten. Zur Begr ündung dieser unabweislichen Emendation bemerkt Griffiths, Proefschrift 26, ganz richtig: "since K's duryam . is impossible metrically, and Or aduryam . (adopted by BHATTACHARYA without underlining) does not make sense, I conclude that *G must already have been corrupt here, and emend our text on the basis of ŚS [5.1.4b]." Der Fehler sei verständlich, f ügt er hinzu, "in view of cases where Agni is called d úrya-(R ˚V 7.1.11, 8.74.1), and can alternatively be explained graphically as well." Mir scheint, die graphische Erklärung ist mehr als eine bloße Alternative; sie ist f ür sich genommen plausibel genug, um uns davon zu überzeugen, daß die Vertauschung schriftbedingt ist. Auch war d úryazur Zeit des AV offenbar nicht mehr in lebendigem Sprachgebrauch. Die einzige Belegstelle, an der sich das Wort im AV findet, ŚS 14.2.5d / PS 18.7.5d (= R ˚V 10.40.12d = ĀpMB 1.7.11d) priy á aryamn . ó d úr i yā ṁ aśīmahi 'M öchten wir (ich, die Braut, mit meinen Leuten) [gut] zum Geh öft [des Bräutigams] gelangen, als Aryaman (dem Gotte der Gastfreundschaft) liebe [Gäste]', ist aus dem R ˚V übernommen, und an dieser Stelle bedeutet d úryagerade nicht 'Hausgenosse', wie es f ür eine Benennung Agnis erforderlich wäre, sondern 'Haus' (Geldner) oder 'homes' (Whitney). Und kann man denn das einhellig überlieferte aduryam der Or. Mss. als Fehler verständlich machen, wenn man es negativ so auffaßt, wie es aufgefaßt werden m üßte, nämlich als 'Nicht-' oder 'schlechter Hausgenosse', und es dennoch sinnvoll auf Agni beziehen? Das ist doch wohl nicht gut m öglich.

Daß schließlich der yáks . mamit all seinen Unterarten den ganzen K örper befallen und in jedem einzelnen von dessen Gliedern sich einnisten und sein Unwesen treiben kann, wird durch den Hymnus R ˚V 10.163.1-6 und die daraus erweiterten Fassungen ŚS In den beiden AV-Versionen, ŚS 2.33.6a / PS 4.7.5a, sind allgemein die Knochen (ásthi-/asthán-n.) als m öglicher Sitz der Krankheit genannt. In allen drei Fassungen, R ˚V 10.163.2 = ŚS 2.33.2 / PS 4.7.2, werden aber auch besondere vom yáks . mabefallene Einzelknochen (und -knorpel ?) aufgezählt, zum Beispiel die von Hals oder Nacken (grīv áf. und us . n . íhāf.), die (eines Teils) des R ückgrats (an ūkyàn.), und die 'tuberculae costarum' oder 'transverse processes' (? k íkasāf.). In diesen Knochenzusammenhang f ügt sich ein yaks . m āj *jatravy āt 'vor dem yáks . mader Schl üsselbeinknochen', wie ich in PS 7.15.7b

B. Eine Hautkrankheit namens abhīlī-

Das bisher nur aus dem in mehrfacher Hinsicht einen späten Eindruck machenden 20. Buch der Paippalāda-Sam . hitā bekannt gewordene Femininum abhīlīist in dem kurzen, nicht mehr als sieben Strophen umfassenden Abschnitt PSO

Pa V/122, nāśayāsasi | nāśayāmasi Z 5 Z K [[Bar.: • masi | nāś • ]]
58 Das Verbalkompositum abhi-ml ā ist belegt in dem Adjektiv ánabhimlāta-R ˚V 2.35.13cd (= KS 35.3: 53.6 = KpS 47.4: 350.21) só a p ám . nápād ánabhimlātavarn . o a nyásyevehá tan úv à vives . a "Apām Napāt von unverwelklicher Farbe wirkt hier gleichsam mit dem K örper eines Anderen" (Geldner). Der "K örper eines Anderen", anyásya . . . tan ú, ist der des Feuers, seinerseits "von unverwelklicher Farbe".

Bezeugt ist dieses Verbaladjektiv auch in dem vom R ˚s . i-Namen *anabhimlāta-abgeleiteten Patronymikon ānabhimlāta-'Sohn des Anabhimlāta' ŚBK 16.4.6.2 = B ĀUK 2.6.2. Vgl. dazu Vishva Bandhu,Vedic Word Concordance II (Brāhman . a Section) 98 Anm. c: "= (gotrapravartaka-) r ˚s . iviśes . a-". 59 sesicām upa Den Fleck, der mir das Gesicht aufgrund einer feindlichen 65 8.10.19c [12.4a] / PS 16.134.2c úpa-māsya-'allmonatlich' (PW +) repräsentierten Typus des präpositionalen Rektionskompositums mit úpaim Vorderglied. Vgl. AiGr II 1, 313 § 119bd 1)-3). 62 Zur iterativen Bedeutung dieses mit ai. sec / sic urverwandten dt. Verbums vgl. Friedrich Kluge & Elmar Seebold, Etymologisches W örterbuch der deutschen Sprache, 22. Auflage, 1989, 671 s.v. sickern: "Wohl mit lautlich nicht ganz durchsichtiger Intensivgemination zu seihen (s[iehe] d[ort]), also 'langsam und anh a l t e n d t r ö p f e l n'." Ferner: Elmar Seebold, Vergleichendes und etymologisches W örterbuch der germanischen starken Verben, The Hague / Paris: Mouton, 1970, 389f. s.v. SEIHW-A-'seihen', wo auch die übertragene Bedeutung 'austrocknen, abfließen (lassen)' mehrfach belegt ist. 63 Da die metrische Struktur dieser unvollständigen Strophe sehr unregelmäßig, ja ganz undurchsichtig ist, kann auch deren Übersetzung nicht mehr als ein notd ürftiger Versuch sein.

64 apriyād] abhipriyād Or [[cf. PS 17.13.1c]], a pri yād Nr. 16). G öttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1959. 66 Mit der 'uneigenen=unfreundlichen Tat' (kr ˚tám ápriyam) ist wohl die feindselig gegen mich gerichtete zauberische Handlung eines Widersachers gemeint -sonst kr ˚ty áf. 'Behexung' genannt -als deren unliebsame Wirkung die abhīlīmein Gesicht befallen hat.

Zum Gebrauch des substantivierten Verbaladjektivs kr ˚tá-n. im Sinne von kr ˚ty áf. siehe ŚS 5.14.9ab (PS 2.71.1ab) Die beiden s-losen Nominative (a)bhīlī in PSO 20.62.9d und 63.3a sowie der Akkusativ abhīlīm in 20.62.10d bezeugen übereinstimmend, daß dieses Femininum 71 Das Kompositum úpodayaist außerhalb der PS noch an vier Sam . hitā-Stellen belegt. Diese sind: MS 2× 4. 2.3: 24.7 & 4.3.4: 43.11 úpodaye s úryasya sowie KS 1× 6.5: 54.5 & KpS 1× 4.4: 49.3 upodaya ṁ s ūryasya.

72 Dazu paßt es glänzend, daß Jungfer Apālā, nachdem Indra sie von ihrer Hautkrankheit geheilt hat, s úrya-tvac-'sonnenhäutig' wird, denn das bedeutet ja: ihre Haut leuchtet golden wie die Sonne. Vgl. R ˚V 8.91.7 ( ∼ = ŚS 14. 1.41) khé ráthasya khé ánasah . khé yugásya śatakrato | apāl ám indra trís . p ūtv í y ákr ˚n . oh . s úr i yatvacam "In dem Nabenloch des Streitwagens, in dem Nabenloch des Karrens, in des Jochs Loche hast du ratreicher Indra die Apālā dreimal gereinigt und ihr eine sonnengleiche Haut gegeben" (Geldner), ". . . having thrice purified Apālā, O Indra, thou didst make her sun-skinned" (Whitney). 73 pra yad] Or, preda K na bh ūrn 4.3.1ab ( ∼ = PS 2. 8.1ab) úd itás tráyo akraman v i yāghráh . p úrus . o vŕ ˚kah . "Up from here have stridden three -tiger, man . . . , [and] wolf" (Whitney).

hier der dev í-Flexion folgt. Daneben findet sich aber in 20.63.1b der Akkusativ abhīl i yam mit der f ür die vr ˚kí -Flexion typischen Behandlung des -í-. Sollte sich nun zeigen lassen, daß abhī-l íals ein Wurzelkompositum aufzufassen ist, dann wäre damit zugleich auch der vr ˚kí -Akkusativ abhīl i yam als die einzige urspr üngliche Kasusform dieses Nomens erwiesen. 75 Aber auch umgekehrt ließe sich sagen: Eben dieser aus der Reihe der belegten Formen tanzende Akkusativ abhīl i yam spricht f ür eine Analyse des neuen Wortes als Zusammensetzung aus der Präposition abhí und einer Verbalwurzel lī. 76 Wenn ich nun abhī-l íals Wurzelkompositum aufzufassen geneigt bin, so habe ich mich zunächst f ür eine von mehreren Wurzeln zu entscheiden, die formal in Frage kommen. Zwei semantische Gr ünde bestimmen mich dazu, meine Entscheidung zugunsten jener Wurzel lay i / lī zu treffen, die 'sich schmiegen, heften; haften' bedeutet: Einerseits scheint es auf die Hautkrankheit, von der hier doch offenbar die Rede ist, vorz üglich zu passen, daß sie sich 'anschmiegt' oder 'anheftet' und dem Gesicht des von ihr Betroffenen als ein Fleck und Makel (mála-n.) 'anhaftet'. Andererseits wäre in einem Kompositum *abhi-l ídie der Wurzel lī eigene Bedeutung durch die Präposition abhí nicht unangemessen verdeutlicht zu 'sich anschmiegen, anheften; anhaften'. 77 Nun habe ich aber sogleich auch zwei Einwänden zu begegnen. Der eine ist dieser: Ein Verbalkompositum abhi-lī ist erst im Epischen und Klassischen belegt. Darauf antworte ich zunächst: Immerhin ist es dort schon belegt, und zwar z.B. einmal im Mahābhārata mit der finiten Verbform abhi-līyanta 78 in der Strophe MBh 6. 67.9 (ed. Poona): bhīs . mam ev ābhilīyanta saha sarvais tavātmajaih . | tes . ām ārtāyanam abh ūd bhīs . mah . śām . tanavo ran . e 75 Der Vokativ abhīli in 62.10a kann zu beiden Flexionstypen geh ören. 76 Allein im R ˚V finden sich die folgenden Akkusative von komponierten auf -íauslautenden Wurzelnomina: s u vādh í yàm (1×) von -dh í-; gāthān í yàm (1×), yaj ñan í yàm (1×) und sadhan í yàm (1×) von -n í-; abhipríyam (1×) und brahmapríyam (2×) von -pr í-; pramíyam (1×) von -m í-; atharv í yàm (1×), durāv í yàm (1×), devāv í yàm (4×) und pratīv í yàm (3×) von -v í-; adhvaraśríyam (2×), abhiśríyam (2×), ks . atraśríyam (1×), ghr ˚taśríyam (1×), janaśríyam (1×), yaj ñaśríyam (1×), suśríyam (2×) und hariśríyam (2×) von -śr í-. 77 Und da es sich bei einer Hautkrankheit nur um ein unliebsames Anschmiegen handeln kann, verdient auch die bekannte Tatsache Erwähnung, daß abhí gelegentlich eine unangenehme Wirkung der Verbalhandlung auf den durch sie Betroffenen ausdr ückt, ja daß diese Präposition eine geradezu feindselige Konnotation haben kann, wie dies besonders auch im Falle von abhí-car 'bannen, behexen, verzaubern' ( ŚS 3× 2.11.3a abhí cara, 5.30.2a & 10.1.18c 20. Buche der Paippalāda-Sam . hitā schon nahe an das j üngere Sanskrit heranreichen. Ferner weise ich darauf hin, daß ein Verbalkompositum der beiden bedeutungsnahen Präpositionen práti und á mit unserer Wurzel lī schon im Vedischen belegt 79 Zu ā-nīla-'dunkelbläulich' vgl . Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik II 1, 1905, 237 § 95fg: " á [findet sich,] um Annäherung an die Bedeutung des Hinterglieds auszudr ücken," und Pata ñjali unter Vārttika 4 zu Pān . ini 2. 2.18,Mahābhās . ya I 416,[17][18]: ā ṅ īs . adarthe . Isaacson. Groningen: Egbert Forsten, 2003, S. 83, Str. 3.7, und die Anmerkung dazu, S. 311. In der Vallabhadeva-Fassung fehlt allerdings jede Spur von abhilīna-.

81 Zu jap ā / javā 'Hibiscus rosa-sinensis' siehe Renate Syed, Die Flora Altindiens in Literatur und Kunst, Inaugural-Dissertation M ünchen, 1990 (= 1992), 285-287. ist, und zwar gleich dreimal hintereinander in KB 11,13 ed. Sarma) Als Beispiel f ür jene allgemeine Tatsache sei hier nur an zwei ebenfalls mit unserer Präposition zusammengesetzte Wurzelkomposita erinnert: an abhi-pr í-'erfreulich, angenehm' (R ˚V2× 1.162.3c & 9.31.3a), dem jedoch weder im R ˚V noch in irgendeiner anderen Sam . hitā 82 Auch das Verbaladjektiv abhi-prīta-'erfreut, befriedigt' ist erst im Aitareya-Brāhman . a belegt: AB 2× 8. 24.4 & 7; vgl. noch dessen Negation an-abhi-prīta-, AB 3× 2. 12.2, 8.24.5 & 7, sowie das Nomen actionis PB 6.4.15 abhi-prīti-"the pleasing" (Caland). 83 Gewiß, theoretisch zu erwarten war sie nicht, aber ausgeschlossen braucht sie deswegen noch lange nicht zu sein. Denn neben vielen laryngalbedingten Dehnungen des Auslauts einer Präposition vor der mit ihr komponierten Wurzel gibt es auch eine stattliche Anzahl von Auslautdehnungen, die willk ürlich erscheinen -und doch begr ündet sein k önnen, nämlich durch andersartige, nicht strikt lautgesetzliche Vorgänge wie Analogie, metrischen Zwang, 'Sprachmalerei' 86 und ähnliches.

Laryngalbedingt ist zum Beispiel das dreimalige abhīvarg á-"Bereich" (PW), "sphere" (Whitney), "domain" (Bloomfield) des AV ( ŚS 3.5.2c [PS 3.13.2c]; ŚS 6.54.2c [PS 19.8.5c]; ŚS 11.2.4c [PS 16.104.4c 9.4.12b [PS 16.25.2b]). Auch die Dehnung in dem zweimaligen abhīvardha-in PS 4.27.4b & c -im Gegensatz zu abhivardhain PS 12.6.3a :: ŚS 1. 29.4a Houben. Groningen: Egbert Forsten, 2004, 261-283. 87 Thomas Krisch, Zur Genese und Funktion der altindischen Perfekta mit langem Reduplikationsvokal (Innsbrucker Beiträge zur Sprachwissenschaft, 87), Innsbruck: Institut f ür Sprachwissenschaft der Universität, 1996, 24. 88 Die insgesamt 21 Sam . hitā-Belegstellen von abhīvartásind: R ˚V2× 10.174.1a, 3d; ŚS 3× 1. 29.1a, 3d, 4a; PS 2× 1.11.1a, 3d; VSM 1× 14.23, VSK 1× 15.7.1; MS 1× 2.8.4: 109.4; KS 4× 17.4: 248.2, 20.13: 33.10, 33.7 2× : 33.7&8; KpS 1× 26.3: 1 106.8 = 2 123.11; TS 6× 4.3.8.1, 5.3.3.3 2× , 7.5.1.6, 7.5.7.4 90 Ähnliches gilt von PS 4.27.4c abhībhava-, gegen über ŚS 1.29.4a (vgl. auch PS 12.6.3a) abhibhavá-(ohne Dehnung), und von PS 4.27.4d abhīs . en . a-, im Gegensatz zu R ˚V 6.44.17c abhis . en . á-(mit kurzem -i-). Auch auf das zweimalige abhīmodam úd-des AV ( ŚS 11.7.26b / PS 16.84.8b und ŚS 11.8.24b / PS 16.87.4b) 'fr öhlich zujubelnd' (PW), 'they that enjoy enjoyments' (Whitney) und das einmalige abhīl āpal áp- ( ŚS 11.8.25b [PS 16.87.5b]) 'klagewimmernd' (PW), 'they who utter . . . addresses' (Whitney) darf in diesem Zusammenhang hingewiesen werden.

Aus spätvedischer Zeit läßt sich ferner VādhAnv abhīs . a ṅga-m. 'Verfluchung' (Willem Caland, AO IV, 1926, 8 = Kleine Schriften, 1990, 310 § 5: Und um noch ein Beispiel aus der j üngeren Sprache anzuf ühren, weise ich hin auf abhīś āpa-m. 'schwere Beschuldigung' in Yāj ñavalkya-Smr ˚ti 2.110c trāyasvāsmād abhīśāpāt "rette mich von dieser beschuldigung [o gift]" (Stenzler); so spricht im Ordal der eines Schwerverbrechens Angeklagte beschw örend zu dem Gift, dem er schmeichelt mit der Behauptung, daß es Brahmans Sohn (a: brahman . ah . putrah . ) und "in wahrheit und recht beharrend" sei (b: satyadharme vyavasthitah . ); vollkommen so, als ob f ür ihn der Grundsatz gelte in venēnō vēritās.

Gerade eine Strophe wie PS 4.27.4 mit einem ganzen Nest von abhī-Bildungen, von denen zwei, nämlich abhībhavaund abhīs . en . a-, keine Entsprechung in anderen vedischen Texten haben, macht es deutlich, daß die ohnehin allgemeine Tendenz zur lautgesetzlich unbegr ündeten Dehnung des Auslauts dieser Präposition in der Kompositionsfuge sich in der Paippalāda-Sam . hitā be-Alexander Lubotsky, "The Vedic root vr ˚-'to cover' and its present." Indoarisch, Iranisch und die Indogermanistik. Arbeitstagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft vom 2. bis 5. Oktober in Erlangen. Herausgegeben von Bernhard Forssman und Robert Plath. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, 2000, 315-325, insbes. 317 f. Lubotsky setzt eine einzige, urspr ünglich mit Laryngal anlautende anit . -Wurzel ved. var ← idg. *Hu " er 'to cover' (→ 'to stop') an. 90 Anders dar über Jochem Schindler, Die Sprache 25, 1979, 60a Anm. 4: "Diese Dehnung kann eigentlich nur aus schwachen Kasus der Form *-V-z" gh-→ *-Vhstammen (vgl. Ptc. sāhvas-< *se-z" gh-u " os-)." Zweifel an Schindlers Erklärung und Bedenken gegen sie äußert Scarlata, Wurzelkomposita, 612-13, ohne sich jedoch seinerseits f ür eine zwingende Alternative aussprechen zu k önnen. Stoß all die verletzenden Gewalttäter nieder, auf daß du überlegen seist. Zu dir dem überlegenen, überwindenden, die [feindlichen] Heere überwältigenden [Kämpfer] 91 mit der großen Schar [von Mitstreitern] sollen alle Sippen und die schwellkräftigen himmlischen Wasser kommen. 92 In so geartetem Umfeld erscheint ein gedehntes abhīlīan Stelle eines phonologisch korrekteren *abhilī-nicht ganz unerwartet. Hätte es auch seiner vermuteten Etymologie gemäß ohne Dehnung sein m üssen, so konnte es dennoch unter dem Einfluß der mehreren, zumal in der PS beliebten abhī-Komposita leicht die Länge von deren Fugenvokal übernehmen.

Auch ließe sich daran denken, daß die Dehnung emphatisch-expressiv sei, so daß wir abhīlīim Sinne von 'heftig anhaftend' auffassen d ürften. Die Bezeichnung einer anderen Krankheit, nämlich des Durchfalls, weist das gleiche lange -ī-vor einer nicht mit Laryngal anlautenden Wurzel auf. Ich meine atīs āra-, 93 das nicht nur in der späteren medizinischen Literatur geläufig ist, 94 sondern schon Āp ŚS 9.20.1 vorkommt: yadi (Geldner), und Whitney, Sanskrit Grammar 511 § 1310a, mit den Beispielen R ˚V 10.103.5c abhí-vīraund abhí-satvan-"overcoming heroes" (Whitney), "jedem Helden über, jedem Krieger über" (Geldner). 92 Die beiden Verse PS 4.27.4ef sind identisch mit PS 4.2.5cd, dem letzten Pāda (4f) aber entspricht ŚS 4.8.4d = 4.8.6b = 8.2.14f (: PS 16.4.4f) ápo divy áh . páyasvatīh . . 93 Mit ved. sar ← idg. 1. *sel 'losspringen' ( 1 LIV 477 f. & 2 LIV 527 f.). 94 Siehe zum Beispiel G. J. Meulenbeld, The Mādhavanidāna and its Chief Commentary, Chapters 1-10. Introduction, Translation and Notes, Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1974, 194 ff.: Diarrhoea (atīsāra). 95 Dieses gedehnte 'Durchfall'-Derivat ist zwar bislang noch in keinem vedischen Text belegt und scheint zum erstenmal Suśruta- Sam . hitā,Uttaratantra (6.) 40.21d atīs ārakin . am . tyajet vorzu-Vgl. auch Pata ñjali, Mahābhās . ya zu A 3.3.17 (II.144.5 1.2.2: 11.9-10 = KS 1× 2.3: 9.18 96 = TS 3× 1.2.2.2(h) náks . atrān . ām . mātīkāś át pāhi 'Sch ütze mich vor dem über[hellen] Glanz (?) der Gestirne'; 97 atīr úc-m. "a horse's fetlock or knee" (Monier-Williams) in MS 1× 3.15.3: 178.10 (:: atir úc-VSM 1× 25.3 = VSK 1× 27.3.2) und atīrok á-m. ' Öffnung' in KS 2× 22.13: 68.8-9, 23.1: 73.7; KpS 1× 35.7: 212.14; 98 oder atīrek á-m. ' Überrest' in ŚB 4.5.10.8 . 100 Einer gewissen Vollständigkeit halber -und meiner, ich gebe zu: etwas zwanghaften, Vorliebe f ür diese zuliebe -weise ich ferner auf einige vedische Komposita hin, die mit anderen auf -i-auslautenden Präpositionen (ádhi-, ápi-, ní-, pári-, práti-, ví-) zusammengesetzt sind, deren gedehntes -īnicht laryngalbedingt ist: adhīv ās á-m. 'Obergewand' (R ˚V3× , VSM 1× = VSK 1× , MS 2× , KS 3× , TS 1× ); 101 apīj ú-'antreibend' (R ˚V1× 2.31.5b); 102 nīkars . in . -'Rad schlagender [Pfau]' (L ŚS 1× 8.12.6), 103 nīk āśa-m. 'Anschein' in den beiden Bahuvrīhis dh ūmránīkāśās (1×) und babhr únīkāśās (2×) '[Opfertiere] von rauchgrauem -, von braunem Aussehen' (VSM 1× 24.18 = VSK 1× 26.4.3), 104 nīs . áh-' überwältigend' ( ŚS 1× 5.20.11a); 105 parīv āp á-m. 'ger östete Reisk örner' (VSM 2× kommen, es muß jedoch in der zur Zeit Pān . inis gesprochenen Sanskritsprache der Gebildeten schon verwendet worden sein, denn sonst hätte der Grammatiker, dem es ja vor allem um die Beschreibung dieser Sprache ging, sich wohl kaum mit seinem S ūtra A 5.2.129 eigens darauf bezogen. 96 Die Parallelstelle KpS 1.15: 13.7 bietet stattdessen normalisiertes atikāśa-. 97 Gedehntes atīkāśáauch in PS 4.40.3b trayo 'tīkāśās trīn . i śīrs . ān . i y es . ām und zweimal an einer weiteren Stelle der TS, nämlich 6. 1.1.1 & 4. 98 Dagegen findet sich MS 3.6.1: 60.6-7 ungedehntes atiroká-. 99 Ich darf mir vielleicht die kleine Verlegenheit ersparen, hier näher auszuf ühren, wie zum Beispiel im Falle von atīsāra-'Durchfall', diese Z e rd e h n u n g, die zugleich eine V e r d ü n n u n g sein kann, als sprachmalerisch wirksam zu denken wäre. 100 Zu diesen drei Wurzeln vergleiche 104 Zur Dehnung des -ī-vor -kāśá-vgl. oben atīkāśáund unten pratīkāśámit Anmerkungen. 105 Zur Dehnung des -ī-vor -s . áhvgl. abhīs . áh-, S. 63 mit Fußnote 90. 19.21,22 = VSK 2× 21.2.10,11, PSK 20.12.10b), 106 parīś ās á-m. 'Ausschnitt' ( ŚS 1× 5.14.3a / PS 7.1.10a); 107 pratīk āś á-m. '[schreckliches] Aussehen; [drohender] Anblick' ( ŚS 1× 9.8[13].6a / PS 16.74.6a, 108 20.28.10c), 109 pratībodh á-'entgegenwachend' ( ŚS 3× 8. 1.13, 8.6.15, 19.35.3); 110 vīvadh á-m. 'Schulterjoch, Tragholz' (MS 1× 2.8.7: 112.1, KS 1× 17.6: 249.21-22, KpS 1× 26.5: 125.18), 111 vīvart á-m. 'der umkehrende / sich hin und her wendende [Himmel]' 112 (MS 1× 2.8.4: 109.7, KS 2× 17.4: 248.5 & 21.1: 37.16, KpS 2× 26.3: 123.15 & 31.16: 191.4). 113 Nun k önnte allenfalls noch eingewendet werden, es sei zu erwarten, daß Krankheiten in Indien mit nichtarischen Namen benannt wurden -und daß speziell abhīlīkeinen indogermanischen Eindruck mache. 114 111 Hingegen mit K ürze des -i-ist vivadhábelegt in VSM 1× 15.5 = VSK 1× 16.1.7 und TS 1× 4. 3.12.2. Auch wenn bisher noch unklar ist, zu welcher Wurzel -vadhá-geh ört, so handelt es sich bei vi-/vī-vadhádoch deutlich um ein Kompositum mit vi-. Zu verschiedenen etymologischen M öglichkeiten siehe M. Mayrhofer, KEWA III, 1976, 222 und EWAia II, 1996, 560, jeweils s.v. vivadh á-. Sollte es sich eines Tages herausstellen, daß die gesuchte Wurzel mit Laryngal anlautete, so hätte vīvadháals ein weiteres Beispiel f ür nicht lautgesetzliche Dehnung des Auslauts der Präposition nat ürlich zu entfallen. 112 Vgl. PW 6.1176 s.v. vivartá: "etwa der sich drehende, eine Bez[eichnung] des Himmels". Griffith übersetzt vivartáin VSM 14.23 mit "The Revolving One", Keith vivartáin TS 4. 3.8.1 & 5.3.4.5 mit "the revolving". 113 Stattdessen mit kurzem -i-in VSM 1× Nach Abwehr der oben gemachten, vor allem Form und Charakter des Wurzelkompositums abhīlībetreffenden Einwände und Bedenken bleibt mir nur noch hervorzuheben, daß durch die Analyse des Wortes als abhī-līeine Bedeutung gewonnen wird, die gut mit dem antonymen Sinn der anderen im Kontext von PSO 20.62.9a-63.5d Den Bedeutungsansatz 'die Anhaftende' scheint auch das auf unsere abhīlīgem ünzte Eigenschaftswort upatvacāin PS 20.63.1a zu bestätigen, wenn wir dieses Nomen -in Übereinstimmung mit einer der beiden Bildungsweisen, die nach der Grammatik f ür es in Frage kommen 116 -so verstehen, wie es am besten zu einer Hautkrankheit paßt, nämlich als ein präpositionales Rektionskompositum im Sinne von 'die der Haut An[haftende] '. 117 Andererseits haben sich einige Eigenschaften der abhīlī-, von denen wir ebenfalls aus unserer Textstelle erfahren, nicht in einem sie bezeichnenden Namen niedergeschlagen. 8.6.6b [PS 16.79.6b] rerih á-"much-licking" (Whitney), ŚS 1× 7.38.1b [PS 20.31.7b] abhi-rorud á-'[mich] anheulend', ŚS 1× 10.8.4d á-vi-c ācala-'nicht hin und her schwankend', ŚBM 1× 1.4.3.16 momugh á-'irrsinnig, geistesverwirrt'; vgl. AiGr II 2, 83 f. § 35aa. -Inzwischen sind aus der Paippalāda-Sam . hitā abhi-p āpada-in PS 6.14.4a paryanyam abhipāpadam und roruha-in PS 6.14.9b vanakrośam . ca roruham neu hinzugekommen; vgl. Arlo Griffiths, Proefschrift 2004, 172 f. & 178 f. 123 Zur kreativen Tat der Namensgebung bemerkt Wilhelm Schulze, Etymologisches. Kleine Schriften, G öttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1933 [= 2 1966], 117 f. -nachdem er eine ganze Reihe von indogermanischen 'Schlamm'-W örtern als substantivierte Farbadjektiva erklärt hat -sehr treffend und mit der seinem Stil eigenen geschliffenen Prägnanz: "In allen Farben schillert der Sumpf, auch f ür den Etymologen, der bis zu dem Akte der Namensch öpfung selbst vorzudringen und die wortzeugenden Eindr ücke wieder lebendig zu machen versucht. Aber es ist das Schicksal der W örter, daß die einst ihnen eingeprägte sinnfällige Deutlichkeit im Laufe der Zeiten verbleicht und erlischt; so wandelt sich auch hier die Buntheit der urspr ünglichen Einem Berufeneren als mir m ögen sich die in der behandelten Textstelle teils nur angedeuteten, teils deutlich ausgesprochenen Symptome zu einem wie ein Vollmond rund-und-sch ön geschlossenen Krankheitsbild ergänzen. Ich selbst wäre auf reines Raten angewiesen.

Immerhin kann daran erinnert werden, daß es eine Krankheit gibt, die der abhīl íin mehrfacher Hinsicht ähnelt. Diese andere Krankheit und ihre Symptome werden apacít-( ŚS 8× ) genannt. Auch dieser Name stellt ein aus Wurzel und Präposition zusammengesetztes Kompositum dar. Auch mit ihm ist eine Hautkrankheit gemeint. 124 Auch von dieser wird erhofft, daß sie wegfliege (vgl. ŚS 6.83.1ab ápacitah . prá 126 Nämlich der Hals (vgl. ŚS 6. 25.1b / PS 19.5.4b mányā-), der Nacken (vgl. ŚS 6. 25.2b / PS 19.5.6b & ŚS 7.76[80].2a gráivyā-), die Schulter (vgl. ŚS , die Flanke (vgl. ŚS 7.76[80].2b upapaks . y à-) und das vij áman-(vgl. ŚS 7.76[80].2c vij ámni y á apacítah . "the apacíts that are on the perineum (? vij áman)" [Whitney]).

On the meaning of the word r ās . RAU arranged the meanings of rās . t

. rá from a logical viewpoint. "K önigsherrschaft" and "K önigreich", the two major heads of the above list, are general meanings of this word. On the contrary, "Gesamtheit der Untertanen" and "Land" placed under the meaning "K önigreich", are concerned with realia, through which one would have a notion of "K önigreich" in the Brāhman . a period. So when the meaning of this word is examined from a historical viewpoint, the necessity of which was stressed by RAU in his comment, it is of great importance to understand what rās . t

. rá indicates in the early Vedic period at the level of these realia.

As for the early Vedic texts, PS 10.4 provides us with some material, from which we may gain knowledge of the concrete meaning denoted by the word rās . t

. rá. As WITZEL pointed out, Book 10 of the PS is "a thematically compact collection of royal hymns" and is "quite extraordinary as the other books usually contain hymns on quite diverse topics" (1997b: 279). He has also drawn attention to the initiative of the Kuru dynasty in the compilation of the PS. In the light of this historical background, rās . t

. rá, as referred to in PS 10.4,1 calls for some specific explanations. Summing up in advance, it indicates a king and chieftains submissive to him, who constitute a tribal alliance. As such, rās . t

. rá was established in a public meeting, namely the sámiti. By treating mainly of PS 10.4, but with additional reference to the R ˚V and the ŚS,2 this paper sets out to examine the actual process of establishing rās . t

. rá.

King, kingdom and the directions (pradíśah . )

In PS 10.4, there are some verses where rās . The idea of the directions (pradíśah . ) as cosmic entities came into prominence especially in the AV, 3 and the object, which the directions pay homage to and bestow benefits on, is a person in some cases: 'Let the four directions bow to me' (máhyam . namantām . pradíśaś cátasrah . , ŚS 5.3.1c), and 'Let the five directions yield milk to me' (duhr ám . me pá ñca pradíśah . , ŚS 3.20.9a).

A king also is paid respect and becomes elected by the directions as seen in the following two verses: ŚS 3.4.1cd (= PS 3.1.1cd) sárvās tvā rājan pradíśo hvayant ūpasádyo namasyò bhavehá Let all the directions call thee, O king; become thou here one for waiting on, for homage. ŚS 3.4.2ab (∼ PS 3.1.2ab) tv ám . víśo vr ˚n . atām . rājy àya tv ám im áh . pradíśah . pá ñca dev íh . | Thee let the people choose unto kingship, thee these five divine directions.

Referring to the idea of quarters as seen in the above verses, GONDA pointed out that royal power is connected with the idea of spatial extent, which is of great importance in ancient Indian religion, and the king is expected to extend the boundaries of his realm (GONDA 1966: 100-101, 104). In the Rohita hymn, róhita (the sun, as the 'ruddy one'), which is to bring the kingdom, is said to be discovered by the six directions; 'Him (róhita), taken hold of by them (the Dawns), the six wide [spaces] discovered; seeing in advance the track, he hath brought hither the kingdom' (t ábhih . sám . rabdham ánv avindan s . ád . urv ír gāt úm . prapáśyann ihá rās . t

. rám áhāh . , ŚS 13.1.4cd = PS 18.15.4cd). If we admit that rās . t

. rá of PS 10.4.1c cited above is directly concerned with the king, rās . t

. rá, which is enriched with animals and food as revealed in the same verse (PS 10.4.1a), could be related to the king. That a king gets possession of animals and nourishment as his wealth is known from other verses concerning 3 It is characteristic for the AV (and for Book 10 of the R ˚V) that a spatial totality is expressed by the four / five / six directions. For example, four directions: R ˚V 10.51.9, 10.58.4, ŚS 2.6.1, 2.10.3,4, 3.22.5, 5.3.1, five directions: ŚS 1.30.4, 3.20.9, 3.24.3, and six directions: ŚS 4.11.1, 4.20.2, 10.7.35. royalty: 'Portion thou this man in village, in horses, in kine; unportion that man who is his enemy' (énám . bhaja gr áme áśves . u gós . u nís . t

. ám . bhaja yó amítro asyá, ŚS 4.22.2ab = PS 3.21.2ab) and 'May this king be dear to Indra, dear to kine, herbs, cattle' (ayám . r ájā priyá índrasya bh ūyāt priyó gávām ós . adhīnām . paś ūn ám, ŚS 4.22.4cd ∼ PS 3.21.4cd: utāpām for paś ūn ám). 4The kingdom and balí PS 10. 4 It is reasonable to surmise that rās . t

. rá, to which tribute (balí) is brought as revealed in pāda c of the above verse, has a close connection with the king himself. The tribute is said to be collected for a king in the same book of PS, 10.2.6ab; 'Let the tributes come together to you. Let the toll go forth to you' (tubhyam . sam . yantu balayas tubhyam . śulkah . pra vīyatām . ). A newly-consecrated king welcomes the tribute; 'Und nun soll Indra die Clane dir allein tributpflichtig machen' (átho ta índrah . kévalīr víśo balihŕ ˚tas karat, R ˚V 10.173.6cd) and 'Thou, formidable, shalt see arrive much tribute' (bah úm . balím . práti paśyāsā ugráh . , ŚS 3.4.3d = PS 3.1.3d).

A king promises the chieftains to protect them in return for receiving tributes. Based on such an idea of reciprocity (GONDA 1966: 11-12), it can be safely said that rās . t

. rá of PS 10.4.3c refers to a king. The fixed expression rās . t

. rám bh ū, which is found especially in early brāhman . a prose (e.g., sá rās . t

. rám ábhavat, MS 3.3.7:40.6-7), is interesting in this respect. HOFFMANN (Commenting on the mantra accompanied by the adhvaryu taking the ukhya agni during the agnicayana:) If he desire of a man, 'May he be a ruler' (TS 4.2.1h), he should think of him with his mind; verily he becomes a ruler. 6 (tr. KEITH)

These passages provide positive proof that rās . t

. rá is the power of kingship to be acquired by a sacrificer, and rās . t

. rá as such points to a person endowed with sovereignty.

There is no necessity to confine the king (r ájan) to the chieftain of a single tribe. The situation surrounding a tribe would have been marked by fluctuating alliances and conflicts with other tribes in the Realpolitik of early Vedic India. The P ūru tribe was a conglomerate or coalition of tribes, to which the Bharata tribe belonged, while both tribes seem to have been subdivisions of the Āyu, one of the pa ñcajana ('five peoples') (WITZEL 1997a: 326-338). The same person could perform his purohita-ship under various kings and possibly mediate a tribal alliance between them (RAU 1957: 123). Thus, a tribe embraced (sub-) tribes, and a king (r ájan) assumed the leadership of chieftains. In ŚS 3.5.7, the chieftains (r ájānah . ) are, together with the other officials, subject to the sacrificer, namely, the king (r ájan): 7 ŚS 3.5.7 yé r ájāno rājakŕ ˚tah . s ūt á grāman . yàś ca yé | upast ín parn . a máhyam . tvám . sárvān kr ˚n . v abhíto jánān They that are kings, king-makers, that are charioteers and troop-leaderssubjects to me do thou, O parn . á, make all people round about.

The election of the king by the tribes is delineated in ŚS 4.22 (= PS 3.21) 6 KS gives the same comment: KS 19.11:13.14-16. The Apratirathas ūkta recited during the agnicayana is commented on from the same viewpoint: KS 21.10:50.1-3, MS 3.3.7:40.6-8, as already indicated by HOFFMANN (1976: 557). The idea that a person 'becomes the kingdom' is found in other ritual contexts: e.g. by seeing the cat ūrātra ritual, Viśvāmitra, the king of the Jahnus, became the kingdom (PB 21.12.2), and the offspring of Aikādaśāks . i became the kingdom (AB 5.30.15). 7 For the distinction of two types of relationship -the one between king and vassals on the one hand, and a king and his people on the other -, as encountered in ŚS 3.5.7, see SCHLERATH 1960: 125. = PS 3.21.1b), 'Let this king be people-lord of people' (ayám . viś ám . viśpátir astu r ájā, ŚS 4.22.3b = PS 3.21.2b), and lastly, describing the power of Indra, '[I join to thee Indra] who shall make thee sole chief of people, also uppermost of kings descended from Manu' (yás tvā kárad ekavr ˚s . ám . jánānām utá r áj ñām uttamám mānav ánām, ŚS 4.22.5cd = PS 3.21.5cd).

Tribal alliance and the ritual for harmony

The representation of rās . t

. rá relies not only on the king of the tribe(s), but also on the tribal alliance which constituted a kingdom in early Vedic India. The chieftains are called upon to be united, as revealed in the following verse: PS 10. 4 The word rās . t

. rá is replaced by víś ('people,' or rather 'tribe') in the verses of PS 10.2; 'Let the great tribes long for you' (tvām . vā ñchantu viśo mahīh . , PS 10.2.6d) is restated in the next verse: 'Let the great kingdom long for you' (vā ñchatu tvā br ˚had rās . t

. ram, PS 10.2.7a). This suggests that the alliance of tribes is intended by the word rās . t

. rá. One of the reasons why such an alliance is needed is to prepare for war. And the chieftains pay attention to the tribe's firm solidarity, as is evidenced in the following three verses of PS 10.4 PS 10.4 belongs to the category of hymns aimed at harmony (sām . manasyá).

There are several words characteristic of that ritual in the AV, namely, sacittāh . (PS 10.4.1d), sumanasah . (PS 10.4.5d), ekavratāh . (PS 10.4.6c), samyak and saha (PS 10 4.7ab). The harmony ritual has the purpose of strengthening the sense of oneness in the community. PS 10.4 constitutes material with which the harmony ritual is administered in order to solidify the tribal alliance for victory in battle.

The sense of oneness does not mean that the members are related on an equal footing with each other, but it is intended that they are subject to one individual, namely, the sacrificer of the harmony ritual. 9 So, for example, the harmony ritual for a family aims to make its members obey the householder (gr ˚hápati) as known from ŚS 3.30.2: 'Be the son submissive to the father, likeminded with the mother; let the wife to the husband speak words full of honey, wealful' (ánuvratah . pit úh . putró mātr á bhavantu sám . manāh . | jāy á pátye mádhumatīm . v ácam . vadatu śantiv ám ∼ PS 5. 19.2,ed. LUBOTSKY *savratah . for sám . manāh . ). In the same way, the tribal alliance in PS 10.4 is intended to render the chieftains submissive to a king.

This suggests that the AV priest could have been engaged in the politics of kingship. As we know, the tribal alliance occupied a dominant position in controlling the politics of ancient India. 10 It is not difficult to assume that the demand for rituals securing the alliance of tribes increased during this period. Several Vedic schools undertook to satisfy the demands for the ritual of forming a tribal alliance, or the ritual of a sacrificer assuming leadership of a tribe. This endeavor can be inferred from the harmony hymns and rituals, such as ON THE MEANING OF THE WORD R ĀS . T . R Á: PS 10.4 77 R ˚V 10.191,Khila 5.1,and some kāmyes . t . is prescribed in the ritual texts belonging to the YV (CALAND 1908: vi-xii) which appeared prominently after the late R ˚gvedic period. On the other hand, it can easily be surmised that the AV priests attempted to meet the demand for a ritual of tribal alliance by expanding their textual material for harmony rituals. As for the background behind the AV priests' connections with kingship, various reasons can be supposed; their personal abilities, their motives for rising in the rank of the 'orthodox' ritualists, or even their original position as house priests at a court. However, apart from such subjective or incidental reasons, objective or historical conditions can be assumed, one of which was the increased demand for harmony ritual.

The assembly (sámiti)

The function of the sámiti has already been investigated in detail by ZIMMER (1879: 174-7) and RAU (1957: 82). In the sámiti, the chieftains came together 11 and discussed public affairs such as the distribution of the spoils of war. 12 Although the participants contended for gaining the initiative in the assembly, 13 it was expected that in the end the assembly would reach an agreement. 14 From the following verse, we can infer that the sámiti was a meeting in which the chieftains anticipated being allied with each other: PS 10.4.10cd satyam . vadantah . samitim . caranto mitram . gr ˚hn . ānā janaso 15 yantu sakhyam Speaking the truth, being engaged in the meeting, and grabbing hold of an ally, let them (the kings) enter into alliance with the people.

The formation of tribal alliance involved the selection of a leader. In the following verse, a king is asked to secure a firm initiative in the sámiti: 11 'Wie ein echter K önig in die Versammlungen wandelnd' (r ájā ná satyáh . sámitīr iyānáh . , R ˚V 9.92.6b), 'Wie die K önige in der Ratsversammlung (sich versammelt haben)' (r ájānah . sámitāv iva, R ˚V 10.97.6b). 12 'Wenn, o Agni, diese (g öttliche) Versammlung stattfinden wird, . . . so sollst du da f ür uns einen g üterreichen Anteil ausbitten' (yád agna es . á sámitir bhávāti . . . bhāgám . no átra vásumantam . vītāt, R ˚V 10.11.8). 13 'Eure Beratung nehme ich f ür mich in Anspruch' ( á vo 'hám . sámitim . dade, R ˚V 10.166.4d). 14 'Einig der Rat, einig die Versammlung, einig sei ihr Sinn, zusammenstimmend ihr Denken' (samānó mántrah . sámitih . samān í samānám mánah . sahá cittám es . ām, R ˚V 10.191.3ab). 15 janaso: the Kashmir ms. seems to have preserved the correct reading, rather than jaraso found in the Orissa mss., although BHATTACHARYA adopts the latter reading. The reading of the Orissa mss. makes the pāda impossible to understand. A combination of sakhyá with the genitive of a god's name is prevalent: e.g., índrasya sakhyám (R ˚V 3.60.3a, 9.86.20d, 10.62.1b), dev ánām . . . sakhyám (R ˚V 4.33.2c). Taking the reference to sámiti in the preceding pāda into account, the reading of the Kashmir ms., janaso sakhyam, fits in this context. For spelling peculiarities of the Orissa mss. (n → r), see LUBOTSKY 2002: 10, 55. ŚS 6.88.3 dhruvó 'cyutah . prá mr ˚n . īhi śátr ūn chatr ūyató 'dharān pādayasva | sárvā díśah . sám . manasah . sadhr ícīr dhruv áya te sámitih . kalpātām ihá Fixed, unmoved, do thou slaughter the foes; make them that play the foe fall below [thee]; [be] all the quarters like-minded, concordant; let the gathering here suit thee [who art] fixed.

The two preceding verses of this hymn are variants of the fourth and fifth verse of R ˚V 10.173, which is known as the installation hymn. ŚS 6.88.3 just quoted, which was newly added as the last verse of this hymn in place of the sixth verse of R ˚V 10.173, shows a characteristic of the AV in that the direction is one of the entities which admit a kingship as already pointed out above when discussing PS 10.4.1. The word dhruvá implies the firmness of the kingdom (rās . t

. rá) [START_REF] Schlerath | Das K önigtum im Rig-und Atharvaveda[END_REF]: 126, GONDA 1966: 90), which is also observed in the other verses concerning royalty: e.g., 'Fixed [is] this king of the people' (dhruvó r ájā viś ám ayám, ŚS 6.88.1d = PS 19.6.9d) and 'Fixed for thee let both Indra and Agni maintain royalty fixed' (dhruvám . ta índraś c ágniś ca rās . t

. rám . dhārayatām . dhruvám, ŚS 6.88.2cd = PS 19.6.8cd).

In a royal verse of one of the Rohita hymns, the sámiti gives a king the opportunity to ascend the throne: ŚS 13.1.13cd (∼ PS 18.16.3cd) róhitam . dev á yanti sumanasyámānāh . sá mā róhaih . sāmityái rohayatu To the ruddy one go the gods with favoring mind; let him cause me to ascend (the throne) with ascensions of meeting.

The exact meaning of róha-sāmityáis not certain, but this phrase seems to have a connection with the recognition of kingship in the sámiti. The verb ruh-, which in popular etymology is associated with róhita in this hymn, indicates manifestation of kingship (SCHLERATH 1960: 101). ruhis used in the prescription for the royal consecration (rājas ūya) in the sense of mounting the throne (āsandī), 16which constitutes the climax of such a ritual. So ruhmeans the ascending to his status of king in a ritual sense. This verse may mean that a sacrificer is made to ascend the throne by the approval of the assembly.

Although the generalized meanings of rās . t . rá, namely 'kingship' and 'kingdom', are relevant for understanding most of the passages containing this word, what it relates to at the level of concrete matters varies according to the course of history and the change of power structure. In late Vedic times, colonization spread to the East, and the Āryan tribes settled there, subsisting primarily on agriculture. With such a change of lifestyle and the increase of production, a different form of kingship emerged, one that consisted of a solid organization of a governed people and a territory. "Gesamtheit der Untertanen" and "Land", which RAU gave as concrete meanings of rās . t

. rá, are reflections of the changes which had occurred by this period. By contrast, in early Vedic times a king who is a sovereign over the chieftains, and the tribal alliance, which is the unity of chieftains subjected to a king, are the meanings most closely related to the notion of rās . t

. rá, as evidenced in PS 10. (HOS 33,[START_REF] Sadhu On | 35 On Tilakācārya see SLAJE forthc[END_REF][START_REF]daks . in . ata . . . . The GB text has 4 times -vidam . and not -vidham . (underlined). Secondary literature Bhattacharya, Dipak 1991 "The Identity of the Atharvavedic Tradition of Kashmir[END_REF]. Gonda, Jan 1966 Ancient Indian kingship from the religious point of view. Leiden. Heesterman, J.C. 1957 The Ancient Indian Royal Consecration, the Rājas ūya described according to the Yajus texts and annoted. 's-Gravenhage.

Introduction

The Nīlarudropanis . ad (NU) is a hymn praising Rudra, a divinity associated in the Veda with the thunderstorm and regarded as both causing and curing illness. He is a figure of awe who receives apotropaic and propitiatory offerings in the Vedic cult. 1 His eventual rise to a position of greater importance begins with his being identified with the fire altar in the Agnicayana ritual, a doctrine developed particularly in the Yajurveda. 2 The Śatarudriya, a Yajurveda litany to Rudra (MS 2.9.2, KS 17.11,TS 4.5.1,, is recited during that rite; the NU constitutes its Atharvan equivalent (and, in its first two khan . d . as, a partial parallel).

The hymn consists of twenty-six stanzas culled from the Paippalādasam . hitā (PS), in many manuscripts grouped into three sections (khan . d . as). These extracts include a continuous run of seventeen stanzas, viz., the third and fourth hymns of PS book fourteen, followed by a group of three stanzas from book nineteen, and (as the final khan . d . a) six individual stanzas (including four from the twentieth book). The khan . d . a divisions are reflected in the commentary of Nārāyan . a Bhat . t . a (between ca. 1500 and1700), who includes the NU as the sixteenth in the collection of fifty-two Upanis . ads of the Atharvaveda. 3 The arrangement of the PS stanzas in the NU khan . d . as is as follows:

Khan . d . a 1 = PS Khan . d . a 3 = PS 8.7.9,19.5.8,20.55.10,20.60.7,20.62.6,20.62.7 (the final stanza found only in Orissa manuscripts of the PS). * The materials for the edition contained herein were mostly collected during 1998 thanks to funding from the U.S. National Endowment for the Humanities, in the form of a senior fellowship of the American Institute of Indian Studies. An initial collation was carried out with summer funds from Washington and Lee University. Other manuscripts were procured during my tenure of a Fulbright-Hays Faculty Research Abroad fellowship and an N.E.H. fellowship in 2003-2005, when, as an affiliated researcher of the Institut franc ¸ais de Pondichéry, I completed most of the edition and translation. I gratefully acknowledge the kind cooperation of the several institutions that allowed me to photograph, or provided copies of, the manuscripts used for the edition. I thank Arlo Griffiths for his advice and suggestions at many points, and for providing his provisional edition of all the stanzas from PS 19 and 20 that are cited here. 1 On Rudra in the Veda, see ARBMAN 1922. 2 On this, see OBERLIES 1988. 3 On Nārāyan . a and his date, see GODE 1938.

NU manuscripts generally number either the khan . d . as only or the individual stanzas (sequentially, without taking account of the khan . d . a divisions). To reflect both systems, the stanza numbers used here include the khan . d . a number followed by the sequential stanza number , so that khan . d . a 2 begins with stanza 10, and khan . d . a 3 begins with stanza 21. The manuscripts' divisions of the last four stanzas are spurious (as shall be explained, p. 116) and have been revised to reflect the sense as well as the stanza divisions of the corresponding PS stanzas. For the present purposes, the name NU will be used to designate this particular collection of the stanzas per se, as distinct from their form and distribution in the PS.

Name and Subject

The name Nīlarudra applied to this group of stanzas derives from the repeated use of compounds beginning with the adjective n íla ('blue'), two of which are epithets applied to Rudra. The first seventeen stanzas, corresponding to PS 14.3 and 14.4, are the core of the Upanis . ad, and are probably the earliest referent of the title Nīlarudra. 4 The division between the first two khan . d . as does not correspond to the division between the two Paippalāda hymns, but it is more natural and elegant insofar as NU 1.1a and 2.10a are parallel in structure, differing only in the tense (and person) of the verb: ápaśyam versus ádr ˚śan. These verbs evoke a vision of Rudra's self-manifestation in the lightning-flash: the first is a personal testimonial of the poet; the second invokes as witnesses all those others who have beheld this epiphany. Together, they capture the moment in which Rudra descends from heaven to stand upon the earth, glowing red, and with a blue neck or crest, attributes that probably allude to the flashing bolt of lightning itself. 5 At the same time, Rudra is associated with the mountain, the place on earth nearest to heaven and often indistinguishable from the approaching storm clouds.

If the lightning in the sky is Rudra's form, it is simultaneously his weapon:

the lightning-bolts that strike at man and beast are the arrows that he shoots from his bow. In a tone of awe and reverence, the poet seeks to ward off Rudra's harmful fury (many ú) and anger (bh áma) (1.4), urging him to approach with his bow unstrung, putting away his arrows (2.12-14). This is his 'benign form' (śiv á tan úh . , 1.7-8), which is (in euphemistic terms) not merely harmless but positively beneficial. He is summoned to bring medicines, and especially to heal whoever has been struck by an affliction called vātīkārá. 6The last three stanzas of khan . d . a 2 and all of khan . d . a 3 are of quite a different cast. 2.18-20 is a tr ˚ca addressed to the Sarpas, supernatural serpent spirits said to dwell in various realms: on the ground, in the air, and in the sky (18), in the rays of the sun and in the water (19), and in trees and in holes (20). Those in the earthly locations surely include actual snakes, although some invisible snakedeities may also be envisioned. In the Yajurveda, this group of stanzas is recited over the place where a lotus leaf, a gold plate, and a golden figure of a man have been placed over the hoofprint of a horse in a rite called rukmādyupadhāna, near the start of the Agnicayana procedures. In the gr ˚hya sphere, the ĀpMP 2.17.5-7 allots them for recitation with an ājyāhuti.

Given the theme of the NU, the serpents in the atmosphere (antáriks . e) might perhaps be identified with the lightning, an idea supported by the reference in 2.20 to the arrows (ís . u) of the Yātudhānas ('sorcerers'), a class of beings associated with the Sarpas. This, then, provides a point of contact between these stanzas and those that precede: the Yātudhānas (and, perhaps, the Sarpas of the atmosphere) shoot arrows; their inclusion in the NU suggests that the redactor may have considered them to be, like the Maruts, under the command of Rudra or a manifestation of his dangerous power.

The final khan . d . a gathers together a diverse group of stanzas without parallels outside the Atharvaveda. The first of these (3.21), although it actually is addressed to a medicinal plant, may continue to refer to snakes: svajás (vipers? pythons?) of different colors. 7 One of these is a 'blue-necked' (n ílagrīva) viper. The next stanza, corresponding to PS 19.5.8, continues to name colors, though the identity of the bearers of these colors is not clear.

The NU closes with four stanzas drawn from the end of PS 20. Again, the presence of the epithet n ílaśikhan . d . a may have sufficed to justify their inclusion here. They include: an invocation to Śarva Nīlaśikhan . d . a, the Blue-Crested Bowman, that he might have mercy on one whom he has afflicted with disease (3.23, which is obscure and perhaps corrupt); an appeal for his aid in defeating a rival (3.24); and a pair of stanzas revering him as sabhāprápādin 'he who is on his way, or who habitually goes, to the assembly', drawn by a pair of yellow mules (3.25-26).

The Nīlarudra and the Paippalādasam . hitā

The NU's special position in the development of the Atharvavedic canon is illustrated in a set of three stanzas appended at the end of some codices of the fifty-two Upanis . ads This collection was most likely made by a Śaunakīya, since the fifteen 'śaunakīya' Upanis . ads are given precedence. These are precisely the fifteen enumerated in AVPariś 49.4.10,viz. the Mun . d . akā,Praśnakā,Brahmavidyā,Ks . urikā,C ūlikā,Atharvaśiras,Atharvaśikhā,Garbhopanis . ad,Mahopanis . ad,Brahmopanis . ad,Prān . āgnihotra,Mān . d . ūkya,Vaitathya,Advaita,and Alātaśanti. The rest of the Upanis . ads in the collection are classed as Paippalādin, perhaps solely on account of their following the NU, an authentic extract from the PS, in the sequence. The pivotal position of the NU -it almost always is the sixteenth in the collections of fifty-two, and thus the first of the 'paippalādin' Upanis . ads10 may have come about because of the Upanis . ads added later it was the one with the best Paippalāda credentials.

As an Atharvan eulogy of Rudra, the NU is one of the loci cited to show that Śiva is extolled as God in the Veda. The first two khan . d . as, excepting the first three stanzas and the last three, closely parallel fourteen stanzas from the first part of the Śatarudriya in the Yajurveda, 11 and the NU is often treated as the Atharvan equivalent of that hymn. The Agnipurān . a, for instance, in laying out the rites for consecrating a Śiva-li ṅga, prescribes that adherents of the four Vedas, one on each side of the fire, should make śānti recitations consisting of groups of mantras from their respective collections. While the 'Rudra' (i.e., the Śatarudriya) and the Purus . as ūkta are mentioned for the Yajurveda, the Atharvavedin should recite the 'Nīlarudra', the 'S ūks . mās ūks . ma', and the 'Atharvaśīrs . a'. 12 We also find a 'Nīlarudra' listed in the Li ṅgapuran . a among the mantras to be recited during the bathing of the li ṅga (LP 1.27); this 'Nīlarudra' is mentioned along with a variety of mantra texts, as well as an 'Atharvaśiras' (whether the Upanis . ad of that name or another text is unclear). 13 The application of these Vedic texts for use in li ṅga cult reflects a desire to ground Śaiva worship in the tradition of Vedic recitation-based piety. Indeed, these Vedic texts are described as 'mantras by means of which a man, having bathed the li ṅga even just once [while reciting them], may be liberated'. 14 It must be noted that many other references to the Nīlarudra understand it to be a hymn (s ūkta), rather than an Upanis . ad, of the Atharvaveda. This is confirmed by the fact that, besides the rather numerous manuscripts of the 'Nīlarudropanis . ad', four Devanāgarī copies of a 'Nīlarudras ūkta' are included in collections described as "Atharvaveda S ūktas" belonging to the National Archives, Kathmandu, and filmed by the Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project (NGMPP). 15 The most striking feature of these collections, in which the s ūktas are identified individually by name, is that they contain hymns of the Śaunaka recension exclusively, with the sole exception of the 'Nīlarudras ūkta', which is identical with our Upanis . ad and is thus composed entirely of stanzas drawn from the PS. 16 These Nīlarudras ūkta manuscripts are treated here as 11 These parallels and the variants therein are noted after each edited stanza in the edition, below. 12 . ā ṅgam arghyam . rudrāya dattvābhyarcya yathāvidhi (LP 1.27.76-78; cf. 1.27.41, 164.77, 2.24.27).

14 mantrān . i . . . yair li ṅgam . sakr ˚d apy evam . snāpya mucyeta mānavah . | (LP 1.27.39c-40b). 15 In this article and edition, the abbreviation 'NU' is intended to indicate both the text here edited, and the manuscripts used to constitute the text, including those of the Nīlarudras ūkta from Nepal. 16 The text of this 'Nīlarudras ūkta' shares several distinctive features with that of the NU transmitted in the Śāradā manuscripts (X and Y, see p. 97).

testimony for the NU.

Whether as an Upanis . ad or as a s ūkta, the NU has come down to us almost exclusively in Devanāgarī manuscripts. Two Śāradā manuscripts were also available to me, as well as one Telugu palm leaf, the sole example (known to me) of a manuscript in a south Indian script. Given the fact that it contains Paippalāda stanzas (including one attested only in the Orissa manuscripts of the PS), it is noteworthy that the NU is not included in Atharvaveda Upanis . ad collections from Orissa, and that no Orissa manuscripts containing the NU version of the text are known.

However, a 'Nīlarudras ūkta' is not entirely absent from Paippalāda ritual compendia. 17 The one example known to me from Orissa occurs in a collection of hymns, circulated in the Paippalāda communities, that is similar in form and function to the Devanāgarī collections from Nepal. Such collections were likely compiled to serve as treasuries of mantras used frequently in ritual practice. 18However the 'Nīlarudras ūkta' included in this collection 19 it is not the same as our NU. Rather, it contains PS 14.3.3-4 (no doubt the original kernel), preceded by PS 2. 16.4 and 8.7.9 (which latter occurs also in the NU as 3.21). are not found in this version, and this Orissa 'Nīlarudras ūkta' shows none of the small variations from the PS text that are distinctive of the NU. Since all the Nīlarudra stanzas (in all versions) are present in the sam . hitā of the Atharvaveda as it was known in Orissa, there was no reason to transmit them separately as an Upanis . ad. 20

Date and Provenance

While the stanzas themselves are of course as ancient as the PS itself, the existence of more than one version of the Nīlarudras ūkta, with differing configurations of stanzas, and the fact that one of these was adopted as an Upanis . ad by Śaunakas, raises the question of where and when they took shape. In 1985, WITZEL proposed that the 15 th or 16 th c. Kashmir Śāradā manuscript (K) of the PS descended ultimately from a Devanāgarī source (*D) produced in western India (ca. 1250); meanwhile, all the Orissa manuscripts would go back to a manuscript in proto-Bengali script (ca. 1400). The archetype of both of those, he postulated, was a lost manuscript (*G) from Gujarat in late Gupta script, tentatively dated to 800 CE. 21 If this picture of the transmission of the PS is correct, the NU, which includes a stanza (3.26 = PS 20.62.7) found only in the Orissa manuscripts, may have taken its current form in western India prior to the loss of the stanza in the transmission that produced K; otherwise, it might have originated in Bengal or Orissa after the split of the Paippalāda communities. Secondly, the NU must have taken shape as an independent text in a situation in which both Śaunakas and Paippalādas were present, so that there would have been occasion for it to be accepted as an Atharvan hymnal by Śaunaka Brahmins. These circumstances suggest that it came into existence in western India, where Śaunakas and Paippalādas were both present, 22 and where in any case the greatest concentration of NU manuscripts is found.

One circumstance that adds further support for a provenance in western India is that many manuscripts, even some coming from other regions (e.g., Z), preserve an important marker of having earlier been transmitted there: the conjunct aks . ara tnyo of the already corrupt form ātnyor (for ārtnyor) in 2.13b has been written j ño, an error that would only be expected in a region (viz., Maharashtra) where the conjunct letter j ña is pronounced [dnya], which closely resembles [tnya]. 23After the Paippalāda Atharvavedins shifted out of the region, the Atharvan affiliation continued to be recognized, but since the stanzas were lacking in the Śaunakasam . hitā, the Nīlarudras ūkta was transmitted independently (as in the Nepali collections: see DE). 24 It was ultimately 'recatalogued' by the Śaunakas in western India as an Upanis . ad rather than as a s ūkta, and thus it found its way into their Pariśis . t . a (49.4.4) as an 'Upanis . ad of the Brahmaveda'. It is also possible that devotees of Rudra-Śiva who were Atharvavedins -especially in Gujarat, where the Pāśupata sect and the Atharvaveda were both strong -adopted the Nīlarudras ūkta for cultic use, which could have favored its promotion to the status of an Upanis . ad. 25The date when the NU first circulated as an Upanis . ad can also perhaps be defined in broad terms. The mention of the NU as the twentieth Upanis . ad in the longer and later of the lists in Atharvavedapariśis . t

. a 49, and it absence in the shorter, might be taken to imply that the NU (along with the Yoga and Sam . nyāsa Upanis . ads mentioned there) entered the Śaunaka canon of the Atharvaveda literature as an Upanis . ad during the interval between the making of these lists, i.e., the 11 th -13 th c. 26 The Nīlarudra likewise is included in the group of fifty-two Atharvan Upanis . ads commented upon by Nārāyan . a, but it never appears in the collections of 108 Upanis . ads, which were compiled in South India. 27Śrīkumāra, the author of the Tātparyadīpikā on the Tattvaprakāśa, cites a 'Nīlarudra' alongside other Upanis . ads including the Atharvaśiras, to show that Śiva's advitīyatva is taught in Vedic sources as well as Śaiva ones (ad TaPra 1). However, the words that he quotes (sarvo rudras tasmai rudrāya namo 'stu) belong rather to a Yajurvedic source (T Ā 10. . 28 Further on (ad TaPra 5) he mentions a 'Nīlarudras ūkta' alongside the Śatarudriya and other s ūktas in a list of Vedic texts that broach subjects explained in the Śaiva scriptures: evam . śatarudriya-nīlarudras ūkta-śvetāśvatareśāvāsyātharvaśirastac-chikhā-raudras ūktāran . ādis . v (sic) āgama-pratipādyamānānām arthānām . sadbhāvo dras . t

. avya iti.

But even if we treat the latter as testimony for our text, it does not help us much in dating it. Nothing is known about Śrīkumāra except what is said about him in a colophon: that he had offered a soma sacrifice and that he was a ' Śiva-bhakta'. However, GENGNAGEL has noticed that he quotes long passages from the Īśānagurudevapaddhati, and judges him to be "ein relativ später Vertreter eines von Smārta-Einfl üssen geprägten Śivaismus". The Tattvaprakāśa itself is a post-Saiddhāntika work unknown to the Kashmiris, and so post-10 th c. at least. 29To summarize, the expansion of PS 14.3-4 with other PS stanzas to constitute different versions of a Nīlarudras ūkta likely took place in western India at some time before the 13 th c., and probably even before the 10 th c., since the Nīlarudras ūkta was already well established as a distinct Vedic text in the LP. We can also tentatively conclude that one of these versions attained its status as an Atharvan Upanis . ad (presumably in its current form as the NU) sometime during the 11 th -13 th c. However this gets us no closer to discovering at which time before then a Nīlarudras ūkta -one with this particular assortment of stanzas (or the somewhat different set transmitted in Orissa with more fidelity to the text of the PS) -came to be compiled and circulated independently of the PS. We can only suppose that its form was still not set when Paippalādins were still present in western India.

Relevance for Establishing the Text of the Paippalādasam . hitā

Aside from its historical significance as an extension of Atharvavedic mantras into post-Vedic Śaivism and Smārta eclecticism, the NU also provides valuable testimony for the text of the corresponding stanzas of the PS. 30 LOPEZ, in his 2000 edition of PS 13-14, took account of the NU's readings, but without any reference to manuscripts, and relying on a mechanical reprint (in SHASTRI 1970) of the inferior Adyar edition [START_REF] Kunhan Raja | Un-published Upanis[END_REF].

The NU manuscripts would seem to be important (a) because they are relatively numerous (as compared to extant Paippalāda manuscripts), (b) because they largely derive directly from western India and thus from a region that was important in the development of the Atharvaveda tradition but that is not directly represented in the body of known PS manuscripts, and (c) because three of the manuscripts of the Upanis . ad as well as four manuscripts identifying the same text as the Nīlarudras ūkta give an accented text. The last of these factors turns out not to be very significant, since the accenting in the manuscripts (especially those from Nepal) appears quite faulty and at certain points (e.g., 3.23a) shows signs of having been added to a previously unaccented transmission, rather than representing a continuous tradition.

On the other hand, in the annotations to the text I find occasion to note a number of cases in which the NU readings do throw light on uncertain readings in the text of the Sam . hitā. These cases include 1.1b, 1.2ab, 1.5ac, 1.6d, 1.8d, 2.10a, 2.13b, 2.15c, 2.16bd, 2.17a, 2.20b. It should also be recalled that the NU manuscript tradition offers the only support external to the Orissa sources for PS 20.62.7, which is not found in the Kashmir manuscript of the PS.

Tattvaprakāśa.

30 PS 14.3-4 has now twice been edited with the use of Orissa manuscripts, but neither edition can be regarded as fully satisfactory. While BHATTACHARYA 1997 offers us a first edition of books 1-15 using Orissa manuscripts, GRIFFITHS (2002GRIFFITHS ( : 40-51, 2004: xiv-xvi) : xiv-xvi) has called attention to methodological inconsistencies in that edition. LOPEZ 2000 is quite unreliable as well (cf. my notes to the edition below, and GRIFFITHS 2004: xvii).

A Note on vātīkārá

The second half of 1.3 (≈ PS 14.3.3) has remained obscure, partly because of a change in the wording in the NU, and partly because of uncertainty about the meaning of vātīkārá. The replacement of the PS reading ks . epam by [']ks . émam in the NU tradition, a case of a more common word replacing a less common one, has only complicated matters. 31 By connecting vātīkārá ingeniously with the root van 'win', Nārāyan . a is able to take this word as an epithet for Rudra meaning 'he who brings about acquisition (vāti = prāpti, yoga)'. This then complements the idea that he has removed aks . ema 'the absence of security', and in so doing ensures the ideal of yoga-ks . ema 'getting and keeping '. 32 The older meaning of this stanza was quite different, although the clue to recovering it likewise depends on the relationship between the same two words. The verb ks . ip in the Veda sometimes has the sense of 'strike or hit (with a weapon)' (e.g. R

˚V 1.182.1-3); accordingly ks . iptám: 'a wound caused by shooting or throwing' ( ŚS 6.109.3), ks . ipan . ú: (masc.) 'an archer' or (neut.) 'a missile weapon' (R ˚V 4.58.6) and the later word ks . ipaka: 'an archer' (MONIER-WILLIAMS, s.v.). PS 15.16.6, in which the collocation vātīkāren . a . . . ks . iptasya occurs (see below), comes in a series of stanzas referring to puncture injuries. Hence, also in our context we can understand ks . épa as 'wound caused by a projectile'.

Although some authorities have been content to identify vātīkārá (= vāt íkr ˚ta [ ŚS 6.44.3, 6.109.3]) simply as 'a particular disease' (e.g., B ÖHTLINGK & ROTH, s.v.), it occurs always in connection with puncture wounds, esp. ks . iptá (see ŚS 6.109.1). In his note on ŚS 6.44.3, WHITNEY observes that "vāt íkr ˚ta, like vātīkārá, is too doubtful to render; its derivation from vāta 'wind' is extremely unsatisfactory . . . ". Nevertheless, ZYSK (1993) considers vātīkārá a sort of gastric complaint, perhaps prefiguring the later tri-dos . a humoral theory. 33 It is healed by vis . ān .

ā34 (or vis . ān . ak á), 35 a plant (= pippal í/arundhat í?), 36 and by jālās . á, a liquid remedy consisting of rainwater conceived of as 'Rudra's urine' ( ŚS 6.44.3; cf. 6.57.1-2) or maybe of actual urine. 37 In ŚS 6.109 ZYSK sees the ailment as involving a discharge of blood (āsrāvá, ŚS 6.44.2) in addition to vāt íkr . ta (p. 213). 31 The distinctive reading of the NU tradition, ks . emam, had been established in the tradition at least by Nārāyan . a's time (if he did not introduce it himself). He reads it as 'ks . emam, i.e., aks . emam: 'He has utterly removed your lack of security. By this is meant [Rudra's] agency in safe-guarding [what one possesses]' (tavāks . emam anīnaśad anena ks . emakāritvam uktam). 32 See p. 129, below. 33 He suggests that vāt íkr ˚ta "may be a symptom manifested by a victim of a wound" and "a form of dyspepsia" (ZYSK 1985: 212-213, cf. p. 32 n. 9); ŚS 9.8.20. 34 PS 19.31.12cd: pr ˚thivyām . nis . t

. hitam asi vis . ān . ā nāma vātīkr . tabhes . ajī (as quoted in ZYSK 1985: 211). 35 ŚS 6. 44.2. 36 On the pepper plant pippal í in its role as a remedy for vāt íkr ˚ta and ks . iptá, see ŚS 6.109.3. 37 BLOOMFIELD (1891: 425-429), relying on KauśS 31.11-15 and the commentaries thereon. LOPEZ (2000: 352) cites PS 15.16.6 as showing a connection between this disease and shooting, but he mistranslates: "And with the vātikara-disease (sic) of thrown (arrows) and the dangerous poison of evil (?) . . . ". In fact, this stanza is third in a sequence in which the first pāda of each stanza contains an instrumental and a genitive, and the other three pādas are a refrain: '. . . and of the ill which is the ill-poisonous [arrow]: o Arundhatī, you are the poison-spoiler of its/his poison' (. . . -aghasyāghavis . ā ca yā | arundhati tvam . tasyāsi vis . asya vis . ad ūs . ān . ī). 38 If we consider the parallel construction of the first pāda of each stanza in 15.16.4-6, the In the first two cases, the afflicted is struck by something sharp which introduces a poison with the capacity to stun, paralyze, and render him unconscious.

The third instance should be similar.

There is another factor to consider, too. In these three stanzas, the word in the instrumental case designates the proximate cause of the malady. But in what looks like a secondary extension of the pattern, several stanzas (PS 15.16.7-15.17.3) follow which repeat 15.16.6 verbatim, changing only the first word, vātīkāren . a, to Bhavena, Śarven . a, Rudren . a, Paśupatinā, Ugren . a ca Devena, Mahādevena, Īśānena, respectively. These of course are all names of Rudra (though treated as distinct deities in some contexts). Stanza 6, then, marks a transition: whereas the instrumentals in the preceding stanzas designate the instrument of the injury, those in the following stanzas name a personal divine agent. How is it that this transition came about?

Considering the nature of the injury and its effects, the word's seeming connection with wind, and the fact that it was considered an apt epithet for Rudra, I propose that vātīkārá may mean 'lightning-bolt' or 'lightning-strike' (from its association with wind and storm, the concomitants of Rudra's approach). Being struck by lightning might well be considered analogous to an attack with a 38 GRIFFITHS' translation (2004-05: @@). 39 It is also possible to see here genitives of the neuter nouns viddhám ('puncture wound'), das . t

. ám ('bite wound'), and ks . iptám ('shooting wound'), but these are more awkwardly construed with the preceding instrumentals; hence my preference to interpret them as masculine terms referring to the injured party. sharp weapon. Rudra's arrows are the standard poetic metaphor for lightning in the hymns. What we call the electrical current acts like a poison, leaving the victim paralyzed or unconscious. The dual meaning -'lightning-strike' and '[God of the] Lightning-Strike' -would permit the semantic shift from 'shot or struck down by something' to 'shot or struck down by someone'. In NU 1.3, vātīkārá, the lightning-strike or its effects, are banished by an appeal to Rudra, Vātīkārá personified.

On the other hand, this explanation of the term is by no means the only plausible one, and it is worth noting two other possibilities: that vātīkārá is either (a) a condition (such as infection) associated with a wound caused by an arrow or bite; or, in accordance with traditional interpretations, (b) an outbreak of unopen sores, boils, or pustules described metaphorically as Rudra's 'arrow with a single shaft and a hundred points' (ís . um ékatejanām . śatáśalyām, ŚS 6.57.1cd). 40In either case, infection or sores, the flow (āsrāvá) mentioned in ŚS 6. [START_REF]Ed P pp. 91-92. A parallel tantricized rite of the Atharvavedic Abhayamantra of Indra (OM . YATA INDRA BHAY ĀMAHE[END_REF].2 might be of pus rather than of blood.

Nārāyan . a's Dīpikā

Nārāyan . a commented upon a corpus of fifty-two Atharvan Upanis . ads. His Dīpikā on the NU comes down to us in two forms, a shorter one and a longer one. The first (recorded in one manuscript, H, and the Bibliotheca Indica edition, Ed 1 ) restricts itself mainly to decomposing sandhi in potentially ambiguous cases, glossing terms (often citing a definition from the Viśvaprakāśa), and justifying grammatical forms by reference to Pān . inian rules. This commentary is often, but not always, correct in its explanations, and it must be admitted that it is not much help in establishing the text. It is interesting, though, to see how the author resolves some of the problems posed by corrupt and otherwise obscure passages, especially in the last khan . d . a, where he proposes an emendation of the second pāda of 3.22. Moreover, the Dīpikā is a good illustration of the reception and theological assimilation of a Vedic hymn in Smārta Hinduism. In the older stratum of the text, this concern is less prominent, but Nārāyan . a manages to discern in 1.3cd a reference to Śiva's beneficent role in conferring yoga and ks . ema upon his devotees. Similarly, in his view, 3.24 celebrates Rudra as a hero in removing doubts about what is right or wrong, so that men can know which actions will lead to desirable fruits. He interprets 2.10 as demonstrating that bhakti confers (thanks to divine grace) a vision of Rudra inaccessible even to yogis (see note 81 below). The adjective kalmās . apuccha in 3.21 he sees as alluding to 'the Lord of Kedāra in the form of Mahis . a' (another instance of Śiva being identified with a figure whom elsewhere he subdues).

The interpolated passages in the expanded version (preserved in the other manuscripts and the Ānandāśrama edition, Ed 2 ) reveal a much more vigorous effort to elucidate the religious significance of the hymn, making numerous connections between the Vedic revelation and the Purān . ic mythology. Thus, a short itihāsa, inserted ad 1.1, takes the word avarohantam . to refer to Rudra's descent as avatar in the form of Kumāra(s), Brahman's mind-born offspring, during the creation of the world. Based on the reading jalāsabhes . ajīh . , this anonymous redactor also offers an alternative explanation of 1.3: Śiva again took avatar form to swallow the poison produced by the 'herbs thrown into the water' during the churning of the ocean. An interpolation ad 3.21 sees the mention of Hari beside Nīlagrīva as a reference to 'the oneness of Hari and Hara', and the two mules of 3.26 are explained as the parallel forms in which Vis . n . u and Śiva preside over two particular earthly realms. In this manner, warrant is found in a piece of śruti for a number of later ideas.

The Manuscripts

This edition of the text is based on twenty-six manuscripts, five of them accented. All but three (XYZ) are written in the Devanāgarī script, and are on Indian paper unless otherwise noted. The accented manuscripts are:

A: Vaidika Sam . śodhana Man . d . ala,no. 4138. The NU is on ff. 18r-20v, sixteenth in a collection of 52 5.1567 = Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project (NGMPP) A 588/16, labeled "Atharvas ūktam" on the NAK label, and " Atharvavedasam . hitā" in the NGMPP catalog CD. The Nīlarudras ūkta is on ff. 4v-6r, third in a collection of 'hymns of the Atharvaveda'. The codex of 12 folios contains: the Atharvas ūkta ( ŚS 6.1-10) (listed by the NGMPP as the Dvārapālas ūkta), Ā ṅgirasas ūkta ( ŚS 19.21-23), Nīlarudras ūkta, Aparājitās ūkta ( ŚS 6.67-72), [Rodhasas ūkta] ŚS 6.40 (not so named in the text), Śāntis ūkta ( ŚS 19.9-12), Rudras ūkta ( ŚS 3.26-27), Audumbaras ūkta ( ŚS 19.31). The independent svarita is marked by the use of a horizontal bar below the svarita syllable as well as below the syllable that precedes. The accentuation of the text is very faulty at points, but in general it agrees closely with that of E. E: National Archives, Kathmandu, no. 4.2226 = NGMPP A 588/17, labeled "Atharvas ūktam" on the NAK label, and " Atharvavedasam . hitā" in the NGMPP catalog CD; the Nīlarudras ūkta is on ff. 7r-10r, third in a collection of 'hymns of the Atharvaveda'. The codex of 83 folios contains: the Atharvas ūkta, Ā ṅgirasas ūkta, Nīlarudras ūkta, ŚS 11.2 (wrongly labelled 'Nīlarudras ūktam', which is cancelled), Devīs ūkta ( ŚS 4.30), Aparājitās ūkta, Madhus ūkta ( ŚS 1.34), Rodhasas ūkta, Śāntis ūkta, Purus . as ūkta ( ŚS 19.6), Rudras ūkta, Sauras ūkta ( ŚS 17.1; see also below), Paus . t . ikas ūkta ( ŚS 19.31), Śakunas ūkta ( ŚS 7.64-70 [inc.]); with new folio numbering: S ūryas ūkta ( ŚS 17.1), Somas ūkta ( ŚS 6.128), Bhaumas ūkta ( ŚS 4.31), Yudhas ūkta ( ŚS 7.81 [86]), Br ˚haspatis ūkta ( ŚS 7.8 [9]), Śukras ūkta ( ŚS 17.1.20), Śanis ūkta ( ŚS 11.6[4]. [1][2][3], Rāhus ūkta (one stanza, not traced in the ŚS or PS), Ketus ūkta ( ŚS 7.11.1-7.12.2), the Adhidevatāh . (S ūryādhidevo Rudrah . , ŚS 1.19; Somādhideva Umā, ŚS 1.5;Bhaumādhidevah . Skandhah . ,ŚS 4.31.2;Budhādhidevo Vis . n . uh . ,ŚS 7.24[25]. 1-7.26[27].2; Br ˚haspatyadhidevo Brahmā, ŚS 4.1;Śukrādhideva Indrah . ,ŚS 6.98;Śanyadhidevo Yamah . ,ŚS 6.93;Rāhvadhidevah . Kālah . ,Ketvadhideva Indrah . ,, the Pratyadhidevatāh . (S ūryapratyadhidevo 'gnih . , ŚS Somapratyadhideva Āpah . ,ŚS 1.6;Bhaumapratyadhidevah . Bh ūh . ,ŚS 12.1.1;Budhapratyadhidevo Vis . n . uh . ,ŚS 7.24[25]. 1-7.26[27].2; Br ˚haspatipratyadhideva Indrah . , ŚS 2.5.1;Śukrapratyadhideva Indrān . ī,ŚS 1.27.4;Śanipratyadhidevah . Prajāpatih . ,Rāhupratyadhidevah . Sarpah . ,ŚS 2.24;Ketupratyadhidevo Brahmā,ŚS 4.1), the Pa ñcalokapālāh . (Vināyakah . , ŚS 1.18;Durgā,ŚS 7.63[65]; Vāyuh . , ŚS 4.25;Ākāśah . ,Aśvinau,ŚS 5.26.12), the Daśadikpālāh . (Indrah . , ŚS 6.98;Agnih . ,Yamah . ,ŚS 6.93; Nirr ˚tih . , ŚS 6.84;Varun . ah . ,ŚS 18.4.69;Vāyuh . ,ŚS 4.25;Kuberah . ,ŚS 6.128; Īśānah . , ŚS 1.19;Anantah . ,ŚS 2.24;Brahmā,ŚS 4.1), and the As . t . avāsavah . ( Ādityah . [stanzas omitted], Ekādaśarudrah . , ŚS 2.27.6;Naks . atrah . ,4.27;Brahmā,4.1;Vis . n . uh . ,ŚS 7.24[25]. 1-7.26[27].2; Rudrah . , 1.19; Arkah . , 17.1; Br ˚haspatih . , 6.125). The readings generally match those of D, including the idiosyncrasies of the accentuation. Yet there are some real differences, as in 1.8d. 41 The unaccented manuscripts are: Baroda,acc. no. 7332. The NU is on ff. 37r-38r, sixteenth in a collection of 49 Atharvan Upanis . ads. Stanzas are numbered consecutively, with no division into khan . d . as. The colophon (ff. 115v-116r) records a date of sam . vat 1670 Āśvina bright 15 Friday (i.e., Sunday, 29 September 1613 CE?). 42 41 Two other Nepalese manuscripts exist, but could not be collated for this edition. They are: NAK 4.1405 = NGMPP A 588/18, labeled "Atharvas ūktam" on the NAK label, and " Atharvavedasam . hitā" in the NGMPP catalog CD. 44 unnumbered folios. The codex contains some rules for the performance of the upanayana and the haritālikāvrata (1r-23r), followed by a group of unaccented Atharvan hymns written in a different hand (according to the NGMPP CD, they are the Atharvan . as ūkta, Ā ṅgirasas ūkta, Nīlarudras ūkta, Aparājitās ūkta, Audumbaras ūkta, Adalambukamekas ūkta (?), and Rudras ūkta). Unfortunately, the photographs of the hymns supplied by the NGMPP were mostly illegible.

F: Oriental Institute,
NGMPP E 1601/16, "Atharvavedasam . hitā". According to the NGMPP CD, the codex contains: Ā ṅgirasas ūkta, Nīlarudras ūkta, Aparājitās ūkta, Madhus ūkta, Rudras ūkta. Photographs of this manuscript were not made available to me. 42 Here and below, my attempts to convert the dates were made with the use of Michio Yano's "Pancanga" program (<http://www.kyoto-su.ac.jp/~yanom/pancanga/>). In several cases, I was not able to find a matching weekday, so all conversions are to be taken cum grano salis -Place of origin: adya śrīpattanamadhye nāgaraj ñātīyapam . colī [effaced run of perhaps 18 aks . aras follows] madam . kānajīsutavilla (?) jīyena līs . āvitam . lekhakapāt . a**lis . ādikajayosu . Orthography: doubles dental and retroflex stops after r; inconsistently uses pr ˚s . t . hamātrās, probably retained from the exemplar; v, b, and c often indistinguishable; ch for cch, including that resulting from external sandhi of t + ś.

G: Oriental Institute, Baroda,acc. no. 5888(m). The NU is on ff. 49v-51r, sixteenth in a collection of 52 Atharvan Upanis . ads. The post-colophon (f. 210v) reads: sam . vat 1697 vars . e mārgaśīrs . aśuddhapratipadā budhadine [14 November 1640 CE] likhitam idam . pustakam . . This manuscript preserves many apparently old and authentic readings, despite the fact that it seems to have been written by someone ignorant of Sanskrit: although the hand is clear, n and t are very frequently confused; likewise, c and v, preconsonantal r and anusvāra, th and py -errors which have not been reported. Stanzas are not numbered, and are not always marked off by single or double dan . d . as, which often crop up in the middle of a line.

H: Oriental Institute, Baroda, acc. no. 11529. Nārāyan . a's Dīpik ā is on ff. 69v-27v, thirteenth in a collection of 52 Atharvan Upanis . ads dated sam . vat 1784(1727 CE). The m ūla text of the NU is written in the margins around the commentary as an afterthought, but seemingly by the same hand, beginning on f. 70r. H and M descend from a common ancestor. The stanzas are numbered 1-27, omitting the number 21; khan . d . a divisions are noted secunda manu. ks . a is sometimes written for kr ˚. Though it shows many patent mistakes, this manuscript provides valuable testimony especially for the Dīpikā in that it omits several passages also omitted in the Bibliotheca Indica edition, and it also preserves some correct readings not found in other sources. It has been corrected to agree with readings found in the Śāradā transmission, especially as it is preserved in X.

I: Oriental Institute, Baroda, acc. no. 4856. The NU is on ff. 52r-53v, sixteenth in a collection of 52 J: Vaidika Sam . śodhana Man . d . ala,no. 4816. The NU is on ff. 54v-56r, also numbered 1v-3r, sixteenth in a collection of 52 Atharvan Upanis . ads. Sam . śodhaka Man . d . al . a,no. 7/66 f. Nārāyan . a's Dīpithe precise size of the necessary grain I am not competent to estimate. 43 According to the BORI catalog (vol. 1, part 3, pp. 103-104), these stanzas are also found at the end of BORI no. 134/1880-81, which unfortunately was inaccessable to me. See my discussion of the stanzas on p. 84-84, with n. 8. k ā of the NU, with the m ūla stanzas, is on ff. 1r-3v, sixteenth in a collection of 52 Upanis . ads, separately foliated. In the m ūla, hemistichs are marked off with double dan . d . as, but only the khan . d . as are numbered.

K: Bhāratīya Itihāsa

L: Ānandāśrama, no. 58/944. The NU is on ff. 57r-58v, sixteenth in a collection of 52 T: Adyar Library, no. PM 484 = 9 F 130. The NU is on ff. 54r-55v, sixteenth in a collection of 52 Atharvan Upanis . ads. The text shows two sets of corrections: cancellations using yellow paste and some overwriting, seemingly performed by the original writer and usually improving the text; and other changes in lighter black ink and in another hand which almost always corrupt the text, and which have not been recorded in the critical apparatus. The codex concludes with the stanzas classifying the Upanis . adsby śākhā.

U: Adyar Library, no. PM 486 = 9 G 52. The NU is on ff. 28v-29v, sixteenth in a collection of 52 4 no. 1168). Palm-leaf in Telugu script. The NU is on ff. 130v-131r (33v-34r, as renumbered in Arabic numbers), forty-fourth in a collection of 45 works, mostly Upanis . ads. The aks . aras pa and va seem in many cases to be indistinguishable: e.g. 1.3d, py etu (as all other NU mss. read) or vy etu (the PS reading).

The Dīpik ā is represented in manuscripts H, K, O, and Q, described above, as well as in:

Dī 1 : Vaidika Sam . śodhana Man . d . ala,no. 4163. Nārāyan . a's Dīpikā is on ff. 195r-197v. This manuscript and the next, Dī 2 , must derive from a common archetype, since they share several obvious scribal errors (not included in the apparatus): e.g., pratyas . n . āt | pratis . n . ām . ad 1.2, prakāśayastv iti ad 1.8, and pim . galāh . ad 1.9, as well as the unique use of the archaic graph +IÁ for ī in the word īmahe ad 1.9.

Dī 2 : Ānandāśrama, no. 288/4612 . In eight numbered folios. 46The accented manuscripts ABC broadly agree in their readings, which deviate more widely from those of the PS than those of some of the unaccented manuscripts (e.g., FJ). One gets the impression that the accentuation was added at some point to an unaccented text, rather than that it records a continuously preserved oral tradition. For instance, in 3.23 and 3.24, sárva, correctly accented, is recorded instead of the older reading śarvá (which, however, is written correctly in 3.25). If the accentuation had been orally preserved, one might have expected sarva with śarva's accent. 47 The accentuation of the Nīlarudras ūkta manuscripts (DE) is very faulty in general.

Editorial Policy

The edition presented here is of the Nīlarudra litany as recorded in all manuscripts recording the text as 'Nīlarudropanis . ad' and in the Nepal manuscripts calling it the 'Nīlarudras ūkta', as distinct from the parallel stanzas in the PS. That is to say, the aim is to determine as far as possible the form of the archetype *N from which all the manuscripts used here are assumed ultimately to be derived.

As a consequence, there are a few instances in which the adopted reading diverges from what appears to be the correct text of the PS. I have chosen to preserve deviations from the older form of stanzas (whether accidental or intentional) to the extent that they belonged to *N and were found meaningful by the commentator. In such cases, discussion of the NU's divergence from the PS stanzas on which it was based is reserved for the notes. At the same time, it is undeniable that the PS provides an invaluable frame of reference both for editing and for interpreting the text, and it allows us to set in relief some of the ways in which later Śaiva tradition made sense of the Rudra of the Veda.

Unfortunately, the manuscripts do not represent a closed tradition. Contamination is evident in cases where manuscripts have been corrected to show variant readings attested in other manuscripts (many cases are noted in the apparatus). That said, on occasion it seems possible to formulate a 'stemma variantium' 48 in the case of a particularly distinctive shared reading that is unlikely to be attributable to (1) a common pronunciation or scribal error, such as incorrect vowel length, presence or absence of visarga or anusvāra, or confusion of similar characters or forms; or (2) a deliberate change to the text, whether 'correction' to an 'easier' reading 49 or to one found in a well-known parallel. After screening out likely coincidences and solecisms of this sortadmittedly, a rather subjective process -the following tentative groupings emerge. An important variation at 1.6c exhibits a major branching:

*Ψ = sarvam ij CFGH ac IKLMOPQTUVWZ *Ω = three subgroups: sarvam idam DE sarva ij ABJNR sarva imej SXY (and secunda manu in a *Ψ ms., H pc )
In the three manuscripts derived from an exemplar reading sarva imej, we find that an inserted word [']gnau in 1.2a, when miscopied, leads progressively to further corruption ending in utter nonsense:

ugro [']gnau X → ugro gro S → grogrogro Y
The *Ψ group splits along the following variation in 1.5d:

him . sīt FH ac LMOPQTUW him . sīh . CGIKVZ
Within the former of these groups, O and Q share the reading śaravyān in 1.7c. Within the latter, I and K stand apart in sharing a couple of features: asya śes . avah . for asyes . avah . in 2.15c, and the omission of tava in 1.7c. 50 I hasten to add that the distribution of several other significant variations in the text cannot be reconciled with these groupings: e.g., asman JQRSUZ : asmin (or yasmin) elsewhere (2.16d); and divo ABCFJPW : divi elsewhere (except T) (2.19a). These may represent scribal corrections or, because the differences are so small, some of the incorrect readings may result from independent errors.

Only manuscripts have been used to constitute the text of both the stanzas and the commentary, although four earlier editions have been consulted: those of R ĀMAMAYA TARKARATNA (1872), JIBANANDA VIDYASAGARA (1891), ĀPAT . E (1895), and KUNHAN RAJA (1933). The second of these was found simply to reproduce the text of the first, agreeing even in such details as punctuation, and it was therefore left out of further consideration. The text of the fourth is incomplete, erroneous, and full of readings adopted tacitly and uncritically from the commentary or from Yajurvedic parallels; its text of the Dīpikā closely follows that of R ĀMAMAYA TARKARATNA. 51 For the stanzas, it has not been deemed necessary to record the readings of any of the printed editions. In the case of the Dīpikā, however, all instances in which the editions of 1872 (Ed 1 ) and 1895 (Ed 2 ) diverge from the text as accepted here (on the basis of the six manuscripts available to me) are recorded in the lower register of the apparatus. The sources of Nārāyan . a's quotations from other works are identified in the upper register.

The following conventions are employed in the critical apparatus: Sigla are shown in bold type. A sigma (Σ) stands for all manuscripts of the unaccented text of the m ūla (i.e., all except A, B, C, D, and E). The lemma and 50 The major branching *Ψ-*Ω is generally supported by a variation at 2.10a, with *Ψ reading adr ˚śyam . and *Ω (more nearly correctly) reading adr ˚śam . ; at 2.10c, more than half of the *Ψ manuscripts have preserved the original adr ˚śann (with U anticipating this form also in 2.10a). The three *Ω manuscripts (ABR) break ranks by reading adr ˚śyam . in both places (likewise J in pāda c). Some others of the *Ψ group join the entire *Ω group in preserving the original adr ˚śann there. However, given the closeness of the forms, the widespread confusion evident from the oddities of orthography here, and the possibility of contamination, these forms have not been deemed a secure basis for use in a stemma. 51 In his edition of PS 13-14, LOPEZ cites a mechanical reprint of this edition, included in SHASTRI 1970. lemma sign ( ] ) are followed first by the sigla of those manuscripts giving the adopted reading. In the case of an accented word, accented sources as well as other manuscripts showing the same form without accent will be listed as supporting the reading in the lemma, unless the unaccented form is found also as a variant in an accented manuscript. Variant readings follow, separated by semicolons. Variants in accentuation have been reported, even if they are clearly spurious, so that the reader may form an accurate idea of the fidelity of the accented texts, and also to illustrate the close agreement of the Nepalese sources.

Occasionally, a manuscript will be shown as giving a reading that was clearly intended by the writer but which was miswritten. In such cases, the exact reading found in the manuscript is given in parentheses after the siglum.

A raised dot ( • ) stands in place of an illegible aks . ara (or part thereof).

A square cup ( ) represents a space left blank by the writer to indicate a missing or illegible aks . ara in the manuscript that he was recopying.

A pair of question marks (? ?) encloses aks . aras (or portions thereof) whose reading is uncertain.

Parentheses with a plus sign (+) enclose aks . aras (or parts thereof) inserted marginally or interlinearly, whether by the same or a different hand.

Curly braces ( { } ) enclose cancelled aks . aras (or parts thereof).

An arrow (→) indicates a correction; alternatively, where both forms are elsewhere attested, the readings before and after correction may be entered separately, with superscript ac added to the siglum to indicate the reading ante correctionem and superscript pc to indicate the reading post correctionem.

Under 'Parallels', an identical parallel (if one exists) is listed first, preceded by an equal sign (=); all other parallels (or groups of identical parallels) cited are variants of the NU stanza. The variations are mentioned in the annotations. The accented manuscripts' éty should not be accented; if the preverb á is understood to be present, it should by sandhi rather produce áiti, which is in fact the reading of the PS. Might this unanimity suggest that the original accent has in this case been faithfully preserved, despite the change of vowel? b. Although the usual form of Rudra's epithet is jálās . abhes . aja (R ˚V 1.43.4b,8.29.5;ŚS 2.27.6a;PS 2.16.4a,5.22.9c), most manuscripts here read jalās . abhes . aj íh . . Even if this could be accepted as a rare masculine form (cf. MACDONELL 1910: § 375B), the accent on the ultimate prevents us from reading it as a bahuvrīhi and requires that we accept jalās . abhes . aj í, based on the stem jalās . abhes . ajín-, which is the form shown by G and printed by BHATTACHARYA (1997) andLOPEZ (2000). For the meaning of jalās . á (jālās . á in ŚS 6.57.2), see EMENEAU 1988: 195, who defends the etymology and definition proposed originally by BLOOMFIELD 1891: 425-429.

Text and Translation of the

cd. On vātīkārá and [']ks . éma, see the remarks in the introduction (pp. 90-92). All the manuscripts record ks . emam, and this reading probably was present in *N. Reluctantly, in spite of the poor sense it yields, I have refrained from emending to ks . épam because this reading has been accepted by tradition as authentic and (thanks to some exegetical gymnastics) meaningful: by Nārāyan . a's interpretation this line means: 'He has removed your lack of security [reading 'ks . ema]; Likewise, let him come who causes you to acquire'. The unanimous reading [']py etu is possibly original (with the implied sense of preverb ví carried forward from pāda c), but it may well have arisen as a misreading for the PS's vy etu (in which case the error can be compared with the reading píte in pāda c in D and E). The PS reading of this line means: 'He has caused your wound to disappear; let your vātīkārá go away'.

1.4

= PS 14.3.4 námas te bhava bh ámāya námas te bhava manyáve | námas te astu bāh úbhyām ut ó ta ís . ave námah .

Homage, O Bhava, to your anger! Homage, O Bhava, to your wrath! Homage be to your arms, and to your arrow, homage!

a.

There is no PS manuscript support for ís . um . . BHATTACHARYA hesitantly prints is . am . ; LOPEZ emends to *is . um . on the basis of a NU edition. The NU manuscripts unanimously support is . um . . c. giritra, which is read by Nārāyan . a and glossed giriraks . aka, is a vocative found elsewhere. Though it might possibly have originated as a misreading of giriśa, it appears to belong to the archetype of the NU. giritra is found in parallels in the KS, TS, VS, and ŚvU, with only the MS showing giriśa. Despite noting the parallel texts, LOPEZ (2000: 269, 319) combines this word with the following tām . and emends, on the basis of a single corrupt reading from an Orissa manuscript (Mā 1c : giriśrr ˚tam . [perhaps misreported; should be giriśr ˚tām . ?]), to giriśritām . : 'make that mountain-leaning (arrow) friendly'. However the compound giriśrita is not attested elsewhere, and does not make sense describing an arrow.

It is perhaps noteworthy that the NU and the PS read kr ˚n . u instead of the 'younger' form kuru, 52 which is found in all of the Yajurveda versions.

d. Although the PS and all Yajurveda parallels read him . sīh . , I have accepted him . sīt here for two reasons. First, him . sīt represents a shift of subject (with the new subject not explicitly stated): it is thus the lectio difficilior. Secondly, according to my tentative stemma, those manuscripts which read him . sīh . (CGIKVZ) descend from a version that may have been influenced in this place by the reading of the widely known Śatarudriya. The Yajurveda versions have p úrus . am . jágat instead of p úrus . ān máma.

1.6

≈ PS 14.3.6 śivéna vácasā tvā gíriś áchā vadāmasi | yáthā nah . sárvam íj jágad ayaks . mám . sumánā ásat With a benign word we invite you, O Mountain-Dweller, so that the whole world shall be disease-free, and [Rudra] favorable to us.

cd.

As with the previous stanza, the MS here stands apart from its peers: yáthā nah . sárvā íj jánah . sam . gamé sumánā ásat 'so that every person shall be welldisposed toward us when we meet'. All other parallels agree with the NU/PS here. It is interesting to note that those manuscripts giving the hybrid reading sárva íj jágad appear to reflect a familiarity with a version of this pāda that has the MS's wording, but without the MS's distinctive vowel sandhi (a → ā before an accented word-initial vowel).

The manuscripts uniformly give the masculine form sumánā[h . ] (which could refer to Rudra) in place of the PS neuter form sumáno, which can be understood as attribute to jágat. yaks . ma, though denoting a wasting illness such as tuberculosis in particular, probably means disease in general in this form compounded with alpha privative, ayaks . mám . . One comes away with the impression that the MS has the most natural construction, with the other Yajurveda versions introducing changes that make the line clumsy, a clumsiness that the PS removes by completing the transition from masculine to neuter subject. On this basis, the difficult reading sumánā may be more original in the PS than the reading sumano actually attested in its mss.

1.7

= PS 14.3.7 y á ta ís . uh . śivátamā śivám . babh úva te dhánuh . | śiv á śaravy à y á táva táyā no mr ˚d . a jīváse That arrow of yours is most benign; your bow has become benign. Benign is that shot of yours. Show us kindness with it, for the sake of life. TS 4.5.1.1(b).

c. Four otherwise unaccented manuscripts insert the numeral 1 or 3 to mark the independent svarita in the word śaravy à: F(1, the only such instance in this ms.) J (1 → 3) N(3) T(3,cancelled) TS 4.5.1.1(c); VS 16.2; ŚvU 3.5. c. Four otherwise unaccented manuscripts insert the numeral 1 or 3 to mark the independent svarita in the word tanv à:

)GHIJ(vā • )KLM pc NOPQRS( • ś{īhi}t)UV( • śīat)WXY; cākaśavat Z; cākaś?īhi? M ac ; cākaśam → cākaśīm T Parallels: MS 2.
J(1 → 3) N(1 → 3) R(3) T(3, can- celled).
d. The last word of the stanza, a form of the intensive stem cākaś, is problematic. The almost unanimously attested NU reading, cākaśat, may be the widely attested participial form; if it were interpreted as a third-person singular subjunctive, it might have arisen from mistaking the nominative string in pādas ab as the subject, to yield a syntactically disjunct sentence: 'That benign form of yours, O Rudra, which is not frightful, not evil-looking -with that most benevolent form -O Mountain-Dweller, it (your benign form) shall shine upon us'. Alternatively, Nārāyan . a explains: '[It is] the prayer, "He shall manifest [that form] exceedingly" (atiśayena prakāśayatv iti prārthanā)'. LOPEZ emends to cākaśah . , a second-person form, stating: "Though not attested, the manuscripts converge on this form with little variation" (p. 214). Given that the Kashmir manuscript reads cākas . ā and the Orissa manuscripts he used all read cākas . a, this convergence remains elusive, although it is true that visarga is easily lost. However, BHATTACHARYA prints cākaśa, which can be understood as an imperative form based on a thematized stem cākaśa-. The Yajurveda-based variant cākaśīhi, a proper intensive imperative, seems to confirm this choice. *N may well have read cākaśat; this form may have been introduced by a scribe who did not recognize the nonce form cākaśa and presumed that a final letter had been omitted. On this basis, the emended form is accepted here. The hypermetric form cākaśīhi found in all Yajurveda versions might even have been introduced as a normalization, giving a more common form while preserving the sense.

1.9

= PS 14.3.9 asáu yás tāmr ó arun . á utá babhr úr vilohitáh . | yé cemé abhíto rudr á diks . ú śrit áh . sahasraś ó 'vais . ām . héd . a īmahe 1 That coppery one, the ruddy, the brown, and the red one, and these Rudras all about, lying in [all] directions by the thousands -we appease their wrath. ; VS 16.6. bc. Variants in the Śatarudriya: utá babhr úh . suma ṅgálah . (KS, MS, TS); yé cem á ṁ (TS), yé caina ṁ (VS).

2.10

= PS 14. TS 4.5.1.3(h); VS 16.7. a. ádr ˚śam . could hardly be a first-person singular aorist form, and BHATTA-CHARYA therefore prints adr ˚śam . ; LOPEZ emends to adarśam . (with gun . a). The variant adr ˚śyam . , which is also Nārāyan . a's reading, likely results from perseveration from the parallel form apaśyam . in 1.1a, a pāda which is otherwise identical.

The same may be true of the om . added here in G (though this may simply be meant to indicate the start of a new chapter).

I have preferred the smallest emendation necessary to give a good form, reading m . as n, and reading adr ˚śan, a third-person plural aorist form. This has the virtue of agreeing with the same form in pāda c, and with all the other plural subjects in the stanza. Moreover, in Devanāgarī manuscripts, anusvāra before dentals is almost as a norm treated as an acceptable equivalent of n. It is a distinctive feature of the Paippalāda tradition that word-final n + t frequently does not result in m . st as required by Pān . inian sandhi. 53 This reading must also be restored in PS 14.3.10. bcdef TS 4.5.1.3(i) TS 4.5.1.4(o).

a. Yajurveda variants: námas ta (MS, VS); námas te astv (TS). c. For akaram . the Śatarudriya reads utá te.

2.13

= PS 14.4.3 prá mu ñca dhánvanas páry ubháyor ártnyor jy ám | y áś ca te hásta ís . avah . párā t á bhagavo vapa Unfasten the string from both ends of (your) bow, and lay aside, O Lord, the arrows that are in your hand. b. All PS manuscripts read ātnyor,54 which BHATTACHARYA hesitantly accepts. LOPEZ adopts ártn i yor on the strength of the NU. This (ārtniyor) is the reading of the Adyar edition [START_REF] Kunhan Raja | Un-published Upanis[END_REF], which it has adopted from the TS parallel; LOPEZ refers to a reprint of this [START_REF] Shastri | Upanis . at-sam . grahah[END_REF]. This correct, original form ártnyor has left traces in the extant readings: FM pc show the correct consonantal conjunct tny, while OP preserve the immediately preceding r. Considered together, these readings may indeed point to an original conjunct rtny. Alternatively, the appearance of this r in FM pc may have been influenced by the following conjunct rjy. d. LOPEZ adopts the Orissa reading vapah . (a variant found also in the Nepalese Nīlarudras ūktas and in T), despite the poor sense it yields. However, BHATTACHARYA is right to accept the Kashmir text's vapa.

2.14

≈ PS 14.4.4 (d = 3.10.5d) TS 4.5.1.4(l); VS 16.13. b. Like several of the NU manuscripts (though not those in Śāradā script, X and Y), the Kashmir PS manuscript also reads śates . ute.

avatátya
c. In the Śatarudriya we find the variants praś írya (MS), m úkham . (KS, MS). d. The PS reads ā cara instead of á bhava (or á bhara). The Śatarudriya has: śivó nah . sumánā bhava [MS: na edhi sumánā]. The NU reading as it stands appears to be a conflation of the PS reading with that of the Śatarudriya.

2.15

= PS 14. TS 4.5.1.4(m); VS 16.10.

2.16

= PS 14.4.6 pári te dhánvano hetír asm án vr ˚n . aktu viśvátah . | átho yá is . udhís távāré asmán ní dhehi tám Let the missile of your bow avoid us on every side. And put this quiver of yours far away from us.

Y omits pādas bcd by eyeskip (from hetir in this stanza to the same word in the first pāda of the next stanza).

b. BHATTACHARYA emends to vr

˚n . aktu, while LOPEZ adopts this reading from the NU edition he used. This form is unanimously supported by the NU manuscripts.

cd. Nārāyan . a, reading asmin, takes tám to refer back to hetír; accepting this reading would require emending to t ám. (Although heti is sometimes masculine in later Sanskrit, it is feminine in the Veda, as in the next stanza.) All manuscripts of the PS also support this reading as well. To make sense of this, asmín must be correlated with yá is . udhís táva, yielding an awkward construction: 'And put that [arrow] in this, [which is] your quiver, far away'. It is much preferable to accept the readings of NU manuscripts JQRSUZ (even though these may in some cases be corrections of the written tradition, whether based on oral tradition of the PS or contamination from the Yajurveda oral tradition). The MS, which also reads asmín in VON SCHROEDER's edition, should likewise be corrected, in accord with B ühler's manuscript cited therein. The error can be explained as a case either of the writer expecting a locative next to ní dhehi, or of anticipation of the i of ní.

2.17

= PS 14.4.7 y á te hetír mīd . hus . Parallels: MS 2. TS 4.5.1.4(n) = VS 16.11. a. The NU manuscripts provide ample testimony for the form mīd . hus . t

. ama, which is not transmitted in the PS tradition (Orissa mss.: mitus . t

. ama; Kashmir ms.: madhus . t

. hama). Since LOPEZ records the NU reading as mīd . hus . tāma (two misprints?), it is not clear whether he emends to mīd . hus . t

. ama or adopts it from the NU. BHATTACHARYA prints mid . hus . t

. ama. b. MS has śivám . babh úva; cf. 1.7b above. cd. táyā . . . ayaks . máyā, i.e., 'with that [missile] which confers freedom from disease'. The Śatarudriya reads táyāsm án viśvátas tvám in pāda c (and KS has ayaks . mén . a in d).

2.18

= PS 19.22.1 námo 'stu sarpébhyo yé ké ca pr ˚thiv ím ánu | yé antáriks . e yé diví tébhyah . sarpébhyo námah .

Homage be to the serpents, whichever ones [move] along the ground, those in the midspace, [and] those in the sky: to those serpents, homage! G omits pāda d (and pāda a of 2.19) due to eyeskip. yé diví] ABCFGHIJKMNOQRSTUVWXZ; diví D(dívi)E; ye devi LPY Parallels: = MS 2. (g) = VS 13.6 = ĀpMP 2.17.5 = R ˚VKh 2.14.10; KS 16.15:238.12-13.

b. KS reads pr

˚thivy ám ádhi. See my introduction (p. 83) on stanzas 2.18-20.

2.19

= PS 19.22.2 yé cām í rocané div ó yé ca s úryasya raśmís . u | yés . ām aps ú sádas kr ˚tám . tébhyah . sarpébhyo námah .

And those in the bright vault of the sky, and those in the rays of the sun, those whose seat is made in the water: to those serpents, homage! G omits pāda a (along with pāda d of 2.18) due to eyeskip; T inserts this stanza marginally.

cām í] D(cāmī)E(cāmī)FHIJKL ac (→ s . āmī)MNOPQRSUWXY; vām í ABCT( • mi)VZ rocané] BCDEFHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWZ; r ócane A; rocano Y; rocate X div ó] ABCFJPW; diví DEHIKLMNOQRSUVXYZ; sma T Parallels: MS 2. TS 4.2.8.3 TS 4.2.8.3(i) = VS 13.7 = ĀpMP 2.17. 7. a. MS begins with yá; KS reads: yés . u vā yātudh ánā. b. MS: y á vánaspátīnām; KS, TS, VS: yé vā vánaspátī ṁr ánu. All manuscripts of the PS show the same reading as Y, but Arlo Griffiths' provisional edition of this stanza emends to include vā. The NU evidence provides almost unanimous support for this emendation to PS 19.22.3b.

c. Although it appears to belong to the archetype of the NU, the reading ye vāvatés . u instead of yé [a]vatés . u (PS, MS, KS) may be a borrowing from the TS (= VS, ĀpMP), which moreover offers the closest parallel to this group of stanzas, and is alone in having them in the same order as in the PS and the NU. Only a single manuscript (Z) retains the correct form svaj ánām . , instead of svajánām . or other attested readings. In both instances of the word, Nārāyan . a understands it as a masculine plural (svajanān), glossing with bhaktān prati, 'towards (his) devotees'. The original sense is clarified by a comparison with TS 5.5.10.1, which contains a sequence of expiatory mantras directed to the gods that govern, and serpent powers that protect, the cardinal points, and that protect the piled Agni: sam ícī n ámāsi pr ácī dík | tásyās te 'gnír ádhipatir asitó raks . it á | yáś c ádhipatir yáś ca gopt á t ábhyām . námas táu no mr ˚d . ayatām | té yám . dvis . mó yáś ca no dvés . t

AB CDEFGJ(

• nā ṁ)NO( • nā ṁ) PQ( • na ṁ)RST( • nā ṁ)U( • nā ṁ)VW(stva
. i tám . vām . jámbhe dadhāmi | 'You are the eastern direction, Aligned by name; your governing lord [is] Agni, the black snake [is your] protector. Homage to them both, the governing lord and the protector! Let them two show us kindness! I place him whom we hate and who hates us in your jaws'. In the succeeding series of vikr ˚tis, the word asitá (black snake) is changed to the names of various other snakes, pŕ ˚dāku (Russell's viper),55 svajá (python?), tíraścirāji (banded krait), śvitrá (white snake?), kalm ás . agrīva (spotted-necked snake) (correlated with governing lords [ádhipati] Indra, Soma, Varun . a, Br ˚haspati, and Yama, respectively). This passage seems to be an adaptation of ŚS 3.27, which has better readings. 56The KauśS 14.25 refers to two stanzas (r ˚cau) which it calls digyukte; Dārila identifies these as the first stanzas of ŚS 3.26 and 3.27. These hymns are together given the title 'Rudragan . a' in AVPariś 32.16;57 in 32.17 they are also included in the 'Raudragan . a', a larger grouping.

If the similarities noted here were not enough to show a close connection between the Rudragan . a ( ŚS 3.26-27) and the NU, there is also the fact that they are both prescribed by AVPariś 19b. 3.5 for use in the performance of the Brahmayāga: hutvābhyātānamantrām . ś ca tato rudragan . ena ca | nīlarudraiś carum . vidvān vidhinā śrapayed budhah . . The name Rudra does not appear in this hymn; its title must therefore derive from association with a rite for Agni in his fierce guise as Rudra, as we find it used in the Agnicayana liturgy of the Yajurveda.

The affinity between these mantras and NU 3.21 can be seen even in the similarity of wording: svajá mentioned alongside kalm ás . apuccha here, alongside kalm ás . agrīva in TS; jambháyāsi here, jámbhe [dadhāmi] in TS -despite the nearly opposite implication. It is likely that the archetype had the correct reading.

3.22

≈ PS 19.5.8 babhr úś ca babhr úkarn . aś ca nīlāgalas álā śiváh . paśya |

The brown and the brown-eared, the one (f.) with the bluish ineffectual poison, the benign (m.): Look! G omits this stanza and half of the next, beginning with the second aks . ara of 3.22, up to and including the first syllable of 3.23c Cf. ŚS 6.16.3cd-4: babhr úś ca babhr úkarn . aś c ápehi nír āla alas álāsi p úrvā sil á ñjālāsy úttarā | nīlāgalas álā ab. Partially parallel is ŚS 6.16.3cd-4: "3cd. Both the brown and the browneared one: go away, O poisonless one [reading, with the commentator, nirāla]. 4. You have an inocuous poison before; you have a mineral-salve [poison?] after; [you have?] a bluish ineffective poison [. . . ?]". ŚS 6.16.4 mentions also alas álā and sil á ñjālā, which confirms that the visarga often read at the end of nīlāgalas álā is spurious and that the accent is probably correct. 59 The visarga added to this word probably anticipates the visarga of the following word, śivah . (or śavah . , according to the PS).

The variant readings for nīlāgalasālā in several of the manuscripts reflect Nārāyan . a's reading (OQ) or the emendation proposed by him (M) (see the translation of the commentary on this stanza below, p. 132). Reading m for s -easy enough in Devanāgarī; easier still in Śāradā -has given rise to the readings of the Kashmiri and Nepalese manuscripts XYDE (W is corrupt here) and H; hence, the reading of the 1872 Bibliotheca Indica edition (followed by the 1891 edition): nīlagalamālah . .

The hypermetric word paśya is a source of some uncertainty. The manuscripts of the NU deal with this word by setting it off with a dan . d . a or space on both sides (H pc JL), by including it with the preceding hemistich (ABCDEFKNPRSUY), by including it with the following hemistich (H ac IMOQ T pc X), or by making no division at all (T ac WZ). The three Orissa manuscripts used by Arlo Griffiths to edit this stanza insert a dan . d . a after nīlākalaśālā.

Many manuscripts (and earlier editions) treat the first hemistich of the next stanza as the continuation of this stanza, thus throwing off the numbering. The sense of the stanzas requires that they be divided as in the PS, so I have corrected the numbering accordingly.

3.23

= PS 20.55.10 śárven . a n ílaśikhan .

a.

Assuming that the reading śarven . a is correct, the accentuation of this word in ABC seems not to preserve the ancient pattern: the accent on the antepenult of the first word is correct for sárven . a but not for śarvén . a, the PS reading found also in two of the NU manuscripts. (It is also possible that the accent śárven . a may anticipate the correct form śárva at the beginning of 3.24.) Also wrong is the double accenting of vír ūpāks . én . a.

b. The reading pit á in the manuscripts, obviously an error for PS pitrā, cannot be construed, and the NU tradition, as exemplified in Nārāyan . a's explanation of it,60 is to treat it as if it did indeed read pitrā.

d. In PS 20.55.9-10 The emendation of hatáh . (found in all PS and NU manuscripts) to hatám, understanding the subject to be cittam from the prior stanza, was suggested to me by Alexander Lubotsky. Nārāyan . a, who reads hatah . , attempts to make sense of the stanza as follows: "The construction is: Now, you who are 'struck down' (hatah . ) by the Lord (who is) 'the father of him who will raise his voice' = Brahman, the begetter of the soul alone, 'look' at him [i.e., the Lord]" (atha vācam . vadis . yatah . pitā dehamātrasya janako brahmā yena īśvaren . a hatah . tam . tvam . paśyety anvayah . ). This explanation assumes, of course, the integral connection of the preceding word paśya, which, as noted above, was not part of the earlier context of this stanza.

3.24

≈ PS 20.60. a. Like 1.5, the stanza opens with a catalectic pāda containing a vocative invocation of the god. The unaccented pāda-initial vīra found in the manuscripts is incorrect, as is the double accenting of kárman . ikárman . i in AB. However, the vocative śárva, not found in this form in any of the manuscripts, would in fact be accented on the first syllable at the beginning of the pāda, so that the accent would also be appropriate for sarva (the form actually appearing in the manuscripts).

d. The PS reading vivadāmahe (yielding the sense 'with whom we quarrel over this') is much better than vibhájāmahe. Nevertheless, the latter reading seems to have belonged to the NU from the beginning of its circulation as an independent text.

3.25

= PS 20.62.6 námo bhav áya námah . b. The epithet Kumāraśatr ú, evidently applied to Rudra, has, not surprisingly, worried later audiences familiar with the Purān . ic mythology which makes Kumāra (alias Skanda) Śiva's son rather than his rival. 61 It was probably this doubt which inspired Nārāyan . a to read two datives, kumārāya śatrave, in place of the compound kumāraśatrave.

This leaves the question of what the epithet refers to. The name Kumāra does occur in the Vedic literature. For example, MS 2.9.1:119.11 reads: tát kumār áya vidmahe kārttikey áya dhīmahi | tán nah . skandáh . pracodáyāt (cf. T Ā 10. 1.6 = MNU 75). This comes in a series of variants of the formula tát p úrus . āya vidmahe mahādev áya dhīmahi | tán no rudráh . pracodáyāt, 62 which in turn is a loose adaptation to Rudra-veneration of the famous Sāvitrī mantra (R ˚V 3.62.10). The impression that this stanza is a later interpolated extension of the pattern is reinforced by its absence in the corresponding passage KS 17.11:253.20-21. 63 In both Sam . hitās, the Śatarudriya immediately follows.

What was the relation of Rudra and Skanda in the earliest references to them? Skanda's early character was that of a demon that attacked children with illness. Acknowledging that Rudra's own character was ambivalent in the same way, we may still suppose that one might, while invoking him for his healing powers, address him as the defeater of another being seen as a threat. Skanda's subordination to Śiva in later mythology can be seen as consonant with his defeat by the latter, as implied in the epithet kumāraśatru. No Vedic narrative concerning such a defeat is known to me, but GRIFFITHS (2006, esp. n. 6) has identified in Tumburu a perhaps similar instance of a deity hostile to Rudra in the Atharvaveda who becomes associated with him in later Śaiva texts. 64 Rudra prays for the Pāśupata weapon. Several of the names of Mahādeva in the first part of this invocation seem to have been drawn from the NU: namo bhav āya śarv āya rudr āya varadāya ca | paś ūnām . pataye nityam ugr āya ca kapardine 7.57 The change of the NU's kumāraśatrave to kumāragurave looks like a deliberate 'repair' performed on the older source text. 62 The syntax of this stanza is awkward, due to the insertion of datives and the verb vidmahe into a sentence that was not intended to accommodate them. The first two words, construed as a compound, were taken over as Tatpurus . a, the fourth of the Pa ñcabrahma-Mantras, names of aspects of Rudra-Śiva (T Ā which become important in the later development of the Śaiva religion. 63 The Kāt . haka includes only the first mantra in the series (to Rudra Mahādeva); VON SCHROEDER (in his note 8 on this stanza) deems it "verdächtig", on account of its omission in one manuscript and other irregularities in other manuscripts. 64 The word śiśum ára or śim . śum ára denotes the Gangetic dolphin or the crocodile. Its etymology is disputed; the alternate form śim . śumāra seems to suggest that it is a loanword rather than a compound containing the word śisu (see MAYRHOFER 1996: 641-642). At the end of T Ā 2.19, Śiśumāra, identified with a constellation, and named 'supreme lord of ghosts' (bh ūtānām adhipatir asi), and 'best of ghosts' (bh ūtānām . śres . t

. ho 'si), is invoked also as Śiśukumāra (or even as healer might then be invoked as the opponent of this child-killer. So far, no other evidence is known to confirm or disprove this speculation. On the other hand, we might simply understand kumāraśatr ú to mean 'enemy of children', alluding to Rudra's reputation of bringing disease. ?], by day, the two red ones that are birds. To both Bhava and Śarva I have paid homage'). It might even be that the sun and moon are identified with, or at least correlated with Bhava and Śarva.

cd. The mules convey Nīlaśikhan . d . a to the assembly, perhaps the one where the pr áś (3.24) is contested. 65 Could this be a reference to a cultic observance?

The Dīpikā of Nārāyan . a: Edited Text and Translation In the text of the commentary, words cited from the stanzas appear in boldface; quotations from other works appear in italics, and their sources are identified. The text of the stanzas as read by Nārāyan . a is included for the convenience of the reader. Readings that differ from those accepted in the edition of the stanzas themselves appear in bold italics.

Since the use of punctuation is highly variable in the manuscripts, I have punctuated the text according to its sense. The most frequent, and perhaps even most consistent, form of 'punctuation' in the manuscripts is the practice Śiśumārakumāra, according to a variant reading). Whether this is the result of a scribal error or a deliberate word-play, it might point to a notion of Kumāra as 'killer of children', seemingly the literal meaning of śiśumāra. 65 This was suggested to me by Arlo Griffiths. of writing words in pausa form (as if sentence-final) -even in mid-sentencefor clarity. At times (e.g., ad 1.9), the Dīpikā acts virtually as a padapāt . ha. Except cases of the latter type, I have been reluctant to clutter the text with dan . d . as, but I also felt it would misrepresent the text to apply sandhi even in places where the sandhi-less reading seems to have been a deliberate measure to ensure clarity. In this edition, I have made use of a comma to serve as a half-dan . d . a, that is, both to mark a break within a sentence and (in a few cases) to indicate a place where, for reasons of clarity, the scribes avoided applying external sandhi. On the whole, however, normal sandhi has been applied. Much of the Dīpikā consists of simple glosses: a word from the text is cited (usually in the same form as it has in the m ūla), followed by a synonym or paraphrase with the same inflection. Sometimes these are strung together to recreate the syntax of the original in double form. To make a readable translation, I have inserted an equal sign (=) between the paired elements of these glosses.

There are a number of passages, ranging in length from a single word to a few lines, that I suspect of being additions to an earlier, shorter state of the text. These are lacking in H (and in Ed 1 ), but found in the group of Pune manuscripts (and in Ed 2 ). Rather than relegate them to the notes, I have included them in the text and translation, where they are identifiable by the use of a smaller typeface. H and Ed 1 show other corruptions of their own, however, and are not to be deferred to as giving superior readings overall. Both editions seem to have silently incorporated a number of conjectural emendations, besides the simple errors that are found in them. 66In the translation, words quoted from the stanzas -whether the English equivalent or the original Sanskrit (if translating it would duplicate the translation of Nārāyan . a's gloss, or if the very form of the word is at issue) -are enclosed in double quotation marks. The glosses follow an equal sign, and are enclosed within single quotation marks, as are quotations from other works (which are duly identified). , Nīlarudra] with [a hymn] that has the form of Revelation (śruti, i.e., mantra): "I saw. . . " and so forth. 1.1. Having spoken of yoga without sense-contact (asparśayoga), 67 [this Upanis . ad] praises Nīlarudra, instigator of the tradition of that [yoga], the supreme teacher, the giver of the powers (siddhi) of yoga. [Beginning from] the word "I saw" (apaśyam): "divitah . " = 'from the sky', "pr ˚thivīm" = 'to earth', "avah . " = 'downwards', "I saw" you "descending" -these are the words of the seer of the mantra. "asyantam" is the verb as in the sense of 'striking' = striking the wicked. By this, it refers to [God's] practice of descending [into worldly form]. Having come about as the son of Brahman, because of Brahman's anger when Sanaka and the other [mind-born sons of Brahman] were not performing the Emission [of the universe], this youth (Kumāra) howled (ruroda). Comforting [him], he [i.e., Brahman] gave [the youth] the name Rudra. After that, he gave him eleven places, eleven names, and eleven wives. Having seen that the Rudras emitted from him were innumerable, out of fear he consigned him to darkness.

He performed Tapas on the earth. Thus runs a legend. 68 Śikhan . d . inam: the Viśva says (ViPra d . āntavarga 28): 'śikhan . d . a means "(peacock-)feather" or "tuft of hair [left after tonsure]" '. This [god] has one or the other of those; hence, [śikhan . d . inam =] 'him [who is] crested'. 1.2. From the presence "of the sky" (divah . ), 69 "the fierce one" (ugrah . ) = 'Rudra' "avāruks . at" = 'descended', 70 "pratyas . t

. hāt" = 'established [himself]' "upon the earth" (bh ūmyām adhi). According to [the rule] '[The term karmapravacanīya (cf. As . t

. ādhyāyī 1. 4.83) denotes the particle] adhi when it means "master"' (As . t

. ādhyāyī 1.4.97), ádhi is a karmapravacanīya [i.e., a preverb governing a noun, used without a verb]. The locative case [used with it] expresses 'higher than 67 Nārāyan . a alludes here to the yoga mentioned in v. 39 of the Advaitaprakaran . a of the Gaud . apādakārikā (GK), the four chapters of which (together with the Mān . d . ūkyopanis . ad) are included as the four Upanis . ads immediately preceding the Nīlarudra in the collection. The relevant line (GK 3.39ab) is: asparśayogo vai nāma durdarśah . sarvayogibhih . . 68 The short 'itihāsa' interpolated here recalls the Purān . ic account (e.g., LP 1.20.82-94; cf. 1.5.13-33) of the ascetical youths (kumāras) born from the thought of Brahman as he contemplated the void before creation. The explicit identification here of Nīlarudra with Kumāra is also seen in Nārāyan . a's reading kumārāya śatrave in 3.25b (instead of kumāraśatrave), which he understands as two separate epithets of the deity. 69 The tentatively proposed emended reading diva ākāśāt would be translated: "divah . " = 'from the sky'. The only attested reading, divah . sakāśāt is inelegant, not least because, although it includes the form divah . from the m ūla, it must be construed in the gloss as a genitive while the gloss itself prescribes an ablative sense for the word in the stanza. In Devanāgarī initial ā might in some hands be confused with sa (or sā). 70 The gloss avatīrn . avān could also be understood as meaning that he took earthly form as an avatar.

which' and 'master over which'. The meaning is: '[as] master of the earth'. [As regards] "janāsah . ": the nominative case [follows the rules that] '[in the Veda (chandas)] the augment -as (asuk) is added after the nominative plural suffix (jas) after a stem ending in -a' (As . t

. ādhyāyī 7. 1.50) [and that the nominative form is used] 'also in the vocative sense' (As . t

. ādhyāyī 2.3.[46-]47). 1.3. [Rudra] "eti" = 'comes', 'not striking down heroes' = "a-vīrahā" = 'kind'; or if [we read] avīra-hā, [it means that] he strikes down unmanly deeds (avīrān . i) = sins. Or [it could be construed etya vīrahā]: "etya" = 'having come', he strikes down heroes (vīrān) = 'demons'. Those [remedies] in which [there is] "casting" (āsa) = 'throwing' (ks . epa) [of herbs] into water (jala) are jalāsās and bhes . ajīs. He goes to those: this is the connection. 71 Herbs (os . adhi) thrown into water have the capacity to destroy inauspiciousness, just because they become near to Rudra. 72 Or else it says: because he descended (avatīrn . a, i.e., as an avatar) to drink the poison that had arisen from the plants cast into the ocean at the time of the churning of the ocean. "He has utterly removed your ("te" = 'tava') world's lack of security (aks . ema)". By this is meant [Rudra's] agency in 'safeguarding ' (ks . ema) [what one possesses]. The obtaining of what has not been obtained is 'getting' (yoga). His (i.e., Rudra's) agency in that is also mentioned by the word vātīkārah . . 73 vāti is 'acquisition '. vātīkāra means: he causes what is unobtained to be obtained. Let him "also" come ("etu" = 'āgacchatu'), i.e., also him who brings about your new acquisitions. This means: Let him who causes us 'to get' and 'to keep' become near in the water of Abhis . eka. On account of this trait of the mantra, its ritual application (viniyoga) is in an Abhis . eka. 1.4. "bhāma" = 'anger'; "manyu" (rage) is the state prior to that. [Homage to these,] "and (u) also ("uta" = 'api') to your arrow (ta is . ave)" = 'to that which has the form of a shaft'. 1.5. "astave" (to hurl) is the verb as in the sense of 'throwing'; the [dative infinitive] suffix • tave has the sense of [the accusative infinitive suffix] • tum: [hence,] astum means 'to throw '. To throw what? [To throw the] "giriśantam".

[The second member of this compound contains the present participle belonging to the verb] śyati (he sharpens); 74 [hence,] śyan, [i.e.,] giriśyan = 'sharpening (śyan) of the mountain (gireh . )'. It is a genitive compound expressing general-71 Nārāyan . a reads jalāsa-bhes . ajīh . as an accusative plural feminine dvandva compound naming two types of remedy: jalāsā, made by putting herbs into water, and bhes . ajī, a well-known word for remedy, taken here to be the same sort of preparation. 72 That is, because Rudra is present in the waters of the Abhis . eka rite (see below)? 73 This refers to the ancient pair of ideals, yoga-ks . ema (or ks . ema-yoga), usually translated 'getting and keeping' or 'exertion and rest'. These glosses reflect differing understandings of the words. yoga is either 'yoking' -standing by synecdoche for such activities as plowing, military campaign (in a chariot), or trade (with a cart or wagon) -or, more abstractly, 'conjunction' in the sense of acquisition. ks . ema means 'rest, ease' or 'security '. See OERTEL 1926: 226-227 for a discussion of the phrase's usage in the Vedic literature; cf. also OBERLIES 1998: 333-362, who sees this compound as crystallizing the entire Vedic cycle by which lineages were established. 74 Dhātupāt . ha 26.36 specifies that the verbal root śocan be conjugated thus, in the fourth gan . a.

ity of relation (sam . bandha-sāmānya). That "mountain-sharpening (giriśantam)". 75 The śam . tah . ), happy, because of the arrow's origin on the mountain. O "giritra" = 'mountainprotector'. Make "that" (tām) [arrow] "benign" (śivām) = 'auspicious'. 1.6. "We invite" (acchā vadāmasi) = 'we speak clearly (accha) 76 = stainlessly'. The long vowel of the word accha follows the rule that [there is lengthening] 'also of a particle' (As . t

. ādhyāyī 6.3.136). [The Vedic first person plural suffix] • masi ends in i (As . t

. ādhyāyī 7. 1.46), and the word "it" is a particle without meaning. "ayaks . mam" = 'disease-free'; "sumanāh . " = 'having good thoughts'. "Asat" = '(he) should be': 'the subjunctive is used with the optative meaning' (As . t

. ādhyāyī 3.4.7). [The verb form ends with] the personal ending tip (i.e., • ti); 'the short i is omitted in personal endings of the active voice [of the subjunctive]' (As . t

. ādhyāyī 3. 4.97); the insertion of the vowel a before the suffix is explained by the rule '[the ending] of the subjunctive form is augmented with

• a • or • ā• ' (As . t
. ādhyāyī 3.4.94). 1.7. "śaravyā" = 'the bowstring that puts the arrow together [with its target?]'. According to the Viśva (ViPra rāntavarga 8), 'śara means "the top of the cream" and "arrow"'. [The śaravyā] merits an arrow (śara): [hence, the insertion of the taddhita affix] • ya (yat) [with this meaning] (cf. As . t

. ādhyāyī 5. 1.63-65). 'And śara [takes the suffix] • ava [in place of • a]' according to [the principle of] substitution by ava. 77 Or else [śaravyā] is derived from a transformation of the word śaru. 'śaru means "weapon" and "anger" '. 78 '[The taddhita affix] yat is introduced after [nominal stems ending in] the phoneme-class u and [the class of nominal stems] beginning with go [to mean 'suitable for that' (tasmai hitam, As . t

. ādhyāyī 5. 1.5)]' (As . t . ādhyāyī 5. 1.2). [The last pāda says:] "Treat [us] kindly" (mr ˚d . a) = 'gladden [us]' (modaya) "for living" (jīvase) = 'to live' (jīvitum). Or else: "With that" (tayā) form, O "Merciful One" (mr ˚d . a), "jīvase" = 'you make us ("nah . " = 'asmān') live' (jīvayasi). 1.8. "śam . tamayā" = 'by that [form] which is exceedingly auspicious, most auspicious'. "abhicākaśat": From the intensive stem of the verb kaś, a subjunctive (let . ) 79 form [is made, with] the personal ending tip augmented with at . [hence: 75 It is not clear how Nārāyan . a construes this compound in the stanza; if it is meant to describe the arrow, the gender is wrong. 76 Nārāyan . a treats accha as a particle, even though he gives it the meaning of the homonymous adjective, i.e., 'not darkened'. Hence, I have translated it (and its gloss) adverbially. 77 I have not been able to identify the source of this rule. It is invoked here, in conjunction with the affixing of yat, to produce the form śaravyā from śara; a alternative derivation from śaru is also considered. 78 This appears to be a quotation, but it has not been traced.

79 HDī 1 Dī 2 read here lot . 'imperative'. This would be consonant with reading cākaśīhi (M ac TS 4. 5.1.1.c) or indeed the emended form cākaśa. However, the m ūla written marginally around the cākaś-a-t]. It expresses the prayer 'let it shine forth fully'. 1.9. "babhru" = 'brown'. [The separate words here are:] "vā", "es . ām", "ha", "īd . e" = 'for praise'; "īmahe" = 'we desire'. 80 2. 10. The Ābhīras (herdsmen) among the partisans of Vis . n . u = "gopā" = 'cowherds', "adr ˚śan" = '(they) saw', "udahāryah . " = 'water-bearing women', "viśvā" = 'all' (viśvāni) "beings" (bh ūtāni) saw. The meaning of this is: Even the lowliest have seen "you, who are invisible" (adr ˚śyam . tvām) even to yogis, when you make yourself manifest out of grace, shining forth like the sun. 81 2.11. "To the impetuous one" (vājine) = 'to him who possesses food' or 'to him who is like an arrow'. [His] "warriors" (satvānah . ) = 'hosts' sit down (sīdanti). 82 2.12. Having made "acts of homage" (namām . si) = 'expressions of homage' [to your weapon] which is 'not strung' = "unstrung" (anātatāya) [but] "bold" (dhr ˚s . n . ave) = 'willful', [and] "to your arms" (bāhubhyām). The meaning is: I made homage to [your] "bow" (dhanvane). 2.13. "Unfasten the string of the bow of both kings" (ubhayor . . . rāj ñoh . ) = 'those who have become foe and counterfoe [to each other]', [i.e.] unstretch [the string]. When kings clash, the people suffer. Therefore, quell that [dispute]: this is the sentiment. O "Lord" (bhagavah . )! "Lay those aside" (tāh . parāvapa) = 'release them in another direction', "the arrows" (is . avah . ) = 'the shafts' "which are in your hand" (yās te haste). May you too not get angry at the people: this is the sentiment. Protect the world by means of [your] Indra-form: this is what he prays for. Dīpikā in H has cākaśat, and all manuscripts of the Dīpikā cite the word under discussion in this form. 80 Nārāyan . a's padapāt . ha shows that he has misunderstood the last pāda: only the word es . ām is recognized. The verb is ava . . . īmahe 'we appease'; hed . as 'wrath' is the object. 81 The words adr ˚śyam . tvām ("you who are invisible") are cited from pāda a, showing that Nārāyan . a had before him (or perhaps introduced) the corrupt form adr ˚śyam . (discussed in the annotations to the text of the stanza). The Bibliotheca Indica edition (Ed 1 , pp. 275-276) prints the correct form adr ˚śan in pāda a, perhaps under the impression that one of the two occurrences of the word adr ˚śan in the commentary indicated that this was Nārāyan . a's reading of the first word of the stanza. However, the context shows that the first adr ˚śan in the commentary goes with the subject gopāh . and is cited from pāda b, while the second is supplied for the other plural subjects udahāryah . and viśvā bh ūtāni, whereas the wording of the first pāda is elucidated in the last sentence, which gives the purport of the stanza as a whole: that Rudra, who remains imperceptible even to those with the supernatural siddhis obtained from the practice of yoga, manifests himself out of grace to his devotees, however humble they may be. This is a typical statement of the superiority of bhakti to the path of asceticism. 82 The word satvānah . is explained here by making it the subject of the ostensibly cognate verb sīdanti, from the verbal root sad. ened' the "mukhā" = 'tips' (mukhāni), [being] "benign" (śivah . ) = 'taking an auspicious form', "benevolent" (śambhuh . ) = 'being the cause of happiness', "become present toward us" (no . . . ābhava) = 'support us' or 'make us prosper '. 2.15. "Let his arrow-holder" (bān . avān) = 'quiver' "be arrowless" (viśalyo 'stu) = 'let it become devoid of arrows' because, when the enemies have been killed, it has no use. "[Your arrows] have disappeared" (aneśan) = 'they have ceased to be seen'. According to a Vārttika, 83 '[The root vowel] is substituted by e [also] in tenses other than the reduplicated perfect forms of the verbs naś and man '. 'In the case of the a-aorist of verbs of the class beginning with pus . , 84 [the root vowel becomes] e with the aorist endings'. 85 "Nis . a ṅgatih . " = 'quiver' (nis . a ṅgah . ).

2. 16. "On every side" (viśvatah . ) = 'on all sides' "let [your missile] avoid us" = 'let [it] enclose and protect us'. "O" (are) signifies the vocative. 86 "Then" (atho) = 'afterward, after protecting (us)', "put" (nidhehi) = 'place' "that missile" (tam . hetim) = 'arrow' "in this" (asmin) quiver, which is "your quiver" (taves . udhih . "with that" (tayā) missile, "embrace us" (paribhuja) = 'protect us round about '. 2.18-20. [Whose] "seat is made" (sadas kr ˚tam) = [whose] 'home is made'. "The arrows" "of the sorcerers" = 'of the demons' and "of the trees" (vanaspatīnām) are 'serpents' (sarpāh . ), for they bite people. "In holes in the ground" (avat . es . u) = 'in hollows'. 3.21. [The sage] praises the Lord of Kedāra in the form of a buffalo (Mahis . a). "He who" (yah . ) = ' Śiva who' appears (?) with affection as "the Blue-Necked" before "his people" (svajanān) = 'devotees', and as "Hari" = 'the Green-Colored' before "his people" (svajanān) = 'devotees'. For Mahis . a takes such a form. Or else, "Nīlagrīva" is Rudra and "Hari" is Vis . n . u. In this way the oneness in form of Hari and Hara is expressed. O "plant Arundhatī" = 'O [plant] devoid of obstruction'. "Quickly" (āśu) = 'speedily' "devour" (jambhaya) = 'empower with [your] own power' that "speckled-tailed" (kalmās . apuccham) = 'black-and-white-tailed' [buffalo], on account of the capacity of plants to give strength to cattle. According to the Viśva (ViPra s . āntavarga 19): 'kalmās . ah . means "demonic" [or] "black"; kalmās . ah . means "black and white" '. 87 Because the Lord of Kedāra has the form of a buffalo, he comes to have a tail. 3.22-23. "Brown" (babhruh . ) = 'having the color reddish-brown on some part of the body'. "Brown-eared" (babhrukarn . ah . ) = 'having reddish-brown-colored ears'. The proper reading of the words "nīlāgalaśīlā śivah . " in this stanza is: 'And Nīlagrīva, who is Śiva' (nīlagrīvaś ca yah . śivah . ). 88 The form "pitā" is a nominative 83 Not traced. 84 See  naś is listed at 4.85: naśá ádarśane. 85 I have not been able to identify the source or sources of these rules. 86 Nārāyan . a does not recognize here the vedic adverb āré 'afar, to a distant place '. 87 RATNA GOP ÂLA BHATTA (1911: 172) reads the neuter form kalmās . am here, which makes better sense. 88 Nārāyan . a proposes here to emend the text, which he does not find satisfactory (yukta) as it used in the sense of an instrumental; the meaning is 'by the father' (pitrā). The construction is: Now, you who are "struck down" (hatah . ) by the Lord (who is) "the father of him who will raise his voice" = 'Brahman', the begetter of the soul alone, "look" at him [i.e., the Lord]. 89 3. 24. O "hero in deed upon deed", whether [that deed be] ordained or forbidden! [Strike down] "this question (prāśam) of this" man; "prāś" means 'he asks'. "Strike down" (jahi) that "question" = 'words of query'. That means: Remove doubt about what acts are ordained and what acts are forbidden by the Veda. "By means of which" act "we have a share in" (vibhajāmahe) "this" (idam) world -[that is], we create our share [in the world] in the form of realms of action and realms of enjoying [the fruits of that action]. 3.25-26. "To Kumāra (the Youth)", = 'to him who is not overcome by time', or 'to Skanda'; "to Śatru (the Foe)", who contracts [the universe at the end of the eon]. "To him who goes to the council-hall": the council-goer goes to the council, having the habit of doing so; this means 'to him who belongs to the council'. "Two mules": mules, which are slightly deficient in horse-nature, are begotten by a donkey on a mare. "Running on either side": "the (two) donkeys" are moving on either side, meaning, they run on two sides [of the council-goer]. Just as the Nīlamādhava (Blue Vis . n . u) presides over Purus . ottama-Ks . etra ('Domain of the Highest of Men' = Puri in Orissa), so Nīlarudra (Blue Rudra) presides over Kedāra-Ks . etra (the Kedāra domain in the Himālaya). The repetition [of the last pāda] signifies completion.

[This] Dīpikā ('elucidation') of unclear words and sentences in the Nīlarudra was composed by Nārāyan . a, who lives on the Veda alone.

stands. 89 This convoluted paraphrase has the defect of requiring the form pitā to be construed simultaneously as an instrumental and as a nominative. The subject of the imperative verb paśya is identified with the referent of the corrupt form hatah . , which we have emended to hatam (above, p. 117).

The Ancillary Literature of the Paippalāda School

A Preliminary Survey with an Edition of the Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad * Arlo Griffiths §1. Introduction With this paper, I wish to shed light on the extent of Paippalāda ancillary literature still available in Orissa -the last remaining stronghold of this Śākhā -, mainly on the basis of material collected by me during several field-trips over the past 8 years. 1 The edition of the Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad, which forms the main part of this contribution, will serve as an example of what kind of literature the extant sources preserve, and as an introduction to one specific category of manuscripts. It will also form the basis of a comparison between what literature is still available today, and what we have reason to believe may have been extant in the past in the domain of the Paippalādins' ancillary literature. This will lead, in conclusion, to some hypotheses concerning the relationships between the textual corpora of the Paippalāda and Śaunaka schools of the Atharvaveda, as well as some proposals for further research.

The ancillary literature of this Śaunaka school is relatively well known. Brahmins of this school, abiding in western India and Benares, 2 have left us a Brāhman . a (the Gopathabrāhman . a [GB]), two S ūtras (the Kauśikas ūtra [KauśS], the Vaitānas ūtra [VaitS], with its supplement of Atharvan Prāyaścittas [AVPrāy]), two Prātiśākhyas, a large collection of Pariśis . t . as (AVPariś), commentaries on most of the above texts, and even Paddhatis are available in published form. 3 This enumeration shows that the difference from the sister school, the Paippalāda-Śākhā, could not be greater; because for this school, besides its Sam . hitā (partly), almost nothing has been published, 4 and next to nothing is known * Diwakar Acharya has read and commented on two versions of the edition of and commentary on the Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad, and given many suggestions for improvement. I am grateful to him, as I am to Peter Bisschop, Harunaga Isaacson and Shilpa Sumant, who have also made several suggestions for improvement of the paper. 1 The hitherto collected manuscripts of the Paippalādasam . hitā (PS) have been described in GRIFFITHS 2003a. A few additional PS mss. have been obtained since 2003, and will be presented by me elsewhere. 2 See BAHULKAR (forthc.). 3 For information on editions and translations, see [START_REF] Gonda | Vedic Literature (Sam . hitās and Brāhman . as)[END_REF]1977, the lengthy and valuable introduction to BAHULKAR 1977 (only very partially reproduced in the published version [1994]), and MODAK 1993; concerning the Atharvavedapariśis . t . as, see also the introduction to BISSCHOP & GRIFFITHS 2003;on Śaunaka-Atharvan Paddhatis, BAHULKAR 2002and 2003[START_REF] Diwekar | Kauśikas ūtra-Dārilabhās[END_REF], LIMAYE et al. 1982; on Prātiśākhya and Vikr ˚tipāt . ha literature, DESHPANDE 1997 and 2002 respectively. 4 Concerning the two exceptions, viz. the two Paddhatis published by Umākānta PAN . D . Ā respectively in 2000 and 2003, see below, §2C and 2D; see also the contribution of Alexis Sanderson about its corpus of ancillary texts. Till now, only the discoverer of the Orissa Paippalāda tradition, Durgamohan BHATTACHARYYA, in his collection of lectures entitled The Fundamental Themes of the Atharvaveda, published posthumously in 1968, has dedicated some paragraphs to this theme, and summarized them as follows (1968: viii): "The Paippalāda [Atharvaveda] had its Brāhman . a and a vast ancillary literature, a part of which has survived in Eastern India along with thousands of orthodox adherents almost unnoticed by Vedic scholars."

It has to be admitted frankly, at the outset, that the tradition in Orissa, although there are a large number of manuscripts lying in private collections, has not left us a broad variety of ancillary genres, by which I mean in this context any kind of non-Sam . hitā literature: I have hitherto only found manuscripts containing collections of Upanis . ads, on the one hand, and several categories of manuals for the performance of various rituals, on the other. After having undertaken several field-trips, I am not optimistic that any further genres may still be lying undiscovered. The following two sections give a survey of the available manuscript sources. These sources are admittedly limited, but nonetheless worthy of study in and of themselves, besides the fact that some of them offer important information on the history of the Paippalāda canon. Such information will be discussed further below ( §5), after I have presented an edition of a relevant text, the Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad ( §4).

I call my survey preliminary, because it seems to me that I am at once trying to do too much and too little, and the reader will notice that the materials collected in the survey have been treated in rather varying measure of detail. I have simply not yet had the chance seriously to investigate the contents of mss. representing some of the genres to be introduced below (KS), while for others, considerably more progress has been made, but this article did not seem to be the appropriate place to publish the findings (KP). Finally, for a third category of mss. (AK), this volume contains a separate paper (the one by Alexis Sanderson) that provides a first glimpse into the nature of the concerned genre of Atharvavedic ancillary literature. §2. Paippalāda Ancillary Literature: Sources Rather differently from the text corpus of other Vedic traditions, that of the Orissa Paippalādins cannot be studied primarily on the basis of manuscripts lying in public library collections: besides the T übingen Paippalādasam . hitā ms. in Śāradā script, I am only aware of two Orissan mss. preserved in the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune (see §2D), and of small collections in the Orissa State Museum (see MISHRA 1973, MOHAPATRA 2002-03) and the to this volume. Some publications in (heavily sanskritised) Oriya language and in Oriya script are also mentioned below, §2E.

Parija Library of Utkal University (see [START_REF] Dev | A Descriptive-Alphabetical Catalogue of Manuscripts[END_REF], both in Bhubaneswar. The Paippalāda textual traditions must in the first instance be studied on the basis of private manuscript collections. This circumstance, which no doubt holds true for other traditions historically limited to Orissa -an area poorly covered by nineteenth century expeditions in search of manuscripts, due to various (political) reasons 5 -has certainly contributed to the comparatively undeveloped state of Paippalāda studies.

This section offers a rapid overview of the primary sources for the study of Paippalāda ancillary literature that I have hitherto collected. 6 Besides four locally published books, these sources are in manuscript form, and for (future) reference to these, sigla will be proposed. Because identical sigla are found under the different lettered categories, genre acronymns are also given, to allow for unambiguous expanded sigla of the type Up/Ku 1 , AK/Ku 1 etc. Only the Upanis . ad (Up.) mss. will be described in detail, in the next section ( §3). Due to constraints of time and space, no detailed presentation of the contents of the other sources could be provided in this article.

With the exception of P 1 and P 2 ( §2D), all mss. are in Oriya script; with the exception of those same two mss., and the four OSM mss. listed under B and D, all mss. listed here are from private collections, and none have appeared in previous catalogs; all mss. are written on palm-leaves, bound by a single string in the middle and enclosed in cover boards.

A. Upanis . ads (Up)

C. Karmasamuccaya (KS)

For an early mention of this title, see BHATTACHARYYA 1968: 2. Despite the misguided information in the second sentence of the p ūrvābhāsah . to PAN . D . Ā [2003] (no page number), karmapa ñjikā karmasamuccayo vā iti granthe, where the Karmasamuccaya is confused with the Karmapa ñjikā, it is clear that only mss. attributed to the KS lay at the basis of PAN . D . Ā's Paddhati published in 2000. The text seems to consists of (at least) three distinct parts, that are referred to by the Paippalādins as Vratapustaka, Vivāhapustaka and Durbalakr ˚tya[pustaka] respectively. 9 1. Go. Photographs of a ms. of the Vratapustaka kept by Raghunātha Miśra of the village Goruāl . a. 4. Ku 1 . A fine ms. of the Vratapustaka, nicely written and in good condition (dated to the 13 th a ṅka of a king Rāmacandradeva), received from the 9 In the Ā ṅgirasakalpa materials presented in this volume by Alexis Sanderon, we also occasionally see attributions to the KS. 10 I am not sure whether these verses occur in the edition of BONER et al. 1996. I See the article by BHATTACHARYA in the mentioned edition, where a convincing argument is made (pp. 38f.) against the commentator's acquaintance with the PS, and hence against the authenticity of the text's attribution to the Paippalāda tradition -although BHATTACHARYA claims actually to cast doubt on the authenticity of a Paippalāda-connection of the S ūtras themselves, his strongest arguments seem rather to involve the commentator. The authenticity of the entire text has been called into question as well (see e.g. the review of the edition by Frederick M. ASHER in JAOS 104 [1984], 599f.), but the verses found in this notebook, which are not likely to have been influenced by an acquaintance with the edition, confirm at least that a text of this name has been in circulation.

late Harihara Upādhyā ẏa, village Kurum . caini. Attributions to Karmasamuccaya e.g. ff. 35r, 65v, 76v, 79r, 129r. Begins with adhivāse śālāropan . avidhi, ends with nāndimukhaśrāddhavidhi. 11 The connection of this village with a transmission of the Ā ṅgirasakalpa was already suggested by VASU (1911: x-xi, n. 1), which places it among the first modern Paippalādin villages to have appeared in Indological literature, several decades before the famous discoveries of Durgamohan BHATTACHARYYA. 12 At the time of writing (March 2007), my photocopies of this and the following BORI ms. were still in the custody of Alexis Sanderson. The codicological facts are mentioned here from memory, but no greater detail can be given. Although BAHULKAR (1987: 576) notes that the BORI records report these two mss. "to have been collected by R. G. Bhandarkar from some place in Maharashtra during 1887-91", he also concludes, although on other grounds, that "they belong to the Paippalāda recension prevalent in Orissa" (p. 579). BAHULKAR provides some codicological details for both mss., and refers to the descriptive catalog of BORI mss. (vol. XVI, pt. II, 1976, ser. nos. 16 and 17, pp. 18-25). 12. Publication Paippalādavaśādis . at . karmapaddhati (PAN . D . Ā [2003]).

E. Miscellaneous

1. An old, worn and incomplete ms. received from the late Harihara Upādhyā ẏa, village Kurum . caini. The text covers various p ūjās and vidhis, seemingly connected with the Śrāddha rite. A Śrāddhas ūtra is apparently cited f. 53v. A Durbalakr ˚tyapaddhati starts on f. 90r. Although it seems to be related to it in terms of genre, I have found no attribution to the Karmasamuccaya.

2. Photographs of a Grahaśānti ms. from the collection of the late Vaidyanātha Pan . d . ā of the village Sa ṅkhāmari, now kept by his son Mr ˚tyu ñjaya Pan . d . ā. 3. Photographs of a ms. from the collection of (late) Vidyādhara Pan . d . ā and his brother Ven . udhara Pan . d . ā of the village Guhiāpāl . a, containing: Abhicārikatantra, Gāyatrīkavaca, Pratya ṅgirāmantra, Mr ˚ttikaśa ṅkaravidhi ( • kāsam . kara • ?), Skandapurān . e Śītalāstotra, Aśvatthapradaks . in . avidhi, Agnisvar ūpakathana, Agnijvālālaks . an . a, (Ugra)tārāstotra, Svapnādhyāya.

Publication Atharvavedīẏa Nityakarmapaddhati (in Oriya) compiled by

Lalita Mohana BHAT . The various extant corpora of Upanis . adic literature have attracted attention in recent years through the publications of BOUY (1990aBOUY ( /b, 1994BOUY ( , 1995)). The existence of a more or less standardized collection of Atharvanic Upanis . ads (or texts styled as such), that is commonly found among the Paippalādins in Orissa, was not yet known previously, and the existing mss. have hence not been utilized in the study of this branch of literature.

As is clear from §2A above, I presently have access to (photographs of) 5 full mss. containing this collection: Gu 2 , Ku 1 , Ku 2 , Ku 3 and Ni. For the other mss. there listed, I possess only photographs of the Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad, the critical edition of which will be presented in §4. The five mentioned mss. will first be described in detail in this section. A number of mss. with largely identical contents is available also in two public libraries of Orissa: the Parija Library of Utkal University (see [START_REF] Dev | A Descriptive-Alphabetical Catalogue of Manuscripts[END_REF], and in particular the Orissa State Museum (see MISHRA 1973). MOHAPATRA (2002-03: 10-12) has drawn up an alphabetical synopsis showing which mss. from the latter collection contain each Upanis . ad.

A specific investigation of this previously unkown Atharvavedic corpus from Orissa, in continuation of BOUY's research, is beyond the scope of this article. However, the tables to be presented below, showing the contents of the five mss. that are accessible to me in their entirety, combined with MOHAPATRA's synopsis, are meant to facilitate such further research. For this same purpose, the orthography of titles has, to a large extent, been normalized in the tables. In principle, only the main part of each ms. is taken into account here, while some indication of the extra material that every bundle contains is given as part of the codicological information.

Gu 2

The description of this ms. was done from photographs, and for that reason lacks some of the detail given for other mss.

Collection Sudhākara Pan . d . ā

Date

According to the colophon, the copying of this ms. was concluded in Śaka 1855 = Sna 1340 13 = 1932/33 CE, on a Saturday, the 27 th of the solar month Karkat . a (ka[ ṅ]kad . āmāsa), also said to be the 7 th tithi of the waning fortnight of an unspecified lunar month, Naks . atra Aśvinī, and the 27 th of the lunar month Śrāvan . a. The various elements of the dating are in conflict with each other, so no exact date can be extracted from them -but that the copying was concluded in August 1933 seems certain.

Date

According to the colophon (see above), the copying of a substantial part of this ms. was concluded in the 7 th a ṅka = 5 th regnal year of a king Vīrakeśarideva,20 on the 7 th tithi of the waning fortnight of Caitra. According to a geneaology of Gajapati incumbents kindly supplied to me by Professor G. N. Dash (Bhubaneswar), 21 this dynasty has known three kings of the indicated name: Vīrakeśari I (1737-1793), Vīrakeśari II (1856-1859), Vīrakeśari III (1956III ( /7-1971)). TRUHART (1985) gives "1739-1751 (dep.)" for the only Vīra Kishor Deva that is listed there (p. 1452). 22 The data in the colophon are anyhow not sufficient in themselves to determine which ruler of this name was intended, but (Dash's) Vīrakeśari II's reign can be excluded for it lasted less than 5 years. The ms. is not likely to be more than 200 years old, so the conclusion would have to be that the ms. dates to Vīrakeśari III's reign, i.e. to ca. 1961/2, if this did not seem equally unlikely to one who sees its physical condition. The codex contains 10 + 110 (-9) + 2 = 113 folios. There are 9 blank leaves at the head. The verso of the 10 th contains one (partial) line. Then follow 1 1 2 leaves with a Mantrarājajapavidhi, four lines per side, by a different scribe than the one of the main part of the codex. This texts ends on f. 1r. The main part of the codex starts on 1v, with śrī vighnarājāẏa namah . . There are two blank leaves at the back of the codex. Folios 48-56 are missing; numbering is on the right side of the verso of ff. 1-2, thenceforward on the right side of the recto. Colophon I have found no colophons giving extra information to be reported here. 24 There is a gap of 9 folios in the ms. The 4 th upanis . ad is incomplete, the 5 th is entirely lost. 25 Due to the gap in the ms., khan . d . as 1-5 are lost, 6 is incomplete, while 7-9 are complete. 26 BHATTACHARYYA (1968: 20) mentions Baladeva Vidyābh ūs . an . a's commentary on the Gopālatāpanī Upanis . ad, the text we see figuring here and in Up/Ni (below): "The work is introduced by Baladeva as a tract of the Paippalādaśākhā specially studied by the Atharvavedins of Utkala: utkalādibhir ātharvan . ikair adhīyamānā pippalādiśākhāntah . sthiteyam . gopālopanis . at |". The same quote had been given already by BHATTACHARYYA in 1955 (p. 2), where a reference is given to Catalogus Catalogorum III, 159, and another commentarial passage quoted that links this Upanis . ad rather to Brahmins residing in Gurjara and other regions. 27 The ms.: tripurī. 28 The ms.: viśvar ūpāks . araprakaran . a. 44. Physical This codex, which is in excellent condition, seems to have been written by the scribe of KP/Ku (see §2B). It was previously uninked, and ink has been applied by myself: in the process, some of the unnumbered folios may have been put in disorder. Dimensions ca. [START_REF]daks . in . ata . . . . The GB text has 4 times -vidam . and not -vidham . (underlined). Secondary literature Bhattacharya, Dipak 1991 "The Identity of the Atharvavedic Tradition of Kashmir[END_REF] There is a separate folio numbered 102 at the front of the codex. The folio contains three uninked drawings on the unnumbered side, only one of which -the leftmost -is fairly clearly identifiable (as a rooster); on this same side we find two lines of inked writing: ye pākha patra bhuli kari lekhī achi [line] dosa bāchiba nāhim . he pnamāne 'This side of the leaf I have written by mistake, don't mind this mistake, please, you all'. On the reverse (numbered) side, besides the number, there are only two lines of (uninked) writing: danta kāt . hi bhā ṅgi dāmatrae | ā{r}ẏu{bha}r va{ẏa}l . am . yaśo varccam . prajā paśu vaś ūni ca | [line] brahma praj ñā ca me pāpam . tvam . nno dhehi vanaspate | 1 |.

In the main part of the codex, the larger (older?) hand is found on ff. 1-10, 61-91, 94-99, 112-159; the smaller (younger?) hand on 11-60, 92-93, 100-111, 160-171; it is not clear whether the remaining folios are attributable to one of these two hands, or to a third. In this description, the continuous numbering on the verso (from 166 on the recto) is followed; there is also numbering on the recto of ff. 1-39, 51-60, but this has been crossed out; ff. 40-44, 46-48 and 50 bear numbering only on the verso, but each time the present number is the result of correction of a previously noted number, which is still identifiable throughout (order: 45,[START_REF]Rite of the trisyllabic Mantra of the goddess Tripurabhairavī (HSRAIM . HSKLR ĪM . HSRAUH . M . ) for the attainment of various effects, hostile and other. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase tripurabhairavīvidhānam[END_REF][START_REF][END_REF][START_REF][END_REF][START_REF]O JAHI) that accomplishes simultaneously self-protection and the destruction of one's enemies. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase svaraks[END_REF][START_REF]Ed P pp. 91-92. A parallel tantricized rite of the Atharvavedic Abhayamantra of Indra (OM . YATA INDRA BHAY ĀMAHE[END_REF][START_REF]dvāpa ñcāśatam abdān sa rājyam[END_REF]42,54); ff. 61-91 bear numbering 11-41 on the recto (11-19 crossed out); ff. 94-99 (verso) bear 44-49 (recto); ff. 112-159 32 bear 50-98. 33 Letter-numbering is found in the left margin of ff. 100-111, but with two mistakes: ka kha ga gha ṅa ca 34 cha ja śrī ña t . a t . ha d . a. The four folios comprising the Kumārabodhinī bear respectively the aks . aras ku mā ra bodhinyām . in the left margin of the verso. From f. 70 onwards, the verso numbering was not inked, and arabic numbering, up to 171, has been added before photographing by the author (also on the front folio numbered '102'). There is no numbering at all on the folios that follow 171, although (if we continue counting) up to 177, they are not extraneous. There are finally two folios with unrelated material at the back of the codex. Colophon On f. 165r6, after the Mahānārāyan . opanis . ad, in the smaller hand, there is a colophon which provides information about the scribe or his patron: śrī nārāyan . a uddharibe u{dhā}ddhāra karibe adhama arakhita mādhaba miśra ṅka putra banamāl . iku | jān .

imā hebe suj ña

There are two folios numbered 133 on the verso, corresponding to recto 71, 72.

For the last number, the ms. in fact reads '998'.

On the verso of ṅa.

janamāne ' Śrī Nārāyan . a will save, will perform the saving of Vanamālī, the lowly and unprotected son of Mādhava Miśra.

The intelligent people will know it'.

Date

I have found no indications concerning the date of this codex. Ātharvan . e Tattvabodhinī 43 (in 3 prapāt . hakas) 39 The ms.: ātharvan . arahasye śrīrāmacandrasyottaratāpanī. 40 The ms.: brahmayotipanis . at. 41 The same text occurred already above, 100r1-100r4. The ms. here: brahmajyotaupanis . at. and Gu 2 (216v3-217v2). 43 The ms.: ity ātharvan . e tatvodhanyām . tr ˚tīyaprapāt . hakah . . The correct spelling of the title is found in mss. Gu 2 and Ku 3 . §4. The Orissa version of the Atharvavedic Caran . avy ūha The Atharvavedic Caran . avy ūha Since Wilhem SIEGLING's Inaugural-Dissertation, published a hundred years ago, the various recensions of the Caran . avy ūha appear to have sunk almost entirely into oblivion as a source on the history of Vedic Śākhās. SIEGLING's study contained only a sample edition of a small part (concerning the Yajurvedic canon) of the Yajurvedic recension of this text, but otherwise no serious study or attempt at critical edition of the Yajurvedic recension (YV-CV) is known to me. 44 In 1910, Herman Melville BOLLING und Julius VON NEGELEIN published an Atharvavedic recension as the 49 th Pariśis . t . a of the Śaunakīya Atharvaveda.

After passing through materials concerning respectively the R ˚gveda, the Yajurveda, and the Sāmaveda, this Caran . avy ūha depicts in some detail the extent of the Atharvavedic Mantra-collection, discusses the former and extant size of the Atharvavedic Gopathabrāhman . a, and cites a verse listing the five Kalpas of this Veda -the Kauśikas ūtra alias Sam . hitāvidhi, Vaitānakalpa (presumably = • s ūtra), the Naks . atrakalpa, Śāntikalpa, and Ā ṅgirasakalpa. The resources developed for the correct transmission of the Sam . hitā, viz. the so-called Laks . an . agranthas, are also mentioned. The text gives two -only partially overlapping -lists of Atharvavedic Upanis . ads, surveys the collection of 72 Paralipomena (Pariśis . t . as), which it itself forms part of, the final piece of the Śaunakīya canon, before closing with a list of 18 vratas said to be specific to the Atharvaveda. In short, the text offers a kind of catalog of Atharvavedic primary and ancillary literature, and may therefore be considered of indirect relevance to the topic of this contribution, despite its association with the Śaunaka school. 45 It is not generally known that the Atharvavedic Caran . avy ūha (AV-CV) not only exists as part of the corpus of Atharvavedapariśis . t . as, but is also to be found among the Paippalāda brahmins in Orissa, transmitted in their Upanis . ad manuscripts under the title Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad. This text, by virtue of its association with the Paippalāda school, is directly relevant to my investigation. Making use of the mss. described above, I will first ( §4.1) present an edition of the 'Upanis . ad' with some text critical commentary ( §4.2), and will then ( §5) analyze its contents mainly insofar as these contents throw light on the canon of Paippalāda ancillary texts.

Two recensions?

Although mention has been made by me elsewhere of the Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad 44 For the complete text, I use the edition by Pt. Anantarām DOG ĀR Ā Ś ĀSTRI. 45 This Caran . avy ūha has drawn attention in relatively recent years because of the two Upanis . ad-lists it contains in the BOLLING & VON NEGELEIN edition, which, according to BOUY (1994: 31, 65-67), are of importance to the determination of the chronology of some medieval Upanis . ads.

(CVU) as a second Atharvavedic recension of the Caran . avy ūha, 46 now, after studying the text, I think I should not have suggested so casually the existence of two Atharvavedic recensions, because there are few differences that cannot be ascribed merely to the very poor care that seems to have been taken in transmitting the Orissan Paippalāda (CVU) and the Śaunaka (AVPariś) versions of the text, and there are many common errors that suggest a descent from a common source.

On the other hand, this same poor transmission is perhaps one of the main reasons due to which WITZEL (1985: 288 n. 35) had to observe: "Obwohl weitgehend mit AV-Par. 49 übereinstimmend, kann die letztlich gujaratische Tradition der AV-Par. und die von Or[issa] nicht auf einen gemeinsamen (schriftlichen) Archetyp zur ückgef ührt werden". There is one major difference between the two versions -namely in the listing of Atharvavedic Upanis . ads -which indeed demonstrates some redactional intervention at some stage, and justifies speaking of two versions, if not recensions.

My basic aim here is to restore the archetype only of the Orissan version (CVU A ), from which I believe all the presently extant Orissan mss. to descend. In other words, I am not taking the further step of reconstructing the Ur-AV-CV on the basis of systematic critical comparison of the CVU with AVPariś 49 (WITZEL's "common (written) archetype"), because there are too many cases where no criteria for making a choice between the two seem to be at hand. However, I have not tried to keep my text wholly free of the positive influence that can be had from the AVPariś version, and have at times emended precisely on that basis, where I felt that bringing out the intended meaning of the text was more important than keeping the two versions distinct. My edition thus constituted is therefore, admittedly, somewhat hybrid. Important differences between the two versions have been pointed out in my commentary ( §4.2).

About the edition

For this edition of the CVU, I use four of the mss. described in §3 (Ni, Ku 1 , Ku 3 , Gu 2 ) plus two extra mss. photographed in the village Guhiāpāl . a: the ms. Gu 1 , belonging to Ven . udhara Pan . d . ā, plus a ms. Jā, belonging to Haraprasāda Miśra of the village Jāmbhan . i, who had brought it from there to show it to me in Guhiāpāl . a. Only the folios containing the CVU were photographed of these last two mss., and no descriptive notes were taken.

The text is found on the following folios in each ms.: Ni 120r1-123v1 (= pr. m. 58-61), Ku 1 on 4 unnumbered/uninked leaves (7 sides) immediately following f. 131, Ku 3 113r3-115r6, Gu 1 153r2-155v1, Gu 2 179b1-183r1. The numbering in Jā has been lost due to wear of the right side of every folio; I have made no attempt at precision in indicating the extent of the lacunae in this ms. Several variants make it clear that Gu 2 is a copy from Gu 1 : e.g., at 3.3, the Gu 2 scribe has misinterpreted a correction in Gu 1 concerning s . ad . bhedā, which has led him to write s . ad . bhedo; at 4.1, Gu 1 marginally inserts saubhagāh . , but this is found as part of the text proper in Gu 2 .

The division of the text into paragraphs is mine, and follows that in the edition of AVPariś 49, for ease of comparison: this also entails some gaps in the CVU numbering, because this version does not contain every paragraph that is found in the Atharvavedic Caran . avy ūha of AVPariś 49. The CVU mss. do not make any subdivisions in the text above the dan . d . a-level. The punctuation of my edition to a large extent obeys the placement of dan . d . as in the manuscripts.

My apparatus is not fully positive, as variants judged to be insignificant have been omitted from it: among such insignificant variants figure prominently the presence or absence of visarga in prose context where the scribes often seem consciously not to apply sandhi, in order to make case endings explicit. In the absence of other errors, my critical apparatus does not report variants of punctuation (including confusion of h . and | in Gu 1 and Gu 2 ); errors involving sibilants; variants involving doubling around r (rn . n . , rtt, rddh etc.) and y (ddhy); variants/errors involving the signs r ˚/ r ˚/ ru / r ū; absence of avagrahas inserted into the edited text for the sake of clarity. Typically Oriya spellings with l . and ẏ are maintained when a variant is quoted for other reasons, but are not counted among variants in and of themselves. For those passages where the evidence from ms. Jā is lost due to lacuna, the apparatus has not been subjected to the above limitations, but has been given in full. Some other variants that could stricly speaking be considered insignificant have also been retained, in order to demonstrate particular irregular phenomena in the mss.

I use the following editorial signs and symbols: . But since all mss. in fact do contain the reading • vidhim . , it seems rather likely that CVU A read thus, although our text can be called a Vidhi with just as little justification as it can be called an Upanis . ad. Note the tendency to style every text as • vidhi also in other Paippalāda ancillary texts (e.g. the Karmapa ñjikā and the Ā ṅgirasakalpa). 1.3. 49.1.3 NEGELEIN (p. 339), however, report AETU vaikhā • . The same name Vaikhāyana occurs also at the end of the CVU (5.10-11). 1.5. On the allotment of a color per Veda, cf. GOUDRIAAN 1978: 176. suvyaktagrīvah . : Cf. p. 47 l. 6). With a different division of words, and a few other differences, it seems that 49.1.5 • jānuja ṅghah . | pramān . ena sa vitastayah . pa ñca has preserved the correct text here. YV-CV (p. 47, l. 7): pramān . am . tāvat tis . t

. han vitastīh . pa ñca. 1. 6.

In this list and subsequent lists of Śākhā names, NiKu 1 Ku 3 Jā omit visargas before all dan . d . as (here rendered by hyphens), while Gu 1 and Gu 2 omit all dan . d . as and seem to replace them by visarga. The Atharvavedic list in 4.1, with the names brahmavarti and devadarśi, which can certainly not be nom. pl. forms (as in AVPariś), and can be made into nom. sg. forms only with some good will, provides an argument for assuming long compounded lists of Śākhānames throughout. The closing ca behind every list I then take to be a sign of pardonable confusion on the part of the redactor.

2.1.

Between Carakas and Mitrāyan . īyas, the Maitras, who figure there in AVPariś 49, are omitted in CVU. The Ni and Ku 1 insertion of hvarakāh . after the Carakas does not seem to merit being taken seriously, as it is more likely to be due to eye-skip from the preceding Āhvarakas. Since our list thus only comprises 23 names, it seems that CVU A had already lost the Maitras, unless the fact that the suspected eye-skip in Ni and Ku 1 occurs precisely at the place where the Maitras have gone missing is significant. 3.4, in ms. Ku 3 ), and omitting tu. Note a similar omission in all mss. but one in the verse at 3.4 (ca caturdaśa → caturdaśa). The CVU reading ślokena could also be combined with a more incisive emendation after AVPariś: parisam . khyātam . . Emending the reading khyāto found in all CVU mss. anyhow seems unavoidable. 2.3. 49.2.3 49.3.1, presumably considering pravilīnās superfluous after the punctuation. The CVU parallel shows the punctuation to be misplaced, and a verbal adj. in • līnās to form an original part of this little itihāsa. 3.4. 49.3.4 has no doubt preserved better readings of this verse: . . . sohyāni sarahasyāni etat . . . . Since confusion of the clusters hy and jy is rampant in Orissa mss. (see ZEHNDER 1999: 15), I suppose the error may be a rather recent one, and do not hesitate to emend on the basis of the parallel text. 3.5. The reading vayanena here is odd, as is kātarah . svaren . eti at 49.3.5. The unanimous reading • vayanah . in the next section of CVU shows that the ante correctionem reading nayanena in Ku 1 must be a learned guess -although probably a correct one (cf. YV-CV, p. 47 l. 11: kātaranayana); an alternative restoration would be vacanena. Both CVU A and AVPariś have lost the original text here. 3.6. 49.3.6 Sam . hitās individually, but agrees remarkably closely with the sum total of Śaunaka and Paippalāda mantras, if for the former we take the total of 4432 stanzas calculated by LAN-MAN for the authentic parts of ŚS (WHITNEY 1905/I: cxlvii) and for the latter the provisional figure of 7899 given by BHATTACHARYA (1997: xxii): 12331 stanzas. 4.3. 49.4.3 reads etadgrāmyāran . yakāni s . at . sahasrān . i bhavanti, with a rather different figure. Since we do not know which units are being measured, little more can be said, except that dvādaśa in the CVU version may have been copied from 4.2, and that the characterization grāmyāran . yakāni seems to belong rather to the Sāmavedic domain, which might mean that the original Atharvavedic Caran . avy ūha had already suffered an intrusion here. *4. 4. No corresponding paragraph is found in CVU for 49.4.4, which lists 28 Upanis . ads of the Atharvaveda, a list that has been discussed at some length by BOUY (see n. 45 above). Note that BOLLING & VON NEGELEIN (p. 341) report this passage to be absent also in their mss. CTURoth, while it is placed elsewhere in their B. 4.5. 49.4.5 20.4.2. 47 Peter Bisschop has pointed out to me, however, that the S . an . mukhakalpa, a handbook of sorcery and thievery, contains in its §59 a vocative vināyakasenāpate which is (almost certainly) used of Skanda (see GEORGE 1991: 72f. and 133f.). This supports the authenticity of the reading vināyakasena, as voc. addressed to Skanda, at AVPariś 20.3.1, and on ), and it is therefore unlikely that these three mss. have preserved an older state of the text in omitting them from the list here. Note, finally, that CVU omits at the end the words br ˚hatsarvānukraman . ī ceti that we find in AVPariś, and in this our version probably preserves the original state of the text. 4. 10.

The list in this section presents stem-forms for some Upanis . adnames, a form in o[panis . at] for others, while still others are given fully with the element • upanis . at. I have not tried to impose any regularity in this regard.

Instead of the list of 15 Upanis . ads that AVPariś gives in the corresponding paragraph, we find a list of 18 announced here, 48 while the mss. quite uniformly present a list of 23 (with possible repetition of one if mahopanis . ad = maho). Up to the 17 th Upanis . ad listed here ( Śrutipratyagānanda), the list corresponds exactly with the texts found at the beginning of the five Upanis . ad mss. described in §3, where in all cases except Ku 2 , the Ātharvana . follows as 18 th : in our list, it comes after nr ˚sim . ha-maho-brahmavedo (where maho might be a spurious element). The CVU contains no direct trace of the list of 28 Upanis . ads that the AVPariś version presents, entirely out of context, in 49.4.4 -there is some overlap between the list of 28 and especially the one of 15 in AVPariś, on the one hand, and the CVU list of '18'/23, on the other, but there are considerable differences too. tatratvaśāntiś ceti: This incomprehensible conclusion seems to correspond in some way to the conclusion of AVPariś 49.4.10: vaitathyam | advaitam | alātaśāntiś ceti. 4.11. Note the fact that all mss. except Jā insert the Śikhāvrata between Yamavrata and Śāntivrata. The parallel in 49.4.11 suggests that Jā may have preserved the original state of affairs here, although there the sequence yamavratam | śāntivratam is followed by a separate śikhivrata. anujavratam | dadhivratam: AVPariś here reads marudvratam | adhivratam. The readings clearly go back to the same original, but I cannot tell what it was: anad . udadhivratam? marudadhivratam? anad . udvratam ( ŚS 4.11.11d) | dadhivratam? The CVU, as edited here, also reaches 18 vratas, but the ordering and names differ in several ways from the list in AVPariś. mailavratam: I have hesitantly made this emendation, relying for the name of the vrata on Gu 1 Gu 2 . However, the reading mail . āra • , found in the better mss., may conceal the pair mailavratam | mailottaravratam found in AVPariś, in which case our list would come to exceed the indicated number of 18 vratas. 4.12. 49.4.12 49.5.5), because the next paragraph shows that this is not likely to have been an intentional omission. The other differences seem to be redactional. 5.7. vai . . . atharvan . ā brahmatvam . : Cf. 49.5.7, which reads atharvā vo jyes . t

. ho 'tharvopanetātharvācāryo 'tharvā brahmatvam . ceti . vo (omitted in the editors' ADE, read va in their B: see apparatus, p. 342) is clearly the better reading, atharvā brahmatvam . very likely so. 5.8. 49.5.8 only gives a pratīka: tad apy etad r ˚coktam | brahmajyes . t

. heti etayā |, perhaps because the mantra had already been quoted in full at 46.9.21 = ŚS 19.22.21. The mantra is also found as PS 8.9. 1. BOLLING & VON NEGELEIN report (p. 342) that their ms. T "gives AV. 19.23.30 in full, reading: prathamota."

The significance of the last specification is unclear, because this is precisely the reading we expect (and find in CVU). 5.9. 49.5.9 opens with iti tasyārham . brahmavedaś caturn . ām . . . . (which seems somewhat more comprehensible than our atharvavede caturn . ām . . . . ), and then reads setihāsa • , although the reading itihāsa • is reported for ms. T by BOLLING & VON NEGELEIN: another agreement of that ms. with CVU. 5.10-11. 49.5.10-11 raises the question, to which I will also return at the end of this section, whether that natural assumption was a correct one.

In CVU and AVPariś 49 alike, mention is made of several texts, among which the Gopathabrāhman . a, the Vedā ṅgas, and the typically Atharvavedic five Kalpas. Then follows first a list of the so-called Laks . an . agranthas and after that a list of (somewhat more than) 72 Pariśis . t . as; finally, the CVU version of the text announces that it will enumerate 18 Upanis . ads, but when it enumerates them actually seems to give a few more than 18. Only for this last genre of ancillary literature does the CVU version differ substantially from the version that is AV-Pariś 49. The list of Upanis . ads in the CVU shows a remarkable overlap with what we actually find in the common initial parts of the Upanis . ad-manuscripts that are available in Orissa, and whose contents have been presented in detail in §3. At least for the Upanis . ads, the CVU thus seems to describe the Paippalāda rather than the Śaunaka canon.

I now propose to pursue this matter a bit further, and discuss the extent to which the other statements in the CVU can be verified directly or indirectly, if assumed to be valid for the Paippalāda school. By directly, I mean that mss. of the texts mentioned in the CVU are available among Paippalādins today; by indirectly, I mean that there is evidence that they may have been in the past, and that the CVU hence may be taken to describe a canon of which parts have subsequently been lost. §5. 1. The Gopathabrāhman . a While there seem to be no extant mss. of the text other than the ones found in western India, among Śaunakīya brahmins, and used for the available editions, there is good evidence that the Paippalādins considered some version of this Brāhman . a to belong to their canon. In his contribution to this volume, Kei Kataoka has demonstrated that Bhat . t . a Jayanta was probably a Paippalāda brah-min. If this is correct, then the elaborate quotations in the Nyāyama ñjarī virtually prove that the GB was known to Paippalādins in 9 th century Kashmir, and that substantial parts of the text as known to them agreed with the GB as known to us. There is further indirect evidence from the Paippalādins in Orissa: references to the GB are found in their ritual manual called Karmapa ñjikā, composed by Śrīdhara. I have hitherto found one passage, 49 where a positively indentifiable quotation is made from the Gopathabrāhman . a: it is GB 1.2.6, referred to as p ūrvabrāhman . e. This proves that Śrīdhara knew the same division of the text in two parts, that is found in the extant western Indian mss., and referred to in CVU. It may also mean that he still had access to the text, but this cannot be proved. The fact that he also quotes several passages as found gopathabrāhman . e, that are not found in that text as we know it, but of which most can be identified in the collection of Atharvavedapariśis . t . as, 50 could be taken to suggest the contrary. This last phenomenon of possible misattribution, also observed in other ritual manuals from Orissa, 51 may be compared with the observation made by BOLLING & VON NEGELEIN on p. XVI of their AVPariś introduction: "Hemādri in his Caturvargacintāman . i has also drawn extensively upon the Pariśis . t . as, calling them either by their proper title or Ātharvan . a Gopatha Brāhman . a." 52 BHATTACHARYYA (1955: 7; 1968: 24) has pointed out that Ve ṅkat . a Mādhava makes mention of a paippalāda Brāhman . a, 53 and that the Prapa ñcahr ˚daya, a 49 Ni 83v5-84r1; Ku 94r2-3; Gu 1 97v4 (see §2B above, about these manuscripts). ). All KP fragments quoted here and on the following pages are given in preliminary editions, without reporting most of the (rather substantial amount of) variant readings. 51 Cf. the reference to AVPariś 37 (Samuccayaprāyaścittāni) as Vaitānakalpa in Bh ūdhara's Āsurīdīpikā, discussed in Alexis Sanderson's contribution to this volume, p. 209 n. 39 (end). 52 These passages have been listed as an appendix, pp. 645f., in their edition. 53 BHATTACHARYYA's reference in 1968 was to R ˚gvedabhās . yānukraman . ī (8.1), without specification of the edition used. In 1955 he had referred to "the Anukraman . ī portion of the R . garthadīpikā, probably fairly late South Indian text of doubtful reliability, states this text to have had eight Adhyāyas. 54 WITZEL (1977: 146f.), who does not discuss the possible relevance of Ve ṅkat . a Mādhava's statement, is inclined to take the Prapa ñcahr ˚daya evidence seriously, and to connect it with the following statement by Śa ṅkara in his Brahmas ūtrabhās . ya (3. 3.25): asty ātharvan . ikānām upanis . adārambhe mantrasamāmnāyah . "sarvam . pravidhya hr ˚dayam . pravidhya dhamanīh . pravr ˚jya śiro abhipravr ˚jya tridhā vipr ˚ktah . " ityādih . . WITZEL convincingly demonstrates (pp. 144ff.) that the passage from which this statement is taken lists texts that Śa ṅkara knew to find their place "near to the Upanis . ads, in the arrangement of the Veda texts of the various schools quoted by him". Hence, WITZEL concludes, this Atharvavedic pratīka, which cannot be traced in any known source, is likely to have come from a lost Brāhman . a (or Āran . yaka-Upanis . ad) of the Atharvaveda, which he assumes to be the lost Paippalādabrāhman . a of (Ve ṅkat . a Mādhava and) the Prapa ñcahr ˚daya. 55 There is some evidence that Śa ṅkara, when using the term ātharvan . ika, was indeed thinking specifically of a Paippalāda text. As BHATTACHARYYA also already pointed out (1955: 5; 1968: 46f.), he uses it at Brahmas ūtrabhās . ya 2. 3.43 in discussing a Brahmas ūkta with a stanza that is known only from the PS: tathā hy eke śākhino dāśakitavādibhāvam . brahman . a āmananty ātharvan . ikā brahmas ūkte "brahma dāśā brahma dāsā brahmaiveme kitavā" [PS 8.9.11] ityādinā. 56 This fact, then, comes in support of the connection that WITZEL wants to make be- [START_REF]Ed P pp. 91-92. A parallel tantricized rite of the Atharvavedic Abhayamantra of Indra (OM . YATA INDRA BHAY ĀMAHE[END_REF]. 55 See BHATTACHARYYA 1968: 49f. for a different explanation of the passage as referring directly to PS 1.76.4cd prabha ñja ñ chatr ūn prati yāhy agne kr ˚tyākr ˚tam . dus . kr ˚tam . hr ˚daye vidhya marman . i . This is not convincing because (a) the verbal correspondence is only very partial and moreover imprecise, and (b) PS 1.76.4 cannot clearly be said to be found upanis . adārambhe in any sense. 56 Kengo Harimoto, whom I thank for helping me with the interpretation of these passages from Śa ṅkara's work, points out to me that ātharvan . ika is used elsewhere in the Brahmas ūtrabhās . ya only to denote the Mun . d . akopanis . ad, a fact which tends to corroborate the hypothesis that Śa ṅkara knew the Paippalāda-Śākhā, since that Upanis . ad stands at the head of all known Upanis . ad collections associated with the Paippalādins (see the mss. described in §3, and the list of Upanis . ads in CVU 4.10). -Peter Bisschop points out to me that the fact that it also stands at the head of the supposedly Śaunakīya list at AVPariś 49.4.4 reduces the force of this last argument.

tween the lost source of the mantra(s) sarvam . pravidhya . . . and the Paippalāda school. We do know some Vedic texts styled • brāhman . a that consist partly or wholly of mantras, but the fact that Śa ṅkara knew this particular mantrasamāmnāya to be ātharvan . ikānām upanis . adārambhe, which must here contextually be interpreted to mean 'immediately preceding the beginning of the Upanis . ads in the Paippalāda-Atharvavedins' canon', does not seem to me sufficient evidence for assuming that this particular group of mantras stems from a lost Brāhman . a rather than some other kind of text that may have contained mantras. I know of no explicit evidence, besides that from Ve ṅkat . a Mādhava and the Prapa ñcahr ˚daya, that there was ever any Atharvavedic Brāhman . a, and specifically a Paippalādabrāhman . a, besides the Gopathabrāhman . a.

If it were not for the information that this Brāhman . a had eight Adhyāyas, there would be no strong arguments at all against identifying the Paippalāda • with the Gopathabrāhman . a. Since this information is found only in the Prapa ñcahr ˚daya -a source which, as we will see below, offers some other uncorroborated information too -I in fact consider this the most likely hypothesis. 57 The idea, expressed in CVU, that the two extant books of the GB would be the remainder of a text which once contained 100 prapāt . hakas (5 of which remain forming GB 1, and another 6 forming GB 2) may well be a fiction, 58 but even if it is not, neither the number nor the name of the textual divisions quoted in the CV, and found in the extant GB, match with the Prapa ñcahr ˚daya statement. (1919: 9); PATYAL (1969: vii-viii) does take this information seriously, and uses it to explain the several attributions of verses, not found in the extant GB, to the Gopatha in AVPariś, and one in Pseudo-Sāyan . a's introduction to his AV Bhās . ya (referred to also by GONDA 1975: 355 n. 108), but this is a false attribution (see below, n. 67). On this phenomenon, see also above, p. 180 with n. 50. 59 Kei Kataoka has pointed out to me that the Mīmām . saka author Bhat . t . a Someśvara, author of the Nyāyasudhā, a commentary on the Tantravārttika, refers to the Atharvaveda. Ed. MUKUNDA SHASTRI,p. 148, ˚tim ūlasya tu tasmād dīks . itasya vij ñātasya krītarājakasya bhojyam . bhavatīty atharvavede pat . hyamānasya . . . . This passage must be a (rather imprecise) reference to the Gopathabrāhman . a (1. 3.19:89.8-11): tasyājātasyāvij ñātasyākrītasomasyābhojanīyam . bhavatīty āhuh . sa dīks . ān . ām . prātar jāyate somam . krīn . anti tasya jātasya vij ñātasya krītasomasya bhojanīyam . bhavatīty āhuh . . Unfortunately, both the time and the place at which Bhat . t . a Someśvara was active seem to be unknown, so the possible significance of this quotation for the historical distribution of oral or written transmission of the GB cannot be determined. 60 I refer to BORI ms. 16 of 1870-71 (see no. 247, p. 9f., in NAVATHE 1990). Two or three more mss. of this text are listed in vol. I of the New Catalogus Catalogorum. This Catalogus suggests that the AV-CV that the Atharvaveda had its own A ṅgas, besides the Kalpas, to be treated in the next paragraph. In the case of the Paippalāda school, I don't even know any such Nirukta and Jyotis . a exceptions. It seems that our Caran . avy ūha must not be taken literally here, in either of its two versions. §5. 3. The Five Kalpas On the tradition of the five Atharvavedic Kalpas, see Alexis Sanderson's contribution to this volume, pp. 202f. Concerning the evidence for a specific Paippalāda transmission of these Kalpas, we can state the following.

(1) The Naks . atrakalpa. There is a text transmitted under this name that stands at the head of the Atharvavedapariśis . t . as in the mss. of that collection; in the list of Pariśis . t . as that we find in both versions of the AV-CV, it is called Kr ˚ttikārohin . ī after its initial words. BAHULKAR (1984) concludes from this and other facts that the Naks . atrakalpa which is AVPariś 1 in fact consists of two originally separate texts, the first of which uses mantras from PS, while still showing internal signs of being affiliated to the Śaunaka school. No mss. of any version of this Kalpa seem to be extant in Orissa, and no other evidence is known to me for another transmission of a text under this name, except the fact that ritual manuals of the Paippalādins in Orissa refer very frequently to a naks . atrakalpokta tantratantra here in the sense of ritual sequence: cf. the Atharvavedic technical terminology of p ūrva • and uttaratantra (CALAND 1900: VIf.), of which the naks . atrakalpokta tantra indeed seems to be composed. 61 I have not yet investigated how precisely this tantra is built up, but do not believe it has anything to do with the contents of the extant Naks . atrakalpa. One may speculate that if any textual basis for it exists in extant literature, it may rather be in one of the other known Pariśis . t . as, or a similar work, and that the Orissan usage may be a mistake resulting from the placement of the Naks . atrakalpa, that would have taken up a large portion of the beginning of most Pariśis . t . a-codices. 62 the text of this title is different from the Atharvajyotis . a (Punjab Sanskrit Series 6) discussed by DIKSHIT (1969: 97-100). I thank Toke Lindegaard Knudsen for bringing DIKSHIT's work to my attention. 61 The mss. of the Karmapa ñjikā contain a description Kauśikapaddhati (LIMAYE et al. 1982: 22). For an example of a reference to this tantra, see GRIFFITHS 2003b: 10. 62 Cf. BOLLING's speculation (1913: 267) involving a possibly similar phenomenon to explain Pseudo-Sāyan . a's references to the second chapter of the Śāntikalpa under the name Naks . atrakalpa in his Bhās . ya on ŚS: "The Chambers Codex of the Paric ¸is . t . as is an edition in three volumes, containing respectively AVPar. i=the true Naks . atrakalpa, AVPar. ii-xxxvi and AVPar. xxxvii- (2) The Vaitānakalpa. BHATTACHARYYA (1955: 8;1968: 24) quotes the Prapa ñcahr ˚daya mention of an Agastyaśrautas ūtra in 7 Adhyāyas. 63 I know of no evidence to support the veracity of this information, or for the existence of any other Śrautas ūtra associated with the AV than the known Vaitānas ūtra. I am not aware of any evidence that this text was ever known among the Paippalādins in Orissa. 64 (3) The Sam . hitāvidhi. This is the traditional name for the text that western scholarship refers to as the Kauśikas ūtra. 65 There is some slim evidence that the text may have been known to Śrīdhara, in the following passages that I have found in his Karmapa ñjikā, two of which refer specifically to expiations deriving from the Sam . hitāvidhi (5) The Śāntikalpa has been published by BOLLING in two installments , the latter publication containing the first of the text's two Adhyāyas. According to BAHULKAR (1984: 179) this text shows internal signs of being affiliated to the Śaunaka school. I have not yet undertaken any study of this or related Śānti-literature. 68 As for mss. from Orissa, I believe the only possibly relevant manuscript that I have seen is the Grahaśānti ms. listed in §2E.

lxxii. If we assume that Sāyan . a had only a broken set, namely vol. ii., of such an edition, we can understand why his citations from the Paric ¸is . t . as are so limited and also his ignorance of the Naks . atrakalpa. He was however familiar with the tradition of the five kalpas, and as the second chapter of the C ¸āntikalpa began with an elaborate naks . atrayāga, he identified this portion of the text with the Naks . atrakalpa of which he had no knowledge except the name". 63 Ed. MĪM ĀM . SAK 1987, p. 23 (Trivandrum ed. p. 33). 64 Cf. the misattribution of a phrase known from AVPariś 37 to the Vaitānakalpa in the work of a Bh ūdhara from Orissa, mentioned by Alexis Sanderson in his contribution to this volume (see the reference in n. 51 above). 65 Cf. . akr ˚tah . kuryān nānāpi sati daivata iti . The second verse = ĀśvGS 1. 3.10, also found as the concluding verse of MānGS (after 2. 18.4). The second is unidentified, but is attributed to GB by Dārila (DIWEKAR et al.,p. 32), who is followed herein by Keśava (LIMAYE et al. 1982: 20), and ultimately by Pseudo-Sāyan . a (at the very end of the Upodghāta to his ŚS Bhās . ya), who is known to have used Keśava's Paddhati extensively (LIMAYE et al., pp. xxiv f.). Since the KauśS itself does not hint at a Śruti source for these verses, the attribution is likely to be fictitious. 68 I may mention the random collection of BORI mss. that any such systematic study should probably cover: 208/1880-81 and 209/1880-81 (NAVATHE 1994: 341-343, nos. 708 and 709); 190/1884-87 (I do not know whether this ms. has been described in any catalog). §5.4. The Laks . an . agranthas As noted above (p. 175), the only discrepancy between the lists of Laks . an . agranthas that the two versions of the AV-CV contain, is that the CVU omits the Dantyos . t

. havidhi, and that too possibly as a mere accident. Among the Laks . an . agranthas listed we find the Prātiśākhya called Caturādhyāyikā. Now this text, as we know it, belongs without any doubt to the Śaunaka school, because it is called Śaunakīyā Caturādhyāyikā. There is no evidence known to me that for any of the texts which the CVU mentions under the heading of Laks . an . agranthas -the Caturādhyāyikā, Prātiśākhya, 69 Pa ñcapat . alikā, Br ˚hatsarvānukraman . ī -, there existed once upon a time, next to the known Śaunaka texts, also independent but parallel Paippalāda-recensions, with precisely the same titles. In any case, no mss. of texts with such titles are found today among the Atharvavedic brahmins in Orissa, nor do any of the extant ancillary text from Orissa seem to refer to them. §5. 5. The Seventy-two Pariśis . t . as I have found several cases of a reference to a Pariśis . t . a in the Karmapa ñjikā, but none can be connected with any text known as part of AVPariś. No collection of Pariśis . t . as as such is known to me to exist in Orissa, but several of the listed titles are found as parts of other texts: one example is the Caran . avy ūha, that we have seen figuring in Upanis . ad mss. As part of Ā ṅgirasakalpa mss., but also in quotations in the Karmasamuccaya and the Karmapa ñjikā, I have noticed that texts called Vedilaks . an . a, Samidhalaks . an . a, Jvālālaks . an . a, Agnivarn . alaks . an . a are found quoted in the Paippalāda ritual manuals, and that these show some clear correspondences with the texts known respectively as AVPariś 24.1, 26, 29 and 24.2. See further n. 50 above for quotations from AVPariś 27 (Sruvalaks . an . a) and 28 (Hastalaks . an . a), attributed to the Gopathabrāhman . a, and n. 39 (end) in Alexis Sanderson's contribution to this volume for a quotation from AVPariś 37 (Samuccayaprāyaścittas), attributed to the Vaitānakalpa. Some of the Ā ṅgirasakalpa mss., including the ms. As that was used for PAN . D . Ā [2003], contain an Āsurīdīpikā (attributed to a Bh ūdhara) besides the actual verses of the Āsurīkalpa also known as AVPariś 35. 70 In the ms. listed above ( §2E) as item 3 under Miscellaneous Sources, I have found a text called Svapnādhyāya (cf. AVPariś 68). I expect that a specific investigation of the Orissa sources with a view to identifying Pariśis . t . a texts might yield some more, and that a comparison with the 69 Mention may be made here also of the Varn . apat . ala, AVPariś 47, which is a supplement to these two phonetic ancillary texts of the AV, which "do not contain the treatment of the varn . as which they take for granted. The purpose of the Varn . apat . ala is to make up for this deficiency" (MODAK 1993: 383-388). Whether this Pariśis . t . a has any specific Śākhā affiliation has not, to my knowledge, been investigated. 70 See PAN . D . Ā [2003]: 42ff., 113ff., and Sanderson's contribution to this volume, pp. 211f., items 14-29, p. 216, and p. 220, item 38; see also MAGOUN 1899.

versions of these texts as contained in the western Indian Atharvavedapariśis . t . a collections, used by BOLLING & VON NEGELEIN for their edition, will lead to interesting text-historical findings.

Not (yet) traced in Orissa, but preserved in quotations in Hemādri's Caturvargacintāman . i, and partly reconstructed on that basis by CALAND (1893: 96f., 107f., 243f.), is a Paippalādaśrāddhakalpa, as well as a separate Atharvanic Śrāddha description attributed to Pait . hīnasi (pp. 99,110f.),71 both of which correspond to a Śaunaka recension entitled Śrāddhavidhi or Śrāddhakalpa, known as AVPariś 44 (see BHATTACHARYYA 1955: 8). §5. 6. Evaluation All in all, we might say that the evidence of the CVU seems to be rather misleading. Only for the category of Upanis . adic texts do its indications match fairly well with the Paippalāda canon, if we define that canon as the corpus of literature transmitted by the Paippalādins of Orissa. Now it could be that the Atharvavedic Caran . avy ūha, as implicitly assumed by previous scholarship, was compiled at some early period by Śaunakīya priests, to give a fitting description of their canon. The fact that it is found also in Orissa, in an only marginally altered version, could then mean that it was taken over for some unknown reason by the Paippalādins, was taken along by them when they settled in Eastern India, and was changed consciously only in the list of Upanis . ads. On the other hand, it seems to be the case that for many Atharvavedic ritual texts, such as the Kauśikas ūtra, the Gopathabrāhman . a, the Vaitānas ūtra with its appendix of Atharvaprāyaścittas, and the Pariśis . t . as, the Śākhā-distinction Śaunaka/Paippalāda is only a vague one, because mantras are quoted in them from both Śākhās. So could it not be that these texts, although (with marginal exceptions that I have just discussed) transmitted only by Śaunakīyas, were originally in fact canonical for both Śākhās? 72In my 2004 study of Paippalāda Mantras in the Kauśikas ūtra, I have argued that this question may be answered in the affirmative as regards the KauśS. Since writing that article, I have prepared collections of similar data concerning the GB and the AVPrāy, that I hope to publish in the future, after I have done the same for the VaitS. All of these texts show the striking phenomenon that PS mantras are sometimes quoted first in pratīka, followed almost immediately by their sakalapāt . ha, a phenomenon on whose explanation I have speculated for the KauśS (2004: 60, n. 28). I now consider it quite likely that all of these were originally conceived as multi-Śākhā texts, and were used by Śaunakīyas and Paippalādins alike, during the time that they inhabited the same (western) part of India. If this is true, it is also easily imaginable that the Atharvavedic Caran . avy ūha was originally intended to describe the canons of both Śākhās jointly with some degree of accuracy.

An enticing piece of evidence that may support this assumption seems to lie in the indication of the total number of Atharvavedic r ˚cs (CVU 4.2; AVPariś 49.4.2; see p. 175), that MODAK could not explain with reference to the Śaunaka-Śākhā (1993: 396). The only real problem for my hypothesis is posed by that small portion of the AV-CV which lists texts for which no direct or indirect evidence is known to connect them (also) with the Paippalāda-Śākhā, or to assume a separate (now lost) Paippalāda-recension besides the known Śaunaka one: the Laks . an . agranthas. At this stage, I am willing to keep open the possibility that a few of such separate Paippalāda Laks . an . agranthas did exist at one point of time. That independent Anukraman . ī-type material existed also for the Paippalāda school is in any case very likely, as we see fragments of it ubiquitously in the R ˚s . i-Chando-Devatā-Viniyoga-indications of the ritual manuals from Orissa. 73 The fact that we cannot confidently associate with the Paippalāda-Śākhā all of the ancillary literature that the CVU mentions, I would like to explain, in short, as a result of the Paippalādins' in Orissa having transmitted only a small fragment of their original canon, that was largely shared with the Śaunakīyas. But the CVU does not only mention too much, it also mentions too little. Concerning those ancillary texts that we do have good direct evidence for, but that it ignores, we now turn to the final section of this contribution. §6. Ancillary Literature Ignored by the Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad

The direct evidence for Paippalāda ancillary literature ignored by the CVU comes from the sources listed in §2, particularly, once again, Śrīdhara's Karmapa ñjikā. 74 I have not yet undertaken a careful collection and analysis of the evidence, but may mention here, once again (cf. GRIFFITHS 2002: 39), the elaborate quotations from a S ūtrakāra called Pait . hīnasi, of Ślokas attributed to him, and of a Paribhās . ā, also composed in Ślokas, that may or may not have been authored by this Pait . hīnasi. 75 A proper weighing of the evidence and attempt to 73 Where this habit is even taken over into Tantric materials: see Sanderson's contribution to this volume, p. 225. 74 The CV clearly does not aim to cover secondary (non-canonical) ancillary texts, like Paddhatis and Prayogas. Hence, the AVPariś version ignores Pseudo-Sāyan . a's and Dārila's Bhās . yas on the ŚS and the KauśS, respectively, as well as Keśava's Kauśikapaddhati; similarly, the fact that the CVU version does not mention the Karmapa ñjikā or the Karmasamuccaya is in no sense an omission. That the composition of the AV-CV likely predates most or all of these ancillary texts is not necessarily relevant in this connection, because we do not know when its CVU version became closed to additions. 75 On Pait . hīnasi, see RENOU (1947: 85, n. 1) and the references given there, one of which is to Pseudo-Sāyan . a ad ŚS 2. 16. It may be observed that Keśava after KauśS 6.37 (ed. LIMAYE et al. p. 22 l. 5) is the source for the pait . hīnasiparibhās . ā mentioned by Pseudo-Sāyan . a; further refer-place this author in the development of Atharvavedic ancillary literature will have to await a serious study of the Karmapa ñjikā and the many previously unknown quotations it transmits. The same holds true, mutatis mutandis, for the question whether any of the texts mentioned by Sanderson (p. 202) from AK mss. can be shown to have had a properly Atharvavedic (Paippalāda) affiliation. Not mentioned by SANDERSON is the author Nīlakan . t . ha, whose work entitled Brahmavedoktavis . t

. āriyaj ñapaddhati has been referred to by BAHULKAR (1987: 578) on the basis of the AK/P 2 ms., and is found also in my AK/Ni. This text seems to take PS 6.22 as its starting point, and is thus far the only text known to me that might perhaps be called a direct commentary on any Paippalāda-S ūkta. Finally, mention may be made here of the Atharvavidhāna belonging to the Paippalāda school reconstructed from Vis . n . udharmottarapurān . a (II.127) and Agnipurān . a (262) by BHATTACHARYYA (1955: 8-14).

Atharvavedins in Tantric Territory

The The early medieval period, from the fifth century onwards, saw the Śaivism of the Mantramārga rise to pre-eminence as the principal beneficiary of patronage throughout the Indian subcontinent and in much of Southeast Asia. Among the religious specialists whom we would expect to have been adversely affected by this development were those brahmins, Atharvavedins or adherents of other Vedas versed in the rituals of the Atharvaveda, who had long been appointed to office as the personal priests of rulers (rājapurohitah . ), performing their consecration ceremonies (rājyābhis . ekah . and pus . yābhis . ekah . ) and a wide range of rituals, regular and occasional, for the protection of the kingdom and the thwarting of its enemies. 1It is not possible to establish from the evidence known to me how far this office was overshadowed or diminished by the rise of Śaivism in particular kingdoms and periods. But encroachment by Śaiva officiants into ritual territory long reserved to it is clear from the literature that sets out the rituals that they should or may perform when occasion arises. The Śaivas prescribed their own form of royal consecration ceremony, to be performed by their officiants for a king who had received Śaiva initiation; they offered a full range of apotropaic, protective, and hostile rituals, both Saiddhāntika and Śākta Śaiva, for which kings were the natural patrons; and they had in the Netratantra detailed instructions for a class of officiants whose practice shadowed or took over most of the functions in which the brahmanical rājapurohitah . operated, including the performance on the king's behalf of his daily and periodic worship.

The Netratantra, I have argued, is a Kashmirian work, and there is no evidence that it was followed widely outside Kashmir itself. It is possible, therefore, that it had little or no impact on the practice of courts in other regions. 2 Moreover, while the practice of giving Śaiva initiation to kings is well and widely documented from the seventh century onwards, that of following this ceremony with a Śaiva adaptation of the brahmanical royal consecration is evidenced only in prescriptive sources, namely in the tenth-century Naimittikakarmānusam . dhāna of Brahmaśambhu (the earliest surviving Paddhati of the Śaiva Mantramārga) and the Kashmirian Kalādīks . āpaddhati, a work originally composed by Manodadatta in the fourteenth century but in its present form much expanded by later additions of uncertain date, of which that pertaining to the post-initiatory royal consecration is one. 3 However, the abundance of instruction in the Śaiva literature in the performance of rituals of propitiation to bring about results (siddhih . ), hostile and other, for the benefit of kings and the state, the emergence among the Vais . n . avas during these same centuries of an extensive Āgamic literature, in the form of the Pa ñcarātra scriptures, which offered a repertoire of rituals very similar in style, range, and function to those of the Śaiva Mantramārga, and the pervasive evidence of a decline during this period in the sponsoring of Vedic ritual and a corresponding increase in the patronage of the new religions encourage us to look within the literature of the Atharvavedins themselves for evidence of adaptation to these changes.

The Atharvavedapariśis . t . as

There can have been no realistic hope of reversing the drift of centuries away from Vedic ritual. 4 We may surmise, therefore, that the Atharvavedins' only viable strategy was to respond to the altered expectations of their royal clients by adding Śaiva and Vais . n . ava rituals to their repertoire, composing or appropriating texts that prescribe them and adding these to the corpus of their sacred literature. 5Evidence of the co-opting and embedding of Śaiva practice by the Atharvavedins is already present in the collection of ancillary tracts known as Atharvavedapariśis . t

. as. For they include an adaptation of the Pāśupata observance (Pariśis . t

. a 40: Pāśupatavrata), and the Ucchus . makalpa (Pariśis . t . a 36), which details fire sacrifices for supernatural ends that invoke Ucchus . marudra and the Ucchus . marudras with Mantras of a Śaiva character. 6 But there the phenomenon is marginal and the Śaivism involved is either pre-Mantramārgic, as in the case of the Pāśupata observance, or probably so, as in the case of the Ucchus . marudra rites. Ucchus . ma, 'Desiccating [Fire]', was well-established in the early Buddhist Mantranaya as a wrathful subduer of demons, 7 and, more specifically, as the deity invoked to remove the impurity of left-overs (ucchis . t

. am) and human waste by devouring them. 8 In the Śaiva Mantramārga the aslist the Ucchus . makalpa and the text on the kot . ihomah . (Pariśis . t

. a 31) as the only other documents in the collection that bear on the cult of Rudra-Śiva (p. 317). I have omitted the latter since its Śaiva character is limited to the frame-story of the revelation of this ritual. The ritual itself has no specifically Raudra or Śaiva characteristics. 7 We see Ucchus . ma in this role in the Buddhist Mahābalas ūtra, where he is identical with the wrathful, four-armed, fat-bellied (lambodara) deity Mahābala. This text was translated into Tibetan by Śīlendrabodhi, Jinamitra, and Ye shes sde around AD 800, and into Chinese in AD 983 (Taish ō 1243, KBC 1097; see LANCASTER 1979, p. 377a, giving AD 933; LINROTHE 1999, p. 60, note 6, correcting the date), and numerous copies of this scripture, in both languages, have been found in the Dunhuang caves (STRICKMANN 2002, p. 156). In §18 of that work Vajrapān . i teaches Bh ūtādhipati the Man . d . ala of Ucchus . makrodha with its secret. The latter is the Mantra that follows: OM . VAJRAKRODHA MAH ĀBALA HANA DAHA PACA . . . LAMBODARA UCCHUS . MAKRODHA H ŪM . PHAT . A AM . MA HA Ṅ SV ĀH Ā. He then teaches that anyone who enters this Man . d . ala will attain success in all he does. He will not suffer untimely death. His body will be immune to assaults and sickness. He will never be tormented by demons. In §13 the Mantrapadas OM . VAJRAKRODHA MAH ĀBALA DAHA HANA PACA . . . LAMBODARA UCCHUS . MAKRODHA H ŪM . PHAT . SV ĀH Ā are said to protect against every species of demon. In §12 a ray emerges from Śākyamuni and Māra comes with all his demon hordes. Ucchus . ma appears and terrifies them. Three texts of the exorcistic Ucchus . ma cult in Chinese are attributed to the translator A zhi da san (Ajitasena), a North Indian who worked in Anxi in the Turfan region of Central Asia in the first half of the eighth century: the Wei ji jin gang jin bai bian fa jing (KBC 1264, Taish ō 1229), the Wei ji jin gang shuo shen tong da man tuo la ni fa shu ling yao men (KBC 1265, Taish ō 1228), and the Da wei li wu chu se mo ming wang jing (KBC 1266, Taish ō 1227). For the exorcistic and therapeutic contents of the first and third of these see STRICKMANN 2002, pp. 156-161. The three 'translations' were presented in AD 732 (LANCASTER 1979, p. 421b;DEMI ÉVILLE et al. 1978, p. 236a [s.v. Ashitsudassan]). LINROTHE (1999, pp. 51-54) proposes with due caution that Mahābala/Ucchus . ma may be the identity of the two four-armed wrathful figures, squat and full-bellied, that attend two sculptures, one of Avalokiteśvara and the other of Vajrapān . i, that flank the entrance porch of Monastery I at Ratnagiri in Orissa, assigning them to the period AD 600-700. 8 For the latter role see, e.g., STEIN 1973, pp. 465-466;Sam . varodaya 8.38cd: utsr ˚s . t . abali sam . hārya bh ūtam ucchus . ma dāpayet; and, in the Esoteric Buddhism of the Far East, STRICKMANN 1996, pp. 248-249;2002, pp. 156-63. There he is known in Chinese as Wei ji jin gang and in Japanese as Eshaku kong ō, meaning 'the Vajra-being (jin gang, kongō) of Impure (wei, e) Traces (ji, shaku)' or 'the Vajra-being of Impure (wei, e) Accumulations (shaku)' and in Japan also as Fuj ō kong ō ('the Vajra-being [kongō] of Impurities [fujō]'), Joe-funnuson ('the venerable [son] wrathful one [funnu] who purifies [jo] impurities [e]'), and Ususama My ō ō (Ucchus . mavidyārāja) (FRANK 1991, p. 158). In Japan he became the deity whose presence purifies latrines (STRICKMANN 2002, p. 156). See also the Mantra in Mahābalas ūtra §14, in which he is commanded to 'stop all impurities', and the account of the subjection of Rudra/Maheśvara in the 15 th chapter of the Tibetan Rnying ma pa Mahāyogatantra Gsang ba'i snying po, in which Heruka devours Maheśvara and excretes him in the form of an ocean of filth which Ucchus . ma then swallows (STEIN 1974, p. 511). A version of the Pa dma thang yig, the Bka' thang gser phreng of Sangs rgyas gling pa composed in 1341 or 1389 (STEIN 1995, p. 124), relates that Ucchus . ma was rewarded after the subjection of Rudra by being given a place at the edge of the Man . d . ala as the receiver of the sociation of Ucchus . ma with the elimination of impure substances is seen in the Niśvāsaguhya, which makes Ucchus . marudra preside in a city of iron that bears his name in the first of the subterranean paradises known as the Pātālas. This, we are told, is the destiny of souls who have allowed the substances left from Śiva's worship to fall to the ground. Here they worship Can . d . eśa (/Can . d . eśvara), the ferocious Gan . a of Śiva to whom such remnants are to be offered in Saiddhāntika worship, in order to remove the danger they pose. 9 Moreover, the Vais . n . ava Varāhapurān . a declares that those who follow the impure forms of Rudra worship (raudram . śaucavarjitam), which it defines as those other than that laid down in the Veda-congruent [Saiddhāntika] Niśvāsasam . hitā, are to be seen as Ucchus . marudras (ucchus . marudrās te j ñeyāh . ). 10 This is probably to be understood as 'Rudras addicted to the consumption of impure substances', an interpretation supported by a variant reading of this passage as it is cited by Ra ṅgarāmānuja in his commentary Bhāvaprakāśikā on Sudarśana's Śrutaprakāśikā on Rāmānuja's Śrībhās . ya on Brahmas ūtra 2. 2.42, where these beings are termed Ucchis . t . arudras 'Rudras of [pollutant] remnants' (ucchis . t

. arudrās te j ñeyāh . ). 11 Further, the Picumata/Brahmayāmala is also known as the Tantra of Ucchus . ma (ucchus . matantram, tantram ucchus . masam . bhavam), 12 and this name alludes to the strict indifference to impurity or rather to the cultivation of con-tact with impurity as a means to power and liberation that characterizes this scripture. But in spite of these connections I am not aware of any Śaiva Kalpa that could have served as the prototype of the rites of the Ucchus . marudras seen in Atharvavedapariśis . t

. a 36. Moreover, the Atharvavedic Ucchus . makalpa does not conform closely to the Mantramārgic model. The Mantras taught in the Kalpa comprise one for self-protection (ātmaraks . ā) followed by formulas invoking protection of the four cardinal directions, the zenith, and nadir, with blows from the weapons of their respective guardian deities, an Ucchus . mahr ˚daya, an Ucchus . maśikhā, a Kavaca, and an Astramantra, and a long Mantra for japah . . The Hr ˚daya, Śikhā, Kavaca, and Astra bring to mind the Mantramārgic model in which these are the names of the Ancillaries of any main Mantra (m ūlamantrah . ); but they are not presented here in that role; nor are we given the Śiras or Śiras and Netra that complete the set of those Ancillaries in the rituals of the Mantramārga. 13 Nor do we find instructions for the installation of these Mantras (nyāsah . ) on the hands and parts of the body, or for the visualization of the deity (dhyānam), both features fundamental to any properly Mantramārgic Kalpa. Furthermore the style of the Mantras is strongly reminiscent of a type that has a much earlier history, being seen, for example, in the Mantrapadas of the Buddhist Mahāmāy ūrīvidyārāj ñī, 14 the first two Chinese translations of which were listed in the Qin lu, a catalogue of the period AD 350-431, according to that compiled by Yuan zhao in AD 800. 15 The third section (khan . d . ah . ) of the Mahāgan . apatividyā, a long Mantra in ten sections recited to ward off assault by demons, Yoginīs, and the like, and preserved in the ritual tradition of Kashmir, summons the aid of Ucchus . marudra and ends with an invocation of the Ucchus . marudras. 16 However, this too, 13 On the ancillary Mantras in Mantramārgic Śaivism see BRUNNER 1986. 14 Thus, for example, in the japamantrah . of the Atharvavedic Ucchus . makalpa we have (9.3) NAMAH . KAT . A VIKAT . A KAN . T . E M ĀT . E HUM . PHAT . NAMAH . SV ĀH Ā. This may be compared with Mahāmāy ūrīvidyārāj ñī, pp. 23, l. 22-24, l. 12: AKAT . E VIKAT . E HARIN . I H ĀRINI DHARAN . I DH ĀRAN . I HUKKE HUKKE VUKKE VUKKE HANA HANA HANA HANA HANA HANA HANA HANA HANA HANA AMITR ĀN MAMA SARVASATTV ĀN ĀM . CA DAHA DAHA DAHA DAHA DAHA DAHA DAHA DAHA DAHA DAHA AHITAIS . IN . O MAMA SARVASATTV ĀN ĀM . CA PACA PACA PACA PACA PACA PACA PACA PACA PACA PACA PRATYARTHIK ĀM . MAMA SARVASATTV ĀN ĀM . CA . . . . Compare also the Ucchus . makalpa's Mantra for self-protection (1.4) ŚIVE JAT . ILE BRAHMAC ĀRIN . I STAMBHANI JAMBHANI MO- HANI HUM . PHAT . NAMAH . SV ĀH Ā with HARI H ĀRIN . I CALI C ĀLINI TRAMAN . I TR ĀMAN . I MOHANI STAMBHANI JAMBHANI SVAYAMBHUVE SV ĀH Ā in Mahāmāy ūrīvidyārāj ñī, p. 15. 15 The Mahāmāy ūrī's two earliest Chinese translations, of unknown authorship, are KBC 305 (Taish ō 986) and KBC 306 (Taish ō 987). For Yuan zhao's report see LANCASTER 1979, p. 113a. There are also early Chinese translations by Kumārajīva (KBC 304, Taish ō 988), produced between AD 402 and 412 (LANCASTER 1979, p. 112b), and Sa ṅghabhadra (KBC 307, Taish ō 984), produced between AD 502 and 520 (LANCASTER 1979, p. 113b). 16 AT . PHAT D . ĀSI-DH ĀR ĀDHIPATIRUDRO J Ñ ĀPAYATI SV ĀH Ā; and that of the Rudra Lohaka in the Lohakakalpa of the same work, f. 59r3-60r1: OM . NAMO BHAGAVATE RUDR ĀYA OM . NAMO LOHAK ĀYA CIPIT . A- N ĀS ĀYA AS . T . ABHUJAMAH ĀLOHAK ĀYA APARIMITABALA*PAR ĀKRAM ĀYA (corr. : PAR ĀKRAMA-YA Cod.) ES . AKIS . AY ĀYA MAH Ā*DAM . S . T . ROTKAT . ĀYA (corr. : DAM . S . T . ROTKAT . AYA Cod.) EHI 2 LO-HAKA IDAM . DUS . T . AGRAHAM ĀVEŚAYA SAMAYAM . PRAVI ŚAYA 2 ĀVIŚAYA 2 SAM . KR ĀMA YA 2 MAH ĀBHAIRAVAR ŪPA BHO BHO LOHAKA IMAM . CAN . D . ĀLAGRAHASYA ŚIRAS TROT . AYA TROT . A- YA GRĪV ĀM . MOT . AYA or formerly in the possession of brahmins of Orissa following the Paippalāda recension of the Atharvaveda, 18 members of a community of such brahmins found in numerous settlements from the Ganjam district in South Orissa to the East-Singbhum district in the southeastern corner of the State of Jharkhand just beyond Orissa's northern border, with concentrations within Orissa around the former royal seats of Puri, Narasinghpur, Bhadrakh, Kendujharghar, and Baripada. 19 For the manuscripts that I have seen, which do not transmit a single, constant work but contain varying but overlapping collections of texts, consist almost entirely of instruction in the procedures of hostile ritual through the propitiation of post-Vedic Mantra-deities following Tantric rather than Vedic liturgical models. One of these, a palm-leaf manuscript in the Oriya script from the home of the Paippalādin Dāmodara Miśra of Asimil . ā village in the Baleshwar District of Orissa, was transcribed and published in 2003 by the Oriya scholar Umākānta PAN . D . Ā as the Paippalādavaśādis . at . karmapaddhati 'Directions on the Six [Hostile] Rites beginning with Subjection, according to the Paippalāda[-Atharvaveda]'. 20 This was the starting point of my research in this field.

. A Ed.) 2 YAKS . O V Ā R ĀKS . ASO V Ā BH ŪTO V Ā PRETO V Ā PI Ś ĀCO V Ā K ŪS . M Ā- N . D . O V Ā APASM ĀRO V Ā PRETAY ĀMINĪ V Ā MATHA 2 MOCAYA 2 KAMPAYA 2 VIDHVAM . SAYA 2 PRAM ĀN . AR ŪPIK ĀM . DAR ŚAYA 2 BR ĀHMAN . Ī V Ā KS . ATRIYĪ V Ā VAI ŚYĪ V Ā Ś ŪDRĪ V Ā CAN . D . ĀLĪ V Ā CARMAK ĀRĪ V Ā M ĀL ĀK ĀRĪ V Ā M ĀTA ṄGĪ V Ā PUKKASĪ V Ā C ĀMUN . D . Ī V Ā YOGINĪ V Ā MAH Ā- YOGINĪ V Ā ĀK ĀŚAG ĀMINĪ V Ā BHUVANAV ĀSINĪ V Ā P ĀT ĀLAV ĀSINĪ V Ā VAUS .
The affiliation of these texts to the Paippalāda recension of the Atharvaveda is proclaimed in many cases through the device of presenting them in the format of instruction given by A ṅgiras in answer to questions put to him by the sage Pippalāda; and the priest selected by the Yajamāna to perform the rituals taught in them is identified as a Paippalādin (atharvavedāntargatapippalādaśākhādhyāyī) in the formula of intention (sam . kalpah . ) that is to be recited before the ritual commences. 21 The colophons of some of the texts in this open corpus declare them to be works of human authorship or citations from such works, namely the Prapa ñcasāra attributed to Śa ṅkarācārya, the Śāradātilaka of Laks . man . adeśika, the Mantramuktāvalī of P ūrn . aprakāśa, the [Mantra]devaprakāśikā of Vis . n . udeva, the Āsurīdīpikā of Bh ūdhara, the Tantrādhyāya of the Karmasamuccaya, the Laks . an . asamuccaya, the Ānus . t

. ubhakalpamālā of Śes . a, and the Paddhati of Vāmanabhavadāsa or Vāmana and Bhavadāsa (the Vāmanabhavadāsīya). But those of most of the rest assign them to the Ā ṅgirasakalpa, often identified simply as the Ā ṅgirasa, thereby claiming that in spite of their manifestly Tantric content they are properly Atharvavedic. For the Ā ṅgirasakalpa (ā ṅgirasah . kalpah . , a ṅgirasām . kalpah . ), also known as the Abhicārakalpa ('The Kalpa of Hostile Ritual'), is among the five Kalpas that had been said since early times to constitute the ancillary literature of the Atharvaveda, namely (1) the Naks . atrakalpa, (2) the Vitānakalpa, also called Vaitānakalpa or Vedakalpa (/vedānām . kalpah . ), (3) the Sam . hitākalpa (/sam . hitānām . kalpah . ), also called Sam . hitāvidhi,(4) the Ā ṅgirasakalpa, and (5) the Śāntikalpa. 22 lārtham . . . . amukakalpoktam . mama karma kartum . . . ācāryatvena tvām aham . vr ˚n . e 'I, the king, Ndevaśarman, being of such and such a Gotra, choose you, N-śarman, a brahmin of such and such a Gotra, a student of the Pippalāda branch of the Atharvaveda, to be the officiant to perform for me such and such a ritual taught in such and such a Kalpa for such and such a benefit . . . '. The same specification is seen in P 1 , f. 46v3: amukadevaśarman . e brāhman . āya atharvavedām . targatapippalādaśākhādhyāyine. 22 See Upavars . a's lost commentary on the Mīmām . sās ; cf. also the version of this same defective verse in the corresponding section of the Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad, in Arlo Griffiths' contribution to this volume). The Nāradapurān . a (P ūrvārdha, both lists them and defines their subject matter: (1) the Naks . atrakalpa as dealing with the asterisms and their presiding deities (see Atharvavedapariśis . The term pa ñcakalpah . in the meaning 'one who studies the five Kalpas' is already given in the Mahābhās . ya of Pata ñjali; and it appears in the Nārāyan . īya of the Mahābhārata in the meaning 'possessing the five Kalpas' with reference to the Atharvaveda itself. 23 The contents of our Orissan Ā ṅgirasakalpa corpus demonstrate beyond doubt that it is not the lost text of that title known to these early works. 24 But by taking on this title it asserts that it is; and in this capacity it adds the claim that of all the five Kalpas it is the foremost. 25 The Officiants of the Ā ṅgirasa Rituals

The Atharvavedic priests who created and employed these texts did so to authorize and guide rituals that they expected to be engaged to perform for the court. For with a few exceptions that bear on their personal worship this Ā ṅgirasakalpa corpus comprises rituals in which the king is the sponsor and beneficiary (yajamānah . ), in which the principal stated aims are to subjugate, immobilize, or destroy his enemies, 26 and in which the king's duty to gratify these officiants (5) the Ā ṅgirasakalpa as setting out the rituals of the six kinds of hostile sorcery (s . at . karmān . i). This is accurate for items 1, 4, and 5, but not for 2 and 3. An old, widely attested, and more plausible tradition takes the Vaitānakalpa to be the Vaitānas ūtra, the Śrautas ūtra of the Śaunaka recension of the Atharvavedasam . hitā, and the Sam . hitāvidhi to be the Kauśikas ūtra, the Atharvavedic Gr ˚hyas ūtra. Sam . hitāvidhi in this sense is regularly employed in the Kauśikapaddhati, Keśava's commentary on that text, as in its opening words: atharvavedasya sam . hitāvidher vivaran . am . kriyate. It is also supported by Sāyan . ācārya, Atharvedasam . hitābhās . ya, vol. 1, pp. 25-27, and followed by BLOOMFIELD (1884, pp. 376-378) and others, e.g. MODAK (1993, p. 124). As BAHULKAR has pointed out (1987, p. 572), the name is appropriate, because the Kauśikas ūtra goes beyond the range of other Gr ˚hyas ūtras by setting out the ritual applications (vidhih . ) of the Sam . hitā of the Atharvaveda. 23 Mahābhās . ya on 4. '. 24 This is also the opinion of BAHULKAR (1987, p. 579). Seeing the Tantric character of the contents of the two Ā ṅgirasa manuscripts in the BORI, Pune, and the fact that the rituals of these manuscripts, unlike those of the section on hostile rites (abhicārah . ) in the sixth Adhyāya of the Kauśikas ūtra, are not based on the domestic New-moon and Full-moon sacrifice, he concluded that this Ā ṅgirasakalpa cannot be the work of that name known to Dārila, the author of the Kauśikas ūtrabhās . ya, Keśava, the author of the Kauśikapaddhati, and Sāyan . a, and surmised that it may have been composed after the disappearance of the Śaunaka Ā ṅgirasakalpa to fulfil the needs of the Paippalādins of Orissa for the fifth Kalpa. 25 Ā ṅgirasa, P 2 f. 3v1-2: iti putren . a sam . tus . t . ah . provāca munir a ṅgirāh . | kalpam ā ṅgirasam . nāma pa ñcakalpes . u cottamam . 'Thus, being pleased with his son [Br ˚haspati], the sage A ṅgiras taught [him] the Kalpa called Ā ṅgirasa, the foremost of the five Kalpas'. 26 See, e.g., Paippalādavaśādis . at . karmapaddhati p. with honours, land-grants, jewels, gold, and grain is repeatedly stressed. 27 It is therefore probable prima facie that the priests who performed these rituals did so as holders of the office of the king's personal priest (rājapurohitah . ). For all sources that speak of the qualifications required of that official rule either that he should be an Atharvavedin 28 or that he should be an expert in the rituals of the Atharvavedic tradition. 29 The latter formulation may have been ] rites performed for the king following the Atharvaveda'. 29 See, for example, Arthaśāstra 1.9.9: purohitam uditoditakulaśīlam . sā ṅge vede daive nimitte dan . d . anītyām . cābhivinītam āpadām . daivamānus . īn . ām atharvabhir upāyaiś ca pratikartāram . kurvīta '[The king] should appoint as his personal priest one who is of noble family and conduct, skilled in the Vedas, their ancillary disciplines, portents, and the administration of justice, and able to counteract calamities of divine and human origin with the methods of the Atharvaveda'; Yāj ñavalkyasmr ˚ti 1.313: purohitam prakurvīta daivaj ñam uditoditam | dan . d . anītyām . ca kuśalam atharvā ṅgirase tathā 'He should appoint as his personal priest one who is expert in portents [and the averting of their consequences], who is of exalted family, and who is expert both in the administration of justice and in the pacifying and hostile rites [of the Atharva-intended to convey the same sense as the former, since the Atharvavedic literature frequently refers to Atharvavedins proper in this way, 30 though it is also possible that the definition by competence rather than birth was intended to accommodate the appointment of persons who though initially R ˚gvedins, Yajurvedins, or Sāmavedins in accordance with their inherited affiliation had subsequently been initiated and trained in the rituals of the Atharvavedic tradition. That non-Atharvavedin experts in Atharvavedic ritual were also appointable may be inferred from the fact that we have passages both in the Atharvavedic literature itself and in the Mahābhārata that warn kings that appointing non-Atharvavedins will lead to disaster, a warning that would have no point if kings did not on occasion disregard this restriction, 31 and is confirmed in the veda]'; Agnipurān . a 239.16c-17b (A) (= Nītiśāstra quoted by Sāyan . ācārya in the introduction to his Atharvavedasam . hitābhās . ya, as his priest, for he will increase his wealth, realm, and health, or a Śaunakin[-Atharvavedin], who is learned in the Mantras of [his] Veda. For he will cause the kingdom always to prosper in wealth, crops and the like. A king who desires to prevail over his enemies should appoint no expert in the Atharvaveda as his priest other than an Atharvavedin. For [the Atharvedin royal priest] has been created [as an element vital to his rule], just as the fire [is vital] to the Vedic sacrifice. A [royal priest who is a] R ˚gvedin destroys the kingdom, a Yajurvedin the [king's] sons, and a Sāmavedin will bring about the loss of his wealth. Therefore [only] an Atharvavedin [should be appointed as his] priest. If out of ignorance or inattention [a king] has a R ˚gvedin [in this office] the loss of his region, kingdom, capital, and ministers will certainly follow. If the king appoints a Yajurvedin as his priest he will soon be killed by the sword, having lost his wealth, horses, and elephants. A king with a Sāmavedin latter, which concedes that a king may after all appoint a non-Atharvavedin if no Atharvavedin is available, 32 a situation that we may suspect from the relative paucity of epigraphical evidence of land-grants to Atharvavedins to have been commoner than the prescriptive textual evidence would suggest. Indeed, the Atharvavedins themselves may have recognized that their numbers had to be supplemented and attempted to control this in a manner that presented the Atharvavedic tradition as a domain of knowledge above that of the common brahmanical tradition. For while acknowledging that non-Atharvavedins may study the Atharvaveda they ruled that such persons should be allowed to do so only if they first underwent the Upanayana ceremony for a second time. 33 This transforms expertise in the Atharvavedic rites, at least for those not privileged by birth as Atharvavedins, into a domain of restricted recruitment within the broader brahmanical religion and thereby conceptualizes it in a manner that makes it analogous to the religions of the Śaivas, Pā ñcarātrikas, and others, that is to say, as a tradition to which those within that religion may ascend through a further rite of passage. Indeed the Śaivas themselves have presented the Atharvaveda in just these terms. After defining the R ˚gveda, Yajurveda, and Sāmaveda together with the Smr ˚tis as the common revelation the Jayadrathayāmala's first S . at . ka goes on to list those scriptures that are the basis of those religious systems that transcend this level, and includes the Atharvaveda among them:

The Saura, Śaiva, and Pā ñcarātra [scriptures], the Lākula and Vaimala [scriptures of the Śaiva Atimārga], the Atharvaveda, [the texts of] Sām . khya and Yoga, and the scriptures of the Buddhists, Jains, and the like, are restricted teachings (viśes . atantram), because a person adheres to [one of] them only after taking on specific vows [in addition to or in place of the general obligations imposed by brahmanical authorities]. 34 This image of the esoteric otherness of the Atharvavedic tradition can only have been made more plausible by the incorporation of the kind of Tantric procedures seen in our Ā ṅgirasakalpa corpus and indeed by the existence of the related as his priest does not prosper, just as a cripple cannot walk and a bird without wings cannot fly.'

32 Southern recension of the Mahābhārata after 12.72. Tantric Atharvanic materials that have been presented without the disguise of attribution to this collection in the form of the unpublished Kālarudratantra subtitled Kālikāgama. 35 If the Atharvavedin officiants envisaged in the Ā ṅgirasakalpa corpus were indeed persons occupying the office of the royal priest, having inherited qualification for this office through their patriline or perhaps in some cases through having acquired it through a second Upanayana and subsequent training, then they would have ranked among the highest dignitaries of the states that they served. The Vis . n . udharmottara, for example, portrays this official as a member of a small élite consisting besides himself of the king, the chief queen (agryamahis . ī), the crown-prince (yuvarājah . ), the chief minister (mantrī), the general of the army (senāpatih . ), and the royal astrologer. Nor was he considered an inferior among them. For when the same text prescribes the design and dimensions of the parasol (chattram) and yak-tail fly-whisk (cāmarah . ) to be carried by their attendants 35 In the twenty-one short Pat . alas of this Tantra Kālarudra teaches Skanda a number of Vidyās for hostile purposes including in the first Pat . ala an atharvan . ī śikhāvidyā described as the very essence of the Atharvaveda (f. 2v: turyam ātharvan . am Gharmat . ī and Gharmut . ikā), Kālī, and Can . d . acāmun . d . ī. In the colophons the chapters of the text are described as being kālikāgame kālarudratantre (f. 6r) or śrīkālarudratantre kālikāgame (f. 17r). Other instances of the disintegration of the boundary between the Vedic and the Tantric in the classification of Atharvanic material exist and could be fruitfully studied. Note, for example, that a Nepalese digest of sources on the propitiation of the Vidyās of the Pratya ṅgirās (Siddhilaks . mī etc.) and Guhyakālī (*Pratya ṅgirādivis . ayakasam . graha) contains a chapter (ff. 30r4-36v10) setting out a Paddhati for the worship of the latter whose colophon attributes it to the Atharvan . asam . hitā of the Hāhārāvatantra or to the Atharvan . asam . hitā that is the Hāhārāvatantra (f. 36v10: iti hāhārāvatantre atharvan . asam . hitāyām . guhyakālīp ūjāpat . alah . ). Similarly, the 23-syllable Pratya ṅgirā OM . HRĪM . 2 KS . EM . BHAKS . A JV ĀL Ā-JIHVE KAR ĀLADAM . S . T . RE PRATYA ṄGIRE KS . EM . HRĪM . H ŪM . PHAT . attributed in that same digest (f. 26r10-11) to the Devīyāmala is a variant of the Atharvan . abhadrakālīmahāvidyā OM . KS . AM . BHAKS . A JV ĀL ĀJIHVE KAR ĀLADAM . S . T . RE PRATYA ṄGIRE KS . AM . HRĪM . HUM . PHAT . seen in a South Indian manuscript with the name of that Vidyā as its title. The visualization-verse for this Vidyā goddess given in the digest (f. 26r11-v1) appears at the end of two other South Indian manuscripts in the same collection: the Pratya ṅgirābhadrakālīmantra and the Pratya ṅgirāmantra. Also to be considered in this context is the Kubjikopanis . ad, preserved in Nepalese manuscripts, in which the cult of the Śākta goddess Kubjikā is expounded by Sanatkumāra to Pippalāda for the use in hostile ritual by Atharvavedins, Śaunakin or Paippalādin (5.2). This text was composed in Bengal or in a region influenced by its Śāktism, since it has incorporated the worship of the ten Mahāvidyās ( Daks . in . akālikā, Ugratārā, S . od . aśī, Bhuvaneśvarī, Caitanyabhairavī, Chinnamastā, Dh ūmāvatī, Bagalāmukhī, Māta ṅginī, and Siddhalaks . mī) (11.1-21.12) that are distinctive of that tradition. It also contains a variant of the Pratya ṅgirāmantra, cited here from the Devīyāmala and the Atharvan . abhadrakālīmahāvidyā manuscript: KSAM . BHAKS . A JV ĀL ĀJIHVE KAR ĀLADAM . S . T . RE PRATYA ṄGIRE KS . AM . HRĪM . NAMAH . (24.4), and of that beginning OM . KHAT . PHAT . given in the Ā ṅgirasakalpa materials as one of two Mantras of Mahākr ˚ty ā; see below, p. 214.

in public as the external symbols of their relative standing it tells us that the length of the pole of the king's parasol (chattradan . d . ah . ) should be six cubits, those of the general, royal astrologer, and royal priest five, and those of the queen and crown-prince four and a half (2. 13.7c-9), and that the breadth of the parasol should be similarly calibrated, its width in each case being half the length of the pole (2. 13.10ab). 36 The royal priest, then, was ranked below the king himself but above the queen and the crown-prince, enjoying the same status as the chief minister.

However, there is no unambiguous declaration in these Ā ṅgirasakalpa texts that the officiants envisaged by them occupied this exalted office. The closest to such a statement that I can find is this: 'Therefore a wise king should always make his own with gifts, honours, and the rest, a brahmin who understands the essence of the teachings of the fourth Veda', 37 which is strikingly similar to statements in the Atharvavedapariśis . t

. a that certainly do refer to the king's appointing an Atharvavedin as the rājapurohitah . . 38 However, suggestive though this parallel is it does not amount to decisive evidence. It is possible, therefore, that the Atharvavedins of the Ā ṅgirasakalpa texts were envisaged as serving their rulers outside this semi-ministerial office, or that the redactors of the texts have avoided greater specificity because they were addressing a situation in which the royal priest was only the foremost among a number of Atharvavedin officiants attached to the court. In any case the texts reveal that for many of the rituals that they teach the king was to engage the services of not one but several brahmins and that all were to be Atharvavedins. 39 36 Similarly, we are told that the king's fly-whisk should be uncoloured, those of the astrologer, chief minister, and priest yellowish, and those of the chief queen, the crown-prince, and the general black; see , emending rāj ñā to rāj ño in 5b.

37 Paippalādavaśādis . at . karmapaddhati,p. 23: tasmān narapatir . . . (quoted in n. 27). 38 Thus Atharvavedapariśis . t . a 2. 1.4: daivakarmavidau tasmāt sām . vatsarapurohitau | gr ˚hn . īyāt satatam . rājā dānasam . mānara ñjanaih . 'Therefore the king should always adopt with gifts, honours, and favours an astrologer learned in astrology and a priest learned in the rituals [of the Atharvaveda]'; and ibid. 4.6.3 and 69.7.2: tasmād rājā viśes . en . a atharvān . am . jitendriyam | dānasam . mānasatkārair nityam . samabhip ūjayet 'Therefore the king should always show special veneration to an Atharvavedin of controlled senses with gifts, honours, and favours '. 39 Thus Paippalādavaśādis . at . karmapaddhati,p. 18: parasainyam . jetum

The Manuscripts

Of various potentially relevant Orissan Ā ṅgirasa manuscripts I have had access to photographic copies of three, all undated and on palm leaf. The first is the Asimil . ā manuscript transcribed as PAN . D . Ā's Paippalādavaśādis . at . karmapaddhati. The other two, in the Devanāgarī script, are in the library of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute in Pune, both catalogued as Ā ṅgirasa (Atharvavedīya), i.e. 'the Ā ṅgirasa [Kalpa] (of the Atharvaveda)'. Both are incomplete. 40 The Contents of MS P 1 and the materials it shares with MS As (→ Ed P )

The manuscript BORI 960 of 1887-91 (P 1 ) opens with a long text on the ceremony of affusion with water empowered with the Mantra of Nr ˚sim . ha (nr ˚sim . hābhis . ekah . [ff. 1v-55v]), ending with a colophon that specifies that this is the end of the second Pat . ala of the Vāmanabhavadāsīya. 41 The contents of the rest of the manuscript (ff. 55v3-) are, barring minor variants, identical with those of approximately the first half of the Asimil . ā manuscript (As). The common text runs continuously from the beginning of the latter to a point three verses from the end of the Bhadrakālīmahābījavidhi. Here P 1 breaks off. 42 The contents of the portion of the manuscript that it shares with PAN . D . Ā's edition (Ed P ) are as vaveda iti. In the account of the rites of Āsurī Durgā ( Āsurīkalpa) we are told that the king should appoint two brahmins to perform the fire sacrifice. These are the principal officiant, termed the ācāryah . , and his assistant, termed the brahmā (Paippalādavaśādis . at . karmapaddhati, p. 63 -this, he says, is the view of Pait . hīnasi-, or two, namely an ācāryah . and a brahmā-for this he cites the passage of the Āsurīkalpa given above-, or just an ācāryah . , in which case the brahmā is represented by a water-vessel (udapātram)-for this he cites the Vaitānakalpa (Paippalādavaśādis . at . karmapaddhati, pp. 123-124): tatra pa ñca brāhman . āh . karmanirvāhakāh . . tes . v . a 37. 16. 1. 40 The contents of the two Pune manuscripts have been briefly described by BAHULKAR (1987). See Arlo Griffiths' contribution to this volume, §2D, for a list of all Ā ṅgirasa manuscripts available to him and the relevant sigla. Griffiths points out that the original provenance of the two Pune manuscripts must also lie in Orissa. 41 Ā ṅgirasakalpa, P 1 f. 56v2-3: iti vāmanabhavadāśīye abhis . eko nāma dvitīyah . pat . alah . samāptah . . 42 The last words are tato mahānavamyām . tu gandhādyair bahubhir yajet, which are found on p. 113, l. 10 of the edition. ˚SIM . HAM . BH ĪS . AN . AM . BHADRAM . MR ˚TYUMR ˚TYUM . NAM ĀMY AHAM. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase anāgatārthavedanam. 43 I am greatly indebted to Arlo Griffiths for having provided me with all the Paippalāda materials used in this paper. In 2004 he sent me a copy of PAN . D . Ā's Paippalādavaśādis . at . karmapaddhati. When after reading this edition I told him of my interest in its Śākta Śaiva elements he provided me with scans of the Asimil . ā manuscript and lent me his photocopies of the two Ā ṅgirasakalpa manuscripts in the collection of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute. After I had prepared drafts of editions of the Parājapavidhi, the Bhadrakālīmantravidhi, and the Bhadrakālīmahābījapraśam . sā from the evidence of these three witnesses and sent them to him he did me the great kindness in 2005 of preparing for me while he was in Bhubaneswar collations of my editions of these texts with two other Ā ṅgirasakalpa manuscripts in the collection of the Orissa State Museum, T/121 and T/187, that he had found to contain them. I am also grateful to him for providing me with electronic texts of PAN . D . Ā's edition of the Asimil . ā manuscript and BOLLING and VON NEGELEIN's edition of the Atharvavedapariśis . t

. a, and for sending me a copy of PAT-TANAYAK's edition of Laks . mīdharamiśra's Śaivacintāman . i, on which see p. 232 and n. 76. 44 For a definition of Yantra in this sense see n. 134 on p. 264. . a gives the Mantra used here in the Ā ṅgirasa collection but without a goddess of this name and no liturgical elements borrowed from or prefiguring the Tantric. There and in the Ā ṅgirasa text āsurī is the name of the Indian Black Mustard plant Sinapis ramosa Roxb. (MAGOUN 1889, pp. 171-172), which is ground into a meal out of which an effigy of the enemy is fashioned as the focus of hostile sorcery, being smeared with ghee, chopped up, and offered in the sacrificial fire (35.1.6-7: hantukāmo . 48 For those familiar with the Kashmirian Śaiva literature the name Vij ñānabhairava will bring to mind the Vij ñānabhairava, a scriptural text with a Trika background concerned with meditation techniques for liberation which received a commentary by Ks . emarāja and has enjoyed great popularity down to recent times. It is probable that the same association was in the mind of the namer of this Ā ṅgirasa Mantra. Here in P 1 the Mantra of Vij ñānabhairava is Vedic. But in P 2 it is Tantric; see below, p. 220. 49 Cf. the reading BHUVANABHAYAM . KARI in this Mantra in item 10, below on p. 218. 50 The term kr ˚tyā refers in the Atharvaveda to a hostile spell that may take the form of an effigy with human features, particularly one used against an enemy; see, e.g., Atharvavedasam . hitā 10.1. Yantra in combination with the nine-syllable and eleven-syllable Mantras of Bhadrakālī, with special procedures to be adopted on the eve of battle, to empower the royal weapons; a Bhadrakālīvrata to be observed on the ninth day of the bright fortnight; and the annual propitiation of Bhadrakālī with thrice-daily worship, a nightly fire-ritual, and sacrifices of buffaloes and other animals during the fifteen days leading up to Mahānavamī. Colophon in As: ity ā ṅgiraskalpe bhadrakālīmahābījavidhih .

(Ed P : ity ā ṅgirasakalpe bhadrakālībalimahāvidhih . ). The last surviving folio of P 1 ends three verses before the end of this section.

In PAN . D (pp. 148-153), the Siddhaudanaprakāra on the food to be offered to Gan . eśa,the Sarvatobhadraman . d . ala (p. 154) on the design of [his] Man . d . ala, and the Ānus . t . ubhakalpamālā of Śes . a, an exhaustive Paddhati for the regular worship of Nr ˚sim . ha with his Ānus . t . ubha Mantra (pp. 154-209). 52 The discontinuity between the shared portion and that which follows it in the Asimil . ā manuscript underlines the possibility that the missing last part of P 1 contained not this additional matter but only the end of the section on Bhadrakālī in which the manuscript breaks off, in fact the three final verses of that section in PAN . D . Ā's edition.

The Contents of MS P 2

The second Pune manuscript, BORI 959 of 1887-1891 (P 2 ), contains much that is not found in the first or in the Asimil . ā manuscript and Ed P . But there is also substantial common material. Its contents are as follows:

PHREM . MAMA (f. 277v5). The remainder of the manuscript, which breaks off at f. 283v3 before the colophon, continues the same subject. 55 The deity of this Mantra is said here to be Umāmaheśvara (f. 260r1: kaśyapa r ˚s . ir anus . t . up chanda umāmaheśvaro devatā), as in Prapa ñcasāra 19.2b (devatomeśah . ). In the Tantrasārasam . graha of the Keralan tradition it is said to be Mahārudra (23.22d: mahārudro 'sya devatā).

distinctively Śaiva doctrinal positions and terminology, whether Saiddhāntika or Śākta Śaiva. Where a doctrinal framework becomes visible it is generally Vedāntic in type, and this is so even in Śākta contexts; 57 and when theistic devotion is advocated it is Vais . n . ava. 58 The Orissan Character of the Corpus

The preservation of this compilation in none but Orissan manuscripts and the concentration of Paippalādins in this region do not suffice to prove conclusively that it is Orissan. But there can be no doubt of this origin when one considers its contents.

The Centrality of Nr

˚sim . ha Notable is the preponderance in the collection of rites centred on Nr ˚sim . ha, both as the recipient of regular daily worship and in the ceremonies to be performed for clients. For this is the personal tutelary deity (is . t

. adevatā) of the Orissan Paippalādins 59 and enjoys an unusual pre-eminence in the religious culture of Orissa, where he has over one hundred temples with land endowments, concentrated in the southwestern and western areas of the State. 60 Prominent among them are the Nr ˚sim . hanātha temple in Padampur, the Nr ˚sim . ha temple at Puri, the Laks . mīnr ˚sim . ha temples at Amareswar near Konarak, Nuapatna near Bhubaneswar, and the compound of the Śaiva Li ṅgarāja temple in Bhubaneswar, and the Varāhanr ˚sim . ha temple at Adasapur near Bhubaneswar. Moreover it has been shown that Nr ˚simh . a was in all probability the original deity at the site of the famous temple of Jagannātha (Purus . ottama) in Puri, a conclusion supported by local Purān . ic tradition and confirmed by certain features of the ritual life of the temple. For it is the Mantra of Nr ˚simha rather than pp. 8-9, rightly pointing to these goddesses and the five Ms as characteristic of late Bengali Śāktism. 57 See below, pp. 245, 266, 271, and above, p. 212. There is perhaps a slight departure from this brahmanical doctrine in vv. 3-4 of the Parājapavidhi (see p. 239) when it refers to Parā as the power of consciousness (cicchaktih . ) and as 'the supreme power of Śiva whose nature is consciousness' (cidr ūpasya śivasyeyam . parā śaktir nigadyate). 58 See n. . See also GRIFFITHS 2002, p. 38. BAHULKAR reports (1987, p. 578) that the Atharvavedins of Orissa begin their Veda recitation with obeisance to Nr ˚sim . ha, as follows: natvā naraharim . devam . sarvavighnapran . āśanam | pippalādaprasādāc ca pat . hāmy ātharvan . aśrutim 'I [now] recite the Atharvaveda, after bowing to Lord Nr ˚sim . ha, the destroyer of all impediments, and by the favour of Pippalāda '. 60 According to ESCHMANN (2005, p. 103 and n. 11) of Purus . ottama or Kr ˚s . n . a that is recited during the installation of the new Jagannātha at the time of the periodic replacing and consecration of his wooden image; and during the period of fifteen days after the annual snānayātrā, when the image of Jagannātha is withdrawn from public view, the Nr ˚sim . ha image in the front hall of the temple takes his place. 61 The Ekapādabhairava Visualizations Orissa is also indicated by the fact that the visualization verses of the Mantras of certain Bhairavas in the corpus identify them with Ekapādabhairava 'Onefooted Bhairava'. This is so in the cases of Sarvakāmabhairava: TRIPATHI 2005, pp. 169-176, 178, 183;and PATTANAYAK 1988, p. 37. For the centrality of Nr ˚sim . ha in the rituals of the Navakalevara, the periodic replacing of the wooden images of the Jagannātha temple, see TRIPATHI 2005b, pp. 235, 239, 244-245, 247, 255- Moreover, the image of this one-footed Bhairava (Ekapādabhairava) was widely reproduced throughout the cultural zone. Images corresponding to the visualizations in the Ā ṅgirasakalpa texts in that the two hands, or the two front hands in the case of four-armed images, hold the trident and the skull-bowl, appear in Orissa in the ninth century in the Mallikeśvara temple at Padampur and became standard in the Śaiva and Śākta temples of Orissa and the northern parts of Andhra Pradesh from the tenth century to the fourteenth. 65 Utkala in the Sam . kalpa formula Finally, there is the evidence of the location specified in the formulas of intention (sam . kalpah . ) to be recited before commencing a ritual. For in these materials we have a formula that gives this location as Utkala, which comprises the coastal districts of Orissa. 66 as are commonly seen elsewhere in this text, namely adhastā likhet for adhastāl likhet in 112c, bahi rudrās . 65 For his iconography in Orissan temples see WILLIAMS 1984, pp. 298-301 and plates 261-264;[START_REF] Donaldson | Brill. 1991 The Śava-vāhana as Purus . a in Orissan Images[END_REF]DONALDSON , p. 1106;;[START_REF] Donaldson | Brill. 1991 The Śava-vāhana as Purus . a in Orissan Images[END_REF], pp. 462-464. See also VON STIETENCRON 2005b, pp. 121-122 on the popularity of Ekapādabhairava in Orissa during the Bhaumakara and Somavam . śin periods and its diminution during the period of the Ga ṅgas from around the turn of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. 66 Āsurīdīpikā of Bh ūdhara in Paippalādavaśādis . at . karmapaddhati,p. 124 he rashly jumped to the convenient conclusion that it provides the evidence of Laks . man . adeśika's teaching lineage that is lacking in the Śāradātilaka itself. 72 As for the true provenance of the Śāradātilaka and the Prapa ñcasāra that preceded it, I propose that they were composed, like our Ā ṅgirasa materials, in Orissa or if not there then on the basis of Orissan religious tradition. For their treatment of Vais . n . ava worship agrees closely with that seen in that region, being dominated by the cults of Nr ˚sim . ha, Purus . ottama/Jagannātha, and Dadhivāmana. The importance of the first among the Oriyas has been shown above, and that of the second, which for many centuries has been the principal deity of Orissa, needs no demonstration. 73 As for Dadhivāmana, this too is a distinctively Oriya deity, representing in all probability the primitive form of Jagannātha before the elaborations developed under royal patronage in Puri, his name being that under which Jagannātha is worshipped when he is not accompanied, as he is in his main temple in Puri, by images of Balabhadra and Subhadrā. 74 344 temples dedicated to Dadhivāmana, most of them in the Puri, Cuttack, Ganjam, and Sambalpur districts, have been registered in Orissa. 75 There is less firm evidence in the case of the texts' treatments of Śaiva and Śākta worship. But we may note that the Śaivacintāman . i of Laks . mīdharamiśra, an Oriya brahmin of the early eighteenth century, shows that the Śāradātilaka provides the model for the Śaiva worship followed in the Li ṅgarāja of Bhubaneswar, Orissa's pre-eminent Śaiva temple; 76 and we have seen that in the Śākta sphere there is a 72 In the closing verses of the Śāradātilaka (25.83-86) Laks . man . adeśika gives only his patrilineal ancestry, a fact that of itself militates against Rāghavabhat . t . a's claim. It is very improbable that if he had been the pupil of Utpaladeva and the grand-pupil of Somānanda he would have failed to mention this. 73 In addition to the principal Jagannātha of Purī, there are 930 temples dedicated to him and registered as independent religious foundations in Orissa (VON STIETENCRON 2005c, p. 469). 74 See VON STIETENCRON 2005c, p. 470. 75 By VON STIETENCRON (2005c, pp. 472-473). 76 Laks . mīdharamiśra was also the author of the unpublished Śaivakalpadruma. In its colophonic verses he identifies himself as a devotee of the Śiva of Bhubaneswar (in the Li ṅgarāja temple), as the son of Rāmakr ˚s . n . a Agnihotrin, and the grandson of Pradyumna, describing the last as 'the moon to the ocean of the Kautsa Gotra' (kautsānvayābdhīnduh . ), 'a Śiva in human form' (śa ṅkaratanuh . sāks . āt) who had performed a [Vedic] sacrifice in Ekāmra (Bhubaneswar) and as a consequence been honoured by Gajapati Mukunda[deva I]. That king ruled from 1657 to 1689. See Dukhisyama PATTANAYAK's introduction to his edition of the Śaivacintāman . i, pp. 3-6. Pat . ala 6 of the Śaivacintāman . i, on Japa to be performed after the P ūjā, requires the worshipper to visualize the Ekāmravana (the site of the Li ṅgarāja temple) with the Bindusarovara tank (bind ūdbhavam . sarah . ) at its centre (6.11-18). The Śaivism of the text draws on the Śāradātilaka extensively for its procedure (compare, for example, Śaivacintāman . i 3.50c-54 with Śāradātilaka 18.15-18; and 3.72-81 with Śāradātilaka 18.7-13). Moreover, the Śaivacintāman . i incorporates some of the Śāradātilaka's visualization-texts (2.83 = Śarādātilaka 23.85 [← Prapa ñcasāra 35.7]; 2.96 = Śāradātilaka 6.4; 3.78 = Śāradātilaka 18.13). Its icon of Śiva, five-faced and four-armed, with deer, axe, and the two gestures, belongs to the same tradition; see 6.25-42 (also 2.72 and 3.78) and compare Śaradātilaka 18. 13. It also uses the lay Pa ñcāks . ara Mantra (NAMAH . ŚIV ĀYA) and incorporates various Vedic Mantras. Thus it requires the Stava-recitation of the Atharvaśiras, Śatarudriya, Rudrādhyāya, or Tan . d . isahasranāmastotra (5.60,8.9). It also adheres in striking congruence between its range of goddesses and those seen in our Orissan Ā ṅgirasakalpa texts. Moreover, manuscripts of the Śāradātilaka are reputedly found in almost every Orissan brahmin household and quotations from it are very frequent in Orissan P ūjāpaddhatis. 77 As for the date of the Prapa ñcasāra and Śāradātilaka, a probable prior limit is established by the importance they attach to Purus . ottama. For the cult of this deity is evidenced in Orissa only from the late eleventh century and rose to pre-eminence only after the Ga ṅga king Anantavarman Cod . aga ṅgadeva began the building of the great temple to this god in Puri in or shortly after 1135. 78 The earliest firm posterior limit is established by the fact that Rāghavabhat . t . a tells us that he completed his commentary on the Śāradātilaka in Sam . vat 1551(AD 1494). 79 He refers to another commentary on the text, the G ūd . hārthadīpikā of one Mādhavabhat . t . a, but I am unable at present to determine how much earlier this author lived. However, it is not probable that the Prapa ñcasāra and the Śāradātilaka were composed much after the beginning of the thirteenth century, because their Vais . n . avism reflects the stage of the Purus . ottama cult before the development of the Balabhadra, Jagannātha, Subhadrā triad, for which the earliest known evidence is an inscription of AD 1237 at the Pātāleśvara temple in the inner compound of the Jagannātha temple, in which the three deities that formed the later triad are already praised as Halin, Cakrin and Subhadrā. 80 the style of the Śāradātilaka and the Uttarabhāga of the Li ṅgapurān . a to the de-Āgamicized doctrine of the 26 Tattvas; see 6.32 (s . ad . vim . śatattvaparam ādyavasānahīnam; cf. 2.60). The splendid Li ṅgarāja temple was built c. 1060 under the patronage of the kings of the Śaiva Somavam . śin dynasty, by whom the Śiva of this temple, Kr ˚ttiv āsa, was elevated to the status of the state deity (rās . t

. radevatā), before this honour was transferred to the Jagannātha of Puri; but the sanctity of the site is considerably older. Ekāmra is included but without the name of its Śiva among the Śaiva Ks . etras treated in the śivāyatanavarn . anam of the Ur-Skandapurān . a, a work probably no later than the seventh century and in any case preserved in a manuscript of AD 810, and, with the name, in the list of the sixty-eight Śaiva sacred sites (see BISSCHOP 2006, p. 222), most significantly in the version of this list in the Brahmayāmala with the variant Kīrtivāsa (3.140; see the edition of 3.132-156 in SANDERSON 2003-04, p. 407, n. 208). Kr ˚ttiv āsa is also identified as the Śiva of Ekāmra in the early Śākta Niśisam . cāra,, here too with the variant Kīrtivāsa: *ekāmre sam . sthito devi kīrtivāseti kīrtitah . | cāmun . d . ayā samāyuktah . sthānapālasamanvitah . | atha mantram pravaks . yāmi kīrtivāsasya suvrate (corr. : ekātye sam . sthitā devi kīrttivāteti kīrttitā | cāmun . d . āyā samāyuktam . sthānabalisamanvitam | atha mantram pravaks . yāmi kīrttisamyaksa suvrate Cod.); see also the Pīt . ha-hymn of the Kubjikāmata, verses in some manuscripts after 22.46, ll. 9-10: kr ˚ttivāsasamopetām . cāmun . d . ām . mun . d . adhārin . īm | *ekāmrasam . sthitām . (ekāmra corr. : ekaika Codd.) devīm . namāmi śubhakārin . īm. 77 Here I follow the report of TRIPATHI (2005a, p. 42). Arlo Griffiths reports to me that he does not recall having seen any manuscripts of the text in Atharvavedic brahmin households. 78 See VON STIETENCRON 2005a, p. 28. 79 Śāradātilakapadārthādarśa p. 917. 80 ESCHMANN, KULKE and TRIPATHI 2005, p. 191.

The core of the Ā ṅgirasakalpa texts probably predates the Prapa ñcasāra

It is probable that most, if not all, of the anonymous materials in the Orissan Ā ṅgirasa corpus listed above go back in their content if not in their current textual form to a period before the Prapa ñcasāra. For it is striking that these materials, for all their emphasis on Vais . n . ava devotion, make no reference to Purus . ottama/Jagannātha but exhibit an intense concentration on Nr ˚sim . ha. It is likely, therefore, that they reflect a time before Purus . ottama had supplanted that god as the primary focus of Oriya Vais . n . avism. 81 It might be suggested against this inference that the lack of Purus . ottama and the foregrounding of Nr ˚sim . ha may simply be the consequence of the fact that these materials are concerned with hostile ritual, for which Nr ˚sim . ha rather than Purus . ottama was the appropriate deity. But this objection would be unconvincing, if we may judge from the treatments of the propitiation of Purus . ottama in the Prapa ñcasāra and Śāradātilaka.

For the former includes among its applications victory in battle (yuddhajayah . ), killing one's enemies (māran . am), immobilizing them (stambhanam), and causing panic (uccāt . anam) or dissension (vidves . an . am) among them; 82 and the latter when prescribing the fire sacrifices to Purus . ottama includes one that will bring about the subjection of all kings. 83 It is, then, at least probable that the bulk of the Ā ṅgirasa materials seen here goes back to a period before the dominance of the cult of Purus . ottama that flowed from the patronage of Anantavarman Cod . aga ṅgadeva in the first half of the twelfth century. We do not know when the Paippalādins established themselves in Orissa, but if, as is probable, it was not long before the tenth century, the period of the earliest epigraphical evidence of their presence in the region, then the Paippalādins will have created the bulk of their Ā ṅgirasa corpus shortly after their arrival. 84 It is certainly plau-81 Of course, any approximate dates that may be deduced from the presence or absence of particular deity cults in the corpus can refer only to the period during which these cults entered the Paippalādins' repertoire, not to the period of the composition of the texts that contain them in their surviving manuscripts, since it is possible that the texts we have received are at the end of a now invisible history of redaction in which old materials were carried forward and revised.

82 Prapa ñcasāra 23.2-5. 83 Śāradātilaka 17.52-53b. The Trailokyamohana Mantra of Purus . ottama is, moreover, of the type that lends itself to such applications: OM . KRĪM . ŚRĪM . NAMAH . PURUS . OTTAMA APRATI- R ŪPALAKS . MĪNIV ĀSA SAKALAJAGATKS . OBHAN TIS . T . HASI T ĀVAD Y ĀVAT SAMĪHITAM . ME SIDDHAM . BHAVATI HUM . PHAT . NAMAH . (taught in Prapa ñcasāra 23.6-14 and Śāradātilaka 17.2-11). The Prapa ñcasāravivaran . a attributed to Padmapāda states in his commentary on the passage that gives the Mantra that its twelve imperatives (āj ñāpadāni) beginning with T ĀPAYA are to be used, followed by HUM . PHAT . , in rites of subjection, attraction, and aggression: tāny api tāpayādīni tāvanti dvādaśasam . khyāni vidyāt. vaśyākars . an . akr sible that they should have lost no time in developing a repertoire of rituals that would appeal to their new patrons by integrating local religious traditions. This rough chronology is consistent with the one positive element in the Paippalāda Tantric tradition that seems to me to be open to plausible approximate dating. This is the fact that the rites of Mantras of Bhairava seen in the Asimil . ā manuscript and the two from Pune are accompanied by the visualization of that deity as Ekapādabhairava. 85 For, as we have seen, images corresponding to this visualization became standard in the Śaiva and Śākta temples of Orissa and the adjoining region of Andhra Pradesh from the tenth century to the fourteenth, with a decline in popularity from around the end of the twelfth. 86

Later Influence of the Śākta Cults of Bengal

The corpus, however, was not closed to later accretion, as can been seen in Ā ṅgirasa manuscripts other than those whose contents have been presented here, manuscripts that I have not yet been able to read but whose lists of contents have been transcribed and sent to me. Thus manuscript V/124 ( Ā ṅgirasakalpa) in the collection of the Orissa State Museum, whose contents while apparently Tantric-Atharvavedic overlap only to a small extent with those of the manuscripts I have seen, contains materials for the propitiation of the goddess Daks . in . akālī in the midst of sections on the cults of Nr ˚sim . ha and Gan . eśa; 87 and manuscript T/48(e) ( Ā ṅgirasakalpa) in the same collection contains materials pertaining to the goddesses Daks . in . akālī, Tārā, and Bhuvaneśvarī, 88 who are among the Ten Mahāvidyās of the late medieval Śākta tradition of Bengal, the others being S . od . aśī (Tripurasundarī), Bhairavī (Tripura- 85 See above, p. 227. 86 See above, p. 229. 87 I am grateful to Arlo Griffiths for his assistance in making a transcription in situ of the section at the end of this manuscript (ff. 175v-180v) in which its contents are listed and sending it to me as an e-text. The relevant part of his transcription is as follows: [f. 180-182r] ˚sim . hamantravidhi 187. The numerals before the titles are the serial numbers of the items-they run from 1 to 350-and those after the titles are the folio numbers. 88 According to a list of contents prepared and sent to me by the same generous colleague the manuscript T/48(e) contains the following texts: (1) Nīlasarasvatībhaktakulasarvasvasahasranāmastotra (Tārā); (2) the Ekajat . āstotrarāja said to have been proclaimed by Brahmā and assigned to the Brahmayāmala (Tārā); (3) the Tārāstotra of the Nīlatantra (Tārā); ( 4) the Trailokyamohana of the Tārākalpa of the Bhairavatantra (Tārā); (5) the Karp ūrastotra of the Phet . kārin . ītantra, said to have been composed by Mahākāla (I presume this to be the well-known hymn to Daks . in . a-bhairavī), Chinnamastā, Dh ūmāvatī, Bagalāmukhī, Māta ṅgī, and Kamalā, 89 of whom Daks . in . akālī and Tārā are pre-eminent. The oldest evidence of the worship of Tārā in Orissa appears to be the image of this goddess in the Ugratārā temple in Bhusandapur near the Chilka lake. This has been assigned by DON-ALDSON to the fifteenth to sixteenth centuries. 90 The same scholar reports that the majority of Orissan images of Daks . in . akālī date from the eighteenth century and later, 91 which is also the period from which the ten Mahāvidyā goddesses are found as a group in the temples of the region. 92 The Distinct Character of the Tantrism of the Corpus and its Connection with the Trika and Kālīkula

Before this assimilation of the Śāktism of Bengal, the Tantric repertoire of the Oriya Paippalādins had a distinct regional character, as can been seen from the repertoire of Mantra deities in the manuscripts whose contents have been listed above, and in the significant overlap between this pantheon and that seen in the Prapa ñcasāra and Śāradātilaka, both works from the same region.

The Āgamic sources on which the Orissan Paippalādins drew for the creation of their Ā ṅgirasa corpus before the advent of Bengali influence are invisible to me for the most part. But I recognize two that show that the Oriyas, unlike their Bengali Śākta neighbours in later times, participated in this domain in major traditions from the earliest phase of this variety of religion, traditions that are known to have been established before the end of the first millennium and which flourished in such widely separated regions as Kashmir, Nepal, Karnataka, and Tamilnadu. These, moreover, are traditions that, unlike the Śāktism kālī known as the Karp ūrādistotra, though that is not in the published Phet . kārin . ītantra); (6) the Mahogratārājanmaprakaran . astotra of the Kubjikātantra said to be the second Kalpa of the Rudrayāmalamahātantra (Tārā); (7) the Nityap ūjānirn . aya from the Tārārahasya of the Śa ṅkarācārya of Gaud . a (gaud . abh ūminivāsiśrīśa ṅkarācārya-) (Tārā); ( 8) the first Pariccheda of the Tārāpaddhati of Dāmodara (Tārā); ( 9) the Tārin . īkalpa (Tārā); (10) the Vakratun . d . amahāmanukalpa;(11) the Gan . eśaprakaran . opākhyāna of the Śāmbhavītantra; (12) the Gan . eśastavarāja of the Brahmavaivarta; and ( 13) the Bhuvaneśvarīkalpa of the Sam . mohanatantra (Bhuvaneśvarī).

89 : kālī tārā mahāvidyā s . od . aśī bhuvaneśvarī | bhairavī chinnamastā ca vidyā dh ūmāvatī tathā | bagalāmukhī siddhavidyā māta ṅgī kamalātmikā | etā daśa mahāvidyāh . siddhavidyāh . prakāśitāh . . The earliest dateable evidence of the ten Mahāvidyās known to me is to be found in the Śākta Sarvollāsatantra compiled by Sarvānandanātha, born probably at the beginning of the fifteenth century in the Tripura district in Bangladesh; see Dinesh Chandra Bhattacharyya's introduction to Rāsamohana Cakravartin's edition of the text and BANERJI 1992, pp. 87-90. In Sarvollāsatantra 3.10-29 he cites a passage from the J ñānadvīpa, a text with the form of scripture, that teaches the creation of Mahākālī (= Daks . in . akālī), Tārin . ī (= Tārā), and S . od . aśī (= Tripurā) and that the last is the first of a set of eight of whom the others are the remaining seven of the set of ten Mahāvidyās. 90 DONALDSON 1991, p. 137; fig. 32. 91 DONALDSON 1991, pp. 135-136. 92 DONALDSON 2002, pp. 462-464, 514, 562. of Bengal, share the theological and soteriological principles that distinguish the Śaivism of the Mantramārga from all other forms of Indian religion and serve to express its conviction of its superiority to the Vedic tradition. They differ markedly in this respect both from the later Śāktism of Bengal and from the Tantrism of the Prapa ñcasāra and Śāradātilaka, both of which lack or have expurgated these principles, grounding their practice, whether transgressive as in the case of Bengal's Śāktism or Veda-congruent as in the case of the Tantrism of those two texts, in a twenty-five/six Tattva model of reality that unlike the Mantramārga's doctrine of thirty-six Tattvas is sanctioned by texts within the brahmanical canon and so was less objectionable to brahmanical orthodoxy. 93 The two traditions to which I refer are the Śākta Śaiva systems of the Trika and the Kālīkula, both of which are generally associated with Kashmir because of the emergence in that region of an impressive body of literature on these cults during the tenth century but which are also attested in other regions of the subcontinent, to which Orissa may now be added. The Trika's texts teach the cult of the goddess Parā and those of the Kālīkula the cults of forms of the goddess Kālasam . kars . an . ī (Kālī).

The principal scriptures of the Trika are the Siddhayogeśvarīmata, the Mālinīvijayottara, the Tantrasadbhāva, the Triśirobhairava, the Devyāyāmala, the Trikasāra, and the Parātrīśikā, also known as the Parātrim . śikā, of which the Devyāyāmala alone provides grounds for concluding that it was composed in Kashmir; 94 and the principal works of learned exegesis are the monumental Tantrāloka in some 6,000 verses, strictly speaking an analytic verse commentary (ślokavārttikam) on the Mālinīvijayottara but extending far beyond this text in its range, and an elaborate prose commentary (-vivaran . a) on the Parātrīśikā, both works by Abhinavagupta, the distinguished Kashmirian scholar of the late tenth and early eleventh centuries. From the Tamil South we have a few works in the tradition of the Parātrīśikā, notably the Parātrīśikālaghuvr ˚tti, the Parātrīśikātātparyadīpikā, a verse commentary on the -laghuvr ˚tti, and the Parākrama, the section on the worship of Parā, the principal goddess of this system of Śākta worship, which forms the eighth Khan . d . a of the Paraśurāmakalpas ūtra. This text governs the Tantric Śākta (Kaula) worship of the goddess Lalitā (/Kāmāks . ī) of Kā ñcī and other deities 93 See, e.g., Prapa ñcasāra 1.21c-60; Śāradātilaka 1.6-22, 25.87 and Rāghavabhat . t . a thereon. In the Śāktism of Bengal see, e.g., Sarvollāsatantra, Ullāsa 62. The reduction of the Śaivas' thirtysix Tattvas to the twenty-five of the Sām . khyas (or twenty-six in the theistic variant) sanctioned in texts considered valid by the orthodox, such as the Moks . adharma of the Mahābhārata and the Śvetāśvataropanis . ad, is also a notable feature of the influential commentary on the Saundaryalaharī composed by Laks . mīdhara (AD 1497-1539); see, e.g., pp. 102 and 120 on Saundaryalaharī 9 and 11 respectively. For the same reduction in the presentation of Mantramārgic Śaiva materials in the Uttarabhāga of the Li ṅgapurān . a see SANDERSON 2005b, p. 235, n. 10 and Li ṅgapurān . a, Uttarabhāga 9.15c-16, 26;14.32-33 (33ab: pa ñcavim . śatitattvātmā pa ñcabrahmātmakah . śivah . ); 15.24c-26; 16.26c-29b. 94 On the probable Kashmirian origin of the Trika's Devyāyāmala see SANDERSON 2007, pp. 259-260, n. 83. that have been integrated into the cycle of her cult, each with its own Paddhati, namely Mahāgan . apati, her chief minister (pradhānasacivā) Māta ṅgī (/ Śyāmā), her general (dan . d . anāyikā) Vārāhī (Vārtālī), and the Trika's Parā, the last venerated as her heart (hr ˚dayam). We also have two learned works of exegesis on this text composed by Maharashtrian Deśastha brahmins, the Nityotsava of Umānandanātha (Jagannāthapan . d . ita) composed in AD 1745 and the Saubhāgyodaya of Aparājitānandanātha (Rāmeśvara) composed in 1831, both of which expound the procedure for the worship of Parā in detail. 95 In the Kālīkula the principal early scripture is the Jayadrathayāmala, also known as the Tantrarāja[bhat . t

. āraka], a massive compilation of some 24,000 verses in four sections of about 6,000 verses each, the last three of which were added in Kashmir. 96 A number of shorter works teach the essentialized form of the Kālīkula known as the Krama, notably the Kālīkulakramasadbhāva (/Kramasadbhāva), the Kālīkulapa ñcaśataka (/Devīpa ñcaśataka), and the Devīdvyardhaśatikā. The post-scriptural learned tradition of the Kālīkula consists for the most part of independent treatises on the Krama, the early works composed in Kashmir, but later works, notably the Cidgaganacandrikā of Śrīvatsa and the Mahārthama ñjarī of Maheśvarānanda with its auto-commentary (-parimala) composed in the South of India. 97 95 On the South Indian cult of the Trika's goddess Parā based on the Parātrīśikā, the variant of the Trika known as the Anuttara, Ekavīra, or Parākrama of the Trika, see SANDERSON 1990, pp. 32-34, 80-82. One important detail there must be revised, namely my acceptance of the hitherto unquestioned assumption that the attribution of the Parātrīśikālaghuvr ˚tti to Abhinavagupta, the author of the Parātrim . śikāvivaran . a, is correct. The redactions of the scriptural text in the two commentaries differ, the commentaries themselves diverge on many points, and the Laghuvr ˚tti reveals an intellectual and literary talent of lesser calibre, has a purely South Indian exegetical tradition, and was unknown in Kashmir until it was published from a single Devanāgarī transcript (ZADOO 1947a, pp. 1-2) belonging to the Kashmirian Śaiva Guru Swami Lakshman , which was doubtless prepared by him, like his transcript of the Gurunāthaparāmarśa of Madhurāja (PUSHP 1960, p. i), from a Devanāgarī transcript of a South Indian manuscript acquired by him in or from Madras. Its verse subcommentary, the evidently South Indian Parātrīśikātātparyadīpikā, was likewise published in Kashmir on the basis of a single transcript obtained from the same source (ZADOO 1947b, p. i).

The engagement of Maharashtrian Deśastha brahmins with the cult of the goddess Lalitā of Kā ñcī, and thence with that of Parā, is no doubt the result of the fact that the kingdom of Ta ñjāv ūr (Tanjore) centred in the city of that name with Kā ñcī as a subsidiary capital was in Maratha hands from 1674, when it was conquered by Venkājī, the half-brother of Śivājī, to 1779, when it was ceded to the British East India Company by Serfojī II, who retained only the capital and its immediate environs, passing on this diminished realm to his son Śivājī, who held on to it until he died without an heir in 1855, when it came under direct British rule. 96 On the Kashmirian origin of the last three sections of the Jayadrathayāmala see SANDERSON 2005b, pp. 280-283. 97 For a detailed account of the exegetical literature of the Trika and Kālīkula and its scriptural sources see SANDERSON 2007.

The Parājapavidhi

The evidence of the Trika among the Oriya Paippalādins appears in the Parājapavidhi 'The Procedure for the Japa of the [Mantra of the Goddess] Parā', a composition of 37 verses assigned to the Ā ṅgirasa, which is found in the text common to the Asimil . ā manuscript (As ff. 48v4-50v1 = Ed P , pp. 98-101) and P 1 (ff. 130r3-132r2), and also in manuscripts T/121 (ff. 76r1-76v7) and T/187 (ff. 78v2-82r2) of the collection of the Orissa State Museum. What is remarkable about this text of the Trika is not so much that it appears in Orissa but that it stands apart from the mainstream of the Ā ṅgirasakalpa corpus in that it is not part of the repertoire for the performance of hostile rituals for royal patrons but is taught exclusively for the personal spiritual benefit of the priests themselves, as the means by which in spite of being ritualists (karmī) they may attain meditative absorption (yogah . ) and final liberation (moks . ah . ). 98 At its beginning Pippalāda says to his teacher A ṅgiras that he has been taught no Mantra for this purpose and asks how he may achieve this ultimate goal while remaining committed to the path of rites, a role inescapable for the mythical prototype of the Atharvavedic priesthood. A ṅgiras then teaches him the rite of SAUH . , the Trika's core Mantra, 99 describing it as the great Mantra-syllable for liberation that denotes the Śakti Parā, the power of Śiva on which Śiva himself meditates with devotion: pippalāda uvāca: The only other Vidhis in the corpus that are presented as means of attaining meditative absorption and liberation are the brief sections on the rites of the Bhairavas Vij ñānabhairava, Ekāks . arabhairava, As . t . āks . arabhairava, and Sarvakāmabhairava, though the first is also said to be a means by which the king may expiate the sin incurred by engaging in the hostile sorcery that is the primary concern of the Ā ṅgirasakalpa and the fourth is also, as the name implies, considered to be a means of attaining any desired goal. See above, pp. 213 (Vij ñānabhairava), 215 (Sarvakāmabhairava), 215 (Ekāks . arabhairava), 220 (Vij ñānabhairava), 220 (Ekāks . arabhairava), and 220 (As . t . āks . arabhairava). In P 2 these rites of the Bhairavas (but without Sarvakāmabhairava) are grouped together immediately before the Parājapavidhi, silently forming with that a section devoted to liberation. In P 1 (and Ed P ) this grouping is absent. 99 On SAUH . , the Seed-syllable of the goddess Parā, see Tantrāloka 30. He then sets out in verses 6c-31 an order of essentialized worship of this Mantra based on that set out in the Parātrīśikā, except that it assimilates this to the model of the other Ā ṅgirasakalpa Mantra rites by incorporating such features as the vyāpakanyāsah . and the specification of a R ˚s . i and the rest. It ends, should there 100 Brahmā and the other lesser gods of the Śaivas are indeed considered mortal. For their lifespans, though vast and ever vaster the higher their rank, are finite. That of Brahmā (100 of his years) is one mahākalpah . (313,528,320,000,000 ordinary years), which is a day in the 100-year lifespan of Vis . n . u, and so on. When they die the universe up to their level is withdrawn for a period equal to their life-spans and they themselves are dissolved. When the period of withdrawal of a segment of the universe comes to its end a new deity, Brahmā, Vis . n . u, or another, according to the level, is engendered by Śiva to govern it. See,e.g., be any doubt as to its source, with the unacknowledged incorporation of six verses of the Parātrīśikā as its verses 32-37. 101 The preliminaries: pippalāda uvāca: saptavim . śatidhā tasyoccāran . e prān . asam . yamah Pippalāda said: (6c-8) He should restrain his breathing twenty-seven times while repeating this [Seed]. 102 In the lotus-posture the Mantrin should bow to his seat. He should first utter [the syllables] AIM . HR ĪM . ŚR ĪM . and then express obeisance to (namet) the lotus throne of the Kula (kulapadmāsanam). 103 The best of Mantrins should bow to the Pīt . ha * Od . d . iyāna (conj.). 104 (8c-9b) Then after bowing to the supreme God Śiva, he should bow to his Guru, 102 Cf. the instruction for breath-restraint in Nityotsava, Parāpaddhati, p. 191: s . od . aśavāram āvr ˚ttena m ūlena p ūrakam . catuh . s . as . t

. ivāram āvr ˚ttena kumbhakam . dvātrim . śadvāram āvr ˚ttena recakam iti vim . śatidhā s . od . aśadhā saptadhā tridhā vā prān . ān āyamya 'Having restrained his breathing twenty, sixteen, seven, or three times, doing each inhalation for the duration of sixteen repetitions of the root-Mantra, each holding of the inhalation for the duration of sixty-four repetitions, and each exhalation for the duration of thirty-two repetitions . . . '. The number twenty-seven in our text is by extension of its prescription in the Parātrīśikā for the number of repetitions of the Mantra required for the empowerment of the hair-queue (śikhā) before it is tied (27a) and the water to be sprinkled for purification (28c-29b), and for the worship of Parā (31cd).

103 I surmise that this means that one should consecrate one's seat with the Mantra AIM . HRĪM . ŚRĪM . KULAPADM ĀSAN ĀYA NAMAH . or, considering parallels and the possibility that padmāsanam is for the metre, AIM . HRĪM . ŚRĪM . KULAKAMAL ĀSAN ĀYA NAMAH . . Cf. Parāpaddhati,p. 191: svāstīrn . e ūrn . āmr ˚duni śucini m ūlena dvādaśavāram abhimantrite sakr ˚t proks . ite cāsane SAUH . ĀDH Ā-RA ŚAKTIKAMAL ĀSAN ĀYA NAMAH . iti prā ṅmukha uda ṅmukho vā padmasvastikādyanyatamenāsanenopaviśya; Paraśurāmakalpas ūtra, Śyāmākrama, p. 193: yāgagr ˚ham . praviśyāsane ĀDH ĀRAŚAKTIKA-MAL ĀSAN ĀYA NAMAH . ity upaviśya. I have opted for reading of the seed-syllables given in P 1 and T/121 (AIM . HRĪM . ŚRĪM . ), because these are the tritārī 'the set of three Pran . avas' that is much used in the system of the Paraśurāmakalpas ūtra. That requires ( Śrīkrama, S ūtra 8) that this triad should open every Mantra used in the worship of Lalitā after the worshipper has entered the shrine (yāgagr ˚ham): sarves . ām . mantrān . ām ādau tritārīsam . yogah . . tritārī vā ṅmāyākamalāh . 'The tritārī should be added at the beginning of all the Mantras. It is the Vāk, Māyā, and Kamalā'. Rāmeśvara explains the S ūtra's definition of the tritārī (vā ṅmāyākamalāh . ) as follows (p. 92): vāk sabindur dvādaśasvarah . . māyā turīyos . masahitadvitīyāntasthottara h . sabindus turyasvarah . . kamalā prathamos . masahitadvitīyāntah . sthopari sabindus turyasvarah . 'Vāk is the twelfth vowel and the dot (AIM . ). Māyā is the fourth vowel with the dot after the second of the semivowels (antah . sthāh . ) together with the fourth of the fricatives ( ūs . mān . ah . ) (HRĪM . ). Kamalā is the the fourth vowel with the dot after the second of the semivowels together with the first of the fricatives (ŚRĪM . ) '. 104 This translates a tentative conjecture based on the readings of T/121 and As. It is tentative because although it seems to me to be the most economical interpretation of the source of the meaningless readings transmitted by these two manuscripts I know of no parallel that supports obeisance of a Śākta sacred site at this point of the ritual nor any passage that associates this Śākta site Od . d . iyāna with the Trika rather than the Krama (for its association with Gan . eśa, the Ks . etrapāla, Durgā, and Sarasvatī. 105 (15-the Krama see SANDERSON 2007, pp. 261-269). It is possible, however, that for the author or redactor of the Parājapavidhi Od . d . iyāna was understood not as that Od . d . iyāna, located in the Swat valley, but as a name of Orissa (Od . ra) itself. It is tempting to prefer the reading tathoktvā yogapīt . ham . ca of P 1 T/187. Though tathoktvā seems to be corrupt, since it yields no appropriate sense here, we can find support for obeisance to the Yogapīt . ha, that is to say, for a Mantra ending -YOGAPĪT . H ĀYA NAMAH . , in the procedure taught in the Parākrama of the Paraśurāmakalpas ūtra (S ūtra 18,commentary,and Parāpaddhati,p. 193) for the creation of the throne of Parā comprising all the thirty-six Tattvas from earth to Śiva. The worshipper builds the throne (āsanam) by casting single flowers as he utters for each Tattva a Mantra consisting of SAUH . followed by the stem-form of the name of the Tattva followed by YOGAPĪT . H ĀYA NAMAH . , thus beginning SAUH . PR ˚THIVĪYOGAPĪT . H ĀYA NAMAH . and ending SAUH . ŚIVAYOGAPĪT . H ĀYA NAMAH . . Perhaps, then, tathoktvā is a corruption of tattvoktyā or similar. With tattvoktyā the meaning would be 'The best of Mantrins should bow to the Yogapīt . ha while naming the Tattvas'. 105 I am not aware of an exact parallel to this obeisance to Gan . eśa, the Ks . etrapāla, Durgā, and Sarasvatī; but it is evident that these deities are to be understood as guarding the door to the shrine. These four minus Sarasvatī are prescribed in that role in the Parāpaddhati, p. 191. That requires the meditator to worship Bhadrakālī (= Durgā) at the base of the right doorpost, Bhairava (= Ks . etrapāla) at the base of the left, and Lambodara (= Gan . eśa) above the door: dvārasya daks . avāmaśākhayor ūrdhvabhāge ca kramen . a SAUH . BHADRAK ĀLYAI NAMAH . BHAIRAV ĀYA LAM-BODAR ĀYA NAMAH . iti tisro dvāradevatāh . sam . p ūjyāntah . pravis . t

. ah . ; see also Paraśurāmakalpas ūtra, Gan . anāyakapaddhati, S ūtra 4. A similar cluster of door-deities is prescribed in Śāradātilaka 4.6d-7. There one is instructed to worship Gan . eśa, Mahālaks . mī, and Sarasvatī on the lintel, and Gan . eśa and the Ks . etrapāla at the bases of the right and left doorposts. A closer parallel is seen in the practice of some, as reported by Rāghavabhat . t . a on this passage, according to which one worships Durgā rather than Gan . eśa at the base of the right doorpost. That passage also requires one to worship Ga ṅgā and Yamunā flanking the two deities of the doorposts and Astra on the door-sill. The Parājapavidhi's prescription could be interpreted as keeping only the core-deities from this more elaborate sequence, which is taught after all in the more elaborate context of the ceremony of initiation. 106 This distinction between the internal and external aspects of the rite of expelling the Impeders is seen in Parātrīśikālaghuvr ˚tti, p. Daks . in . ām ūrti; 108 [its] metre is said to be the Tris . t . ubh; its deity is Parāśakti; [its] Seed (bījam) is held to be SA (sakārah . ); [its] Śakti is AUH . ; and [its] application (viniyogah . ) has been declared [to be] "for the success of meditation" (yogasiddhyarthe). (19abc) Moreover, the Mantrin should form the six ancillary Mantras (s . ad . a ṅgāni) with [six] S[A]-s combined with the six long vowels [ Ā Ī Ū AI AU AH . ] and M . above [all except the last]. 109 (19d-20) I shall teach an alternative. He has the option of form-108 This choice was probably motivated by the thought that the form of Śiva known as Daks . in . ām ūrti is, as it were, Parā's male counterpart, Parā being a Tantric form of Sarasvatī (SANDERSON 1990, pp. 43-45), the goddess that embodies speech and knowledge, and Daks . in . ām ūrti being Śiva's aspect as Guru in the South Indian iconographical tradition. Moreover, in his form as expositor of the scriptures (vyākhyānam ūrtih . ) his iconography is strikingly similar to Parā's, since he too is white and in two of his four hands shows the gesture of knowledge (j ñānamudrā) and a manuscript (pustakam); see the South Indian Kāmika 2. vol. 2,p. 120: *savyahastaś (corr. : savyahastam . Ed.) ca mudrayā | sam . dam . śasam . j ñayopeto *vāmahastah . sapustakah . (conj. : vāmahastasthapustakah . Ed.) 'His right hand has the pincers gesture (sam . dam . śamudrā) and the left has a manuscript'. The pincers gesture is the same as the j ñānamudrā but with the palm towards the chest; cf. the prescription of his icon in Rauravāgama, Kriyāpāda 35.288cd: hr ˚daye j ñānamudrā tu hy abhyantaramukham . karam. 109 Thus the modifications of the root-Mantra that form its six Ancillaries are S ĀM . [HR ˚DAY ĀYA NAMAH . ], SĪM . [ŚIRASE SV ĀH Ā], S ŪM . [ŚIKH ĀYAI VAS . AT TRATRAY ĀYA VAUS . AT . ], and SAH . [ASTR ĀYA PHAT . ]. Cf. the Parāmantravidhi edited below, ll. 2-3, and Tantrāloka 30.36cd: sakāro dīrghas . at . kena yukto ' ṅgāni; Mālinīvijayottara 3.60cd. For the closing elements from NAMAH . to PHAT . (the six jātayah . ) I have followed the order followed in the nearly universal tradition seen, for example, in the Mr ˚gendra (Kriyāpāda 1.9ab), the Svacchanda (1.72), the Prapa ñcasāra (6.6), the Paraśurāmakalpas ūtra exegesis (e.g. Rāmeśvara on Parākrama, S ūtra 14 and Parāpaddhati, p. 192), the Mahākālasam . hitā (e.g. 6.510c-513), the Bengali Śākta literature of the Ten Mahāvidyās (e.g. Śāktapramoda, p. 8), and our Ā ṅgirasakalpa texts (e.g., the Āsurīdīpikā of Bh ūdhara, Ed P p. 121; the Vakratun . d . akalpa of Bhr ˚gu, Ed P p. 148). This differs from the tradition seen in the Tantrāloka, in which VAUS . AT . is the jātih . of the Śikhā rather than the Eyes and VAS . AT . that of the three Eyes rather than the Hair-queue (30.43c-44a: namah . svāhā tathā vaus . at . hum . vas . at . phat . ca jātayah . | a ṅges . u kramaśah . s . at . su).

110 This is derived from Parātrīśikā 26c-27a: m ūrdhni vaktre ca hr ˚daye guhye m ūrtau tathaiva ca | nyāsam . kr ˚tvā. The Parāpaddhati prescribes this installation as follows (p. 192): tejor ūpadevīmayam . bhāvayann ātmānam . muhur āvr ˚ttena SAUH . NAMAH . iti namontena m ūlena śiromukhahr ˚nm ūlādhāres . u nyāsam . vidhāya sarvā ṅge ca vyāpakam . kr ˚tvā . . . 'While meditating on himself as one with the Goddess in the form of light he should do the installation [of the Mantra] on his head, face, heart, and m ūlādhārah . (genitals), and then install it as pervasive on his whole body, through multiple repetitions of the root-Mantra followed by NAMAH . , i.e. SAUH . NAMAH ] five times on each of these five locations '. 111 For this element see Parātrīśikā 27ab: nyāsam . kr ˚tvā śikhām . baddhvā saptavim . śatimantritām; and Parākrama, S ūtra 10: . . . saptavim . śatiśo japtvā a ṅgus . t

. hena śikhām . baddhvā . . . . 112 This pratyaks . aranyāsah . is not found in the Parātrīśikā or in any of the South Indian texts of the Parākrama that I have seen. It has probably to be counted among elements added to bring the ritual into line with the standard procedure of the Ā ṅgirasakalpa corpus. 113 The order of the installations intended here appears to be as follows: ( 1 114 No such visualization is found in the Kashmirian sources of the Trika, but it is standard in the South Indian sources of the Parākrama, and appears there in the form of this verse or a variant of it. We see it in the Parātrīśikātātparyadīpikā (v. 2), the Anuttarasam . vidarcanācarcā (v. 1) both with the variant mudrāpustalasadbāhā pātu vah . paramā kalā as the second line, the Gurupāramparyaprakāra: *akala ṅkaśaśā ṅkābhā (śaśā ṅkābhā em. : śivā ṅkābhā Cod.) *tryaks . ā (em. : aks . ā Cod.) candrakalāvatī | mudrāpustalasadbāhā pātu mām . varakomalā | svarn . anirmalavarn . ā ṅgī †m ūlamāyavar ūthinī † | brahmenduman . d . alār ūd . hā saccidānandamātr ˚kā; Parākrama 20 and Parāpaddhati,p. 193, both with mudrāpustalasadbāhuh . pātu mām . paramā kalā as the second line; and Prayogakramadīpikā on Prapa ñcasāra 9.28 (which teaches the Japa of SAUH . as the śāktam . bījam . , the last of the three Seeds of the Mantra of Bālā Tripurasundarī [AIM . KLIM . SAUH . ], kevalaśāktajapah . , for the attainment of eloquence), giving this as the visualization appropriate in the case of those who worship for liberation alone (nis . n . d . alām . parām . naumi 'I bow to the supreme goddess who shines with her array of pearls and jewels, wearing a silken garment white as the moon or the slough of a snake, seated between two SAUs. I praise Parā, her round face adorned by her pearl earrings and her three lotus-like eyes that as the moon, sun, and fire bring about the emission, maintenance, and resportion [of all things], her left hand showing the gesture of consciousness that shatters plurality for her devotees and her left hand holding a fine manuscript [that contains the knowledge] that brings about fully expanded awareness of the self'. The same visualization is seen in the Rahasyapa ñcadaśikā (v. 21), the Lalitopākhyāna of the Brahmān . d . apurān . a (39.10), and the Ahirbudhnyasam . hitā (24.16), all South Indian texts; see SANDERSON 1990, p. 34, nn. 16-17 and 20. The gesture of knowledge (j ñānamudrā, cinmudrā) is formed by joining the tips of the index finger and thumb of the right hand to form a circle at the level of the heart with the other fingers extended and the palm facing to the left; see, e.g., J ñānārn . ava 4.40c-41b and the unattributed quotation in Śāradātilakapadārthādarśa, p. 358 on 6.4. The manuscript is held with the back of the hand facing away from the body; see the definition of the pustakamudrā ibid., l. 25 (vāmamus . t . ih . svābhimukhī). 115 The pairing of these two Mudrās is seen in the Paraśurāmakalpas ūtra, which requires them to be shown in this order to perfect the preparation of the chalice (arghyapātram). See Gan . anāyakapaddhati, S ūtra 5, concerning the setting up of the Arghyapātra: astren . a sam . raks . ya B4. 116 For the location of the śaktisthānam in the dvādaśāntam twelve finger-breadths above the cra-full, high breasts, with her hands in [the gestures of granting] boons and protection, three-eyed, with the [crescent] moon on her head, her body glistening with every kind of jewelry, and seated on a lotus throne. 117 The repetition of the Mantra (japah . ): 15.361-2 and commentary. 117 I know of no occurrence of this alternative visualization outside the two Trika-based Ā ṅgirasa texts edited here. 118 The expression apānam ūrdhvam ākars . an echoes a verse quoted without attribution by Rāghavabhat . t . a on Śāradātilaka 2.111: pārs . n . ibhāgena sam . pīd . ya yonim āku ñcayed gudam | ap ānam ūrdhvam ākars . en m ūlabandho nigadyate, which also appears as Hat . He should press the anus with his heel and then forcefully contract the [descending] breath again and again until the breath ascends. The outgoing and descending breaths, the Resonance and the Drop, are fused by the M ūlabandha and so bring about the success of one's meditation. There is no doubt of this'. No connection with Japa is stated in these Hat . hayogic passages, but Rāghavabhat . t . a gives his citation in just that context, for the verse of the Śāradātilaka (2.111) on which he is commenting is teaching a method for the reinvigoration ('purification') of defective Mantras: ityādidos . adus . t . ām . s tān mantrān ātmani yojayet | śodhayed ūrdhvapavano baddhayā yonimudrayā 'He should take such Mantras as suffer from defects of this kind into himself and purify them by practising the Yonimudrā, [so] causing the [descending] breath to ascend'. It is to explain the nature of this Yonimudrā that he gives his citation. He cites another passage without attribution here that further clarifies the applicability of this practice As : tām ānayat samīritam Ed P 37a setsyam . ti P 1 T/121 T/187 : sevyanti As : sevyante Ed P 37c tantre As T/121 : mam . tre P 1 T/187 37d asmin em. : asmī As : asmāt P 1 T/121 T/187 Colophon parājapa As T/187 : parājaya T/121 : parājina P 1 (32-33b) If one meditates [on it] for forty-eight minutes, sealed at the navel in the "kiss", he will then lock into his body the great array of Mantras and Mudrās; 121 and if interrogated [as an oracle] he can also reveal facts past and future. (33c-34b) One who repeats [the Mantra] for three hours will then undoubtedly behold directly the form of any deity that he seeks [to behold], drawn [to him] by Rudra's Powers. (34cd) If he meditates [on the Mantra] for a mere six hours he will enter the firmament. [START_REF]daks . in . ata . . . . The GB text has 4 times -vidam . and not -vidham . (underlined). Secondary literature Bhattacharya, Dipak 1991 "The Identity of the Atharvavedic Tradition of Kashmir[END_REF](36) After nine hours all the Mothers, the mighty Yogeśvarīs, the Vīras, Vīreśvaras, Siddhas, and the powerful horde of the Śākinīs, [all of] whom Bhairava has recruited and so compelled, arrive and bestow on him the ultimate Siddhi or any [lesser] reward he may desire. 122 [START_REF]u pratyaveks . āparah . sadā | mahāśrīśiryabhat . t . o 'pi tasmin kāle divam . yayau 970 gates . v apy es . u dharmo 'sya rāj ño naivālpatām . gatah[END_REF] It is [only] when they have mastered this 121 The commentators differ on the reading of 32b. In his -vivaran . a Abhinavagupta reads cumbakenābhimudritam (though the editions of the text and -vivaran . a give cumbakenābhimudritah . in their text of the verse): ata eva muh ūrtam akālakalitatve 'pi parakalanāpeks . ayonmes [it], for a muh ūrtam, that is to say, for a mere instant-though he himself is out of reach of time [in this state] he realizes it for an instant from the temporalizing point of view of others-then he seals the entire array of Mantras and Mudrās that has been explained above, that is to say, fuses them with his own identity in non-duality. How? [This question is answered in the words cumbakena abhimudritam:] By completely (sarvatah . ← abhitah . [← abhi-]) sealing (mudritam . mudran . am . kr ˚tvā) [his awareness of Śiva] with the "kisser" (cumbakena), that is to say, with the [awareness of] the energetic nature [of Śiva] that touches all [things]'. The author of the -laghuvr ˚tti reads cumbake nābhimudritam, taking cumbake as an elliptical locative absolute (cumbake sati): atha tathāveśo nirantaram . yadi ghat . ikādvayam abhyasyati cumbake vaktre samastabāhyasadr ūpabhāvarāśinis . . . . (KSTS ed.,p. 12) 'Then if while in this state of immersion he practises [the Seed] without interruption for forty-eight minutes, provided there is (sati) the "kisser", the mouth in the shape of a crow's beak in the act of swallowing, the kissing that applies to the mass of all objective, external entities, the [mouth] that sips the supremely cool liquid that is the lunar [nectar] of the flow of the real, by sealing [them] in the navel, i.e. by bringing them down to the navel through the repeated practice of full breath retention, then the array of Mantras and Mudrās . . . '. The latter interpretation is also implicit in the following instruction in the Parākrama (S ūtra 10): kākaca ñcuput . ākr ˚tinā mukhena sam . cos . yānilam . saptavim . śatiśo m ūlam . japtvā vedyam . nābhau sam . mudrya . . . 'Having sipped in the breath through his mouth [with its lips pursed] in the shape of a crow's beak, having repeated the main [Mantra] twenty-seven times, having sealed the object of awareness in the navel . . . '. Rāmeśvara explains 'the object of awareness' (vedyam) here as the thirty-six Tattvas: vedyam .

The Parāmantravidhi

Covering the same ground as the Parājapavidhi but in an abbreviated form and in prose, is the Parāmantravidhi found in P 2 alone (ff. 74v4-75v1). Its principal difference from the longer text lies in the fact that at its end it assimilates this tradition to the Vedic corpus by identifying the goddess Parā with the 'higher knowledge' (parā vidyā) taught in the Mun . d . akopanis . ad Śakti AUH . , and its application [formula] 'For the success of my meditation'. The six Ancillaries are S ĀM . , S ĪM . , S ŪM . , SAIM . , SAUM . , and SAH . . He should install S below his navel, AU below his heart, and H . below his head. He should install the Pervader [i.e. the Mantra as a whole] on his whole body. He should visualize Parā on the site of Power [in the cranial aperture] or in the circle of the sky as the bestower of liberation, white, clothed in white, with full, upturned breasts, three-eyed, showing the hand-postures of generosity and protection [with her two hands], with the moon on her hair, †. . . † seated in the lotus-posture, 123 with a tranquil expression, adorned with every form of jewelry. Alternatively the seeker of liberation may visualize the goddess Parā as white, clothed in white, three-eyed, with the moon on her hair, holding a manuscript in her left [hand] and showing the hand-posture of enlightenment in the other, seated in the lotus-posture. The Mantra of Parā is a single syllable combining S, AU, and H . . He should repeat it 12,000 times a day, drawing up the ingoing breath. [Thus] he attains enlightenment. And this is confirmed by Vedic scripture, namely "The Supreme [Knowledge] (parā [vidyā]) is that by means of which one realizes that imperishable [reality]" ( Mun . d . akopanis . ad 1.5b) and "He has no body or faculties [of cognition and action]. No being is perceived who is his equal or greater. His Supreme Power (parā śaktih . ) is taught in the scriptures in many forms. It is one with his essence and its action is the energy of [his] consciousness" ( Śvetāśvataropanis . ad 6.8)'. 124 Here ends the Parāmantravidhi. 123 The reading niravakarām . in niravakarām . padmāsanopavis . t

. ām . yields no meaning. The syllables niravaare probably a corruption of nīraja-'lotus', in which case one might conjecture the emendation nīrajakarām . vā 'or holding a lotus in her hand' or 'or holding a lotus in each hand'. But this would be awkward. The emendation would give an alternative within an alternative, we would expect any such alternative to be expressed immediately after varābhayakarām . , and it is not seen in the Parājapavidhi. Since the crux with its probable reference to a lotus immediately precedes Parā's description as seated on the lotus posture it is more probable that the text was stating that she is to be visualized on a lotus in that posture, a prescription seen elsewhere in our Ā ṅgirasa corpus, for example, in the *Bhadrakālīmantravidhiprakaran . a edited below, v. 34ab: padme padmāsanām . devīm . bhadrakālīm . smared ran . e and in Ed P , p. 141: padme padmāsanam . raktam . vakratun . d . am . vicintayet. Moreover, this would be in harmony with the prescription of the alternative visualization in the Parājapavidhi, which says that she is padmāsanagatā (v. 28b) 'on a lotus-throne'. Perhaps, then, niravakarām . is a corruption of nīrajopari, nīrajāsanām . , or similar. 124 I have translated kāryam here as 'body', and karan . am as 'faculties [of cognition and action]' in accordance with the usage of the Pā ñcārthika Pāśupatas, taking both as singulars denoting classes (jātāv ekavacanam). There (1) kāryam denotes the five subtle elements (tanmātrān . i) and the five gross elements (mahābh ūtāni), that is to say in the case of souls, the body (Pa ñcārthabhās . ya p. 26: kāryapin . d . ah . śarīrākhyah . ), and karan . am the three internal faculties (buddhih . , manah . , and aham . kārah . ), the five sense-faculties (buddhīndriyān . i), and the five faculties of action (karmendriyān . i), all these making up the twenty-three kalāh . that are the transformations of primal matter (pradhānam, prakr ˚tih . ) (Pa ñcārthabhās . ya p. 77: atra kalā nāma kāryakaran . ākhyāh . kalāh . . tatra kāryākhyāh . pr ˚thivy āpas tejo vāyur ākāśah . śabdasparśar ūparasagandhāś ca . . . tathā karan . ākhyāh . śrotram . tvak caks . uh . jihvā ghrān . am . pādah . pāyur upastho hasto vā ṅ mano 'ha ṅkāro buddhir iti), and (2) souls are classified as pure and impure according to whether or not they are bound by kāryam and ka-As for the source or sources drawn upon by these two Ā ṅgirasa texts on the propitiation of Parā, I have indicated in my annotations of my translations numerous points of agreement between the details of their account and those prescribed for the same in the corpus of South Indian texts based on the interpretation of the Parātrīśikā given in the -laghuvr ˚tti and, more broadly, between the former and the South Indian Śākta tradition of the Paraśurāmakalpas ūtra. These correspondences suggest strongly that the Oriya Paippalādins had access to some at least of these materials or to materials closely related to them. But they do not allow us to exclude entirely the possibility that the Paippalādins were drawing not on those materials but at least to some extent on earlier Kashmirian sources to which those who formed the South Indian tradition had independent access. For no Kashmirian work setting out the ritual procedure following the Parātrīśikā survives to enable us to determine what is distinctively non-Kashmirian in the non-Kashmirian literature other than in such peripheral details as the door-guardians and the pseudo-Vedic anukraman . ī with its specification of a R ˚s . i and the rest. However, the probability that the Paippalādins' sources for this form of the Trika were not Kashmirian is increased by the fact that at the one place where the verses of the Parātrīśikā incorporated in the Parājapavidhi diverge in the versions attested by the Parātrīśikālaghuvr ˚tti on the one hand and Abhinavagupta's -vivaran . a on the other the Parājapavidhi agrees with the former against the latter. 125 ran . am so defined (ibid., p. 5: kāryakaran . ā ñjanā nira ñjanāś ca). This interpretation I consider plausible for two reasons. Firstly there are other elements of Pāśupata terminology in the text; see 1.8c, 2.15d, 4.16d, 5.13d, 6.13d: j ñātvā devam . mucyate sarvapāśaih . and 1.11a: j ñātvā devam . sarvapāśāpahānih . (cf. Pa ñcārthabhās . ya p. 5: pāśā nāma kāryakaran . ākhyāh . kalāh . ); 4.21cd: yat te daks . in . am . mukham . tena mām . pāhi nityam (cf. Pāśupatas ūtra 1.9: mahādevasya daks . in . ām ūrteh . ); 5.14ab: kalāsargakaram . devam . ye vidus te jahus tanum and 6.5b: akalo 'pi dr ˚s . t . ah . (cf. Pa ñcārthabhās . ya p. 77: atra kalā nāma kāryakaran . ākhyāh . kalāh . . . . . tāsām . vikaran . o bhagavān īśvarah . . kasmāt. dr ˚kkriyāśaktyor apratighātāt; ibid., p. 118: nis . kalasya kāryakaran . arahitasyety arthah . ); 6.9a: sa kāran . am . (cf. ibid., p. 55: atrotpādakānugrāhakatirobhāva ka dharmi kāran . am; ibid., p. 11: kāran . am ūrtyāropitāvatāritam . nis . parigraham . padmotpalādyam); 6.20d-21a: duh . khasyānto bhavis . yati | tapah . prabhāvād devaprasādāc ca (cf. Pāśupatas ūtra 5.39: apramādī gacched duh . khāntam īśaprasādāt). Secondly I see no satisfactory alternative in previous attempts to make sense of the collocation of the two terms. OLIVELLE (1998, p. 431) translates kāryam as 'obligation to act' ("One cannot find in him either an obligation to act or an organ with which to act") and RADHAKRISHNAN (1969, p. 745) as 'action' ("There is no action and no organ of his to be found"). The first renders the literal meaning 'thing to be done' but produces a theologically odd assertion. The second is impossible, both grammatically and because it is contradicted by the statement that follows, viz. that he does have the power to act. 125 Thus in 32cd the Parājapavidhi has dehe mantramudrāgan . am . . This agrees with the reading of the -laghuvr ˚tti (12cd) against that of the text transmitted with Abhinavagupta's -vivaran . a, which reads sarvam . mantramudrāgan . am . here (13ab). The KSTS edition of the -laghuvr ˚tti gives deham . rather than dehe here in its text of the Parātrīśikā, but the -laghuvr ˚tti's comment indicates that it read dehe as in the Ā ṅgirasa text (p. 12, l. 11-12: tadā mantramudrāsam ūhah . dehe vāgr ūpe kālar ūpe ca parameśvarasyaivābhivyajyate). The -vivaran . a appears not to confirm the reading sarvam . by glossing it, the relevant passage in both of the critical editions reading simply sa eva vyākhyātam . mantramudrāgan . am . sam . badhnāti svātmany ekīkaroty advayatah . . However, I judge the reading sam . badhnāti to be corrupt, on the grounds (1) that sam . -bandhnever occurs to my

The * Bhadrakālīmantravidhiprakaran . a The case of the Kālīkula, the second of the two old Śākta traditions detectable in these Ā ṅgirasa texts, differs from that of the Trika. For there is no complete Paddhati in the corpus that can be said to have been based on its rituals. Its contribution is rather in the form of Mantras that have been adopted for the propitiation of Bhadrakālī in procedures whose aim is to empower the king to achieve victory in battle. Our manuscripts contain a section of two hundred and twentytwo half-verses devoted to this topic (As ff. 52v2-57r1 = Ed P , pp. 105-113; P 1 ff. 138r2-145v4; P 2 ff. 56v1-60r3; T/121 ff. 86v1-88r3; T/187 ff. 85r2-89r4). They give colophons only for its constituent parts, but I shall treat it as a whole with a single verse numeration, from 1 to 110, and for the sake of convenience I shall refer to it under a single title as the *Bhadrakālīmantravidhiprakaran . a, 'the Section on the Rites of the Mantras of Bhadrakālī'. It begins by teaching the first of these Mantras as follows:

1 atha devyā bhadrakālyā mantro yah . so 'bhidhīyate | yo rāj ño jayakāmasya dadāti jayam īpsitam | 2 pran . avam . p ūrvam uccārya māyābījam . samuccaret | mahācan . d . apadam . procya knowledge in place of bandhin the meaning 'to tie, fix' that is intended here, and ( 2) that even if it were used in this meaning I can see no reason why Abhinavagupta would have substituted it, since doing so would not serve any purpose that I can see. I propose, therefore, that sam . is a corruption of the otherwise missing word sarvam . . This conjecture now finds support from MS no. 2312 of this text in the collection of the Research Department in Srinagar. That reads sambadhnāti (f. 64v11) in agreement with the two editions and MS no. 848 in the same collection (f. 151v2). But a marginal annotation in a recent Śāradā hand requires or proposes the insertion of rva after the sa of sambadhnāti to give sarvam badhnāti. I am very grateful to Dr. Bettina B ÄUMER for providing me with scans of these two manuscripts (and of another, no. 2138, which lacks this passage due to a lacuna that extends inclusively from nāmasmaran . am in l. 4 of p. 260 of GNOLI's edition to mudrāmudritah . in l. 23 of p. 281 of the same) from a crucial collection that has long been inaccessible to scholars. . 127 The term puraścaran . am refers to a preliminary practice to be undertaken after receiving a Mantra comprising the worship of a Mantra-deity, the repetition of the Mantra a prescribed number of times or for a prescribed period such as a month, sometimes with its gratification by offering it a proportionate number of oblations into fire, with accompanying ascetic restraints, rules of apparel and so forth. See,e.g. Svacchandatantroddyota,vol. 3 (Pat . ala 7),p. 231, puraścaryā prathamam eva mantragrahap ūrvam . *vrataniyatajapādikaran . am (vrata em. : vratam . Ed.). The practice is also termed p ūrvasevā 'prior service' or sevā 'service'. See, e.g., Niśvāsaguhya f. 80v3: japamānam eva māsena p ūrvasevā kr ˚tā bhavatīty evam . 9) They teach that the installation on the hands and body should be done with these for this Mantra.

The norms for the formation of Ancillaries require us to understand (1) that the anusvārah . should be added not only after the Ā of the Heart but after all except the Weapon, which ending in H . does not receive this closure, and ( 2) that the prescription of the opening consonant cluster KHPHR should be applied throughout. Thus we have the following: KHPHR ĀM . [HR ˚-DAY ĀYA NAMAH . ], KHPHR ĪM . [ ŚIRASE SV ĀH Ā], KHPHR ŪM . [ ŚIKH ĀYAI VAS . AT . ], KHPHRAIM . [KAVAC ĀYA HUM . ], KHPHRAUM . [NETRATRAY ĀYA VAUS . AT . ], and KHPHRAH . [ASTR ĀYA PHAT . ]. This creates an implausible anomaly, since it is normal practice to form the Ancillaries from the Seed-syllable of the main Mantra by substituting the six sounds ĀM . , ĪM . , ŪM . , AIM . , AUM . , and AH . for the vowel of that syllable. 128 Since the main Mantra has been given as OM . HR ĪM . MAH ĀCAN . D . AYOGE ŚVARI PHAT . , that is to say, with HR ĪM . as its Seedsyllable, those of the Ancillaries should have been HR ĀM . , HR ĪM . , HR ŪM . , HRAIM . , HRAUM . , and HRAH . . From the fact that the section on the Ancillaries has them begin with KHPHR rather than HR we may infer that it is highly probable that the author who composed this section had as his main Mantra not OM . HR ĪM . MAH ĀCAN . D . AYOGE ŚVARI PHAT . but OM . KHPHREM . MAH ĀCAN . D . AYOGE ŚVARI PHAT . , which, as we shall see, conforms to the practice of the Kālīkula, and therefore that the substitution of HR ĪM . may be the result either of a conscious modification that was not carried through to the form of the Ancillaries, or, perhaps, of a scribal error. In the latter case it is conceivable that the word māyābījam in 2b (māyābījam . samuccaret), denoting HR ĪM . , is a corruption of mātr ˚bījam 'the Seed of the Mothers', denoting KHPHREM . . 129 We are now told how the goddess should be visualized: ˚tya amr ˚tārthe prayojayet. One of these variants of the Mātr ˚sadbh āva syllable, PHREM . , was adopted as that of the appropriately named Viśvamātr ˚'Mother of the Universe', the female consort of the Buddhist Tantric deity Kālacakra; see the Mantra OM . A Ā AM . AH . HA H Ā HAM . HAH . HOH . PHREM . DA ŚAP ĀRAMIT ĀP ŪRAN . I SV ĀH Ā used in the filet consecration (pat . t

śyāmām indudharām . devīm
. ābhis . ekah . ) of the Kālacakra initiation (Vimalaprabhā,vol. 2,p. 92,explaining Kālacakra 3.96c (12) He should worship her on the throne [prescribed for the worship] of Āsurī [Durgā]; and the circuits of [secondary deities] should also be those of that [goddess]. 130 He will achieve victory by [then] offering her in the sacrificial fire 10,000 or 30,000 oblations of ghee. ( 13) Or the wise may offer kindling sticks of Palāśa wood (Butea frondosa) smeared with ghee. Alternatively he may conquer simply by repeating her Mantra the same number of times. Of this there is no doubt.

We are now taught the propitiation of a second Mantra of Bhadrakālī, which takes the form of two Anus . t . ubh verses: 130 For the throne taught for Āsurī (the āsurīpīt . hah . ) see the passage on this subject in Bh ūdhara's Āsurīdīpikā (Ed P pp. 116, l. 8-117, l. 2, and p. 119, l. 22). It is to be built up by uttering Mantras of obeisance (. . . NAMAH . ) to the following in the order of ascent: Man . d . ūka, Kālāgnirudra, K ūrma, Ādhāraśakti, Vārāha, Pr ˚thivī, Hayagrīva, Ks . īrārn . ava, Ratnadvīpa, *Man . ipān . d . ara (?), Man . iman . d . apa, Ratnavedikā, Kalpadruma, Sarvatobhadrakāla, Ratnasim . ha, the eight buddhidharmāh . beginning with Dharma and ending with Anaiśvarya, Ananta, Ānandakandala, the lotus, its petals, its filaments, and its pericarp, and, on the pericarp, the discs of the sun, moon, and fire, the three Gun . as (sattvam, rajah . , and tamah . ), the four Ātmans (ātmā, antarātmā, parātmā, and j ñānātmā), and the four Tattvas (kālatattvam, māyātattvam, vidyātattvam, and paratattvam). Then one is to install the following eight Śaktis on the filaments: Prabhā, Māyā, Jayā, S ūks . mā, Viśuddhā, Nanditā, Subhadrā, Vijayā; and the Śakti Siddhipradā at their centre. He completes the āsurīpīt . hah . by uttering the Sim . hamantra, invoking the 'great lion [of Durgā] whose weapons are his adamantine claws and fangs'. See also Ed P p. 47-48, giving only the Śaktis (with Nandinī and Suprabhā rather than Nanditā and Subhadrā, and with Sarvasiddhidā rather than Siddhipradā). The circuits of Āsurī's secondary deities are as follows (Ed P p. 47): (1) her six Ancillaries, which in the case of Bhadrakālī would be replaced by her own; (2) Āryā, Durgā, Bhadrā, Bhadrakālī, Ambikā, Ks . emā, Vedagarbhā, and Ks . ema ṅkarī (see Bh ūdhara, Ed P p. 212, l. 19); (3) [the attributes of her hands (āyudhāh . :] the gesture of protection (for abhir in Ed P p. 48, l. 11 read abhīr), the gesture of generosity, the sword, the shield, the arrow, the bow, the trident, and the skull-bowl (kapālam); ( 4) the eight Mothers from Brāhmī to Mahālaks . mī;(5) the ten Dikpālas (from Indra in the East to Ananta and Brahmā at the nadir and zenith); and ( 6) the Dikpālas' weapons. (22c) If he visualizes this Bhadrakālī and repeats her Mantra when he is in the midst of a great battle mounted on his elephant or horse he will conquer the enemy. (23c) If he meditates on her as the Unscathed (aks . atā) he will himself be unscathed. (24) Just as a pile of grass moves at speed when blown by the wind so the army of the enemy flees in the presence of one who repeats [this Mantra] while visualizing [her thus]. (25) There is no [prescribed] number of repetitions; nor are there any restrictions [to be observed]. Behold, [simply] by repeating the Mantra while visualizing this [goddess] he will defeat the enemy's army. (26) Therefore a king should make efforts to practise this Vidyā repeatedly. For by its favour even if his own forces are weak he will overcome the mightiest of foes. one. (31) [They are to be placed] on the head, the forehead, the mouth, the throat, the chest, the belly, the genital organ, the two thighs, and the two feet [respectively]. [START_REF] Thank | for the references to GAASTRA's edition of the GB and his comments[END_REF] In the battle he should visualize Bhadrakālī as a young girl, black, dressed in red, furious, with the moon on her hair, holding a trident in her right hand and a skull-bowl full of blood in her left, seated on a lotus in the lotusposture.

The text now gives instruction in the context and form of her propitiation. The context is the period of two weeks leading up to the commencement of the annual season of military campaigns after the passing of the monsoon, from the eighth day of the dark fortnight of Āśvina (m ūlās . t

. amī) to the 'Great Eighth' (mahās . t

. amī), the eighth of the light fortnight of the same month; and the form is a daily programme in which the king is to worship the goddess (p ūjā), repeat her Mantra (japah . ), and make 10,000 oblations of parched grain into the fire (homah . ), with 30,000 oblations of ghee at the end of the period, presumably on the 'Great Ninth', the day on which the Navarātra, the annual nine-day Durgā festival, reaches its climax. 133 This is a demanding course of worship; but in a manner characteristic of the Ā ṅgirasakalpa texts, the Paippalādins did not insist that their royal patrons should enact it in full, allowing that if a ruler is unable to do all this, he may omit the fire-sacrifices and do only the p ūjā [, dhyānam, and japah . ], or only [the dhyānam and] the japah . , or even only the dhyānam, and then only as he goes into battle. The last is an extreme concession from the Tantric point of view, since that envisages as the limit of the condensation of worship the repetition of a Mantra without an accompanying visualization, but never, to my knowledge, visualization without Mantra: (36) After worshipping her during this period the king should offer 30,000 oblations of ghee. He will [then] defeat all his enemies and enjoy untroubled sovereignty. [START_REF]u pratyaveks . āparah . sadā | mahāśrīśiryabhat . t . o 'pi tasmin kāle divam . yayau 970 gates . v apy es . u dharmo 'sya rāj ño naivālpatām . gatah[END_REF] Indra too did this in former times and so defeated the Asuras. If he is unable to do the fire sacrifice he may do [only] the act of worship (p ūjā) [and the repetition of her Mantra]. If the wise one is unable to do [even] that then he may do [only] the repetition of her Mantra (japah . ). (38) If he is unable to do [even] that he may simply visualize her as he goes into battle. He will certainly attain victory. This statement should not be questioned.

Alternatively he can ensure victory by going to war wearing a Yantra of this Mantra-goddess as an amulet on his arm: 134 134 The Sanskrit term yantram refers to a Mantra-inscribed diagram that may be engraved or written in various colours and with various inks on a strip of metal, cloth, birchbark, the hides of various animals and the like, wrapped up, and then employed in various ways, by being worn as an amulet, by being buried in a cremation ground, and so on, for purposes such as warding off ills, harming an enemy, or forcing a person to submit to the user's will. Cf. the definition in NANJUNDAYYA andIYER 1928-1936, vol. 2, p. 425: "Charms are written, engraved, on a small metal plate which is either rolled or enclosed in a small case which is fastened to a thread to be made fit for wearing. It is called a yantram (that which holds, restrains, or fastens). Yantrams are usually drawn on thin plates of gold, silver, copper led [sic] and sometimes on a piece of cadjan leaf, and the efficacy of the figures when drawn on a gold leaf will last for 100 years, while those on the less precious metals will last for a year or six months. Leaden plates are used when the yantrams are to be buried underground. [Brāhmī, Māheśvarī, Kaumārī, Vais . n . avī, Vārāhī, Aindrī, Cāmun . d . ā, and Mahālaks . mī]. [START_REF]For the period the Bha ñja kings of Khi ñjaliman . d . ala belonged to[END_REF] If he attaches this Yantra to his arm he will be able to conquer the Trident-wielder himself. He should worship the Yantra following the prescribed procedure, make a thousand oblations of ghee in the fire, (42) life: the eyes, tongue, eight cardinal points of the compass and the five cardinal points. When properly made and subjected to a routine of p ūjās by a magician (mantravādi), it is supposed to possess occult powers. Each yantram is in honour of some particular deity, and when that deity is worshipped and the yantram is worn, the wearer's object is satisfied". We are taught that the word bhadra-[in Bhadrakālī] means 'bliss'; and bliss is declared [in the scriptures] to be the [nature of the] highest Brahma. [START_REF][END_REF] [The word] -kālī [in her name, meaning 'black', denotes] the power that embodies the [Gun . a] darkness (tamah . ); and that, we are taught, is [the power] that destroys. [START_REF][END_REF] [So] the sages have used the word Bhadrakālī to denote this highest Brahma conjoined with the power to destroy. The Great Seed of Bhadrakālī has the same meaning. [START_REF]Rite of the trisyllabic Mantra of the goddess Tripurabhairavī (HSRAIM . HSKLR ĪM . HSRAUH . M . ) for the attainment of various effects, hostile and other. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase tripurabhairavīvidhānam[END_REF] [For of its constituents] H means the individual soul, S means Brahma, and KH expresses the highest Brahma that is the unity of these two, (50) while PHREM . [denotes its] destructive power. For in the conscious it is this [urge to resorb] that is predominant.

[Thus] both the name Bhadrakālī and [her] Great Seed denote Brahma endowed with the power of destruction. (51b-52a) We hold [further] that the meaning of the Great Seed is [not only Brahma in destructive mode but also that of the Mantra] HAM . SAH . SO 'HAM which is held to be [the embodiment of] the destroyer [Rudra] [but] also [of] the creator [Brahmā], and the preserver [ Vis . n . u]. 135 (52b) The Mantrin should repeat the Great Seed while meditating on its meaning. [Thereby] the king will himself become one with the Supreme Soul endowed with the power of destruction, or one with Bhadrakālī of terrible nature, and so he will obtain undying victory. (54) There is no doubt that the king will be victorious [simply] by repeating the Great Seed. No offerings into fire (homah . ) are required, nor animal-sacrifices (balih . ), nor worship (arcā), nor gratification with libations (tarpan . am). ( 55) Visualization [of the goddess's form] and repetition [of her Mantra] are sufficient to bring about the victory of the king without fail. I shall [now] teach in full the visualization of the Great Seed of Bhadrakālī, (56) by whose favour even Mahādeva completely crushed his enemy. This goddess is black, dressed in red, very tall, with full breasts and hips, (57) slender-waisted, of huge strength, able to devour the three worlds, eager for battle, ferocious, of fierce might, [START_REF]rājyam . , na svāmī tādr ˚śah . punah[END_REF] horrifying, standing with her feet on a lotus that rests on the back of a corpse, with three large, copper-coloured eyes in each of her five faces. [START_REF] Akārs | īt pa ñcas . ān māsān rājyam . sa jad . anāyakah[END_REF](60) With the force of her great anger she crushes [the king's] enemy again and again, holding him face-down in her two uppermost arms, tortured by the twenty fangs of her five faces. On the right [in her other hands] she holds in descending order a trident, an elephant-goad, an arrow, [START_REF]Jasrath was chief of the Khokhar / Ghakkhar tribe (khuh . kara, JRT 730b). On their terror, which has become proverbial in Kashmir, see DHAR 1994[END_REF] and a sword, and in her [other] left hands in the same order a vessel filled with blood, a noose, a bow, and a shield. (62) A king who wishes to conquer in battle should visualize fearsome Bhadrakālī thus with ten arms as the granter of victory. (63) One achieves victory by repeating the Great Seed of Bhadrakālī. If the king is unable to perform her visualization and repeats the Seed without it, he will still be victorious. Do 135 The connection of the passage from 51b to 52a with what precedes and follows is not explicit and the passage itself is unclear because of the puzzling collocation of is . yate and sam . smr ˚tah . . My translation with its expansions in parentheses seeks to convey only what I find to be its probable gist. I take the relevance of the Mantra HAM . SAH . SO 'HAM to be that HAM . SAH . expresses meditation on the ascent of Kun . d . alinī through the Cakras from the M ūlādhāra to the Sahasrāra, that is to say, in the order of progressive withdrawal or destruction (sam . hārakramah . , ārohakramah . ), while SO 'HAM expresses her descent through the same from the Sahasrāra to the M ūlādhāra, that is to say, in the order of emission or creation ( The *Bhadrakālīmantravidhiprakaran . a continues and ends in P 1 and the Asimil . ā manuscript (As ff. 55r4-57r1 = Ed P , pp. 110-113) with a section of some forty verses on the worship of this same Mantra. The materials at my disposal do not reveal whether this passage is present in T/121 and T/187. However, it is lacking in P 2 ; and this suggests that it may well be a later addition. This suspicion is strengthened by its relationship with the section on this Mantra that it follows (vv. 43-68). For the passage lacking in P 2 begins with Pippalāda asking A ṅgiras why he has not taught a ritualistic procedure for the Great Seed's worship even though he has done so in the case of every other Mantra. A ṅgiras replies that, as we have seen in the preceding material, it is precisely the special virtue of this Mantra that it is not necessary to do anything more than repeat it, but he agrees nonetheless to teach such a procedure 'out of compassion' for Pippalāda. This suggests a consciousness that the last section of our *Bhadrakālīmantravidhiprakaran . a is a somewhat awkward addition, one that seems to undermine the point of the preceding exposition, whose emphasis is on an ascent from more to less ritualistic procedures. 136 the same number of times during the night, and offer an animal sacrifice according to the [prescribed] procedure. (81-82b) He will obtain victory if he does the fire sacrifice in this way for seven days. Or the ritual may be maintained for twelve, fifteen, twenty-one days, or a month. [Thus] the duration of the fire sacrifice is sixfold. (82c-83b) Or he may offer kindling sticks of Aśvattha wood (Ficus religiosa) smeared with butter for the same period. Alternatively the wise one may offer butter and such sticks separately.

Next come procedures to be adopted at the time of battle: 87) Alternatively the king will achieve a glorious victory if he has another carry the Yantra at his side when the battle commences. ( 88) If he makes a Yantra of Bhadrakālī and worships it every day he will not be worsted, but will always conquer.

athavā
(89) Alternatively he may have this Yantra worshipped by a brahmin on his behalf. He will not be defeated but will inevitably be victorious. (95) When the king is marching forth to conquer an enemy he will certainly be victorious if on the day before he offers 3000 oblations of ghee. ( 96) The enemy forces will flee at the mere sight of his troops. The king should scrupulously offer 10,000 kindling sticks of Aśvattha (Ficus religiosa) into the fire. (97) If the king seeks a great victory he will achieve it by making 10,000 oblations of sticks of sandal-wood together with ghee. Or he may make the 10,000 oblations with sticks of aloe wood. (98) If he sends forth his troops to conquer the enemy at that time he will achieve all this. His army will prevail over the enemy's. (99) He will be victorious if he offers 1000 oblations of ghee pouring the remnant of each on to a spike fashioned from Aśvattha wood and buries it at the place where the enemy's forces are encamped. 137Then we are taught fire sacrifices to empower the king's sword and arrows in preparation for battle: 100 sarpis . āyutahomena khad . gam . sam . pātya (106)(107) Every day he should make 30,000 oblations into the fire during the night, in order to secure victory over his rivals, and when the fire sacrifice has been completed, he should gratify [the goddess] by sacrificing buffaloes, goats, and sheep to her, offering her meals of *[raw] meat (?), in order that he may be victorious. Then on the Great Ninth (mahānavamī) he should worship her with many scented powders and the other [prescribed offerings]. (108-109) He should worship her at night with faith and devotion. A king who wishes to conquer in war should gratify the Great Goddess [during the night] with the offerings beginning with scented powder, with animal sacrifices, and with music and dancing. If he has propitiated the goddess in this way he will remain at ease throughout the year. (110) No enemy will march against him and if he does he will turn and flee. Therefore if a king desires to be victorious he always performs these rites.

Here ends the Bhadrakālīmahābījavidhi of the Ā ṅgirasakalpa.

The *Bhadrakālīmantravidhiprakaran . a and the Kālīkula

The form of the rituals of Bhadrakālī prescribed here is not derived from the Kālīkula, nor is the annual worship of the goddess culminating on Mahānavamī. That has no place in the texts of such properly Tantric traditions, which generally eschew the regulation of such calendrical festivals as belonging to the more mundane domain of religion governed by Purān . ic prescription, 138 even though, as our *Bhadrakālīmantravidhiprakaran . a illustrates, the worship of the goddess during this festival is often highly tantricized. 139 Nor is Bhadrakālī herself among the primary forms of Kālī taught in the texts of the Kālīkula. Her role as the recipient of worship during this festival is a feature of Purān . ic religion, seen, for example, in the prescriptions of the , the Vis . n . udharmottarapurān . a (2.152.5ab;, the , and the . In the early medieval period it is, to my knowledge, only in the Mātr ˚tantra tradition of the unpublished and hitherto unstudied Brahmayāmala texts of southern India that Bhadrakālī comes to the fore as the principal focus of a properly Tantric Śākta cult. 140 And while that cult, in which she is worshipped either on her own or, as Cāmun . d . ā, as one of the seven Mothers, accompanied by Vīrabhadra, and Gan . eśa, is indeed fully Tantric, it is much more integrated into the civic dimension of religion than are the early North Indian Śākta traditions exemplified by the Trika and Kālīkula. For unlike these and the northern Brahmayāmala, with which it has only a tenuous connection, 141 the subject of these texts is not worship conducted by individual initiates for their own benefit or that of individual clients but a calendrically fixed programme of regular worship conducted by professional priests before permanent idols in temples; 142 and the principal purpose of this worship 140 I base the following remarks concerning the South Indian Mātr ˚tantra tradition on the two manuscripts to which I have had access: Brahmayāmala IFP and Brahmayāmala Triv. The South Indian provenance of these texts is supported by a strong correlation (1) between the iconography of the goddess in these manuscripts (here she is the destoyer of the demon Dāruka) and surviving South Indian images of Bhadrakālī and ( 2) by a strong correlation between the prescription of her temple cult in the same texts and the provisions for the rituals to be performed in the temple of the goddess Kolāramma at Kolār in Nol . ambavād . i detailed in two Tamil inscriptions from that temple (Epigraphia Carnatica 10, Kl 108; pp. 35-42; translation on pp. 35-40; and 106d, pp. 33-35; translation on pp. 33-34), dated in the second regnal year of K ō-Rājakesarivarma alias Rājendracoladeva (= the Cola king Kulottu ṅga I) or AD 1071/2. Only the first, which details the allowances for the deities and the various ceremonies is dated; but the second, which gives the allowances of the staff of the temple, records the same witnesses, and is probably its continuation. 141 We see this connection in the fact that Bhadrakālī is attended by the same four goddesses as Can . d . ā Kāpālinī, the supreme goddess in the Picumata/Brahmayāmala, though Mahocchus . mā, the fourth, appears under the varant name Mahocchis . t . ā (cf. the 142 These priests are required to be non-brahmins, termed pāraśavah . in Sanskrit (defined in the Dharmaśāstra as the offspring of a brahmin man and Ś ūdra mother [Manusmr ˚ti 9.178]). See,e.g.,Brahmayāmala IFP, ˚ttih . 'The Pāraśava, born of a brahmin man and a Ś ūdra woman, lives [by one or other of the following professions:] by performing the worship of Bhadrakālī, by painting, by divination from physiognomy, by playing musical instruments, or by massage'. The is said to be to foster the victory of the monarch over his enemies, as in the Orissan cult of Bhadrakālī, and, more generally, to protect the kingdom from danger (deśaśantih . , rās . t

. raśāntih . ), 143 such temples being, at least in the main, royal foundations and recipients of royal patronage.

What has been imported from the Kālīkula, then, is neither the goddess Bhadrakālī nor the forms of her worship. Rather it is her Tantric Mantras, these having been embedded in an already tantricized Purān . ic matrix, elevating it from within with their associations of awesome power. The Mantras in question are the first and the fourth of the four taught in the *Bhadrakālīmantravidhiprakaran . a: of its Ancillaries are said to be KHPR ĀM . , KHPHR ĪM . , KHPHR ŪM . , KHPHRAIM . , KHPHRAUM . , and KHPHRAH . , with KHPHR-rather than HR-before the vowels, suggests that the original form of the root-Mantra in this text had KHPREM . as its seed-syllable rather than HR ĪM. 144 This is the core Mantra of the Kālīkula insignificantly modified by being enclosed by the universal Mantra-syllables OM . and PHAT . , the first used everywhere in this position as the opening 'illuminator' (dīpakah . ) of Mantras, 145 and the second marking it as one endowed with the character of aggression, since PHAT . is the closing expostulation that distinguishes the ancillary known as the Weapon (astram).

The locus classicus for this Mantra in the literature of the Kālīkula is a passage giving its constituent letters in encoded form that appears in the Devīdvyardhaśatikā, in a recension of parts of that text that forms the Kālikākrama chapter of the Manthānabhairava, in the anonymous Jayadrathayāmalaprastāramantrasam . graha, and in an unattributed quotation in Jayaratha's commentary on the Tantrāloka: Siddhakhan . d . a,, ff. 183r2-4 (K); Jayadrathayāmalaprastāramantrasam . graha A, f. 3v1-2 (J 1 ); Jayadrathayāmalaprastāramantrasam . graha B, ff. 3v7-4r1 (J 2 ); Tantrālokaviveka on 30.54 (vol. 12, p. 202) (lacking the first line) (T). The numeration of the above verses is that of their place in D.

88
88a varā ṅgam . K J 2 : varā ṅga D J 144 See above, pp. 257-258. 145 Niśvāsaguhya f. 108v5 ( 15.202ab): om . kāraś cādhikaś cātra mantrādau dīpakah . sthitah . 'and the syllable OM . is present here in addition as the illuminator at the beginning of the Mantra'. The term dīpakah . is used both for the opening OM . and for the closing NAMAH . ; see Svacchandatantroddyota,vol. 3 (Pat . ala 6) p. 145: sarvamantrān . ām . p ūjājapavis . aye pran . avanamaskārābhyām ādyantasam . bandho dīpakah . kārya iti śāstrasamayah . 'The convention of the Śāstra is that when worshipping or repeating any Mantra one should provide an illuminator at its beginning and end with OM . and NAMAH . '; and Parātrīśikāvivaran . a,p. 281 (ed. GNOLI): etad eva hr ˚dayabījam . dīpakābhāvād gamāgamaś ūnyatvāt satatoditatvāc cānādyantam 'This same heart-syllable is said [in Parātrīśikā 33a] to be without beginning or end because it lacks the [two] illuminators, because it is free of ebb and flow, and because it is permanently active'. 146 The term kr ūram is listed among names for PHA in the fourth S . at . ka of the Jayadrathayāmala, Varn . anāmapat . ala, vv. 37c-38b: kun . d . alam . bhairavam . rāvam . rāvin . ī 148 Varn . anāmapat . ala, nārāyan . am anākāram a ṅkuśam . *mukhad āran . ā (corr. : mukhadārun . am Cod.) | 5 dīrghādyam . nāmabhi r j ñeyam. 149 The Kālikākrama (K) and the unattributed quotation by Jayaratha (T) read not tura ṅgam . 'horse' but tara ṅgam . 'wave'. The written shape of the syllable N . A is indeed wavelike in the Gupta script, a feature that has been preserved in the Śāradā script of Kashmir. However, N . A is referred to as the 'horse sound' (aśvavarn . ah . ) elsewhere in the literature of the Kālīkula; see, e.g., Varn . anāmapat . ala,v. 33ab: aśvam . megham adhovaktram . n . akāram . parikīrtitam; Kālīkulapa ñcaśataka, N 2 , f. 31v6-32r1 (2.88b): aśvārn . am . vāmakarn . ake.

150 For d . ākinīmarma as a term for D . A cf. Varn . anāmapat . ala, v. 32: musalam . caiva marmam . ca yoginīnām . ca vallabham | d . akāram . d . amarādhāram . nāmabhi r j ñeyam eva hi; and Tantrasadbhāva f. 114v1 16.233c : d . akāra h . śākinīmarma. 151 The use of tejah . 'fire' for G [A] is based on the equation of the twenty-four consonants from KA to BHA with the twenty-four elements from earth (pr ˚thivī) to primal matter (prakr ˚tih . ). The same parallel is implied by the use seen above of purus . ah . 'the individual soul', the twentyfifth Tattva in the Sām . khya and Śaiva universe, for M[A], the twenty-fifth consonant. For this equation see Picumata f. 55v4-5 (11.178-179) . 152 For tejagr ˚ham (Aiśa for tejogr ˚ham) 'the abode of fire', probably meaning a (triangular) firereceptacle, denoting the vowel E, which had the written form of a triangle, see the synonym vahnigeham in the Varn . anāmapat . ala v. 13: trikon . am ekādaśamam . vahnigeham . ca 153 T has laks . mībijam 'the seed of Laks . mī' rather than laks . mīveśmam (Aiśa for laks . mīveśma) 'the abode of Laks . mī'. That these should mean ŚA may be understood as a reference to the first sound of the syllable ŚRĪM . , often called Laks . mī/Kamalā, since that goddess is also known as Śrī. united with the ocean [VA], 154 and the seventh [sound]

from somah . [R ˚]. 155
It is also given in the Kālīkulapa ñcaśataka 3.35-40: 35 daks . abāhusthitam . varn . am . mahānādena The use of the word udadhih . 'ocean' for VA is through reference to its watery nature, VAM . being the seed-syllable of water and of its deity Varun . a. See Varn . anāmapat . ala 43cd: vakāram . vārun . am . candram . sudhā saudham . prakīrtitam. 155 See Tantrālokaviveka, vol. 12, p. 202, glossing this: somāt saptama r ˚. There is no doubt that the syllable intended is R ˚, but it cannot be 'seventh from somah . ', since somah . 'the moon' denotes SA or T . A in the Mantra-code and R ˚is not seventh from either of these. However, R is the seventh sound of the syllabary and 'seventh' is among its synonyms in the Mantracode (Varn . anāmapat . ala,v. 9 '. 156 The syllable-code used here has been explained in the second [START_REF]For the period the Bha ñja kings of Khi ñjaliman . d . ala belonged to[END_REF] [Thus] has been extracted from the body of [the goddess] Śus . kā, the Great Vidyā numbering nine [syllables] that is hard to obtain even for the gods, Siddhas, and Khecarīs. (42) If one merely meditates on it one's sins accumulated in former time are instantly burned to ash, be they as vast in mass as mount Meru itself. 157 In both these 'extractions' (mantroddhārah . ) the Mantra is as in the Bhadrakālīmantravidhiprakaran . a except that the final syllable is given as R ˚where there we had RI. This is a deviant orthography that was widely accepted, since it is also prescribed in the Kālīkula scripture Yonigahvara, 158 in the Kālīkulaincorporating form of the Trika taught in the Devyāyāmala as reported by syllables of the syllabary (mātr ˚kā) are assigned for the purpose of the extraction of the Mantras to the parts and adornments of a drawing of the goddess to be depicted on the ground with chalk as two-armed, emaciated, hollow-cheeked, enthroned on the severed head of Rudra, with her feet on the severed heads of Brahmā and Vis . n . u, wearing a chaplet of skulls, holding a human skull-bowl filled with human entrails (2.76-84). 157 In spite of the grammatical irregularity that this entails I take the masculine adjectives merutulyo gurur of 42b to qualify the neuter pāpam . of 42d, the comparison of the accumulated mass of sins to the vast mountain Meru being a rhetorical commonplace; see, e.g., Yonigahvara, f. 5r6 (62ab): s ūdayed dus . kr ˚tān ghorān merutulya-m-*ayopamān (em. : ayopamām . Cod.), with masculine dus . kr ˚tān for neuter dus . kr ˚tāni. The deviation appears to have been prompted by the metre, the correct merutulyam . guru being unmetrical. 158 Yonigahvara f. 19v-20r4 (vv. 271-279) PHAT . RAUDRARAUDRE JHKHPHEM . PHAT . . 165 As for the presence of HR ĪM . rather than KHPHREM . in the Mantra as it is given in the accessed manuscripts of the *Bhadrakālīmantravidhiprakaran . a, it is conceivable that it is genuine in spite of the consequent anomaly of its having Ancillaries whose seeds begin with KHPHR-, since we find the component HR ĪM . followed by the same vocative at the beginning the seventeen-syllable Vidyā prescribed for the worship of Kālasam . kars . in . ī in the Jayadrathayāmala, where it is the basic Mantra of the goddess (HR ĪM . MAH ĀCAN . D . AYOGE ŚVARI T . HR ĪM . DHR ĪM . THR ĪM . PHAT . PHAT . PHAT . PHAT . PHAT . ) 166 and, in a variant, in the Trika's Kālīkula-based Devyāyāmala, where it is prescribed for use in addition to the nine-syllable form (HR ĪM . MAH ĀCAN . D . AYOGE PHAT . PHAT . PHAT . PHAT . PHAT . ). 167 The second of the two Mantras adopted from the Kālīkula in the *Bhadrakālīmantravidhiprakaran . a is Bhadrakālī's Great Seed HSKHPHREM . , which is evidently intended as a more esoteric and powerful substitute for the longer Mantra, one that holds its power in condensed form, as it were, and by the same measure permits an even greater transcendence of ritualistic requirements. This is prescribed in the Kālīkula's Jayadrathayāmala as the Mantra of a form of Kālasam . kars . an . ī called both Kun . d . aleśvarī Yonigahvara,. 166 This Vidyā is taught in encrypted form in Jayadrathayāmala, S . at . ka 1, f. 71r3-9 (11.43c-51) (given in decoded form in Jayadrathayāmalaprastāramantrasam . graha, f. 29v1) and S . at . ka 4,, quoted, but only in its first and last lines, in Tantrālokaviveka, vol. 11 ( Āhnika 29), p. 49, ll. 14-18. 167 This is the form of the Mantra that is prescribed in the Mālinī code (on which see VASUDEVA 2007) in a passage of the Devyāyāmala cited by Jayaratha on Tantrāloka 29.69c. In the first line emend nāśārn . am . to nāsārn . am . to yield the Ī of HRĪM . , and in the sixth jihvayoh . to jihvayā to yield the RI of MAH ĀCAN . D . AYOGE ŚVARI (ś ūladan . d . am . tu jihvayā 'the staff of the trident [R(A)] with the tongue [I]'). The anusvārah . after each of the syllables T . H R ˚, DH R ˚, and TH R ˚is not taught in these verses, but this is such a surprising irregularity that I have assumed that the absence was not intended and that either their presence was to be understood or that a line has been lost in which it was prescribed. The use of R ˚for RĪ in these syllables parallels the alternation of R ˚and RI in the nine-syllable Vidyā. 168 Pat . ala 15 of S . at . ka 3 (ff. 107v1-118r4; 264 verses) is devoted to this form of Kālasam . kars . an . ī. She is named at f. 107v2-3 (15.3ab): kim . tu kaut ūhalam . deva katham . sā kun . d . aleśvarī; f. 108v3-4: evam . kun . d . alacakreśī pin . d . eśī all Mantras, the Essence that illumines all Mantras, that makes all [Mantradeities] present, that brings the richness of all Siddhis, the unsurpassed conjunct of the Goddess that bestows both liberation and lesser rewards.

ŚVARI T . H R ˚ M . DH R ˚ M . TH R ˚ M .
Moreover, her propitiation is of the essentialized kind, as in the *Bhadrakālīmantravidhiprakaran . a, the Mantra being without Ancillaries and an accompanying visualization of the goddess's form. 174As we might expect, the Mantra does not appear only in this monosyllabic isolation. As in the additional passage at the end of the *Bhadrakālīmantravidhiprakaran . a, it is also reinscribed into the less essentialized level it transcends, adding its lustre to polysyllabic Mantras that are thought to articulate the same transcendental essence. In the Kālīkula of the Jayadrathayāmala this occurs to my knowledge only once, and it is no doubt significant that it does so in the context of the kālīkramavidhih . , which for the redactors is evidently the high-point of the esoteric Śāktism contained in this huge work, teaching the cult of Mahākālī as manifest in the thirteen Kālīs from Sr ˚s . t . ikālī to Mahābhairavakālī, that is to say, as the cycle of the Nameless (anākhyacakram) in which the Krama's course of worship culminates. 175 There we are told that the Mantra should consist of the conjunct syllable taught in the [chapter on the] cycle of K ūt . eśvarī followed by the name of the deity and the honorific ending -P ĀDA. The Jayadrathayāmalaprastāramantrasam . graha explains when commenting on the passage that contains this instruction that the Mantra required is either HSKHPHREM . MAH ĀK Ā-L ĪP ĀDA or HSKHPHREM . MAH ĀCAN . D . AYOGE ŚVAR ĪP ĀDA with the Mantras of the individual Kālīs consisting of PH ĀM . PH ĀM . PHEM . followed in the same way by the name of the Kālī ending in -P ĀDA. ]; and she is free of visualization or anything to visualize, resting in the point between consciousness and unconsciousness, vibrant in the supreme void, the ground of all her constituent powers. After awakening her and causing her to ascend from the pit of the fire of the Aeon †. . . † to the Aperture of the Guru [above the cranium] by the technique that resembles the writhing of a fish . . . '. 175 On the place of this chapter in the Jayadrathayāmala see SANDERSON 2007, pp. 256-257, n. 77 (pp. 257-258), p. 260, n. 84. 176 Jayadrathayāmala, S . at . ka 4, f. 59r7-v2 (4.4-47b) This upgraded form of the nine-syllable Mantra (HSKHPHREM . MAH Ā-CAN . D . AYOGE ŚVARI) is also prescribed in the 'worship of the [four Śākta] Āmnāyas' (āmnāyap ūjā) included in the tradition of the Śrīvidyā, where it is the Mantra of Kālī in her role as the Samayavidyā, the Vidyā that rectifies all errors, proper to the Northern Āmnāya (uttarāmnāyah . ). 177 Similarly, the syllable is incorporated in the Mantra of Kālasam . kars . an . ī included in the Raśmimālā, a long and wide-ranging series of Mantras to be recited mentally immediately after waking each morning by those following the Śrīvidyā-centred system of the Paraśurāmakalpas ūtra: SAM . SR ˚S . T . ), and the Nameless (anākhyam), the first three repeated in reverse order after the fourth, and a fifth invoking Kālī in her uninflected essence through a variant of her nine-syllable Mantra. Awareness of the higher nature of the syllable is suggested by the fact that it is introduced only in the two highest of these Vidyās, those of the Nameless (HSKHPHREM . MAH ĀN ĀKHYE ANANTA-BH ĀSKARI MAH ĀCAN . D . AK ĀLI PHAT . ) and the transcendent or universal fifth (HSKHPHREM . MAH ĀCAN . D . AYOGE ŚVARI).

A Category Mistake?

That the cult of Bhadrakālī seen in this Orissan evidence should have drawn on the Kālīkula for its Mantras may surprise. For it is concerned exclusively with malaprastāramantrasam . graha leaves it to the reader to understand for himself that the conjunct syllable 'taught above in the cycle of K ūt . eśvarī' is that of Kun . d . aleśvarī taught in the third S . at . ka, Kun . d . aleśvarī empowering the king and his weapons to conquer his enemies and has been inserted accordingly into the pan-Indic annual festival of Navarātra that initiated the season of military campaigns, while the Kālīkula appears in learned Kashmirian sources in a mystical and soteriological context.

However, the contrast diminishes when we look beyond this exegesis to the primary sources of the tradition. The short Krama scriptures Kālīkulakramasadbhāva, Kālīkulapa ñcaśataka, and Devīdvyardhaśatikā confirm the exegetes' approach; but the much larger Jayadrathayāmala embeds this path to liberation in a much more diverse religious context, one in which the propitiation of Kālasam . kars . an . ī and her many ancillary forms is taught not merely for salvation but also, indeed predominantly, for the attainment of worldly benefits, among which those of concern to kings are far from inconspicuous. Thus in the first S . at . ka, when Devī asks Bhairava to teach Jayadratha, the king of Sindhu, the root Mantra of this Tantra, namely the seventeen-syllable Vidyā of Kālasam . kars . an . ī, she describes it as bestowing sovereignty over the three worlds, which I take to be a hyperbolic statement of a claim that its propitiation will enhance royal power; 179 the same S . at . ka tells us that by seeing her Man . d . ala, that is to say, by receiving initiation before it, soldiers will easily defeat the enemy when they go into battle; 180 and in its account of the canon of which it is part it describes itself as 'this Tantra of war '. 181 Nor is this royal context forgotten in the three S . at . kas that were subsequently added to the first. Indeed the whole work ends with several chapters setting out the means of propitiating a form of Kālasam . kars . an . ī called Mahālaks . mī 182 with a variant of the seventeen-syllable Vidyā 183 as the means of attaining sovereignty over the earth (pr ˚thivyaiśvaryam) and obtaining from the goddess a sword that embodies her power and so renders its bearer invincible in battle (khad . gasiddhih . ). 184 The belief that the king derives his sovereignty from the goddess and that (f. 232v4-5); mahālaks . mīvidhipat . alah . (f. 234v1); mahālaks . mīvidhau rasadvayasiddhipat . alah . (f. 237v3). 183 The Vidyā is extracted on f. 223v2-7. It is decoded in the Jayadrathayāmalaprastāramantrasam . graha, f. 28r6 as follows: HRĪM . MAH ĀLAKS . MYAI KALE ŚVAR ˚ŚRĪM . ŚRY ĀM . H ŪM . PHAT . PHAT . PHAT . PHAT . PHAT . . 184 Jayadrathayāmala, S . at . ka 4, f. 223r1-2 (vv. 6-9b): adhunā śrotum icchāmi mahālaks . mīmatam . śubham | utpattivratavij ñānacaryāmantrasamāyutam | 7 sādhakānām . yathā karma mudrāman . d . ala-she transmits her power to a dynasty by bestowing a sword on its conquering founder is widely attested in India from the early medieval period onwards. We see it, for example, in a Nepalese inscription of AD 1387/8 recording a gift by king Jayasthitimalla, the renowned restorer of the Malla dynasty, in which he is described as having brought his enemies under his sway with a sword that he had received as a boon from the goddess Māneśvarī. 185 The medieval Bengali narrative poem Can . d . īma ṅgala portrays the first king of Kali ṅga as having received his sword from the goddess Can . d . ī; 186 Tulajā Bhavānī, the lineage goddess of Chatrapati Śivājī (1627-1680), the founder of the Maratha kingdom, is believed to have presented him with a sword with which to fight against the Muslim occupation; 187 and in a variant of this theme, drawing on the notion that the king's sword is an embodiment of the goddess herself, Danteśvarī, the lineage goddess of the Bastar dynasty, is said to have appeared to its founder Annamdeo in his sword and led him to Bastar from his capital in Warangal whence he fled after its capture by the Bahmani sultanate in around 1435. . . 185 REGMI 1965-1966, Part 3, p. 27 (No. 31), ll. 25-26: śrīmanmāneśvarīvaralabdhakr ˚pān . aśāsitānyamahīpālaśrīśrījayasthitimallarājamalladevena śrībhat . t

. ārakebhya iyam . pranāl . ikā pradatteti. This is a variant of a common epigraphical formula in which a king is described as having obtained his sovereignty as the boon of this or that goddess. Thus the Malla kings of Nepal from the time of Jayasthitimalla are described as -śrīmanmāneśvarīs . t

. adevatāvaralabdhaprasāda-(VAJR ĀCARYA 1976, passim), Ratnajyotideva of Noakot . in Nepal as -śrīgan . d . akīvaralabdhaprasāda-(REGMI 1965-66, Part 1, pp. 365-366 ), Rān . aka Pu ñja, a vassal of Mahābhavagupta II of Daks . in . a Kosala, as -kāleśvarīvaralabdhaprasāda-(SHASTRI 1995, Part 2, p. 264, l. 8), two other vassals of the same as -khambeśvarīvaralabdhaprasāda- (SHASTRI 1995, Part 2, p. 343, l. 6;p. 363, l. 10) 186 BHATTACHARYA 1981, p. 22. 187 MALLEBREIN 1999, p. 152. According to the account of Śivājī's life in the Mārāt . hī Śivadigvijaya the sword was an embodiment of the famous Tulajā Bhavānī of Tuljāpur, one of the principal lineage-goddesses of the Deccan and that of Śivājiī himself, spoke to him in a dream, promising him victory, and when acquired was given her name (transl. SEN 1920, pp. 181-182). GRIEVE (1909, p. 75) reports that this sword was kept in a small temple in the Rān . ī's palace in Sātāra and paraded there in a palanquin during Navarātra. 188 MALLEBREIN 1999, p. 146. In a further variant of this tradition swords conferring invincibility on the founders of dynasties are sometimes said to have been received not directly from the deity but from a Siddha, Nātha, or Yogin whose supernatural intervention enables the king to conquer his territory. This is so, for example, in the legends of the kingdom of Gorkha, in which it is said that a Siddha gave such a sword to Pr ˚thivīn ārayan . Śāh, the founder of the ature of the Kashmirian Śāktas, was indeed associated with royal power and rites of war. A certain Vāmadatta of Kānyakubja receives with his wife the initiation (dīks . ā) and Vidyā of this goddess from his wife's mother, a great Yoginī (siddhayoginī, yogeśvarī). He then goes to Śrīparvata to perform the postinitiatory observances that are the means of achieving mastery over this Vidyā-deity (vidyāsādhanam). Once mastered (siddhā) she appears before him and grants him a magnificent sword (khad . gottamam . dadau). With this in his possession he becomes king of the Vidyādharas, builds a city in the Malaya mountains, and fathers on his co-initiated wife a daughter who is predicted to become the wife of the future emperor of all the Vidyādharas. 190 The same story is included in the Br ˚hatkathāma ñjarī, a briefer redaction of the same materials composed by the Kashmirian Ks . emendra between 1028 and 1063. 191 The evidence of the association of the Kālīkula's Kālasam . kars . an . ī with swords seen in the Jayadrathayāmala and this mythical narrative is confirmed at the end of an account of the worship of a form of Kālasam . kars . an . ī . 195 Since this reference to the sword occurs as an item in a list of irregular or special occasions requiring worship, we may infer that the text has in mind a special There are striking affinities between these two early versions, notably in the detail that Vis . n . u offers his own blood when Śiva holds out the skull to him for alms, with the difference that in the Ur-Skandapurān . a Vis . n . u opens a vein in his forehead for this purpose (6.4-6b), whereas in the Picumata he holds out his arm, from which Śiva then extracts the blood by piercing it with his trident (78.214c-216 [f. 311r3-4] 194 Thus KHPHREM . K ĀLASAM . KARS . AN . YAI NAMAH . or KHPHREM . EK ĀNTAV ĀSINYAI NAMAH . . 195 I have emended the manuscript's reading dīks . ām . to devīm . here. The reading is not impossible. For there is a Dīks . ādevī in the Kashmirian Śākta pantheon, this name being an alias of the goddess Bhuvanamālinī taught in the Jayadrathayāmala. However, that goddess has a very specific application both there and in the Kashmirian rituals, namely, as her alias indicates, initiation (dīks . ā); see SANDERSON 2007, p. 253-255. It is in any case implausible that the identity of the goddess would change at this point. ritual (naimittikam . karma) for the empowerment of the sword, either before battle or in the context of the calendrical worship of the royal sword during the annual Navarātra festival. 196 Finally, Abhinavagupta reports in his Tantrāloka that the Kālīmukha, evidently a text of the Kālīkula, specifies a sword, a dagger, or a knife as suitable substrates for the worship of this goddess; 197 and we find the same in the Krama's Kālīkulapa ñcaśataka. That says that Sam . hārabhairavī, the eleven-syllable Vidyā for the worship of Kālī in the phase of withdrawal (H ŪM . PHAT . KHPHREM . MAH ĀCAN . D . AYOGE ŚVAR ˚), may be worshipped internally as a brilliant light ascending from the point between the brows or externally on the surface of a large mirror in front of a dagger or "most fearsome knife" set up for this purpose. 198 The same source prescribes that the thirteen Kālīs may be worshipped in the fourth and final phase of Krama worship, here called the kālikākramah . and elsewhere the anākhyakramah . , either within consciousness in the lotus of Brahmā above the head or, in the option of external worship, on a Man . d . ala of twelve circles surrounding a circle at the centre, or on the central tip of a sharp trident, a red cloth, a lamp, or the tip of 'a king among swords' (khad . geśah . ), 199 which may well be the royal sword itself. 196 Procedures for worshipping and parading the royal sword during the Navarātra festival are taught in Purān . ic accounts of this festival (EINOO 1999). On the worship of the royal weapons in this context see also SANDERSON 2005b, pp. 255-256 and n. 66, citing the Kashmirian Netratantra, Vis . n . udharmottara, and Nīlamata, and the recorded traditions of the courts of Mysore and Jaipur. See also TOFFIN 1996 andLEVY 1990, pp. 523-563 on Navarātra in the Newar royal cities of Patan and Bhaktapur; TANABE 1999 on Navarātra in the village Garh Manitri, the site of one of the forts of the Khurda kingdom (1572-1804) in Orissa. 197 Tantrāloka 27.44: khad . gam . kr ˚pān . ikām . yad vā kartarīm . makuram . ca vā | vimalam . tat tathā kuryāc chrīmatkālīmukhoditam.

198 Kālīkulapa ñcaśataka N 1 f. 18r3-5, N 3 f. 43v6-44r3 (N 2 lacks the folio that contained this portion): 4.71 . he 'on a large mirror' because I know no instance of worship on crowns, because the related passage cited above from the Kālīmukha also mentions mirrors as an optional substrate, and because the use of a mirror as a substitute for an image of the goddess is independently attested. Thus in the survey of temples in in the Kannur district of Kerala carried out by the Census Organization of India (JAYASHANKER 1999) 10 of the idols of the presiding deities in the 38 major temples of the goddess for which data were collected were reported to be in the form of mirrors (mostly made of the five metals [pa ñcaloha-], namely copper alloyed with small quantities of tin, silver, gold, and iron, or of bell-metal), and in 8 out of 16 others in which it was said that the main image is anthropomorphic with a secondary goddess on site, commonly Bhadrakālī, the same was reported of the latter. Nearly half, then, have a mirror in place of a conventional idol, either of the main or of the secondary goddess.

199 Kālīkulapa ñcaśataka N 1 , ff. 21v5-22r4 and 23v2-3; N 2 , f. 58r1-4 (5.48c-50c lacking through loss of folios) and 60v2; N 3 , f. 49r4-v4 and 51v4-5; 5.52 quoted without attribution in Tantrālokaviveka on 29.25-27b (J): p ūjyam etad brahmapadme nirākhyam . ca nirāmaye | 5.49 s . od . aśānte navānte vā cidantah . parameśvara | svasam . vittikramen . aiva *bāhye (N 1 : bāhya N 3 ) vātha trilocana | 5.50 Nor is the evidence of this association of the goddess of the Kālīkula with swords restricted to Kashmir. For in the Paddhatis of the Newar Śākta brahmins the closely related Siddhilaks . mī/Pratya ṅgirā, whose cult is taught in the second S . at . ka of the Jayadrathayāmala, 200 is summoned into her Man . d . ala for worship as 'the goddess of the king's Mantra 201 present in and as the sword' (khad . gasthā khad . gar ūpin . ī). 202 This is in all probability the sword of the Malla kings of Bhaktapur, which is still kept alongside the statue of the royal tutelary goddess Taleju in the palace temple. 203

Mystics and Sorcerers

There are, then, good reasons to think that the Paippalādins of Orissa did not commit a category mistake when they adopted the Kālīkula's Mantras as the basis for these rituals but merely adapted an existing association between Kālasam . kars . an . ī and martial might to the more exoteric identity of the goddess Bhadrakālī with her established position in royal and civic religion. Indeed the evidence that they looked for the Mantras of these rituals to the Kālīkula, a system whose exegetical literature has adopted such a high soteriological tone, is a salutory reminder of the danger of being seduced by elevated Tantric exegesis into forgetting that it glosses traditions of practice that will generally have been much more diverse in their repertoire, offering services vital to the continuing royal patronage that could create the infrastructure that could in time give rise to and support the high theory that turned its attention away from these more mundane and professional aspects of the tradition.

Nor should we assume that those who produced the high-level theory with its soteriological emphasis, as exemplified in the learned works of the Kashmirian authorities of the Krama, were necessarily disengaged in their own practice from involvement in the more instrumental aspects of the ritual systems into which they had been initiated. For, as I have shown elsewhere, the Kashmirian Krama was not as exclusively otherworldly as one might expect from its emphasis on its system as a means of contemplative self-realization. The Kashmirian historian Kalhan . a reports the boast of the followers of the Kālīkula that their Guru Vīranātha successfully performed a seven-day ritual of chastisement (nigrahakarma) to bring about the death of king Yaśaskara (r. 939-948) while he held office as his minister of war and peace; and the anonymous Kashmirian Mahānayaprakāśa, perhaps the most elevated of the Krama's texts on its form of worship as the means of liberation, reports that the same Guru had employed this system to accomplish hostile rituals for such purposes as immobilizing (stambhanam) and causing dissension (vidves . an . am). The text does not specify the targets of his rituals but this very silence suggests that they were rituals aimed against the enemies of Kashmir, immobilization, that is, of the army of an invader (parasainyastambhanam), and the protection of the country by bringing about dissension between an enemy and his allies, these being the usual meanings of the terms stambhanam and vidves . an . am. 204 Finally, just as a strong emphasis on the salvific style of Tantric worship did not preclude involvement in hostile rites, so a strong emphasis on hostile rites did not necessarily entail disengagement from the more esoteric domain of Tantric ritual for liberation. For we have in the Ā ṅgirasakalpa corpus the literature of a group of ritualists to whose identity as holders or seekers of office as the Atharvavedic priests of royal patrons expertise in rites for hostile purposes was fundamental. Yet, as we have seen, this professional specialization did not preclude their including in their corpus a form of esoteric Trika ritual that aims at liberation alone, serving the needs of the ritualists themselves rather than their patrons.

Introduction

As [START_REF] Raghavan | Introduction to the Āgamad[END_REF] and DEZS Ő ( 2004) explain in their introductions, Bhat . t . a Jayanta,1 the ninth century Kashmirian scholar famous for his Nyāyama ñjarī, was a contemporary of King Śa ṅkaravarman (883-902), because in his play Āgamad . ambara he refers to himself as a minister of that king ( ĀD . 1 46.19: taśśa amacce dulāālajayam . te). He also depicts the king, both in the Āgamad . ambara ( ĀD . 1 46.19-20) and the Nyāyama ñjarī (NM I 649.4-7), as having banned the corrupt Nīlāmbara sect.

Raghavan and Dezső investigate Jayanta's genealogy mainly on the basis of the introductory verses in the Kādambarīkathāsāra of Abhinanda, Jayanta's son, together with scattered pieces of information gathered from Jayanta's own works, i.e. the Āgamad . ambara and the Nyāyama ñjarī. DEZS Ő (2004: v-vi) There was a Gaud . a Brahman by the name Śakti, [born] in the Bhāradvāja family, who moved to Dārvābhisāra and married [there]. He had a son called Mitra, a treasury of majestic luster, whose rise was hailed by the people, roused due to the cessation of dangers, like the sun [Mitra] whose rising is worshipped by the people who have woken at the end of the night. He obtained a son, Śaktisvāmin, versed in the Vedas, the minister of King Muktāpīd . a of the Karkot . a dynasty. He had a son called Kalyān . asvāmin, who shook off the dirt of existence with wealth acquired by pure means, like Yāj ñavalkya, who destroyed the stains of existence with the accomplishment of pure Yoga. From that man of profound heart a beautiful son was born: Candra, an ornament of the Supreme Lord, as the lovely moon [Candra], Śiva's ornament, was produced from the milk-ocean of unfathomable depth. He begot a son, Jayanta, who made people happy, and who became poet and teacher as a result of his eloquence. Then to that wise man named Jayanta, who had a well-known second name 'The Commentator', was learned in the Vedas and the ancillary Vedic sciences, and expounded the meaning of all śāstras, a son was born, known as Abhinanda, conversant with the true nature of good literature. Jayanta's ancestor, Śakti, a Gaud . a (Bengali) 2 brahmin belonging to the Bhāradvājagotra (gaud . o bhāradvājakule dvijah . ), moved to Dārvābhisāra 3 in Kashmir. Śakti's grandson, Śaktisvāmin, was a minister of King Lalitāditya-Muktāpīd . a of the Karkot . a dynasty (c. 724-761). 4 According to Jayanta, his grandfather, Kalyān . asvāmin, obtained the village of Gauram ūlaka 5 as the result of a Sām . grahan . ī sacrifice. Jayanta's family history is summarized in the following chart. 6 2 No one has raised questions about the interpretation of gaud . o . . . dvijah . as implying that Śakti hailed from Gaud . a, i.e. Bengal. It is unlikely that Abhinanda, in describing his family history, used such concrete words in a secondary sense, for example, 'a brahmin who has some connection with Gaud . a' without actually living or having lived there, or that he intended some reference to the 'Gaud . a' subdivision of brahmins, on which, see DESHPANDE (2002). 3 For Dārvābhisāra, see RAGHAVAN (1964: i, n. 3) andDEZS Ő (2004: vi). They refer to Stein's note ad Rājatara ṅgin . ī 1.180, where Dārvābhisāra is said to have "comprised the whole tract of the lower and middle hills lying between the Vitastā and Candrabhāgā."

4 Cf. DEZS Ő (2004: vi, n. 6): "On the chronology of the Karkot . a dynasty see RT(S), vol. I, pp. 66ff. Kalhan . a For Gauram ūlaka, see RAGHAVAN (1964: ii, n. 1) and DEZS Ő (2004: vii). They refer to Stein's note ad Rājatara ṅgin . ī ad 8.1861: "Ghoram ūlaka, which is only here mentioned, was probably situated to the north of Rajaurī in the direction of the Rattan Pīr range. . . . We have shown in note i. 180 (comp. also vii. 1531), that the geographical term Dārvābhisāra included the territory of Rājapurī. And in the latter the Ghoram ūlaka of our own passage was evidently situated. The phonetic difference between the forms Gauram ūlaka and Ghoram ūlaka is easily accounted for. It is á priori probable that we have in both forms attempts to sanskritize a Kaśmīrī (or Pahārī?) village name, which in its Apabhra ṁśa form may have sounded *Gōramul, *Gauramul, or something similar. . . . Whereas Abhinanda transcribed the name of his grandfather's Agrahāra by Gauram ūlaka, perhaps with an intentional approximation to his own surname 'the Gaud . a,' Kalhan . a reproduces three centuries later the local name in a proper and intelligible Sanskritic garb as Ghoram ūlaka." 6 See also [START_REF] Hegde | Bhat . t . a Jayanta[END_REF] for a detailed chronology. Jayanta's discussion on the authoritativeness of the Atharvaveda Jayanta's unique doctrine of 'authoritativeness of all scriptures' (sarvāgamaprāmān . ya) is a topic common to both of his most important works, i.e. the Nyāyama ñjarī and the Āgamad . ambara. 7 There he presupposes a hierarchy of various scriptures mainly based on the classification of 'the fourteen branches of science' (caturdaśavidyāsthāna). This view is adopted also in his shortest work, the Nyāyakalikā (4.12-14: vedavad āgamāntarān . y api tanm ūlatvād āptapran . ītatvād vā pramān . am iti veditavyāni). The section on 'the authoritativeness of the Atharvaveda' (atharvavedaprāmān . ya), 8which is relevant for our present concern about the Paippalāda school, 9 is located in the Nyāyama ñjarī immediately before the section on 'the authoritativeness of all scriptures'. After having proven the authoritativeness of the Vedas with the Naiyāyika argument that they are composed by a reliable person (NM I 610.11: tasmād āptoktatvād eva vedāh . pramān . am iti siddham), and shown as well the Mīmām . saka reasoning (610. 12-613.8) and a modified Naiyāyika one both of which presuppose the beginningless sam . sāra (613.9-614.4), Jayanta refers to someone (kaścit), either Naiyāyika or Mīmām . saka as is indicated by two different positions (614. [6][7][8][9][11][12][13][14], who raises an objection about the authoritativeness of the Atharvaveda (614. [6][7][8][9][10][11][12][13][14]: one can say that the three Vedas are authoritative because they teach ritual elements which are mutually connected; but the Atharvaveda is not, because it does not teach such matters and thus is separate in activity (pr ˚thagvyavahāra) and outside the three Vedas (trayībāhya). As will be made clear later, this objection is motivated by a Mīmām . sā maxim that various elements of a single ritual are known collectively from all the branches of the Vedas (621.4: sarvaśākhāpratyayam ekam . karma). 10 Thus, according to this exegetic rule, it is clear that the Atharvaveda is 'outside the three Vedas', because it teaches śānti, pus . t

. i and abhicāra, which are performed by a single Brahman priest, as Kumārila points out even while defending its authoritativeness, 11 and thus does not contribute to Vedic sacrifices (615. [16][17][18][19].

Jayanta replies to the objection by following the same exegetic rule. He explains how the Atharvaveda contributes to Vedic sacrifices and therefore has connection with the three Vedas: it teaches ritual actions such as is . t

. i, paśu, ekāha, ahīna and sa[t]tra (620. [17][18] and it prescribes the office of a Brahman priest 9 Cf. GRIFFITHS (2004: 51-52, n. 10): ". . . because it is precisely this 9th century Kashmirian author whose detailed discussions regarding the status of the AV and whose particular mentioning of the Paippalāda Śākhā render BHATTACHARYA's attempts to disprove Paippalāda presence in Kashmir before ' Yuddhabhat . t . a' (cf. GRIFFITHS 2002: 42f.) in the 15th century rather doubtful: cf. e.g. Nyāyama ñjarī, Mysore Ed. vol. I p. 5,l. 3;552,8 (!);589,[2][3]614,12;619,19 through 620,2;623,10 who takes part in a Vedic sacrifice taught by the three Vedas (621.7). For this last point, he quotes evidential passages from the . Thus an Atharvavedin alone can be a Brahman priest (624.11: tasmād ātharvan . a eva brahmeti).

With regard to a Manusmr ˚ti passage (3.1ab) which prescribes the learning of the three Vedas for 36 years (615. [5][6][7], Jayanta first confirms the equality of the four Vedas in Vedic education (626.5-12). He goes even further and says that the Atharvaveda is the first among the four Vedas (626.14-15: atharvaveda eva prathamah . ). Then he accepts as an option the possibility of learning the four Vedas, which lasts 48 years (627. [9][10][11].

Finally, Jayanta replies to Kumārila, who said 'as if out of fear, hatred, ignorance or pity' (628.9-10) that the Atharvaveda, though it does not contribute to Vedic sacrifices, is nonetheless authoritative at least with regard to its own objects such as śānti etc. ( 615 .16-19). To this, Jayanta repeats his points already made in the preceding discussions: the Atharvaveda too teaches is . t

. i etc. (628.11-12≈620.17-18); Kumārila's critique is pointless, because authoritativeness of the Vedas depends on either eternality or God (628. 16-17≈615.21-616.9). He also confirms the existence of śānti etc. in the other Vedas (628. [18][19]; and he negates Kumārila's claim that rituals enjoined by the Atharvaveda are always performed by a single priest (628. [21][22][23][24].

These repetitions strengthen the impression that Jayanta's opponent is mainly Kumārila, as is often the case elsewhere in the Nyāyama ñjarī, and that the preceding multi-layer arguments, including overly simple-minded ones (620. [7][8][9][10][11][12][13], which target unspecifically either Mīmām . saka or Naiyāyika opponents, are in fact postulated by Jayanta as preparatory to refutation of Kumārila's sophisticated critique 'which separates one Veda from all the other Vedas' (629.4: sarvavedānām ekasya tatah . pr ˚thakkaran . am). Then it will make better sense that Jayanta honestly follows the Mīmām . sā exegetic rule and thereby tries to refute a Mīmām . saka opponent on his own terms.

Text-analysis of the Atharvavedaprāmān . ya section Was Jayanta an Atharvavedin?

It is most likely that Jayanta himself was an Atharvavedin. 12 Otherwise his whole argument and passionate or ironical expressions of mixed feelings against Kumārila (628. 9-10, 629.2-6) would be difficult to explain.

One might object that Jayanta defends the Atharvaveda on neutral grounds though he himself is not an Atharvavedin; that Jayanta just corrects Kumārila's biased view from his liberal viewpoint as seen in his unique theory of 'authoritativeness of all scriptures' (sarvāgamaprāmān . ya); that he automatically extends the same reasoning to the Atharvaveda, too, just as he does to the Pā ñcarātra and the Buddhist scriptures.

But this view of an 'unbiased Jayanta' cannot explain Jayanta's granting the Atharvaveda priority among the four Vedas (626. [14][START_REF]Śaktis Vāmā to Manonmanī and surrounded by the M ūrtis, Ancillaries, Vidyeśvaras, Gan . eśvaras, Lokapālas, and their weapons. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase rudraprayoge pippalādakalpah[END_REF][16][17][18][19][20]. One may think that Jayanta's view of 'Atharvaveda First' is presented tentatively for argument's sake as is indicated by his hypothetical words: 'Furthermore, if one is not satisfied without a rank relationship, the Atharvaveda is the first' (626.14-15: yadi punar auttarādharyen . a vinā na paritus . yate tad atharvaveda eva prathamah . ). But, actually, Jayanta had already adopted the present view in the opening section of the Nyāyama ñjarī, where he enumerates 14 branches of science (5.2-5: vidvām . saś caturdaśavidyāsthānāny ācaks . ate. tatra vedāś catvārah . . prathamo 'tharvavedah . ). Similar is the case of his quoting the beginning portion of the Atharvaveda as an example of a Vedic composition (573.11-12: "śan no devīr abhis . t

. aye" ityādis . u vedavākyasandarbhes . u). These facts suggest that 'Atharvaveda First' is his final view. Thus it is unlikely that Jayanta would not have been affiliated specifically with the Atharvaveda.

Was Jayanta a Paippalādin? Jayanta's quotation of the pratīka of the Paippalāda recension of the Atharvaveda, śan no devīr abhis . t

. aye, may well be from Pata ñjali's Mahābhās . ya as is indicated by his way of quotation (619.20-21: mahābhās . yakāro bhagavān pata ñjalir atharvavedam eva prathamam udāhr ˚tavān "śan no devīr abhis . t

. aye" iti), and may therefore not necessarily reflect his affiliation with the Paippalāda school. 13 With regard to his general Vedic, and his specific school affiliation, however, we must also note the fact that Jayanta affirms that the office of a Brahman priest is to be performed with the Atharvaveda. In order to demonstrate this, he quotes from the Atharvavedic Gopathabrāhman . a. 13 But it is also noteworthy that Jayanta quotes it elsewhere in order to give an example of a Vedic passage, as was mentioned just above: NM I 573 .11-12, 580.3. 14 8) GB 1.1.22:15.6-7 (9) GB 1.1.28:20.15 It is not certain that what Jayanta quotes as the Gopathabrāhman . a is the same Gopathabrāhman . a as we have, but the differences -often abbreviated forms which seem to have been introduced by Jayanta in order to avoid repetitionbetween his readings and those of the known GB are not enough reason to assume that he knew a recension of that text different from the one transmitted by Śaunaka-Atharvavedins and edited by GAASTRA. 37 Anyhow, as the drawn-out debate between Maurice Bloomfield and Willem Caland shows, it is not certain to which of the two extant schools, Paippalāda or Śaunaka, the Gopathabrāhman . a belongs, although Caland's arguments for Paippalāda-affiliation are weighty. 38 Thus Jayanta's quotations of the Gopathabrāhman . a, though suggestive, are not themselves definite evidence for his affiliation to the Paippalāda school, but do seem to add to the weight of evidence discussed above for his Atharvavedic affiliation.

However, Jayanta's affiliation with the Paippalāda school is unambiguously hinted at by his peculiar way of reference. office, the Yajurveda prescribes the Adhvaryu-office, the Sāmaveda prescribes the Udgātr ˚-office, and the Atharvaveda prescribes the office of the Brahman. And each and every [ritual] element which is taught in various 36 The known GB text has vr ˚n . īs . va everywhere, but nothing corresponding to kuryāt in NM (underlined). 37 Though further research should be done, it seems certain that Jayanta did not necessarily quote Vedic passages verbatim. See, e.g., his quotation of the Kāt . hakaśatādhyayanabrāhman . a in NM I 623. 21-624.4, where a passage from the Agnyādheyabrāhman . a (Kāt . hakasam . kalana,p. 3f. with n. 10 on p. 4) is represented in quite an elliptic way. Cf. GARGE (1952: 39-45) on Śabarasvāmin's often imprecise manner of quoting Vedic passages. 38 For a summary of the debate, see GAASTRA's introduction to her GB ed., pp. 51 There, with reference to the Śābarabhās . ya passage in the Vedādhikaran . a, where Śabara refers to both Maudaka and Paippalādaka, Jayanta himself repeats only Paippalādaka (underlined).

His particular concern with the Paippalādaka is also indicated by another passage from the Nyāyama ñjarī in which he refers in particular to Pait . hīnasi-Paippalādins, i.e. Paippalādins of a Pait . hīnasi subschool, or Paippalādins who follow the s ūtra of Pait . hīnasi, 52 in order to mention one example of a brahmin. And cognizing someone, such as a Pait . hīnasi-Paippalādin, as a brahmin is not based on an additional condition, because an additional condition is not grasped, and because one could [equally] claim with regard to cowness etc., too, that [cognition of a cow as a cow] is based on an additional condition [and not a jāti].

Here Jayanta refers to a well-known fact that people recognize Pait . hīnasi-Paippalādins as brahmins. This arbitrary exemplification does not make sense unless there existed Pait . hīnasi-Paippalādins in ninth century Kashmir, 56 and will be better understood if we accept that Jayanta is specifically affiliated with this very Pait . hīnasi-Paippalādin community.

Conclusion

It is very likely that Bhat . t . a Jayanta, the ninth century Kashmirian scholar, was a Paippalādin brahmin. Moreover, it results most naturally from the evidence 51 In fact Śabarasvāmin mentions in Śābarabhās . ya ad 2.4.8 only Kāt . haka, Kālāpaka and Paippalādaka, and not Maudaka. Maybe Jayanta, without checking the original passage in Śābarabhās . ya ad 2. 4.8, thought by analogy with Śābarabhās . ya ad 1.1.27 that Śabarasvāmin enumerates all the four. 52 Cf. §6 of Arlo Griffiths' contribution to in this volume. 53 na] LMV; om. K 54 pait . hīnasipaippalādi-] LMV; pait . hīnasam . pappalāda-K 55 ca] LK; om. MV 56 In the discussion of 'brahminness' (brāhman . atva), it is not historically common to mention Paippalādins. In Taittirīya- and Tattvasa ṅgrahapa ñjikā thereon, Śāntaraks . ita (c. 725-788) and Kamalaśīla (c. 740-795) compare brahmins with ś ūdras without mentioning any particular group of brahmins. Neither does Karn . akagomin mention any such subcategory (PVSVT . 10). Praj ñākaragupta has a long discussion of brahminness (PVA 10.21-12.13). There he mentions a brahmin-subgroup Kaun . d . inya (PVA 10.25). In the Nyāsa (14.24-25), Jinendra refers to Māt . hara and Kaun . d . inya in connection with brahminness. Kumārila refers to Kaun . d . inya and Kat . ha. Tantravārttika 295.10 ad 1.3.30: pum . stvād brāhman . akaun . d . inyakat . hatvādi (2003), ( 2004) and ( 2005) for more information on editions and manuscripts.

M

Nyāyama ñjarī of Jayantabhat . t

. a with T . ippan . i -Nyāyasaurabha by the Editor. Ed. K.S. Varadācārya. 2 vols. Mysore: Oriental Research Institute, 1969[START_REF] Matsyapurān | Pandits of the Ānandāśrama[END_REF] half of the 16 th century. They seem to have been taken from independent and remarkably reliable Sanskrit sources, and should therefore be accorded serious weight. Since both recensions go by the same title under Jonarāja's authorship, it is advisable to differentiate between them appropriately by a telling designation. Therefore, I have conveniently attributed the interpolated passages to a fictitious 'Pseudo-Jonarāja', although we have to reckon with more than only one author responsible for the various interpolations. Śrīvara continued Jonarāja's account until the year 1486 (Muh . ammad Šāh). Thus, his text 5 was completed well a hundred years earlier than Pseudo-Jonarāja's interpolations to Jonarāja's work. It is also worthy of note that in not a few instances Jonarāja, Śrīvara and Pseudo-Jonarāja supplement each other by way of their independent accounts given on specific events. 6 Of the general reliability of the three medieval chronicles, I have treated elsewhere. 7 However, it is hoped that also the present paper will convey an impression of just what the historical importance of the Rājatara ṅgin . īs really is. Let it be noted first that Pseudo-Jonarāja has left us an account on an Atharvaveda import from Karn . āt . a during Zayn's reign, by a Kashmiri Pan . d . it. According to GRIFFITHS, in the late Middle Ages the name Karn . āt . a could theoretically have referred to Orissa as well as to the modern South Indian region of that name, and if this were indeed the case, it would leave us in doubt as to the particular region Pseudo-Jonarāja had had in his mind when he was using it. 8 Anyhow, GRIFFITHS considered it doubtful whether such a distant voyage might ever have taken place and emphasized that there was no obvious reason for undertaking it. 9 The dating of the T übingen Paippalādasam . hitā manuscript raises closely related problems. Calculations carried out by Claus VOGEL and provided with 5 On the genesis and character of Śrīvara's work, see SLAJE, forthc. (a). 6 Cp. Śrīvara's programmatic statement on this issue: kenāpi hetunā tena proktam . madgurun . ā na yat | tac ches . avartinīm . vān . īm . karis . yāmi yathāmati . 7 SLAJE 2004; 2005. 8 As GRIFFITHS saw it, any part of the region ruled in the 15 th century by king Kapilendradeva could have been referred to with Karn . āt . a. "By 1464, after conquering territories stretching from Bengal in the North, to the Kaveri in the South, including large parts of the Vijayanagara empire, which was at that period commonly referred to as Karn . āt . a, the S ūryavam . śī ruler Kapilendradeva assumed the proud title 'Gajapati Gaud . eśvara Navakot . i Karn . āt . a-Kālavargeśvara' [cf. PANIGRAHI 1981, p. 202], and his title has been used by Gajapati rulers in Orissa ever since" (GRIFFITHS 2002: 43). GRIFFITHS' observation is interesting in itself, but it does not carry much weight in the present issue of locating Pseudo-Jonarāja's 'Karn . āt . a'. The less so, since there is epigraphical evidence for the presence of Atharvavedic brahmins in 'Southern Karn . āt . a' (∼ the Vijayanagara area) around AD 1430, approximately the time of the presumable dating of the Kashmirian codex (AD 1419): see reference no. 22 in Annette Schmiedchen's contribution to this volume. Furthermore, in Kalhan . a's earlier Rājatara ṅgin . ī, Karn . āt . a is used clearly with reference to the South Indian region. Cp. the discussion of king Hars . a of Kashmir (r. 1089-1101) and his interest in the south by BASHAM 1948: 688-690. 9 GRIFFITHS 2002: 43. textual analyses by Michael WITZEL, resulted in the year AD 1419 (December 15, a Friday), as the only convincing date of the Codex 'archetypus', from which the T übingen manuscript would have been copied together with the original dating. 10 Pseudo-Jonarāja's record, according to which the Atharvaveda import had taken place during Zayn's Sultanate could come into conflict with the accepted chronology. For Zayn al-Ābidīn's reign is considered as settled and is generally, though not exclusively, given as from AD 1420 to 1470.

In consequence of this, and on account of the evidence we possess for a presence of the Atharvaveda in Kashmir already from the 7 th century on, 11 we should rather consider re-import than import and ask ourselves whether there might really be a connection between the interpolated Ps-JRT account and the Kashmirian Paippalāda tradition.

Let us tackle the matter from GRIFFITHS' choice of words first. He calls into question whether one may take the Rājatara ṅgin . ī passage dealing with the import into Kashmir of the Atharvaveda "serious as evidence for the history of the Paippalāda śākhā", pointing out that is it couched in "rather mythological terms". 12 There is, however, good reason to accept the medieval Rājatara ṅgin . īs as what they are, namely veritable historical accounts. On the other hand, it is true that all our 'Histories of India' as well as the 'Handbooks' at our disposal would fully subscribe to GRIFFITHS' characterisation -despite the fact that no scholar ever has furnished proof to justify dismissing the later Rājatara ṅgin . īs as mere 'stories' or even 'fairy-tales'. By using the words "mythological terms", GRIFFITHS, it must be assumed, would have had in mind the first two Ślokas only of the relevant passage: This is not as far-fetched as it might possibly appear at first sight. The 653 years referred to by Pseudo-Jonarāja had already been mentioned previously by Kalhan . a (RT I 51) as the time having elapsed between the beginning of the Kaliyuga and the Mahābhārata war. Kalhan . a regarded this date as coinciding with the first Kashmirian ruler, king Gonanda I. 13 Moreover, tradition would have derived a close relationship of Dron . a with the Atharvaveda from some statements on the matter in the Jayadrathavadhaparvan. There, Dron . a identifies himself and his knowledge of protective and healing magic, which he displays by reciting a series of characteristic mantras, 14 as standing in the tradition of A ṅgiras and the Atharvaveda. 15 Thus, 'mythological' as the Mahābhārata passage qua Mahābhārata may -though not necessarily needs to -seem to us, Pseudo-Jonarāja's account has to be assessed as an attempt at 'being historical'. As is well known, his famous predecessor in historiography, Kalhan . a, in the absence of any other historical evidence, was forced to reconstruct 'pre-history' largely from the Mahābhārata. 16 To him, and to his successors in this discipline, the Mahābhārata was a history book, a textual source for knowledge of the remote past. Thus, Pseudo-Jonarāja would have drawn entirely on such 'source material', on historical evidence in his understanding. This, I feel, should be emphasized, since it sheds light on the Kashmirian historiographers' scholarly approach to past events. Even in this -apparently -mythological passage there is thus no fancy, at least not on the part of the author of the Rājatara ṅgin . ī.

Three Bhat . t . as Three Bhat . t . as, 17 called S ūha-, Yuddha-, and Śiryabhat . t . a respectively, had directly or indirectly been involved in the re-import of the Atharvaveda into Kashmir. These three figures must now be brought into play.

S ūhabhat . t . a (Mallīk Saif ad-dīn)

We have to start with S ūhabhat . t . a. He has played an extraordinarily influential role in the early Islamization of Kashmir and has unintentionally caused the events that later seem to have necessitated a re-import of the Atharvaveda and of many more texts of 'Hindu'18 origin. S ūhabhat . t . a, a Brahmin convert elevated to the rank of a general under Sult . ān Sikandar (r. AD 1389-1413) and to that of a prime minister under Alī Šāh (r. AD 1413-1418/1420), had adopted the Muslim name of Mallīk Saif ad-dīn. According to the Sanskrit chronicles, he was one of the cruellest instigators of Hindu persecution that Kashmir ever suffered. Over a period of almost thirty years, from ca. 1390 to 1417, he relentlessly persecuted the Hindu community, aiming at a total abolition of Hindu creed, customs, and learning. Most important in the present regard, however, are some measures he took against traditional learning. By its suppression, S ūhabhat . t . a not only deprived the Brahmins of their traditional basis for earning themselves a living, but also caused a break in the chain of the tradition of learning. 19 The ban on public Hindu religious practice caused innumerable Brahmins to leave their country (videśagamana) trying to maintain the purity of their caste outside Kashmir (jātiraks . ā). There is no need to go into further details here. The majority of those who for various reasons could not go into exile or were prevented from doing so by S ūhabhat . t . a's forces, and who had not yet committed suicide, would have only survived by putting up a Muslim disguise (mlecchaves . a). Even today, tradition still has it that only 11 Hindu families in the country survived the atrocities of those days. 20 The Hindu emigration saw the exodus of scripture, learning and literature as concomitant circumstances. The Pan . d . its tried to rescue their manuscripts from S ūhabhat . t . a's actions, which, besides the demolition of shrines, had also been extended to the burning of manuscripts. Therefore, the Pan . d . its took them along to their places of exile. Whatever Atharvaveda tradition there may have been in Kashmir before S ūhabhat . t . a's persecutions commenced, would certainly have been in danger of extermination as their result.

Yuddhabhat . t . a

The chroniclers emphasize the costly efforts Sult . ān Zayn subsequently took, after 30 years of ongoing persecution of Hindus under his predecessors, with a view to having the Pan . d . its resettle. Zayn spent large sums of money on the re-import of much of their lost literature. 21 As might be expected, it is precisely 19 Sult . ān was eager to acquaint himself with their knowledge [and so] he made all the Pan . d . its return to their home country, [. . . ] where he made them settle down in a befitting manner '. Cp. also ŚRT I 5,79: purān . atarkamīmām . sāpustakān aparān api | d ūrād ānāyya vittena vidvadbhyah . pratyapādayat . Śrīvara's enumeration (pāda a) gives the impression of representing in curtailed form a Śloka found cited in full in his fellow countryman Bhat . t . a Jayanta's Nyāyama ñjarī. There, fourteen knowledge systems are specified, among them also the four Vedas: tānīmāni caturdaśa vidyāsthānānīty ācaks . ate | yathoktam: pur ān . atarkamīm ām . s ādharmaśāstrā ṅgamiśritāh . | ved āh . sthānāni vidyānām . dharmasya ca caturdaśa iti (NM I 8, 4ff, see also Kei Kataoka's paper in this volume,p. 315). Thus, it is not at all improbable that Śrīvara would by his partial quotation have alluded to an import of all recognized Śāstras, including thereby also the (Atharva-)Veda.

in connection with Zayn's rulership that the (re-)import of the Atharvaveda is given considerable attention by Pseudo-Jonarāja. The reason for doing so clearly derives from the following: As to the source of Jayanta's Śloka, it is almost identical to Yāj ñaSm 1.3 (cp. GERSCHHEIMER forthc.,notes 18 and 34). The Mitāks . arā there explains -nyāya-(for Jayanta's -tarka-) as tarkavidyā, so Jayanta's quote of the passage appears to be related to the Yājnavalkyasmr ˚ti as handed down by this commentatorial tradition. Jayanta (loc. cit.) makes a further reference to the fourteen knowledge systems by quoting from a second source, identified as Vis . n . upurān . a III 6,26ff by GERSCHHEIMER (forthc.,n. 34): a ṅgāni vedāś catvāro mīmām . sā nyāyavistarah . | purān . am . dharmaśāstram . ca vidyā hy etāś caturdaśa . However, the Vis . n . udharmottara, of Kashmirian origin, transmits the same verse (VDhP I 74,[START_REF] Thank | for the references to GAASTRA's edition of the GB and his comments[END_REF]. Therefore, one cannot be absolutely sure from which Purān . a Jayanta was actually citing, if he was citing from a Purān . a at all. Interestingly, in another passage, also referred to by GERSCHHEIMER (forthc., n. 33), Jayanta categorizes the source of this very quote as 'another Smr ˚ti' (smr ˚tyantare ca spas . t . am evoktam, NM I 618, 21-619, 2). The immediately preceding Smr ˚ti, directly referred to by Jayanta, is the same verse from Yāj ñavalkya's. In light of the clear distinction between the two categories made in this second quote (purān . am . dharmaśāstram . ca), it is impossible that Jayanta would himself have classed the Purān . as with the Smr ˚tis. Accordingly, it is obvious that Jayanta's source must be searched for elsewhere, in fact among works classified as Smr ˚ti, as are the Dharmaśāstras and the Mahābhārata. The passage does indeed occur repeatedly in the Mahābhārata, although each occurrence has been relegated to the critical apparatus by the editors (cp., e.g., MBh I App. 66.7 pr.;XII App. 13.7 pr.). Furthermore, in the opening section of his commentary on the Mahābhārata, Nīlakan . t . ha deals with knowledge systems, the number of which he, too, considered to be fourteen (BhD p. 1, column 2, 2). We must note that at the end of his pramān . a section, Jayanta, again treating of the fourteen vidyāsthānas, lends still more weight to this passage by citing it even a third time (NM II 258, 7f). In this connection, a reference to Kumārila's discussion of the fourteen knowledge systems (TV on I 3, 4-6) may also be of some interest. Certain traditions referred to by him (sām . khya-yoga-pā ñcarātra-pāśupata-śākya, TV 112, 19f), as well as the sequence of their enumeration, undeniably have much in common with the Mahābhārata and the Vis . n . udharmottara. The enumeration in the Mahābhārata is as follows: sām . khyam . yogam . pa ñcarātram . vedāh . pāśupatam . tathā (MBh XII 337,59ab;cp. also 337,1). In the Vis . n . udharmottara, expressly in the context of a vidyāsthāna discussion, we find: sām . khyam . yogam . pa ñcarātram . śaivam . pāśupatam . tathā (VDhP I 74,34ab). had been presented with by Yuddhabhat . t . a]. He was provided with garments and food as his privately owned property. This most excellent Dharma-School of the learned Śiryabhat . t . a later on (param) became attractive even to the Karn . āt . as.

From this passage, too, some important facts can be gathered, apart from the obvious impact Śiryabhat . t . a in turn seems to have exercised on the Karn . āt . as. First, it was under Sult . ān Zayn that the Atharvaveda returned to Kashmir and its study had been resumed. Second, the very codex Yuddhabhat . t . a had presented Zayn with became the basis for the instructions given by Śiryabhat . t . a andmost likely -for subsequently copied apographs. Furthermore, compared to the preceding rulers, the situation must have had improved considerably under Zayn. The Brahmins' earlier struggle for survival had given way to traditional forms of making their living through teaching; their basic needs were satisfied by the supply of food and garments.

There are also some revealing references to Śiryabhat . t . a Sult . ān that] 'without disregard the lineage of kings had now to be completed' from the mouth of the merciful Śiryabhat . t . a, who had been entrusted with the administration of all legal matters [. . .]. Thus, Śiryabhat . t . a Sult . ān's servants, who had been searching there for Śiryabhat . t . a, eventually found him, a sacrificing expert in the science of antidotes. Skilled in the science of healing, he hesitated [to come along with them], for he feared the Mlecchas. Having been burnt by sparks of fire, a man would even touch a jewel only after a long time. After the ruler himself had guaranteed him safety, Śiryabhat . t . a came to him, [and] removed the malignant boil [. . .]. The satisfied ruler offered him riches in full accordance with his wishes. Śiryabhat . t . a, [however], refused them [. . .].

Like Pseudo-Jonarāja, who had noted down that 'Yuddhabhat . t . a emigrated out of fear from S ūhabhat . t

. a', so also Jonarāja refers to the all-pervasive terror of S ūhabhat . t . a's persecutions, which had led to the expulsion of medical experts from the country: . . . mleccha[. . .]b ādhay ā | na lābho vis . avaidyānām . deśe 'sminn abhavat tadā JRT 811b-d Due to the oppression of the [. . .] Mlecchas, no medical experts in antidotes were available at that time in this country. Śiryabhat . t . a, too, had 'feared the Mlecchas'. From evidence of that sort, preserved by different sources, it is obvious that the Pan . d . its had only had the choice between emigration and hiding themselves. Of interest in the present Atharvan . ic context, however, is Śiryabhat . t . a's expertise in the science of antidotes and healing, as emphasized by Jonarāja, who never mentions the Atharvaveda by name. The name of the Veda is expressly referred to only by Pseudo-Jonarāja. Anyhow, Śiryabhat . t . a's medical expertise recommended him for Zayn's court. Given the circumstances, a general desire for a re-import of the Atharvaveda28 would thus come no less as a surprise to us than finding Śiryabhat . t . a, the medical expert, mentioned as eventually teaching this Veda by using the copy Yuddhabhat . t . a had presented to Zayn after his return from Karn . āt . a, or by having him recite from it.

From the many passages dealing with Śiryabhat . t . a in Pseudo-Jonarāja's text, it would appear that Śiryabhat . t . a's refusal of the riches offered by Zayn was no exaggeration. One passage, already cited, should be recalled in this context, according to which he had been teaching the Atharvaveda expecting only supply of basic needs such as garments and food in return. Furthermore, serving under Sult . ān Zayn as a chief judge, Śiryabhat . t . a sacrifices, pilgrimages, etc., [and] then retransferred to the educated [Hindu community] the [ownership of the] land stolen by the Turks. After he had [their land] revenue transferred [back] in its entirety to the Hindu people (hinduka), all 'enemies of the gods', as were the Muslims (yavana-dānava), 29 became angry with Śiryabhat . t . a. In connection with Śiryabhat . t . a's restoration of Hindu culture in the valley of Kashmir, some of the additional efforts taken by him with the approval of, or rather, by Zayn's explicit order given 'through the mouth of Śiryabhat . t . a' ( • mukha) 30 deserve note:

-Reduction of the Ǧizya, a heavy tax levied on members of the Hindu class, to the symbolic amount of 1 silver mās . a only, tantamount to almost a complete abolishment of the tax. 31 29 There is a pun inherent here on the Brahmins as 'earthly gods'. At the same time, it may also refer to the Muslims' iconoclastic activities. 30 See Ps-JRT 114*, p. 149 (B 1078); Ps-JRT 115*, p. 150 (B 1089); for another example of a similar expression see also JRT 11; 972. 31 JRT 817cd; Ps-JRT 114*, p. 149, B 1077f. The relevant Śloka of the shorter Śāradā version is incomplete (817a is missing). From Pāda b, with trayadan . d . am . nivārya occurring, KAUL has inferred a tax of 3 palas (= 192 mās . as), and has therefore calculated a reduction of 99.5%. Following STEIN's note on RT IV 201-203, KAUL took 1 pala as equivalent to 64 mās . as (KAUL 1967: 105, n. 6). This ratio corresponds with the general Indian standards as given by KIR-FEL (1920: 332). However, according to KIRFEL, a difference should be made between mās . as and silver mās . as (r ūpyamās . a). If we adapt the raupyamās . a of our texts to KIRFEL's system, and accept with Pseudo-Jonarāja a Ǧizya of 2 silver palas instead of three (with Jonarāja), the ratio would what way the T übingen Paippalādasam . hitā copy dated December, 1419 AD could be related to it.

The beginning of Zayn al-Ābidīn's sultanate is conventionally given as AD 1420, thus one year after the dating in the manuscript's colophon. Some confusion prevails about Zayn's reign, mainly due to DUTT's English translation of the later Rājatara ṅgin . īs and to the Muslim conversions of the local Kashmiri calendar. The dates given thus differ from AD 1419, 1420, 1422 until 1470, 1472 or even 1475, as the case may be. 39 For achieving reliable results, it is therefore essential to turn directly to the primary Sanskrit sources.

Two Sult . āns According to the eyewitness Śrīvara, who left us a detailed account of Zayn's death and burial, Zayn died at the age of over 69, 40 in the year AD 1470, 41 shortly before or on the 2 nd of May, 42 after a rule of altogether 52 years. 43 This account would yield the year AD 1401 for Zayn's birth and the year AD 1418 for his accession to the throne. 44 Accordingly, he would have been 17 years of age when he became Sult . ān. The details of Zayn's seizure of power as rendered by Śrīvara and Pseudo-Jonarāja, however, yield April 29 or May 13, 1420. 45 Zayn would thus have been of the age of 19 when he became Sult . ān. The year 1420 has more or less been taken for granted by historians, disregarding the discrepancy of two years. Srikanth KAUL and Kashi Nath DHAR, in 1967 and 1993 respectively, 46 however, became suspicious and conjectured the difference of two years might be due to an interregnum of Zayn's elder brother Alī Šāh, who had resigned in favour of Zayn. I think that KAUL and DHAR were right in their assumption, at least basically, 47 and would like to take up the matter from there, because this starting point is most promising for bringing about a solution to the problem.

It is important to note that both Jonarāja and Śrīvara regarded Zayn as the legitimate ruler of Kashmir from the time of his first succession onwards. Śrīvara refers twice to Zayn's full period of rulership. He uses the words rājyam . kr ˚tvā ( ŚRT I 7, 221b) when speaking about Zayn's sultanate of altogether 52 years, and prāpte rājye ( ŚRT I 7, 263b) in a verse summarizing Zayn's life. These passages are entirely unambiguous. The second reads thus:

[Although] the kingdom had become his, [he had to live in] exile outside [it]. [And had] then to wage a horrible war against [his] elder brother [ Alī Šāh]. 48 Jonarāja's account makes it clear that Alī Šāh, as he was preparing for a pilgrimage (to Mecca), 49 had indeed formally conferred the sultanate on his younger brother, then still bearing the name of Šāhi Khān, who initially had refused to take on the burden. 50 The king [ Alī Šāh] blessed him thus: 'May you rule the kingdom for a long jyes . t

. ha). śukla (2), by force of sandhi, could as well stand for aśukla, so we would get a 'bright' or a 'dark' half of the month, as the case may be. The day of Brahmā (brahman . o 'hni) yields 'the first tithi', as Brahmā would preside over it as the Tithipati. If, moreover, we make the assumption that śaśā ṅka denotes 'Monday', two dates emerge as fitting all criteria: Monday, the 29 th of April (p ūrn . imānta, kr ˚s . n . apaks . a), or the 13 th of May (amānta, śuklapaks . a). Both dates have been confirmed by an independent calculation of K.-H. Golzio, based on the assumptions as above. The latter points out (letter dt. August 28, 2006) that usage of aśukla would strike him as rather unexpected. He would therefore be inclined to give preference to May, 13. Anyway, both dates are quite close to Zayn's day of death (2 nd May), and all three may be seen as tolerably close 'towards midsummer'. Here is Griffiths' convincing translation proposal: 'In the year [numbered by] (6) flavours and ( 9) numerals (= [44]96), when the bright/dark [half] in [the month] Śukla (= Jyes . t . ha) had come to a Monday (śukle [a]śukle . . . śaśā ṅkage), the day of Brahmā (= 1 st tithi), that Zayn al-Ābidīn entered the capital.' 46 KAUL 1967: 47; DHAR 1994: 317f; notes on ŚRT 226. 47 KAUL's calculation of Zayn's first accession, by which he arrived at the year 1419 AD is untenable. 48 prāpte rājye pravāso bahir atha samaro 'py agrajenātikas . t . ah . | ŚRT I 7, 263b. 49 Mecca is indicated by the Muslim historiographers only, see Bahāristān, p. 57, n. 72;p. 59;cp. also HASAN 2002: 111, note 143. 50 JRT 706.

time, being Sult . ān under the name of glorious Zayn al-Ābidīn. ' 51 Having done this, Alī left Kashmir, escorted by Zayn. 52 In fact, Alī never reached his destination. Jonarāja explains that he, dissuaded on the way by advisers and affected by the inconveniences (of the h ¯ajj), broke off his pilgrimage, giving in to the will of his father in law, king Billadeva of Jammu. 53 We do not know how long Alī had really been on his way until he decided to break off the journey. However, this much is sure that in autumn of 1419, Billadeva made his son in law return to Kashmir, protected by his Jammu troops. 54 Zayn resigned without resistance, leaving Kashmir together with the landholding small nobility (t . hakkura). 55 Jonarāja unmistakably says: rājyatyāgam . . . . vyadhāt (714d), which cannot but mean that Zayn had indeed been considered the legitimate ruler. Thereupon the Jammu army invaded the country and although Alī ascended the paternal throne, the righteous people disapproved, as Jonarāja emphasizes. 56 However, the weak and timid Sult . ān could not gain control over his country. In broad daylight, warlords terrorized and ransacked the people, raping the citizens' women. 57 The situation became all-out anarchy. 'Better a kingdom without a ruler, but never again such a one' was Jonarāja's judgement in view of the fact that the unleashed Yavanas would not even stop at the Sult . ān's property. 58 Under these circumstances, this stupid lord ruled [only] five or six months. 59 Because the invasion started from Jammu in autumn 1419, and resulted in the occupation of Kashmir, the present statement allows to settle the date of the termination of Alī's reign as in spring of the following year, i.e. between March and April, 1420.

As will be recalled, Zayn had gone into exile. 60 Mallīk Jasrath, a Panjābī ruler who felt obliged to Zayn's father Sikandar and who, incidentally, was the arch-enemy of Alī's protector Billadeva from Jammu, had offered shelter to Zayn. 61 He intended to lure Alī out of Kashmir in order to defeat on him. 62 That it was Jasrath of all people with whom Zayn had found shelter made Alī fly into a rage, quite as one would have expected. Alī, flattered and spurred on by his entourage, disregarding the warnings of his frightened army, marched up. 63 He also neglected an urgent message from his Jammu relative who strongly advised Alī not to move from his uphill position until he himself would join up with his forces, explicitly pointing to the deceitful strategies of Jasrath. 64 However, to no avail. All warnings cast to the winds, Alī, the foolish, 65 took the offensive, descended with his cavalry and suffered defeat at the hands of Jasrath. 66 It was Jasrath himself who eventually slew Alī Šāh, 67 capturing him directly from the battlefield. 68 Having gained victory, Zayn marched back to Kashmir. 69 He entered Śrīnagar in triumphal procession, 'with the approval of the righteous'. 70 It is precisely this second accession to the throne which can be dated exactly by the help of Śrīvara's and Pseudo-Jonarāja's accounts as April 29 or May 13, AD 1420. 71

Synopsis

Counting back, the chronological order of events can now be reconstructed as follows from the Sanskrit sources.

-1470 (End of April/before 2 nd May): Zayn's death (at the age of over 69 years)

↓↓ (reign of 52 years) ↓↓

-1420 (29 th April/13 th May): 2 nd accession of Zayn (procession into Śrīnagar)

assume Praśastabhava to have started working on it when Zayn was on the throne, i.e. any time between spring 1418 and autumn 1419.

In this regard, it should be emphasized that it remains unclear whether the T übingen codex and its colophon represent the original or rather a copy thereof. For the present concern, however, it would not make much of a difference. It is difficult to judge, and more a matter of speculation, whether Praśastabhava's manuscript was an apograph copied from, e.g., Yuddhabhat . t . a's archetype, which the latter might have prepared himself in Śrīnagar or even brought along with him from Karn . āt . a. Yuddhabhat . t . a's manuscript, as will be recalled, was directly handed over to the Sult . ān as a present. It was certainly deposited in the royal library, which was destroyed by fire decades later. 73 It is unlikely that an otherwise unknown Pan . d . it would have got access to that manuscript as early as 1419. Only Śiryabhat . t . a, high-ranking as he was, was given permission to use it as a basis for teaching. I am rather inclined to assume Praśastabhava's Atharvaveda copy would indeed manifest in written form what he and his fellow students had been orally taught by Śiryabhat . t . a in his Dharmaśālā. This assumption would perhaps also better account for the innumerable problematic readings of the T übingen codex.

However this may have been, the necessity of a re-import of the Atharvaveda into Kashmir comes as no surprise, in light of the country's late medieval history. Its presentation to Sult . ān Zayn by Yuddhabhat . t . a, in the material form of a ( Śāradā birch-bark) manuscript, and Śiryabhat . t . a's post at Zayn's court as a law scholar and teacher of this very Atharvaveda, can also plausibly be explained. All these events happened in connection with the stopping of the Hindu persecutions (after S ūhabhat . t . a's death in AD 1417) by Zayn in AD 1418, leading to the Sult . ān's balanced rule, uncontested from 1420 onwards.

Postscript

Up to this point, my conclusion reached had been centred on a seemingly hard fact consisting in the dating of the T übingen Paippalādasam . hitā manuscript, which was considered unshakable. 74 After completion of the present article, however, substantial doubt arose about the reliability of the calculations carried out so far, as their very basis appeared to be far from secure. Briefly, two main points are at issue in this regard. One is the actual reading of the colophon, and the second is the system of reckoning used by the scribe.

Let us look at the colophon first. The decisive passage can be verified in the facsimile reproduction of BLOOMFIELD / GARBE (1901: III) on folio 287b, lines 8- 10. BARRET (1940: 152f) transcribed the lines as follows:

Alternatively, when reading [va]ti (= vahula-tithau) instead of [śu]ti (= śuklatithau), which, however, means ignoring the possible fragment of a left-hand hook below a lost syllable, we would get the meaning 'dark fortnight '. All previous calculations carried out by Claus VOGEL had taken vati ("dark fortnight") as their starting-point and thus resulted in Friday, December 15, 1419, as the only possible dating. In fact, as WITZEL himself again confirmed in 1994, only vati would "fit all criteria". Therefore, it must be assumed, he kept to "dark fortnight" in discussing this colophon, the reading of which he had reconstructed as [ś]uti. Accepting the newly proposed reading śuti would indeed create an almost insoluble problem. The implausibility of śuti, from the point of view of calculation, has become clear from a private discussion investigating the consequences of such an assumption, as well as from a further remark made by WITZEL, according to which the dating in the manuscript follows the amānta scheme. Summarizing the fresh calculations experts on Indian calendar reckoning (J.C. Eade, K.-H. Golzio and Michio Yano) were kind enough to carry out, by way of trial, the matter now presents itself as follows. In Kashmir, both methods of counting the lunar months were in use, one system beginning with the full moon (p ūrn . imānta), and the other one beginning with the new moon (amānta). This fact should be emphasized, as it stands in sharp contrast to the general opinion, according to which in Kashmir, as a northern area, the p ūrn . imānta scheme alone would have prevailed. 76 Thus, WITZEL's statement that the Atharvaveda dating was based on the amānta reckoning is plausible. On the other hand, there would be no difference between the amānta and p ūrn . imānta reckonings in case a lunar day of the bright fortnight (śuti) was indeed concerned. 77 Therefore, WITZEL's remark on the amānta use makes sense only if a dark fortnight (vati) was considered by him.

Test calculations carried out by K.-H. Golzio on the basis of p ūrn . imānta and a Friday as a thirteenth waxing day (śuti) yielded AD 1719, 30 October (Old Style) = 10 November (New Style) as the only result; śuti on the basis of amānta resulted in Friday, 13 November 1019. As neither the 11th nor the 18th centuries appear to be reasonable alternatives, śuti should indeed be ruled out as a possible reading. The issue turned out to become much more convincing as soon as a Friday as thirteenth waning day (vati) according to amānta reckoning was taken as the starting-point for another series of calculations. Two matching results could be achieved by M. YANO: Friday, 6 December 1219 and Friday, 15 December 1419. However, the mentioned Mat . ha on the bank of the Vitastā, ru-76 Cp. SALOMON (1998: 177): " [. . . ] months [. . . ] counted as ending with the full moon (p ūrn . imānta, the "northern" system) or the new moon (amānta, the "southern" system)"; (1998: 197): "Years of the Saptars . i cycle are usually denoted as current and caitrādi; the months are p ūrn . imānta." For evidence clearly contradicting this statement and testifying to the use also of the amānta system in Kashmir, see KIELHORN (Kleine Schriften II [1969]: 619; 621) and YANO 1994: 223ff;230 (amānta in use, e.g., in the Nīlamatapurān . a, by Bhat . t . otpala, the astronomer; p ūrn . imānta used by Kalhan . a). 77 See table 3 of YANO 1994: 227.

Epigraphical Evidence for the History of Atharvavedic Brahmins

Annette Schmiedchen

This paper is intended to provide an analysis of the epigraphical evidence for Atharvavedic Brahmins in general and for experts of the Paippalādaśākhā in particular. In the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bombay for the years 1959/60, DISKALKAR listed a number of relevant inscriptions in his article 'Atharvaveda and Epigraphi (sic!)'. 1 I endeavoured to complete his collection through a specific search in various epigraphical journals and dynastic corpora of inscriptions. 2 Due to the extreme scantiness of the sources, however, the attempt to find more material than that gathered by DISKALKAR some forty years ago did not bear rich fruit.

The list and the table given in the appendices I and III are certainly far from being complete. But even from this limited number of references, it is apparent that the information available mainly comes from the so-called copper-plate grants, that is to say, from the 'classical' Indian medium for the recording of royal endowments in favour of religious donees. 3 Hence, most of the evidence refers to Atharvavedic Brahmins as recipients of donations of villages and land. 4 Atharvavedins only very rarely occur in other epigraphical contexts, for instance, as scribes of such inscriptions. 5 One of the rather vague references to the activities of Atharvavedic communities, which also might have been connected with the writing of documents, is provided by a piece of glyptic evidence. The legend of a sealing found during excavations at Rajghat in 1961 reads atharvvan . ikacaran . a. 6 Because of its physical features, it seems reasonable to suppose that this sealing had once been attached to a letter or another kind of document for the purpose of authorization by the sender or issuer, that is, the Atharvavedic community of a place not mentioned in the legend.

The inscriptional sources for grants in favour of Atharvavedic Brahmins are widely spread, both in terms of geography 7 and of chronology. The relevant material mainly dates from a period beginning in the late 4 th and ending in the 12 th centuries. Furthermore, the data indicate a certain concentration between the 5 th and 7 th centuries and once again in the 10 th and 11 th centuries. Although the chronological order of the references has been taken into account, chronology has not been made the only organizing principle for the list and the table in appendices I and III. On the one hand, many of the relevant epigraphs do not contain any date (or at least none that could be definitely verified), but give only indirect indications of the period they belong to. On the other hand, it seemed appropriate to group the charters according to the royal dynasties having issued them, even if this grouping should violate the strict chronological order.

The earliest inscriptional references to Atharvavedins clearly come from central and southern India, but it has turned out to be rather difficult to draw any definite conclusion regarding the particular ways of dissemination of the Atharvavedic tradition from this geographical setting. The spread of the early inscriptional evidence for Atharvavedic Brahmins appears to coincide with the emerging epigraphical tradition of issuing royal grants of villages and land in favour of Brahmins in some parts of central and southern India in the 4 th and 5 th centuries. During the 6 th and 7 th centuries this epigraphical tradition, which was strongly linked to the use of copper plates as the major medium for registration, developed into a supra-regional phenomenon. Thus, relevant title deeds mentioning Atharvavedins have been found almost everywhere on the Indian subcontinent: in central Indian Madhya Pradesh (1) and Maharashtra (1), in western Indian Gujarat (5) and Goa (1), in northern Indian Uttar Pradesh (2) and even as far as Himachal Pradesh (1), in eastern Indian Orissa (2) and in Bangladesh (5) as well as in southern Indian Karnataka (3), Andhra Pradesh (1) and Tamilnadu (1).

However, these donative epigraphs contain only highly sporadic evidence; that is to say, the percentage of donees clearly labelled as Atharvavedins is rather low, judging by the total number of Brahmins who in their thousands rereigned in the second half of the 7 th century AD, to six Brahmins who were Chandogas, that is, Sāmavedins.

6 Cf. PATHAK 1964: 214-217 andTHAPLYAL 1972: 248-256. THAPLYAL ranks this specimen among the seals of Brahmanical educational institutions and also refers to sealings of the bahvr ˚ccaran . a and the chandogacaran . a. 7 See the map in appendix IV.

EPIGRAPHICAL EVIDENCE FOR ATHARVAVEDIC BRAHMINS 357 ceived villages and plots of land after the 4 th century. 8 This meagre result is not exclusively due to a possibly weak influence of Brahmins of the Atharvaveda, but can at least partly be explained by the specific source material. Especially in the early period, many title deeds, for instance, those of the Vākāt . akas, the Kadambas, and their contemporaries, contain only very little information. This also applies to the description of the donees in the grant sections proper of the texts. In the case of donations to Brahmins, their names and their gotras were mostly registered. But very often any indication of their Vedic affiliation is totally missing, and even if it is mentioned, the specific school or branch is extremely rarely recorded. Out of the twenty-three references to Atharvavedins listed in appendix I, only six explicitly specify the particular śākhā those Brahmins belonged to. In all the six instances (nos. 10, 13, 15a, 15b, 16, and 18), it is the Paippalādaśākhā that is referred to; there is not a single piece of epigraphical evidence for the Śaunakaśākhā as already DISKALKAR (1959/60: 80) had observed.

Particulary in epigraphs in favour of large groups of Brahmins, the details given frequently do not go beyond a registration of names; but sometimes not even the individual names are mentioned. It is, however, precisely this donative category where one would expect more Atharvavedins to occur if the recording were more comprehensive, because large Brahmin communities tended to be grouped highly heterogeneously, as revealed by better documented examples. Nevertheless, it remains a striking feature of the relevant data that, although almost all Indian dynasties that ever issued copper-plate charters between the 4 th and the 10 th centuries endowed first and foremost Brahmins and only secondly Buddhist and Jain monasteries or Hindu temples, just a minority of them seem to have supported Atharvavedic Brahmins. 9Despite the limitations of the epigraphical sources, the inscriptions offer very interesting evidence for the spread of Atharvavedic Brahmins, for their individual names, and for their gotra affiliation [START_REF] Renou | The Vedic Schools and the Epigraphy. In: Siddha-Bhāratī Or The Rosary of Indology[END_REF]WITZEL 1985). Thus, for instance, the occurrence of the Paippalādi-/Pippalādagotra in nos. 1 and 19 of appendices I and III seems to be of particular interest.

The material listed comprehends references to royal endowments for individual Atharvavedic Brahmins (eleven instances), as well as for groups exclusively consisting of Atharvavedins (six instances). Furthermore, there are, among the donations recorded in favour of larger Brahmin communities of mixed Vedic affiliation, some that also mention Atharvavedic Brahmins (six instances). These three different categories of evidence for Atharvavedins will be examined, and a few noteworthy cases will be presented in more detail. Besides, the specific grants of individual kings in favour of Atharvavedic Brahmins will be contextualised by viewing the general patronage pattern of the whole dynasty the particular kings belonged to.

I. Grants in favour of individual Atharvavedins

Individual Atharvavedins were endowed with villages and land according to the testimony of the inscriptions nos . 2, 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 14, 15a, 15b, 16, and 18 of the list and the table given in appendices I and III.

Grant no. 2 from Madhya Pradesh, the 5 th -century Tirodi copper-plate grant of Pravarasena II, who issued most of the Vākāt . aka title deeds, was given to the Brahmin Varun . ārya. This Atharvavedin, who received a village not far from his place of residence, is described as a triveda, an expert in three Vedas. 10 Approximately thirty copper-plate inscriptions of the Vākāt . akas (5 th /6 th centuries) are known so far (MIRASHI 1963[START_REF] Shrimali | Agrarian Structure in Central India and the Northern Deccan[END_REF]and SALOMON 1998: 146). These epigraphs from central India mainly record grants to Brahmins; only in a few cases donations in favour of temples are recorded. The beneficiaries of the Brahmanical grants often were individual Brahmins and small groups (if indicated, almost exclusively Yajurvedins, except for the two inscriptions referring to Atharvavedins). The most prominent example for one of the rare bestowals on large Brahmin communities under the Vākāt . aka dynasty is provided by the famous Chammak copper-plate charter of Pravarasena II allegedly in favour of one thousand donees belonging to different gotras and caran . as. Only forty-nine names of recipients are listed -and this without specifying their gotra or Vedic affiliation. 11 Therefore, it is not clear whether any Atharvavedins belonged to that group. 12 10 Cf. no. 2 = EI 22, no. 27, p. 172 = MIRASHI 1963 (CII 5), no. 11, p. 50, text l. 18 (second plate, second side): . . . cāddha(?)purava(vā)stavya-athervvān . aharkkarisagotravarun . āryyāya trivedāya . . . . PATHAK's statement (1964: 218) regarding the Rajghat sealing which bears the legend atharvvan . ikacaran . a (see above, fn. 6) appears to refer to the Vākāt . aka environment, too: "The seal seems to have been prepared sometime in the 6th century A. D. to the south of the Vindhyas."

11 Cf. V.V. Mirashi. Chammak Plate of Pravarasena II. In: MIRASHI 1963 (CII 5), no. 6, pp. 22-27. 12 It is remarkable that one of the privileges granted in many Vākāt . aka donative records refers to the ideal Brahmin community consisting of experts in the four Vedas. The relevant text reads in the Tirodi plates, for instance: ucitām . ś cāsya p ūrvarājānumatā[m . ś*] cāturvvaidyagrāmamaryyādāparihārān vitarāmah . . . . , 'and we confer on him the [following] exemptions from restrictions [connected] with villages of Brahmin communities of the four Vedas that are customary and approved by former kings . . . ';cf. no. 2 = EI 22, no. 27, p. 173 = MIRASHI 1963 (CII 5), no. 11, p. 50, text ll. 19-20 (third plate, first side).

EPIGRAPHICAL EVIDENCE FOR ATHARVAVEDIC BRAHMINS 359

The Atharvavedic beneficiary of inscription no. 3 in appendices I and III, issued by Kadamba Mr ˚geśavarman from southern Karnataka (Mysore District) in the mid-5 th century, was also presented with a whole village as brahmadeya. He was called Sarvasvāmin and was an expert on Vedic literature (vedavedā ṅgavid). 13 A total of approximately thirty-five records issued by different Kadamba kings (4 th -6 th centuries) testifies that the rulers of this dynasty and their vassals granted land to many Brahmins as well as to a number of Jain institutions (GAI 1996). In the Brahmanical donations of the Kadambas, there is hardly any information available regarding the Vedic affiliation of their recipients. Only very few inscriptions explicitly mention that the donees were individual Yajurvedins (three instances), R ˚gvedins (one example), Sāmavedins (one reference), or Atharvavedins (no. 3 of appendices I and III; for no. 4 mentioning twenty-three beneficiaries see below).

According to nos. 6 to 9, villages and land were bestowed on Atharvavedins by four different Maitraka rulers, namely, by king Dhruvasena I, a devout worshipper of Vis . n . u (paramabhāgavata), and by the three Śiva devotees (paramamāheśvara) Dharasena II, Dharasena III, and Śīlāditya V. Two of the altogether four Atharvavedic Brahmins (see nos. 6 and 8) were living in the city of Hastakavapra (modern Hathab in the Bhavnagar District of Gujarat) when they received certain plots of land in some villages belonging to the district (āhāra) of Hastakavapra. 14 Besides, the donee in no. 9 of appendices I and III, the Lunavada 15 charter, might be of particular interest. Śīlāditya V granted an entire village to him for performing the so-called five great sacrifices (bali, caru, etc.), a purpose very often stated in Brahmanical title deeds. This Brahmin is explicitly described as the member of the cāturvidya community of his place of residence, that is to say, of a local group of experts in the four Vedas. 16 With these four relevant title deeds, the Maitraka royal family of Valabhī, who ruled in Kathiawar (Gujarat) from the 6 th to the 8 th centuries, contributed the largest dynastic sub-group of references to Atharvavedins (here atharvan . asabrahmacārin) known so far. The comparatively high density of evidence for Atharvavedic Brahmins is perhaps not too surprising in view of the large number of land grants under the Maitraka dynasty in general, but still it seems sig-13 Cf. no. 3 = GAI 1996, no. 9, p. 80, text ll. 14-16 (third plate, first side): . . . brāhman . āya ātharvvan . ikāya aupagahanisagotrāya vedavedā ṅgavide pi ṅgalasvāmiputrāya sarvvasvāmine . . . . 14 These two grants belong to the few examples where plots of land were allotted to Atharvavedins. The majority of the Brahmanical Maitraka charters, however, comprise such endowments of pieces of land and not of villages. 15 Still in the late 19 th century, there were Atharvavedins at Lunavada and Bhavnagar; cf. DISKALKAR 1962: 2. 16 Cf. no. 9 = IA 6 (1877), p. 21, text ll. 59-60 (= ll. 23-24 of the second plate): . . . d . ahakavāstavyataccāturvidyasāmānyapārāśarasagotrāyātharvvam . n . asabrahmacāribrāhman . asam . bhullāya brāhman . ad . āt . allaputrāya . . . . For the terms cāturvidya and cāturvaidya, see above, fn . 12, and SCHMIEDCHEN 2001: 66-67, respectively. nificant in the light of the present-day distribution of Atharvavedins. 17 There are available now more than one hundred title deeds issued by sixteen Maitraka kings in favour of different religious recipients. 18 According to their own testimony, most of the Maitraka rulers were devout worshippers of Śiva (paramamāheśvara). Some of the early kings, however, were called either a devout worshipper of Vis . n . u (paramabhāgavata, Dharasena I, mentioned above), a devotee of the sun god (paramādityabhakta, Dharapat . t . a, successor of Dharasena I, who has not left any known record), or a devout lay disciple of the Buddha (paramopāsaka, Guhasena, Dharapat . t . a's successor) (SCHMIEDCHEN 1993: 84). Approximately three quarters of the land-grant documents of the Maitraka dynasty that have come down to us record donations to one or more Brahmins, almost one quarter was given to Buddhist monasteries, and, despite their documented religious denomination, only very few endowments of the Maitrakas (in total numbers: merely four) were received by local Hindu shrines. Among the Brahmanical grants, those in favour of individual beneficiaries by far predominate over those in favour of groups (frequency: firstly Yajurvedins, secondly Sāmavedins, thirdly R ˚gvedins, fourthly Atharvavedins -NJAMMASCH 2001: 313). There is only one single piece of clear evidence for the bestowal of a village on a medium-sized group, namely, forty-four Brahmins, dating from the year 286 of the Gupta-Valabhī era (= 605 AD). In this Navalakhi copper-plate charter of Maitraka king Śilāditya I, only the names of the donees are listed, and it is reported that they belonged to different gotras, Vedic schools, etc. 19 As in the Chammak inscription of the Vākāt . akas, however, it remains unclear whether or not this group also included some Atharvavedins.

The exact findspot of the so-called Bengal Asiatic Society plate of the Gurjara-Pratihāra ruler Vināyakapāla, a devout worshipper of the sun god (paramādityabhakta) dated in the Vikrama year 988 (= 931 AD) -no. 14 of appendices I and III -is not known. But the epigraph records that the donee, an Atharvavedin called Bhat . t . a Bhullāka and belonging to the Darbhigotra (see also the Darbhagotra in no. 19 and appendix II), received a village in the district of Vāran . āsī. 20 Only very few copper-plate grants issued under the Gurjara-Pratihāra kings, who controlled huge territories from Gujarat in the west to Bihar in the east, are available now. 21 The eight relevant epigraphs (9 th -11 th centuries) listed 17 For the distribution of Atharvavedic Brahmins (of the Śaunakaśākhā) in the late 19 th century, see also the "prefatory addenda" in VISHVA BANDHU 1960: XIII-XXXII. 18 See, for instance, NJAMMASCH 2001: 279-280. 19 Cf . BHANDARKAR 1911/12, pp. 179-180, text ll. 19-25: . . . sam . gapurīvinirggatanānāgotracaran . atapassva(svā)ddhyāyopetabrāhman . a • . . . evam . catuścatvāri ṅśate brāhman . ebhyah . . . . . The phrase has been misinterpreted by NJAMMASCH (2001: 286) as defining the purpose of the grant. 20 Cf. no. 14 = IA 15 (1886), p. 141, text l. 13: . . . darvbhi(rbbhi)sagottra-atharvvasavra(bra)hmacāribhat . t

. abhullākāya . . . . 21 The Gurjara-Pratihāras seem to have issued considerably more stone inscriptions than copper-plate records.

EPIGRAPHICAL EVIDENCE FOR ATHARVAVEDIC BRAHMINS 361 by MISHRA (1966: 128-129) for the reign of this famous north Indian dynasty certify donations of villages in favour of individual R ˚g-, Yajur-, Sāma-, and Atharvavedins as well as in favour of a temple of the sun god (two endowments), a Śaiva called Maheśvarācārya, and an extremely large group of six thousand Brahmanical donees. The Gurjara-Pratihāra genealogy of the Bengal Asiatic Society plate (no. 14), not only engraved on the plate itself, but also repeated on the attached seal, refers to these monarchs either as worshippers of Vis . n . u (paramavais . n . ava), of Śiva (paramamāheśvara), of the sun god (paramādityabhakta), or of the goddess Bhagavatī (paramabhagavatībhakta).

The two 9 th -century copper plates of king Gopāla II and the 11 th -century Belwa grant of king Vigrahapāla III from Bangladesh -nos. 15a, 15b, and 16 of appendices I and III -provide three of the rare pieces of evidence for Paippalādins. The hitherto unknown Pāla ruler Gopāla II, son of Ś ūrapāla I (BHATTACHARYA 1996: 194), seems to have granted some land in Suvarn . akārikādan . d . a belonging to the famous ancient northern Bengal province (bhukti) of Pun . d . ravardhana to two Paippalādins, uncle and nephew, with separate plates (15a and 15b) at the same date. The two Brahmins named Bhat . t . aputra Līlākara and Bhat . t . aputra Atthakara, who themselves, or whose ancestors, had originally hailed from Campā, belonged to the Kaut . harigotra and were śāntivārikas. 22 This or similar designations as, e.g., śāntyāgārika also appear in other contemporary epigraphical records of Bengal (by the Candras, Varmans, and Senas) as epithets of Brahmin donees (for Yajurvedic, R ˚gvedic, and Atharvavedic Brahmins) and probably indicated a certain function of their bearers in expiation rituals (śānti) being held in a house for expiation rituals (śāntyāgāra or śāntigr ˚ha). 23 These "buildings dedicated to the performance of [Vedic] apotropaic rites of appeasement" 24 are also mentioned in some of the Atharvavedapariśis . t . as (AV- 22 As the copper plates were issued on the very same day in the 4 th regnal year of Gopāla II and have been found together, they are treated here as 15a and 15b. According to information communicated by Ryosuke Furui, who is preparing a fresh and complete edition of these two grants, in an e-mail dated 22 nd March 2007, they were not meant for the same donee (Līlākara) as MUKHERJI believed; cf. no. 15a = JBA 5 (2000), p. 62. For MUKHERJI's (partly incorrect) readings of the relevant passages, see no. 15a = JBA 5 (2000), p. 63f., text ll. 40-43 andno. 15b = JBA 5 (2000), p. 64, text ll. 39-41. In the same e-mail mentioned above, Ryosuke Furui writes: "The donee of Plate 1 is śānti-gr ˚ha-prativr ˚(ba)ddha-śāntivārika-bhat . 23 Cf. SIRCAR 1966: 299. Candra dynasty: śāntivārika, cf. MAJUMDAR 1929: 1-9 (= MUKHERJI / MAITY 1967: 221-229); SIRCAR 1959/60 (= MAJUMDAR 1929: 165-166 [for a Yajurvedin]); Varman dynasty: śāntyāgārādhikr ˚ta [for a Yajurvedin, too], cf. MAJUMDAR 1929: 14-24 (= MUKHERJI / MAITY 1967: 234-244); Sena dynasty: śāntyāgārika, cf. MAJUMDAR 1929: 106-117 (= MUKHERJI / MAITY 1967: 277-289 = no. 18 of appendices I and III); MAJUMDAR 1929: 169-172 (= MUKHERJI / MAITY: 290-294). In the last example the term śāntyāgārika is not only used to designate the R ˚gvedic donee, but also for the owners of the fields neighbouring the plot of land granted to him. See also the term śāntikapaus . t

. ika in no. 21 of appendices I and III. 24 I am grateful to Alexis Sanderson for drawing my attention to a number of passages on the Pariś 8. 1.3 and 21.6.1) which contain material on the duties of the royal chaplain (purohita), and in Śaiva literature on Śaiva officiants (guru). 25 The late Pāla ruler Vigrahapāla III (no. 16) endowed a pippalādaśākhādhyāyin, learned in Mīmām . sā, grammar, and logic, 26 and belonging to the Bharadvājagotra with a part of a village which also lay in the famous Pun . d . ravardhanabhukti. The Paippalādin named Jayānandadevaśarman was a resident of the village of Vellāvā, which is identical with Belwa, the modern name of the grant's find-spot, but he or his family had migrated from a different place not yet identified. 27 Vigrahapāla III did not only call himself -as Gopāla II and other members of his dynasty did -a devout worshipper of the Buddha (paramasaugata), but he also made this Brahmanical grant 'in the name of the lord Buddhabhat . t . āraka' (bhagavantam . buddhabhat . t . ārakam uddiśya). 28 On the basis of [START_REF] Bhattacharya | Newly Discovered Copper Plate Grants of the Pāla Dynasty[END_REF] and some recent discoveries, the number of the known copper-plate grants of the Buddhist Pāla kings, who ruled in Bengal and Bihar between the 8 th and 12 th centuries, can be estimated at some twenty charters. Approximately half of the donations were presented to individual Brahmins belonging to the R ˚gveda, Yajurveda, Sāmaveda, or Atharvaveda. The second half of the total number includes some grants in favour of Buddhist monasteries and Hindu temples as well as a few of unclear dedication.

Another Paippalādin received -according to no. 18 in appendices I and III, the Madhainagar charter -a whole village in the same northern Bengal province of Pun . d . ravardhana from the 12 th -century king Laks . man . asena, who issued more than half of the known charters of the Sena dynasty. 29 This ruler was a Vis . n . u devotee (paramanārasim . ha) and made his Brahmanical grant 'in the name of lord Nārāyan . abhat . t . āraka' (bhagavantam . śrīmannārāyan . abhat . t . ārakam uddiśya). 30 The beneficiary of the donation belonged to the Kauśikagotra and bore the title of śāntyāgārika. 31 In the Madhainagar grant a rite called aindrīśānti is also mentioned in a badly preserved passage of the text. 32 The 12 th /13 th -century Sena kings of Bengal and Bihar, who were the rulers of one of the successor dynasties of the Pālas and called themselves either devout worshippers of Śiva or of Vis . n . u, seem exclusively to have issued grants in favour of individual Brahmins of the Yajurveda, the Sāmaveda, and the Atharvaveda. 33

II. Collective grants to Atharvavedins

Small and large groups of Atharvavedins received land grants according to the testimony of nos . 1, 4, 5, 11, 13, and 21 of the list and the table in appendices I and III.

In his thirty-seventh regnal year, Vākāt . aka Vindhyaśakti II of the Vatsagulma branch bestowed -according to no. 1, the 4 th -century Basim plates from Maharashtra -a village on altogether fourteen Atharvavedic Brahmins belonging to different gotras. 34 With regard to frequency, the Kauśikagotra came first (8 Brahmins), followed by the Bhālandāyanagotra (3 Brahmins), the Kapi ñjalagotra (1 Brahmin), the Śrāvis . t . hāyanagotra (1 Brahmin), and -interestingly enough -the Paippalādigotra (1 Brahmin). The shares these fourteen Atharvavedins received were not equal.

In no. 4 from 5 th /6 th -century northern Karnataka (Belgaum District), Kadamba Harivarman, a devout worshipper of Śiva (paramamāheśvara), granted a village to twenty-three Atharvavedins belonging to different gotras, 35 some of their designations being rather unusual. Besides the Kāśyapa-, Kautsa-, Garga-, putrāya kauśikasagotrāya +++ • pravarāya atharvvavedapaippalādaśākhādhyāyine śāntyāgārikaśrīgovindadevaśarmman . e . . . . 32 Cf. no. 18, text ll. 49-50, and, for the aindrīśānti, AVPariś 31. 8.1. In SIRCAR 1959/60, pp. 137 and 140, text ll. 35-36, the śāntivārika, who was a Yajurvedin, received several plots of land for performing four homas in connection with the rite called adbhutaśānti. AVPariś 67 describes this particular propitiatory rite and also pursues the question (AVPariś 67.8.1-2) of which rules should be observed if the officiating priest did not belong to the Atharvaveda but to a different Vedic branch (anyaśākhā). This passage perhaps explains the epigraphical reference to a Yajurvedin performing adbhutaśānti. Another possible explanation could be that the Atharvavedic theoretical claim regarding their leading role in (royal) propitiatory rites never remained uncontested in practice. On this issue, see also Alexis Sanderson's contribution to this volume. 33 This assessment is based on the ten copper-plate inscriptions edited in MAJUMDAR 1929 and in MUKHERJI / MAITY 1967 as well as the two additional charters listed by MORRISON 1970: 166-169 andby Swapna BHATTACHARYA 1985: 127-128 and158-161 (nos. 61-67, 69-70, 72-74). One of the records not included in MAJUMDAR 1929 and in MUKHERJI / MAITY 1967 is GANGULY 1931/32. 34 Cf. no. 1 = EI 26, no. 20, p. 152 = MIRASHI 1963 (CII 5), no. 23, p. 97, text ll. 9-18. The grant contains a Prakrit version of the privilege mentioned above, fn. 12. The number of recipients is wrongly given in MIRASHI 1963: 94f. 35 Cf. no. 4 = GAI 1996, no. 29, p. 125, text l. 9: atharvvavedapāragebhyah . svadharmmakarmmaniratebhyah . . . . . and Śrāvis . t . hagotras, one finds the Kālāśa-, Kaimbala-, Ca üliya-, and Valandatagotras. 36 According to no. 5, Pr ˚thivīm ūla, a 6 th -century vassal-chief under the Vis .n . ukun . d . ins in Andhra Pradesh, who also called himself a devout worshipper of Śiva (paramamāheśvara), converted a whole village in the Godavari delta into an agrāhāra for a community consisting exclusively of Atharvavedins at the instance of a third party. The names of the forty-three Brahmins were not recorded, but they are said to have belonged to a group of teachers (upādhyāyakula) 37 and to have come from different, although not specified, gotras. 38 The Vis . n . ukun . d . ins and their vassals of Pr ˚thivīm ūla's family seem to have issued some ten copper-plate inscriptions in the 6 th and 7 th centuries, the majority thereof recording Brahmanical grants, only very few of them referring to Buddhist donations (according to the data given by SANKARANARAYANAN 1977). The main line of the Vis . n . ukun . d . ins bestowed land on individual Brahmins who belonged to R ˚gvedic, Yajurvedic, and Sāmavedic schools. A copper plate probably dating from the 7 th century -no. 11 of appendices I and III -that was "nailed up on one of the walls" (FLEET 1888: 287) of the Paraśurāma temple of Nirmand in Himachal Pradesh mentions the donation of a village to an Atharvavedic Brahmin group in the already existing agrāhāra of Nirman . d . a (= the find-spot) by Samudrasena, an otherwise unknown vassalchief (mahāsāmanta mahārāja). The grant proper was obviously not intended to support the Brahmins themselves, as was the case in the examples hitherto discussed. The regulations regarding the purpose of the donation rather comprised the provisions for the regular cult of the god Mihireśvara installed by Samudrasena's mother Mihiralaks . mī at the (ancient Śaiva) temple of Kapāleśvara and the costs of any repairs of this temple. 39 No. 13 of appendices I and III records the endowment of three Atharvavedins of the Paippalāda branch with the village of Van . d . āmurā in Orissa by king Śilābha ñja, probably the first ruler of the Bha ñja line of Khi ñjaliman . d . ala and a devout worshipper of Vis . n . u (paramavais . n . ava). 40 This incomplete 10 th -36 For these gotras, see BROUGH 1953: 216-228 (index). The last four gotras are not listed in BROUGH. 37 'Upādhyāya' is one of the most common surnames of Atharvavedins in modern Orissa; cf. WITZEL / GRIFFITHS 2002: 178. 38 Cf. no. 5 = SANKARANARAYANAN 1977, no. 11, p. 183, text ll. 24-26 (fourth plate): . . . upāddhyāyakulasambh ūtebhyo nānāgotrebhyas tricatvārim . śadātharvvan . ikakulibhyo . . . . 39 Cf. no. 11 = FLEET 1888 (CII 3), no. 80, p. 289 = AGRAWAL 2001, no. 84, pp. 326-327, text ll. 5-11, esp. ll. 7-8: . . . kappāleśvaravva(ba)licarusatrasragdh ūpadīpi(pa)dānāya satatam . śīrn . n . akhan . d . asphut . itasādhanāya ca nirman . d . āgrāhārātharvvan . avrā(brā) hman . astomāya . . . . 40 Cf. no. 13 = OHRJ 45 (2000), pp. 24-26, text ll. 11-18 (second plate). One of the donees belonged to the Bhānandanagotra, which can probably be connected with the Bhālandāyanaor Bhālandanagotra mentioned in nos. 1 and 21. It is confusing that, although the name of the gotra of the third beneficiary is given as 'Hastidāsa' in l. 15 of the edition, the editor speaks of the century 41 copper-plate grant, which was published in 2000, does not differ much from the donations in favour of individual Brahmins mentioned under the first category of grants. It is, however, noteworthy from another perspective, as it provides an indication for the rarely documented migration of Atharvavedic Brahmins in general and of Paippalādins in particular into western Orissa, where Śilābha ñja probably ruled. Two of the beneficiaries are said to have hailed from Od . ra, which is most likely identical with the Puri region, while the third donee came from Daks . inarād . ha, which may be identified with southwestern Bengal. 42 At the time of the donation all the three Paippalādins already were inhabitants of Van . d . āmurā, the village they are reported to have received by the title deed.

According to TRIPATHY (1974), no. 13 of appendices I and III, and some unpublished material, 43 more than thirty copper-plate inscriptions were issued by the Bha ñja dynasty of Khi ñjaliman . d . ala. At least ninety percent of these charters record donations in favour of individual Brahmins. Most of the donees were Yajurvedins, but also some Sāmavedins, a few R ˚gvedins, and the three Atharvavedins mentioned in no. 13 enjoyed the patronage of the Bha ñja line of Khi ñjaliman . d . ala. The Bha ñja kings called themselves either devotees of Śiva (paramamāheśvara) or of Vis . n . u (paramavais . n . ava). Sometimes even the very same rulers shifted from one religious denomination to the other during their period of reign.

The Goa copper-plate inscription of the reign of Tribhuvanamalla -no. 21 of appendices I and III -records that Gan . d . agopāla Kelivarman, a courtier (bhr ˚tya) of this Late Kadamba king of Goa, 44 had bought several plots of land, namely, fields, gardens, and house-sites, and granted them to twelve Brahmins in Śaka 1028 (= 1107 AD). 45 The beneficiary and his ancestors mentioned first were called atharvans and 'heads in promoting expiation rituals' (mukhyāh . śāntikapaus . t

. ike). 46 The second donee and his ancestors, experts in the Purān . as (paurān . ika), are said to have belonged to the same śākhā. 47 Although for the re-maining ten members of this group there is no information given, it cannot be ruled out that they, too, were Atharvavedins. But this group could have also been of mixed Vedic affiliation. The foundation of this Brahmanical settlement (brahmapurī) is remarkable, because most of the beneficiaries were courtly dignitaries, for instance, royal astrologers, judges (dharmādhikārin), teachers (guru), priests (purohita), etc. 48

III. Atharvavedins as members of mixed Brahmanical groups

References to Atharvavedins as members of mixed Brahmanical groups are mainly available from later times, namely, in the nos. 10,12,17,19,20, and finally 22 of the list and the table in appendices I and III.

No. 10, the so-called Kaira copper-plate grant of Gurjara Dadda II, records the donation of a village named Śirīs . apadraka in favour of forty Brahmins in the year 380 of the Kalacuri era (= 628/29 AD). In this earliest known copper-plate grant of the Gurjara dynasty of Gujarat, the group of beneficiaries was heterogeneously composed, and its members were generally described as catuścaran . abrāhman . a. 49 The community is said to have consisted of eight R ˚gvedins (bahvr ˚ca, āśvalāyanasabrahmacārin), nineteen Yajurvedins (adhvaryuvājasaneya, kan . vasabrahmacārin), eight Sāmavedins (chāndogya, kauthumasabrahmacārin), and also five Paippalāda-Atharvavedins (ātharvan . a, pippalādasabrahmacārin). 50 At the time of the grant, thirty-five of the donees, that is to say, all the R ˚g-, Yajur-, and Sāmavedins, had already left their common place of origin -Jam . b ūsaras (modern Jambusar) -and were living in Śirīs . apadraka, the future object of donation. The five Atharvavedins, however, had migrated from Bharukaccha (present-day Bharuch/Broach) and were residents of a place called Bherajjikā, that is, not of Śirīs . apadraka, when the grant was issued. 51 All these Paippalādins belonged to the Cauligotra (compare no. 4).

It is, however, highly unlikely that the five Atharvavedins, who were at least geographically outsiders of the group, ever enjoyed their share of the village of 48 Cf. no. 21,. For textual sources prescribing that the royal chaplain should be an Atharvavedin or expert of the apotropaic and other rites of the Atharvavedic tradition, see SANDERSON forthcoming, fn. 12. 49 Cf. no. 10 = MIRASHI 1955 (CII 4), pt. 1, no. 16, p. 62, text ll. 41-42 (second plate): ebhyaś catuścaran . abrāhman . ebhyaś cāturvvidyaparikalpanāp ūrvvam . . . . . The phrase cāturvvidyaparikalpanāp ūrvvam seems to denote certain immunities, most probably similar to those in the Vākāt . aka grants; see above, fn. 12. 50 Cf. no. 10, p. 62, text ll. 35-41 (second plate). 51 This title deed of Dadda II was found in modern Kaira or Kheda, although it records the grant of a village more than a hundred kilometres further south, in the neighbouring Bharuch District. It is not known how the plates came from the Hansot/Ankleshwar region to Kheda. Jambusar (ancient Jam . b ūsaras), the place of origin of the R ˚g-, Yajur-and Sāmavedins, is located in the north-western part of the Bharuch District, some forty kilometres north of Bharuch (ancient Bharukaccha) itself, where the Atharvavedins hailed from.

Śirīs . apadraka. The contents of another copper-plate inscription issued by the same Gurjara ruler five years later (Kalacuri year 385 = 633/34 AD) gives rise to doubts whether the intention declared in the earlier grant was fully implemented. 52 The later record, which was found together with no. 10 of appendices I and III, at least indirectly annulled the earlier princely decree. The object of the second donation was the very same village of Śirīs . apadraka that had already been allocated five years ago. This time, however, only thirty-four donees were mentioned, and the major change in the profile of the group consisted in the total absence of any Brahmin hailing from Bharukaccha, or -in other terms -of any Atharvavedin. Although it is not clear why the Paippalādins were excluded from the renewal of the endowment, the possibility of animosities among the different Brahmanical sub-groups cannot be ruled out. If the Atharvavedins had just not been willing to move to Śirīs . apadraka as the R ˚g-, Yajur-, and Sāmavedins had already done, the Gurjara court would probably not have felt the need to issue a new order, unless there had been some kind of interference by the beneficiaries of the future second set of Kaira plates.

The Gurjaras (to be distinguished from the later Gurjara-Pratihāras) were one of the minor dynasties that ruled over parts of southeastern Gujarat in the 7 th and 8 th centuries and were thus contemporaries of the Maitrakas of Kathiawar (compare nos. 6 to 9 of appendices I and III). Some ten copper-plate grants issued by this royal line are known so far and, as they were probably dated in the Kalacuri era throughout, all of them have been included by [START_REF] Plates | Kaira Plates of Dadda II (Prasantaraga): (Kalachuri) Year 380. In: Inscriptions of the Kalachuri-Chedi Era[END_REF] in volume 4 of the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum. Two of the Gurjara title deeds have already been mentioned, the remaining ones mainly record donations in favour of individual Brahmins, who were predominantly Yajurvedins. Only one Gurjara inscription records a temple endowment.

According to no. 12 of appendices I and III, Bhaumakara Śubhākaradeva, who ruled in the 8 th or 9 th century and called himself a devotee of the Buddha (paramasaugata), endowed two hundred Brahmins (two hundred and two were listed) 53 of a community of experts of the four Vedas belonging to different, unspecified, gotras and to different, later specified, Vedic branches (nānāgotracaran . a cāturvidyabrāhman . a) with two villages. Regarding its Vedic affiliation, the composition of this group seems to have been equally balanced. It almost ideally consisted of fifty-one R ˚gvedins (bahvr ˚ca), fifty-one Sāmavedins (chāndasa), fiftyone Atharvavedins (atharva), and 'only' forty-nine Yajurvedins (vājasaneyin). Not all the names of the fifty-one Atharvavedic Brahmins from Orissa have been listed in appendix I, but the purohita Bhavadeva is mentioned as one example. 52 Cf. V.V. Mirashi. Kaira Plates of Dadda II (Prasantaraga): (Kalachuri) Year 385. In: MIRASHI 1955 (CII 4), pt. 1, no. 17, pp. 67-72. 53 Cf. no. 12 = EI 15, no. 1, pp. 3-5 = TRIPATHY 2000, no. 4, pp. 111-113, text ll. 10-29. In EI 15, p. 2, BANERJI, by mistake, speaks of "hundred Brāhmans named in detail ". TRIPATHY (2000: 115, fn. 31) believes their number to be two hundred and four (apparently exactly fiftyone of each group). In fact, the names of only two hundred and two Brahmins are recorded in the charter. Snigdha TRIPATHY (2000) collected some twenty 8 th /9 th -century copperplate charters of the Bhaumakara kings of Orissa and their queens, who were either Buddhists (paramasaugata) or devotees of Śiva (paramamaheśvara, paramamaheśvarī) and -in the case of some of the females -of Vis . n . u (paramavais . n . avī). Approximately three quarters of them record grants to Brahmins and one quarter reports on Buddhist and Śaiva donations. Among the Brahmanical gifts of land, those in favour of individual Brahmins predominate (no. 12 of appendices I and III discussed just above is the single exception), and Yajurvedins constitute the majority of the donees. Individual R ˚gvedins and Sāmavedins are rarely attested, individual Atharvavedins are not referred to at all. In some of the epigraphs however, there is no indication of the Vedic affiliation of the beneficiaries. 54 Listed as no. 19 of appendices I and III, another reference to a heterogeneously assembled group of Brahmanical donees comes from Gāhad . avāla Candradeva, a devout worshipper of Śiva (paramamāheśvara). The donative objects of this Chandravati charter dated in the Vikrama year 1150 (= 1093 AD) -several villages around Benares 55 -were bestowed on five hundred Brahmins of the four Vedas belonging to different, later specified, gotras and caran . as (nānāgotracaran . a cāturvidyabrāhman . a). Out of the four hundred and ninety-five Brahmins actually listed, one hundred and twenty-four were experts in the R ˚gveda, ninety-six in the Yajurveda, seventy-five in the Sāmaveda, and, according to my interpretation of the text, no less than one hundred and ninety-nine of them studied the Atharvaveda. 56 Thus, we get -in terms of quantity -the re- 54 In the Bhaumakara corpus, there is an interesting reference to a Brahmin who belonged to the Mādhyandinaśākhā of the Yajurveda, but who had also studied the Sāmaveda: chāndogapāt . haprāptamādhyandinaśākhādhyāyin; cf. S. Tripathy. Taltali Plate of Dharmamahādevī. In: TRIPATHY 2000, no. 23, pp. 216-221, esp. p. 220, text l. 35. 55 The text of this charter consisting of altogether five plates says that the district (pattalā) of Kat . hehalī with the exception of certain villages, which were formerly given to temples, Brahmins, etc., and which are precisely listed in the charter, was conferred on the five hundred Brahmanical donees. Additionally, one village in another district was granted for the residence of this Brahmin community (tadbrahmapurīnivāsāya); cf. no. 19 = EI 14,[START_REF]Śaktis Vāmā to Manonmanī and surrounded by the M ūrtis, Ancillaries, Vidyeśvaras, Gan . eśvaras, Lokapālas, and their weapons. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase rudraprayoge pippalādakalpah[END_REF]p. 195,text l. 25 (second plate).

56 Cf. no. 19 = EI 14,[START_REF]Śaktis Vāmā to Manonmanī and surrounded by the M ūrtis, Ancillaries, Vidyeśvaras, Gan . eśvaras, Lokapālas, and their weapons. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase rudraprayoge pippalādakalpah[END_REF], list on pp. 202-209. See text ll. 37-90 (third to fifth plates) on the facsimiles for all the Brahmins and ll. 73-81 (fifth plate) for the Atharvavedins in particular. It is quite common for grants in favour of large cāturvidya communities to group the donees according to their respective Veda and to mention the Vedic affiliation only once at the beginning of the sub-group. In the Chandravati plates the enumeration of the grantees starts with a person called ācāryapan . d . ita Śrī-Vr ˚tikara, apparently not belonging to one of the fractions, but perhaps responsible for alloting the individual shares (vr ˚tti). The list continues with the R ˚gvedic sub-group (śrī-r ˚gvedacaran . e), its first member being caturvedin Jāt . a of the Kāśyapagotra. With no. 126 (of the total number), the Yajurvedic sub-group starts (śrīyajurvedacaran . e), its first representative being caturvedin Vīlha of the Vasis . t . hagotra. Next comes the Atharvavedic group (śrī-atharvacaran . e) with no. 222, dvivedin Chīhila of the Bhāradvājagotra, being its first member. The list is concluded by the names of the Sāmavedins (śrīchandogacaran . e) starting with no. 421, tripāt . hin Śrī-Dediga of the Vatsagotra. markable result that the Atharvavedins formed the largest fraction of that huge community. The names of the almost two hundred Atharvavedic Brahmins are not listed in appendix I, but some examples are given and their gotras are registered in a separate table in appendix II. Among the gotras of the Atharvavedins, that of no. 347 (of the total number of donees), namely, Pippalāda, seems to be rather significant (also compare inscription no. 1 in appendices I and III). 57 We find one purohita (no. 344 of the total number of donees) and a dvivedin (no. 222) among the beneficiaries.

In another title deed found together with that one mentioned above, a subsequent grant dated Vikrama 1156 (= 1100 AD) was recorded. The second Chandravati epigraph begins with the remark that this grant was made after the mahādāna ceremonies of tulāpurus . a and gosahasra celebrated by king Candradeva. Furthermore, it refers in general terms to the first grant as well as to the Brahmins benefiting from it, without listing them individually once again. 58 Although Atharvavedins are not explicitly mentioned, one might infer that they also benefited from the second grant, 59 which comprised another thirty-two vil-57 Some of the other gotras listed in appendix II are only attested for Atharvavedic Brahmins in this grant, as for instance Jāt ūkarn . a, Maudgalya, and Hārīta. They also occur in Atharvavedic contexts elsewhere: for Jāt ūkarn . ya, see, e.g., GRIFFITHS 2003: 24, fn. 228 and AVPariś 43.4.40; for Maudgala as the name of an Atharvavedic śākhā, see, e.g., Kei Kataoka's paper in this volume,p. 322,fn. 46 59 The purān . ic concept of the Great Gifts (mahādāna) has been expounded especially in the . The rituals of tulāpurus . a and gosahasra are ranked among the most important ones of the altogether sixteen mahādāna ceremonies. According to MtP 274.36-39, eight Brahmins versed in the Vedas (two for each of the four Vedas) should be made the priests (r ˚tvij), and a man who is accomplished in the Vedānta and knows the Purān . as and Śāstras should be made the preceptor (guru); cf. SCHMIEDCHEN 2006: 145f. Some of the sixteen Great Gifts are described in the Atharvavedapariśis . t . as: for instance, tulāpurus . a in AVPariś 11 and gosahasra in AVPariś 16. The Atharvavedapariśis . t . a texts, of course, lay claim to the authority of Atharvavedic royal chaplains to perform these rituals. The epigraphical evidence from the 8 th to the 15 th centuries, however, mainly refers to R ˚g-and Yajurvedins as recipients of grants in the context of tulāpurus . a;cf. the material in SCHMIEDCHEN 2006: 179-184 (list of inscriptions referring to the weighing ceremony), where the Vedic affiliation of the donees is not noted in particular. According to the numbers in SCHMIEDCHEN 2006, the grantees were R ˚gvedins in nos . 8,9,[START_REF]O JAHI) that accomplishes simultaneously self-protection and the destruction of one's enemies. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase svaraks[END_REF]and 78,Yajurvedins in nos. 11,12,13,and 19, ˚gvedins and four Yajurvedins). A group of thirty Brahmins consisting of twentythree R ˚gvedins, five Yajurvedins, one Sāmavedin, and one Brahmin responsible for the writing down of the record is mentioned in no. 75 of that list. No. 18 refers to the mixed character of a group of altogether one thousand Brahmins in general terms (e.g., catuścaran . a). No. 45 describes the recipients in a manner comparable to that prescribed in MtP 274.36-39 as one ācārya-purohita and eight priests (r ˚tvij), but without specifying their Vedic affiliation. The only example for a group that most probably also included Atharvavedins is no. 42 of that list, which is SAHNI 1917/ 18 = EI 14,no. 15 (B), because of its referring to the donees of no. 19 in appendices I-III in lages for the Brahmins 60 and one village for the cult (p ūjā) in the temple of Candramādhava at ancient Candrāvatī.

As there is no edited corpus of their numerous inscriptions available, it is difficult to assess the actual patronage pattern of the kings of the Gāhad . avāla dynasty of Kanauj and Benares, who ruled in the 11 th and 12 th centuries. To judge from their almost seventy copper-plate inscriptions listed by NIYOGI (1959: 245-260) and the few grants published in later volumes of Epigraphia Indica, it seems that they -like many contemporary kings -mainly supported Brahmins, but did not have their Vedic affiliation registered very often. Most of the Gāhad . avāla kings called themselves supreme worshippers of Śiva (paramamāheśvara), some of them were Vis . n . u devotees. Many of their records and also the Kamauli copper-plate hoard were found in the region of Benares. This hoard consists of more than twenty copper-plate charters containing grants of several villages by three successive Gāhad . avāla rulers in favour of a line of their purohitas/mahāpurohitas who were Yajurvedins. 61 No. 22 of appendices I and III, a copper-plate charter from the Karnataka part of the Vijayanagara empire, 62 can serve as a late epigraphical example for the existence not only of distinct experts in the Atharvaveda, but also of Brahmins who more or less equally studied the Sāmaveda and the Atharvaveda. In this grant of a village dated Śaka 1352 (= 1430 AD), the group of altogether thirtynine donees, who did not receive equal shares, consisted of seventeen Yajurvedins, fourteen R ˚gvedins, four Sāmavedins, two Atharvavedins, and also of two Sāmātharvavedins. 63 As in the second Chandravati charter, the grant to this mixed group was associated with one of the so-called mahādānas, the donative ritual named ratnadhenu. 64 The only stone inscription in appendices I and III -no. 20 -is written on the wall of a temple in south-eastern Tamilnadu and reports on a Vedic college. This 11 th -century Tamil record from the reign of Rājendra Col . a I registers several decrees of the local Brahmin community of En . n . āyiram (rājarājacaturvedima ṅgalam). Thus, for instance, every day a certain number of teachers and students had to be offered food. Among these students, there were also ten of the Atharvaveda (less than five per cent), along with seventy-five of the present paper = EI 14, no. 15 (A). 60 Two of the villages were situated in the district (pattalā) of Kat . hehalī already donated in the first grant. 61 Cf. KIELHORN 1896/97: 97-129. 62 This piece of evidence is particularly interesting as a link between the Karnataka empire of Vijayanagara and the Atharvavedic tradition was long missing; cf. DISKALKAR 1962: 2. See GRIFFITHS 2002: 42f. for a different interpretation of the term ' Karn . āta' in a 15 th -century context and BHATTACHARYA (2001: 10) as well as Walter Slaje in this volume for the 'Atharvavedic' connection between Kashmir and Karn . āta. 63 Cf. no. 22 = EC, N.E.,vol. 6,Sr. 25,p. 366, (second plate, second side). It appears that the donees are not listed in any particular order here; therefore, the respective school and gotra had to be repeated in each case. 64 The ratnadhenu ritual is mentioned in AVPariś 9. 3.2. the R ˚gveda, hundred and five of the Yajurveda, and forty of the Sāmaveda. In the group of the teachers, however, no specialised expert of the Atharvaveda was listed, but only those studying one of the three other Vedas. 65 In this case it may be presumed that non-Atharvavedins were in charge of teaching the Atharvaveda as a subject in that particular Vedic college.

In this context, no. 17 of appendices I and III, the 10 th -century donation of the Bengal king Śrīcandra, a devotee of the Buddha (paramasaugata), is worth mentioning. The complex grant 66 of the most important ruler of the Candra dynasty has been included in the third category of references to Atharvavedins here, despite its being a doubtful piece of evidence. In the famous Pun . d . ravardhanabhukti (compare nos. 15a,15b,16 and 18), Śrīcandra founded and equipped a large Brahmanical settlement, which he named Śrīcandrapura. The title deed, although made 'in the name of the lord Buddhabhat . t . āraka' (bhagavantam . buddhabhat . t . ārakam uddiśya) 67 (compare no. 16), specified separate land grants for individual Brahmanical colleges (mat . ha) dedicated to certain gods and also for a large community of Brahmins. In connection with two compounds of four mat . has each, one part of the donated land was meant to be used for altogether eight teachers of the four Vedas who were described as r ˚gyajussāmātharvopādhyāya. 68 This phrase does not clarify whether there was any Atharvavedin in the strict sense of the term among these teachers and, hence, whether it is justified to accept this reference into the list. The term could also denote so-called dvi-, tri-, or caturvedins who had the Atharvaveda in their teaching 'repertoire', but who were not exclusively devoted to this particular subject. The grouping of the teachers seems to have followed rather their affiliation to particular colleges (mat . hapratibaddha), not their Vedic affiliation; there was one teacher per mat . ha instructing five students each. Most of the land, however, was granted in favour of six thousand Brahmins headed by some donees whose names were listed. These six thousand Brahmins are said to have belonged to various, unspecified, gotras and pravaras (nānāgotrapravara) and to have studied different, unspecified, śākhās of the four caran . as (catuścaran . anānāśākhādhyāyin). 69 Some ten copper-plate charters of the Candras, who ruled in eastern Bengal in the 10 th and 11 th centuries, have been edited (BHATTACHARYA 1985: 123-126), while at least five unpublished grants of these kings are deposited in the Dhaka Museum (BHATTACHARYA 1985: 129). 70 Only donations to individual Brahmins are known to have been made by the Buddhist king Śrīcandra who issued more than half of the epigraphs. Some records of several 11 th -century Candra rulers, which seem to mark a shift in the patronage pattern towards temple endowments, were found in the Lalmai/Mainamati region of Bangladesh [START_REF] Morrison | Political Centers and Cultural Regions in Early Bengal. Tucson, Arizona. 1974 Lalmai, a Cultural Center of Early Bengal. An Archaeological Report and Historical Analysis[END_REF].

Conclusion

The epigraphical evidence for Atharvavedins shows, on the one hand, that adherents of this Veda, compared to R ˚g-, Yajur-, and Sāmavedins, were endowed rather in groups than as individuals. On the other hand, it is remarkable, although perhaps not too astonishing, that in heterogeneously assembled communities, Atharvavedins only occur if the three other Vedas are represented as well. The number of Atharvavedic Brahmins in homogeneous as well as in heterogeneous groups varies between a few and some fifty donees, the Gāhad . avāla grant (no. 19) being the only exception with almost two hundred Atharvavedic beneficiaries.

For this paper, I have decided to concentrate on relatively unambiguous epigraphical evidence for Atharvavedic Brahmins. However, it should be mentioned that there are also quite a few indirect references to Atharvavedins. Besides those charters in favour of heterogeneous groups that specify the Vedic affiliation of the donees as, for instance, the Gurjara Kaira charter (no. 10), the Bhaumakara Neulpur grant (no. 12), and the Gāhad . avāla Chandravati copper-plate inscription (no. 19), one comes across many references where the mixed Vedic affiliation of the group is only generally stated (with cāturvidya or catuścaran . a) as, for example, in the 5 th -century Chammak copper-plate charter of the Vākāt . akas (see above, fn. 11) or in the 7 th -century Navalakhi grant of the Maitrakas (see above, fn. 19). Furthermore, in a number of copper-plate and stone inscriptions from Karnataka dating from the 12 th to the 14 th centuries, middle-sized and large Brahmin groups were generally described as, for example, r ˚gyajussāmātharvan . avedavedā ṅgapāraga (see also no. 17 discussed above).71 This term and similarly constructed compounds seem to have been used as a kind of synonym for the cāturvidya or catuścaran . a communities referred to in earlier grants. 72 As . t . ādhyāyī,36,45,[START_REF]O JAHI) that accomplishes simultaneously self-protection and the destruction of one's enemies. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase svaraks[END_REF]64,102,122,123,125,128,130 As . t . āks . arabhairava,228,239 Āsurīdīpikā,180,185,209,216,259 Āsurī Durgā,211,259 Āsurī fruit,212 Āsurīkalpa,185,211 Atharvajyotis . a, 183 Atharvan . abhadrakālīmahāvidyā,207 Atharvanic Upanis . ads,81,86,88,143,148 . as,88,141,162,172,180,183,185,196,202,[204][205][206]208,211,212,361,369 Atharvavedasam . hitābhās . ya,[182][183][184]187,202,203,205

  8c. Bhattacharya edierte Pāda 8c als dan . d . as tv ā dattah . pari pātu sarpād ('der [von dir] gegebene Stab soll dich ringsum sch ützen vor [dem Biß] der Schlange'), was man freilich nicht als Fehler bezeichnen kann. Doch scheint mir dan . d . as 14 Wenn angenommen werden d ürfte, daß hier ein Dichter von der poetischen Kraft gewisser R ˚s . is des R ˚gveda am Werke war, so w ürde ich zu vermuten wagen, er habe die Zäsur absichtlich s u s pendiert, um damit symbolisch auszudr ücken, der Schmerz im Nacken werde durch das diesem untergeschobene Kissen wirksam a u f g e h o b e n.

, 4 .

 4 ein Ohrring, das implizite *kun . d . alán., vor Taubheit (6de); 5. ein Kopfkissen, upabárhan . an., vor Nackenschmerz (7a), 6. ein Halsschmuck, man . ím., vor . . . (7b), 7. K örper öl, abhyá ñjanan., vor Gliederschmerz (7c), 8. Speise, ánnan., vor Bauchweh (7d), 9. Sandalen, upānáhf., vor einer Fußkrankheit (8ab) und 10. ein Stab, dan . d . ám., vor Vergiftung durch Schlangenbiß (8c).

  āmayám., 5. der Nacken (grīv áf., eigentlich die [sieben] Halswirbel) in grīvaāmayám., 7. allgemein die Glieder (á ṅgan.) in a ṅga-rogá-m., 8. die Eingeweide (*antás . t . yan.) in antas . t . ya-āmayá-m., 9. die beiden F üße (pád-m.) in adhaspadáund padó rogám.; oder sie sind indirekt mitgemeint: 3. die Augen in ándhya-, 4. die Ohren in b ádhirya-, 10. ein unbestimmter, durch Schlangengift infizierter K örperteil in sarpám.

  yat, wonach dieses Suffix (/-yà-/) an [Stämme auf] -uund an gavusw. (Gan . apāt . ha 72, ed. B öhtlingk 109*-110*) antritt. F ür die nach dem gavādi-Gan . a zu dieser Regel gebildeten zweisilbigen Stämme gávya-(R ˚V29× +), médhya-(R ˚V2× +), nábhya-( ŚS 3× +), k úpya-(VS 3× +) usw. bedeutet dies, daß deren Svarita ganz von dem ihm vorangehenden Udātta abhängt und infolgedessen nat ürlich nachtonig ist. Bei der Betonung von unter gleicher Bedingung entstandenen mehr als zweisilbigen Stämmen wie asuryà-(R ˚V28× +), barhis . yà-(R ˚V1× 10.15.5b +) oder havis . yà-(R ˚V1× 1

  69 apa me (')bhīlī] apa me bhilī JM, apa me bhīlī Pa V/122, apu me bhīlī K patatv] JM V/122, patav Pa, paptatv K abhram . ] Or, ātam . K + vātahr ˚tam . ] vātahr ˚dam . Or, vātagham . K yathā |] JM K, yathā Pa V/122 ā] K, a Or suvarn . am . ] K [[Bar.: • varnam . ]], suparn . n . am . Or gachatu] Or, g••t• K [[Bar.: g***ta]] mukham ] mukham . JM, {kha}mukham . | Pa, mukham . | V/122, mukham¸K [[om. |]] 70 omitted in K • s ūryasyopodaye] Pa V/122, s ūryasyopādaye JM |] sic JM Pa [[!]] V/122 [[!]] + suvarn . am . ] suparn . n . a JM, suparn . n . am . Pa V/122 rocatām ] rotām . JM, rocatām . Pa [[!]] V/122 [[!]]

  hatte: ni pin . d . hi sarvān dh ūrvato a bhīvardho yathāsasi | abhīvardham abhībhavam abhīs . en . am . mahāgan . am | viśas tvā sarvā ā yant u v āpo divyāh . payasvatīh .

  k) = VS16.9. a. Several of the corrupt readings for dhanvanas pary arose through anticipation of the vowel u and confusion of p and y in conjuntion with s: • . ~å . pa;yR u a • > • . ~å . pu a;yR u a • or • . ~yu a;yR u a • . Several other manuscripts, including the Nīlarudras ūkta collections from Nepal, give the Yajurveda reading tvám in place of pári.

a . The

 . Śatarudriya reads kapardínah . instead of śikhan . d . ínah . . b. víśalyo b án . avān could also mean 'arrowless (his) quiver', which is how Nārāyan . a understands it; he also reads astu instead of utá. c. BHATTACHARYA and LOPEZ both print + aneśann. This reading is wellattested in the NU manuscripts. Note the exceptional divergence of D and E here. For asyés . avah . , MS and VS read asya y á ís . ava[h . ]. d. The Śatarudriya has ābh úr (or ābh úr [TS, VS]) instead of śivó. For nis . a ṅgáti, compare nis . a ṅgáthi (MS, KS, TS) and nis . a ṅgadhí 'sheath' (m.) (VS), and nis . a ṅgín 'one with a sheath' ( ŚS).

  pári te] ABCD(té)E(té)FGHIJLMNOPQRSTUVW(parīte)XYZ; parito K is . udhís távāré] ABCΣ; ís . udhis tavāré DE asmán] JQRSUZ(asmavāre asman); asmín ACFGHIKLMNOP TVWX; ásmin DE; yásmin B Parallels: = KS(p) = VS16.12;

  ánām . n ílagrīvo yáh . svaj ánām . hárir utá | kalm ás . apucham os . adhe jambháyāsy arundhati The blue-necked of the vipers, and the green one of the vipers, [and] the spotted-tailed, O plant, you shall devour [them], O Arundhatī.

  (a) svaj ánām . ] Z; svajánām . ABC(svajánān)DFI(svajanā(+m . ))KNPRSTUXY; svajánān EGHM OQVW(stva • ); svajanānām . JL (b) svaj ánām . ] Z; svajánām .

  2.14. "Having unstrung" (avatatya) means 'having strung up [the bow]' (!). "O Thousand-Eyed" (sahasrāks . a) = 'O [you] who have the form of Indra'! This is a vocative address (sam . bodhana) of him who has a hundred arrow-holders = quivers in the form of sacrifices. "Having cut" (niśīrya) = 'having sharp-

  this basis Bisschop proposes to emend as follows the uniformly transmitted CVU title for the text corresponding to the Skandayāga: vināyakasenābhis . ekah . . In AVPariś, the order of the aran . i • and sam . bhāralaks . an . as is different, which gives the sequence: brahmayāgah . | skandayāgāh . | sam . bhāralaks . an . am | aran . ilaks . an . am |. laks . ahomah . : This corresponds to AVPariś 30 (Laghulaks . ahoma); the following item in our list, called kātyāyanavidhi, corresponds to AVPariś 30b (Br ˚hallaks . ahoma). Note at the beginning of that Pariśis . t . a: atha k ā ṅk āyano bhagavantam atharvān . am . papraccha (30b.1.1). The editors record no variant for kā ṅkāyano, but the connection with the name of the Pariśis . t . a in CVU seems evident. ghr ˚takambalam . | anulomakalpah . : Thus restored by emendation on the basis of AVPariś. tad . āgavidhih . : This is called pait . hīnasitad . āgavidhih . in 49.4.9 (cf. §6 on the name Pait . hīnasi). snānavidhih . : With support from only one ms. (Jā)the other mss. omit it entirely -CVU lists this Pariśis . t . a before, rather than after Sandhyopāsanavidhi (as in AVPariś). naks . atragrahotpātalaks . an . am | indracāpalaks . an . am | sadyovr ˚s . t . ilaks . an . am | bh ūmikampalaks . an . am: In AVPariś, note the different places occupied by Bh ūmikampalaks . an . a and Utpātalaks . an . a, for which latter our text seems to substitute Indracāpalaks . an . a. The order there is: bh ūmikampalaks . an . am | naks . atragrahotpātalaks . an . am | utpātalaks . an . am | sadyovr ˚s . t . ilaks . an . am |. Is it possible that our text preserves a trace of the correct order, in view of the mismatches between the titles and contents of Atharvavedapariśis . t . as 61 and 63 noted by BOLLING & VONNEGELEIN, pp. 395 and 403? All in all, we seem to have a few more than the announced 72 Pariśis . t . as.The three mss. Gu 1 Gu 2 Jā all omit the Samidhalaks . an . a, Sruvalaks . an . a and the Indracāpalaks . an . a: the agreements between these mss. here is striking, because even though they originate from two neighboring villages, Jā generally shows more signs of affiliation with the mss. Ku 1 and Ku 3 . The first two omitted Pariśis . t . as are found quite commonly in other Paippalāda ancillary texts (cf.§5.5

  Ā ṅgirasakalpa Texts of the Oriya Paippalādins and their Connection with the Trika and the Kālīkula With critical editions of the Par ājapavidhi, the Par āmantravidhi, and the *Bhadrak ālīmantravidhiprakaran . a Alexis Sanderson Introduction: The Rise of Āgamic Ritual

t . a 1 ,

 1 which deals with these and their various effects, particularly on the fates of the rulers of various nations); (2) the vedānām . kalpah .(= Vaitānakalpa) as comprising the Vidhāna texts of the four Vedas(R ˚gvidhāna etc.), setting out the special fire-rites using Vedic mantras for supernatural effects (seeVis . n . udharmottarapurān . a, Khan . d . a 2, which gives Vidhāna texts for all four Vedas; cf. p. 188 in Arlo Griffiths' contribution to this volume); (3) the Sam . hitāvidhi as specifying the sage (r ˚s . ih . ), metre (chandah . ), and presiding deity (devatā) of each of the various Atharvanic Mantras; (4) the Śāntikalpa as teaching the ritual procedures for countering the effects of portents of all kinds (cf., e.g.,Vis . n . udharmottarapurān . a, Khan . d . a 2,; and

  )[, one] that can bring about liberation. I am committed to the path of rites (karmamārge). How [in spite of that] shall I achieve liberation?A ṅgiras said: (2c-3b) You ask well, my pupil. Out of compassion I shall tell you. There is [indeed] a higher Mantra for the purpose of liberation. It is that which denotes Parāśakti. (3c-4b) She is the single Power of Consciousness, dedicated to granting liberation to souls. It is by propitiating that Power that Sādhakas (prasādhakāh . ) achieve this goal. (4c-5b) [The scriptures] teach that this [Power], Parāśakti, constitutes Śiva [himself], since his nature is [none other than this] Consciousness, and they teach that her Mantra is SAUH . , on which Śiva himself meditates with devotion. (5c-6b) I shall [now] teach you [the procedure of] that Mantra upon which Brahmā and the other [lesser gods] do not meditate and for that very reason are mortal. 100 Listen, dear [pupil], with full attention.

  (9c-10) After bowing to Brahmā [as the Lord of the shrine (vāstvadhipatih . )] he should act to eliminate the Impeders. With SA he should clap thrice at [the level of his] M ūlādhāra. The learned [worshipper] should make each subsequent clap of the three louder than that which it follows. (11ab) He should do [the same] with AU at [the level of his] heart and with [three] AH . s at [the level of] the aperture of Brahmā. (11cd) With these nine claps he will drive away the Impeders from the earth[, the region below it,] and [the air above it]. (12) After taking hold of his right foot with his left hand the learned [worshipper] should beat the ground [with it] while repeating the sound SA, in order to eliminate the Impeders [in the Pātāla worlds beneath the earth]. (13ab) Remaining alert he should make three more claps with AU. (13cd) [Clapping thrice] while repeating AH . he should cast a furious gaze into the sky. (14ab) [By this means will] have been eliminated all Impeders in the Pātālas [below the site], on the earth [of the site], and in the sky [above it]. (14cd) We have been taught that these claps are of two kinds: internal and external. 106

  . ], SAIM . [KAVAC ĀYA HUM . ], SAUM . [NE-ing the six Ancillaries with the three sounds [of the Mantra] uttered twice, [these three] representing Being, Consciousness, and Bliss [respectively] (saccidānanda-). Then [after the installation to be prescribed] he should do the pratyaks . aranyāsah . , the installation of each of the [three] sounds one by one. (21-22b) He should install the Great Mantra five times on each [of the following:] the [top of the] head, the tongue, the heart, the genitals, and [then as Pervasive in] the whole body 110 and then twenty-seven times on his topknot (śikhā). 111 (22c-24b) [The brahmin should then do the pratyaks . aranyāsah . . He should] install SA from [the top of] his head to his heart, AU from his heart to his navel, and AH . from his navel to his feet. The Mantrin should install [the Mantra] in the same way once again, sound by sound (pratyaks . aram), in the order of descent. 112 (24cd) The Mantrin should [then] do the Pervasive Installation as above, using the whole [Mantra]. 113

  ) s . ad . a ṅganyāsah . ,(25-26b) Then he should visualize the Great Goddess who directly bestows liberation [by reciting the following:] "May the goddess Parā protect me, with the colour of a moon with no mark, three-eyed, with the crescent of the moon [on her hair], her [two] arms beautiful with [her right hand in] the hand-posture [of knowledge] and [her left holding] a manuscript [of scripture]".114 (26cd) After he has visualized the goddess he should display the handpostures of the Cow and theVulva. 115 [START_REF]On the nature of immobilizing, deluding, causing dissension, causing panic, and killing the enemy. Colophon[END_REF](28) Alternatively one who seeks liberation should visualize the goddess Parā in the site of Śakti [above the cranial aperture] (śaktisthāne) 116 or in the sky, white, dressed in white, with

  kāmavis . aye): akala ṅkaśaśā ṅkābhām . tryaks . ām . candrakalāvatīm | mudrāpustalasadbāhām . muktāman . ivibh ūs . itām. The same iconography is given in vv. 4-6 of the Parāstuti of Sahajānandayogin incorporated in the Parāpaddhati (p. 196): mauktikaman . igan . arucirām . śaśā ṅkanirmokanirmalam . ks . aumam | nivasānām . parameśīm . namāmi sauvarn . aput . āntah . sthām | 5 bhaktajanabhedabha ñjanacinmudrākalitadaks . in . apān . italām | p ūrn . āham . tākāran . apustakavaryen . a ruciravāmakarām | 6 sr ˚s . t . isthitilayakr ˚dbhir nayanāmbhojaih . śaśīnadahanākhyaih . | mauktikatāt . a ṅkābhyām . man . d . itamukhama-

  hayogapradīpikā3.61, Goraks . aśataka 58, andYogamārtan . d . a 48, but with ākr ˚s . ya instead of ākars . en: 'After compressing the Yoni with his heel he should contract his anus. The M ūlabandha is said [to be accomplished] by drawing the descending breath upwards [in this way]'. In Rāghavabhat . t . a's text this verse is followed by gudamed . hrāntaram . yonis tām āku ñcya prabandhayet | yuvā bhavati vr ˚ddho 'pi satatam . m ūlabandhanāt 'The Yoni is the area between the anus and the penis. He should bind [the M ūlabandha] by contracting it. By constant practice of the M ūlabandha even an aged man becomes youthful'. The Hat . hayogapradīpikā continues as follows (3.62-64): adhogatim apānam . vā ūrdhvagam . kurute balāt | āku ñcanena tam . prāhur m ūlabandham . hi yoginah . | gudam . pārs . n . yā tu sam . pīd . ya vāyum āku ñcayed balāt | vāram . vāram . yathā cordhvam . samāyāti samīran . ah . | prān . āpānau nādabind ū m ūlabandhena caikatām | gatvā yogasya sam . siddhim . yacchato nātra sam . śayah . 'Or else he forces the descending breath upwards. The Yogins teach that the M ūlabandha is brought about by contracting.

  Śāmbhavī [Mudrā]. 119 (30) If a person repeats this [Mantra] twelve thousand [times] a day, he certainly attains enlightenment and thereby the state of liberation. (31) Out of compassion I have told you the Mantra that is more secret than secret. It may be passed on [only] to a meditator. It may not be given to all and sundry. The benefits of the japah . (= Parātrīśikā 120 ):

  s . at . trim . śat tattvāni vaks . yamān . āni sam .mudrya ekīkr ˚tya. The close affinity between our Parājapavidhi and the South Indian exegesis of the Parātrīśikā in other details has prompted me to follow it here. 122 I have translated āgatya samayam . dattvā bhairaven . a pracoditāh . | yacchanti paramām . siddhim following the Parātrīśikālaghuvr ˚tti, which takes bhairaven . a as the agent of dattvā: samayam . dattve-[Mantra] that Mantrins will achieve Siddhi and enable [others] to do so. All [that has been taught] in the Bhairavatantras depends for its success on this [Mantra]. Here ends the Parājapavidhi of the Ā ṅgirasa[kalpa].

  Next I shall teach the rite of Parā. The R ˚s . i of this Mantra of Parā is Daks . in . ām ūrti, its metre the Tris . t . ubh, its deity Parāśakti, its Seed SAM . , its ti maryādāp ūrvakam . bhairaven . a bhagavatā . . . prakars . en . a coditāh . . However, it is more probable that the author of the Parātrīśikā meant the Mothers and the rest to be understood as the agents of the giving: '. . . all the Mothers etc. arrive, give the samayah . (samayam . dattvā), and then bestow the ultimate Siddhi'. Cf. Picumata f. 364v3 (101.28c-29a): dadate yogisa ṅghas tu kaulam . samayam uttamam | carukam . sampradāyam . ca 'The assembly of Yoginīs [comes and] bestows [on him] the supreme Kaula samayah . , the [initiatory] sacrament, and the tradition'. The word yogiin yogisa ṅghah . is to be understood to mean yoginī-. Cf., e.g., Netratantra 20.16c's yogiyogena and Ks . emarāja's gloss: yoginīnām . yogena; and Mālinīvijayottara 19.25c-26: tato 'sya vatsarārdhena *dehāntar (em. : dehāntam . Ed.) yoginīkulam | āvirbhavaty asam . dehāt svavij ñānaprakāśakam | tenāvirbh ūtamātren . a yogī yogikule kulī.

  sarvāh . kurute tv iyam | a ṅgavaktrān . i cāpy asyāh . prāgvat svaraniyogatah . 'The second [consonants] from the second, sixth, and seventh series [KH, PH, and R] with the Bindu [M . ] and the Yoni vowel [E] [form] Kālasam . kars . an . ī, the Essence of the Mothers (Mātr ˚sadbh āva) [i.e. KHPHREM . ]. It is also approved without the first [of the three consonants, i.e. as PHREM . ] or also without the last [i.e. as PHEM . ]. [When] the same is [formed of] the vital principle [S] enclosed on either side by the breath [H] and radiant as the fire of the Aeon [+R], [followed by] the left foot [PH], burning brightly [+R], adorned upon its summit by Bindu [M . ] and conjoined with the right knee [E] [(= HSHRPHREM . ), then it] is venerated by the assembly of all the Mothers. Any Mantra will grant whatever result one desires if it is brought to life by [the addition of] this [syllable]. For this is the ultimate essence of the Mothers and of Bhairava. Therefore it is this whose Japa the Mantrin should undertake if he seeks the supreme Siddhi [of liberation]. In it the state of immersion in the power of Rudra is eternally established. For this is proclaimed to be the [Trika's] Śakti Parā in another form. She accomplishes all the Siddhis that have been taught in the Tantras. As for her [six] Ancillaries and [five] face-Mantras they are [to be formed] by adjusting [her] vowel in the manner taught above [for other Mantras]'.See also the term mātr ˚jam . calam that denotes the syllable PHEM . in the Trika's Tantrasadbhāva, f. 22v2-3: calam . tu mātr ˚jam . cādyam . tam . pravaks . yāmi vistarāt | vāmapādam . [PH] samuddhr ˚tya bhinnam . daks . in . ajānunā [E] | bindunā [M . ] samalam . kr

( 39 )

 39 Or he may defeat the enemy by attaching a Yantra of this [goddess] to his arm. He should draw Māyā [HR ĪM . ] PHAT . in the centre of an eight-petal lotus [painted] on a strip of gold. (40) On each of the petals he should write one of the [eight] syllables of the Mantra [BHA, DRA, K Ā, LI, JA, YAM . , DE, HI], and the armour-Seed (varmabījam = kavacam) [HUM . ] on the tip of each of the petals. He should set around it the [eight] Mother goddesses

(

  83c-84b) Alternatively he may offer 1000 oblations of ghee when it is time to go to war. He should make the same number of oblations [every day] un-til the day of the battle. (84cd) He should trace the [Great Seed] Mantra on a banner and carry it in front [of his army] on a bamboo pole. (85) A king seeking victory who marches forth [with this banner] will certainly be victorious. Or he may paint [the icon of] this [form of] Bhadrakālī on [gessoed] cloth, following the rules [of her iconography]. (86) A king who goes into battle carrying [this painting] in front of his forces will be victorious. He will [also] conquer if he attaches this [goddess's] Yantra to his arm. (

( 104 )

 104 Three times a day, at dawn, midday, and sunset, he should worship the goddess beginning on the eighth day of the dark fortnight of the month of Āśvina and continuing until the Great Eighth[, the eighth day of the bright fortnight that follows]. (105) The king should worship her three times, at dawn, midday, and sunset, but [once again] in more elaborate form during the course of each night.

  vāridhyuparisam . sthitam K : laks . mībījam . tatoddhr ˚tya udadhīśasamanvitam T 90c somāt saptamakoddhr ˚tya K J 1 J 2 : somāsaptamakoddhr ˚tya D : somāt saptamam uddhr ˚tya T 90d navavarn . ā kuleśvarī K T : navavarn . n . ākuleśvari J 1 : navavarn . n . āh . kuleśvari J 2 : navarn . n . āh . kuleśvari D The nine-syllable [Vidyā] Kuleśvarī comes about by raising [from the matrix the following sounds:] the best part of the body [the Yoni: E], the bird [KH(A)], the fierce [PH(A)], 146 the mass [of rays] [R(A)], and the individual soul [M(A) (= M . )], O beautiful one; then time [MA], 147 the all-pervading [H(A)] mounted by the [mouth]-opener [ Ā], 148 the first of the third [consonant class] [CA], the horse [N . (A)] 149 united with the vulnerable point of the D . ākinīs [D . A], 150 wind [Y(A)] united with the ninth [of the solar vowels] [O], fire [G(A)] 151 with the house of fire [E], 152 the residence of Laks . mī [ Ś(A)] 153

  | 44 adhītā tena deveśa kim anyair vistaren . a vā | N 1 , f. 13r3-v3; N 2 , ff. 43r3-44r2; N 3 , ff. 36r5-37r3 35c śirasontastham . N 2 N 3 : śirastontastham . N 1 35d samāyutam conj. : mahāyutam . N 2 N 3 : mahāputam . N 1 37c deveśa N 1 N 2 : deveśī N 3 38a pālistham . em. : pān . istham . Codd. 38b sam . yutam . N 2 N 3 : sam . yu + N 1 39a adhah . stād em. : adhah . sthād Codd. 40a hara N 1 N 3 : haram . N 2 40b sam . yuktam . N 2 N 3 : sam . + + N 1 41a randhrasam . khyā em. : randhrasam . j ñā Codd. 42a sam . smaran . ād N 1 N 2 : sasmaran . ād N 3 42c sadyaiva N 1 N 2 : sam . dyaiva N 3 43c kot . is tu conj. : kot . īnām . Codd. 43d paramārthatah . N 1 N 2 : pāramarthatah . N 3 (35-36b) He should extract the foremost of conglomerate [Seeds as follows]: the letter in the right arm [KH(A)] 156 combined with the Great Resonance [PH(A)], with that in the head [R(A)] below it, joined with the Great Womb 154

  . The fifty[E], with the [letter in] the left knee [(A)M . ] above itshead. (36c-37b) Merely by realizing this through meditation, O Maheśvara, the excellent Vīra subjects to his will Brahmā, the other [gods], and the Yoginīs. (37cd) Hear, O god of the gods, another Seed, the best among the best of them. (38) He should extract the heart [H(A)] combined with the navel [ Ā] resting on the lobe of the right ear [MA], that in the left side on its own [CA], and the left ear [N . (A)]. (39) Below that he should add, O god, the third of the letters of the skull[-chaplet] [D . A]. Then he should extract the human entrails [Y(A)] combined with the severed head of Vis . n . u beneath her left foot [O], (40) the letter of her vital principle [G(A)] combined with the womb-seed [E] as seventh, O Hara, then the sex organ [ Ś(A)] on the first of the hair [letters] [VA] and the right thigh [R ˚].

  (43-44b) O divine [Bhairava], O Lord of the gods, by knowing this [Vidyā] born of the Kālīkula one has in reality mastered [all] seven hundred and seventy million Vidyās. So what need is there for other [Mantras] or [further] elaboration?

  (A), collated with the citation of this passage in Jayadrathayāmalaprastāramantrasam . graha, f. 61r1-2 (B): *yat tat (B : yan na A) k ūt . eśvarīcakre pin . d . am uktam . mayā tava | *tad (A : tam B) uddhr ˚tya prayatnena punar *nāmam athoddharet (B : nāma hy athoddharet A) | 45 pādāntam . parameśāni punar *anyam . (A : mantram . B) śr ˚n . u priye | *mahātmānam . (A : mahānādam . B) nādayutam . mahābindusamanvitam | 46 kun . d . alam . *dāran . ākrāntam . (em. : dārun . ākrāntam . A : dārakrāntam . ca B) bindunādasamanvitam | punar *bindum . (B : bindu A) trikon . am . ca kun . d . alam . dhāmasam . sthitam | 47 nāmapādasamāyuktam . mantram . sarvāsu kīrtitam. The Jayadrathayā-

  tripa ñcā ṅgamite vars . avr ˚nde yāte kaleh . kila | atharvakauśalād dron . o ran . am . kurubalair vyadhāt kurubhir nihate dron . e tadātharvā nirāśrayah . | śaran . īkr ˚tavān vedah . karn . āt . ān pat . ucetanān Ps-JRT 121* (p. 173), B 1267-1268 When 653 years of the Kali[yuga] had passed, Dron . a waged war against the Kuru forces on account of [his] Atharvanic skills. After Dron . a had been slain by the Kurus, the Atharvaveda had lost support [and] sought the protection of the quick-witted Karn . āt . as.

  are more difficult to judge: darśò 'si darśatò 'si sámagro 'si sámantah . | sámagrah . sámanto bh ūyāsam . góbhir áśvaih . prajáyā paś úbhir gr ˚háir dhánena (4) yò 'sm án dvés . t . i yám . vayám . dvis . más tásya tvám . prān . én ápyāyasva | á vayám . pyāsis . īmahi góbhir áśvaih . prajáyā paś úbhir gr

˚háir dhánena

(5)

  yád dhástābhyām . cakr ˚má kílbis . ān . y aks . án . ām . gatn úm upalípsamānāh . | ugram . paśyé ugrajítau tád ady ápsarásāv ánu dattām r ˚n . ám . nah . 'If with our hands we have done offenses, desiring to take up the course (?) of the dice, let the two Apsarases fierce-seeing, fierce-conquering, forgive today that guilt of ours' (WHITNEY).

	8.15.2	PS only (d: 1d, 6d)
	*agastayah . kan . vāh . kutsāh . prasravan . ā vir ūpā gargā mudgalā + yaskāh . śaunakāh . |	(12/P) (13/P)
	sam . kr ˚tayo brāhman . ā ye na drugdhās tebhyah . pra br ūma iha kilbis .	(11/P)

  He should not eat, should not drink, should not be lying. He should not kiss the spouse, nor the son. When an offense against a Brahmin is announced, up should he rise. This is the path of the R

	etwas insinuieren".
	8.15.5 PS only
	nā a śnīyān na piben na *śayīta	(11)
	na *nim . sīta jāyām . no u ta putram |	(11)
	brahmakilbis . e prokta	(7)
	ud eva tis . t . het sa r ˚tasya panthāh .	(11)

˚ta. nāśnīyān] Or, nāśnīyām . K piben] JM V/126 [Ma Mā], pi(+ be 4)n Ku, pibeyam . K *śayīta] śain Or, śaita K *nim . sīta jāyām . ] nim . śita jāyān Ku V/126 Mā, nim . śita jāyām . JM [Ma], nim . śaibhujā(→ tujā)yām . K putram |] putram . | Or, putram . [[om. |]] K brahmakilbis . e] JM V/126 [Ma Mā], brahmaki{•}lbis . e Ku, brahmakilvis . e K prokta ud] Or, proktaud K tis . t . het sa] Or, tis . t . hesva K r ˚tasya panthāh . ] Ku V/126 [Ma Mā], r ˚tasya panthāh . | JM, ritasya panthā [[om. |]] K BHATTACHARYA misprints piven and vrahmakilbis . e. a. I adopt BARRET's emendation (p. 283). Cf. also BHATTACHARYA 1997: xxxvi.

  tr ín . i śat á tr í sahásrān . y agním . trim . śác ca dev á náva cāsaparyan '3339 gods honored Agni'. d. kilbis . am + loc. means 'offense against smbd.', cf. ŚS 5.19.5cd ks . īrám . yád asyāh . pīyáte tád vaí pitŕ ˚s . u kílbis . am 'when her milk is being drunk, this is really an offense against the Fathers'.

	8.15.8	PS only
	tasmai sa druhyād ya idam . n a āyad	(11)
	yo nottis . t . hād yo na vadātā asmin |	(11)
	brāhman . asya kilbis . e nāthitasya	(11)
	sodaryatām ichato brāhman .

  Brahmins, rise, come to an agreement: "I ask for[returning] what has been scathed. Let it come back whole again. Let Indra and Agni, the All-Gods bring back to me again what has been scathed."

	O
	8.15.9	PS only
	ut *tis . t . hata brāhman . āh . sam . vadadhvam .	(11)
	jītam . yācāmi punar aitu sarvam |	(11)
	indrā a gnī viśve devās	(8)
	te me jītam . punar ā vartayantu	(11)

JM: te me 10 • ut *tis . t . hata brāhman . āh . ] uttis . t . hadbrāhman . āh . Or, uttis . t . hadvrāhman . ās K vadadhvam . ] Or, vidadhvam . K yācāmi] Ku JM, yācāmi(→ ma) Ma, yācāma V/126 [Mā], yācami K sarvam |] Or, sarvam . K [[om. |, but note • m . i • ]] indrāgnī] Ku [Ma Mā] K, indrāgni JM, indrāgn{i}ī V/126 jītam . ] V/126 [Ma Mā], jī{t•}tam . Ku, jitam . K vartayantu ] varttayantu Or, vardhayantu Z K

  yus . mān anv etu kilbis . am 'let the offense go to you'. Mā, brahman . ásya K [[misprint Bar.: vrahmanásya]] brāhman . áh . ] Ku V/126 [Ma Mā] K [[br áhman . ah . ]], brāhman . a JM satyám . vádati] satye vadati Or, satyám . va(→ tyéva)dati K kílbis . e] Ku V/126 [Ma], kilbis . am . JM, kis . e Mā, kílvis . e K

	y ó brāhman . ásya brāhman . áh .	(8)
	satyám . vádati kílbis . e	(8)
	Neither does Śarva slay, nor does Rudra slay, nor [does] the thunderbolt [slay]
	the progeny of him, who, being a Brahmin, speaks the truth about the offense
	against a Brahmin.
	8.15.11	PS only
	nāsya prajām . śarvo hanti	(8)
	na rudro hanti nāśanih . |	(8)

JM: from satye to 13b avāyati | (inclusive) written in margine • nāśanih . |] Or, nāśani Z K |] V/126 [Ma Mā] K, Ku brāhman . ásya] Ku V/126, brāhma(+ n . a)sya Ma, brāhmasya BHATTACHARYA edits satye.

  brāhman . ah . syāstām . JM, brā[[line]]brāhman . asyāstām . K[[om. |, but note • h . y • ]] BHATTACHARYA edits brāhman . asyāstām . . Present VI jus . ate is an innovation of the AV, arisen from the a-aor. jus . aof the R Who would rise at the offense against a Brahmin and go away, looking for food, let both Heaven and Earth scorch him, and let him go [along] the path of what is not gone (= Death).

	hr ˚das K 8.15.13 PS only s ūrya ivāpālupat] s ūrya ivāpālapat Or, s ūryaivāpālupat K ya utthāya kilbis . e brāhman . asya--annam + ichann avāyati | tamah . K ˚V. ubhe enam . dyāvāpr ˚thivī sam . tapatām athait u v agatasya panthām 15 anuvāka 3	hr ˚dah . ] Or, tamah . ] Or, (11) (8) (13/P) (9/P)

tám . ] Or, tvám . K somapītho] K, somapitho Or jus . ate] Or, juguthe K nr ˚caks . ā] Or, nr ˚caks . ād K grāvabhih . ] JM [Ma], grāmabhih . Ku, grāvabhi V/126, śrāvabhi Mā, grāvabhis K saha] Ku V/126 [Ma Mā] K, sah . JM |] Or, om. K brāhman . asyāstām . ] Ku V/126 [Ma Mā], a. JM: the marginal addition ends with avāyati 3; thereafter in line 3: {syānnasītsannavāyati |} • kilbis . e] kilvis . e K brāhman . asyānnam + ichann] brāhman . asyānnasītsann Ku V/126 Mā, brāhman . asyānnasīchann JM [Ma], brāhman . asyām . namaiścham . n K avāyati |] Or, avāyate | K [[Bar., Bh. omit |]] ubhe enam . ] Ku JM [Ma Mā], ubhe ekam . V/126, utainam . K sam . tapatām] V/126 [Ma], sam . tapatām . m Ku, santapatām JM, sam . tapam Mā, santapatām . m K agatasya] Or, aktasya K panthām 15 anuvāka 3 ] panthām . r ˚13 15 a 3 Ku, panthām . r ˚{•}12 15 JM, panthām . 15 r ˚(sec. m. •) a 3 V/126, panthām . Z 5 Z anu 3 Z K BHATTACHARYA edits • nnasīcchann. Presumably, pādas c and d are prose. d. The collocation agatasya panthāis a standing expression in the AV, cf. ŚS 14.2.74c t ám . vahantv ágatasy ánu pánthām . (∼ PS

  6 and 7. A New Edition with Translation and Commentary. Griffiths, Arlo & A.M. Lubotsky 2000-01 Paippalāda Sam . hitā 4.15. To heal an open fracture: with a plant. In: Die Sprache 42/1-2 [appeared 2003], 196-210. Oldenberg, Hermann 1888 Über die Liedverfasser des Rigveda. Nebst Bemerkungen über die vedische Chronologie und über die Geschichte des

  vij ñá nam . v ás[o á]har us . n . ís . am . r átrī kéśā háritau pravartáu kalmalír man . íh . '[Sein, des Vrātya, zweiteiliges] Gewand ist das Unterscheidungsverm ögen, [sein weißer] Turban ist der Tag, [seine schwarzen] Haare sind die Nacht, [seine runden] Ohrringe sind die beiden Goldgelben (Sonne und Mond), [sein im Kreis umgelegter] Halsschmuck ist [deren] Hof

  tatsächlich, wenn auch ohne Akzent, belegt ist. Aber unter dem Einfluß vor allem des antonymen Adjektivs nís . t . ya-'auswärtig' (R

˚V3× +) konnte das urspr ünglichere antastya-'inwendig' dessen Retroflexe übernehmen und zu dem einigermaßen befremdlichen antas . t . yaumgestaltet werden. Eine weitere retroflektierte -tya-Bildung, nämlich das homomorphe āvís . t . ya-'offenbar' (R ˚V2× +), mag bei dieser Beeinflussung eine gewisse Nebenrolle gespielt haben.

  :1 wird berichtet, wie die Asuras einst dem Kan . va Nārs . ada, der mit einer Asurī verheiratet war, an schattigem Ort, pracchāye, einen zum Ausruhen einladenden goldenen Sessel, hiran . mayīm āsandīm, hinstellten in der hinterhältigen Absicht, ihn damit zu t öten. Obwohl ihn seine Frau eindringlich davor gewarnt hatte: tasyām . māupa veśīr iti, setzte sich Kan . va dennoch selbstvergessen darauf nieder, tasyām . ha pramatta upa viveśa. Augenblicklich, tad eva, wurde der Sessel zu Stein und bedeckte ihn ganz mit einer harten H ülle, śilā bh ūtvā-abhisam . vives . t . e. Kan . vas S öhne Triśoka und Nabhāka erfuhren davon und kamen herbeigeeilt. Mit dem Wunsch, den Stein zu zerbrechen, sang Nabhāka die von ihm erschauten und nach ihm benannten vier Nābhāka-Hymnen R ˚V 8.39-42. Da wurde der fest eingeschlossene Vater in dem steinernen Sessel ringsum sichtbar, tasyām . pary adr Derselbe Vergleich mit einer 'Glasperle' und deren Schnur findet sich auch noch an einer anderen Stelle des Jaiminīya-Brāhman . a, nämlich in JB 2.245:1 yatho ha vai man . au man . is ūtram otam . syād evam es . u lokes . u trirātra otah .

˚śyata

(3.73:9)

, und zwar yathā man . au man . is ūtram . paridr ˚śyetaevam (3.74:1) 'so, wie in einer Perle eine Perlenschnur ringsum sichtbar ist'. Damit nun aber die Schnur durch die Perle hindurch sichtbar werden k önne, muß die Perle so durchsichtig sein wie Glas -oder doch so durchscheinend wie ein dem Glas ähnliches Material. Mit dem deutschen Wort 'Glasperle' oder dem englischen 'bead' soll nun aber nichts anderes gemeint sein als ein solches Einblick ins Innere gewährendes transluzentes Juwel oder Kleinod. Wenn sich bei 'Edelstein' die Konnotation 'opak' vermeiden ließe, so wäre auch dieser Ausdruck als Übersetzung von man . ígeeignet. Ja er w ürde im obigen JB-Kontext sogar besonders gl ücklich gewählt sein, da sich dort der Sessel ja in 'Stein' verwandelt. Warum also nicht in 'Edelstein'?!

  yat te hanvor daurbhāg i yam . kan . t . he klomasu vis . t . hitam, PS 16.149.9ab kan . t . hadaghnām . †mahimārttimr

˚n . ām . † devebh i yah . kilbis . am . yad babh ūva, PS

17.36.1 (PSK 17.29.10)

. . . yah . kan . t . hah . sā dhruvā . . . Die Existenz dieses Nomens ist aber auch f ür dieyà-Ableitung kán . t . hyavorauszusetzen, welche einmal in der Vājasaneyi-Sam . hitā belegt ist: VSM 39.9 = VSK 39.7.1 bhavásya k án . t . hyam . rudrásyāntah . pārśvyám . mahādévasya yákr ˚c charvásya vanis . t . h úh . paśupáteh . purītám.

  26

  párśavo br ˚hatyàh . | k íkasāh . kak úbhah . só 'ntaren . a tris . t . úbhaś ca kak úbhaś ca br ˚hat ír úpa dadhāti tásmād im á ubhayátra párśavo baddh áh . k íkasāsu ca jatr ús . u ca 'Die Br ˚hatī-Ziegel sind [seine] Rippen, die Kakubh-Ziegel [seine] k íkasās. Die Br ˚hatī-Ziegel legt er (der den Feueraltar bauende Priester) zwischen den Tris . t . ubh-und Kakubh-Ziegeln auf. Deshalb sind die Rippen hier auf zwei [einander entgegengesetzten] Seiten 43 befestigt, an den k íkasās und an den jatrávas.' Zunächst ist daran zu erinnern, daß die Tris . t . ubh-Ziegel kurz zuvor mit der Brust (oder dem Brustbein?) gleichgesetzt wurden: ŚB 8.6.2.7 úras tris . t . úbhah . . Daraus folgt f ür unsere Stelle: Da die Rippenknochen sich von der Brustmitte bis zur Mitte des R ückens erstrecken, m üssen die jatrávas entweder an diesem oder an jenem Ende liegen. B öhtlingk & Roth, PW

  Wir werden aber nach einer gewissenhaften Pr üfung derselben immerhin jetzt schon sagen d ürfen, daß die von B öhtlingk & Roth, PW III 15 s.v. jatr ú aufgrund einer einzigen, schwerverständlichen Stelle im ŚB mit geb ührender Reserve angesetzten alternativen Bedeutungen "die Fortsätze der Wirbel oder die Rippenhöcker, tubercula costarum" beide ganz aufzugeben sind. Nun hat Caland in seiner Übersetzung von Āp ŚS 15.15.1 abhito dhr ˚s . t . ī jatr ūn . ām . r ūpam "beiderseitig [stellt er] die zwei Sch ürhaken als die Fortsätze der Wirbel [dar]"

  19, Zeile 34: jjo in • āgrajjo • und Zeile 36 (jeweils Tafel 2): dd ā und rdda in • prodd āmodāradorddan . d . a

• ; Epigraphia Indica 35, Nr. 37, Zeile 36 (Tafel 2a): jja in • sajjana • und Zeile 68 (Tafel 3) dd ā in

  statt des unverständlichen yaks . mād †datkravyāt † zu lesen vorschlage, bruchlos ein. Nach erfolgreich abgeschlossener Suche d ürfen wir rufen: Hurra, wir haben es gefunden, das Schl üsselwort; es ist das Schl üsselbein. Und als Übersetzung der Zeile PS 7.15.7b man . ayo yaks . māj *jatravyāt ergibt sich somit: 'die Halsperlen(ketten) [sollen dich sch ützen] vor dem yáks . mader Schl üsselbeinknochen.'

  f ünfmal belegt. Dieser Abschnitt lautet in der von Arlo Griffiths und mir hergestellten vorläufigen Ausgabe so: yathedam abhram arbhakam . parjanyād apa + śīyate | evā me aśvinā mukhād abhīl ī y apa + śīyatām 9 56 Wie dieses winzige Gew ölk von der Gewitterwolke wegfällt, So soll, ihr Aśvins, von meinem Gesicht die Abhīlī wegfallen. abhīli naśyetah . paras tvacam . me mābhi mimlapah . | agast i yasya brahman . ā abhīlīm . nāśayāmasi 10 57 Abhīlī, schwinde fern von hier; laß mir die Haut nicht welken! 58 Mit des Agastya Zauberspruch lassen wir die Abhīlī schwinden.

sesicām upatvacām . nāśaya ā purur ūpād abhīl i yam . mukhāt 1

59

Laß schwinden

[mir]

vom vielfarbenen Gesicht die [schwarze] Abhīlī, 60 56 abhram arbhakam . ] arbham arbhaka JM, arbhakam arbhakam . Pa V/122, abhram arbhaka K apa + śīyate] apa sīyate Or, abhisam . yathā K [[Bar.: • sr ˚m . ya • ]] evā] Or, yāvā K abhīly] Pa V/122 K, abhily JM apa + śīyatām] apa sīyatām . Or, upa sam . yathā K 57 abhīli] Or, abhela K naśyetah . ] JM, nasyetah . Pa V/122, naśyetah ˘K tvacam . ] Or, tr ˚car K mimlapah . ] Pa V/122, mimlipah . JM, jam . lumah . K brahman . ābhīlīm . ] Pa V/122, brahman . ābhilīm . JM, vrahman . āvīlīn K nāśayāmasi ] nāśayāmasi r ˚10 62 JM, nāśayāmasi 62 r ˚

  Sch önheit, und sie bezeichnet damit den gr ößtm öglichen Gegensatz zu der durch Krankheit verursachten monochromen Schwärze. 57 die an der Haut [haftet 61 und deren Fl üssigkeit] sickernd 62 ergießt. 63 yan me kr ˚tād apriyād āruroha malam . mukham | apām . vāta i va śīpālam . s ūryas tad apa lumpatu 2 64

	abhīlyam . JM, pur	˚r ˚p ād

• ] Or, sesic āmu pa K [[Bar.: seci*m upa]] purur ūpād abhīlyam . ] pur ˚r ˚p ād abhīlyam . Pa V/122, purur ūpā | dabhīlām . K mukhāt ] mukhāt 1 JM, mukhāt | Pa V/122, mukhā | K 60 Die bunte Vielfarbigkeit meines Gesichts ist gleichbedeutend mit dessen gesunder

  Tat 66 bewachsen hat, soll die Sonne wegreißen,67 wie der Wind die Śīpāla[-Pflanze] der Gewässer [wegreißt].68

	apa me (')bhīlī patat u v abhram .	+ vātahr ˚tam . yathā |
	61 Sollten sich Lesung und Verständnis dieses Wortes als richtig erweisen, dann wäre upa-tvac-
	a-(*upa-tvac-á-) ein weiterer Vertreter des zum Beispiel durch R ˚V1× 10.71.7c upa-kaks . á-'bis zur Achselh öhle (káks . a-AV 1× ) reichend' (PW +); R ˚V1× 10.105.4b upānas-á-'auf dem Wagen (ánas-R ˚V13× +) befindlich' (PW +) oder "Beiwagen (?)" (Geldner); ŚS 1× 5.13.5a / PS 8.2.5a úpa-tr ˚n . -ya-'im Grase (tŕ

˚n . a-R ˚V6× +) befindlich' (PW +); ŚS 1×

  auch das, was einem eigen ist, woran man gewöhnt ist, woran man hängt." Vgl. auch Meinrad Scheller, Vedisch priyáund die Wortsippe frei, freien, Freund. Eine bedeutungsgeschichtliche Studie. (Ergänzungshefte zur Zeitschrift f ür vergleichende Sprachforschung,

K [[Bar.: ap*iyād]] āruroha] K, ār ˚roha Or mukham |] K, mukham . | JM, mukham . { } Pa, mukham . V/122 vāta iva] Or, vātīva K śīpālam . ] Pa V/122, śī{l . a}pām . lam . JM, śīmālam . K lumpatu] V/122 K, lam . patu JM, lum . patu Pa ] JM, | Pa V/122 K 65 Zur Bedeutung von priyáin dessen Negation ápriyasiehe PW 4.1160 s.v.: "wie floc bei HOMER [meint priyá-]

  kŕ ˚tavyadhani vídhya tám . yáś cak ára tám íj jahi in der Übersetzung von Thomas Zehnder, Buch 2, 159: "Zauberdurchbohrerin, durchbohre den, welcher gezaubert hat, dén triff" und vgl. Zehnders Anmerkung zur Stelle: "Vorderglied kr ˚tá-, hier 'magische Handlung' analog der sonstigen Verwendung von kar in dieser Strophe." 67 Dasselbe Verbalkompositum ápa-lup in Verbindung mit der Sonne findet sich auch in der Strophe PS 8.15.12 tam . somapītho jus . ate . . . | yo brāhman . asyāstām . hr ˚dah . s ūrya i v āp ālupat tamah . 'Der Somatrank findet an dem sein Gefallen, der einen [vom Feind] abgeschossenen [Pfeil] aus des Brahmanen Herz weggerissen hat wie die Sonne die Finsternis [wegreißt].' Zu dieser Stelle siehe Alexander Lubotsky, "PS 8.15. Offense against a Brahmin," oben S. 31.

68

Vgl. R ˚V

10.68.5ab

ápa jyótis . ā támo antáriks . ād udnáh . s ípālam iva v áta ājat "Mit Licht hat er die Finsternis aus dem Luftreich getrieben wie der Wind die Śīpālapflanze aus dem Wasser"

(Geldner)

.

  ā mā suvarn . am . gachatu subhāgam astu me mukham 3 69 Weg soll mir die Abhīlī fliegen, wie ein vom Wind entf ührtes Gew ölk. Zu mir soll kommen das Gold [der Sonne]. Sch ön soll sein mein Gesicht. yathā s ūryasyopodaye hiran . yam . pratirocate | evā me aśvinā mukham . + suvarn . am . prati rocatām 4 70 Wie bei Aufgang 71 der Sonne sie golden [uns] entgegenleuchtet, So soll, ihr Aśvins, mein Gesicht golden [den Menschen] entgegenleuchten. 72 pra yad gāvo na bh ūrn . ayas tves . ā vayām . s i y akraman | ghnantu kr ˚s . n . ām + apa tvacam . subhāgam astu me mukham 5 73 Sobald, wie aufgebrachte Rinder, die ungest ümen Kräfte [des Zaubers] hervorgetreten sind, sollen sie die schwarze Haut wegschlagen. 74 Sch ön soll sein mein Gesicht.

  Pa V/122, tvepā vayām . {ka}sy JM, tve ••• yāsy K [[Bar.: tve****yāsya]] akraman |] JM V/122, a kr••n | Pa, akramīm¸K [[om. |]] + apa] upa Or, iva K subhāgam astu] JM Pa K,••gama• V/122 mukham] K, mukham . Or 74 Diesen ersten drei Anus . t . ubh-Pādas korrespondiert die Gāyatrī R ˚V 9.41.1 prá yé g ávo ná bh úrn . ayas tves . á ay áso ákramuh . | ghnántah . kr ˚s . n . ám ápa tvácam "Die ungeduldig wie Rinder, furchtgebietend, unverdrossen hervorgekommen sind, die schwarze Haut vertreibend" (Geldner). Vgl. auch SV 1.491 & 2.242 pra yad gāvo na . . . Als 3. Person Plural des a-Aorists ist akraman Ersatz f ür die entsprechende ältere Form des Wurzelaorists ákramur im R

. ayas] na bh ūrn . n . ayas Or, nnabh ūnayas K tves . ā vayām . sy] ˚V (ákramur 2×, akramur 6×, kramur 1×). Ein zweiter AV-Beleg dieser neueren Form findet sich ŚS

  abhicer úr) deutlich wird.78 Zum 'Injunktiv' im Epos vgl. Adolf Holtzmann, Grammatisches aus dem Mahābhārata, 1884, 20, in Ergänzung zu Whitney, Indische Grammatik, Leipzig, 1879, 214 f. § 587: "Beispiele von fehlendem Augmente des Imperfects sind ziemlich häufig, besonders im Compositum . . . " und neuerdings Thomas Oberlies, A Grammar of Epic Sanskrit (= Indian Philology and South Asian Studies, Volume 5), Berlin / New York: Walter deGruyter, 2003, 178-181 § 6.4.1: Augmentless imperfect, mit einer Liste einschlägiger Formen, in der unser abhi-līyanta allerdings keine Ber ücksichtigung gefunden hat.

[

  DiePān . d . avas] hefteten sich anBhīs . ma zusammen mit all deinen S öhnen [o Dhr ˚tarās . t . ra]. [Aber] Bhīs . ma, Sohn des Śam . tanu, ward ihnen (den Pān . d . avas) zum Verhängnis in der Schlacht. und zweimal bei Kālidāsa mit dem Verbaladjektiv abhilīnain Raghuvam . śa 3.8: dines . u gacchatsu nitāntapīvaram . tadīyam ānīlamukham . stanadvayam | tiraś cakāra bhramar ābhilīnayoh . sujātayoh . pa ṅkajakośayoh . śriyam Während die Tage [der Schwangerschaft von K önig Dilīpas Gattin Sudaks . in . ā] vergingen, übertraf deren kräftig schwellendes Br üstepaar mit seinen dunkelbläulichen 79 Brustwarzen die Sch önheit zweier wohlgeformter, [an den Spitzen] von Bienen bedrängter Lotosbl ütenknospen. 80 sowie in Meghad ūta 38ab (ed. Pathak = 39ab Vallabhadeva = 40ab Mallinātha): paścād uccairbhujataruvanam . man . d . alen ābhilīnah . sām . dhyam . tejah . pratinavajapāpus . paraktam . dadhānah . | Wenn du dann [, o Wolke], in Kreisform an den Wald der Bäume, der [zum Tanz] erhobenen Arme [des Śiva], geschmiegt, dir den Abenddämmerungsglanz, rot wie die frische Bl üte des Roseneibisch, 81 angelegt hast, . . .

	Zu bedenken ist auch, daß wir mit dem offenbar späten

. . ā-kad . ārah . [/] ā-pi ṅgalah . . Weitere

	Beispiele solch 'approximativer' ā-Komposita
	in den Werken Kālidāsa's sind: Raghuvam . śa 2.13b ā-kampita-'[vom Wind] zu leichtem Zit-tern erregte' (Bl üten der Bäume), Śākuntala 7.25c ā-kut . ila-'sanft gekr ümmte' (Wimpern),
	Raghuvam . śa 5.42b ā-nartita-'zu leisem Tanzen gebrachte' (Bäume), Raghuvam . śa 16.51a ā-
	pi ñjar ā-'gelbr ötliche' (Bl ütenrispe), Raghuvam . śa 1.83a ā-bhugna-'leicht gebogenes' (Zeichen
	weißer Haare auf Nandinī's Stirn), Vikramorvaśīya 4.5a (ed. Devadhar) = 4.15a (ed. Velankar) ā-
	rakta-'r ötliche' (Streifen von Bl üten), Śākuntala 7.17a ā-laks . ya-'gerade eben sichtbare' (knos-
	pengleiche Zähne grundlos lachender Kinder).
	80 Zur vermutlich älteren und von der hier zitierten stark abweichenden Version dieser Stro-
	phe siehe The Raghupa ñcikā of Vallabhadeva being the earliest commentary on the Raghu-
	vam . śa of Kālidāsa. Volume I. Critical Edition with Introduction and Notes by Dominic Goodall
	and Harunaga

  pavamāne st ūyamāne hotāram . mr ˚tyur praty ālīyata . . .

	'Während das Pavamāna[-Stotra] [von den SV-Priestern] gesungen wurde, hef-
	tete sich der Tod an den Hotar.' Und ähnlich in den beiden darauf folgenden
	Parallelsätzen.
	Schließlich wäre aber vor allem noch folgendes zu betonen: Daß zu einer
	Nominalbildung vom Typ des angenommenen Wurzelkompositums *abhi-l í-
	nicht immer synchron die entsprechende verbale Verbindung vorkommt, ist ei-
	ne ziemlich allgemeine Tatsache. Aus dem vielleicht nur zufällig verz ögerten
	Auftauchen des Syntagmas abhí + lī in einem späteren Text läßt sich also kaum
	ein gewichtiger Einwand gegen meine Erklärung machen. Die Sprache spricht
	nicht nur, sie verschweigt auch. Und aus dem Schweigen über eines ihrer Ele-
	mente kann kein Argument zugunsten von dessen Nichtexistenz herausgeh ört
	werden; selbst mit bis zum feinen Punkt h öchster Hellh örigkeit gespitzten Oh-
	ren wäre dies nicht m öglich.

dem von mir mit einiger Zuversicht als Wurzelkompositum erklärten abhī-l í-: Gew öhnlich tritt eine Dehnung des auslautenden Vokals der Präposition nur vor einer urspr ünglich mit Laryngal anlautenden Wurzel ein. Nun scheint aber sicher, daß die set . -Wurzel ved. lay i ← idg. *lei " H (siehe 1 LIV 363 & 2 LIV 405) 85 zwar auf einen Laryngal ausging, nicht jedoch mit einem

  ein Syntagma abhí + prī zur Seite steht, 82 und an das gleichgebildete abhi-śrís . -"Klebe-oder Heftmittel" (Oldenberg) in R

	˚V ˚té cid abhiśrís . ah . "[d]er auch ohne Verband" (Geldner), das im Vedi-8.1.12a yá r schen noch kein finites abhí śris . yati neben sich zu haben scheint. 83 Vgl. Scarlata, Wurzelkomposita, 84 336 bzw. 544 f. zu diesen beiden abhi-Bildungen und passim
	zu vielen anderen Beispielen vergleichbarer Art.
	Der zweite und wom öglich schwerer wiegende Einwand aber betrifft die Länge
	des Fugenvokals in

  Lexikon der Indogermanischen Verben. Die Wurzeln und ihre Primärstammbildungen. Unter Leitung von Helmut Rix und der Mitarbeit vieler anderer bearbeitet von Martin K ümmel, Thomas Zehnder, Reiner Lipp, Brigitte Schirmer. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, solchen anlautete. Also ist eine Dehnung des Auslauts von abhiin Komposition mit dieser Wurzel von vorneherein nicht zu erwarten.

	Michael Witzel, Kat . ha Āran . yaka, Critical edition with a translation into German and an in-
	troduction. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2004, 100, hat zwar in seiner
	Textausgabe von Kat . h Ā III 234-5 abhíśris . yet ergänzt in der Passage yásya mahāvīró bhidyáte [yá r ˚té cid abhiśrí]s . a íti karman . yàyā mr ˚dá dr ˚d . hīkáran . ena v áśres . ava[tābhíśris . yet], aber diese supplierte Verbalform ist ganz und gar ungewiß. Vgl. Leonid Kulikov, The Vedic -ya-presents, Proefschrift
	Leiden, 2001, 479 s.v. ślis . (śris . ) mit Anm. 1487. 84 Salvatore Scarlata, Die Wurzelkomposita im R ˚g-Veda. Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert Ver-lag, 1999.
	85 LIV:

  PS 3× , MS 2× , KS 1× ) mit ved. sah ← idg. *se" g h ' überwältigen' ( 1 LIV 467 f. & 2 LIV 515 f.).

	(TS 4× ) und abhīs . áh-(R ˚V1× , ŚS 2× ,
	2× .
	89 Vgl. auch die mit verschiedenen Präpositionen zusammengesetzten Verbaladjektiva der
	Wurzel var: R ˚V ápāvr ˚ta-(1×), ápīvr ˚ta-(4×), abh ívr ˚ta-(8×), párīvr ˚ta-(7× :: párivr ˚ta-1×), pr ávr ˚ta-(2×). Beide idg. Wurzeln, auf die ved. var letztlich zur ückgeht, *u " el 'h üllen' und *u er 'wehren', " werden gew öhnlich ohne Laryngal angesetzt. Vgl. jedoch Martin K ümmel, 1 LIV 615 s.v. 1. *u el " Anm. 2: "In ved. var sind wahrscheinlich mehrere Wurzeln zusammengefallen: außer 1. *u el " ['einschliessen, verh üllen'] wohl 1. *u er 'aufhalten, abwehren' und wegen der Kompositions-" dehnung (z.B. párī-vr ˚ta-) auch *Hu er 'stecken'." Ebenso 2 LIV 674 s.v. Anm. 2, außer am Ende: " ". . . auch (oder vor allem) *Hu " er 'einschließen, stecken, hineintun'." Zu vergleichen ist ferner

gedehntem abhīm āna-an

  tes . ām u hais . o 'bhīs . a ṅga ivety āhur "Von diesen Feuern droht ihm, so sagt man, sozusagen die Verfluchung") zitieren, das in dieser Bedeutung vor Calands Erstausgabe nur aus Lexika bekannt war; vgl. Amarakośa 3.3.6a ākrośanam abhīs . a ṅgah . Stelle des gew öhnlichen abhimāna-, zum Beispiel in MBh 14.19.3 ātmavat sarvabh ūtes . u yaś caren niyatah . śucih . | amānī nirabhīmānah . sarvato mukta eva sah . -hier ist die Länge eindeutig metrisch bedingt.

	'malédiction, imprécation' (Loiseleur Deslongchamps).
	Im Mahābhārata findet sich mehrmals das Kompositum nirabhīmāna-'frei
	von Hochmut' oder 'bewußtlos' (PW) mit

als Bezeichnung des an Durchfall Leidenden Rechnung zu tragen. 95 91 Der dem Singular abhīs . en . am in PS 4.27.4d entsprechende Plural abhis . en . án in R ˚V 6.44.17c wird von Geldner als "die mit Heeresmacht angreifen" wiedergegeben. Vgl. dazu seine An- merkung ad 17c: "deren Heere (so Sāy[an . a]) oder Geschosse gegen (uns) gekommen sind

  ". Diese Auffassung von abhis . en . áals Bahuvrīhi hängt offenbar ganz von Sāyan . as Erklärung ab: asmān praty abhigatāh . senā yes . ām . tādr ˚śān. Nach meinem Verständnis handelt es sich bei abhis . en . á-/abhīs . en . avielmehr um ein präpositionales Rektionskompositum. Zu abhíals regierender Präposition in dieser Art von Zusammensetzung siehe AiGr II 1, 312 § 119bb mit dem

	y ūpah . sus . irah . syād atīsāren . a yajamāno
	mriyeta 'Wenn der Opferpfosten hohl wäre, w ürde der Opferherr an Durchfall
	sterben.' Auch Pān . ini, As . t . ādhyāyī 5.2.129 vāta-atīsārābhyām . kuk ca [128 dvandva-
	upatāpa-garhyāt prān . isthād inih . ] gebraucht dieses Nomen, um der mit dem Suf-
	fix -ín-und zusätzlich mit dem āgama-('Augment') -k-gebildeten Ableitung
	atīsārakín . -Beispiel R ˚V 10.174.5b abhí-rās . t . ra-"Reiche bewältigend" (Grassmann = Wackernagel), "das Reich beherrschend"

  ed. Kielhorn-Abhyankar) atīsāro vyādhih . .

	Mit derselben im Auslaut gedehnten Präposition atī-sind ferner bezeugt
	atīk āś á-m. 'Durchblick; Öffnung' in MS 1×

  Es wird jedoch niemand behaupten wollen, daß die Mittel zur Benennung einer Krankheit, so sehr 'indisch' dieselbe uns auch anmuten m öge, vor allem aus einheimischer Quelle fließen m üssen. Jede einzelne gelungene indoarische Etymologie widerlegt eine solche, in ihrer abstrakten Allgemeinheit unhaltbare Behauptung. Kann zum Beispiel nach Hoffmanns überzeugender Erklärung 115 von takmánm. 'Fieber' ( ŚS n× +) -als durch Dissimilation aus *tapmán-'Hitze' entstanden -noch mit guten Gr ünden daran gezweifelt werden, daß dieses Nomen indoarischen Ursprungs sei? So darf ich vielleicht hoffen, daß auch meiner Herleitung von PS 5× abhīlīaus *abhil íeine Überzeugungskraft zuerkannt werde, die nicht leicht zu entkräften sein mag.

	106 Mit ved. vap ← iir. *u " ap ← idg. (?) *u " 107 Mit ved. śas ← idg. * " kes ( 1 LIV 293 & 2 LIV 329). ep ( 1 LIV 625 & 2 LIV 684).
	108 ŚS 9.8[13].6 yásya bhīmáh . pratīkāśá udvepáyati p úrus . am | takm ánam . viśváśāradam . bahír nír man-
	trayāmahe "Of whom the fearful aspect makes a man tremble -the takmán of every autumn we
	expel out [of thee] by incantation" (Whitney).
	109 Mit ved. k ȃś ← idg. *k u " e " k ( 1 LIV 343 ff. & 2 LIV 383 ff.). 110 Mit ved. bodh ← idg. *b h eu " d h ( 1 LIV 66 ff. & 2 LIV 82 f.).

  verwendeten Verben zusammenpaßt. Denn wenn es 62.9cd heißt evā me aśvinā mukhād abhīl īy apa śīyat ām 'ebenso soll, ihr Aśvins, von meinem Gesicht die Abhīlī wegfallen', oder wenn in Strophe 63.2 gesagt wird, die Sonne solle den Fleck wegreißen, der mein Gesicht bewachsen hat, yan me . . . āruroha malam . mukham | . . . s ūryas tad apa lumpatu, oder wenn Vers 63.3a erneut davon spricht, daß die Abhīlī wegfliegen soll, apa me 'bhīlī patatu, oder wenn schließlich in 63.5 von den Kräften des Zaubers gefordert wird, sie sollten die schwarze Haut wegschlagen, ghnantu kr ˚s . n . ām *apa tvacam, so lassen doch alle diese mit apa 'weg' kombinierten Verben es notwendig erscheinen, einen der ersehnten Fortbewegung vorausgehenden Zustand anzunehmen, in dem die von der Haut weggew ünschte Krankheit als allzu hautnah und unliebsam 'anhaftend' zu denken ist.

in 62.10b: tvacam . me mābhi mimlapah . 'laß mir die Haut nicht welken' 118 und aus dem sie in 63.1a beschreibenden 'intensiven' Adjektiv sesicā- '[die Fl üssigkeit der Haut] sickernd ergießend' deutlich wird; vor allem aber

  , daß sie durch Schwärze und Welkheit der Haut das Gesicht zu entstellen ge-Vgl. die Nennung von Gold und Sonne in den Versen PS20.63.3cd ā mā suvarn . am . gachatu subhāgam astu me mukham 'Zu mir soll kommen das Gold [der Sonne], sch ön soll sein mein Gesicht' und in der darauf folgenden Strophe 63.4 yathā s ūryasyopodaye hiran . yam . pratirocate | evā me aśvinā mukham . + suvarn . am . prati rocatām 'Wie bei Aufgang der Sonne sie golden [uns] entgegenleuchtet, so soll, ihr Aśvins, mein Gesicht golden [den Menschen] entgegenleuchten.' 120 Vgl. die Erwähnung von Wind und Wasser in der Strophe PS 20.63.2 yan me . . . āruroha malam . mukham | apām . vāta i va śīpālam . s ūryas tad apa lumpatu 'Den [schwarzen] Fleck, der mir das Gesicht bewachsen hat, soll die Sonne wegreißen, wie der Wind die Śīpāla[-Pflanze] der Gewässer [wegreißt]' und in den darauf folgenden Versen 63.3ab apa me 'bhīlī patat u v abhram .

	68	WERNER KNOBL
	eignet ist und so in dem unter ihr Leidenden den Wunsch nach einer Sch önheit
	wach werden läßt, die sich durch gold-und sonnenhaften Glanz 119 wie auch
	durch wind-und wassergleiche Frische 120 auszeichnet.
	Den genannten Charakteristika entsprechend, hätte unsere Hautkrankheit
	auch upatvac ā-(*upatvac á-/* úpatvacā-), kr ˚s . n . ā-(kr ˚s . n . á-/kŕ ˚s . n . ā-), *mimlap á-(?) 121 oder sesic ā-(*sesic á-) 122 bezeichnet werden k önnen. Wenn sie nun aber statt-
	dessen tatsächlich abhīl í-genannt wurde, so mochte dies dem Umstand zu
	verdanken sein, daß ihre charakteristische Unart, der Haut fest anzuhaften,
	besonders hervorstach und als f ür sie typische Haupteigenschaft erschien.
	Offenbar war diese Auffälligkeit vor allen anderen Merkmalen dazu angetan,
	im ersten Namensgeber jenen 'wortzeugenden Eindruck' zu erwecken, der ihn
	sprachsch öpferisch werden ließ und ihm einen neuen, die Krankheit genau tref-
	fenden -und dadurch wom öglich magisch wirksam bekämpfenden -Aus-
	druck eingab. 123
	+ vātahr ˚tam . yathā 'Weg soll mir die Abhīlī fliegen, wie ein vom Wind entf ührtes Gew ölk.' 121 Zwar scheint bisher kein Adjektiv bekannt geworden zu sein, das vom Stamm des redupli-Denn abgesehen von dem etymologisch zu nennenden zierten Aorists aus gebildet wäre. Da es jedoch adjektivische Ableitungen von mehreren ande-Faktum, daß sie der Haut fest anhaftet, werden wir auch damit bekannt ge-ren reduplizierten Verbalstämmen gibt, ist ein Eigenschaftswort *mimlapá-im Sinne von 'welk
	macht, daß sie schwarz ist, indem sie die Haut schwarz macht, wie es Vers 63.5c machend' sehr
	(kr ˚s . n . ām . . . tvacam) andeutet; ferner, daß sie die Haut auszutrocknen droht, wie aus der Forderung 116 Zur anderen M öglichkeit, es nämlich als ein Bahuvrīhi mit der dem Vorderglied zukom-
	menden Betonung (* úpa-) aufzufassen, siehe die folgende Anmerkung.
	117 Vgl. die oben in der Fußnote (Anm. 61) zu meiner Übersetzung von PSO 20.63.1 auf-
	gezählten mit *upatvacá-morphologisch vergleichbaren Beispiele. -Von der zweiten, rein theo-
	retisch m öglichen Auffassung des Kompositums als p ūrvapadaprakr ˚tisvaratvena betontes Bahu-vrīhi * úpatvacā-darf hier wohl abgesehen werden, da eine sich daraus ergebende Bedeutung
	('deren Haut an[haftet]') unn ötig hervorheben w ürde, daß die Krankheit selbst eine Haut habe.
	Ganz auszuschließen ist diese hypothetische M öglichkeit freilich nicht.
	118 Bemerkenswert ist, daß auch hier ein Verbum von nicht gerade positiver Bedeutung,
	nämlich mlā 'welken', sich mit jenem abhi verbindet, das eine unerw ünschte Wirkung auf den
	durch die Verbalhandlung Betroffenen ausdr ückt. Und dem Syntagma tvácam abhí mlāpayati
	'läßt die Haut welken (austrocknen)' entspräche ziemlich genau die f ür *abhi-lī-vorauszuset-
	zende F ügung tvácam abhí layate / abhí līyate 'schmiegt sich [auf lästige Weise] an die Haut'.

119

wohl vorstellbar. Jedenfalls bräuchte ein sprachsch öpferischer Sprecher des Ve- dischen sich nicht zu scheuen, wenn es ihm einfallen sollte, ein solches Wort erstmals zu bilden. Seine kreative Kraft w ürde sich dadurch als umso stärker erweisen, daß er mit erfinderischer K ühnheit eine Bildung wagt, die nicht schon produktiv ist. 122 Als älteste Beispiele f ür Nomina agentis auf -á-, die aus Intensivstämmen abgeleitet sind und deren Struktur mit der des Adjektivs sesic ā-vergleichbar

	ist, d ürfen die folgenden,
	sämtlich nur einmal belegten Bildungen gelten: R ˚V1× 1.140.3a vevij á-'zusammenzuckend, aufschreckend', ŚS 1×

Schema einer halben Tris . t . ubh kurz aber ganz aussprechen, so w ürde ich es wie folgt formulieren: m úkhasya tv ácam abhil íyate y át t ásm ād abhīl ír ít i y ucyate s á

  patata suparn . ó vasatér iva 'fliegt fort, ihr Apacits, wie ein Adler von seinem Nest' und 3b apacít prá patis . yati 'die Apacit wird fortfliegen'), daß die Sonne sie heile (vgl. ŚS 6.83.1c s úryah . kr ˚n . ótu bhes . ajám 'S ūrya soll ein Heilmittel schaffen'). Und auch ihre Erscheinungsformen stehen, obwohl diese von anderer Farbe sein k önnen, 125 zur Schwärze in besonders naher, ja geradezu verwandtschaftlicher Beziehung (vgl. ŚS 7.74[78].1ab apacítām . lóhinīnām . kr ˚s . n . á mātéti śuśruma 'wir haben geh ört, daß die Mutter der roten Apacits schwarz sei'). Zwar ist die apacítoffenbar ein geschw üriger Hautausschlag, und es wird gesagt, welche verschiedenen K örperteile von ihren Symptomen bedroht sind, 126 doch scheint im AV nirgendwo davon die Rede zu sein, daß sie auch das Gesicht befalle, und zwar auf ähnlich heftig-krankhafte Weise, wie die abhīlīsich an die gesunde Haut heftet.

	Zu guter Letzt werden wir, durch all die oben zum Glänzen gebrachten Argu-
	mente einigermaßen erleuchtet, mit gr ößerer Zuversicht als zuvor wenigstens
	soviel sagen d ürfen: Die als abhīlī-[← *abhil í-] bezeichnete Hautkrankheit hat
	ihren Namen h öchstwahrscheinlich der Eigenschaft zu verdanken, daß sie dem
	Gesicht der von ihr Betroffenen '[fest] anhaftet'. Sollte ich das gewonnene Re-
	sultat im metrischen Anschauung leicht in das einf örmige Schwarz . . . In Urzeiten aber erglänzte dem Auge des
	Germanen auch das mōr so gut wie das mari."
	124 Vgl. Zysk, Religious Medicine (wie oben, Fußnote 32), 82 ff.
	125 Siehe ŚS 6.83.2ab én ī y ékā śyén ī y ékā kr ˚s . n . áikā róhin . ī d u vé 'eine ist bunt, und eine ist weiß; eine ist schwarz, und zwei sind rot.'

t . r á: PS 10.4

	Yasuhiro Tsuchiyama
	The word rās . t . rá is naturally very important for the understanding of the king-
	ship of early Vedic India. Half a century ago, RAU discussed the meanings of
	rās . t . rá in the Brāhman . a texts in a succinct but comprehensive way:
	Das Wort rās . t . ra verdiente eine Spezialuntersuchung, wobei besonders die
	Bedeutungs übergänge zu klären wären. Ich finde es im Sinne von 1.
	K önigsherrschaft, 2. K önigreich = a. Gesamtheit der Untertanen und b.
	Land; dazu bezeichnet es -vor allem im plur. -vielleicht auch den bzw.
	die Regenten als Personen. (RAU 1957: 72 n. 2)

  .6 apām iva vegah . pra śr ˚n . īta śatr ūn diśodiśo rabhamān . āh . sam eta | ekavratā vi dhanam . bhajadhvam . purohitena vo rās . t . ram . prathayantu devāh . Crush the enemies like a flood of water. From various quarters, taking hold of each other, do come together. Abiding by a single vow, share the property among yourselves. Let the gods extend your kingdom through the house priest.

	The alliance of the chieftains is frequently stressed:
	PS 10.4.5d
	athānandinah . sumanasah . sam eta
	And do come together, full of delight and good-minded.
	PS 10.4.7a
	samyag vo rās . t . ram . saha vo manām . si
	[Let] your kingdom [be] united. [Let] your minds [be] together.
	PS 10.4.8
	yathāpah . samudrāya samīcīr vahatha śriyam | evā rās . t . rāya me devāh . samya ñco + vahata śriyam
	Just as you, O waters, being united, carry the glory to the ocean, so must
	you, being united, O gods, bring the glory to my kingdom. 8

  Let the kingdom here be] one slaying the enemy and conquering the foe. [The kingdom here] as a superior one has won all the battles.

	PS 10.4.2b
	ime rājānah . samityānyān vadheyuh . |
	The kings (chieftains) here, coming together, should slay the others (the en-
	emies).
	PS 10.4.12c
	idam . rās . t . ram . hataśatru jis . n . u
	[Let] the kingdom here [be] one in which enemies are slain, and [let it be]
	victorious.
	PS 10.4.13
	sapatnasāham . pramr ˚n . am idam . rās . t . ram . dr ˚d . ham ugram | sād . hāmitram abhimātis . āham . sarvā jigāya pr . i ˚tanā abhis . t [Let] the kingdom here [be] one overcoming rivals and destroying, firm and
	strong. [
	:

  4.

	Bibliography
	Bhattacharya, Dipak
	1997 The Paippalāda-Sam . hitā of the Atharva-veda, critically edited
	from palmleaf manuscripts in the Oriya script discovered by
	Durgamohan Bhattacharyya and one Śāradā manuscript. Volume
	One, consisting of the first fifteen Kān . d . as. Calcutta.
	Bloomfield, Maurice
	1899 The Atharva-Veda and the Gopatha-Brāhman . a. Straßburg.
	Caland, Willem
	1908 Altindische Zauberei. Darstellung der altindischen ,,Wunsch-
	opfer". Amsterdam.
	Eggeling, Julius
	1897 The Śatapatha-Brāhman . a. According to the Text of the Mādhyan-
	dina school. part 3. Oxford (SBE 43).
	Geldner, Karl Friedrich
	1951 Der Rig-Veda. Aus dem Sanskrit ins Deutsche übersetzt und mit
	einem laufenden Kommentar versehen. 3 vols. Cambridge, Mass.

*

  Thus the word n ílagrīva ('blue-necked') occurs in the first two stanzas of the first khan . d . a (1.1 and 1.2), and in the opening stanza of both the second and third khan . d . as (2.10 and 3.21). The epithet n ílaśikhan . d . a ('blue-crested') occurs in the second stanza of the second khan . d . a and all the last four stanzas of the third. The inclusion of 3.22 seems to have been based mainly on the occurrence there of the obscure term nīlāgalas álā 'the one with the bluish ineffectual poison (?)' (or nīlākalaśālā [PS]). The compound nīlarudra itself does not occur. The six stanzas of khan . d . a 3 seem to have been added simply because the term nīla occurs in each of them.

  japeyur jāpinah . sam . khyam . mantram anye tu sam . hitām . | pat . heyur brāhman . āh . śāntim . svaśākhāvedapāragāh . śrīs ūktam . pāvamānīś ca maitrakam . ca vr ˚s . ākapim . | r ˚gvedī sarvadigbhāge sarvam etat samuccaret devavratam . tu bhārun . d . am . jyes . t . hasāma rathantaram . | purus . am . gītim etāni sāmavedī tu daks . in . e rudram . purus . as ūktam . ca ślokādhyāyam . viśes . atah . | brāhman . am . ca yajurvedī paścimāyām . samuccaret nīlarudram . tathātharvī s ūks . mās ūks . mam . tathaiva ca | uttare 'tharvasīrs . am . ca tatparas tu samuddharet (AgP 96.37-41). 13 sam . p ūjya śivas ūktena tryambakena śubhena ca | japtvā tvaritarudram . ca śivasam . kalpam eva ca nīlarudram . ca śākteyas tathā rudram . ca śobhanam | vāmīyam . pavamānam . ca pa ñcabrahma tathaiva ca hotāram . li ṅgas ūktam . ca atharvaśira eva ca | as . t

  meaning is clearer: digdhena ca viddhasya-aghasyāghavis . ā ca yā | arundhati tvam . tasyāsi vis . asya vis . ad ūs . an . ī āheyena ca das . t . asya-[aghasyāghavis . ā ca yā | arundhati tvam . tasyāsi vis . asya vis . ad ūs . an . ī] vātīkāren . a ca ks . iptasya-[aghasyāghavis . ā ca yā | arundhati tvam . tasyāsi vis . asya vis . ad ūs . an . ī] Of one pierced with a poisoned arrow, and of the ill which is the illpoisonous [arrow]: O Arundhatī, you are the poison-spoiler of its/his poison. And of one bitten by snake[-venom] . . . And of one struck by vātīkārá . . .

(digdhena ca viddhasya-. . . āheyena ca das . t . asya-. . . vātīkāren . a ca ks . iptasya-).

39

  Atharvan Upanis . ads dated sam . vat 1842. The codex concludes with some stanzas classifying the Upanis . ads by śākhā: pam . cadaśopanis . ado bhavam . ti śaunakīyānām . mum . d . akādis tv alātām . tām . vij ñeyā brahmavedasya 1 saptatrim . śas tathānyāś ca pais . palyādiprabhedatah . evam . pam . cāśadhy adhikā brahmavedasya nānyatah . 2 nīlarudraprabhr ˚tayo āśramām . tāh . prakīrttitāh . | etāh . sarvāh . pr

˚thagvākyā jīvabrahmaikabodhikāh .

3. 43

The post-colophon reads (f. 165v): sam . vat 1842 jes . t

. havadi navamī 9 bhaumavāsare (Tuesday [i.e., Wednesday?], 1 June 1785 CE).

  Atharvan Upanis . ads. Orthography: doubles v after r. M: Ānandāśrama, no. 252/4019. The NU is on ff. 44r-45v, sixteenth in a collection of52 Atharvan Upanis . ads. The stanzas are numbered 1-27, omitting the number 21, without noting khan . d . a divisions. Cf. H. N: Ānandāśrama, no. 304/5048. The NU is on ff. 58r-60r, sixteenth in a collection of 52 Atharvan Upanis . ads. Hemistichs are marked off with dan . d . as; only the khan . d . as are numbered. There is one pr ˚s . t . hamātrā in the first word of 1.9e. Two independent svaritas are marked with the numeral 3. Dīpik ā, with the m ūla stanzas, is on ff. 1r-2v, sixteenth in a collection of 52 Upanis . ads, separately foliated. Hemistichs are marked off with dan . d . as; only the khan . d . as are numbered. The NU on ff. 50r-51v (60r-61v in renumbering), seventeenth in a collection of 59 Atharvan Upanis . ads. The post-colophon reads (quoting from the catalog, vol. 1, part 3, p. 124): sam . vat 1757 varas . e galitaposamāghavada 10 budhe śrī amadābādarājanagaramadhye las . itam . śrīnārāyan . ajīnī kriyāvām . chanī . . . rade rāmakalyān . ajī nāgarapat . an . ī navāba śrī śujāyatapāna nī cākarīvīra bhajāmanī vākānavīsīnī ji . . . matat . alītavāre navarāh ūtā avakāśapāmīlas . y ū chete 123 śājānasana 1112 hijarī māpu . . . 44 . . . alamagīrī (written in the auspicious royal city of Ahmadabad, Wednesday [i.e., Thursday?], 3 February 1701 CE, by Nārāyan . a-Jī Kriyāvām . cha, . . . Nawab Rāmakalyān . a-Jī Nāgarapat . a, Śrī-Śujāyatapāna, Cākarīvīra Bhajāma, Vākānavīsī, . . . in the year 123 in the era of Shāh Jahān, AH 1112, . . . the year 44 in the era of Alamgīr). The NU is introduced with: śrībrahmavedāya namah . . Hemistichs are marked off with dan . d . as; only the khan . d . as are numbered. Orthography: shows one instance of a Gujarati k in 2.11d. Dīpik ā, with the stanzas, on ff. 1r-3r, first in a collection of 8 Upanis . ads (comprising the Brahmabindu, Dhyānabindu, Yogaśikhā, Ham . sa, Nādabindu, Amr . tabindu, Tejobindu, and Yogatattva Upanis . ads), separately foliated. Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, no. 29/1884-86. The NU is on f. 14r-v, fifteenth in an incomplete collection of 17 Upanis . ads. Orthography: occasionally writes s . for kh (e.g., nilaśis . an . d . āya in last stanza); one pr ˚s . t . hamātrā occurs in the last syllable of 1.9e. S: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, no. 1/A1883-84.The NU is on ff. 27v-28v, sixteenth in a collection of 52 Atharvan Upanis . ads. The codex concludes with the stanzas classifying the Upanis . adsby śākhā.44

O: Ānandāśrama, no. 97/1235(-). European paper bearing the watermark "Lumsden & Son 1853". Nārāyan . a's P: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, no. 133/1880-81. Q: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, no. 31(1)/A1881-82. Nārāyan . a's R:

  Atharvan Upanis . ads. The postcolophon (f. 94v) gives the date: sam . vat 18 74 kārttikaśuklanavamyām . | 9 cam . dravāsare (Monday [i.e. Tuesday?], 18 November 1817 CE). The codex concludes with the stanzas classifying the Upanis . adsby śākhā. Caturvedabrahmasiddhānte catus . pam . cāśadupanis . adah . . The NU is no. 13, ff. 26r-26v, in the 82-folio codex. Devanāgarī script; not dated. Contains many patent errors in the copying (mostly not reported), including confusion of ta and na, sa and śa; there is one likely case of vestigial pr Staatsbibliothek Berlin, Janert Collection, running no. 49. Bound paper manuscript in Śāradā script. The NU is on ff. 46v-47v, sixteenth in a collection of 52 Atharvan Upanis . ads. Shows affinities with H as corrected by another hand. Y: Staatsbibliothek Berlin, Janert Collection, running no. 50. Paper manuscript in Śāradā script. The NU is on ff. 6v-8v, sixteenth in a collection of 52 Atharvan Upanis . ads.

V: Adyar Library, no. PM 513 = 11 D 54. The NU in two folios. Wrongly identified by SCHRADER as "Nīlagrīvopanis . at". 45 W: National Archives, Kathmandu, ms. 2.181 (filmed on NGMPP reel no. A 896/3): ˚s . t . hamātrā in 2.3d (f. 26r, l. 10). Probably copied from an original showing the inverted bha resembling ta, since in a few corrupt passages ta is written for bha. Divided into khan . d . as. X: Z: Staats-und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, Cod. Palmbl. I 10 (VOHD II,

  Nīlarudra Stanzas CΣśikhan . d . ínam] ABCΣ;śíkhan . d . inam D; śíkhan . d . ínam E b. BHATTACHARYA prints iva; LOPEZ hesitantly accepts ava. The NU manuscripts provide support for both these readings (and others), but Nārāyan . a's reading is probably the best (cf.As . t . ādhyāyī 8.2.70: amna ūdas 'va ity ubhayathā chandasi). The accented manuscripts read áva; aváh . is accented however on the ultimate.The form divítah . is hapax legomenon; PS14.3.1b reads divatah . , a more natural form. The Orissa PS manuscripts show second-person verb forms, and LOPEZ accepts these as correct. The Kashmir manuscript has vāruks . at and the corrupt form us . t. amad (for as . t. hād?). The NU manuscripts are unequivocal in giving thirdperson forms, and these are more natural in the context of the second hemistich, which refers to Rudra as 'him' rather than 'you'. Hence the NU supports (and corrects) the Kashmir manuscript on this point.

	1.2	= PS 14.3.2
	1.1	≈ PS 14.3.1
	om . ápaśyam . tvāvar óhantam . divítah . pr ápaśyam ásyantam . rudrám . n ílagrīvam . śikhan . d . ínam ˚thiv ím aváh . | 1.3
	I saw you descending from the sky, down to earth; I saw Rudra shooting [his
	arrows], blue-necked, crested.

om . ] ABCGHIJKLMNPSTWXYZ; hari om . E; om. DFWOQRUV pr ˚thiv ím aváh . ] GHZ; pr ˚thiv ím áva B ac CDEJ ac L pc OQRTUVW; pr ˚thiv ím íva AB pc ; pr ˚thivīmayah . SXY; pr ˚thivīmatah . M; pr ˚thivīmima IL ac ; pr ˚thivīmama FJ pc KP; pr ˚thivītava N ásyantam . ] CFGHJLNOPQR S(aśyam . tam . → paśyam . tam . )T ac (→ asr ˚tam . )UVWZ; asyám . tam . AB; asya tam . IKM; ápáśyantam . DEY; mu ñcantam . X rudrám . ] ABDE; rudram . divá ugr ó 'vāruks . at práty as . t . hād bh úmyām ádhi | jánāsah . páśyatemám . n ílagrīvam . vilohitám From the sky the mighty one has descended; he has taken his stand upon the earth. O people, look at him: the blue-necked, the red one. divá] ABDEΣ; díva C ugr ó] ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRTUVWZ; ugro gnau X; ugro gro S; grogrogro Y 'vāruks . at] ABDEFGI( • ks . am . tat) JKLMNOP QRSTUVWXYZ; vār úks . att C; vārun . ākhyat H bh úmyām] AB; bh ūmyàm → ?bh ùmyām? C; bh ūmyām DEΣ ádhi] ABCDEFGHIJKLNOPQRSTUVWXYZ; api M jánāsah . ] ACDEΣ(jānā?sya? → jānāsa T); jan ásah . B páśyatemám . ] ACFIJKLNOPQRTUVWZ; páśyatemam . B; paśyatemám . vái DE; paśyatemaham . HMSXY; paśyatepra G vilohitám] ACFGH pc IJKLNOPQRSTUVWXYZ; vilohítam B; vílohitam DE; sulohitam . H ac M ab. ≈ PS 14.3.3 es . á ety avīrahā rudr ó jalās . abhes . aj í | ví te 'ks . émam anīnaśad vātīkār ó 'py etu te Here he comes, not striking men, Rudra whose medicine is urine. He has removed your insecurity; let your vātīkārá also go. ety] Σ; éty ABCDE jalās . abhes . aj í] G; jalās . ayā bhes . ajī Z; jalās . abhes . aj íh . ABCF H pc IJKLNO PQRS(→ • jāh . )TUVW( • s . ījāh . )XY; jálās . abhes . aj íh . DE; jalāsabhes . ajah . H ac M ví te] ACD(pí) E(pí)FGIJKL(cite)NO PQRTUWZ; vī té → vi té B; vitte HSV; citte X; datte M ks . émam] DEΣ (ks . em Z); ks . emám ABC a.

  ; VS inverts the latter two pādas. MS and TS have the VS order, plus the insertion of námas te astu dhánvane as pāda c. . um . giriśanta háste bíbhars . y ástave | śiv ám . giritra t ám . kr ˚n . u m á him . sīt p úrus . ān máma The arrow, O Mountain-Dweller, that you carry in your hand to shoot -make that benign, O Mountain-Protector. Let it not harm my men.

	1.5	≈ PS 14.3.5
	y ám ís

bh ámāya] ABCDEFIJKNOPRUVW; bhāsāya Q; bhīmāya GT; bhāvāya HLMX; bhavāya S; • • • Y ís . ave] ABCΣ; is . avé DE Parallels: MS 2.9.2:120.16-17 = TS 4.5.1.1(a); KS 17.11:254.1-2; VS 16.1. a. All the Yajurveda versions omit this pāda. bcd. KS reads: námas te rudra manyáve bāh úbhyām utá te námah . | utó ta ís . ave námah . W omits pādas ab. giriśanta] ABIGKMOQTVZ; giríśanta E; giriśám . tam . C; giriśam . tam . DFHJLNPR(giris . am . tam . )U; giriśante XY bíbhars . y] AB; bibhars . y CDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRTUVXYZ giritra t ám . ] ABCDFGHJLMNOPQRTVW(girim . nna tā)Z; girítra t ám . E; giritra tam . Y; giritritām . IKX; giritra tān U kr ˚n . u] ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRS pc U V(kr ˚n . a)WYZ; kuru S ac TX him . sīt] ABDE(hím . • )FHJLMNOPQRSTUWXY; him . sīh . CG(rhisīh . )I(him . sī(+h . ))KVZ Parallels: MS 2.

  They have seen you descending, blue-necked, red: both the herdsmen have seen you, and the women fetching water [have seen] you, and all beings [have seen] you: Homage to you who are seen! H inserts pādas cd interlinearly; D and E duplicate 9ab (E omitting the word arun . á) at the head of this stanza, and insert the stanza number 10 after 2.10ab.

3.10 ádr ˚śan tvāvar óhantam . n ílagrīvam . vilohitám | utá tvā gop á adr ˚śann utá tvodahāryàh . | ut ó tvā víśvā bh ūt áni tásmai dr ˚s . t . áya te námah . ádr ˚śan] em.; ádr ˚śam . DEJNSUXY( • śām . ); ádr ˚śyam . ABCFHIKLMOPQRTVWZ; om . adr ˚śyam . G tvā • ] ABCΣ; u tvā E; śu tvā D n ílagrīvam . ] ABCΣ; nīlagr ívam . DE vilohitám . ] ACΣ; vilohítam . B; vílohitám . DE utá tvā] ABCDΣ; upá tvā E adr ˚śann] CGHIJKM NSTUXYZ; adr ˚śám . n DE; adr ˚śyann BFLOPQRVW; ádr ˚śyann A utá tvo • ] ABFGHIJKL NOPQRSTUVWXYZ; uta tv ò• C; úta tvo • DE; adr ˚śann u • M • dahāryàh . ] ABCΣ; • dáhāryàh . DE ut ó tvā] ABCFGIJKLNOPQRSTUVWYZ; uta tvo X; utá tvā DEHM dr ˚s . t . áya] ABCFGHIJKLMNOPQRUVWZ; dras . t . áya DEST Parallels: MS 2.

  . A parallel for the rest of this stanza is found in the Śatarudriya: asáu yò 'vasárpati n ílagrīvo vílohitah . | utáinam . gop á adr The redactor of the NU/PS version has deliberately changed the first pāda of the stanza to recall the opening words of the Atharvan hymn.

˚śann utáinam [TS, VS: ádr ˚śann] udahāryàh . | utáinam . víśvā bh ūt áni sá dr ˚s . t . ó mr ˚d . ayāti nah . (the VS omitting pāda e). 2.11 = PS 14.4.1 námo 'stu n ílaśikhan . d . āya sahasrāks . áya vājíne | átho yé asya sátvānas tébhyo 'hám akaram . námah . Homage be to the Blue-Crested One, the Thousand-Eyed, the impetuous. And I have done homage to those who are his warriors. asya] ABCΣ; asyá DE sátvānas] BCFGH(satvā(+na)s)IJKLMNOOQRSTUVWXYZ; sátv ánas A; sátvānamás DEP 'hám] ABC; ham DEΣ Parallels: MS 2.

  dhánus tvám . sáhasrāks . a śátes . udhe | niś írya śaly ánām . m úkhā śiv ó nah . śambh úr á bhava Having unstrung (your) bow, O Thousand-Eyed, O Hundred-Quivered, (and) having cut off the tips of (your) arrows, be benign and benevolent toward us.

G omits this stanza through eyeskip (see apparatus under

2.13)

. Almost every word of this stanza is incorrectly accented in D and E, which however are unanimous in every case. avatátya] ABDEFHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ; ávatátya C sáhasrāks . a] BF; sahasrāks . a ACHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ( • ks . am . ); sahasrāks . á DE śátes . udhe] H pc IJKL pc MNOQ RTUVYZ; śatés . udhe DE; śates . udhī H pc X; śátes . u te ABCFH ac L ac PS(śato • )W niś írya] FH (nīśaryya → niśaryya)LO(niśīyam . )PQRVWXZ; níśīrya D E; viś írya ABCIJKMNSTUY śambh úr á] AFHIJKLMNOPQRTUVXYZ; śámbhur á CD(śam • )E(śam • ); (+śam . )bhu{ks . ya}r à B; śam . bhuvā W bhava] ABCIJK L pc OPQRSTUVXY; bhavat Z; bhara DEFL ac MNW; bhura → bhuva H Parallels: MS 2.9.2:122.1-2; KS

  t . ama háste babh úva te dhánuh . | táyā tvám . viśváto asm án ayaks . máyā pári bhuja (With) that missile of yours, O Most Bountiful One -your bow is in (your) hand! -with that, which is free of disease, embrace us on every side! BD(mí • ) HIJKMOPQTUVXYZ; mīdus . t . ama FGLR; mīd . us . t . ama A(mi • )S; medus . t . ama CEN;

Y omits yā te hetir by eyeskip (see

2.16

). y á] ABDEGHIJKLNOQRSUVWXZ; y ás CF(→ yāt)H ac MP; yo T mīd . hus . t . ama] s . t . ama W babh úva] ABC; babh ūva DEΣ viśváto] ACDEΣ( • tor S); víśvato B ayaks . máyā] CΣ; áyaks . máyā ABDE(double accent resulting from the loss in transmission of a vertical stroke over the first aks . ara?)

  (h) = ĀpMP 2.17.6 = R ˚VKh 2.14.9 2 ; VS13.8. MS reads: yé am í; KS: yé vādó; TS, R ˚VKh: yè 'dó; VS: yé vām í. b. MS, KS, TS, R ˚VKh read: yé vā s úryasya. c. MS, KS read: yé aps ú sádā ṁsi cakriré (phonetic differences aside).

	2.20

a. ≈ PS

19.22.3

y á ís . avo yātudh ánānām . yé vā vánaspátīnām | yé vāvat . és . u śérate tébhyah . sarpébhyo námah

. 2

To those that are the arrows of the sorcerers, or to those of the trees, or to those which lie in holes in the ground, to those serpents, homage! y á] ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVW; ya XYZ yātudh ánānām . ] BCDEΣ; y átudh ánānām . A yé vā] ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWZ; ye Y; yo vā X yé vāva . tes . u] ABCDEFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWYZ; yo vāpavat . es . u X Parallels: MS

  • rudhati)H( • rum . dhatī)IJKLNOPQSTUVWX( • rudhati)YZ; jam . bháy áścarundhati D(jambhyáy á• ) E; jam . bhayasvāśurum . dhati M; jabhayāradhati R

• )XY; svajanān HIKM; svajanānām . L hárir utá] ABC(hírir)G(ahārir)IKLZ; harīr uta FJNOPQRTUVW; hárīrutah . DE; harer uta SXY; hari{•}tam . M; harita → harer uta H kalm ás . apucham] BDEFHIJKLMNOPQRSTUW( • putsam) XYZ; kalm ás . apuchám AC; kalpās . apuchan G os . adhe] BCFGHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWX Y; ós . adhe ADE; os . adhī Z jambháyāsy arundhati] em.; jam . bháyāścarum . dhati ABCFG( ab.

  PS19.5.8: †babhruś ca babhrukarn . aś ca nīlākalaśālāśavah . paśya † | 58

. G actually reads: Á Á ba: +. pa;a;[e a;Na va;Br u a;Na;a. Hence, the scribe's eye skipped from | ba to vi, an eyeskip encouraged perhaps by the fact that in both positions, the word babhru occurs shortly afterwards. babhr úkarn . aś] ABCDEFHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWY; babhruvarn . aś XZ nīlāgalas álā] T ac ; nīlāgalas álāh . AFIJKL( • śā • )NPR( • sāh . )U; n ílāgalas álāh . B; (+nī)lāgalas álāh . C; nīlāgalamālā(+h . ) H; n ílāgálamālah . DE; nīlagalamālah . S(→ • sālah . )Y; nīlagajamalah . X; nīlāgalaśīlāh . OQ; nīlāgagalasyalāh . Z; nīlāgalag?r?ālāh . W; nīlagrīvam . śālā T pc ; nīl{ā}agrīvaś ca yah . M; nīlasālā V śiváh . ] ABC; śivah . DEFHIJKLMNOPQRSTUVWXYZ paśya] ABCFHIJKLMNOPQRS UVWYZ; paśyā X; pa • sya → yasya T; paśyéta DE

  this stanza is paired with another: yad veda rājā varun . o veda devo br ˚haspatih . | indro yad vr ˚trahā veda tat satyam . cittamohan . am śarven . a nīlaśikhan . d . ena bhavena marutām . pitrā | vir ūpāks . en . a babhrun . ā vācam . vadis . yato + hatam

  7 śárva n ílaśikhan . d . a v íra kárman . ikarman . i | im ám asya pr áśam . jahi yénedám . vibhájāmahe O Śarva the Blue-Crested, O hero in deed after deed, strike down that petition (? pr áś) of him with whom we share in this. PS 20.60.7: śarva nīlaśikhan . d . a vīra karman . ikarman . i | imām asya prāśam . jahi yenedam . vivadāmahe Cf. ŚS 2.27.6 (pāda cd is the refrain of 2.27.1-5 as well): r údra jálās . abhes . aja n ílaśikhan . d . a kármakr ˚t | pr áśam . prátipr áśo jahy aras án kr ˚n . v os . adhe

	118	TIMOTHY LUBIN
	kárman . ikarman . i] CDEFGHIJKLMN O(karman . i)PQRST( • n . i{karman . i})UVWXZ; im ám] CDEFGHIJKL MNOPQRSTUV(i(+mā)m)WXZ; yá kárman . ikárman . i AB im ám A; (+ya) im ám B ásya asya pr áśam . ] ABCFGHIJKL MNOPQRSUVWXZ vibhaj ámahe] em.; víbhajāmahe DE; vi-pr áráśam . DE; asyā prāśi → asya prāśe T bhajāmahe GHIJKLMOPQSTUVWX(vibhra • )Z; vibhaj ámahai ABCN; vibhājāmahai
	→ vibhājāmahe F; vibhajāmahi R
	Y omits most of this stanza and half of the next due to eyeskip (from nīlaśikha • in pāda
	a to the same in 3.25c).
	śárva] em.; sárva ABCDEFGHIJKMNOPQRSUVXYZ; sarvarāja → sa(+va)rparāja
	L; DEGHMSXZ; nīlaśi R rva W	n ílaśikhan . d . a] v íra] D(víra)E; vīra ABCFGHIJKLMNOPQRSUVWXZ ABCFIJKLNOPQUVW; n ílaśikhan . d . ená

  The scansion of the overlong first pāda could be rectified by omitting the second námah . . However, the PS version of this stanza includes it as well.

śarv áya námah . kumāraśatráve | námo n

ílaśikhan . d . āya námah . sabhāprápādine

Homage to Bhava, homage to Śarva, homage to Kumāra's foe, homage to the Blue-crested, homage to him who goes to the assembly! Y omits pādas ab and the first word of c due to eyeskip (see

3.24

, above). námah . śarv áya] ABCD(śarvāya)E(śarvāya)FHIJKMNOPQRSTUVXZ; namah . sarvāya L; sarvāya G; om. W kumāraśatráve] AB( • śatráye)JLOQTUV; krumāraśátrave C; kumārāya śatrave FGHIKMNPRSWXZ; kumārāya śámbhave DE sabhāprápādine] ABΣ( bhā • W); sabh áprápādine C; sabhāprapādíne DE a.

50 kum āragurave nityam . nīlagrīv āya vedhase | vilohit āya dh

  .49 mahādevāya bhīm āya tryambakāya ca śambhave | īśānāya bhagaghnāya namo 'stv andhakaghātine 7.57.ūmrāya vyādhāyānaparājite7.57.51 nityam .

nīlaśikhan . d . āya ś

  ūline divyacaks .us . e | 7.57.52ab

  To him who has two yellow mules, two donkeys running on either side, to that Blue-Crested one, homage to him who goes to the assembly! The 'two yellow mules, two donkeys running on either side' may refer to the moon and sun, which are closely associated with Bhava and Śarva in the PS hymn in which this stanza occurs (cf. PS20.62.5: naktam . harī mr ˚gayete divā suparn . arohitau | bhavāya ca śarvāya cobhābhyām akaram . namah . 'By night, the two yellow [mules] pursue [their course

	3.26	= PS 20.62.7 [found only in Orissa manuscripts of the PS]
	yásya hárī aśvataráu gardabh áv abhítah . sarau | tásmai n ílaśikhan . d . āya námah . sabhāprápādine
	námah . sabhāprápādina íti 3

aśvataráu] ABΣ(āśva

• SXY); áśvatarau DE; aśvatár ó C gardabh áv] BCDEΣ; gárddabh áv A abhítah . sarau] em.; abhitah . sarau FG(abhivatah . sarau)O(abhitassarau); abhítaskarau BC DEJNQRSTUV(ani • )WX(itaskarau)YZ; abhítah . skarau AHIKP; abhitah . svarau M; abhitasrarau L tásmai] ABCΣ; om . tásmai DE ab.

] H(giretra)OQ Dī 1

  Text apaśyam .tvāvarohantam . divitah . pr ˚thivīm avah . | apaśyam asyantam . rudram . nīlagrīvam . śikhan . d . inam 1.1 nīlarudropanis . adi s .od . aśyām . khan . d . akatrayam | śrutir ūpen . a tam . devam . stauty apaśyam iti kramāt asparśayogam uktvātatsam . pradāyapravartakam . paramagurum . yogasiddhipradam . nīlarudram . stauti apaśyam iti | divito divah . pr . thivīm . bh ūmim avah . avastād avarohantam . tvām aham apaśyam iti mantradras . t . ur vacah . | asyantam . asu ks . epan . e ks . ipantam . dus . t . ān | anenāvatāraprayojanam uktam | ayam . brahman . ah . putrah . sanakādis . u sr ˚s . t . im akurvatsu brahman . ah . krodhād utpannah . kumāro ruroda tenāśvāsya rudra iti nāma dattam . tata ekādaśa sthānāny ekādaśa nāmāny ekādaśa patnīś ca dadau | tatsr ˚s . t . ānām . rudrān . ām . asam . khyātatām . dr ˚s . t . vā tam . bhayāt tamase nyayojayat | sa bhuvi tapaś cacāretītihāsah . | śikhan . d . inam . śikhan . d . o barhac ūd . ayor iti viśvah . | tayor anyatarad asyāstīti śikhan . d . ī tam . | diva ugro 'vāruks . at praty as . t . hād bh ūmyām adhi | janāsah . paśyatemam . nīlagrīvam . vilohitam 1.2 divah . sakāśād ugro rudrah . | avāruks . ad avatīrn . avān | pratyas . t . hāt pratis . t . hām . sthitim . kr ˚tavān | bh ūmyām adhi | adhir īśvara ity adhih . karmapravacanīyah . | yasmād adhikam . yasya ceśvaravacanam iti saptamī | bh ūmer īśvara ity arthah . | janāsah . | ājjaserasuk sam . bodhane ceti prathamā | es . a ety avīrahā rudro jal āsabhes . ajīh . | vi te 'ks . emam anīnaśad vātīkāro 'py etu te 1.3 ety āgacchati | na vīrahā, avīrahā saumyah . | yad vā, avīrān . i pāpāni hanty avīrahā | etyāgatya vīrān daityān hantīti vā | jale āsah . ks . epo yāsām . tā jalāsāś ca tā bhes . ajyaś ca tā etīty anvayah . | jalaks . iptānām os . adhīnām ama ṅgalanāśakatvam . rudrasam . nidhānād eva | yad vā samudramathanāvasare samudre ks . iptānām os . a-11 śikhan . d . o barhac ūd . ayor] śikhan . d . o barhac ūd . ayoh . Viśva-Prakāśa d . āntavarga 28 14 adhir īśvara] adhir īśvare As . HKOEd Σ ; yogasiddhim . pradam . QDī 1 Dī 2 6 avastād] ΣEd 2 ; adhastāt Ed 1 6 tvām] ΣEd 2 ; 'tvā ' tvām Ed 1 7 asu ks . epan . e ks . ipantam . ] KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; asu ks . eyam . tam . H 7-11 anenāvatāraprayojanam uktam | ayam . brahman . ah . putrah . sanakādis . u sr ˚s . t . im akurvatsu brahman . ah . krodhād utpannah . kumāro ruroda tenāśvāsya rudra iti nāma dattam . tata ekādaśa sthānāny ekādaśa nāmāny ekādaśa patnīś ca dadau | tatsr ˚s . t . ānām . rudrān . ām . asam . khyātatām . dr ˚s . t . vā tam . bhayāt tamase nyayojayat | sa bhuvi tapaś cacāretītihāsah . ] om. KOQDī 1 Dī 2 ; tapase Ed 2 12 asyāstīti] KOEd Σ ; asyāsti HDī 1 Dī 2 ; asyāstī Q 13 divah . sakāśād] ΣEd Σ ; em. diva ākāśād? 15 iti] KOEd 2 ; iti svāt HQ(? itit)Dī 1 Dī 2 ; iti tatra Ed 1 16 sam . bodhane ceti] HOQEd Σ ; sam . nodhane ceti KDī 2 (sano • )Dī 1 17 hanty] ΣEd 2 ; hantīty Ed 1 18 etyāgatya vīrān daityān hantīti vā] KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 ; om. HEd 1 18 jalāsāś] ΣEd 2 ; jalāsāh . , tāś Ed Ed 1 20-21 vā samudramathanāvasare samudre ks . iptānām os . adhīnām udbh ūtam . vis . am . pātum avatīrn . atvād evam uktam] KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 ; om. HEd 1 THE N ĪLARUDROPANIS . AD AND THE PAIPPAL ĀDASAM . HIT Ā 123 dhīnām udbh ūtam . vis . am . pātum avatīrn . atvād evam uktam | te tava lokasy āks . emam . vy anīnaśat | anena ks . emakāritvam uktam | alabdhalābho yogas tatkāritvam apy āha vātīkāra iti | vātih . prāptih . | aprāptam . prāptam . karotīti vātīkārah . | so 'pi te tavāp ūrvalābhakaro 'py etv āgacchatu yogaks . emakaro 'bhis . ekajale sam . nihito bhavatv ity arthah . | mantrali ṅgād abhis . eke viniyogah . | namas te bhava bhāmāya namas te bhava manyave | namas te astu bāhubhyām uto ta is . ave namah . 1.4 bhāmah . krodho manyus tatp ūrvāvasthā | utāpi | u ta is . ave bān . ar ūpāya | yām is . um . giriśantam . haste bibhars . y astave | śivām . giritra tām . kr ˚n . u mā him . sīt purus . ān mama 1.5 astave | asu ks . epan . e | tavenpratyayas tumarthe | astum . ks . eptum ity arthah . | kam . ks . eptum? giriśantam . śyati śyan gireh . śyan giriśyan | sam . bandhasāmānye s . as . t . hyā samāsah . | tam . giriśantam | chāndaso yalopah . | yad vā kam . śam . bhyām . babhayustitutayasah . | śam asyāsti śam . tah . | girito śam . tah . sukhī parvatotpannatvād is . oh . | he giritra giriraks . aka | tām . śivām . kalyān . īm . kuru | śivena vacasā tvā giriśāchā vadāmasi | yathā nah . sarvam ij jagad ayaks . mam . sumanā asat 1.6 acchā vadāmasi | accha nirmalam . vadāmah . | acchaśabdasya nipātasyeti dīrghah . | idanto masi | id anarthako nipātaś ca | ayaks . mam . nīrogam | sumanāh . sumanaskam | asad bhavet | li ṅarthe let . | tip | itaś ca lopah . parasmaipades . u | let . o 'd . ād . āv ity at . | 27 asu ks . epan . e] asu ks . epan . e Dhātupāt . ha 4.100 29-30 kam . śam . bhyām . babhayustitutayasah . ] kam .śam . bhyām . babhayustitutayasah . As . t . ādhyāyī 5.2.138 32 nipātasyeti] nipātasya ca As . t . ādhyāyī 6.3.136 33 idanto masi] idanto masi As . t . ādhyāyī 7.1.46 34 li ṅarthe let . ] li ṅarthe let . As . t . ādhyāyī 3.4.7 34 itaś ca lopah . parasmaipades . u] itaś ca lopah . parasmaipades . u As . t . ādhyāyī 3.4.97 35 let . o 'd . ād . āv] let . o 'd . ād . āv As . Dī 2 ; uta u te is . ave HEd 1 ('utah . '); utāpi | utes . ave Ed 2 29 s . as . t . hyā samāsah . ] ΣEd 2 ; s . as . t . hīsamāsah . Dī 1 ; yamalopah . Ed 2 29-30 yad vā kam . śam . bhyām . babhayustitutayasah . | śam asyāsti śam . tah . | girito śam . tah . sukhī parvatotpannatvād is . oh . ] om. HEd 1 30 babhayustitutayasah . ] OQEd 2 ; vabhayustirutayasah . Dī 1 ; babhayustirupasah . K; vabh ūyustrirutayasah . Dī 2 30 śam asyāsti] OQEd 2 ; samasyāsti KDī 1 Dī 2 30 girito] KOQDī 1 Dī 2 ; girin . ā Ed 2 31 giritraDī 2 Ed Σ ; om. K 31 kuru] ΣEd 2 ; 'kr ˚n . u' kuru Ed 1 32 accha nirmalam . ] KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; anirmalam . H 32 nipātasyeti] ΣEd 1 ; nipātasya ca Ed 2 33 id anarthako] HDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 ; idam arthako KOQEd 1 (v.l. idam anarthako) 33 nipātaś ca] HEd 1 ; nipātah . KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 34 bhavet] HOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed Dī 2 Ed Σ ; ac O 124 TIMOTHY LUBIN yā ta is . uh . śivatamā śivam . babh ūva te dhanuh . | śivā śaravyā yā tava tayā no mr ˚d . a jīvase 1.7 śaravyā śarasam . dhātrī jyā | śaro dadhyagrabān . ayor iti viśvah . | śaram arhati | yat | ava śarasya cety avādeśah . | śaruvr ˚ttād vā siddham | śarur āyudhakopayoh . | ugavādibhyo yat | jīvase jīvitum . mr ˚d . a modaya | yad vā he mr ˚d . a tayā tanvā no 'smān jīvase jīvayasi | yā te rudra śivā tan ūr aghorāpāpakāśinī | tayā nas tanvā śam . tamayā giriśam . tābhi c ākaśat 1.8 śam . tamayā atiśayena śam . śam . tamā tayā | abhicākaśat | kaśer ya ṅlugantāl let . | tip | at . | atiśayena prakāśayatv iti prārthanā | asau yas tāmro arun . a uta babhrur vilohitah . | ye ceme abhito rudrā diks . u śritāh . sahasraśo 'vais . ām . hed . a īmahe 1.9 | namo 'stu nīlaśikhan . d . āya sahasrāks . āya vājine | atho ye asya satvānas tebhyo 'ham akaram . namah . 2.11 vājine 'nnavate bān . ar ūpāya vā | sīdanti satvāno gan . āh . | 36 śaro dadhyagrabān . ayor] śaro dadhyagrabān . ayoh . Viśva-Prakāśa rāntavarga 8 37 ava śarasya cety] Source not identified. 37 śarur āyudhakopayoh . ] Source not identified; cf. śaruh . pum . sy āyudhe kope Aun . ādikapadārn . ava of Perubhat . t . a 1.120 38 ugavādibhyo yat] ugavādibhyo yat Dī 2 Ed 2 ; om. HEd 1 40 ya ṅlugantāl] Ed Σ ; ya ṅlu ṅam . tāl O; ya ṅlud . am . tāl QDī 1 ; ya ṅ ṅam . tāl Dī 2 ; ya ṅlutāl K; yadvud . am . d . ātāl H 41 let . ] KOQEd 2 ; lot . HDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 1 41 tip] HKODī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 ; atip QEd 1 42 1 ] HEd . n . ave | ubhābhyām akaram . namo bāhubhyām . tava dhanvane 2.12 namām . si namaskārāh . | nātatāyānātatāya | dhr ˚s . n . ave pragalbhāya | bāhubhyām . kr ˚tvā dhanvane namo 'karavam ity arthah . | pra mu ñca dhanvanas pary ubhayo r āj ñor jyām | yāś ca te hasta is . avah . parā tā bhagavo vapa 2.13 ubhayor aripratyaribh ūtayo rāj ñor dhanvano jyām . paripramu ñca, anātatām . kuru | rāj ñor vigrahe lokānām . kleśo bhavati | tatas tam . śamayeti bhāvah . | he bhagavah . | yās te hasta is . avo bān . ās tāh . parāvapa parā ṅmukhān mu ñca | tvam api kopam . lokes . u mā kr ˚thā iti bhāvah . | indrar ūpen . a jagad raks . eti prārthayate | avatatya dhanus tvam . sahasrāks . a śates . udhe | niśīrya śalyānām . mukhā śivo nah . śambhur ā bhava 2.14 . dhanuh . śikhan . d . ino viśalyo bān . avā ṁ astu | aneśann asyes . avah . śivo asya nis . a ṅgatih . 2.

	śrīgan . eśāya namah . HEd 1 8 ruroda] K(rudroda) ODī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 ; ruda Q K 10 tamase] Ed 1 29 yalopah . As . t . ādhyāyī 5.1.2 36 śarasam . dhātrī] KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 ; śarasam . dhādhī H; śarasandhāyinī Ed 1 9 tenāśvāsya] OQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 ; tenāsya 37 ava śarasya cety] Σ; 'ava śarasya' ity Ed 1 ; av śarasya cety Ed 2 37 śaruvr ˚tt ād] Σ; yad vā śaruh . vr ˚t ād (v.l. śaruvr ˚ttad) vā Ed 1 ; śaruśabdād Ed 2 37 śarur āyudhakopayoh . ] ΣEd 2 ; 'śarur āyudha-kopayoh . ' iti viśvah . Ed 1 38 jīvase] KOQDī 1 avatatyeti adhijyam . kr

1 t . ādhyāyī 1.4.97 16 ājjaserasuk] ājjaserasuk As . t . ādhyāyī 7.1.50 16 sam . bodhane ceti] sam . bodhane ca As . t . ādhyāyī 2.3.47 3 devam . ] HODī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; deva KQ 4 asparśayogam] KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; asparśyayogam H 4-5 yogasiddhipradam . ] 1 19 bhes . ajyaś] OEd 2 ; bhes . ajāś HEd 1 ; bhais . ajyaś Q; bhovajyaś Dī 1 Dī 2 ; bobhajyaś K 19-20 ama ṅgalanāśakatvam . ] KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 ; aks . emanirn . odakatvam . H; aks . ema-nirn . ejakatvam . (v.l. • nirn . odakatvam . ) t . ādhyāyī 3.4.94 21-23 tava lokasyāks . emam . vy anīnaśat | anena ks . emakāritvam uktam | alabdhalābho yogas tatkāritvam apy āha vātīkāra iti | vātih . prāptih . | aprāptam . prāptam . karotīti vātīkārah . | so 'pi te] om. Dī 2 (eyeskip) 21 tava lokasyāks . emam . ] KOQDī 1 Ed Σ ; tavāks . emam . H 21 vy] ΣEd 2 ; om. Ed 1 22-23 apy āha] Ed Σ ; athāha HKOQDī 1 Dī 2 24 'py] KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 ; om. HEd 1 26 bhāmah . ] HODī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; bhāsah . KQ 26 utāpi | u ta is . ave] KOQDī 1 ] Ed 1 ; palopah . H(paloyah . )KQ; palos . ah . O; yevalopah . Dī 2 ; pam . valopah . Σ ; om. K 34 let . ] ODī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; lit . HQ; lat . K 35 let . o 'd . ād . āv] Ed 2 ; let . o d . āt . āv KO; let . oprad . yāv H; le{d . a}t . ot . ān Dī 1 ; led . at . ot . ān Dī 2 ; led . ad . āt . ot . āv Q; let . o 'd . ādāv Ed 1 35 at . ] HKQDī 1 babhruh . pi ṅgalah . | vā | es . ām | ha | īd . e stutaye | īmahe kāmayāmahe 1 adr ˚śyam . tvāvarohantam . nīlagrīvam . vilohitam | uta tvā gopā adr ˚śann uta tvodahāryah . | uto tvā viśvā bh ūtāni tasmai dr ˚s . t . āya te namah . 2.10 vis . n . upaks . e ābhīrāh . | gopā gopālāh . | adr ˚śann apaśyan | udahāryah . pānīyahārin . yah . | viśvā viśvāni bh ūtāni adr ˚śan | yoginām apy adr ˚śyam . tvām . kr ˚payāvirbhavantam ādityavat prakāśamānam . pāmarā api dadr ˚śur ity arthah . Σ ; KOQDī 1 Dī 2 43 vis . n . upaks . e ābhīrāh . ] K( • pahe abhī • )OQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 ; om. HEd 1 43 adr ˚śann] HOQ Dī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; adr ˚śyan K 44 bh ūtāni] HOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; om. K 44 adr ˚śan] HEd Σ ; adr ˚śyan KOQDī 1 Dī 2 46 'nnavate] ΣEd 2 ; netravate Ed 1 46 satvāno] ΣEd 1 ; sattvāno Ed 2 THE N ĪLARUDROPANIS . AD AND THE PAIPPAL ĀDASAM . HIT Ā 125 namām . si ta āyudhāyānātatāya dhr ˚s ˚tvā | sahasrāks . a śakrar ūpa | śatam is . udhayas t ūn . ā yaj ñar ūpā yasya tat sambodhanam | niśīrya tīks . n . īkr ˚tya mukhā mukhāni no 'smān śivah . kalyān . ar ūpah . śambhuh . sukhahetuh . sann ābhava dhāraya pos . aya vā | vijyam

15 bān . avām . s t

  ūn . īrah . | viśalyo 'stu bhallarahito bhavatu vairis . u hates . u tatprayojanābhāvāt | aneśann adr ˚śyā abh ūvan | naśimanyor alit . y etvam iti vārttikena lu ṅi pus . ādy a ṅy etvam | nis . a ṅgatir nis . a ṅgah . | pari te dhanvano hetir asmān vr ˚n . aktu viśvatah . | atho ya is . udhis tavāre asmin ni dhehi tam 2.16 59 naśimanyor alit . y etvam] Source not identified. 60 lu ṅi pus . ādy a ṅy etvam] Cf. pus . ādidyudādyl . ditah . parasmaipades . u As . t . ādhyāyī 3.1.55 48 'karavam] HKDī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; kara nn Q; karann O 49 aripratyaribh ūtayo] HDī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; api pratyaribh ūtayo KOQ 49 dhanvano] ΣEd 1 ; dhanvanor Ed 2 49 paripramu ñca] HOQ Dī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 ; parimu ñca K; 'pramu ñca' Ed 1 53 prārthayate] KOQEd Σ ; prārthyate Dī 1 Dī 2 ;

	prārthate H KOQDī 1 Dī 2 ; ābhara HEd Σ 54 adhijyam . ] ΣEd 2 ; dhanus tvam adhijya (v.l. svadhijyam . ) Ed 1 TIMOTHY LUBIN 57 vā] HEd 126 viśvatah	56 ābhava]

1 ; om. KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 (eyeskip) 58 bhallarahito] em.; bhallāhito H; bhaktarahito KOQDī 1 Dī 2 ; śalyarahito Ed 2 ; tomararahito (v.l. matvararahito) Ed 1 59 abh ūvan] HEd Σ ; abruvan KOQDī 1 Dī 2 59 naśimanyor alit . y etvam] HOQ(alitdy etvam . )Dī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 ; naśimanyor alighetvam . K; naśis . amumo valikhyetvam . (?) Ed 1 60 pus . ādy a ṅy] KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; om. H(eyeskip)

.

  sarvatah . | asmān parivr ˚n . aktu parivr ˚tya raks . atu | are sam . bodhane | atho paścād raks . an . ānantaram . yas taves . udhir asminn is . udhau tam . hetim . bān . am . nidhehi sthāpaya | yā te hetir mīd . hus . t . ama haste babh ūva te dhanuh . | tayā tvam . viśvato asmān ayaks . mayā pari bhuja 2.17 he mīd . hus . t . ama mīd . hvas . t . amety (!) arthah . secakatama | ayaks . mayā sajjayā tayā hetyā paribhuja paripālaya | namo 'stu sarpebhyo ye ke ca pr ˚thivīm anu | ye antariks . e ye divi tebhyah . sarpebhyo namah . 2.18 ye cāmī rocane divo ye ca s ūryasya raśmis . u | yes . ām apsu sadas kr ˚tam . tebhyah . sarpebhyo namah . 2.19 yā is . avo yātudhānānām . ye vā vanaspatīnām | ye vāvat . es . u śerate tebhyah . sarpebhyo namah . 2.20 harir uta | kalmās . apucham os . adhe jambhay āśv arundhati 3.21 kedārādhīśam . mahis . ar ūpam . stauti | ya iti yah . śivah . svajanān bhaktān prati nīlagrīvah . | yaś ca svajanān bhaktān prati harir haritavarn . o bhaktavātsalyena bhavati | mahis . asya hi tādr ˚g r ūpam . sam . bhavati | yad vā nīlagrīvo rudrah . , harir vis . n . uś ca, bhavati | anena hariharayor ekar ūpatoktā | he os .

	sadas kr ˚tam . gr ˚ham . kr

˚tam . | yātudhānānām . raks . asām . vanaspatīnām . ces . avah . sarpāh . | te hi janān daśanti | avat . es . u gartes . u 2 yah . svajan ām . nīlagrīvo yah . svajan ām .

adhe arundha- ti rodharahite

  jambhaya svavīryen . a vīryavantam . kuru | os . adhīnām . paśubhyo balapradatvāt | kalmās . o rāks . ase kr Viśva-Prakāśa s . āntavarga 19 (p. 313) in UTVALA VE ṄKAT . ARA ṄG ĀC ĀRYULU 1930; RATNA GOP ÂLA BHATTA 1911, s . āntavarga 18 (p. 172): kalmās . o rāks . ase kr Ed 1 64 mīd . hvas . t . amety] H(mīdras . t . a • )O (mīdvas . t . a • )QDī 1 Dī 2 ; mīd . hus . t . amety K; mīd . havattamety Ed 2 ; om. Ed 1 64 secakatama] HEd 2 ; sevakatama KOQDī 1 Dī 2 ; sevakatamam . Ed 1 64 ayaks . mayā sajjayā] ΣEd 2 ; 'apaks . mayā' asajjayā Ed 1 OEd 1 ; kedārādhīśa KQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 ; kedārādhīśe H 68 mahis . ar ūpam . ] HDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 1 ; mahis . asvar ūpam . KOQEd 2 69-70 bhaktavātsalyena] HEd 1 ; bhaktavatsalo na KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 70-71 yad vā nīlagrīvo rudrah . , harir vis . n . uś ca, bhavati | anena hariharayor ekar ūpatoktā] OQEd 2 ; ekar ūpabhoktā KDī 1 Dī Ed 2 73 os . adhīnām . ] ΣEd 1 ; aus . adhīnām . Ed 2 babhruś ca babhrukarn . aś ca nīl āgalaśīl ā śivah . | paśya | 3.22 śarven . a nīlaśikhan . d . ena bhavena marutām . pit ā | vir ūpāks . en . a babhrun . ā vācam . vadis . yato hatah . 3.23 babhruh . kvacid avayave pi ṅgalavarn . ah . | babhrukarn . ah . pi ṅgalavarn . akarn . ah . | nīlāgalaśīlā śiva ity atra nīlagrīvaś ca yah . śiva iti pāt . ho yuktah . | piteti tr ˚tīyārthe prathamā pitrety arthah . | atha vācam . vadis . yatah . pitā dehimātrasya janako brahmā yeneśvaren . a hatas tam . tvam . paśyety anvayah . | śarva nīlaśikhan . d . a vīra karman . ikarman . i | imām asya prāśam . jahi yenedam . vibhajāmahe 3.24 he vīra karman . ikarman . i vihitanis . iddhar ūpe | imām asya janasya prāśam . | pr ˚cchatīti prāt . | tām . prāśam . pr ˚cchikām . vācam . jahi | vedavihitanis . iddhakarmavis . ayam . sam . śayam . nirākurv ity arthah . | yena karman . ā | idam . jagat | vibhajāmahe karmabh ūmibhogabh ūmir ūpen . a vibhaktam . kurmahe | namo bhavāya namah . śarvāya namah . kum ār āya śatrave | namo nīlaśikhan . d . āya namah . sabhāprapādine 3.25 yasya harī aśvatarau gardabhāv abhitah . sarau | tasmai nīlaśikhan . d . āya namah . sabhāprapādine 3.26 namah . sabhāprapādine kumārāya kālānabhibh ūtāya skandar ūpāya vā | śatrave sam . hartre | sabhāprapādine sabhām . prapadyate tacchīlah . sabhāpraprādī tasmai sabhyāyety arthah . | aśvatarau | īs . ad ūnam aśvatvam . yayos tāv aśvatarau gardabhād aśvāyām . jātau | dvisarau | abhitah . sarata iti abhitah . sarau gardabhau vartete | yathā purus . ottamaks . etrasya nīlamādhavo 'dhis . t . hātā, evam . kedāraks . etrasya nīlarudrah . | dviruktih . samāptyarthā | nārāyan . ena racitā śrutimātropajīvinā | aspas . t . apadavākyānām . nīlarudrasya dīpikā 76 babhrukarn . ah . ] ODī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 ; babhruh . karn . ah . KQ; om. HEd 1 76-77 pi ṅgalavarn . akarn . ah . ] Ed 2 ; pi ṅgalavarn . ah . karn . ah . KOQ; am . tah . pim . galavarn . avarn . ah . HDī 1 Dī 2 ; atah . pi ṅgalavarn . akarn . ah . Ed 1 77 nīlāgalaśīlā śiva] KOQDī 1 Dī 2 (śīva); nīlāgalasyalāsyalā śiva H; nīlāgalaśīlāh . śiva Ed 2 ; nīlā gale mālā yasya sah . , śiva; Ed 1 ; cf. m ūla: nīl{ā}galamālā(+h . ) śivah . Ed 1 ; prachikām . HKOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 81-82 vedavihitanis . iddhakarmavis . ayam . ] ΣEd 2 ; vedavihitapratis . iddhakarmavis . ayam . Ed 1 83 vibhaktam . ] HDī 1 Dī 2 Ed Dī 2 Ed 2 ; om. HEd 1 There are] three sections in the Nīlarudropanis . ad, the sixteenth [of the Upanis . ads of the Atharvaveda]. It praises that god [viz.

	66 sadas kr ˚tam . ] HEd Σ ; 66 gr ˚ham . kr ˚tam . ] ΣEd 2 ; 67 te hi] Ed Σ ; te hi te H; 2 cha Q; ˚tam . OQ; sadavastutam . Dī 1 Dī 2 ; sadasadvastutam . K sadavaskr gr ˚ham . Ed 1 67 sarpāh . ] HDī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; sarpatir K(sapatir)OQ ter hi te Dī 1 Dī 2 ; hi te KOQ 67 2 ] ODī 1 Ed Σ ; cha K; om. HDī 2 68 kedārādhīśam . ] H; nīlāgalamālah . śivah . D 79 dehimātrasya] ΣEd 2 ; dehamātrasya Ed 1 80 he] KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; hi H 80 karman . ikarman . i] HDī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; karman . i KOQ 80 vihitanis . iddhar ūpe] ΣEd 2 ; vihitapratis . iddhar ūpe Ed 1 81 pr TIMOTHY LUBIN Translation ELUCIDATION OF THE N ĪLARUDROPANIS . AD ˚cchik ām . ] 128 Homage to Gan . eśa! [

| tam . kalmās . apuccham . kr ˚s .

n . apān . d . urapuccham .

| āśu śīghram . | ˚s . n . e kalmās . ah . kr ˚s . n . apān . d . ura iti viśvah . | kedāreśvarasya mahis . ar ūpatvāt pucchavattā sam . bhavati | 74 kalmās . o rāks . ase kr ˚s . n . e kalmās . ah . kr ˚s . n . apān . d . ura] kalmās . o rāks . ase kr ˚s . n . e kalmās . ah . kr ˚s . n . apām . d . ure ˚s . n . e kalmās . am . kr ˚s . n . apān . d . ure 61 parivr ˚tya raks . atu] ΣEd 2 ; pariraks . atu Ed 1 62 is . udhau] ΣEd 2 ; om. 2 ; om. HEd 1 71 he] KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; hi H 73 jambhaya] HEd Σ ; bhajaya KOQDī 1 Dī 2 73 kuru] HEd 1 ; kurus . e KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Σ ; • āvibhaktam . KOQ 84 skandar ūpāya vā] KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 2 ; om. HEd 1 87 dvisarau] HKQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed 1 ; abhitah . sarau OEd 2 87 abhitah . sarata iti] KOQDī 1 Dī 2 Ed Σ ; om. H 88 yathā purus . ottamaks . etrasya nīlamādhavo 'dhis . t . hātā, evam . kedāraks . etrasya nīlarudrah . ] KOQDī 1

  omission of the syllable ya [from the expected form giriśyantam] is Vedic usage (cf. As . t . ādhyāyī 1.1.58). Or [it follows the rule] that 'kam and śam take [the suffixes] • ba, • bha, • yu, • ti, • tu, • ta, and • ya' (As . t . ādhyāyī 5.2.138; cf. Siddhāntakaumudī 1944). He has happiness; [he is] auspicious (śam . tah . ), [i.e.] 'auspicious because of the mountain' (giritah .

1 .

 1 Gu 1 . Photographs only of the folios containing the Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad, from a ms. belonging to Ven . udharaPan . d . ā of the village Guhiāpāl . a.7 2. Gu 2 . Photographs of a ms. in pristine condition, kept by SudhākaraPan . d . ā of the village Guhiāpāl . a. Complete. 3. Jā. Photographs only of the folios containing the Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad, from a badly damaged ms. belonging to Haraprasāda Miśra of the village Jāmbhan . i. 4. Ku 1 . Large and worn ms., received from the late Harihara Upādhyā ẏa of the village Kurum . caini. Painting on insides of front and back coverboards. 5. Ku 2 . Smaller ms., in good condition, from the same collection. . Ku 3 . Previously uninked ms., now inked by the author, in good condition, from the same collection. 7. Ni. Photographs of an extensive (composite) ms., kept by Maheśvara Miśra of the village Nirmal . ā. For preliminary information on this text, and some quotations from it, see BHATTACHARYYA 1968: 2, 23. The papers GRIFFITHS 2003b and 2004-05 contain some longer excerpts in edited form. A critical edition of this text is currently being prepared, on the basis of the following materials.

	B. Karmapa ñjikā (KP)

5

See

Bh. PANDA 2003: 346f. for

a warmly nationalistic account. 61. Dh/903. Photographs of a seemingly old, worn, and incomplete ms. covering only the third secton (on Śrāddha), from the Orissa State Museum (Bhubaneswar), previously reported as lost (GRIFFITHS 2003b: 365, n. 55), but found and photographed in 2005. Listed in MISHRA 1973, ser. nr. 1077. 8 2. Gu 1 . Photographs of a large, complete, but rather carelessly written ms. kept by Ven . udhara Pan . d . ā of the village Guhiāpāl . a. 3. Gu 2 . Rather poorly legible photographs of a ms. belonging to Ambujāks . a Upādhyā ẏa of the village Guhiāpāl . a. 4. Ku. A large ms. in perfect condition, received from the late Harihara Upādhyā ẏa of the village Kurum . caini. The scribe of this ms. seems to be identical to that of the dated and localized ms. Up/Ku 3 , described in §3 below. 5. Ni. Photographs of a seemingly old, worn, and incomplete ms., with generally good readings, belonging to Prahlāda Upādhyā ẏa of the village Nirmal . ā.

  2. Gu 1 . Photographs of a ms. of the Vivāhapustaka kept by Kr ˚s . n . acandra Upādhyā ẏa of the village Guhiāpāl . a.

3. Gu 2 . Photographs of a notebook copy of the Vratapustaka (beginning [p. 1] with adhivāsa and ending [p. 207] with samāvartana, to which are appended several short texts including, e.g., vratare janmatithīra devatā ṅka nāma [p. 208], pān . ipādārghyavidhi [209], nāndimukhaśrāddhavidhi [228-231] and three and a half verses attributed to the Vāstus ūtropanis . ad 10 [unnumbered last page of the notebook]) from the collection of Venu . dhara and the late Vidyādhara Pan . d . ā, village Guhiāpāl . a.

  | sāẏāhne devanāmam . tu, rātrau tu nadīnāmakam . | praśnāks . aram . dvīgun . itam . mātrā caturgun . am . bhavet | tithivārasamāyukta ekikr ˚tyam . ca sthāpitam . | muninā kurute bhāgam . , śes . am . kāryye niyojaẏet candrāgnau kas . t . akāryyam . siddhiyugmaś ca vedake vān . arasau śighrakāryyam . śunye ca kāryyanāśanam .

transliterate: prabhāte vā ñchitam . pus . pam . , madhyāhne phal . avā ñchitam .

5 .

 5 Ku 2 . Another ms. in pristine condition, covering the same text, from the same collection. 6. Kk. Another ms. of the Vratapustaka (beginning with adhivāsa and ending with samāvartana) in reasonable, though uninked, condition, received from Praphulla Upādhyā ẏa of the village Kukur . ājujhā. 7. Publication Paippalādavivāhādisam . skārapaddhati (PAN . D . Ā 2000). Ku 2 . A younger, extensive ms. from the same collection. 4. Ku 3 . A small sized ms. from the same collection. 5. Ni. Photographs of a ms. kept by Maheśvara Miśra, village Nirmal . ā. 6. P 1 . Photocopies of the ms. 960 (1887-91) of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune. Devanāgarī, but most likely copied from an Oriya exemplar, because Oriya marginalia are found occasionally, and the folio numbering is largely in Oriya numerals. 12 For details of this manuscript's contents, see Alexis Sanderson's contribution to this volume, pp. 210-216.

D. Ā ṅgirasakalpa (AK)

BHATTACHARYYA (1968) mentions and quotes some stanzas from the AK on pages

: 2, 23, 35, 37.

On this last page, it becomes clear that he had access to only one ms.

1.

As. Photographs of a ms. kept by Dāmodara Miśra, village Asimil . ā,

11

which served as the basis of the last item in this list. 2. Ku 1 . An old ms. received from the late Harihara Upādhyā ẏa, village Kurum . caini, with very fine writing and illustrations of yantras at the back. Concerned with rituals involving Nr ˚sim . ha. 3.

  7. P 2 . Photocopies of the ms. 959 (1889-91) of the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Pune. Devanāgarī, but most likely copied from an Oriya exemplar (on the same grounds as P 1 ). For details of this manuscript's contents, see the same contribution to this volume, 217-224. 8. Sa. Photographs of a ms. from the collection of the late Vaidyanātha Pan . d . ā of the village Sa ṅkhāmari, now kept by his son Mr ˚tyu ñjaya Pan . d . ā. Contents (partially) shared with Ku 3 . 9. T/121. Photographs of a ms. from the Orissa State Museum, Bhubaneswar (OSM). Listed in MISHRA 1973, ser. nr. 197. 10. T/187. Photographs of a ms. from the OSM. Listed in MISHRA 1973, ser.

nr. 198. 11

. V/124. Photographs of a ms. from the

OSM. Listed in MISHRA 1973, ser. nr. 17.

This being one of the Atharvanic "V/" mss. from the OSM collection, details of its contents are given by MOHAPATRA

(2002-03: 31-34)

.

  . Publication Ātharvan . īẏa P ūjā Paddhati (in Oriya) compiled by Ven . udhara PAN . D . Ā (Kendujhara, Manamohinī Prin . t . im . Pres 2004). Contents: Ātharvan . īẏa sandhyā praẏoga, Madhyāhna sandhyāẏām . , Gāẏatrī śāpoddhāra, O ṁ śrī śrī Satyanārāyan . a p ūjā, Arghya sam . skāra, Ghat . a p ūjā, Homa vidhi, P ūjā prakaran . am, Āsana pramān . a, Āsana śuddhi, Sāmānyarghya vidhi, Sam . kalpa vidhi, Śrī śrī Viśvakarmā p ūjā, Rādhā ṅka p ūjā, Païtā mantra, Yaj ñopavīta pramān . a, S ūryya ṅku prārthanā, Pa ñcāmr ˚ta śodhana vidhi, Mitādi p ūjā, As . t . alokapāl . a man . d . al . e p ūjaẏet, Brahmā man . d . al . e, Pa ñcagavyaśodhana vidhi. 6. A booklet, probably similar in contents to the preceding items, seems to have been published by Dāmodara PAN . D . Ā, of the former Pāt . haśālā in Baiśi ṅgā (WITZEL & GRIFFITHS 2002: 176), but I have not seen it yet. §3. Detailed Catalog of Upanis . ad Manuscripts

	Contents: Sandhyāvidhi, N ūtana yaj ñopavīta dhāran . a mantra, Bhojanavidhi, Tarpan . avidhi, Vaiśvadevavidhi, Sam . ks . ipta pa ñcopacāra p ūjāvidhi, Śrī Vakra-tun . d . a p ūjāvidhi, Śrī Śiva p ūjāmantra, Śrī S ūryya p ūjāmantra, Śrī Laks . mī p ūjā-mantra, Śrī Nr

T

. A ŚARM Ā (Bhubanesvar,

Khan . d . agiri Pres 1993)

.

˚sim

. ha p ūjāmantra, Śrī Gopāl . a p ūjāmantra, Śrī Vanadurgā p ūjāmantra, Śrī Laks . mīnārayan . a p ūjāmantra,

Ekoddis . t . aśrāddhavidhi, Pun . yastotram . vā Somopanis . ad, Dīpadāna śrāddhavidhi, Aparapaks . a śrāddhavidhi. 5

  of the villageGuhiāpāl . a. Photos Digital photographs are available with the author. Physical This entire ms., which was in good condition when I photographed it in 1998, was written by one hand, that of the current owner's grandfather, YadunāthaPan . d . ā. Dimensions not recorded. 4-5 lines per folio-side. Foliation 4 + 237 = 241 folios. At the head of the codex, there are four separately numbered folios, the first three of which bear the legend śucipatra in the left margin of the recto, and indeed contain a table of contents, although apparently of a different ms. than this one -perhaps its exemplar -because the indicated folio numbers do not match with the body of the codex. The fourth separately numbered folio (which bears both a numbering 1 and 4) contains extraneous material, partly invocatory verses.At the back of the ms., f. 233r contains a few unidentified verses, its verso is blank. Folios 234r-237r (237v is blank) contain the text of PS16.133-135, introduced with a marginal comment in the left margin of 234r: khirodrakān . d . a mantrakān . d . a pr ˚thivīdohana, which must be an almost unrecognizably misspelt reference to the so-called ks . udrakān . d . a of PS, i.e. PS 16. There are two blank folios to conclude this codex. Colophon The colophon at f. 232r1-232v4 reads: ẏe vedaśāstra samāpto ẏam bhimasyāpi ran . e bha ṅgo m ūner api matibhramam . yadi suddham . m asuddham . vā mama dos . ah . na vidyateh . bhagnapr khako nāsti dos . ah . śakābdāh . 1855 sna 1340 sāla kakad . āmāsa vaśam . mate di 27 ne śanivāra dina 6 cha ghad . i samaẏare ẏekaśata •• vim . sam . panis . ata lekhā samāptam . h . tailād raks . am . jalād raks . am . h . draks . a mām . ślas . n . abandham . nam . h . pām . ks . ūm . bhyo parahastena ẏevam . vadanti pustakam . h . kāsyapagotraśrīyadunāthadevaśarman . am idam . vedapustakapanis . at likhitam . (ornament) he suj ñam . janamāne sun . a e panis . ata lekhā helā pun . a mo vaẏasa 60 sāt . hīẏe jān . a mātrāvisargaj ñāna nāhim . pun . a āji re kr ˚s . n . a saptami jān . a tahim . re harijanma pun . a naks . atra asmini at . aï rocahan . i naks . atra pāi nā• pā ñjire jāhā ukta thilā āmbhamāne tāhā kah . bhalā sādhumāne mo dos . a na dhariba mu at . e niśce murkhajiba murkhakul . are yanma mora vidyā abhyāsa nāhi mora ẏe mate kalaïm . lekhani dosa na dharibe suj ña jana e tarapa bahar . āgor . ā sim . habhuim . at . e jīlā maraganepaścisil . ā ho guhīẏāpāl . a grāmare vāsa thāim . nāma mohara yadunātha daẏā karibe jagannātha pitā mohara dā•dara raks . ā karantu cakradhara hasti cal . ati pādena jihvāt . a •• pan . d . itāh . (ornament) raks . ā karibe {adhama} jagannātha mahāprabhu adhama śrīyadunātha pan . d . ā ṅku ghara sāh . guhīẏāpāl . a grāmyāvasthita śrī śubham astu sarvatrah . (ornament) śakābdā 1855 | 1340 | śrāvan . a di 27 na.

	˚-. ir adhomukham . duh . khena liks . ītam . grantha pu-˚s . t . hakat . īgriva tulādr s . t trapautravat pratipāl . aẏetah . yathā ādr

˚śam

. s tathā lekhanam . h . le-

  Collection Formerly in the possession of Harihara Upādhyā ẏa,Kurum . - caini. Now deposited in the Kern Institute,Leiden. Physical In the first half of the codex, most folios have lost one or two centimeters on the left side, due to wear, which has resulted in the loss of some aks . aras; in general, the ms. is in fairly fragile condition, and shows some mildew. Dimensions ca. 40 × 3.5 cm on average. 4 lines per folio-side. Foliation 142 leaves. The codex opens with two unconnected, less stained/worn folios, partially filled with uninked text; then follow two folios of which the first -to judge by the staining of the leaves -was joined with the main part from early on; the main part starts on the verso of the second of these two leaves, which side bears the number 1. Numbering is on the right margin of the verso. Folio 18 has been flipped over, so that 18v comes before 18r; after f. 77, two fresher folios of slightly smaller dimensions, which do however carry numbering 78-79, are inserted, and the standard type of leaf resumes with 80; ff. 131-134 are in a different hand, on different (fresher, smaller) leaves, uninked and unnumbered: they have been added later, it seems. Four loose, inked but unnumbered folios, partially filled with writing by the first hand, conclude the codex. Colophon The codex contains the following indications about the name of a former owner, Lokanātha Kara: śrīnr ˚sim . ha raks . ā kara lokanātha kara ṅku (f. 45v4); śrīgan . eśa raks . ā kara araks . ita lokanātha kara ṅku (f. 111r3-4). A colophon (f. 121r3-v1) reads as follows: . . . ity ātharvan . arahasye vajraśucaupanis . at samāptā agastyaś ca pulastyaś ca vaiśampāẏanameva {•} ca | sumanto jaẏamuniś caiva pa ñca ite vajravār ˚n . ā 1 śrī vīrakeśarideva ṅka 7 caitrakr ˚s . n . asaptamī guruvāre ekacāl . iā śāsanna mahājana kānukara {•}brahmā ṅka putra idam . pustakam . likhitam . bhīmasyāpi . . . vidyate . . . putravat paripālayet . Evidently, the ms. originates from the important Paippalāda village Ekacāl . iā, near Bhubanesvar.

	68r5-68v5 69r1-74r4 74r5-77v3 77v3-79v3 79v3-83r3 83r3-84r2	Mantrāh . (= Vibh ūtigrahan . amantrāh . of Ku 1 ?) Gārud . opanis . ad ˚s . n . ap ūrvatāpanīya (in 5 sections) Śrīkr Ātharvan . e Śrīrāmacandropanis . ad Ātharvan . arahasye Śrīrāmacandrasyottaratāpanī Śrīrāmacandrasya P ūrvatāpanīya (in 5 upanis . ads) Ku 1
	84r2-85r5 85v1-86v4	Saubhāgyakān . d . e Kālikopanis . ad Somotpattyupanis . ad 15
	86v4-87r4 87r4-88r1	Pin . d . opanis . ad Ātmopanis . ad 16
	88r1-88v4 88v5-91r3 91r4-98v4	Mān . d . ukyopanis . ad Śrīkr ˚s . n . asya p ūrvatāpanīye Kaivalyopanis . ad (?) 17 Kaivalyopanis . ad
	98v4-116r4	Atharvan . i Purus . asubodhinī / P ūrvatāpanī (in 6 prapāt . hakas)
	116r4-126r5	Atharvan . i Purus . asubodhinyā Uttaraprapāt . haka (in 6 prapāt . hakas)
	126v1-131v5 Nr ˚sim . hatāpanīyoktabr ˚han-Mahopanis . ad (in 12 numbered sections) 132r1-133r4 Dhyānabind ūpanis . ad
	Folios 133r4-134r2 134r2-139v5 139v5-143r3	Contain Tejobind ūpanis . ad Śrīkr ˚s . n . aśāntopanis . ad Tripurīprakaran . a
	1-6r4 6r5-12r5 143r3-174v2 174v2-179r5 12v1-14v1 Mahānārāyan . opanis . ad (in 8 adhyāyas and 2 kān . d . as) Mun . d . akopanis . ad Ānandavallī (in 2 adhyāyas) Praśnopanis . ad 179v1-183r1 Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad Garbhopanis . ad 14v2-16v4 183r1-184v5 Tāropanis . ad Prān . āgnihotropanis . ad 16v4-18r3 184v5-186v2 Ugratāropanis . ad Mahopanis . ad 18r3-20v1 Brahmopanis . ad 20v1-21r4 186v3-191v4 Gan . eśatāpanīya (in 3 upanis . ads) 191v4-199v2 Śvetāśvataropanis . ad (in 6 adhyāyas) Brahmavidyopanis . ad 21r4-22v1 199v2-201v3 Hayagrīvasam . hitāyām . Hayagrīvaikāks . aramantravidhānam . prathamo 'dhyāyah . Ks . urikopanis . ad 22v2-23v2 201v3-202r5 . . . Hayagrīvayantravidhānam . nāma dvitīyo 'dhyāyah . C ūlikopanis . ad 23v2-24v3 202r5-204r5 Kenopanis . ad Anuc ūlikopanis . ad 24v3-29r2 Atharvaśiropanis . ad 29r3-30r3 204r5-207r4 Kumārabodhinī (in 4 prapāt . hakas) 207r4-211r1 Tattvabodhinī (12 th prapāt . haka only?) 18 Atharvaśikhopanis . ad 30r4-31r5 Amr 211r1-213r5 Yogabodhinī (in 2 prapāt . hakas) ˚tabind ūpanis . ad 31r5-33v1 Amr ˚tan ādopanis . ad 33v2-34r2 Yogaśikhopanis . ad 34r2-34v5 213r5-215v1 Jābālopanis . ad 215v1-216v3 Atharvan . i rahasye Gāyatrīvidyopanis . ad (?) 19 216v3-217r2 Atharvan . i Śaunakīyaśākhāyā (!) Gāyatrīyantropanis . ad Nārāyan . opanis . ad 34v5-35r4 217r2-217v4 Atharvan . i rahasye Mahākālikopanis . ad Śrutipratyagānandopanis . ad 35r5-36r2 217v4-218v5 Advaitopanis . ad Ātharvan . opanis . ad 36r2-46v3 Ātharvan . a Tāpanīya (in 5 upanis . ads) = Nr ˚sim . hap ūrvatāpanīya 46v4-57r3 Nr ˚sim . hasyottaratāpanīya (in 9 khan . d . as) 57r3-59r4 218v5-219v2 Brahmajyotyupanis . ad 219v2-221r2 Ātharvan . arahasye Vajraśucaupanis . ad (?) 221r2-221v4 Virojāks . etropanis . ad (= Virajā • ?) Viśvar ūpāks . opanis . ad 59r4-60r4 221v4-222v1 Kalisantaranopanis . ad Gāyatryupanis . ad 60r4-63v3 Gāyatrīhr 222v1-224r4 A ṅgiraso S ūryatāpanīyopanis . ad ˚daya 63v3-64v5 Ham . sopanis . ad (in two khan . d . as?) 14 224r4-226r4 Daks . in . āmukhopanis . ad
	64v5-66r3 66r3-67v1	Paramaham . sopanis . ad Ārun . yopanis . ad
	67v1-68r5	Kālāgnirudropanis . ad

  Divya Si ṁha Deva III (1857-1871) for the period covered by Vīrakeśari II of Professor Dash's list.

	154		ARLO GRIFFITHS
	63v2-64r3	Ātmopanis . ad
	64r3-64v4	Mān . d . ukyopanis . ad
	65r1-66v1 66v1-71r1 71r1-74r1 74r1-75v2 75v2-78v2 78v2-83v4 83v4-88r4 88v1-91r1	Kaivalyopanis . ad Śrīrāmacandrasya P ūrvatāpanīya (in 5 upanis . ads) Ātharvan . arahasye Śrīrāmacandrasyottaratāpanī Ātharvan . e Śrīrāmacandropanis . ad Śrīkr ˚s . n . ap ūrvatāpanīya (in 5 sections) Śrīkr ˚s . n . asyottaratāpanīya Kr ˚s . n . asya śāntopanis . ad Tripurīprakaran . a
	91r1-92v4	Viśvar ūpāks . opanis . ad
	92v4-93v1	Gāyatryupanis . ad
	Folios 1-6r1 6r1-11r1 93v1-96v1 Contain Gāyatrīhr ˚daya 96v1-103r3 Kat . havallī (in 2 adhyāyas, with further vallī subdivisions) 23 103r3-112r2 Ātharvan . īpurus . asubodhinī (in 7 prapāt . hakas: contd. f. 124) Mun . d . akopanis . ad 112r3-116r3 Gan . eśatāpanīya (in 3 upanis . ads) Praśnopanis . ad 11r1-12v4 116r3-118r1 Hayagrīvasam . hitāyām . HGEAV (see Gu 2 ) prathamo adhyāyah . Garbhopanis . ad 12v4-14v4 118r1-118v1 . . . hayagrīvayantravidhānam . nāma dvitīyo 'dhyāyah . Prān . āgnihotropanis . ad 14v4-16r1 118v1-119v1 Advaitopanis . ad Mahopanis . ad 16r1-18r2 Brahmopanis . ad 18r2-18v2 119v1-120r1 Jyotyupanis . ad 120r1-121r3 Ātharvan . arahasye Vajraśucaupanis . ad (?) Brahmavidyopanis . ad 18v3-19v3 121v1-123r3 Tāropanis . ad Ks . urikopanis . ad 19v3-20v2 C ūlikopanis . ad 20v2-21v1 Anuc ūlikopanis . ad 21v1-25r3 123r3-124v1 Ugratāropanis . ad 124v1-126v4 Ātharvan . ī Purus . asubodhinī (8 th -10 th prapāt . haka) 126v4-130r4 Ātharvan . ī Purus . asubodhinī 8 th prapāt . haka (bis?) Atharvaśiropanis . ad 25r3-26r2 130v1-130v6 Pin . d . ikāpratis . t . hā Atharvaśikhopanis . ad 26r3-27r2 Amr 131r1-134r5 Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad ˚tabind ūpanis . ad 27r2-29r1 Amr ˚tan ādopanis . ad 29r1-29v1 Yogaśikhopanis . ad 29v2-30r2 30r2-30v1 30v1-31r3 31r3-40r3 40r3-49v4 Nr 49v4-54r3 Nr ˚sim . hatāpanīyoktabr 54r3-55r3 Dhyānabind ūpanis . ad ˚han-Mahopanis . ad (in 12 numbered sections) ˚sim . hasyottaratāpanīya (in 9 khan . d . as) ˚sim . hap ūrvatāpanīya Ātharvan . a Tāpanīya (in 5 upanis . ads) = Nr Ātharvan . opanis . ad Śrutipratyagānandopanis . ad Nārāyan . opanis . ad Ku 2
	55r3-55v3	Tejobind ūpanis . ad
	55v3-56v3	Ham . sopanis . ad (in 2 khan . d . as)
	56v3-57v4 57v4-58v4	Paramaham . sopanis . ad Ārun . yopanis . ad
	58v4-59v2	Kālāgnirudropanis . ad
	59v3-60r3	Vibh ūtigrahan . amantrāh .
	60r3-61r1	Gārud . opanis . ad
	61r1-62v2	Saubhāgyakān . d . e Kālikopanis . ad
	62v2-63r3	Somotpattyupanis . ad
	63r3-63v2	Pin . d . opanis . ad

able to me], but with improvements and updating by Professor Dash.

22

TRUHART's list stops with the year 1871, but gives Rāmchandra Deva III (1810-1857) and

Collection Formerly in the possession of Harihara Upādhyā ẏa, Kurum .caini. Now deposited in the Kern Institute,

Leiden. Physical

The codex is in excellent condition. Its dimensions are ca. 34 × 4 cm on average; 5 (rarely 4) lines per side. Foliation

155

  DateI have found no indications concerning the date of this codex.

	Folios	Contain
	1v1-6v4	Mun . d . akopanis . ad
	6v4-12v4	Praśnopanis . ad
	12v4-14v5	Garbhopanis . ad
	14v5-17r1	Prān . āgnihotropanis . ad
	17r2-18r5	Mahopanis . ad
	18r5-20v3	Brahmopanis . ad
	20v3-21r5	Brahmavidyopanis . ad
	21r5-22v4	Ks . urikopanis . ad
	22v4-23v5	C ūlikopanis . ad
	23v5-24v5	Anuc ūlikopanis . ad
	24v5-29r2	Atharvaśiropanis . ad
	29r2-30r3	Atharvaśikhopanis . ad
	30r3-31r5 31r5-33r5 33r5-33v5	Amr ˚tabind ūpanis . ad Amr ˚tan ādopanis . ad Yogaśikhopanis . ad
	34r1-34v4 34v4-35r3	Nārāyan . opanis . ad Śrutipratyagānandopanis . ad
	35r4-40r1 40r1-47 57r1-62r5 62r5-63r3 63r3-66v5	Br ˚hanmahopanis . ad (in 12 numbered sections) Nr ˚sim . hap ūrvatāpanīya (in 5 upanis . ads) 24 Nr ˚sim . hasyottaratāpanīya (in 9 khan . d . as) 25 Ātharvan . opanis . ad Gopālatāpanī (in 5 numbered sections) 26
	66v5-73r3 73r3-74r4 74r4-77r5 77r5-79v3	Śrīkr ˚s . n . asyottaratāpanīya Gāyatryupanis . ad Tripuryupanis . ad 27 Viśvar ūpāks . aprakaran . opanis . ad 28
	79v3-80v3	Kālāgnirudropanis . ad
	80v3-81r5	Mantrāh . (= Vibh ūtigrahan . amantrāh . ?)
	81r5-83r4	Kaivalyopanis . ad
	83r4-84v3	Kālikopanis . ad
	84v3-86v2	Tāropanis . ad
	86v2-88r3 88r3-92r5 92r5-95v2	Ugratāropanis . ad Śrīrāmacandrasya p ūrvatāpanīye ātharvan . arahasye 1 st -5 th upanis . ad Śrīrāmacandrasyottaratāpanīya
	95v3-97r5	Śrīrāmacandropanis . ad
	97r5-98v1	Ham . sopanis . ad (in 2 khan . d . as)

  Collection Formerly in the possession of Harihara Upādhyā ẏa, Kurum .caini. Now deposited in the Kern Institute, Leiden. Contents Atharvanic Upanis . ads: for details, see the list below. The bundle contains three more items. The first of these (A), by the same scribe, is separately numbered 1-13 (numbering on left margin of recto), and contains the Mun . d . akopanis . ad, Praśnopanis . ad, Garbhopanis . ad and Prān . āgnihotropanis . ad; the second (B), seemingly starting off in the hand of our main scribe, then continuing in that of another, and then once again in that of the first, consists of eleven unnumbered folios, containing i.a. various Pratis . t . hās (Prāsāda • , Dvāra • , Hr ˚daya • , Dhvaja • , Pin . d . ikā • ), the Purus . as ūkta, and a Madhuparkavidhāna; the third (C) consists of a single folio from another text ( Śaktabījāks . aranirn . aya, part of an Ātharvan . īyopanis . adbhās . ya attributed to Śa ṅkara), probably written by the same scribe, numbered

	156	ARLO GRIFFITHS
	98v2-99v5	Paramaham . sopanis . ad
	99v5-103r2 103r3-110r2 110r3-110v5 Siddhivināyakastotra 30 Gāyatrīhr ˚daya Rudrābhis . eka 29
		Ku 3

  .5 × 4 cm on average. Up to f. 120, 6 lines per folio-side; thereafter 5 lines per side. Foliation 160 (-15) + 13 + 1 + 11 + 1 = 171 leaves. Numbering on right side of verso of ff.1-14 (14: the recto is blank); numbering on right side of recto of ff.15-160 (104: the verso is blank). Missing folios: 72-74, 121, 123, 126, 128-130, 149-151, 155-157; two folios are numbered 80. Colophon The colophon on f. 160v reads: . . . ity ā ṅgirasakalpe sahaśrāks . aranr ˚hamantrah . samāptah . | śrīnr ˚ha raks . ā karibe adhama bhovanika ṅku . . . bhimasyāpi . . . vidyate tailād . . . pustakam . . . . samasta makundadeva mahārājā ṅka 13 ṅka kumbha 25 nare āt . hagar . a tālukā bhitara mut . hā yemādeipurasāsana{•}ra mahājana bhovanikare upādhyā ākul . a karena lekhitam . m i{•}dam . pustakam . |. Evidently, the ms. originates from the Paippalāda village Jemādeipura.DateAccording to the colophon, the copying of the main part of this ms. was concluded in the 13 th a ṅka = 11 th regnal year of a king Mukundadeva, on the 25 th day of the Naks . atra Aquarius (kumbha). According to Professor Dash's geneaology of Gajapati incumbents mentioned under Ku 1 (p. 152), the dynasty has known three kings of the indicated name. Professor Dash gives 1795-1817 as the dates for Mukunda II and 1878-1926 as those of MukundaIII. TRUHART (1985) gives 1659-1661 (dep.) / 1662/3-1689 for Mukunda I, 1791-1810 for Mukunda II and does not cover Mukunda III because his list stops with the year 1871. Anyhow, the data are not sufficient to determine which ruler of this name was intended. Even if we choose the most recent of these reigns, the codex would date to ca. 1898, which seems unlikely in view of its pristine physical condition. We may suspect the colophon to have been copied from an exemplar.

		ANCILLARY LITERATURE OF THE PAIPPAL ĀDA SCHOOL	159
		69v1-75r5 75r5-79r2 corresponding with changes from the larger to the smaller Śvetāśvataropanis . ad (incomplete) Ānandavallī (in 2 adhyāyas) 79r2-79v1 79v1-80r1 Ātmopanis . ad Brahmajyotyupanis . ad hand.
		80r1-80v2		Mān . d . ukyopanis . ad
		80v2-80bisr5	Advaitopanis . ad
		80bisr5-80bisv5 Jyotyupanis . ad
		81r1-82v5		Vajraśucyupanis . ad
		83r1-84r6		Kaivalyopanis . ad
		84r6-85r3		Ham . sopanis . ad (in two khan . d . as)
		85r3-86r2 86r2-87r1		Paramaham . sopanis . ad Ārun . yupanis . ad
		87r1-88v6		Tripuryupanis . ad
		89r1-90r5		Viśvar ūpaprakaran . a
		90r6-91r1		Kālāgnirudropanis . ad
		91r1-92r4		Kālikopanis . ad
		92r4-93v1		Tāropanis . ad
		93v1-94v3		Ugratāropanis . ad
		94v3-95r4		Gārud . opanis . ad
		95r5-96r5		Somotpattyupanis . ad
	Folios	96r5-96v3 96v3-98r1	Pin . d . opanis . ad Contain Hayagrīvaikāks . aravidhānam . nāma prathamo 'dhyāyah .
	1v1-5r5 98r1-98r6 5r5-10r3 98v1-99r4 10r3-12r1 12r2-14v2 14v2-15v4 15v4-17v3 99r4-99v4 99v4-103r4 103r4-105v6 Mun . d . akopanis . ad (also in A, see above) Hayagrīvayantravidhānam . nāma dvitīyo 'dhyāyah . Dhyānabind ūpanis . ad Praśnopanis . ad (also in A, see above) Garbhopanis . ad (also in A, see above) Prān . āgnihotropanis . ad (also in A, see above) Mahopanis . ad Tejobind ūpanis . ad Śrīrāmacandrasya p ūrvatāpanīye ātharvan . arahasye 1 st -5 th upanis . ad Śrīrāmacandrasyottaratāpanīya Ātharvan . arahasya 105v6-107r3 Ātharvan . ī Śrīrāmacandropanis . ad Brahmopanis . ad 17v3-18r3 Brahmavidyopanis . ad 18r4-19r4 107r3-109r5 Gāyatrīhr ˚daya 109r6-110r1 Gāyatryupanis . ad Ks . urikopanis . ad 19r4-20r1 110r2-113r3 Gan . eśatāpanīya (in 3 upanis . ads) C ūlikopanis . ad 20r2-20v1 113r3-115r6 Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad Anuc ūlikopanis . ad 20v2-23v6 115r6-? Purus . asubodhinī (incomplete) Atharvaśiropanis . ad 23v6-24v4 131r1-133r1 Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad (repeated [!], incomplete) Atharvaśikhopanis . ad 24v4-25v2 Amr 133r2-136r4 Tattvabodhinī (in 3 prapāt . hakas?) ˚tabind ūpanis . ad 25v2-27r5 Amr ˚tan ādopanis . ad 27r6-27v5 Yogaśikhopanis . ad 27v5-28r6 136r4-158r1 Mahānārāyan . opanis . ad (in 8 adhyāyas, incomplete) 158r1-160v3 Ā ṅgirasakalpe Sahasrāks . aranr ˚[sim . ]hamantra Nārāyan . opanis . ad 28v1-28v4 Śrutipratyagānandopanis . ad 28v4-29r5 Ātharvan . opanis . ad Ni
	29r5-37v3 37v3-46r6 46r6-50r3 Collection Maheśvara Miśra of the village Nirmal . ā. Nr ˚sim . hap ūrvatāpanīya (in 5 upanis . ads) Nr ˚sim . hasyottaratāpanīya (in 9 khan . d . as) Nr ˚sim . hatāpanīyokta-Br Photos Digital photographs are available with the author. ˚hanmahopanis . ad (in 12 numbered sections) 50r4-50v5 Physical Condition fairly bad. Dimensions 41 × 3.5 cm, 4-6 (rarely Atharvan . opanis . ad (not the same text as on 28v4-29r5) 50v5-53r5 Śrī-Kr ˚s . n . asya p ūrvatāpanīya (in 5 numbered sections) 53r6-58r2 7/8) lines per folio-side. This is a composite ms. consisting Śrīkr ˚s . n . asyottaratāpanīya 58r2-62r2 Kr of parts written by two quite different hands, probably com-˚s . n . aśāntopanis . ad 62r2-68r2 Kat . havallī (in 6 vallīs) 31 piled from two previously separate codices, as the multiple
	68r2-69v1	Kenopanis . ad

(re)numberings suggest (see below); some folios by the larger hand have been damaged by rodents/insects. Foliation 1 + 172 + 8 = 181 folios. The folios are numbered in the right margin, with different (re)numberings on recto and on verso,

  The colophons give more fully: śrīrāmacandrasya p ūrvatāpanīye ātharvan . asya rahasye.

	80v4-84v1	Rāmacandrottaratāpanīya 39 (in 4 numbered sections)
	84v1-86r4	Ātharvan . e Śrīrāmacandropanis . ad
	86r4-93v2 93v2-98v3 98v3-99v4 100r1-100r4	Kat . havallī (in 2 adhyāyas, with further vallī subdivisions) Kr ˚s . n . asya Śāntopanis . ad Advaitopanis . ad Brahmajyotyupanis . ad 40
	Folios 1-5v3 5v3-11r4 100r4-101v3 Hayagrīvasam . hitāyām . Hayagrīvaikāks . aravidhāna (in 2 adhyāyas) Contain Mun . d . akopanis . ad 101v3-102v2 Ārun . yupanis . ad 102v2-103r1 Ātmopanis . ad Praśnopanis . ad 11r4-12v4 103r1-103v1 Mān . d . ukopanis . ad Garbhopanis . ad 12v4-14r5 Prān . āgnihotropanis . ad 14r5-15r4 103v1-104v3 Kaivalyopanis . ad 104v3-105r1 Brahmajyotyupanis . ad 41 Mahopanis . ad 15r4-17r1 Brahmopanis . ad 17r1-17v1 Brahmavidyopanis . ad 17v1-18v1 105r1-105r5 Jyotyupanis . ad 105r6-106r5 Ātharvan . arahasye Vajraśucyupanis . ad 106r5-109v2 Ānandavallī (in 2 adhyāyas) Ks . urikopanis . ad 18v1-19r4 C ūlikopanis . ad 19r4-20r2 Anuc ūlikopanis . ad 20r2-23r3 Atharvaśiropanis . ad 23r4-24r1 Atharvaśikhopanis . ad 24r1-24v3 Amr 109v2-110r7 Jābālopanis . ad 110r7-111r1 Ātharvan . arahasye Śaunakīśākhāyā (!) Gāyatrīyantropanis . ad 111r2-111r5 Ātharvan . īye Saubhāgyakān . d . e Mahākālyupanis . ad 111r5-111v2 Īśopanis . ad 112r1-120r1 Śvetāśvataropanis . ad (in 6 adhyāyas) ˚tabind ūpanis . ad 24v4-26r2 Amr ˚tan ādopanis . ad 26r3-26v1 Yogaśikhopanis . ad 26v1-27r2 120r1-123v1 Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad 123v1-139v4 Ātharvan . īpurus . asubodhinī (in 12 prapāt . hakas) 140r1-165r6 Mahānārāyan . opanis . ad (in 8 adhyāyas and 2 kān . d . as) 42 Nārāyan . opanis . ad 27r2-27v1 166r1-166v4 Dhyānabind ūpanis . ad Śrutipratyagānandopanis . ad 27v1-28r1 Ātharvan . opanis . ad 28r2-36r1 Ātharvan . a(p ūrva)tāpanīya (in 5 upanis . ads) 36r2-43v1 (Nr ˚sim . hasyottaratāpanīya) 35 in 9 khan . d . as 43v1-46v6 166v5-167v5 Tejobind ūpanis . ad 168r1-169r3 Ātharvan . e rahasye Caitanyopanis . ad 169r3-171r3 Ātharvan . akumārabodhinī (in 4 prapāt . hakas) 172r1-173v5 Ātharvan . e Pippalādaśākhāyām . Vāsudevopanis . ad Mahopanis . ad (in 12 numbered sections) 47r1-48v1 48v1-50v3 Tripuryupanis . ad 37 Viśvar ūpāks . opanis . ad 36 174r1-177v4
	50v3-51v2	Ham . sopanis . ad (in 2 khan . d . as)
	51v2-52r6 52r6-55r5	Paramaham . sopanis . ad Ātharvan . e Gan . eśatāpanīya (in 3 upanis . ads)
	55r5-56r1	Saubhāgyakān . d . e Kālikopanis . ad
	56r2-56v1	Kālāgnirudropanis . ad
	56v1-56v5	Vibh ūtigrahan . amantrāh .
	56v5-57v2	Somotpattyupanis . ad
	57v2-57v5	Pin . d . opanis . ad
	57v6-58r6	Gārud . opanis . ad
	58v1-59r1	Gāyatryupanis . ad
	59r1-60v6 61r1-61r4 61r4-64v4 64v4-71v2 71v2-73v1	Gāyatrīhr ˚daya (struck out: end of Praśnopanis . ad) Gopālatāpanī ( Śrīkr ˚s . n . ap ūrvatāpanīyam . , in 5 numbered sections) Śrīkr ˚s . n . asyottaratāpanīya Atharvan . i Tāropanis . ad
	73v2-75r2 75r3-80v3	Ugratāropanis . ad Rāmacandrap ūrvatāpanīya 38 (in 5 upanis . ads)

The ms. does not give this name. The spelling of the colophon in Ni seems to be: viśvr ˚pā + ks . aprakaran . a ks . opanis . at samāptam . . Precise spelling in Ni: trīpuripanis . at.

  42 The colophon at the end of the text: ity ātharvan . arahasyeti mahānārāyan . opanis . adi paramasāyujyamuktisvar ˚panir ˚pan . am . nāmās . t . amo dhyāyah . | devadarśītyāks . atharvan . aśākhāyām . paramatve rahasyākhyātharvan . amahānārāyan . opanis . adi paramamu bha ktimārgasvargasvar ˚pa{•}nir ˚pan . am . nāma dvitīyottarakān . d . ah . samāptah . . Note the association of this text with a non-Paippalāda-Śākhā (corr.: devadarśītyākhyātharvan . a • ); cf. also the

  • A single raised dot represents an illegible aks . ara. If a vowelfollows, this means that the consonantal (basic) part of the sign is illegible, but that its vowel component is clear. [[. . .]] Editorial observations on the preceding reading(s) appear in double square brackets. {. . .} Curly braces enclose aks . aras or vowel elements thereof deleted by the scribe. . . . Angle brackets enclose aks . aras wholly or partially lost due to damage suffered by the palmleaves. The number of intervening raised dots (•) is an approximate reflection of the number of lost aks . aras. . . . Square brackets with open bottom enclose material appearing interlinearly or in margine. The sign + marks marginal additions. The sign → signals corrections: the marginal or interlinear material replaces the preceding material that appears in the actual line of writing. Both additions and corrections are frequently followed by a number referring to the line in which the correction is to be made.(. . .) The same → sign is used to mark other scribal corrections, where the corrected reading appears in parentheses. om. The word(s) in question is/are omitted in the following mss. em. The reading has been established through emendation. Σ All collated mss. ms.ac The ante correctionem reading in the ms.concerned. ms. pc The post correctionem reading in the ms. concerned. sec. m. Material written 'secunda manu': in these mss., this often merely means that the correction or addition has been made after the ink was applied to the manuscript. §4.1. Edition of the Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad | yajurvedasya dhanurveda upavedah . | sāmavedasya gāndharvaveda upavedah . | atharvavedasyāyurveda upavedah . | divyasāmpadaprāyaścittīyābhicārikāh . 1.3 r ˚gvedasyātreyagotrah . | gāyatrī chandah . | agnir devatā yajurvedasya kāśyapagotrah . | trais . t . ubham . chandah . | vāyur devatā sāmavedasya bhāradvājagotrah . | jagatī chandah . | vis . n . ur devatā atharvavedasya vaikhāyanagotrah . | ānus . t . ubham . chandah . | brahmā devatā 1.4 r ˚gvedah . pītavarn . ena padmapatrāks . ah . suvyaktagrīvah . ku ñcitakeśaśmaśruh . supratis . t . hitajānuja ṅghāpramān . ena | so 'pi vis . t . hitah . pa ñca 1.5 r ˚gvedasya sapta śākhā bhavanti tad yathā | āśvalāyanā-śā ṅkhāyanā-sādhyāyanā-śākalā-bākalā-audumbarā-mān . d . ūkyāś ceti 1.6 tāsām adhyayanam . r ˚cām . daśa sahasrān . i r ˚cām . pa ñca śatāni ca | r ˚cām aśītih . pādaś cety etat pāran . am ucyate 1.7 tatra yajurvedasya caturvim . śatih . śākhā bhavanti tad yathā | kan. vā-madhyandinā-jābālā-śāpeyā-śvetā-śvetatarā-tāmrāyan . īyā-paurn . arasāāvat . ikā-paramāvat . ikā-auks . yā-bodhā-śān . d . ikā-āhvarakā-carakā-mitrāyan . īyāhāritakarn . ā-śālābalīyā-marcakat . hā-prācyakat . hā-kapis . t . halakat . hā-upavanātittiriyāś ceti 2.1 tāsām adhyayanam . r ˚cām . dve sahasre śatam . ny ūne mantre vājasaneyake | ślokena paramam . khyātam . brāhman . am . caturgun . am 2.2 as . t . ādaśa sahasrān . i bhavanti | tāny eva trigun . am adhītya kramapāro bhavati | sapta sthāvarāś ceti 2.3 śākhās tisro bhavanti | pārām . sarvāpārah . samaśi pārakramajat . am . kramapāraś ceti 2.4 s . ad . a ṅgāny adhītya s . ad . a ṅgavid bhavati | 1 sādhyāyanā] NiKu 1 Ku 3 Jā, sāddhyā ẏanāh . Gu 1 , sādhyāyanāh . Gu 2 1 śākalā] NiKu 1 Jā, sākalā Ku 3 , śākalyāh . Gu 1 Gu 2 1 bākalā] NiKu 1 Jā, bājalā Ku 3 , bākalyāh . Gu 1 Gu 2 2 adhyayanam . ] NiKu 3 Gu 1 Gu 2 , adhya ẏanah . Ku 1 , adhya ẏana Jā 3 ca] NiKu 1 Ku 3 , cah . Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 4 aśītih . ] Ku 1 , aśibhih . Ni, aśittih . Ku 3 , aśībhi Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 4 cety etat] em., ce{tye}tratra Ni, ceyetatra Ku 1 , cetitatra Ku 3 , cetatra Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 4 pāran . am] em., pārāyan . am NiKu 1 , parāyanyam Ku 3 , pārāyanyam Gu 1 Gu 2 , ga ẏan . yam Jā 6 kan . vā] em., kanvā NiKu 1 Ku 3 Jā, kānyāh . Gu 1 Gu 2 6 madhyandinā] Ku 1 Ku 3 Jā, ma{ks . ya}dhyandinā Ni, mārdhyandināh . Gu 1 Gu 2 6 jābālā] NiKu 1 Jā, yābālā Ku 3 , sākalāh . bākalāh . kābāl . āh . Gu 1 , sākalyāh . bākalyāh . kābāl . āh . Gu 2 [[Gu 1 Gu 2 inserted from R ˚V]] 6 tāmrāyan . īyā] em., tāmrāks . an . iyā Ni, tāmrāks . an . ī ẏā Ku 1 , tāmbrā | ks . an . i ẏā Ku 3 , tāmbrāh . ẏun . i ẏāh . Gu 1 Gu 2 , tāmrā | ks . an . i ẏā Jā 7 auks . yā] auks . ā NiKu 1 Ku 3 Jā, auks . āh . Gu 1 , auks . yāh . Gu 2 7 bodhā] Ku 1 Ku 3 , boddhā Ni, bodhāh . Gu 1 Gu 2 , bo • Jā 7 śān . d . ikā] NiKu 1 Ku 3 , sān . d . ikāh . Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 7 āhvarakā] em., āhurakā NiKu 1 , āharakā Ku 3 , āhv ūrakāh . Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 7 carakā] Ku 3 , carakā | {hvarakā} Ni, carakāhvarakā Ku 1 , carakāh . Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 8 marcakat . hā] NiKu 3 , marcikat . hā Ku 1 , maricikat . hāh . Gu 1 Gu 2 , marcika{t . a}t . hā Jā 8 prācyakat . hā] Ku 1 Jā, + prācyakat . hā Ni, om. Ku 3 , prācyakat . hāh . Gu 1 Gu 2 10 adhyayanam . ] NiKu 1 Ku 3 Jā, adhya ẏana Gu 1 Gu 2 11 ny ūne] ny ūne | NiJā, ny ūnam . Ku 1 , nyun(+ e)m . | Ku 3 , nyuno Gu 1 Gu 2 11 vājasaneyake] em., vājaśanityeke NiKu 3 Jā, vājaśanītyeke Ku 1 , vā{ja}śa + ta 2 nityekah . Gu 1 , vā[line]śanityekah . Gu 2 12 khyātam . ] em., khyāto Σ 12 caturgun . am] NiKu 1 , caturgun . am . m Ku 3 Gu 1 Gu 2 , c•••• Jā 12 ] om. NiKu 1 Ku 3 Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lacuna Jā 13 as . t . ādaśa] NiKu 1 Ku 3 Gu 2 , as . t . ādasa Gu 1 ; lost in lacuna Jā 13 sahasrān . i] NiKu 1 , sahan . i Ku 3 , śahaśrān . i Gu 1 , sahaśrān . i Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 13 tāny eva] em., tāne NiKu 1 Gu 1 Gu 2 , tāneva Ku 3 ; lost in lacuna Jā 13 trigun . am adhītya] em., trigun . am adhītyā NiJā, tigun . a(+ ma)dhītyā Ku 1 , trigun . am adhityā Ku 3 , trigun . am adhyātma Gu 1 Gu 2 14 sthāvarāś] NiKu 1 Ku 3 Gu 1 Gu 2 , sthāvaroś Jā 15 bhavanti] em., bhavati Σ 15 pārām . sarvāpārah . ] Ni, pārāsarvāpārah . Ku 1 Ku 3 Jā, pārāsarvāpāra Gu 1 Gu 2 15 samaśi] Ku 1 , sama{rśa}(→ sec. m. śi) Ni, saman . i Ku 3 Gu 1 Gu 2 , samaśī Jā śiks . ā kalpo vyākaran . am . niruktam . chando jyotis . am itihāsapurān . am . s . ad . a ṅgāni | br ˚hatsarvānukraman . īś ceti 2.5 atha yajurvedah . prām . śuh . pralambajat . harah . sth ūlagalakapālena | rakto varn . ena | prādeśāh . s . ad . dīrghatvena yajurvedasya etad r ūpam . bhavati 2.6 sāmavedasya śākhāsahasram āsīt | anadhyāye 'dhīyamānāh . sarve te śakren . a vinihatāh . pralīnāh . 3.1 tatra ke cid avaśis . t . āh . pracaranti | tad yathā | rān . āyanīyā-satyamugrā-kālayā- mahākālayā-kaithimā-lā ṅgalikāś ceti 3.2 kaithimānām api s . ad . bhedā bhavanti | tad yathā | rān . āyanīyā-vātarāyan . īyā- vainavr ˚thāh . -prācīnā-tejasā-śaunakīyāś ceti 3.3 tāsām adhyayanam . as . t . au sāmasahasrān . i sāmāni ca caturdaśa | sohyāni sarahasyān . i etat sāmagan . am . smr ˚tam 3.4 atha sāmavedah . suvāsāh . sugandhī tejasvī mr ˚duvaktā brahman . yah . pralambabāhuh . susnigdhacarmā kr ˚s . n . o varn . ena kātaro vayanena 3.5 1 jyotis . am] NiKu 1 , yotis . am Ku 3 , jyotisam Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 2 itihāsapurān . am . ] em., itihāsapurān . ānām . Ni, itihā{śa}sapurān . ānām . Ku 1 , itihāsapurān . ām . Ku 3 Gu 1 , itihāsapurān . yām . Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 2 s . ad . a ṅgāni] NiKu 1 , sā ṅgāni Ku 3 , śad . a ṅgāni Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 2 br ˚hatsarv ānukraman . īś ceti] NiKu 1 Jā, br ˚hats ā{māni}rvānukraman . īśceti tha Ku 3 , br ˚hatsarv ānukramam . śāśr(sec. m. → śtr)eti Gu 1 , br ˚hatsarv ānukramam . śāstreti Gu 2 3 yajurvedah . ] Ku 3 Jā, yajurvedasya NiKu 1 , jaryuvedah . Gu 1 Gu 2 3 prām . śuh . ] em., prām . śu NiKu 1 Jā, prāśu Ku 3 Gu 2 , prān . u Gu 1 3 pralambajat . harah . ] prālambajat . hara NiKu 3 Gu 1 Gu 2 , prāla{mya}mbajat . hara Ku 1 , pralambijat . hara Jā 3 sth ūlagalakapālena] em., sth ūl . agal . akapol . ena NiJā, sthul . agal . akapol . ena Ku 1 Ku 3 , sth ūl . agal . akapolenah . Gu 1 Gu 2 4 prādeśāh . s . ad . ] em., prādeśā Σ 5 sāmavedasya] Ku 3 Gu 1 Gu 2 Jā, asya sāmavedasya Ku 1 Ni ac , atha sāmavedasya Ni pc 5-6 śakren . a] NiKu 1 Ku 3 , śakren . am . Gu 1 Gu 2 , • kren . a Jā 6 vinihatāh . ] NiKu 1 , vinihitāh . Ku 3 Gu 1 Gu 2 Jā 6 pralīnāh . ] NiKu 1 Ku 3 Jā, patninām . h . Gu 1 Gu 2 7 cid] em., cita NiKu 1 Ku 3 , citta Gu 1 Gu 2 , cit Jā 7 rān . āyanīyā] Jā, rā{•}n . ā ẏan . ī ẏā Ni, rāgā ẏan . ī ẏā Ku 1 , rān . ā ẏani ẏā Ku 3 , rān . āyan . i ẏāh . vā tarā ẏanī ẏāh . Gu 1 Gu 2 [[see below]] 8 kaithimā] Jā, kai{nya}thimā Ni, kainyamā Ku 1 Ku 3 , kainyamānāh . Gu 1 Gu 2 9 kaithimānām] em., kainyamānām Σ 9 bhedā] NiKu 1 Ku 3 Gu 1 Jā, bhedo Gu 2 9 rān . āyanīyā] NiKu 1 Ku 3 , rān . āyanīyāh . Gu 1 Gu 2 , {nārā ẏā}rān . ā y••• Jā 9 vātarāyan . īyā] NiKu 1 , vitarā ẏani ẏā Ku 3 , om. Gu 1 Gu 2 [[see above]]; lost in lacuna Jā 10 vainavr ˚th āh . ] NiKu 1 Ku 3 , vainavr ˚th āh . Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 10 tejasā] em., tejah . NiKu 1 Ku 3 Jā, om. Gu 1 Gu 2 12 as . t . au] NiKu 1 Jā, r ˚c ā as . t . au Ku 3 , as . t . o Gu 1 Gu 2 12 sāmasahasrān . i] NiKu 1 Jā, sahasrān . i Ku 3 , sāmasahaśrān . i Gu 1 Gu 2 12 ca caturdaśa] Jā, caturdaśa(+ h . |) ca Ni, caturdaśa Ku 1 , caturdaśah . Ku 3 Gu 1 Gu 2 13 sohyāni] em., saurjyen . a NiKu 1 Gu 1 Gu 2 , saujyen . a Ku 3 , saurjyān . a Jā 13 sarahasyān . i etat] em., māsahasrān . y(→ ks . )etatah . Ni, {sā}māsahasrān . yetatah . Ku 1 , māsāhasrān . yetatah . Ku 3 , samasahaśrānyetatah . Gu 1 Gu 2 , mīsahasrān . yetatah . Jā 13 sāmagan . am . smr ˚tam] em. [[after AVPariś]], sāmagan . āh . smr ˚t āh . Σ 14 suvāsāh . ] Gu 1 , suvāsā NiKu 1 Ku 3 , suvāsīh . Gu 2 , suvāsī Jā 14 sugandhī] NiKu 1 Jā, sugandhah . Ku 3 , sugandhim . h . Gu 1 , sugandhih . Gu 2 15 varn . ena kātaro] varn . n . ena kāta{r}(→ n)o Ni, varn . n . ena | kā(→ j ñā)taro Ku 1 , varn . n . ena.j ñātano Ku 3 [[note punctuation with full stop]], varnn . e na••ā tano Gu 1 , varn . n . em . nam . j ñātano Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 15 vayanena] Ni ac Gu 1 Gu 2 , varnena Ni pc , na(→ va) ẏanena Ku 1 , va ẏadena Ku 3 , • yanena Jā 168 ARLO GRIFFITHS s . ad . aratnimātrapramān . avayanah . smr ˚tah . anye r ˚s . ayo brahmā sāmāni tis . t . hanti sam . nidhau | sa bhagavān sāmavedo maheśvarabhaktah . 3.6 tatra brahmavedasya nava śākhā bhavanti tad yathā | pippalādā-pradāntāśaunakā-stodā-jājalā-jaladā-brahmavarti-devadarśi-caran . avedāś ceti 4.1 tes . ām adhyayanam . r ˚cām . dvādaśa sahasrān . y aśītitriśatāni ca | paryāyakam . dve sahasre anyām . ś caivārcikān bah ūn 4.2 tadgrāmyāran . yakāni dvādaśa s . at . sahasrān . i bhavanti 4.3 tatra gopathabrāhman . am . śataprapāt . hakam āsīt tasyāvaśis . t . e dve brāhman . e p ūrvottare ceti 4.5 tatra s . ad . a ṅgāni bhavanti śiks . ā kalpo vyākaran . am . niruktam iti 4.6 tatra pa ñca kalpā bhavanti naks . atrakalpo vaitānakalpah . tr ˚tīyah . sam . hitāvidhih . | caturtho ' ṅgirasām . kalpah . śāntikalpaś ca pa ñcamah . 4.7 1 s . ad . aratnimātrapramān . avayanah . ] s . ad . aratnimātrapramān . ava ẏana NiKu 1 , s . ad . ayarimātrapramān . avina ẏa Ku 3 , śad . aratnimātrapramān . ava ẏana sec. m. → • (sec. m. + h . ) Gu 1 , śad . aratnimātrapramān . aja ẏavah . Gu 2 , s . ad . aratnimātrepramān . avana Jā em., samāna NiKu 1 Gu 1 Gu 2 , vamāmī Ku 3 , samānī Jā 1-2 tis . t . hanti] Jā, tis . t . hati NiKu 1 Ku 3 Gu 1 , tis . t . hatih . Gu 2 2 sa] Gu 1 Gu 2 , sa(+ mi) Ni, samāna Ku 1 , sami Ku 3 Jā 2 maheśvarabhaktah . ] Ku 1 Jā, maheśvarabhaktah . (→ vatkrah . ) Ni, maheśvaravaktah . Ku 3 , maheśvaro bhaktah . Gu 1 Gu 2 3 pradāntā] Ku 1 Ku 3 , {prahāntā} Ni, pradātāh . Gu 1 Gu 2 , om. Jā 4 jājalā] NiKu 1 Ku 3 , jājval . āh . Gu 1 Gu 2 , jāja • Jā 4 jaladā] NiKu 1 , jal . a{kā}dā Ku 3 , jaladāh . Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 4 brahmavarti] Ku 1 Ku 3 , brahmavrattī Ni, brahmam . varttih . Gu 1 , brahmavarttih . Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 4 devadarśi] devadarśī NiKu 1 , devadars . i Ku 3 , devadars . ih . Gu 1 Gu 2 , •• rśī Jā 4 caran . avedāś] Ku 1 , + saubhagā caran . avedāś Ni, śaubhagā | caran . avedāś Ku 3 , + śaubhagāh . caran . avedāś Gu 1 , śaubhagāh . caran . avedāś Gu 2 , + śauradā 2 caran . avedāś Jā 5 adhyayanam . ] NiKu 1 Ku 3 Jā, addhya ẏana Gu 1 Gu 2 6 aśītitriśatāni] aśittitreśatāni Ni, aśī{tri}titriśatāni Ku 1 , aśītatraśatāni Ku 3 Jā, am . śitatraśatāni Gu 1 Gu 2 7 paryāyakam . ] Ku 1 Gu 1 Gu 2 , pāryā ẏakam . NiJā, pīparyā ẏasī ẏa Ku 3 7 anyām . ś] Ku 1 , anvoś NiJā, anneś Ku 3 , anvai(sec. m. → au)ś Gu 1 , anyauś Gu 2 7 caivārcikān] em., cevārcikā Ni, caivārcikā Ku 1 Jā, cenācil . ā Ku 3 , caivārccikā Gu 1 Gu 2 8 tadgrāmyāran . yakāni] em., tadgrāmyārakah . NiKu 1 , tadgamyārakr Ku 3 , tadgrāmyāra{nya}kam . Gu 1 , tadgrāmyārakam . Gu 2 , tadgrāmyārikah . Jā 8 dvādaśa] NiKu 1 Gu 2 Jā, dvedaśa Ku 3 , dvādasa Gu 1 8 s . at . sahasrān . i] s . at . asaha + srā n . i Ni, s . at . asahasrān . i Ku 1 Ku 3 Jā, śat . sahaśrān . i Gu 1 Gu 2 9 gopathabrāhman . am . ] • brāhman . e Ni ac , • brāhman . a Ni pc Ku 1 Ku 3 , gopathobrāhmam . n . am . Gu 1 , gopathobrāhman . am . Gu 2 , go p••••• Jā 9 śataprapāt . hakam] NiKu 1 Gu 2 , śataprapāt . hak{e}am Ku 3 , + śata prapāt . hakam Gu 1 ; lost in lacuna Jā 9 āsīt] Ni, āsīta Ku 1 Ku 3 , āśīta Gu 1 Gu 2 , •• ta Jā 9 tasyāvaśis . t . e] em., tasyāvastis . t . he NiKu 1 Gu 1 Gu 2 Jā, tasyāvatis . t . he Ku 3 9-10 brāhman . e] em., brāhman . o Σ 11 tatra . . . bhavanti ] Ni adds in margine: tatra s . ad . a • ny adhītya s . ad . a ṅgavid bhavati |. Cf. 2.5 above. 12 kalpā] Ku 1 Ku 3 Jā, kalpā sec. m. + ni NiGu 1 , kalpāni Gu 2 13 vaitānakalpah . ] Ku 3 Jā, vaitā ẏanakalpah . NiKu 1 Gu 1 Gu 2 13 tr ˚tīyah . ] NiKu 1 Jā, tr ˚tī ẏakalpa Ku 3 , tr ˚tī ẏa Gu 1 Gu 2 14 ' ṅgirasām . ] Ku 3 , a ṅgirasam . Ni, '{•} ṅgirasām . Ku 1 , a ṅgirasa Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā tatra laks . an . agranthā bhavanti caturādhyāyikā | prātiśākhyam . | pa ñcapat . alikā | br ˚hatsarvānukraman . īś ceti 4.8 tatra dvāsaptatih . pariśis . t . āni bhavanti kauśikoktāni kr ˚ttikārohin . ī | rās . t . rasam . sargah . | rājyaprathamābhis . ekah . | purohitakarmān . i | pus . yābhis . ekah . | pis . t . arātryāh . kalpah . | ārātrikam . | ghr ˚tāveks . an . am . | tiladhenuh . | bh ūmidānam . | tulāpurus . am . | ādityaman . d . alah . | hiran . yagarbhah . | hastirathah . | aśvarathah . | gosahasradānam . | hastidīks . ā | vr ˚s . otsargah . | indrotsavah . | brahmayāgah . | vināyakābhis . ekah . | aran . īlaks . an . am . | sam . bhāralaks . an . am . | yaj ñapātralaks . an . am . | vedilaks . an . am . | kun . d . alaks . an . am . | samidhalaks . an . am . | sruvalaks . an . am . | hastalaks . an . am . | jvālālaks . an . am . | laks . ahomah . | kātyāyanavidhih . | kot . ihomah . | gan . amālā | ghr ˚takambalam . | anulomakalpah . | āsurīkalpah . | ucchus . makalpah . | samuccayaprāyaścittāni | brahmak ūrcavidhih . | tad . āgavidhih . | pāśupatavratavidhih . | snānavidhih . | sandhyopāsanavidhih . | tarpan . avidhih . | śrāddhavidhih . | agnihotravidhih . | uttamapat . alam . | varn . apat . alam . | nighan . t . uh . | caran . avy ūhah . | candraprātipadikam . | grahayuddham . | graha-sam . grahah . | rāhucārah . | ketucārah . | r ˚tuketulaks . an . am . | k ūrmavibhāgah . | man . d . alāni | digdāhalaks . an . am . | ulkālaks . an . am . | vidyullaks . an . am . | nirghātalaks . an . am . | parives . alaks . an . am . | naks . atragrahotpātalaks . an . am . | indracāpalaks . an . am . | sadyovr ˚s . t . ilaks . an . am . | bh ūmikampalaks . an . am . | gośāntih . | adbhutalaks . an . am . | svapnādhyāyah . | atharvahr ˚dayam . | bhārakī-gārgyabārhaspatyośanādbhutāni | mahādbhutāni 4.9 tatrās . t . ādaśopanis . ado bhavanti mun . d . aka | praśna | garbhopanis . at | prān . āgnihotra | mahopanis . at | brahmopanis . at | brahmavidyopanis . at | ks . urika | c ūlika | anuc ūlika | atharvaśira | atharvaśikha | amr ˚tabindu | amr ˚tanāda | yogaśikhā | nārayan . o | śrutipratyagānando | nr ˚sim . ha | maho | brahmavedo | atharvan . o | paramātmā | tatratvaśāntiś ceti 4.10 tatra brahmavede 's . t . ādaśa vratāni caris . yan sāvitrīvratam . | vedavratam . | nīlavratam . | nīlotpalavratam . | mr ˚gāruvratam . | rohitavratam . | vis . āsahivratam . | yamavratam . | śāntivratam . | kalpavratam . | r ˚s . ivratam . | śirovratam . | mailavratam . | śikhāvratam . | anujavratam . | dadhivratam . | a ṅgirovratam . | pāśupatavratam . caret 4.11 kr ˚chram . | atikr ˚chram . | taptakr ˚chram . | sām . tapanam . | mān . d . ūkīyam . | tulāpurus . am . | mahāsām . tapanam . ceti 4.12 yo vai brahmavedes . ūpanītah . sarvavedes . ūpanītah . 5.1 yo vai brahmavedes . v anupanītah . sarvavedes . v anupanītah . 5.2 anyavede dvijottamah . | brahmavedam adhītukāmah . | sa punarupaneyo 5.3 devāś ca r ˚s . ayaś ca ko asmākam . jyes . t . hah . | ka upanetā | ka ācāryah . brahmā uvāca 5.4-5 atharvā vai jyes . t . hah . | atharvā upanetā | atharvā ācāryah . | atharvan . ā brahmatvam . ceti 5.7 tad apy etad r ˚coktam . brahmajyes . t . hā sam . bhr ˚tā vīryān . i brahmāgre jyes . t . ham . divam ā tatāna | bh ūtānām . brahma prathamota jaj ñe tenārhati brahman . ā spardhitum . kah . 5.8 atharvavede caturn . ām . vedānām . sā ṅgopā ṅgānām . savākovākyānām . itihāsapurān . ānām 5.9 atha brahmavedah . | kapilo varn . ah . | tīks . n . ah . | can . d . ah . | kāmar ūpī | viśvātmā | jitendriyah . | sa bhagavān brahmaveda iti caturmukho dvipaks . o ati-dharmā ativantaprāj ñah . | ks . udratvāyukr ūrah . vaikhāyanagotrah . | brahmā devatā 5.10-11 ya ekaikasmin vedānām . nāmagotrapramān . am . ca kīrtayet | sa sarvapāpaviśuddho bhavati | mr ˚taś ca brahmalokam . sa gachati brahmalokam . sa gachatīti iti caran . avy ūhopanis . at samāptā 5.12 §4.2. Text Critical Commentary on the Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad Since the primary focus of this article is on the ancillary literature of the (Paippalāda) AV, the first paragraphs of the text will be commented on only in a summary fashion. Variation in names of Śākhās is entirely excluded from discussion here. Three-digit textual references beginning with 49. are to the 49 th Atharvavedapariśis . t . a. I hesitantly adopt this reading, (a minimal emendation) based on the Ni pc reading, which is corroborated by 49.1.1 athātaś caran . avy ūham . vyākhyāsyāmah .

	atha caran . avy ūham . vyākhyāsyāmah . 1.1
	tatra catvāro vedā bhavanti vedah . 1.2	r ˚gvedo yajurvedah . sāmavedo brahma-
	r ˚gvedasya śāstraveda upavedah . 1 anye r ˚s . ayo] Ku 1 , any{e}a(+ ka) r ˚s . ayo Ni, anyava r ˚s . ayo Ku 3 , {••}samyak r ˚s . ayo Gu 1 , samyak r ˚s . ayo Gu 2 , anyakr ˚s . a ẏo Jā 1 sāmāni]

1.1.

caran . avy ūham:

  reads tatra r ˚gvedasyārthaśāstram upavedah . | . . . āyurvedopavedah . | abhicārakārthaśāstram ity ucyate . śāstraveda upavedah . : CVU A had already become corrupt. Restore arthaśāstram upavedah . with49.1.3, or perhaps śastravedah . ? divyasāmpada • : The text is almost completely different at49.1.3. The balance of the variant readings might rather be taken to support restoring • cittā abhi • , but I prefer the reading of Ku 1 and Jā, cf. AVPariś 3.1.10 yasyānyakulopayuktah . purodhāh . śāntikapaus . t . ikapr āyaścittīy ābhic ārikanaimittikordhvadehikāny atharvavihitāni karmān . i kuryāt sa tasya pratya ṅgiro bh ūtvā hastyaśvarathapadātikam . prakr ˚timukhebhyo . . . . Could it be that the last phrase of this paragraph, if correctly preserved in CVU, associates the R ˚V with divya, the YV with sāmpada, the SV with prāyaścittīya, and the AV -unsurprisingly -with abhicārika, i.e. with rites of those four types? 1 ativantaprāj ñah . ] NiKu 1 Jā, ativataprāj ñah . Ku 3 , ativantadharma ativantaprāj ñam . h . Gu 1 , ativantadharma ativantaprāj ñah . Gu 2 1 ks . udratvāyukr ūrah . ] ks . udratvā ẏukru ūrah . Ni [[two vowels u and ū marked]], ks . udratvā ẏuk ūrah . Ku 1 Jā, ks . udratvākr ˚rah . Ku 3 , ks . udratvā sec. m. + • kr ˚rah . Gu 1 , ks . udratvā ẏukr ˚rah . Gu 2 3 ya ekaikasmin] em., ekasmin NiKu 1 Ku 3 Jā, ẏekasmin Gu 1 Gu 2 3-4 sarvapāpaviśuddho] NiKu 1 Ku 3 , sarvapāpovis . uddho Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 4 mr ˚taś ca] em., mr ˚tam . sa NiKu 1 Gu 2 , mr ˚tasa Ku 3 , mr ˚tasam . Gu 1 ; lost in lacuna Jā 6 caran . avy ūhopanis . at samāptā] caran . avyuha upanis . at samāpta Ni, caravy ūha upas . at samāptā Ku 1 , caran . avyuhapanīs . at samāptā Ku 3 , caran . avyuhapanis . atsamāptam . h . Gu 1 Gu 2 , caran . avyuha + u panis . at samāptā Jā 1.4. vaikhāyanagotrah . : Cf. 49.1.4 brahmavedo vaitāyanasagotro, where BOLLING & VON

  2.2. 49.2.2 reads: tes . ām adhyayanam | dve sahasre śate ny ūne vede vājasaneyake | sakalam . parisam . khyātam . brāhman . am . tu caturgun . am . Our version ruins the meter by inserting r ˚cām . (probably under the influence of 1.7 and 4.2 -the same error, but less widely spread, at

  reads as . t . ādaśa śatāni bhavanti | tāny eva . . . | saptasu vīrāś ceti . My emendation tāny eva rests on this basis. kramapāro: BOLLING & VON NEGELEIN observe (p. 340) that "the text is mutilated at this point", and refer to SIEGLING, p. 32, where the Yajurvedic Caran . avy ūha is edited as follows: tes . ām adhyayanam | as . t . aśatam . yajuh . sahasrān . y adhītya śākhāpāro bhavati | tāny eva dvigun . āny adhītya padapāro bhavati | . . . trigun . āny adhītya kramapāro . . . | s . ad . a ṅgāny adhītya . . . . 2.4. 49.2.4 reads śākhās tisro bhavanti | tad yathā | vārcikam arthādhyayanīyāh . | pāraścaryāh . | pāraśraman . īyāh . | pārakramavat . ah . | kramapāraś ceti . 2.5. 49.2.5 finishes the list of six A ṅgas simply with . . . iti s . ad . a ṅgāni . It seems that itihāsapurān . am . has entered our text under the influence of the Naks . atrakalpa, AVPariś 1.15.1: r ˚gvedo yajurvedah . sāmavedo brahmavedah . śiks . ā kalpo vyākaran . am . niruktam . chando jyotis . am itihāsapurān . am . vākovākyam idāvatsarah . parivatsarah . sam . vatsaro daśamam . śītos . n . e ekādaśadvādaśe. Although I have no evidence yet that this Kalpa was ever transmitted as such in Orissa, there are frequent references to a naks . atrakalpokta tantra in the ritualistic manuals (see §5.3). So we may either presume that the text was still being transmitted by Paippalādins after the separation between our two Atharvavedic Caran . avy ūha versions, or that a forerunner of the CVU-version was influenced by the Naks . atrakalpa at an earlier medieval stage, when the ancestors of the Orissa Paippalādins still inhabited western Indian regions, along with Śaunakīya Atharvavedins. br ˚hatsarvānukraman . īś: This same ungrammatical form is supported by all mss. in 4.8 below. It has presumably been copied here under influence from that very Atharvaveda section of the text. 2.6. 49.2.6 reads . . . sth ūlagalakapālo rakto . . . prādeśāh . s . ad . dīrghatvena yajurvedasyaitad . . . (YV-CV, p. 47 l. 9: prādeśamātrah . s . ad . dīrghatvena). I have made the slight emendation of prām . śu (thus, disregarding trivial variants, all the CVU mss.) to prām . śuh . ; the same error is reported for mss. ABE in 49.2.6. AVPariś mss. TU read kapola-, as do all CVU mss. The instr. form in our text is probably unoriginal (YC-CV, p. 47, l. 8: sth ūlagalakapolas). All mss. read prādeśā dīrgha • , but the erroneous omission is easily understandable as due to the similarity of the syllables śāh . and s . ad . , and I have therefore followed the AVPariś reading in emending to prādeśāh . s . ad . dīrgha • . 3.1. BOLLING & VON NEGELEIN print vinihatāh . | [pravilīnās] at

  reads s .ad . aratnih . pramān . ena ca smr ˚tah . | stuvanty r ˚s . ayo brahmā sāmāni tis . t . hati . . . . It seems likely that AVPariś has here stayed close to the correct text for the first sentence, while • vayanah . entered CVU A after the preceding section had become corrupt. Diwakar Acharya suggests to me that the extant CVU and AVPariś readings may conceal an originally metrical passage, which might diagnostically be restored as follows: [tathā] s . ad . aratnimātrah . pramān . ena ca yah . smr ˚tah . | anye r ˚s . ayo brahmā ca sāmni tis . t . hanti sam . nidhau . I have brought the text of CVU as close to this restoration as the mss. permit. 4.1. It is to be noted first that AVPariś reads bhedā for CVU śākhā, but that CVU, with its tes . ām in the next section, preserves evidence that the AVPariś pairing bhedāh . . . . tes . ām is original; second, that most CVU mss. insert an extra Śākhā before the Caran . avedas (mostly in margine), apparently called Saubhaga. Since it has no parallel in AVPariś, and would cause the list to exceed the indicated number 9, I reject it from my edition. 4.2. 49.4.2 reads aśītis triśatāni . . . paryāyikam . . The number of r ˚cs quoted, viz. 12380, exceeds that of both extant Atharvavedic

  reads tatra gopathah . śataprapāt . hakam . brāhman . am āsīt tasyāvaśis . t . e dve brāhman . e p ūrvam uttaram . ceti. This is the basis for my emendation tasyāvaśis . t. e. We might also consider emending p ūrvottare iti, to avoid the inelegant combination of dual dvandva with ca.4.6. 49.4.6 reads tatra s . ad . a ṅgāny adhītya s . ad . a ṅgavid bhavati s . ad . a ṅgāni bhavanti, śiks . ā kalpo vyākaran . am . niruktam . chando jyotis . am iti. Our version of the A ṅga list seems to have been abbreviated, perhaps not erroneously, but because it has already occurred above(2.5). The AVPariś mss. BCTURoth reported by BOLLING & VON NEGELEIN agree with all but one of our mss. in entirely omitting here the words s . ad . a ṅgāny adhītya s . ad . a ṅgavid bhavati.4.7. On this verse, see n.22 (pp. 202f.) in Alexis Sanderson's contribution to this volume.4.8. I emend laks . an . agranthā on the basis of AVPariś. That version's dantyos . t. havidhi is omitted in our text. As far as I know, no one has ever attempted to prove that this text is connected only with the Śaunaka school; in fact, there seems to be some evidence against this assumption (MODAK 1993: p. 164 with n. 155). But even if we assume that this Laks . an . agrantha was not connected in any way with the Paippalāda tradition, this assumption cannot explain the omission in the CVU version, because the same seems to hold for the otherLaks . an . agranthas listed here too -at least in the form they are known to us (as transmitted by Śaunakīya brahmins). AVPariś repeats br ˚hatsarvānukraman . ī ceti at the end of49.9: the absence of thisLaks . an . agrantha in the corresponding part of our text seems to identify it as unoriginal in the list of Pariśis . t . as. It clearly belongs only here. We may note that the grammatically impossible form • kraman . īś, supported by all CVU mss., has probably entered the text from the Śākhā-lists. 4.9. tulāpurus . am: Note the neuter (AVPariś • purus . ah . ). hastidīks . ā | vr ˚s . otsargah . : In comparison with AVPariś, note the omission of Aśvadīks . ā between these two Pariśis . t . as in our text. vināyakābhis . ekah . : No Pariśis . t . a of this title is found in AVPariś, where we find the Skandayāga (alternative title: Dh ūrtakalpa 'Practice of the Rogue') in its place. Skandayāga (AVPariś 20) 3.1 reads: sam . viśasva varaghan . t . āpsarah . stave yatra subhujo hi nirmitāh . | sam . vis . t . o me dhehi dīrgham āyuh . prajām . paś ūm . ś caiva vin āyakasena . In their apparatus (p. 133), the editors suggest that emending the obscure vināyakasena (left untranslated by GOODWIN 1893: xi) to pinākasena "would improve the metre", and is supported by the parallel with pinākasenāya in

  has one more element, and a slightly different order for this additional list of vratas (seee.g. the index to GAMPERT 1939) that the tradition has seen fit not to announce as such: kr ˚cchram | taptakr ˚cchram | atikr ˚cchram | sarvakr ˚cchram | maundabhāyah . | tulāpurus . ah . | sām . tapanam | mahāsām . tapanam . ceti. 5.2. 49.5.2 reads yo vai brahmavedes . v anupanītah . sa sarvavedes . v anupanītah . . The word sa is omitted in CVU. 5.3. dvijottamah . : Cf. 49.5.3 . . . dvijo yo brahmavedam adhītukāmah . sa . . . . The corrupt CVU reading, whose dvijottamāh . I have corrected to dvijottamah . , spoils the connection between relative and main clause, which could be solved by emending still further to dvijottamo yo. punarupaneyo: The syllable ne had been lost already in CVU A . 5.4-5. 49.5.4-6 reads: devāś ca r ˚s . ayaś ca brahmān . am ūcuh . ko no [smo] jyes . t . hah . | ka upanetā | ka ācāryah . | ko brahmatvam . ceti tān brahmābravīt . The words brahmān . am ūcuh . seem to have been lost in transmission before CVU A , because they are indispensable. The same must be true for ko brahmatvam . ceti (the last phrase of

  reads athāto brahmavedah . kapilo varn . ena tīks . n . ah . pracan . d . ah . kāmar ūpī viśvātmā jitendriyah . | sa tasmin bhagavati durvārajvālah . | 10 | ks . udrakarmā sa ca bhagavān brahmavedaś caturmukho dvipaks . o dānto dharmī balavān prāj ñah . kr ˚totthāpanīyah . kr ūrah . s . ad . rātrān . i vimr ˚śī [s . ad . rātrān . i s . ad . ] vaitāyano gotren . a. There is a free field here for various emendations of the corrupt CVU readings. To mention just one: atibalavanta • (with thematization not unknown in low register Sanskrit), might do in the place of ativanta • . BOLLING & VON NEGELEIN (p. 342) again report the reading vaikhā • for several mss. (YV-CV, p. 47 l. 17 reads vaitānasagotram . ). 5.12. 49.5.12 reads ya ekaikasmin vedānām . nāmavarn . agotrar ūpapramān . am . ca kīrtayed yo vidvān jātismaro bhavati mr ˚tah . sa brahmalokam . gacchati . I have restored ya ekaikasmin on this basis. All CVU mss. point to ekasmin, a reading reported by BOLLING & VON NEGELEIN only for their ms. E (whether that ms. does have ya, or not, is unclear). §5. Paippalāda Ancillary Literature: Evaluation of the Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad Evidence The main purpose of the Atharvavedic Caran . avy ūha seems to be to give an overview of the Atharvavedic canon, and to this end it comprises a catalog of Atharvedic ancillary texts. Neither of the two known versions of this Caran . avy ūha specifies for which Śākhā it describes the canon of Atharvavedic literature. Since only one version was known until recently, and it seemed to correspond fairly well with the Śaunaka canon as available in mss. transmitted by adherents of that Śākhā, it was naturally assumed to be valid for, and was compared with, the literature of this school in MODAK's detailed analysis (1993: 391-399) of the 49 th Pariśis . t . a in BOLLING & VON NEGELEIN's edition, based on mss. transmitted by Śaunakīya Atharvavedins. The availability of the version styled Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad in mss. transmitted by Paippalādins in Orissa

  ti tathā ca gopathabrāhman . e tasmād devatāh . sarvakarmasv ādito antar udayanes . u (em., • yames . u Ni Ku, • pames . u Gu 1 ) ca h ūyanta iti (em., ca h ūyanta ca iti mss.) vidhānāt (unidentified -cf. GB1.1.14d?); Ni 25v5-26r1, Ku 28v1, Gu 1 31r5: gopathabrāhman . e gopuchāgrākr hīyate yajamāno vai śruvasya m ūladarśanāt | putrair is . t . aphalaih . p ūrtaih . śrutir es . ā purātanī tasmāt sam . gopayen m ūlam . homakāle śruvasya ca (unidentified); Ni 26v3-4, Ku 29v1-2, Gu 1 31v5-32r1: gopathabrāhman . e | adhunvan (em., dhunvan mss.) vāpi juhuyāc chruven . āsphut . itāhutih . (em., chruven . o • mss.) | dhunvan hinasti putrām . ś ca rāks . asām . sphut . itāhutih . nānyat kim . cid abhidhyāye †juhudāpatatāhutih . † | tad daivatam abhidhyāye āhutir yasya dīyate śruve p ūrn . e japen mantram . uttānah . śāntike karah . | śāntike paus . t . ike caiva varjayet tu kanīnikām iti (cf. AVPariś 27.1.4-5, 27.2.1); Ni 32v1-2, Ku 36v1-2, Gu 1 37v1-2: tathā ca gopathabrāhman . e kriyāpraśam . sā brāhman . am . havih . sam . skārakam . yajuh . stutipradānam . mantro vai vidhānam . kalpa ucyata iti (unidentified); Ni 85r3, Ku 95r4, Gu 1 98v5-99r1: gopathabrāhman . e yadā juhoti hastenetyādivākyabalāt pa ñcabhir a ṅgulībhir annam . hutvā (cf. AVPariś 28.1.1: om . yadā juhoti hastena daks . in . enetaren . a vā | tadā vaks . ye vidhim . tasya śreyasī syād yathāhutih .

50

Ni 18v5-19r1, Ku 20v4, Gu 1 23v4-5: ke cit p ūjanāt prāg darbhakos . t . hīm . trih . paryuks . an . am . cecchan-˚tir dan . d . o hastamātrapramān . atah . | ardhā ṅgus . t . hapramān . ena nimnam . śirasi khānayed iti (cf. AVPariś 27.2.4-5: gopucchāgrākr ˚tir dan . d . o man . d . alāgra[m] śiro viduh . | a ṅgus . t . hāgrapramān . ena nimnam . śirasi khānayet etal laks . an . am uddis . t . am . sruvasya phalabhedatah . | gopathena yathāśāstram uddhr ˚tam . śruticodanāt | sruven . a kurute karma hastenāpi tathā śr ˚n . u ); Ni 26r2, Ku 28v3, Gu 1 31r2-3: atha śruvagrahan . alaks . an . am . gopathe

paippal ādam atharvan . ām |

  8, 1". With the kind help of George Cardona and Walter Slaje, I have been able to trace these divergent references to the text published under the title R ˚gvedānukraman . ī by KUNHAN RAJA (1932), where verses viii.i.10-12 read (p. 74): atha ye br āhman . ārthānām . vivektārah . kr ˚taśramāh . | śabdarītim . vijānanti te sarva ṅ kathayanty api 10 tān . d . ake śāt . hyāyanake śramah . śatapathe 'pi ca | kaus . ītake kāt . hake ca syād asyeha sa pan . d . itah . 11 aitareyakam asmākam tr ˚tīyan tittiriprokta ñ jānan vr ˚ddha ihocyate 12 54 Ed. MĪM ĀM .SAK 1987, p. 14 (Trivandrum ed. p. 21). On the uncertain date and doubtful reliability of this text, seeBRONKHORST 2007: 292, n. 30; 294; 297, n.

  Atharvavedajyotis . a available e.g. in a BORI ms. of which I have a xerox but that I have not yet studied, 60 I know no evidence that could corroborate the implicit claim made in 57 Cf. the Nyāyama ñjarī evidence presented in Kei Kataoka's contribution to this volume, and §5.6 below.

59 §5.2. The Six A ṅgas Except the so-called Kautsavyaniruktanighan . t . u (AVPariś 48) and an 58 BLOOMFIELD (1899: 101 with n. 2 on p. 106) expresses no opinion; neither does GAASTRA

  . Ni 39v3-40v4, Ku 45r4-46v2, Gu 1 45v4-47r4: tatra naks . atrakalpoktam . tantram . nigadyate avyasaś cety uktvā | . . . etā p ūrvatantram iti tatah . kartā yajamānam . spr ˚s . t . vā ayam . no 'gnir iti dvābhyām . mahedhmānam . sakr ˚d dhutvā | p ūrvavan māhāvyāhr ˚tyādibhir hutvā | tatah . pradhānahomah . | athottaratantram ucyate . . . yasmāt kośād ity ātmano hr ˚dayābhimantran . am . kuryāt | yatrayatra naks . atrakalpoktam . tantram iti bravīti tatratatraitat karma kuryād iti . . . naks . atrakalpoktam . tantram . samāptam . . This seems to agree quite well with the summary description of what is called the ājyatantra at the very end of the sixth kan . d . ikā in Keśava's

  . (1) Ni 41v2, Ku 46v2, Gu 1 48r4: end of the sam . hitāvidhikalpoktaprāyaścittavidhi; (2) Ni 58v1-2, Ku 66v3-4 (not traceable in Gu 1 ): tathā ca sam . hitāvidhau | pākayaj ñakān samāsādya †ekavahus . ikah . † 66 | ekah . svis . t . akr ˚tah . kuryān nānāpi sati daivata iti | (quotation from KauśS 6.34 67 ); Ni 97r5-v1, Ku 108r5, Gu 1 109r2: prāyaścittavidhim . vaks . ye yad uktam . sam . hitāvidhau. (4) On the Ā ṅgirasakalpa, see Alexis Sanderson's contribution to this volume.

  Sanderson's contribution to this volume, p. 203 n. 22. 66 Ni, ekadvahus . ikah . Ku; both mss. insert a space after eka. 67 athāpi ślokau bhavatah . | ājyabhāgāntam . prāktantram ūrdhvam . svis . t . akr ˚tā saha | havīm . s . i yaj ña āvāpo yathā tantrasya tantavah . | pākayaj ñān samāsādyaikājyān ekabarhis . ah . | ekasvis . t

  P ĀT . ALE VIKALE ASAURY ĀSAU ASAURY ĀSAU PR ˚THIVĪS . T . A- K Ā IS . T . AK ĀJIN ĀTY ŪNYO SAUGALUM . TIGALUM . TE KAT . AM ASI KAT . APRAVR ˚TE PRADVIS . A RUDRA RAUDREN . ĀVEŚAY ĀVEŚAYA HANA HANA DAHA DAHA PACA PACA MATHA MATHA VIDHVAM . -SAYA VIDHVAM . SAYA VI ŚVEŚVARA YOGE ŚVARA MAHE ŚVARA NAMAS TE 'STU M Ā M Ā HIM . -

SĪH .

  Mahāgan . apatividyā, OM . BHAGAVATE UCCHUS .MARUDR ĀYA SAPTADVĪPE ŚVAR Ā-200 ALEXIS SANDERSON like the Atharvavedic Ucchus . makalpa, is not properly Mantramārgic. Similar Mantras are found in the Śaiva exorcistic tradition preserved in such works as the Kriyākālagun . ottara, but they too have an archaic style that probably predates the Mantramārga.17 The Ā ṅgirasakalpa However, there is another relevant corpus, one that has received little scholarly attention, which is preserved in a number of Ā ṅgirasakalpa manuscripts now YA H ĀRAKAT . A ŚARĪR ĀYA ŚARAN . AKR ˚TA ŚARĪR ĀYA MANUS . YA ŚARĪRAM ĀVEŚAYA 2 PRAVE ŚA-YA KHAT . V Ā ṄGAM . DR ĀVAYA 2 SVAR ŪPAM . DAR ŚAYA 2 M ĀHEŚVARĪM . MUDR ĀM . GR ˚HN . A 2 K Ā-P ĀLĪM . MUDR ĀM . BHA ÑJAYA 2 VAIS . N . AVĪM . MUDR ĀM . *D ĀRAYA (conj. : DH ĀRAYA Ed.) 2 ŚI-VAD ŪTIR ŪPAM . DAR ŚAYA 2 JAYA 2 JVALA 2 PRAJVALA 2 KAD . D . A 2 SPHOT . A 2 *PRAHARA (conj. : PRAHARAN

  . 2 SV Ā-H Ā.OM .NAMAH . ŚĪGHRAGAMAN ĀYA AKS .AR ĀYA TRINETR ĀYA TRI Ś ŪLAHAST ĀYA HR ˚DGAT Ā-YA MANTR ĀYA MANTRAVRAT ĀYA *SVAHR Compare, for example, the Vidyārāja of the RudraKhad . garāvan . a in theKhad . garāvan . akalpa of the Kriyākālagun . ottara, f. 45v4-46r1 (the same Mantra is found with minor differences in the tradition of the Keralan Mantravādins; see the anonymous and the Tantrasārasam . grahamantravimarśinī of Svarn . agrāma Vāsudeva, vol. 1, p. 179): OM . NAMO PA ŚUPATAYE NAMO BH ŪT ĀDHIPATAYE NAMO RUDR ĀYA LA LA LA LA KHAD . GAR ĀVAN . A BALAM . VIHARA 2 SARA 2 NR ˚TYA 2 VALGA 2 SPHOT . AYA 2 ŚMAŚ ĀNABHASMA-CARCITA ŚARĪR ĀYA GHAN . T . ĀKAP ĀLAM Ā L Ā DHAR ĀYA VY ĀGHRACARMAPARĪDH ĀN ĀYA ŚA-Ś Ā ṄKAKR ˚TA ŚEKHAR ĀYA KR ˚S . N . ASARPAYAJ ÑOPAVĪTINE *HANA 2 CALA (conj. : NACALA Cod.) 2 VALA 2 VALGA 2 ANIVARTAKAP ĀLINE *HANA 2 (conj.: HANA Cod.) BH ŪT ĀN TR ĀSAYA 2 MA-N . D . ALAMADHYE KAD . D . A 2 RUDR Ā ṄKUŚENA SAMAYAM . PRAVE ŚAYA 2 ĀV ĀHAYA 2 CAN .

˚DAY ĀYA (conj. : SUHR ˚DAY ĀYA Ed.) *SVAHR ˚DGAT Ā-YA (conj. : SUHR ˚DGAT ĀYA Ed.) ĀGACCHA 2 UCCHUS . MARUDREBHYAH . SV ĀH Ā. tr ˚tīyah . khan . d . ah . . 17

  2 HR ˚DAYAM . *MOT . AYA (conj. : MOMOT . AYA Cod.) 2 BHINDA 2 MUDR Ā M . CHINDA 2 DAHA 2 PACA 2 KUD . D . A 2 GARJA 2 HURU VURU 2 MAH ĀGAN . APATIR ŪPAM . DAR ŚA-YA 2 HAST ĀN P ĀD ĀN GR ˚HN . A 2 SAMAYAM *ANUSMARA (corr : ANUSMARAM . Cod.) CAN . D . Ā-LAM ANUPRAVE Ś Y OTTH ĀPAYA 2 BHR ĀMAYA 2 DUS . T . AGRAHAM . TR Ā SA YA 2 VIDR Ā VA YA ĀVEŚAYA 2 SVASTH ĀNAM ĀVEŚAYA PUN . YENA SARVASATTV Ā N ĀVEŚAYA 2 DEV ĀN ĀVEŚA-YA 2 TATH Ā KATHAYA 2 *TRAILOKYAV ĀRT ĀM . (corr. : TRAILOKY ĀV ĀRTTAM . Cod.) KATHAYA 2 MAH ĀBHAIRAVA*D . ĀMARA (conj. : D . ĀM . V Cod.) APRATIHATAGATE AMOGHASARVAKARMA-KARA SIDDHALOHAKA SARVAKARMAKARA SATTV Ā N ĀVEŚAYA SIDDH Y A AMOGHAMAH Ā-BALAPAR ĀKRAMA AJITASARVASATTVAS ĀDHANA MAH ĀBHAIRAVA LOHAKA SIDDHIS ĀDHANA (conj. : SIDDHAS ĀDHANA Cod.) AVIKALPA MAMA †BH ŪBHR ˚TYAM ĀNASYA † KRODHOTPANNAH . †AS ĀS ĀDHANA † MAH ĀGAN . ARUDRO J Ñ ĀPAYATI SV ĀH Ā.

  ūtra as quoted in the 11 th century by Keśava of Malwa in his Kauśikapaddhati on1.8: upavars . ācāryen . oktam . mīmām . sāyām . smr ˚tipāde kalpas ūtrādhikaran . e "naks . atrakalpo vaitānas tr ˚tīyah . sam . hitāvidhih . | caturtho ' ṅgirasām . kalpah . śāntikalpas tu pa ñcamah . " iti. ete kalpā vedatulyā hi iti bhagavatopavars . ācāryen . a pratipāditam. anye kalpāh . smr ˚titulyāh . 'Upavars . ācārya has said the following [in his commentary] on the Mīmām .sā[s ūtra], in the section on the Kalpas ūtras in the Smr ˚tip āda: "[The five Kalpas are] the Naks . atrakalpa, the Vaitāna, third the Sam . hitāvidhi, fourth the a ṅgirasām . kalpah . , and fifth the Śāntikalpa". The venerable Upavars . ācārya has taught that these Kalpas are equal [in authority] to Śruti, whereas all other Kalpas have the status of Smr ˚ti'.The verse quoted here is also attributed to Upavars . a by Sāyan . a in theAtharvedasam . hitābhās . ya, vol. 1, p. 25 (with the variant turya ā ṅgirasah . kalpah . ); and it has been incorporated into the corpus of brahmanical scripture as 2.5.4 of the Vis . n . udharmottarapurān . a. Synonymous variants of this verse appear in the Vis . n . upurān . a (3.6.13c-14b: naks . atrakalpo vedānām . sam . hitānām . tathaiva ca | caturthah . syād ā ṅgirasah . śāntikalpaś ca pa ñcamah . ) and, with badly defective metre, in the Caran . avy ūha ([Atharvavedapariśis . t . a 49] 4.7: pa ñca kalpā bhavanti. naks . atrakalpo vaitānakalpas tr ˚tīyah . sam . hitāvidhih . | caturtha ā ṅgirasah . kalpah . śāntikalpas tu pa ñcamah .

  2.60: sarvasāder dvigoś ca lo vaktavyah. . sarvavedah . sarvatantrah . . savārttikah . sasam . grahah . . pa ñcakalpah . dvitantrah . ; Mahābhārata 12.330.34 (Vis . n . u speaking): pa ñcakalpam atharvān . am . kr ˚tyābhih . paribr ˚m . hitam | kalpayanti hi mām . viprā atharvān . avidas tathā 'Likewise learned brahmins expert in the Atharvaveda conceive of me as that Veda rich in Kr ˚ty ās with its five Kalpas

  j ñātvā stambhanam ācaret; p. 5: rip ūn . ām . mohanam . caitad rāj ñām . bahumatam . bhavet | mohito hi na śaknoti pratikartum . parakriyām; p. 18: rājā rājyajayākā ṅks . ī śrīnr ˚sim . ham . prap ūjya ca; p. 26: nr ˚pasya bhavanāc chālām aiśānyām . diśi kārayet; p. 27: tasmād rājā viśes . en . a śrīnr ˚sim . haparo bhavet | yato nirupasargah . san sarvābhīs . t . am avāpnuyāt; p. 35: daks . in . ām . bh ūpatir dadyāt kartr ˚tr ˚ptikarīm . punah . | nr ˚po digvijayam . kuryād idam . yantram . vidhārayan; p. 36: tasmād rājā yadā śatrum . balinam . jetum icchati | tadātharvavidam . prāj ñam etam . homam . ca kārayet; p. 36: śrīnr ˚sim . haś ca devah . syāt kartā cātharvan . ah . sudhīh . | rājā ced vis . n . ubhaktah . syāj jayas tasya kare sthitah . ; p. 41: tato nr ˚peśvaro vīro mahājayaparāyan . ah . | brahmavedārthatattvaj ñam . kārayeta mahājayam; p. 56: rājā sarvavaśam . kā ṅks . ann āsurīm . sarvadā japet; p. 59: māran . am . karma kurvīta rājā rās . t . rasukhāvaham; p. 63: āsurīti tato devī rājakarmasu gīyate; p. 70: etan mantram . sadā japtvā niścinto rājyabhug bhavet; p. 81: ātmotsādakaram . śatrum . yuddhe jetum apārayan | deśaraks . ākaro rājā mārayed balinam . ripum; p. 109: mahābījam . japan rājā jayam eti na śam . sayah . ; p. 111: athavā yuddhasamaye yantram etat svasam . nidhau | kenacid dhārayed rājā labhate *vijayaśriyam (corr. : vijayam . śriyam Ed.). See also n. 21 on p. 202. 27 Paippalādavaśādis . at . karmapaddhati p. 4: atharvavedatattvaj ñam . tasmād rājā prap ūjayet | sadātmīyam . prakurvīta yasya haste vaśādikam; p. 7: *bahubhir (corr. : bahubhi Ed.) dravin . air vastrair nānāratnair vibh ūs . an . aih . | p ūjayitvā tatah . paścād vidhinā vr ˚n . uyād dvijam; p. 13: tatkumbhavārin . ācāryo 'bhis . i ñcet tam . narādhipam | tato 'smai daks . in . ām . dadyād yathāsau paritus . yati; p. 23: tasmān narapatir vidvān dānamānādibhir dvijam | turyavedārthatattvaj ñam ātmīyam . kurute sadā; p. 61: nr ˚po 'smai daks . in . ām . dadyād dhanaśāt . hyam . vivarjayet | ratnam . grāmavaram . dhānyam . yānāni kanakāni ca; p. 65: tato 'bhis . iktah . nr ˚patir dadyād viprāya daks . in . ām | ratnam . suvarn . am . dhānyāni yānāni ca vasundharām; p. 131: tasmād rājā viśes . en . a atharvān . am . budham . dvijam | dānasam . mānasatkārair nityam . samabhip ūjayet (echoing Atharvavedapariśis . ta 4.6.3: tasmād rājā viśes . en . a atharvān . am . jitendriyam | dānasam . mānasatkārair nityam . samabhip ūjayet); p. 146: evam . vijayam āsādya rājā mantravide tatah . | pradadyād *daks . in . ām . (em. : daks . in . ā Ed.) śres . t . ham . grāmam . tattr ˚ptikāran . am; p. 147: ācāryāya nivedayet | svarn . am . ratnam . ca dhānyam . ca yānam . grāmam . gavām . śatam; P 2 f. 31v2: dadyāc ca daks . in . ām . tasmai sahasram . śatam eva vā | gavām . suvarn . anis . kān . ām . bh ūmim . *ca sasyaśālinīm (conj. : cātyaśaśālinīm . Cod.). pa ñcakalpavidhānaj ñam . varayeta sudarśanam 'The king should choose as his chaplain a handsome Atharvavedin brahmin who is versed in [at least] two Vedas and knows the rituals of the five [Atharvavedic] Kalpas'; and a passage in the southern recension of the Mahābhārata after 12.72.2 of the critical edition (Appendix I, No. 8), especially ll. 6-7: brahmatvam . sarvayaj ñes . u kurvītātharvan . o dvijah . | rāj ñaś cātharvavedena sarvakarmān . i kārayet 'An Atharvavedin brahmin should serve as the Brahman priest in all [the king's] Vedic sacrifices and should have all the [necessary

28 Vis . n . udharmottarapurān . a 2.5.3: dvivedam . brāhman . am . rājā purohitam atharvan . am |

  : trayyām . ca dan . d . anītyām . ca kuśalah . syāt purohitah . | atharvavedavihitam . kuryāc chāntikapaus . t . ikam . 'The [king's] personal priest should be well-versed in the three Vedas and the administration of justice, and he should perform the rites of pacification and invigoration prescribed by the Atharvaveda'; Matsyapurān . a quoted ibid.: purohitam . tathātharvamantrabrāhman . apāragam 'and a personal priest who has mastered the Mantras and informative passages of the Atharva[veda]'; Sāyan . ācārya, loc. cit.: paurohityam . ca atharvavidaiva kāryam . tatkartr ˚kān . ām . karman . ām . rājābhis . ekādīnām . tatraiva vistaren . a pratipāditatvāt 'The role of the [king's] personal priest should be taken only by an expert in the Atharva[veda], since it is in that [Veda] that the rituals of which he is the officiant, such as the king's consecration, are taught'. . āms . i raks . ati brahmā brahmā tasmād atharvavit; 2.3.4: atharvavid guruh . ; 3.3.7: brahmavedavit; Paippalādavaśādis . at . karmapaddhati p. 23: turyavedārthatattvaj ñam . ; p. 36: brahmavedavidām . varah . ; p. 147: brahmavedavit. chandogo dhananāśāya tasmād ātharvan . o guruh . | aj ñānād vā pramādād vā yasya syād bahvr ˚co guruh . | deśarās . t . rapurāmātyanāśas tasya na sam . śayah . | yadi vādhvaryavam . rājā niyunakti purohitam | śastren . a vadhyate ks . ipram . pariks . īn . ārthavāhanah . | yathaiva pa ṅgur adhvānam apaks . ī cān . d . ajo nabhah . | evam . chandogagurun . ā rājā vr ˚ddhim . na gacchati 'He should appoint a Paippalāda[-Atharvavedin]

	˚cam . . ranāśāya rājanāśāya sāmagah . | adhvaryur balanāśāya ˚co rās . t sāmagam . caiva vājinam . ca vivarjayet | bahvr prokto vājasaneyakah . 'He should avoid [appointing] a R ˚gvedin, a Sāmavedin, or a Vājasaneyin Yajurvedin. A R ˚gvedin [chaplain] is said [in authoritative texts] to bring about the ruin of the kingdom, a Sāmavedin the ruin of the king himself, and a Vājasaneyin Adhvaryu that of
	the army'; cf. Atharvavedapariśis . t . a 2.4.1-5: paippalādam . gurum . kuryāc chrīrās . t . rārogyavardhanam |
	tathā śaunakinam . vāpi vedamantravipaścitam | rās . t . rasya vr ˚ddhikartāram . dhanadhānyādibhih . sadā | ātharvan . ād r

30

See, e.g.,

utpātānām anekadhā | śamayitā brahmavedaj ñas tasmād raks . itā bhr ˚guh . | brahmā śamayen nādhvaryur na chandogo na bahvr ˚cah . | raks 31 Southern recension of the Mahābhārata after 12.72.2 (Appendix I, No. 8), ll. 32-34: bahvr ˚te nānyo niyojyo 'tharvavid guruh . | nr ˚pen . a jayakāmena nirmito 'gnir ivādhvare | bahvr ˚co hanti vai rās . t . ram adhvaryur nāśayet sutān |

  . matam | atharvam . sām . khyayogam . ca bauddham ārahatādikam | viśes . ākhyam . yatas *tatra (em. :tantram . Cod.) viśes . asamayāt sthitih . . For the whole account of the hierarchy of revelations of which this passage is a part see SANDERSON 2007, pp. 232-235.

	2 (Appendix I, No. 8), ll. 68-70: vājinam .
	tadabhāve ca carakādhvaryavān atha | bahvr ˚cam . sāmagam . caiva nītiśāstrakr ˚taśramān | kr ˚tino 'tharvan . e vede sthāpayet tu purohitān 'If there is no [Atharvavedin available] he may appoint a Vājasaneyin
	or Caraka (Kāt . haka) Yajurvedic officiant, a R ˚gvedin, or a Sāmavedin as his chaplain, provided such persons have studied the science of polity and are well-versed in the Atharvaveda'.
	33 Atharvavedapariśis . t . a 49.5.3: anyavede dvijo yo brahmavedam adhītukāmah . sa punar upaneyah . 'A
	brahmin in another Veda who wishes to study the Atharvaveda must undergo a second Upa-
	nayana'.

34 Jayadrathayāmala, S . at . ka 1, f. 166v2-4 (35.68-69b): sauram . śaivam . pa ñcarātram . pramān . am . vaimalam

  . vedam . nānāmantrasamanvitam | tanmadhye kevalam . turyam atharvan . aśiras tathā | *turyāt turyataram . [em. : turyāturyetaram . Cod.] caiva *tacchikhety [em. : tatsakhyety Cod.] abhidhīyate | atharvan . ī m . śikhāvidyā m . yo jānāti sa buddhimān). The principal deities of these Vidyās, mostly described as Atharvanic (atharvan . āstravidyā, atharvan . ikam astram, atharvan . amahāvidyā), are the goddesses Dh ūmāvatī (Kākadh ūmāvatī, Mohinīdh ūmikā, Uccāt . anadh ūmikā, Trailokyamohanī Dh ūmāvatī), Ārdrapat . ī Kālī, Mr ˚tyuk ālī, Kālarātri, Gharmat . ikā (also called here

  icchann etat karma samācaret | atyantatvarito rājā dvijair homam . vidhāpayet | tathāvidhadvijālābhe ekenaiva tu hāvayet 'Desiring to conquer the army of an enemy the king [himself] should do this ritual. If he is exceedingly pressed for time he may have the fire sacrifice performed by brahmins. But if he cannot find [the requisite number] he may have it performed by just one'; p. 147: vidrāvan . asya siddhyartham . kārayed brahmaviddvijaih . 'In order to accomplish the routing [of his enemy] he should have [the fire sacrifice] performed by Atharvavedin brahmins'. I take brahmavidhere to mean brahmavedavid 'learned in the Atharvaveda'; cf. p. 36: atharvavedatattvaj ñam . tasmān nr ˚patir arcayet; ibid.: brahmavedavidām . varah . ; and ibid.: tadātharvavidam . prāj ñam etam . homam . ca kārayet. For the use of the term brahmavedah . in the meaning atharvavedah . , see BLOOMFIELD 1899, p. 10, and, e.g, Atharvavedapariśis . ta 1.15.1 and 49.1.2: r ˚gvedo yajurvedah . sāmavedo brahmavedah . ; 49.4.1: tatra brahmavedasya nava bhedā bhavanti. tad yathā paippalādāh . . . . ; P 2 f. 1v4: brahman . o vedanād dhetor brahmavedo 'yam ucyate; Jayantabhat . t . a, Nyāyama ñjarī vol. 1, p. 623, l. 16: ata eva brahmavedah . athar-

  ): vr ˚n . uyād dhomakārin . au | ācāryam . vr ˚n . uyāt p ūrvam . brahmān . am . tadanantaram. In his Āsurīdīpikā Bh ūdhara tells us that there are three possibilities in this tradition. The yajamānah . may appoint five, namely an ācāryah . , a brahmā, a pr

˚s . t . aprativaktā, a mantraniścāyakah . , and a dravyopakalpakah .

  apy eka ācāryah . aparo brahmā anyah . pr ˚s . t . aprativaktā itaro mantraniścāyakah . aparo dravyopakalpakah . . tathā ca pait . hīnasih . : "ekah . karman . i yuktah . syād eko dravyopakalpakah . | ekah . pr ˚s . t . ah . san pratibr ūyād eko mantrasya niścaye". ĀHI iti brahmajapavidhānād brahmā siddham. tad *evam . (em. : eva me Ed.) tanmate pa ñcaiva brāhman . āh . . athavācāryabrahmān . au dvāv eva *vr ˚tau (corr. : vr ˚ttau Ed.). uktam . cāsurīkalpe "sam . kalpya prathamāvr ˚ttim . vr ˚n . uyād dhomakārin . au | ācāryam . vr ˚n . uyāt p ūrvam . brahmān . am . tadanantaram" iti. yad vaika eva vidvān kartā. brahmā punar udapātram. vacanam . vaitānakalpe "anyam . brāhman . am . *an ūcānam (corr. : anucānam Ed.) upaveśyam udapātram . vā" iti. evam ātharvan . akarman . i trividhā brāhman . avyavasthā. The statement said to occur vaitānakalpe can be traced to Atharvavedapariśis . t

BR ˚HASPATE YAJ ÑAM .

P

  follows:43 1. P 1 ff. 56v3-61v4; = Ed P pp.[1][2][3][4][5][6][7][8] of the six hostile rites (s . at . karmān . i): subjection (vaśam), immobilization (stambhanam), deluding (mohanam), causing dissension (vidves . an . am), causing panic (uccāt . anam), and killing (māran . am). Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasakalpe vaśādis . at . karmān . i samāptāni. 2. P 1 ff. 61v4-63r4; = Ed P pp. 8-9. Incompatibility between various hostile rites. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasakalpe karmavirodhakathanam . . 3. P 1 ff. 63r4-64v1; = Ed P pp. 9-11. Foretelling the future by means of Yantras 44 of Nr ˚sim . ha and his 32-syllable Ānus . t . ubha Mantrarāja: UGRAM . BH ĪMAM . MAH ĀVIS . N . UM . JVALANTAM . SARVATOMUKHAM | NR

  4. P 1 ff. 64v1-66v1; = Ed P pp. 11-14. Affusion of the king with water empowered by Nr ˚sim . ha's 32-syllable Mantrarāja. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasakalpe nr ˚sim . hābhis . ekah . . 5. P 1 ff. 66v1-68v4; = Ed P pp. 14-16. The benefits of the 32-syllable Mantrarāja. Colophon ity ā ṅgirasakalpe mantrarājavij ñānam . samāptam . . Ed Mantrarāja for the destruction of the king's enemies, the warding off of drought, and other benefits. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase mantrarājavidhih . . 7. P 1 ff. 75v1-76r4; = Ed P pp. 23-25. Worship of Nr ˚sim . ha's Mantrarāja to protect a fort when the king has retreated to it after a defeat in battle. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase kalpe durgaraks . āvidhānam. 8. P 1 ff. 76r4-77v1; = Ed P pp. 25-26. Worship of Nr ˚sim . ha's Mantrarāja to falsify a rumour. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase kim . vadantīmr

P

has here an additional section (pp.

[16][17]

: ity ā ṅgirase kalpe parakarmanivāran . am. 6. P 1 ff. 68v4-75v1; = Ed P pp. 17-23. Worship of Nr ˚sim . ha's ˚s . ākaran . am.

  9. P 1 ff. 77v1-78r4; = Ed P pp. 26-27. Bali offered to Nr ˚sim . ha and other deities to put an end to unforeseen calamities in the palace, region, or capital. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase kalpe nr ˚sim . habalividhih . . 10. P 1 ff. 78r4-79r1; = Ed P pp. 27-28. Other benefits of the same. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase kalpe nr ˚sim . habalikarmaphalakathanam . . 11. P 1 ff. 79r1-80r4; = Ed P pp. 28-30. Worship of 16-armed Abhayanr ˚sim . ha to end a major danger. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase abhayanr ˚sim . havidhih . . 12. P 1 ff. 80r4-85v3; = Ed P pp. 30-37. Worship of 20-armed Jayanr ˚sim . ha for victory in war (Mantra: OM . ŚR ĪNR ˚SIM . HA JAYA JAYA ŚR ĪNR ˚SIM . HA). Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase jayanr ˚sim . hakalpah . . 13. P 1 ff. 85v3-89r4; = Ed P pp. 37-42. Worship of 20-armed Mahājayanr ˚sim . ha for victory in war (Bīja: KS . RAUM . ; Mantra: ŚR ĪNR ˚SIM . HA JAYANR ˚SIM . HA AMUKAM . JAYA 2 NR ˚SIM . HA HR ĪM . ). Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase mahānr ˚sim . ha . . . (P 1 ), ity ā ṅgirase mahājayakalpah . (Ed P ). 14. P 1 ff. 89r4-92r3; = Ed P pp. 42-46. The Mantra of the four-armed goddess Āsurī Durgā (OM . NAMAH . KAT . UKE KAT . UKAPATRE SUBHAGE ĀSURI RAK-TAV ĀSASE ATHARVAN . ASYA DUHITRE GHORE GHORAKARMAN . I K ĀRIKE AMUKASYA PRASTHITASYA GATIM . DAHA UPAVIS . T . ASYA BHAGAM . DAHA ŚAYITASYA MANO DAHA PRABUDDHASYA HR ˚DAYAM . DAHA 5 PACA 2 MATHA 2 T ĀVAD DAHA Y ĀVAN ME VA ŚAM ĀGACCHET SV ĀH Ā) and her visualizations appropriate to the various hostile rites. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasakalpe āsurīdhyānāni. 45 15. P 1 ff. 92r3-93r1; = Ed P pp. 46-47. How to obtain the outcome of one's choice with the Mantras of Āsurī and Nr Ed P pp. 47-48. The worship of Āsurī and the deities of her retinue. Colophon: iti p ūjāvidhih . . 45 Āsurī is already present in Atharvavedic tradition in the Āsurīkalpa of Atharvavedapariśis . t . a 35. Indeed the latter, or a version of it, is probably what is mentioned in Mahābhās . ya on 4.1.19 under the name āsurīyah . kalpah . . The Pariśis . t

	˚sim . ha. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase . ānis . t . asiddhih . (P 1 ), ity ā ṅgirase is . t . aśakune is . t anis . t . aśakune is . t . asiddhih . (Ed P ).
	16. P 1 ff. 93r1-94r4; =

  hi śatr ūm . ś ca vaśīkurvam . ś ca bh ūpatīn | āsurīślaks . n .apis . t . ājyam . juhuyād ākr In the Ā ṅgirasa text all this is retained but the character of the ritual is transformed by superimposing a Tantric cult of a goddess who bears the plant's name and is equated with Durgā.30. P 1 ff. 110r4-111v3;= Ed P pp. 67-70. The worship of the 2000-armed goddess Pratya ṅgirā to ward of the Kr ˚tyā of the enemy (Vidyā: OM . HR ĪM .NAMAH .KR ˚S .N . AV ĀSASE ŚATASAHASRASIM . HAV ĀHINI SAHASRAVADANE MAH ĀPRABALE APAR ĀJITE *PRATYA ṄGIRE [P 1 : PRIYA ṄGIRE Ed P ] PARA-SAINYAVIDHVAM . SINI PARAKARMAVIDHVAM . SINI PARAMANTROTS ĀDINI SARVABH ŪTAVIMARDINI SARVADEV ĀN VIDHVAM . SAYA 2 SARVAVIDY ĀM . PARAMANTR ĀN SPHOT . AYA 2 SARVA ŚR ˚ṄKHAL ĀS TROT . AYA 2 JVALAJJV ĀL ĀJIHVE KAR ĀLAVADANE PRATYA ṄGIRE KL ĪM . NAMAH . OM . ). Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase kalpe paravidyānivāran . am. 46 31. P 1 ff. 111v3-113r1; = Ed P pp. 70-71. Mantra rites of two-armed and tenarmed Kālī for victory (K ĀLIK ĀYAI NAMAH . ). Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase s . ad .aks . arakālī kalpamantravidhih . . 32. P 1 ff. 113r1-113v4; = Ed P pp. 71-72. Mantra rite of Kālī to be worshipped on a sword to be given to the king before he enters battle (OM . NAMAH . Ā G Ā DHANVAN ĀJIM . JAYEMA DHANVAN Ā T ĪVR ĀH . SAMADO JAYEMA | DHANUH . ŚATROR APAK ĀMAM . KR ˚N . OTU DHANVAN Ā SARV ĀH . PRADI ŚO JAYEMA (Paippalādasam . hitā 15.10.2). 47 Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase dhanurmantravidhih . . 34. P 1 ff. 115r1-115v1; = Ed P p. 74. An Atharvavedic Mantra (Paippalādasam . hitā 1.3.1) to empower the king's arrows for victory: OM . VIDM Ā ŚARASYA PITARAM . PARJANYAM . BH ŪRIDH ĀYASAM | VIDMO HY ASYA M ĀTARAM . PR ˚THIV ĪM . VI ŚVADH ĀYA SA M. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase śaramantrah . . 35. P 1 ff. 115v1-116r3; = Ed P pp. 74-76. Rite to be commissioned by the king for the pacification of inimical planets. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasakalpe grahaśāntividhih . . 36. P 1 ff. 116r3-118r1; = Ed P pp. 76-78. Rite of the formless Vij ñānabhairava Rudra with the Atharvavedic Mantra OM . BH ŪH . BHUVAH . SVAH . SV ĀH Ā JANAD OM . (e.g. Vaitānas ūtra 1.3.18), which both frees from the sin incurred by commissioning hostile rites and bestows self-realization. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase vij ñānabhairavamantrah . . 48 37. P 1 ff. 118r1-120r2; = Ed P pp. 78-81. Rites of two Mantras of the lionfaced goddess Mahākr ˚tyā to kill an enemy without going to war: KHAT . PHAT . DEVI MAH ĀKR ˚TYE VIDH ŪM ĀGNISAMAPRABHE | HANA ŚATR ŪN TRI Ś ŪLENA KRUDHYASVA PIBA ŚON . ITAM (cf. the Atharvanic Kubjikopanis . ad 22.5: KHAT . PHAT . JAHI MAH ĀKR ˚TYE VIDH ŪM ĀGNISAMAPRABHE | DEV ĪDEVI MAH ĀKUBJE MAMA ŚATR ŪN VIN ĀŚ AYA MAMA ŚATR ŪN VIN ĀŚ AYOM . ) and OM . HR ĪM . MAH ĀYOGINI GAURI TRIBHUVANAM . KARI 49 H ŪM . PHAT . . Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase mahākr ˚tyāvidhānam. 50 38. P 1 ff. 120r2-120v4; = Ed P pp. 81-83. Rite of another Kr ˚tyāmantra: KR ˚S . N . A- VARN . I BR ˚HADR ŪPI BR ˚HATKARN . I MAHADBHAYI | DEVI DEVI MAH ĀDEVI MAMA ŚATR ŪN VIN ĀŚ AYA. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase kr ˚tyāmantravidhānam. 39. P 1 ff. 120v4-123r3; = Ed P pp. 83-87. A Kr ˚tyāmantra rite to be commissioned by a king to cause the effect of any Kr ˚tyā rite to be directed back to the enemy who has performed it against him with the Atharvavedic Mantra OM . SABANDHU Ś C ĀSABANDHU Ś CA YO ASM ĀM . ABHID ĀSATI | SA-BANDH ŪN SARV ĀM . S T ĪRTV ĀHAM . BH ŪY ĀSAM UTTAMAH . . . . (Paippalādasam . hitā 19.5.14). Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase kr ˚tyāpratisārah . . 40. P 1 ff. 123r3-123v3; = Ed P p. 87. A metaphysical explanation of the efficacity of such counter-rites. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase kr ˚tyāpratisāre yuktih . . 41. P 1 ff. 123v3-124v2; = Ed P pp. 87-89. How a king may recognize that a hostile rite has been directed against him (kr ˚tyācihnāni). No colophon. 42. P 1 ff. 124v2-125r1; = Ed P p. 89. A golden Yantra by means of which a king can cause the effect of hostile rites to revert to his enemy. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase pratisārayantram . . 43. P 1 ff. 125r1-125v4; = Ed P pp. 89-91. A tantricized rite of the Atharvavedic Abhayamantra of Rudra (OM . ABHAYAM . SOMAS SAVIT Ā . . . , Paippalādasam . hitā 1.27.1) to be performed by the king for his security. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase 'bhayamantrah .

˚tim

.

budhah

. | arkendhanāgnim . prajvālya chittvāstren . ākr ˚tim . tu tām | pādāgrato 's . t . asahasram . juhuyād yasya vaśy asau). KR ˚NTAYA 2 K ĀLIK ĀYAI). Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase kalpe kālikāmantravidhih . . 33. P 1 ff. 114r1-115r1; = Ed P pp. 72-74. Worshipping Brahmā, Vis . n . u, and Maheśvara in the king's bow before battle with the Atharvavedic Mantra OM . DHANVAN

  53. P 1 ff. 136v4-137v1; = Ed P pp. 103-104. Signs of impediments to the success of Mantra rites; the means of preventing such impediments, notably that the commissioner of the rite, the principal officiant (kartā), and the secondary officiants (sadasyāh . ) should all be Vais . n . avas, and of counteracting them, namely thousands of special oblations in the sacrificial fire. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase karmavighnapratīkārah . . 54. P 1 ff. 137v1-138r2; = Ed P pp. 104-105. How to prevent the success of an enemy's hostile ritual. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase parakarmanivāran . am. 55. P 1 ff. 138r2-142r4; = Ed P pp. 105-109. Mantra rites of Bhadrakālī for victory in battle: [1] OM . HR ĪM . MAH ĀCAN . D . AYOGE ŚVARI PHAT . ; [2] BHADRAK ĀLI BHAV ĀBH ĪS . T . ABHADRASIDDHIPRAD ĀYINI | SAPATN ĀN ME HANA HANA DAHA ŚOS . AYA T ĀPAYA | Ś ŪL ĀSI ŚAKTIVAJR ĀDYAIR MAH ĀDEVI MAH ĀDEVI RAKS . ĀSM ĀN AKS . AT ĀTMIKE; [3] OM . BHADRAK ĀLI JAYAM . DEHI PHAT . ; [4] Bīja: HSKHPHREM . . Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase bhadrakālīmantravidhih . . 56. P 1 ff. 142r4-142v3; = Ed P p. 110. Praise of the Great Seed (HSKHPHREM . ) of Bhadrakālī. Colophon: iti bhadrakālīmahābījapraśam . sā.

UTKR ˚TYOTKR ˚TYA M ĀRAYA | 57. P 1 ff. 142v3-145v4; = Ed P p. 113. The worship of the Great Seed on a

  . Ā's text, that is to say, in the Asimil . ā manuscript, the Bhadrakālīmahābījavidhi with which the shared text ends is followed by the Āsurīdīpikā of Bh ūdhara (pp. 113-127), the Paśubalidānavidhi of the Ā ṅgirasakalpa (pp. 127-130), the Śatruparājayavidhi and related materials from the Tantrādhyāya of the Karmasamuccaya (pp. 130-140), materials on the worship ofVakratun . d . a (Gan . eśa) from the Mantramuktāvalī of P ūrn . aprakāśa (pp. 140-148) and the S . ad . aks . aravakratun . d . akalpa 'taught by Bhr ˚gu'

  ŚATR ŪN MOHAYA2 . . . ). Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase mahāpratya ṅgirāmantrah . .27. P 2 ff. 63v2-64r4; not in Ed P or P1 . Details of the procedure in the use of the preceding Mantra of Pratya ṅgirā Mahākālī, e.g. the nyāsah . and the visualization. She is to be visualized as furious, spewing fire, dressed in black, and 20-armed. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase dvitīyah . khan . d . ah . .28. P 2 ff. 64r4-68v4; not in Ed P or P1 . The Paddhati of Bh ūdhara on the rites of the Mantra of the goddess Tripurabhairavī (HSRAIM . HSKLR ĪM .HSRAUH .M . ) for the various hostile effects and other supernatural benefits.Colophons: iti bh ūdharakr ˚tāyām . paddhatau tripurabhairavīvidhānam . (f. 66r1) and iti bh ūdharakr ˚tāyām . paddhatau tripurāvidhānam . samāptam (f. 68v4). 29. P 2 ff. 68v4-72v4; not in Ed P or P 1 . Rites of the Mantra of the goddess Tripurabhairavī, taken without attribution from the Prapa ñcasāra, being Pat . ala 9 of that work. Colophon: iti tripurāmantravidhih . . 33. P 2 ff. 74v1-74v4; not in Ed P or P 1 . Rite of eight-syllable Mantra of Bhairava for the attainment of Yoga (OM . HSAUH . BHAIRAV ĀYA NAMAH . ). Colophon: ity as . t . āks . arabhairavamantravidhānam. 34. P 2 ff. 74v4-75v1; cf. Ed P pp. 98-101. Rite of the Mantra of Parā (SAUH . ) for liberation. Colophon: iti parāmantravidhih . . 35. P 2 ff. 75v1-76v4; not in Ed P or P 1 . Rite of the Mantra of Sarvama ṅgalā/Ma ṅgalacan . d . ī (OM . KR ĪM . KL ĪM . ŚR ĪM . SARVAMA ṄGAL ĀYAI SV ĀH Ā) to be performed by/for the king for the attainment of the objects of all desires, victory in war, subjection of women, ministers, members of the royal family; to be worshipped on Tuesdays; to be propitiated with nightly sacrifices of buffaloes and other animals from m ūlās . t . amī to mahās . t . amī, that is to say, from the eighth day of the dark half of Āśvina to the eighth day of its bright half. No colophon. 54 36. P 2 ff. 76v4-77r4; not in Ed P or P 1 . On the subject of vessels made of different substances. The beginning is lacking. No colophon. 37. P 2 ff. 77r4-78r3; not in Ed P or P 1 . Rules of procedure for the worship of any deity. Colophon: iti sāmānyatah . sarvadevap ūjāvidhih . . 38. P 2 ff. 78r3-91v3; = Ed P pp. 113-127. Colophon: iti karmasamuccaye s . at . karmādhyāye bh ūdharakr ˚tā āsurīdīpikā samāptā. 39. P 2 ff. 91v3-93r2; = Ed P pp. 130-132. Colophon: iti karmasamucca ye śatrujayah . . Ed P pp. 128-130. The sacrificial slaughtering of the victim, the offering of a simulacrum of the enemy, and a vigil with music and dancing on the night of the eighth [day of the bright fortnight of Āśvina]. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasakalpe balidānavidhih . (f. 99r4 ity ā ṅgirasakalpe paśubalidānavidhih . , but P 2 lacks the prose paragraph before the colophon on p. 130). 46. P 2 ff. 102v1-102v5; not in Ed P or P 1 . The Mantras of the ten rites of passage from conception (garbhādhānam) to the termination of studentship (samāvartanam). Colophon: iti daśasam . sthāmantrāh . samāptāh . . 47. P 2 ff. 102v5-106r2; = Ed P pp. 140-144. Worship of the six-syllable Gan . eśa (Vakratun . d . a) [Mantra] (OM . VAKRATUN . D . ĀYA H ŪM . ). Colophon: iti mantramuktāvalyām . s . ad . aks . aravakratun . d . ap ūjā. 48. P 2 ff. 106r2-113v3; = Ed P pp. 148-153. Colophon: iti bhr ˚guproktah . s . ad . aks . aramantravakratun . d . akalpah . . 49. P 2 ff. 113v3-114r1; = Ed P p. 154. Colophon: iti siddhaudanaprakārah . . 50. P 2 f. 114r1-114v1; = Ed P p. 154. Colophon: iti sarvatobhadraman . d . alam. 51. P 2 ff. 114v1-162r2; = Ed P pp. 154-207. Parts of the Mantrarājānus . t . ubhakalpamālā of Śes . a, giving a detailed account of he worship of [Laks . mī]nr ˚sim . ha as embodied in the 32-syllable Mantra. 52. P 2 ff. 162r2-163r1; not in Ed P or P 1 . The great power of this Mantra when Nr ˚sim . ha is worshipped with it at the three junctures of the day, at two, or at one: it is both a ladder leading to the Vaikun . t . ha paradise and the means of destroying any enemy (f. 162v1: vaikun . t . hadhāmasopānam . sarvaśatrunirbarhan . am). Colophon: iti mantrarājamāhātmyam. 53. P 2 f. 163r1-163r3; not in Ed P or P 1 . Affusion with Vais . n . ava Mantras. 55. P 2 ff. 163v5-178r2; not in Ed P or P 1 . The worship of the 32-syllable Mantra of [Laks . mī]nr ˚sim . ha in its Sāman chant forms. Colophon: iti sāmagānamantrarājap ūjā samāptā (f. 178r2). 56. P 2 ff. 178r2-179v3; not in Ed P or P 1 . The rites of the juncture, bathing, and gratification of [Laks . mī]nr ˚sim . ha with the recitation of his 32-syllable Mantra. Colophon: iti śrīnr ˚sim . hasam . dhyāsnānatarpan . am. 57. P 2 ff. 179v3-181v2; not in Ed P or P 1 . Gratification of the pantheon beginning with [Laks . mī]nr ˚sim . ha with water poured from the palm. Colophon: iti tarpan . avidhih . (f. 181v2). 58. P 2 ff. 181v2-183r1; not in Ed P or P 1 . Bathing by rubbing the body with ashes. Colophon: iti snānaprakārah . . 59. P 2 f. 183r1-183v1; not in Ed P or P 1 . Gratification of Laks . mīnr ˚sim . ha, Varāha, Aniruddha, the gods, and ancestors on a Yantra traced out by pouring water. Colophon: iti snānatarpan . am. 60. P 2 f. 183v1-183v4; not in Ed P or P 1 . Fire sacrifice to Laks . mīnr ˚sim . ha, Śrī, Mahālaks . mī, Paramātman, S ūrya, Yajurlaks . mī, and Nr ˚sim . hagāyatrī. Colophon: iti homaprakārah . . 61. P 2 ff. 183v4-184r4; not in Ed P or P 1 . Worshipping, giving guest-water (sam . dhyārghah . ), and reciting the Mantra for the veneration of the Sun (upasthānam). Colophon: ity upasthānam. 62. P 2 f. 184r4-184v2; not in Ed P or P 1 . How to affuse the deity (abhis . ekah . ). Colophon: iti devasnānaprakārah . . 63. P 2 ff. 184v2-185r3; not in Ed P or P 1 . How to perform a short bathing of the deity with ash. Colophon: iti sam . kocavibh ūtisnānaprakārah . . 64. P 2 ff. 185r3-186r1; not in Ed P or P 1 . Rite of the monosyllabic Mantra of Laks . mīnr ˚sim . ha (KS . RAUM . ). No colophon. 65. P 2 ff. 186r1-188r1; = Ed P pp. 9-11. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasakalpe anāgatārthavedanam. Ed P pp. 30-37. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasakalpe jayanr ˚sim .hakalpah . . 75. P 2 ff. 204r2-207v3; = Ed P pp. 37-42. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasakalpe mahājayanr ˚sim . hakalpah . (Ed P : ity ā ṅgirase jayanr ˚sim . hakalpah . ). 76. P 2 ff. 207v3-209r3; = Ed P pp. 12-14. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasakalpe nr ˚sim . hābhis . ekah . . 77. P 2 ff. 209r3-213v1; not in Ed P or P 1 . Colophon: iti sanatkumārakalpe nr ˚sim .hābhis . ekah . . 78. P 2 ff. 213v1-214r1; not in Ed P or P 1 . Colophon: iti pātālanr ˚sim . hamantrah . . 79. P 2 ff. 214r1-215r1; not in Ed P or P 1 . A hymn to Nr ˚sim . ha, expressing devotion to him as characterized in each of the eleven epithets of his 32-syllable verse Mantra (ānus . t . ubhamantrarājah . ). Colophon: iti śrīmantrarājanārasim .hapadastotram . samāptam. 80. P 2 ff. 215r1-233v; not in Ed P or P 1 . Chapters 1-3 of the Mantrarājakalpa of the Nāradasam . hitā. Colophons: iti śrīnāradasam . hitāyām . mantrarājakalpe prathamah . pat . alah . (f. 218r1); iti . . . dvitīyah . pat . alah . (f. 223v3); iti mantrarājanāradasam . hitāyām . tr ˚tīyah . pat . alah . (f. 233v3). 81. P 2 ff. 233v4-236r2; not in Ed P or P 1 . A detailed account of a p ūjā and homah . of Laks . mīnr ˚sim . ha. Colophon: iti mantrarājavidhāne nigad . abha ñjanavidhānam . samāptam. 82. P 2 ff. ff. 236r2-259v4; not in Ed P or P 1 . Chapters 1-4 of the Kapilapran . īta, comprising a Paddhati of the rituals of the worshippers of Nr ˚sim . ha, beginning with an initiation (dīks . ā) in which the 32-syllable Mantra is transmitted. 83. P 2 ff. 259v4-260v3; not in Ed P or P 1 . The rite of the eight-armed form assumed by Śiva as the Cintāman . imantra (KS . Colophon: iti devaprakāśikāyām . cintāman . imantrah . . 55 84. P 2 ff. 260v3-283v3; not in Ed P or P 1 . The first two chapters of a section of uncertain title within the Nāradīya dealing with the worship of Nr ˚sim . ha. Colophons: iti śrīnāradīye sim . ha*prabhākare (conj. : prajācāre Cod.) bījarājavidhānam . prathamah . pat . alah . (f. 268r1); and iti śrīsim . ha*prabhākare (conj. : prabhāgare Cod.) nāradīye sam . hitoddhāre viśes . amantravidhānam . dvitīyah . pat . alah .

	˚kā.
	70. P 2 f. 196r2-v2; = Ed P pp. 25-26. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase kim . vadantīmr ˚s . ākara-n . am . . 71. P 2 ff. 196v3-197v3; = Ed P pp. 26-27. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasakalpe nr ˚sim . ha-balividhih . . 43. P 2 ff. 98r3-99r4; = 44. P 2 ff. 99r4-101r1; = Ed P pp. 136-138. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasoktapaśup ūjā-mantrah . . 72. P 2 ff. 197v3-198r3; = Ed P p. 28. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasakalpe nr ˚sim . habalika-rmaphalakathanam.
	45. P 2 ff. 101r1-102v1; = Ed P p. 139. Colophon: iti naks . atrakalpoktam . tantram . samāptam. 73. P 2 ff. 198r3-199r4; = Ed P pp. 28-30. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasakalpe abhayanr ˚-sim . havidhih . .
	74. P 2 ff. 199r4-204r2; =

30. P 2 ff. 72v4-73v1; not in Ed P or P

1

. The Paddhati

Laks . an . asamuccaya

on the rite of the Mantras of four-faced, twelve-armed Svacchandabhairava/Can . d . abhairava (OM . KR ĀM .

KRAM

. KR ĀM . NAMO MA H ĀSAM . -KARS .

AN

. ĀYA UGRABHAYAM . KARABHAIRAV ĀYA OM . KR ĀM .

KRAM

. KR ĀM .

OM

.

NAMAH . )

and his consort (OM . KR ĀM . KR ĪM .

KRAH

. *MAH ĀYOGE ŚVARI [tentative conj. : MAM . LAYOGE ŚVARE Cod.] PHAT . OM . KR ĪM . KRAM . NAMAH . ) with unspecified purpose. Colophon: laks . an . asamuccayoktacan . d . abhairavah . . 31. P 2 ff. 73v1-74r2; = Ed P pp. 76-78. Rite of the Mantra of Vij ñānabhairava for expiation of sins and the attainment of wisdom (KS . RAUM . AIM . HR ĪM . BHAIRAV ĀYA HUM . ). Colophon: iti bhairavakalpe vij ñānabhairavavidhih . . 53 32. P 2 ff. 74r2-74v1; cf. Ed P p. 96. Rite of the one-syllable Mantra of Bhairava for the attainment of Yoga/Bhairavahood (BHAM . ). Colophon: ekāks . arabhairavamantravidhānam. 40. P 2 ff. 93r2-93v4; = Ed P pp. 132-133. The rite of the seven-syllable Mantra of Agni (OM . BH ŪR BHUVAH . SVAH . SV ĀH Ā); and prescribed meditation on the deity installed and worshipped in the fire as consuming the offerings and rewarding the beneficiary of the ritual. Colophons: ity agnip ūjā; ity agnimadhye bhāvanā. 41. P 2 ff. 93v4-97v1; = Ed P pp. 133-136. The ritual of installing the vital energies in the effigy of the victim. Colophon: iti prān . apratis . t . hā. 42. P 2 ff. 97v1-98r3; = Ed P pp. 127-128. Preparing the animal to be sacrificed: preliminaries of the balidānavidhih . up to the installation of the syllabary (mātr ˚kā) on the limbs of the victim (paśuh . ). Colophon: iti paśumātr Colophon: iti mahābhis . ekah . . 54. P 2 f. 163r3-163v5; not in Ed P or P 1 . The rite to be performed at each juncture by worshippers of [Laks . mī]nr ˚sim . ha. Colophon: iti nr ˚sim . hasam . dhyā samāptā. 66. P 2 ff. 188r1-190r1; = Ed P pp. 14-16. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasakalpe mantrarājavij ñānam. 67. P 2 f. 190r1-4; = Ed P p. 17. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase parakarmanivāran . am. 68. P 2 ff. 190r4-195r2; = Ed P pp. 17-24. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirasakalpe mantrarājavidhih . . 69. P 2 ff

. 195r2-196r2; = Ed P pp. 24-25.

Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase durgaraks . āvidhānam.

MRYAUM . )

; the visualizationverse = Prapa ñcasāra

19.3 (f. 260r2

, emending ahiśaśikhara to ahiśaśadhara).

  26 on p. 204, and pp. 216 and 222. 59 Umākānta PAN .D . Ā in Paippalādavaśādis . at . karmapaddhati, P ūrvābhāsa (Preface), p. 1: atharvavedavidbrāhman . ānām is . t. adevah . śrīnr

˚sim

. hah .

  As . t . āks . arabhairava: kr ˚s . n . am . jat . ilam . bhasmaliptā ṅgam . vāme ś ūlam . daks . in . e kapālam . dadhānam . yogadharam . ākāśe purah . sthitam ekapādam . bhairavam . dhyāyet. Cod. He should visualize [him] before him in the sky [as] One-footed Bhairava, black, with matted locks, his body smeared with ashes, holding a trident in his left hand and a skull-bowl in his right, deep in meditation. For this was the Bhairava of Ekāmra, the pre-eminent Śaiva sacred site of Orissa, located in modern Bhubaneswar. Here we have the early testimony of the Picumata (/Brahmayāmala), which was known to the Kashmirian scholar Abhinavagupta (fl. c. 975-1025) 63 and has come down to us in a Nepalese palm-leaf manuscript of AD 1052. For in the initiation Man . d . ala of that Tantra there are eight cremation grounds to be depicted in the eight directions with a Bhairava presiding in each surrounded by a retinue, and in that of Ekāmra the Bhairava is Ekapāda, as Mahādeva is in that of Vārān . asī, Mahāghan . | 115 pretār ūd . hā mahāvīryā ālikhen mantravikramāh . | kapālai raktasam . p ūrn . air antrasragdāmalambibhih . | 116 varadodyatahastās tu antrasragdāmabh ūs . itāh . | mātr ˚n . ām . bāhyato devi yoginyaś ca likhed budhah . | 117 sumanā devakī caiva cakravegā mahāravā | bhīmakī ratnagarbhā ca s . ad . yoginyo yathākramam | 118 dantikam . lohaja ṅgham . ca ūrdhvakeśam . mahāmukham | catvāro rāks . asām . likhya śākinībhih . samāvr ˚tām . | 119 kabandhāni likhed as . t . au diks . u caiva vidiks . u ca | 64 Picumata f. 8r1-3 (3.111c-119b) 112b gadām . corr. : gadā Cod. 114c āditah . corr. : ādita Cod. 115b mantravikramāh . conj. : mantravikramāt Cod. 117c yathākramam corr. : yathākramah . Cod. 118a lohaja ṅgham . corr. : lohaja ṅghaś Cod. O Devī, in the North [of the Man . d . ala] he should make the splendid [cremation ground of] Ekāmra. [In it] he should draw an Aralu tree (Colosanthes indica) and behind that a club. Below it he should draw a lotus with eight petals and a pericarp. On this he should draw the Bhairava Ekapāda ('Onefooted'), of terrible appearance and name, of vast power, accompanied by eight Rudras. Beyond the eight Rudras he should place the Mothers, beginning with Māheśvarī. He should depict the supreme Mothers standing on corpses, of vast power, mighty with [their] Mantras, with skull bowls full of blood draped with strings of entrails, with one hand in the gesture of bestowing boons, themselves adorned with strings of entrails. Let there be no doubt of this. Beyond the Mothers, O Goddess, the learned [officiant] should depict the Yoginīs. There are six. In their proper order they are Sumanā, De-

	P 1 , f. 74v3
	1 kr
	. hato nyaset | ˚s . t . apatram . sakarn . ikam | tasyādhastā likhet padmam as . t
	113 bhairavam . tatra cālikhya rudrās . t . akasamanvitam |
	ekapādam . mahāvīryam . bhairavākārasam . j ñakam |
	114 bahi rudrās . t . akāc caiva mātaro vinyased budhah . |
	māheśvaryāditah . kr
	259.
	Nr ˚sim . ha's popularity is equally great in neighbouring Andhra, where, according to the Cen-sus of 1961, there are 169 shrines and temples of this deity (ESCHMANN 2005, p. 108). Ma-
	jor temples of Nr ˚sim . ha are found in Andhra at Ahobilam (9 Nr ˚sim . has: Laks . mīnr ˚sim . ha and others), Simhachalam (Varāha-Laks . mīnr ˚simha), Akiripalli (Vyāghra-Nr ˚sim . ha), Yadagiri Gutta (Laks . mīnr

˚sim

. ha), Dharmapuri (Laks . mīnr ˚sim . ha), and Mangalagiri

(Laks . mīnr

˚sim . ha).

62

See also the visualization of

Ekāks . arabhairava

in P 2 f. 74r3-4: kr ˚s . n . o *vivasano (corr. : vivasana Cod.) bhasmaliptah . mukta*kapardah . (em. : kardah . Cod.) *bahirdr ˚s . t . ir (corr. : bahidr ˚s . t . ir Cod.) api pratyakdr ˚s . t . ih . daks . e karparam . vāme ś ūlam . dadhānah . khe purah . sann ekapād bhairavo dhyeyah . . and ˚s . n . am . corr. : kr ˚s . n . a t . a in that of Virajā (Jajpur), Mahāhāsa in that of Kollagiri (Kolhapur), Śaśibh ūs . an . a (Somanātha) in that of Prabhāsa (Somanāth-Pattan in Surat), Mahākāla in that of Ujjain, Gan . ādhyaks . a in that of Bh ūteśvara, and Hetukeśvara in that of Kot . ivars . a/Devīkot . t . a: uttare kalpayed devi nāmnā ekāmrakam . śubham | 112 aralukam . tu samālikhya gadām . vai pr ˚tvā paramātā na sam . śayah . vakī, Cakravegā, Mahāravā, Bhīmakī and Ratnagarbhā. After depicting four Rāks . asas, namely Dantika, Lohaja ṅgha, Ūrdhvakeśa and Mahāmukha, surrounded by Śākinīs, he should depict eight corpses[, one] in [each of] the cardinal and intermediate directions.

  t . akāc for bahī rudrās . t . akāc in 114a, mātaro for mātr ˚r in 114b, paramātā (← paramātāh . ) for paramātr ˚r in 114d, and rāks . asām . and samāvr ˚tām . for acc. pl. m. in 118cd.

  Śāradātilaka is likely to have recorded information about its author. For it is a variant of a verse that appears in earlier South Indian sources that unlike the Śāradātilaka are within or closely allied to this famous Kashmirian tradition, namely the Ānandakalpalatikā of Maheśvaratejānandanātha, and, in another variant, the Gurunāthaparāmarśa and Gurupa ṅktistotra of his predecessor Madhurāja of Madurai, an adept of the Ekavīra, also called the Anuttara or Parākrama, a form of the Trika that was transmitted to the South and flourished there,71 with the difference that Laks . man . a is lacking in the second of these variants and both Śrīkan . t . ha andLaks . man . a in the first. Evidently Rāghavabhat . t . a is citing a further variant from one of these sources or a cognate that had written inLaks . man . a[gupta] in order to create a text closer to an account of the actual guruparamparā. For the verse as given in these three sources was not intended for that purpose but simply venerates the key authors in the teaching tradition of the Kashmirian Śaiva nondualists, since Śrīkan . t . ha was not the Guru of Vasugupta, but rather the mythical Ādiguru, nor was Vasugupta the Guru of Somānanda, andLaks . man . agupta is not known for any compositions but only as Abhinavagupta's teacher. It appears then that when Rāghavabhat . t . a encountered this rewritten verse-it is unlikely that it was he that rewrote it-71 Ānandakalpalatikā, introductory verse 3: śrīkan . t . ham . vasuguptam . śrīsomānandam utpalācāryam | abhinavaguptam . nātham . vande śrīks . emarājam . ca; Gurunāthaparāmarśa v. 2 and Gurupa ṅktistotra v. 3: śrīvasuguptamahāgurusomānandaprabh ūtpalācāryān | abhinavaguptam . nātham . vande śrīks . emarājam . ca. The verse following this in the Madras manuscripts of the Ānandakalpalatikā and Gurupa ṅktistotra reads śrīpādabhairavasvādunāyakodayadeśikāh . | trayo yasya prasannā me suprasīdantu mādhurāh . in the former and śrīvādijainavasvāmanāyakobhayadeśikāh . | trayo 'pi me suprasīdantu pratyabhij ñāpravartakāh . in the latter. Both are evidently corrupt in the first line. Collating the two I propose tentatively that we should read śrīvādibhairavasvāmināyakodayadeśikāh . . If this is correct the authors pray for the favour of three Ācāryas of Madurai, Vādibhairava, Svāmināyaka, and Udayadeśika, whom Madhurāja describes as propagators of the Pratyabhij ñā, that is to say, of the nondualism expounded by Utpaladeva in his Īśvarapratyabhij ñākārikā and its auto-commentaries -vr ˚tti and -vivr ˚ti and by Abhinavagupta in his commentaries on the -kārikā and -vivr ˚ti. Maheśvaratejānandanātha ends his introductory verses with obeisance to the three Gurus Sukhatīrtha, Candraśekhara, and Sa ṅgabhat . t . āraka: śrīhr ˚dayacandrikāsvaprakāśikā*vimarśodayācāryān (conj. : vimarśobhayācāryān Cod.) | sukhatīrthacandraśekharasa ṅga*bhat . t . ārakān (bhat . t . ārakān conj. : bhat . t . ārakam Cod.). The line identifies them as Ācāryas of/in what are probably (lost) works in this tradition. The compound is ambiguous in the absence of other references that might tell us how to divide it. But since he speaks of an Udayadeśika in these verses it is plausible that it should be analysed as yielding three elements, one for each Ācārya: Hr ˚dayacandrikā, Svaprakāśikāvimarśa, and Udaya or perhaps Hr Svaprakāśikā, and Vimarśodaya, and that Vādibhairava, Svāmināyaka, and Udayācārya were birudas of Sukhatīrtha, Candraśekhara, and Sa ṅgabhat . t . āraka. The verse of Maheśvaratejānandanātha's introduction that follows that which is parallel to Rāghavabhat . t . a's seeks the favour of Kr ˚s . n . avāsa, which is surely a scribal error for Kr ˚s . n . adāsa, vā and dā being readily confused in the Grantha script of the Far South. We know a Kr ˚s . n . adāsa in this tradition, a scholar of Cidambaram who wrote the Śivas ūtravārtika following Ks . emarāja's Śivas ūtravimarśinī. Also known as Varadarāja he describes himself in vv. 213-215 of that work as a pupil of Madhurāja. Madhurāja's engagement with the Parākrama form of Trika worship, of which the Parātrīśikā is the scriptural basis, is recorded in Gurunāthaparāmarśa v. 40: śaktitrayaikaśaran . e parākramākrāntaviśvadikcakre | madhurāje mayi . . . .

	˚dayacandrikā,

: iha pr ˚thivyām . jambudvīpe bharatakhan . d . e bhāratavars . e utkalapradeśe iha viśis . t . abh ūpradeśe . . . ; P 2 f. 88v1: . . . utkaladeśe . . . . the

  . A SARVASTRĪHR ˚DAYAVID ĀRAN . A TRIBHUVANA- MADONM ĀDAKARA SUR ĀSURAMANUJASUNDARĪJANAMAN ĀM . SI T ĀPAYA 2 DĪPAYA 2 ŚOS . AYA 2 M ĀRAYA 2 STAMBHAYA 2 MOHAYA 2 DR ĀVAYA 2 ĀKARS . AYA 2 SAMASTAPARAMA-SUBHAGA SARVASAUBH ĀGYAKARA SARVAK ĀMAPRADA AMUKAM . HANA 2 CAKREN . A GADAY Ā KHAD . GENA SARVAB ĀN . AIR BHINDA 2 P ĀŚENA KAT . T . A 2 A ṄKUŚENA T ĀD . AYA 2 KURU 2 KIM .

  ūrakarmādis . u pus . pā ñjalyartham . jānīyād ity arthah . . . . . āj ñāpadānām upari hum . phad . iti prayoktavyam ity arthah . .

84

See above, n.

19 on p. 201.

in . ak ālīyantravidhi 182; 328 daks . in . ak ā- līyantradevatāvidhi

  315 karmasiddhipratisāravidhi 168; 316 parakarmanirarthakavidhi 169; 317 abhayanr ˚sim . havidhi 170; 318 aindrābhayamantravidhi 170; 319 daks . in . ak ālīmantravidhi 171; 320 punaś ca nr ˚sim . hamantren . a sāmagāyanavidhi 172; 321 ā ṅgirasakalpe gan . eśamantravidhi 181; 322 saubhāgyakān . d . e daks . in . ak ālīmantravidhi 182; 324 punaś ca kālīyantravidhi 182; 325 punar daks . in . ak ālīyantravidhi 180; ā ṅgirasakalpe mahācakrayantravidhi 182; 326 ākramacakravidhi 182; 327 daks .

	182; 329 vakratun . d . amantravidhi 182; 330 paravidyānivāran . ayantravidhi 182; 331
	gopālās . t . adaśāks . aramantravidhi 182; 332 punar vr ˚s . t . ikāmavidhi 183; 333 mantrarājajapavidhi 183; 334 pātālanr ˚sim . hamantravidhi 184; 335 m ūs . alanr ˚sim . hamantravidhi 187; 336 pātālanr ˚sim . hasya māhātmya-vidhi; 338 sahasrāks . anr

  1 bhagavan sarvamantrān . ām . vidhānam . kathitam . tvayā | muktihetur mahāmantro na kaścit pratipāditah . | 2 karmamārge pravis . t . o 'ham . katham . muktim . vrajāmy aham | a ṅgirā uvāca: sādhu pr ˚cchasi mām . śis . ya kr ˚payā te vadāmy aham | 3 muktyartho 'sti mahāmantrah . parāśaktyabhidhāyakah . | cicchaktir ekā jīvānām . moks . adānakr ˚tavratā | 4 tasmāt tām . samupāsyaiva muktim . yānti prasādhakāh . | cidr ūpasya śivasyeyam . parā śaktir nigadyate |

	98

  mantro 'syāh . saur iti prokto yam upāste śivah . svayam | yam . mantram anupāsyāpi mriyante 'bjāsanādayah . | 6 tam . mantram . te pravaks . yāmi śr ˚n . u vatsa samāhitah . | 1a sarvamam . trān . ām . P 1 T/121 T/187 : sarvadharmān . ām . As Ed P 1d kaścit As P 1 T/187 : kaści T/121 2b muktim . As P 1 T/187 : mukti T/121 2c pr ˚cchasi As T/121 : pr ˚cchati P 1 T/187 2d te vadāmy aham As T/187 : te dadāmy aham P 1 T/121 3a muktyartho As T/121 : muktārtho P 1 3d parāśaktyabhidhāyakah . Ed P : paraśaktyabhidhāyakah . As : parāśaktividhānakah . P 1 ac : paraśaktividhāyakah . P 1 pc : parasatvābhidhāyah . T/121 : parāśaktividhāyakah . T/187 3c cicchaktir As P 1 T/187 : bījaśaktir T/121 • ekā jīvānām . As P 1 T/121 T/187 : eva moks . āya Ed P 3d moks . adānakr ˚tavratā P 1 T/121 T/187 : moks . ādānakr ˚tavratāh . As Ed P 4a tasmāt tām . corr. : tasmān tām . T/121 : śim . As : omitted in P 1 T/187 : cicchaktim . conj. Ed P 4d parā As Ed P T/121 T/187 : purā P 1 5ab prokto yam upāste T/121 : proktah . samupāste P 1 As Ed P T/187 5c yam . mantram anupāsyāpi conj. : yanmantram anupāsyāmi T/121 : yamantram anupaśyāmi T/187 : yam . mam . tran anupaśyā P 1 : yam . mantram an ūpāśyāmā As : yam . mantram . samupāsya mā Ed P 5d mriyante 'bjāsanādayah . As Ed P T/121 : miyatejāsanādayah . P 1 : mriyatejāsanādayah . T/187 6a tam . mantram . corr. : tanmantram . P 1 As Ed P T/121 T/187 Pippalāda said: (1-2b) O venerable one, you have taught the procedures for every Mantra. [But] you have taught [me] no higher Mantra (mahāmantrah .

	240	ALEXIS SANDERSON
	5
		27-33.

  . | 7 padmāsanagato mantrī namaskuryāt svam āsanam | aim . hrīm . śrīm . samuccārya kulapadmāsanam . namet | 8 tathod . d . iyān . apīt . ham . ca pran . amen mantravittamah . | tatah . param . śivam . devam . pran . amya svagurum . namet | 9 gan . eśvaram . ks . etrapālam . durgām . sarasvatīm . tathā | brahmān . am . ca namaskr ˚tya vighnaśāntyartham ācaret | 10 m ūlādhāre sakāren . a tālatrayam . samācaret | uttarottaravr ˚ddhyā tu kuryāt tālatrayam . budhah . | 11 aukāren . a hr ˚di brahmarandhre kuryād visargakaih . | amībhir navabhis tālair bh ūmyādivighnavāran . am | 12 dhr ˚tvā vāmena hastena daks . in . am . caran . am . budhah . | sakāroccāran . aih . pr ˚thvīm . hanyād vighnanivr ˚ttaye | 13 aukāren . a punah . kuryāt tālatrayam atandritah . | visargoccāran . aih . kr ūradr ˚s . t . im ākāśatah . ks . ipet | 14 pātālabh ūminabhasām . vighnāh . sarve nirākr ˚tāh . | antastālā bahistālā dvidhāmī parikīrtitāh . | 15 hr ˚dy antaryajanam . kuryād devatāyāś ca sādaram | bh ūtaśuddhim . prakurvīta mantram uccārayan sudhīh . | 16 m ūlādibrahmarandhrāntam . m ūlena dahanātmanā | sam . sārapāśadāhārtham . bhāvayed dahanam . manum | 17 brahmarandhrādim ūlāntam . bhāvayet plāvanātmakam | 6cd saptavim . śatidhā tasyoccāran . e conj. : saptavim . śativārasyoccāran . e T/121 : saptavim . śativāras y ovāran . e T/187 : saptavim . śativārasyoddhāran . e P 1 : saptavim . sativāra syo gharan . e As : saptaviśativāro ghoren . a Ed P 7b namaskuryāt As Ed P P 1 T/187 : namaskr ˚rtyā T/121 • svam āsanam P 1 T/121 T/187 : svam āśanam As : svamānasam Ed P 7c aim . hrīm . śrīm . P 1 T/121 : aim . krīm . grā As : aim . klīm . śrīm . Ed P : aindrīm . śrīm . T/187 7d kula As P 1 T/121 T/187 : kr ˚ta Ed P • namet As P 1 T/121 T/187 : nayet Ed P 8a tathod . d . iyān . apīt . ham . ca conj. : tathoti ān . apīt . ham . ca T/121 : tatottriks . ān . apāt . ham . ca As (yā and ks . ā are readily confused in the Oriya script) : tatas trih . ks . īn . apāt . ha ñ ca Ed P : tathoktvā yogapīt . ham . ca P 1 T/187 9c brahmān . am . P 1 Ed P T/187 : brahman . am . As T/121 • namaskr ˚tya P 1 As Ed P T/187 : namaskr ˚tyā T/121 9d śāntyartham P 1 As Ed P T/121 : śāntyadvam T/187 10a sakāren . a As Ed P T/121 : svalāren . a P 1 T/187 10c vr ˚ddhyā As Ed P : buddhyā T/121 : vr ˚ddhim . P 1 : vr ˚ddham . T/187 11a aukāren . a As T/187 : aikāren . a P 1 T/121 11d bh ūmyādivighnavāran . am T/121 : bh ūmyā vighnanivāran . am P 1 As Ed P T/187 12a vāmena P 1 As T/187 : vāma T/121 • hastena P 1 T/121 T/187 : haste As 12d hanyād P 1 As T/187 : janyād T/121 • nivr ˚ttaye P 1 T/121 T/187 : nivr ˚ttayet As 13a aukāren . a As T/187 : aikāren . a P 1 T/121 13b atam . dritah . P 1 T/187 : atantritah . As T/121 13cd dr ˚s . t . im P 1 As T/187 : dr ˚s . t . am T/121 14a nabhasām . P 1 As T/187 : nirasām . T/121 14c antastālā P 1 As T/187 : antastālār T/121 14d dvidhāmī As T/187 : dvidhāmi T/121 : dvidhāh . P 1 15a hr ˚dy antaryajanam . P 1 T/187 : hr ˚dantaryajanam . T/121 : hr ˚dyam . tu taryanam . As : hr ˚dyam . tu taryanam . Ed P : hr ˚di tu tarpan . am . conj. PAN . D . Ā 15b devatāyāś P 1 As T/121 : devateyāś T/187 15c bh ūtaśuddhim . T/121 T/187 : bh ūmiśuddhim . P 1 As • prakurvīta P 1 Ed P T/121 T/187 : prak ūvīta As • dahanātmanā As Ed P T/121 T/187 : hr ˚ * anātmanā P 1 16c pāśadāhārtham . P 1 T/121 T/187 : pāśahatvārtham . As : pāśanāśārtham . Ed P 16d bhāvayed dahanam . As Ed P T/187 : bhāvayed danam . P 1 : bhāvadehananam . T/121 17b bhāvayet plāvanātmakam conj. : bhāvayet plavanātmakam T/121 : bhāvayet pavanātmakam . P 1 As Ed P T/187

  20 on 28ab (tālatrayam . purā dattvā saśabdam . vighnaśāntaye): purā p ūrvam . tālatrayam . hr ˚dbījakalātrayaviśrāntitrayar ūpam . vaikharīśabdaparyantam . svātma-mantrī kuryāt s . ad . a ṅgāni prakārāntaram ucyate | 20 tribhir varn . air dvir uktair vā saccidānandalaks . an . aih . | prakurvīta s . ad . a ṅgāni tatah . pratyaks . aram . nyaset | 21 mastake caiva jihvāyām . hr ˚daye guhyake tathā | sarvā ṅge ca pa ñca pa ñca nyāsān kuryān mahāmanoh . | 22 saptavim . śativāram . ca śikhāyām . vinyasen manum | mastakād dhr ˚dayam . yāvat sakāram . vinyased dvijah . | 23 hr ˚dayān nābhiparyantam aukāram . ca pravinyaset | nābheś caran . aparyantam . visargam . ca pravinyaset | 24 bh ūyo 'dhah . kramato 'py evam . mantrī pratyaks . aram . nyaset | sarven . a vyāpakam . nyāsam . mantrī p ūrvavad ācaret | 17c r ˚s . ih . syād T/187 : rus . ih . syād P 1 As : r ˚s . isyā T/121 • daks . in . ā P 1 : daks . is . ā As 17d tris . t . up P 1 Ed P T/121 T/187 : tris . t . ap As 18a syāt As Ed P T/187 : syāh . P 1 T/121 18b sakāro As T/121 T/187 : sākāro P 1 18c auh . Ed P : au As T/187 : ai P 1 T/121 • śaktir P 1 T/121 T/187 Ed P : śaktar As • siddhyarthe P 1 T/121 T/187 Ed P : sadhvarthe As 19a s . ad . bhir T/121 T/187 : s . adbhir P 1 : padbhir As Ed P • ca sam . yuktaih . As T/121 T/187 : ca yuktaiś ca P 1 19b sakārair ūrdhvabindukaih . As T/187 : sakārair urddhvabim . dukaih . P 1 pc : sakārair ˚ddhakindukaih . As T/121 : sakārair ūrddhvabim . dubhih . P 1 ac : sakārair ˚ddhakindukaih . As T/121 20a tribhir conj. : ebhir Codd. • varn . air As P 1 T/187 : varn . n . ai T/121 20c prakurvīta P 1 T/121 T/187 : prakuvīta As 21a caiva jihvāyam . P 1 Ed P T/121 T/187 : vaiva jij ñāyām . As 21c sarvā ṅge ca conj. : sarvā ṅgen . a Codd. 21d nyāsān As P 1 T/187 : nyāsam . T/121 • mahāmanoh . conj. : mahāmanum . Codd. 22c mastakād dhr ˚dayam . yāvat P 1 As T/187 : mastakāt hr ˚dayā jāvat T/121 22d vinyased dvijah . P 1 As : vinyasedvijah . T/121 : vinyased budhah . T/187 23b aukāram . As T/121 T/187 : aikāram . P 1

	(17c-18) The R

˚s . i [of the Mantra] is

  . '. The Parājapavidhi's rule that one should utter the Mantra five times at each of these five locations is seen in the Parātrīśikātātparyadīpikā 383-385: dr ˚śyamānāh . śarīre 'tra svakīye satatoditāh . | ātmano bhairavīyasya hr ˚dayāmr ˚tavāridheh . | cidānandais . an . āj ñānakriyākhyāh . spandasam . padah . | vimr ˚śya hr ˚daye 'traiva sarvatattvamaye nije | bhāti dehatayā *kāsyahr ˚dguhyā ṅghridvayātmatā (kāsya em. : kārya Ed.)| pa ñcakr The splendours of the vibrancy of the self that is Bhairava, [the waves] of the ocean of the nectar of the Heart, namely consciousness, bliss, will, cognition, and action, are ever active, directly perceived in this one's body. If one meditates upon them within this same [centre that] is one's Heart, [this Heart] that comprises all the Tattvas, their identity with one's head, face, heart, genitals, and two feet shines forth as one's body. One should [therefore] install the Seed [SAUH .

˚tvo nyased bījam . tes . u sth ānes . u pa ñcasu '

  For photographs of these Mudrās see Paraśurāmakalpas ūtra, Appendix 6, figs. A5 and

kavacenāvakun . t . hya dhenuyonimudrām . pradarśayet; Śyāmākrama, S ūtra 18: astren . a sam . raks . ya kavacenāvakun . t . hya dhenuyonī pradarśya; and 19: astren . a sam . raks . ya kavacenāvakun . t . hya dhenuyonī pradarśayet.

  29 apānam ūrdhvam ākars . an śāmbhavīm . samyag ācaran | pratyaham . prajapen mantram . yathāśaktyā prasādhakah . | 30 yo dvādaśasahasrān . i pratyaham . prajaped imam | so 'vaśyam . j ñānam āpnoti tato muktim . vrajaty api | 31 g ūd . hād g ūd . hatamo mantro mayā te kr ˚payoditah . | yogine 'yam . pradātavyo na deyo yasya kasyacit | 29a apānam P 1 As T/187 : āpānam T/121 • ūrdhvam P 1 As : ūrddham T/121 : advīm T/187 29b śāmbhavīm . P 1 T/187 : śāmbhavī T/121 : śambhavīm . As 29c mantram . P 1 As T/187 : mantrīm . T/121 29d yathāśaktyā P 1 As T/121 T/187 : yathāśakti Ed P 31a g ūd . hād g ūd . hatamo P 1 : g ūd . hād gud . hatamo As Ed P : g ūd . hām . gh ūd . atamo T/121 : apadg ūd . hatamo T/187 31b kr ˚payoditah . As P 1 T/187 : kr ˚payodvitah . T/121 (29) Every day the Sādhaka should repeat the Mantras as [many times as] he is able, drawing upwards the descending breath, 118 correctly practising the nial aperture see Tantrāloka 31.126ab and commentary in the light of

  32 muh ūrtam . smarate yas tu cumbake nābhimudritam | sa badhnāti tadā dehe mantramudrāgan . am . mahat | 33 atītānāgatān arthān pr ˚s . t . o 'sau kathayaty api | praharād yad abhipretam . devatār ūpam uccaran | 34 sāks . āt paśyaty asam . digdham ākr ˚s . t . am . rudraśaktibhih . | praharadvayamātren . a vyomastho jāyate smaran | 35 trayen . a mātarah . sarvā yogeśvaryo mahābalāh . | vīrā vīreśvarāh . siddhā balavān śākinīgan . ah . | 36 āgatya samayam . dattvā bhairaven . a pracoditāh . | yacchanti paramām . siddhim . phalam . yad vā samīhitam | 37 anena siddhāh . setsyanti sādhayanti ca mantrin . ah . | yat kim . cit bhairave tantre sarvam asmin prasiddhyati | ITY Ā ṄGIRASE PAR ĀJAPAVIDHIH . . P 1 As T/187 : mahābalā T/121 36a dattvā As P 1 T/121 T/187 pc : gatvā T/187 ac 36d phalam . yad vā samīhitam . em. : phalam . yad vā samīritam . P 1 T/121 T/187 : phala yadā samīritam . to Japa: yonim . baddhvā bījam . bindvādipathena conmanīm . prāpya tatra sahasram . mantram . japet. sa mantrah . prabuddhah . syāt 'By practising the Yoni[mudrā] he should raise the Seed [through the central channel] through the stages of the Bindu and the rest until it reaches Unmanī and there he should repeat the Mantra a thousand times. It will be awakened'. 119 See Hat . hayogapradīpikā 4.36-37: *antarlaks . yah . (conj. : antarlaks . yam . Ed.) bahirdr ˚s . t . ir nimes . onmes . avarjitā | es . ā sā śāmbhavī mudrā vedaśāstres . u gopitā | antarlaks . yavilīnacittapavano yogī yadā vartate dr ˚s . t . yā niścalatārayā bahir adhah . paśyann apaśyann api | mudreyam . khalu śāmbhavī bhavati sā labdhā prasādād guroh . ś ūnyāś ūnyavilaks . an . am . sphurati tat tattvam . padam . śāmbhavam; Lasakāka, * Āryāvivaran . a (commenting on the Āryā verse udyantr ˚tābalena tu vikāsavr ˚ttyā svar ūpagas tis . t . het svayam upasr ˚tendriyārthān aśnann ānandabh ūmigo yogī | es . occhr ˚ṅkhalar ūpā vikasvaratarā prabuddhabuddhīnām siddhāh . sthitāh . sadāsyām . hy ānandaratāh . parā ca mudrais . ā): es . ā daśā parātyutkr ˚s . t . ā mudrā śāmbhavīmudrākhyā. yad uktam antarlaks . yo bahirdr ˚s . t . ir nimes . onmes . avarjitā | es . ā sā śāmbhavī mudrā sarvatantres . u gopiteti. The Kashmirians Abhinavagupta and Ks . emarāja refer to this state of wideeyed introversion as the Bhairavamudrā; see Mālinīvijayavārttika 2.77c-28b: parabhairavamudrām . tām antarlaks . abahirdr ˚śam | yadāśrayati śaivī sā parā devī; Pratyabhij ñāhr ˚daya on S ūtra 18, p. 42: śakter vikāsah . antarnig ūd . hāyā akramam eva sakalakaran . acakravisphāran . ena "antarlaks . yo bahirdr ˚s . t . ih . nimes . onmes . avarjitah . " iti bhairavīyamudrānupraveśayuktyā bahih . prasaran . am; and Svacchandoddyota, commenting on the description of Svacchandabhairava as 'large-eyed' (viśālāks . am) in 2.89c: viśālāks . am iti "antarlaks . yo bahirdr

	32b cumbake nābhimudritam P 1 As T/121 : cumvakenābhimantritam T/187 33a atītānāgatān
	P 1 As T/187 : atatānagatān T/121 34ab asam . digdham ākr ˚s . t . am . P 1 As : asam . diśyamākr ˚s . t . am . T/121 : asandigdham . mām . kr

˚s . t . am . T/187 35b yogeśvaryo As T/121 : yogeśvaram . yo P 1 T/187 • mahābalāh ˚s . t . ir nimes . onmes . avarjitah . " ityāmnātaparabhairavasphārāvasthitam. 120 See above, n. 101 on p. 241.

  . amātram . yah . smaraty anusam . dhatte sa eva vyākhyātam . mantramudrāgan . am . *sarvam . badhnāti (em. [see below, n. 125 on p. 254] : sam . badhnāti Eds.) svātmany ekīkaroty advayatah . . katham. cumbakena viśvasparśakena śāktena r ūpen . ābhitah . sarvato mudritam . mudran . am . kr ˚tvā (ed. GNOLI, p. 270; KSTS ed., p. 245) 'For this very reason if he remembers [this Seed], maintains awareness of

  and the 'supreme power' (parā śaktih . ) of Maheśvara taught in the Śvetāśvataropanis . ad: atha parāvidhānam ucyate. asya parāmantrasya daks . in . ām ūrti r r ˚s . is tris . t . up chandah . parāśaktir devatā. sam . bījam . auh . śaktir mama yogasiddhyarthe viniyogah . . sām . sīm . s ūm . saim . saum . sah . iti s . ad . a ṅgāni. nābher adhah . hr ˚dayād adhah . śiraso 'dhah . sakāraukāravisargān nyaset. sarvā ṅge vyāpakam . nyaset. śaktisthāne ā kā śaman . d . ale vā śu klām . śuklavasanām . pīnonnatastanīm . trinetrām . varābhayakarām . candraśekharām . †niravakarām . † padmāsanopavis . t . ām . prasannavadanām . sarvālam . kārabh ūs . itām . muktipradām . parām . dhyāyet. athavā śuklām . śuklavasanām . trinetrām . candraśekharām . vāme pustakam anyasmin j ñānamudrām . ca bibhratīm . parām . padmāsanām . devīm . muktyarthī pravicintayet. sakāraukāravisargaih . pin . d . ita ekāks . arah . parāmantrah . . apānam ūrdhvam ākars . an pratyaham . dvādaśasahasram . japet. j ñānam . prāpnoti. tathā ca śrutih . : atha parā yayā tad aks . aram adhigamyata iti na tasya kārya m . karan . am . ca vidyate na tatsamaś cābhyadhikaś ca dr asya parāmantrasya conj. : atha parāmam . trasya Cod. 2 sam . bījam . : sīm . bījam . Cod. 3 sām . sīm . em. : sīm . sīm . Cod. 5 śuklām . em. : śurām . Cod. 5-6 varābhayakarām . corr. : varabhayakarām . Cod. 8 pustakam anyasmin conj. : pustakasaparita Cod. • bibhratīm . corr. : bibhratim . Cod. 9 muktyarthī conj. : muktyārtha Cod. • pravicintayet conj. : vā cintayet Cod. 11 parā yayā em. : parājayā Cod.

˚śyate parāsya śaktir vividhaiva śr ūyate svābhāvikī j ñānabalakriyā ceti. ITI PAR ĀMANTRAVIDHIH .

1

  yogeśvaripadam . vadet | 3 phad . anto mantrarājo 'yam . bhaved ekādaśāks . arah . | p ūjākāle namontah . syād dhome svāhānta is . yate | 4 pippalāda r ˚s . ih . proktaś chando nāsti yajus . t . vatah . | devatā syād bhadrakālī jayadurgeti yām . viduh . | 5 pran . avo bījam etasya hr ˚llekhā śaktir is . yate | jaye ca viniyogah . syād atharvamunibhās . itah . | 6 niyamo nāsti mantre 'smin na puraścaran . am . bhavet | kevalam . vihitam . kr ˚tvā yathāśāstram . phalam . labhet | 1d īpsitam As T/187 : ipsitam . P 2 : āpsitam . T/121 : ās . t . hitam . P 1 2d yogeśvari As T/121 T/187 : yogīśvari P 1 : yogeśvarī P 2 • vadet P 1 P 2 T/121 T/187 : bhavet As 3a phad . anto P 2 T/121 T/187 : phad . ānto As : pad . anto P 1 • mantrarājo As P 1 P 2 T/187 : mantrarāje T/121 3c namontah . As P 2 T/121 T/187 : namontam . P 1 4c syād P 2 T/187 : syā As P 1 : syāt T/121 4d yām . P 1 P 2

  T/121 T/187 : yāh . As 5b hr ˚llekhā As P 2 T/121 T/187 : hr ˚khā P 1 6b puraścaran . am . As P 1 T/187 : punaścaran . am . P 2 T/121 6d labhet P 1 P 2 T/121 T/187 : bhavet As (1) Next I shall tell you the Mantra of Bhadrakālī, which bestows on a king desiring victory the victory he seeks. (2) After uttering the Pran . ava [OM . ] he should utter the Seed of Māyā [HR ĪM . ], 126 then MAH ĀCAN . D . A and YOGE ŚVARI. (3) This, with PHAT . at its end, is the eleven-syllable King of Mantras. When it is used in the worship [of the deity in a substrate other than fire] it should end in NAMAH . . In the fire sacrifice it should end in SV ĀH Ā. (4) Pippalāda has been proclaimed to be its R ˚s . i. It has no metre because it is [treated as] a Yajus-formula. Its deity is Bhadrakālī, whom [the learned] know as Jayadurgā 'The Durgā of Victory'. (5) Its Seed is the Pran . ava [OM . ] and its Śakti is held to be Hr ˚llekhā [HR ĪM . ]. Its application, declared by the Atharvan sage, is [in rites] for the conquering [of enemies]. (6) There are no special restrictions [that apply] to [the practice of] this Mantra. Nor is there [any requirement that one should undertake] a preliminary practice [to master it] (puraścaran . am). 127 One will obtain the desired result simply by doing what has been prescribed [here] according to the scriptures. The Mantra's Ancillaries (a ṅgāni) are then stated: 7 sānusvāro ya ākāro hr ˚dayam . sa nigadyate | tathekārah . śirah . prokta ūkāraś ca śikhā smr ˚tah . | 8 aikārah . kavacam . j ñeyah . au ca netratrayam . viduh . | astram ah . syāt khakāro 'tra phra prayojyam . ca p ūrvatah . | 9 karā ṅganyāsam etasya mantrasyettham . vadanti vai | 126 For the convention that māyābījam (also māyārn . ah . , or māyā) denotes HRĪM . see, e.g., Śivasvāmin Upādhyāya, Śrīvidyāmantravivr ˚ti f. 16v6-7: śuddhavimarśadārd . hyam eva māyābījenāha hrīm . iti; Tantrālokaviveka on 30.107 (pran . avo māyā bindur varn . atrayam): māyā hrīm . ; on 30.116a (māyārn . am . ): māyārn . am . hrīm . ; Rāmeśvara on Paraśurāmakalpas ūtra, Śrīkrama 8: māyā turīyos . masahitadvitīyāntasthopari sabindus turyasvarah . ; Rāghavabhat . t . a on Śāradātilaka 6.39-40 (p. 370): sām .pradāyikās tu pran . avamāyālaks . mīpa ñcāks . arī-. . . prayogas tu om . hrīm . śrīm . namah . śivāya . . .

  . . . ; f. 80r4: pa ñcavim . śasahasrān . i japtvā vyomaśivasya tu | sarvapāpaviśuddhātmā kr ˚tasevo bhavis . yati | sarvakarmasamarthaś ca; Svacchandatantroddyota, vol. 3 (Pat . ala 7), p. 235, ll. 3-4: p ūrvasevārtham . japap ūjādhyānādi; Bān . a, Hars . acarita p. 184: bhagavato mahākālahr ˚dayanāmno mahāmantrasya kr ˚s . n . asragambarānulepanenākalpena kalpakathitena mahāśmaśāne japakot . yā kr ˚tap ūrvasevo 'smi. In the norm, waived here, it is only after this preliminary practice that one may employ the Mantra for specific ends. 7a ya ākāro P 2 T/187 : ya ākārah . As : pa ākārah . T/121 : ja ākārah . P 1 : trir ākārah . conj. Ed P 7b hr ˚dayam . P 2 T/121 : hr ˚dayah . P 1 As : hr ˚daya T/187 • sa nigadyate P 1 As T/121 T/187 : sam . nigadyate P 2 7c tathekārah . P 1 P 2 As T/187 : n . vekārah . T/121 • śirah . prokta T/187 : śirah . proktah . P 1 As T/121 : proktah . P 2 7d ūkāraś P 2 T/121 : ukāraś P 1 As T/187 8a aikārah . P 1 P 2 As T/121 : aikāram . T/187 • kavacam . P 2 T/121 T/187 : kavaca P 1 : kavace As • j ñeyah . As P 1 T/121 : j ñeyam . P 2 T/187 8b au ca T/121 : om . ca P 1 P 2 : aim . ca As : ai T/187 8c astram ah . Codd. : astram . mah . Ed P 8d phra em. : phram . P 1 : phre As P 2 : pre T/187 Ed P : phre ṁ T/121 • p ūrvatah . P 1 P 2 As T/187 : p ūrvavat T/121 9b vadanti P 2 T/121 T/187 : vadanni As : vidanti P 1 (7) It is taught that the Heart [of the Mantra] is Ā with anusvārah . (M . ), the Head Ī, and the Hair-queue Ū. (8) Know that the Armour is AI. The [wise] know that AU is the Three Eyes. The Weapon is AH . . [The initial consonant] here is KH; and PHR should be placed [after it] before [the vowels]. (

  ātāmranayanatrayām | 10 vāme raktakapālam . ca triś ūlam . daks . in . e tathā | kr ˚śodarīm . raktavastrām . pīnastananitambinīm | 11 padmasthām . yuvatim . dhyāyet smerāsyām atisundarīm | bhadrakālīm . mahādevīm . jayadātrīm . suśītalām | 9c śyāmām P 1 P 2 As : śāmām T/121 : śyā mā T/187 • indudharām . As P 2 T/121: bindudharām . P 1 : śadudharām . T/187 9d ātāmra P 1 P 2 As T/187 : ātāgra T/121 • trayām P 1 P 2 T/121: trayīm . As T/187 11a yuvatim . T/187 : yuvatīm . P 1 P 2 As T/121 11d jayadātrīm . P 1 P 2 As T/187 : jagaddhātrīm . T/121 (9c-11) He should visualize the goddess, Mahādevī Bhadrakālī, the tranquil bestower of victory, as an extremely beautiful young girl [seated] smiling on 129 I can cite no instance of the use of mātr ˚bījam in this sense, but the concept that the syllable KHPHREM . embodies the essence of the Mothers is well-attested. Thus Tantrāloka 30.45c-51: aks . is . an . munivargebhyo dvitīyāh . saha bindunā | 46 yonyarn . ena ca mātr ˚n . ām . sadbhāvah . kālakars . in . ī | ādyojjhito vāpy antena varjito vātha sam . matah . | 47 jīvah . prān . aput . āntah . sthah . kālānalasamadyutih . | atidīptas tu *vāmā ṅghrir (em. : vāmā ṅghri Ed.) bh ūs . ito m ūrdhni bindunā | 48 daks . ajānugataś cāyam . sarvamātr ˚gan . ārcitah . | anena prān . itāh . sarve dadate vā ñchitam . phalam | 49 sadbhāvo paramo hy es . a mātr ˚n . ām . bhairavasya ca | tasmād enam . japen mantrī ya icchet siddhim uttamām | 50 rudraśaktisamāveśo nityam atra pratis . t . hitah . | yasmād es . ā parā śaktir bhedenānyena kīrtitā | 51 yāvatyah . siddhayas tantre tāh .

  : śaktibhih . pat . t . am eva), in which the ten syllables beginning with A and ending with PHREM . embody the ten Śaktis in ascending order from Kr ˚s . n . adīptā to Viśvamātr ˚; also CHANDRA 1991, fig. 724, a Tibetan drawing of Sna tshogs yum dkar mo (White Viśvamātr ˚) with her Mantra below: OM . PHREM . (corr. : PHRAIM . Ed.) VI ŚVAM ĀTAH . . . . . a lotus, black, wearing the [digit of the new] moon [on her hair], with her three eyes slightly copperish in colour, with a skull filled with blood in her left hand and a trident in her right, slim-waisted, dressed in red, with full breasts and hips. The king will achieve victory by worshipping her as follows: 12 p ūjayed āsurīpīt . he syus tadāvaran . āni ca | tryayutam . vāyutam . vāpi ghr ˚tahomāj jayo bhavet | 13 ājyenāktāh . palāśasya samidho vā huned budhah . | athavā japanāt tāvaj jayah . syān nātra sam . śayah . | 12b syus As P 1 T/121 : syās P 2 T/187 12c tryayutam . P 1 P 2 As T/187 : ayutam . T/121 12d homāj As P 2 T/187 : homārj P 1 : homāt T/121 13c japanāt em. : japanām . tāvaj P 1 As : japanām . tāc ca P 2 : ja pa + + + T/187 : tapanāt. dvat T/121

  14 bhadrakāli bhavetyasya r ˚gdvayasya vidhim . bruve | p ūrvavat sarvam atra syād viniyogo 'sya māran . e | 15 jaye vā viniyogah . syād dhomena japanena vā | BHADRAK ĀLI BHAV ĀBH ĪS . T . ABHADRASIDDHIPRAD ĀYIN Ī | 16 SAPATN ĀN ME HANA HANA DAHA ŚOS . AYA T ĀPAYA | Ś ŪL ĀSI ŚAKTIVAJR ĀDYAIR UTKR ˚TYOTKR ˚TYA M ĀRAYA | 17 MAH ĀDEVI MAH ĀK ĀLI RAKS . ĀSM ĀN AKS . AT ĀTMIKE | r ˚s . ir bhr ˚guh . syād etasya chando 'nus . t . up prakīrtitam | 18 devatā bhadrakālīti bījāni vya ñjanāni ca | svarāh . śaktaya ucyante ājyahomāj jayo bhavet | 19 māran . am . kat . utailena homena bhavati dhruvam | māyābījena kartavyo nyāsaś caiva karā ṅgayoh . | 14b r ˚gdvayasya T/121 : rugdvayasya As P 2 : r ˚gbhayasya T/187 : ruyasya P 1 14c sarvam atra conj. : sarvamantrah . P 1 : sarvamantra As P 2 T/121 T/187 15c bhadrakāli P 1 : bhadrakālī P 2 As T/121 T/187 15d pradāyinī As P 2 T/121 T/187 : pradānī P 1 17b raks . āsmān P 2 T/121 T/187 : raks . yāsmān P 1 : raks . yāsmī As • aks . atātmike conj. (cf. here 23c: aks . atām . bhāvayann etām . svayam aks . atatām iyāt): aks . atrātmike T/121 : raks . atātmike As : anta ambike P 1 : as . itātmike P 2 T/187 17c r ˚s . ir corr. : rus . ir As P 1 : rupir P 2 : r ˚s . i T/121 T/187 • etasya P 2 T/121 T/187 : evasya As : evāsya P 1 18d ājyahomāj As P 2 T/187 : lājahomāj P 1 T/121 19cd kartavyo nyāsaś conj. : kartavyā nyāsāś Codd. (14) I shall now teach the rite of the two-verse Mantra that begins BHADRAK ĀLI BHAVA. Everything in this case is as with the preceding [Mantra]. Its application should be in killing [the enemy] or conquering [him], through fire sacrifice or [merely] through its repetition: (15c) BHADRAK ĀL Ī, GRANT THE EXCELLENT SIDDHI THAT I DESIRE. KILL, KILL, BURN, DESICCATE, AND SCORCH MY RIVALS. KILL THEM BY CUTTING THEM TO PIECES WITH THE TRIDENT, SWORD, THUNDERBOLT AND OTHER [WEAPONS IN YOUR HANDS]. PROTECT ME, GREAT GODDESS MAH ĀK ĀL Ī, YOU WHOSE NATURE IS [TO REMAIN EVER] UNSCATHED. 131 (17c) The R ˚s . i is Bhr ˚gu. It is taught that the metre is the Anus . t . ubh. The deity is Bhadrakālī, the Seeds are the vowels, and the Śaktis are the consonants. (18d) Victory is [accomplished] by a fire sacrifice of ghee. (19) [Alternatively] he may offer white mustard-oil into the fire. By this means he will certainly bring about [his enemy's] death. 132 He should use the Māyābīja [HR ĪM . ] to install [the power of the deity] in his hands and body. When worshipped with it the goddess should be visualized as follows: 261 20 ś ūlāsiśaktivajrān . i śa ṅkhacakradhanuh . śarān | dhārayantī mahākālī ghorā vikat . adam . s . t . rikā | 21 calajjihvā mahātun . d . ī lambamānapayodharā | mukhād vahnim . vamantī ca trāsayantī jagattrayīm | 22 dhāvantī nighnatī śatrum . dhyeyā yuddhe jayais . in . ā | vajrān . i P 1 As T/121 : vajrāśri T/187 : vajrāśi P 2 20c dhārayantī Codd. : mārayantī Ed P 21a calajjihvā P 2 T/187 : calajihvā P 1 : calajjijij ñā As : lalajihvā T/121 • mahātun . d . ī T/121 : mandatundī T/187 : mam . datundī P 2 : manyatundī As : manyatulī P 1 21b lambamāna P 2 T/121 T/187 : lambina As : vilambita P 1 21c vahnim . P 1 : varhni T/121 : vaknim . As ac : vagnim . As pc : va + T/187 : ya P 2 • vamam . tī P 1 As : vamam . ti P 2 : vamantrī T/121 : vamantri T/187 21d jagattrayīm . P 1 As T/187 : jagatrayīm T/121 : jagatrayam . P 2 22a nighnatī T/187 : nīghnatī T/121 : jighnatī P 2 As pc : vighnatī P 1 As ac • śatrum . P 2 As T/187 : śatr ūn P 1 : śakum . T/121 22b dhyeyā P 1 P 2 As T/187 : dhyayā T/121 • yuddhe P 1 P 2 T/121 T/187 : śuddhe As • jayais . in . ā P 2 As T/121 T/187 : jayīs . in . ā P 1(20-22b) One who desires victory in battle should visualize Mahākālī holding a trident, a sword, a Vajra, a conch, a discus, a bow, and arrows, terrible, with huge fangs, darting tongue, large nose, and pendulous breasts, spewing fire from her mouth, terrifying the three worlds, running towards and slaughtering his enemy.gajam . vā vājinam . vāpi samār ūd . ho mahāran . e | 23 dhyāyann etām . bhadrakālīm . japan mantram . ripum . jayet | aks . atām . bhāvayann etām . svayam aks . atatām iyāt | 24 tr ˚n . ak ūt . am . yathā vātyā preritam . śīghratām . vrajet | japato dhyāyataś cāgre parasainyam . palāyate | 25 na cāsti japasam . khyātra niyamaś ca na vidyate | dhyāyann etām . japan mantram . parasenām . jayaty aho | 26 tasmād yatnena bh ūpālo vidyām etām . samabhyaset | durbalo 'pi balīyām . sam . yatprasādād ripum . jayet | 22c mahāran . e P 2 As T/121 T/187 : mahārun . e P 1 23a bhadrakālīm . P 2 As T/121 T/187 : mahākālīm . P 1 Ed P 23b japan P 1 As T/121 T/187 : japanan P 2 23d aks . atatām iyāt P 1 P 2 T/121 T/187 : aks . atasamiyāt As 24b śīghratām . vrajet P 2 T/187 : śīghraśam . bhavet P 1 T/121 : śīghratām . bhavet As 24c dhyāyataś cāgre P 1 T/121 : dhyāyatasyāgre P 2 T/187 : dhyāyatayāgre As 25b japasam . khyātra P 2 T/121 T/187 : japaram . khyātra As : japasam . khyāni P 1 25c japan mam . tram . P 2 T/121 T/187 : jayet sarvam . P 1 : bhadrakālīm . As 26a yatnena P 2 As T/121 T/187 : yatatvam . P 1 26b vidyām As P 2 ? T/121 T/187 : vij ñam P 1 • samabhyaset : P 1 P 2 As T/187 : samabh ūset T/121

	The result:

  Now a third Mantra is taught: 27 atha mantrāntaram . tasyā bhadrakālyā nigadyate | yasya prasādān nr ˚patir ekacchatrī bhaved bhuvi | 28 bhadrakālipadasyānte jayam . dehipadam . vadet | phad . anto 'yam . mahāmantro ghorayuddhe jayapradah . | 29 asyā ṅgirā r ˚s . ih . proktaś chando 'nus . t . up prakīrtitam | devatā bhadrakālī yā jayadurgeti gīyate | 30 hrīm . bījam . phat . ca śaktih . syād viniyogo jaye matah . | śaktyā kuryāt s . ad . a ṅgāni pratyaks . aram athocyate | 31 mastake ca lalāt . e ca mukhe kan . t . ha urasy api | udare ca tathā li ṅge ūrudvandve padadvaye | 32 ittham . pratyaks . aram . nyasya bhadrakālī svayam . bhavet | tatah . samastamantren . a vyāpakam . vigrahe nyaset | 28a bhadrakāli P 1 P 2 : bhadrakālī T/121 T/187 : bhakrakālī As 28b jayam . P 1 P 2 As T/121 : jaya T/187 • padam . P 1 P 2 T/121 : pade T/187 : prade As 28d jayapradah . P 1 P 2 : 'bhayapradah . As Ed P 29a asyā ṅgirā P 1 P 2 As T/187 : a ṅgirāsya T/121 • r ˚s . ih . T/121 T/187 : rus . ih . P 1 P 2 As • proktaś P 1 P 2 As T/187 : proktah . ś T/121 29d chando 'nus . t . up P 1 P 2 As T/187 : chando 'nus . t . ut T/121 • prakīrtitam P 1 P 2 As T/121 : prakīttitam T/187 30a hrīm . conj. : krīm . P 2 As T/121 T/187 : h ūm . P 1 • phat . ca P 2 ? : phat . P 1 T/121 T/187 : phat . a As • syād P 1 P 2 As T/187 : syāt T/121 30b matah . P 1 P 2 T/121 T/187 : namah . As 30d pratyaks . aram athocyate P 1 P 2 As T/121 : pratyaks . arayathocyate T/187 31b mukhe P 2 T/121 T/187 As : mukha P 1 • urasy P 1 As : ūrasy T/121 : tarasy P 2 : tara sy T/187 31d ūru P 2 T/187 : uru P 1 As : ur ˚T/121 • dvandve P 1 P 2 ? T/121 T/187 : dvande As 32a ittham . P 1 P 2 ? T/121 T/187 : itham . As 32d vigrahe : P 1 P 2 As T/187 : vigraham . T/121 (27) Now I shall teach [you] another Mantra of this [goddess] Bhadrakālī, by whose favour a king enjoys unchallenged sovereignty on earth. (28) He should utter JAYAM . DEHI after BHADRAK ĀLI ('O BHADRAK ĀL Ī, GRANT VIC-TORY'). This great Mantra, when PHAT . is placed at its end, bestows victory [even] in [the most] terrible battle. (29) It is taught that its R ˚s . i is A ṅgiras and its metre the Anus . t . ubh. Its deity is the Bhadrakālī called Jayadurgā. (30) Its Seed is HR ĪM . , its Śakti is PHAT . , and its application is held to be [in rites] for victory. He should install the six Ancillaries using the Śakti[-syllable]. Now I shall teach [the pratyaks . aranyāsah . , that is to say,] how the syllables [of the Mantra] should be installed one by

  By installing [the Mantra] syllable by syllable in this way he will become Bhadrakālī herself. He should follow this with the Pervasive [Installation] (vyāpakanyāsah . ), which he should do with the whole Mantra upon his body [as a whole]. She should be visualized in the same form as for the first Mantra: 33 bālām . kālīm . raktavastrām . kupitām . candraśekharām | daks . in . e dadhatīm . ś ūlam . vāme rudhirakarparam | 34 padme padmāsanām . devīm . bhadrakālīm . smared ran . e | 33a kālīm . P 1 As T/121 : bālīm . T/187 : balīm . P 2 33b śekharām P 1 P 2 As T/187 : sekharām . T/121 33c daks . in . e dadhatīm . P 1 As T/121 : dadhatīm . daks . in . e P 2 : dadhatī daks . in . e T/187 33d karparam . P 2 T/121 T/187 As : kharparam P 1

  homāśaktau caret p ūjām . tadaśaktau japed budhah . | 38 kevalam . cintayed enām . japāśaktau ran . e vrajan | niyatam . jayam āpnoti na vicāryam idam . vacah . | 34c vicintayen P 1 P 2 As : vicintayan T/187 : vicintyayan T/121 34d yāgam antar vidhāya ca em. : yāgamantra vidhāya ca T/121 : yāgamantarvavāya T/187 : yāgamantram . vidhyāya ca P 2 As : yā?dha?mantram . vidhyāya ca P 1 35a prajuhuyāl P 1 P 2 As T/187 : praj ūhuyāt T/121 35b ayutam . As P 2 ? T/121 T/187 : ayutām . P 1 35c m ūlās . t . amīm . P 2 As T/187 : m ūlās . t . amī P 1 T/121 35d bhaved P 1 P 2 As T/187 : bhavedd T/121 36a prap ūjyājyam . P 2 As T/121 : prapujyājyam . T/187 : prap ūjyām . ti P 1 36b juhuyān P 1 P 2 As T/187 : juhuyā T/121 36c sarvān rip ūn P 1 P 2 T/187 : sarvātrip ūn As : sarvatrip ūn T/121 • vijityāyam . P 1 P 2 As T/187 : vijityāya T/121 36d bhu ṅkte P 1 P 2 As T/187 : bhukte T/121 • akan . t . akam P 1 P 2 T/121 T/187 : akas . t . akam As 37a śakro P 1 P 2 As : śatro T/187 : śukro T/121 • etat kr ˚tvā P 2 As T/121 T/187 : etatkr ˚tye P 1 37b asurān P 1 P 2 ? T/121 T/187 : asurām . As 37c caret P 1 T/121 : japet P 2 As T/187 37d tadaśaktau P 1 P 2 As T/187 : daśaktau T/121 38b japāśaktau P 2 As T/121 T/187 : japāśakto P 1 • vrajan P 2 As T/121 T/187 : vrajet P 1 (34c) The Mantrin should meditate [on her] in this form. Then, when the wise one has worshipped her internally he should repeat her Mantra, worship her [externally], and offer 10,000 oblations of parched grain into the fire. This should be [repeated every day] from the eighth day of the dark half of Āśvina (m ūlās . t . amī) to the eighth of the bright half of the same (mahās . t . amī).

	evam . vicintayen mantrī yāgam antar vidhāya ca |
	35 japed arcet prajuhuyāl lājānām ayutam . sudhīh . |
	m ūlās . t . amīm . samārabhya bhaved yāvan mahās . t . amī |
	36 tāvad etām . prap ūjyājyam . tryayutam . juhuyān nr ˚pah . | sarvān rip ūn vijityāyam . bhu ṅkte rājyam akan . t . akam |
	37 etat kr ˚tvā purā śakro 'py asurā ñ jitavān svayam |

  The figures should possess the symbols of 265 39 athavā yantram etasyā haste baddhvā ripum . jayet | haimapat . t . agate padme madhye māyām . phad . ity api | 40 dales . u vilikhed as . t . au mantravarn . ān pr ˚thak pr ˚thak | dalānte varmabījāni mātr ˚kābhiś ca ves . t . ayet | 41 yantram etat kare baddhvā ś ūlinam . jetum īśvarah . | p ūjayed vidhinā yantram . sahasram . juhuyād ghr ˚taih . | 42 tāvad eva japam . kr ˚tvā yantram . baddhvā ran . e viśet | durgāpīt . he 'rcayed durgām . vidhinā vidhivittamah . | 39a yam . tram P 1 As T/121 T/187 : mantram P 1 • etasyā conj. : etasya Codd. Ed P 39cd madhye As P 2 ? T/121 T/187 : madhya P 1 • māyām . As P 2 ? T/121 T/187 : māyā P 1 40a dales . u P 1 P 2 ? As T/121 : dales . t . a T/187 40b varn . n . ān P 1 P 2 ? T/187 : varnnā T/121 : mantram . n As : mantrān Ed P • pr ˚thak pr ˚thak P 1 P 2 ? T/121 T/187 : pr ˚thak As 40d mātr ˚kābhiś P 1 As T/187 : mā + kābhis T/187 : mākābhiś P 2 41a yam . tram P 1 As T/121 : mam . tram P 2 T/187 • etat : P 1 P 2 As T/187 : eta T/121 • baddhvā : P 1 P 2 ? As T/121 : baddhvāt T/187 41b jetum P 2 As T/121 T/187 : petum P 1 41d ghr ˚taih . P 1 As T/121 : ataih . P 2 T/187 42c pīt . he P 1 P 2 As T/187: pāt . he T/121 42d vidhinā P 1 As T/121 T/187 : vidhi P 2 • vidhivittamah . P 1 P 2 T/187: vidhivattamah . As T/121

  repeat the Mantra the same number of times, tie it on, and enter the battle. Most learned in rites he should worship [this] Durgā according to rule on the throne [prescribed] for Durgā. The text then teaches the propitiation of a fourth and final Mantra, Bhadrakālī's monosyllabic Great Seed (mahābījamantrah . ) HSKHPHREM . : 43 atah . param . mahābījam . bhadrakālyā nigadyate | yatprasādān mahīpālo mahāntam . jayam aśnute | 44 hakāraś ca sakāraś ca khakāraś ca tatah . param | phakāraś ca tathā rephas tathaikārah . sabindukah . | 45 saptavarn . am . mahābījam . bhadrakālyāh . prakīrtyate | jayadāyimahāmantragan . esv es . a mahāmanuh . | 46 bhadrakālīmahābījam avaśyam . vijayapradam |

  daks . e 'dhah . kramatah . ś ūlam a ṅkuśam . śaram eva ca | 61 khad . gam . ca dadhatī dorbhir vāme 'dhah . kramatas tathā | raktapātram . ca pāśam . ca dhanuh . khet . akam eva ca | 62 evam . daśabhujā bhīmā bhadrakālī jayapradā | dhyātavyā bh ūmipālena sam . grāme jayam icchatā | 63 bhadrakālīmahābījam . japatā prāpyate jayah . | dhyānāśakto 'vanīpālah . kevalam . bījam abhyaset | tathāpi jayam āpnoti nātra kāryā vicāran . ā | ITY Ā ṄGIRASE BHADRAK ĀL ĪMANTRAVIDHIH . 46c bhadram . sukham P 2 T/121 T/187 : bhadrasukham P 1 As 47a tamomayī P 1 P 2 As T/187 : tamomayā T/121 47b smr ˚tā P 1 P 2 T/121 T/187 : smr ˚tāh . As 47c sam . hāra P 1 P 2 As T/187 : sam . hā T/121 • sam . yuktam . P 2 As T/121 T/187 : sam . yuktām . P 1 47d brahma P 1 P 2 As T/187 : brahmā T/121 48b munibhih . P 2 T/121 T/187 : m ūnibhih . As : mahāmunibhi P 1 48c bhadrakālī P 2 As T/121 T/187 : mahākālī P 1 49a hakāro P 1 P 2 As T/187 : ham . kāra T/121 • jīva P 1 P 2 As : bīja T/121 T/187 50a phrem . P 1 As T/121 : phre P 2 : pre T/187 50b hi P 1 T/121 T/187 As : ca P 2 • cetanam . P 1 P 2 As T/187 : tetanam . T/121 50c padenāpi P 1 P 2 As T/187 : panenāpi T/121 50d cocyate P 1 P 2 As T/187 : nocyate T/121 51a sam . hāra P 1 P 2 T/121 T/187 : sahāra As • śaktimad P 1 P 2 As T/187 : śaktiyad T/121 51b mahābījārtha P 1 P 2 T/187 : mahāvīryārtha As : mahābījārtham T/121 51c vidhātā P 2 As T/121 T/187 : vidharttā P 1 51d sam . smr ˚tah . P 2 As T/121 T/187 : sa smr ˚te P 1 52a mahābīja P 1 P 2 T/121 T/187 : mahāvīta As 52b padārtham . P 1 P 2 As T/121 : padārtha T/187 53b jayam . prāpnoti P 2 ? As T/121 T/187 : jayam āpnoti P 1 • cāks . ayam . P 1 As T/121 : cāks . atam . P 2 T/187 53c eva P 1 P 2 T/121 T/187 : e As 53b bhavet P 2 As T/187 : bhavan P 1 T/121 54b jayam eti P 1 P 2 ? T/187 : jayam iti As : jayanet i T/121 54c balir P 1 As T/121 T/187 : balī P 2 54d is . yate P 1 P 2 ? As T/187 : āpsite T/121 55a ca so 'vaśyam . conj. : cāvaśyam . T/121 T/187 : ca nāvaśyam . As : cāvaran . yam . P 1 : cāvaśam . P 2 55c samyag vadāmy aham . As T/121 T/187 : samāpyadāmy aham P 1 : illegible in P 2 56b ātmārim ajayad T/187 : ātmārāmam . jayad P 1 P 2 : ātmārāmojayad T/121 : ātmābhimajjayad As • bhr ˚śam . P 2 T/121 T/187 : bhruśam . As : bhus . am . P 1 56c kālī P 1 As T/121 : omitted in P 2 T/187 • uccā P 1 P 2 As T/121 : ucca T/187 57c samarābhimukhī P 1 P 2 As T/121 : samarābhimukhā T/187 58a śavapr As 58d tāmra T/187 : tām . bra P 2 T/121 : tāma P 1 : trāsa As 59a taladvandve T/187 : taladvandva As T/121 : talakanva P 1 : unclear in P 2 59b śatrum P 2 As T/187 : mr ˚tam P 1 : ripum T/121 59d vim . śatyā P 1 P 2 ? T/187 : vim . śatyo T/121 : viśatyā As 60c daks . e P 2 ? As T/121 T/187 : dīks . e P 1 61a dadhatī As P 2 ? T/121 T/187 : dadhati P 1 62a daśabhujā P 1 P 2 T/121 T/187 : daśabh ūjā As 63b japatā P 1 P 2 T/121 T/187 : japatām . As 63c dhyānāśakto P 1 As T/121 T/187 : dhyānāśaktau P 2 63d bījam P 2 ? As T/187 : bija T/121 : rvam P 1 63f kāryyā P 1 P 2 T/121 T/187 : karyyā As Colophon bhadrakālīmantravidhih . As P 1 T/187 : bhadrakālīmahābījavidhih . P 2 T/121

	˚s . t . hastha P 2 T/121 T/187 : śavapr ˚s . t . hasya P 1 : śavapr ˚s . t . hasthā As 58b dattapadā P 1 T/121 T/187 : dantapadā P 2

  sr˚s . t . ikramah . , avarohakramah . ).not doubt this. Here ends the Bhadrakālīmantravidhi of the Ā ṅgirasa[kalpa].There follows a short section of five verses with its own colophon, proclaiming the greatness of this Seed-syllable: 64 r ˚s . ir atra na kaścit syān na ca cchando 'sya vidyate | devatā bhadrakālī syān na bīje bījam is . yate | 65 jaye ca viniyogah . syāt karā ṅganyāsavarjanam | na caiva vyāpakanyāso na ca pratyaks . aram . bhavet | 66 mahābījajapāt sadyo nr ˚patir jayam aśnute | na puraścaran . am . kim . cin na kaścin niyamo bhavet | 67 bhadrakālī svayam . bh ūtvā japan jayam avāpsyati | maheśo 'pi sadā sarvam . jagat sam . harate yayā | 68 tatprasādān mahārājo jayaty atra kim adbhutam | na bh ūto na bhavan bhāvī mahābījasamo manuh . | ITY Ā ṄGIRASE BHADRAK ĀL ĪMAH ĀB ĪJAPRA ŚAM . S Ā 64a r ˚s . ir atra T/121 T/187 : rus . ir atra As P 1 : rus . ir atri P 2 64b cchando P 1 P 2 As T/187 : chando T/121 64c syān P 1 P 2 As T/187 : syāt T/121 65b karā ṅganyāsavarjanam . P 1 As T/121 T/187 : katanyāsanivarjanam . P 2 65c vyāpakanyāso P 2 As T/187 : vyāpakanyāsa T/121 : vyāpakam . nyāsa P 1 65d na ca P 2 As T/121 T/187 : ca P 1 66a mahābījajapāt P 2 T/121 : mahābījajayāt T/187 : mahābījapāt P 1 : mahāvidyājapāt As 66b jayam P 2 As T/121 T/187 : jāyam P 1 66c kim . cin P 2 As T/187 : kim . ci P 1 T/121 66d na P 1 P 2 As T/187 : lacking in T/121 67b japan P 1 As T/121 T/187 : japanam . P 2 67c sadā P 1 P 2 T/121 T/187 : sa ca As 68a tatprasādān P 1 P 2 As T/187 : yatprasādān T/121 • mahārājo P 1 P 2 As : mahorājo T/121 : mahābījo T/187 68b adbhutam P 1 T/187 : adbh ūtam . P 2 As T/121 68c bh ūto na P 1 P 2 As : bh ūto pi T/187 : bh ūto T/121 • bhavan P 1 P 2 As T/187 : bhava T/121 • bhāvī As T/121 T/187 : bhāvi P 1 P 2 68d samo P 1 P 2 As T/121 : samā T/187 Colophon ity ā ṅgirase bhadrakālīmahābījapraśam . sā conj. : ity ā ṅgirase mahābījapraśam . sā P 2 T/121 : iti bhadrakālīmahābījapraśam . sā P 1 T/187 : iti bhadrakālīmahāpraśam . sā As (64-65a) This [Mantra's] deity is Bhadrakālī and its application is for victory. It has no R ˚s . i, no metre, and, since it is itself a Seed (bījam), no Bīja. (65a-d) There is no procedure of installation on the hands and body, no Pervasive Installation, and no installation [on separate parts of the body] of its [seven] constituent sounds (pratyaks . aranyāsah . ). (66) The king attains victory immediately [simply] by repeating [this] Great Seed. There is no preliminary practice [to master it] (puraścaran . am), nor are there any [associated] restrictions [of conduct] (niyamah . ). (67) He will gain victory [simply] by repeating [her Mantra] after achieving identity with Bhadrakālī. It is always she that enables Śiva himself to act [when at the end of every Aeon] he dissolves the whole universe. (68) What wonder, then, that a Mahārāja should conquer by her favour? There has never been, nor is, nor will be any Mantra equal to this Great Seed [of Bhadrakālī]. Here ends the Bhadrakālīmahābījapraśam . sā ('Praise of the Great Seed of Bhadrakālī') in the Ā ṅgirasa[kalpa].

  69 athātah . pippalādena pr ˚s . t . o mahars . ir a ṅgirāh . | bhagavan vedatattvaj ña sarvabh ūtahite rata | 70 sarves . ām api mantrān . ām . vidhānam . kathitam . mama | bhadrakālīmahābījavidhir na kathitah . katham | a ṅgirā uvāca: 71 bhadrakālīmahābījam . jayaikaphaladam . mune | mantroccāran . amātren . a jayah . syād adhikena kim | 72 tathāpi tvayi kārun . yād vidhānam abhidhīyate | 69d rata P 1 : ratah . Ed P 71a mahābījam . P 1 : mahemantrah . Ed P 71b phaladam . P 1 : phaladah . Ed P 71c mātren . a P 1 : mantren . a Ed P (69) Then Pippalāda addressed a question to the great R ˚s . i A ṅgiras, saying: "Venerable one, who know the essence of the Vedas and are devoted to the welfare of all beings, (70) you have told me rituals of all the [other] Mantras. Why [then], have you not done so in the case of Bhadrakālī's Great Seed?" A ṅgiras replied and said: (71) "O sage, the Great Seed of Bhadrakālī cannot but grant the reward of victory; and that goal is achieved simply by uttering the Mantra. [So] what more is needed? (72) Nonetheless out of compassion for you I shall now teach you [a set of] rituals [for this too].". It begins with an account of the worship of the goddess embodied in the Great Seed HSKHPHREM . on a Yantra with this at its centre surrounded by the letters of the nine-syllable and eleven-syllable Vidyās taught in the Bhadrakālīmantravidhi (BHADRAK ĀLI JAYAM . DEHI PHAT . and OM . KHPHREM . / HR ĪM . MAH ĀCAN . D . AYOGE ŚVARI PHAT . ): brahman . oktena vidhinā yantram . kuryāt prayatnatah . | 73 suvarn . aśatamānena nirmitam . yantram is . yate | vilikhyāntar mahābījam . tasyādho vilikhet phalam | 74 tataś ca vilikhen mantrī navapatre navāks . aram | tata ekādaśadale mantram ekādaśāks . aram | 75 tatah . s . od . aśapatre ca vilikhet s . od . aśa svarān | vya ñjanāni likhen mantrī pr ˚thivīman . d . ale kramāt | 76 evam . yantram . vinirmāya sam . p ūjya ripujid bhavet | bahubhir gandhapus . paiś ca dh ūpadīpair niveditaih . | 77 bh ūyobhir mahis . ājāvipaśubhih . sam . skr ˚taih . smitām | bhadrakālīm . yajet tatra pa ñcāsyām . ripucarvan . ām | 78 upāsakah . prayatnena sukruddhām . śāntar ūpin . īm | saccidānandar ūpasya māyāśaktim . vadanti yām | 74a mānena Ed P : mās . en . a P 1 74b navapatre navāks . aram . em. : navapatren . avāks . aram . P 1 : navapatre navāks . arīm Ed P 74d mantram Ed P : ayam P 1 • ekādaśāks . aram . P 1 : ekādaśāks . arīm Ed P 75b s . od . aśa svarān Ed P : s . od . aśāks . arān P 1 77a mahis . ājāvi P 1 : mahis . ājādi Ed P 77d pa ñcāsyām . ripucarvan . ām Ed P : pam . cāsyaripucarvin . ām . P 1 78a upāsakah . prayatnena P 1 : upāsakaprayatnes . u Ed P 78b sukruddhām . Ed P : sakr ˚dyām . P 1 He should carefully prepare a Yantra following the procedure taught by Brahmā. (73) It is required that it should be one made from one hundred measures of gold. After tracing the Great Seed [HSKHPHREM . ] at its centre he should write the result [he seeks] beneath it. (74) Then the Mantrin should trace the nine-syllable [Mantra] (BHADRAK ĀLI JAYAM . DEHI PHAT . ) on [the petals] of a nine-petal [lotus drawn around that centre], then the elevensyllable [Mantra] (OM . KHPHREM . /HR ĪM . MAH ĀCAN . D . AYOGE ŚVARI PHAT . on [the petals of] an eleven-petal [lotus extending beyond the first], (75) and the sixteen vowels on a sixteen-petal [lotus beyond that]. The Mantrin should then draw the [thirty-four] consonants one by one on an earth-disc [that extends beyond the petals]. (76) When he has made the Yantra in this way and worshipped it he will defeat his enemies. (76c-78) On it the propitiator should scrupulously worship Bhadrakālī, whom the [wise] declare to be the power of illusion (māyāśaktih . ) of [Brahma, that being] whose nature is existence, consciousness, and bliss, doing so with many scented powders, flowers, fumigants, lamps, and foods, and with many ritually prepared buffaloes, goats, and sheep as animal sacrifices, [visualizing her as] five-faced, smiling, wrathful [yet] tranquil, devouring [his] enemies. Then it teaches the procedure of the fire sacrifice, presumably to be understood as following this worship on the Yantra: 79 atha homam . pravaks . ye 'ham . pravarārinivāran . am | vr ˚tte kun . d . e 'gnim ādhāya gandhādyair abhip ūjayet | 80 as . t . ottarasahasram . tu juhuyād gavyasarpis . ā | tāvad eva japed rātrau balim . dadyād vidhānatah . | 81 saptāham evam . vidhinā kr ˚tvā jayam avāpnuyāt | dvādaśāham . tathā paks . am ekavim . śativāsaram | 82 māsam . kāryam . vidhānam . vā homakālo 'sya s . ad . vidhah . | tāvad vā sarpis . āktāś ca aśvatthasamidho hunet | 83 sarpir aśvatthasamidhah . pratyekam . vā hunet budhah . | 82a kāryam . vidhānam . Ed P : kāryāvasānam . P 1 83a samidhah . P 1 : samidbhih . Ed P (79-80) I shall now tell [you] the fire sacrifice, as the means of warding off [even] the most powerful of enemies. In a circular fire-pit he should install the fire and worship it with scented powders and other [offerings]. He should [then] offer [her] 1008 oblations of cow's ghee, repeat [the Great Seed]

  yuddhasamaye sahasram . sarpis . ā hunet | 84 juhuyāt tāvad evāsau yuddham . yāvad dinam . bhavet | pat . t . e mantram . vilikhyāgre vam . śadan . d . e ca dhārayan | 85 jayakāmo nr ˚po yāyād avaśyam . jayam āpnuyāt | athavā bhadrakālīm . tām . sam . likhya vidhivat pat . e | 86 senāgre dhārayan rājā gacchan jayam avāpnuyāt | yantram etad yah . svahaste baddhvā vā jayam āpnuyāt | 87 athavā yuddhasamaye yantram etat svasam . nidhau | kenacid dhārayan rājā labhate vijayaśriyam | 88 yantram . kr ˚tvā bhadrakālyāh . pratyaham . yadi p ūjayet | parājayam . na labhate jayam . ca labhate sadā | 89 athavā brāhman . advārā yantram etat prap ūjayan | na parājayam āpnoti jayam . cāvaśyam aśnute | 84b yāvad yuddhadinam . conj. : yuddham . yāvad dinam . P 1 Ed P 84d dhārayan P 1 : dhārayet Ed P 85c-86b Lacking in Ed P , probably as the result of an eyeskip from jayam āpnuyāt in 85b to jayam āpnuyāt in 86b 86a senāgre corr. : senāgra P 1 86d baddhvā vā P 1 : badhnīyāt Ed P 87c kenacid P 1 : kenacad Ed P • dhārayan P 1 : dhārayed Ed P 87d vijayaśriyam P 1 : vijayam . śriyam Ed P 88a bhadrakālyāh . P 1 : bhadrakālī Ed P

  There follows instruction on the bhadrakālīvratam 'the Bhadrakālī observance' to be performed on the ninth day of the bright fortnight: 90 prabalārijayam . kā ṅks . an mahīpālo vidhānatah . |śuklāyām . ca navamyām . vā bhadrakālīvratam . caret | 91 svaputram . vā svapatnīm . vā vidvām . sam . vāpi kārayet | sam . vatsaren . a rājāyam ajayyam . jayam aśnute | 92 pippalāda śr ˚n . u mama vratam etaj jayapradam | śatamānena yantram . vai kr ˚tvā devīm . prap ūjayet | 93 p ūpān as . t . au prakurvīta śālitan . d . ulanirmitān | devyai nivedya vidhivad ekam . viprāya yacchati | 94 tato bhu ñjīta vidhivat sapta p ūpān svayam . vratī | suvarn . am . daks . in . ām . dadyād gurave yena tus . yati | 90a kā ṅks . an Ed P : kām . ks . ī P 1 90c śuklāyām . ca navamyām . vā P 1 : śuklāyām . navamyām . vāpi Ed P 91a svapatnīm . vā Ed P : sapatnīm . ca P 1 91b vidvām . sam . P 1 : bāndhavān Ed P 91d ajayyam . P 1 : ajeyam . Ed P • aśnute Ed P : aśate P 1 92a pippalāda Ed P : pippada P 1 92c vai P 1 : tu Ed P 93d ekam . P 1 : evam . Ed P 94b vratī Ed P : kutī P 1 (90) Or, if a king desires to conquer a powerful foe, he should undertake the observance of Bhadrakālī on the ninth lunar day of [each] bright fortnight. (91) Alternatively he may have it undertaken [on his behalf] by his son, his wife, or a learned [brahmin]. After one year this king attains a victory [otherwise] unattainable. (92) Pippalāda, hear me [as I explain] this observance that leads to victory. Having prepared the Yantra with one hundred measures [of gold] he should worship the goddess. (93-94) He should prepare eight cakes made from rice grains. After duly offering them to the goddess the holder of the observance should give one to a brahmin, eat the other seven himself, and give gold to the Guru as his fee (daks . in . ā) so that he should be content. There follow fire sacrifices to be offered on the eve of battle: 95 śatrum . jetum . nr ˚po gacchan tatp ūrvadivase ghr ˚taih . | sahasratritayam . hutvā dhruvam . vijayate ripum | 96 svasainyālokamātren . a parasainyam . palāyate | yatamāno nr ˚po 'śvatthasamidbhir ayutam . hunet | 97 rājā mahājayam . vā ñchan candanair ghr ˚tasam . yutaih . | ayutam . juhuyād es . a mahājayam avāpnuyāt | athavāgurukās . t . hasya samidbhir ayutam . hunet | 98 ripum . jetum . nr ˚pah . sainyam . prasthāpayati cet tadā | etat sarvam . prakurvīta tatsainyam arijid bhavet | 99 sahasram . sarpis . ā hutvā sam . pātyāśvatthakīlake | parasenāsthitisthāne khātvā jayam avāpnuyāt | 95a gacchan Ed P : yacchan P 1 96c yatamāno P 1 : yajamāno Ed P 98c etat sarvam . P 1 : tat sarvam . tu Ed P 99c sthitisthāne P 1 : sthitasthāne Ed P

  yo nr ˚pah . | tam ādāya param . jetum . prayāti paramam . jayet | 101 ghr ˚tasyāyutahomena sam . pātya śarapa ñcakam | tat ks . ipan parasenāyām . tām . senām . bha ñjayen nr ˚pah . | 101c tat ks . ipan Ed P : tam . ks . ipan P 1 (100) A king who makes 10,000 such split oblations of ghee on his sword and then marches forth with it against his enemy will achieve total victory. (101) If a king does the same with five arrows and then shoots them into the army of the enemy he will shatter it. and the preparation of a Yantra [with HSKHPHREM . at its centre] to be worn by the king to empower him as he fights: 102 yantram . nirmāya vidhinā mantren . ānena mantravit | snāpayec chuddhatoyena sahasram . tu dine dine | 103 evam . phalāntakam . karma kālasam . khyā na vidyate | yantram etad gale baddhvā yudhyamāno jayam . vrajet | 102c snāpayec chuddhatoyena P 1 : snāpayed ghr ˚tatoyena Ed P 103c yantram etad gale baddhvā P 1 : mantram etam . hr ˚di dhyātvā Ed P (102) The Mantrin should make a Yantra with the prescribed procedure and then bathe it with pure water 1000 times every day using this Mantra. (103) He should continue the ritual until he achieves success. There is no time limit. He will be victorious if he fights after tying this Yantra around his neck. Finally we are told the procedure for the annual propitiation of Bhadrakālī that culminates on Mahānavamī, at the end of the Navarātra festival that initiates the season of military campaigns: 104 āśvinasya ca māsasya kr ˚s . n . apaks . asya yās . t . amī | tām ārabhya yajed devīm . bhaved yāvan mahās . t . amī | 105 prātarmadhyāhnayoh . sāyam . trikālam . tām . prap ūjayet | viśes . en . a niśāyām . tu p ūjayet pr ˚thivīpatih . | 106 tryayutam . juhuyād rājā sapatnavijayecchayā | niśāyām . homasam . prāptau balim . dadyād dine dine | 107 mahis . ājāvipaśubhir mām . sabhojyair yathā jayet | tato mahānavamyām . tu gandhādyair bahubhir yajet | 108 niśāyām . p ūjayed devīm . śraddhābhaktisamanvitah . | gandhādyair upacāraiś ca balibhir nr ˚tyagītakaih . | 109 tos . ayet tām . mahādevīm . jayakāmo mahīpatih . | evam . devīm . samārādhya sukham . sam . vatsaram . vaset | 110 nārih . sam . mukham āyāti āgato 'pi palāyate | tasmād vijayakāmo yah . sa etat kurute sadā | ITY Ā ṄGIRASAKALPE BHADRAK ĀL ĪMAH ĀB ĪJAVIDHIH . 104c tām ārabhya P 1 : tadārabhya Ed P • yajed P 1 : p ūjed Ed P 105c viśes . en . a conj. : viśes . am . tu P 1 Ed P • niśāyām . tu P 1 : niśāyām . hi Ed P 106b sapatna Ed P : sapatnī P 1 107ab paśubhir ?mām . sa?bhojyair yathā yajet P 1 : paśubhi bhojyaih . pratos . ayet Ed P Colophon: bhadrakālīmahābījavidhih .As[reported by Arlo Griffiths; P 1 broken off] : bhadrakālībalimahāvidhih . conj.Ed P

  substitution of ucchis . t . arudrafor ucchus . marudrain the citation of the Varāhapurān . a in the South Indian Bhāvaprakāśikā noted above on p. 198); see Brahmayāmala IFP, p. 7 (3.28): *evam . vidhā (em. : evam . vidhi Cod.) *prakartavyā (em. : prakartavyam . Cod.) ekavīrī manoharā | *raktākhyām . (conj. :raktāks . īm . Cod.) vinyaset prācyām . karālīm . daks . in . e nyaset | can . d . āks . īm . paścime nyasya mahocchis . t

	. ottare nyaset; p. 89 (19.59ab):
	raktā karālī can . d . āks . ī mahocchis . t . ā pr ˚thak pr ˚thak; p. 143 (36.14ab): raktā m . karālī m . can . d . āks . ī m . mahocchis . t . ā m . pr ˚tha ṅ nyaset.

  : ś ūdrāyām . vidhinā viprāj jātah . *pāraśavo (corr. :pāraśivo Cod.) matah . | bhadrakālīm . samāśritya jīveyuh . p ūjakāh . smr ˚tāh . . Their Śaiva character is expressed by transforming pāraśavah . into pāraśaivah . as the title of those who have been initiated and consecrated as the officiants of this cult; see ibid., p. 88 (19.54): ādau pāraśavāś caiva *nityam . (em. : nityām . Cod.) devyās tu p ūjakāh . | dīks . itā h . *karmayogyās te (conj. : yogyānām . Cod.) *pāraśaivā (em. : pāraśaiva Cod.) viśes . atah . . The tradition that the priests of Bhadrakālī are persons born into this mixed caste is also recognized outside the Yāmala texts, in the medieval South Indian Vais . n . ava Vaikhānasadharmas ūtra, 143.1-2: viprāc ch ūdrāyām . pāraśavo bhadrakālīp ūjanacitrakarmā ṅgavidyāt ūryaghos . an . amardanavr

  varā ṅgam . vihagam . kr ūram . pu ñjam . purus . am eva ca | kālam . sarvagatam . caiva dāran . ākrānta sundari | 89 tr ˚tīyādyam . tura ṅgam . ca d . ākinīmarmasam . yutam | pavanam . navame yuktam . tejas tejagr ˚he yutam . | 90 laks . mīveśmam . tu udadhim ekatra samayojitam | somāt saptamakoddhr ˚tya navavarn . ā kuleśvarī |

	Devīdvyardhaśatikā f. 8v3-4 (D); Manthānabhairava,

  1 • vihagam . D K J 1 : vihaga J 2 • kr ūram . K J1 J 2 : ś ūram . D 88b pu ñjam . D K : p ūjām . J 1 : p ūjjām . J 2 88d dāran . ā K J 1 J 2 T : dārun . ā D • sum . dari J 1 : sundarī D : s ūmdarīm . J 2 : sundara K (because in this version the pupil is Bhairava and the Goddess the teacher) : mastakam T (to avoid the Aiśa stem-form of dāran . ākrānta) 89a tr ˚tīyādyam . K T J 2 : tr ˚tīyādya D J 1 • tura ṅgam . J 1 : tura ṅga J 2 : turaga ñ D : tara ṅgam . K T 89c navame D K T : nacame J 1 J 2 89d tejas tejagr ˚he yutam . J 2 : tejas tejagr ˚ham . yutam . J 1 : jagat tejogr ˚he yutam K : tejas tejah . samanvitam D : tasmāt saptamam eyutam . T 90ab laks . mīveśmam . tu udadhim ekatra samayojitam . J 1 J 2 : laks . mīveśan tu udadhi ekatra sama yojayet D : ūs . mān . am uddharet p ūrvam .

  yoginīpriyam | 38 kun . d . alīnātham atulam . kr ūram . vai bhīmaśa ṅkukam. I see nothing to support the variant ś ūram as a letter-name. 147 Varn . anāmapat . ala, v. 40: pa ñcamāntam . lā ñchanam . ca k ālam . purus . am eva ca | paśum . marmāntara ṅgam . ca makāram . samudāhr

	˚tam.

  : pr ˚thivyādīni tattvāni kakārādīni vinyaset | trikam . trikam . yathānyāyam . patre patre yathākramam . | bhakārāntam . na sam . dehaś caturvim . śatibhih . kramāt | p ūrvādidalam ārabhya keśares . u na sam . śayah . ; and an unattributed quotation of scripture in Tantrālokaviveka vol. 2, p. 154: pr ˚thivyādīni tattvāni purus . āntāni pa ñcasu | kramāt kādis . u varges . u makārāntes . u suvrate ityādyuktyā kādayo māvasānāh . pa ñcavim . śatir varn . āh . pr ˚thvītattvād ārabhya purus . atattvāntam . yāvat sthitāh .

  yonigam | śr ˚ṅgāt . am . caiva ekāram . nāmabhih . parikīrtitam.

  sam . yutam | tasyādhah . śirasontastham . mahāyonisamāyutam | 36 vāmajānu m . śirah . krāntam . proddharet pin . d . anāyakam | anena j ñātamātren . a yogayuktyā maheśvara | 37 vaśīkaroti vīrendro brahmādīn yoginīs tathā | athānyac chr ˚n . u deveśa bījam . bījavarottamam | 38 savyaśravan . apālistham . hr ˚dayam . nābhisam . yutam | kevalam . vāmapārśvastham . vāmakarn . am . samuddharet | 39 adhah . stād yojayed deva kapālārn . atr ˚tīyakam | nārāntram . vāmapādādhoharimun . d . ena sam . yutam | 40 jīvārn . am . yonibījena sam . yuktam . saptamam . hara | guhyam . śiroruhādyastham . daks . in . oru m . samuddharet | 41 randhrasam . khyā mahāvidyā śus . kāvigrahakoddhr ˚tā | durlabhā tridaśeśānām . siddhānām . khecarīs . u ca | 42 asyāh . sam . smaran . ād eva merutulyo gurur bhavet | bhasmasād yāti sadyaiva pāpam . yat p ūrvasam . citam | 43 anayā j ñātayā deva kālikākulajātayā | saptasaptatikot . is tu vidyānām . paramārthatah .

  : r ˚kta m . devakalādyam . ca saptamam . bhānur uttamam | napum . sakādyam . vikhyātam r ˚kāram . nāmabhih . sadā). The vowels are 'lunar' when they are sixteen (A to AH . ) and 'solar' when they are reduced to twelve by the omission of the neuter or sterile vowels (R So the intended meaning must have been 'seventh of the lunar series

	and	L ˚).	˚,	R ˚, L ˚,

  : ebhyo mantrān pravaks . yāmi yathāmnāye prakāśitam | tridaśe dvitiyam . gr ˚hya navamadhyam . tu āsane | 272 lat . hamadhyam adhe yojya tridaśe navamam . śire | asyaiva pa ñcamam . gr ˚hya śire deyam . vicaks . an . āt | 273 k ūt . arājam . mahāghoram . sarvasiddhikaram . param | jhahamadhyagatam . gr ˚hya sayamadhyam . tu uddharet | 274 triyonī-a ṅkuśam . deyam etad varn . atr ˚tīyakam | saptame prathamam . gr ˚hya kevalam . tu samuddharet | 275 tad . hamadhyagatam . gr ˚hya d . ha-ūmadhyam . tu āsane | dvau varn . āv ekatah . kuryād aśvadhāram . prakīrtitam | 276 navame antimoddhr ˚tya ñalamadhyam adhe dadet | uddhr ˚tam . s . as . t . hamam . varn . am . mahāsiddhikaram . param | 277 tridaśe prathamam . gr ˚hya tasyaiva navamam . śire | saptamam . tu mahāvarn . am . vāgvilāsam . prakīrtitam | 278 dasamadhyagatam . gr ˚hya śalamadhyam . tu āsane | as . t . amam . tu mahāvīra navamam adhunā śr ˚n . u | 279 tridaśe antimam . gr ˚hya kevalam . tu samuddharet | ante pāda samākhyātam . madhye nāmam . prakalpayet. This gives the Mantra as KHPHREM . MAH ĀCAN . D . AYUGE ŚVAR ˚, with a surprising substitution of Radiance (bhāsācakram), respectively KHMLYPHREM . CAN . D . AYOGE ŚVARI RJHRIM . AN ĀKHYE GPHREM . YOGE ŚVARI PHAT . and KHPHREM . MAH ĀCAN . D . AYOGE ŚVARI RKHPHREM .

  and K ūt . eśvarī: 168 8 gatvā vīrendranilayam . candanāgurucarcitah . | madirānandacaitanyo pa ñcaratnasamācitah . | 9 prastaren mātr ˚kām . tatra sarvavā ṅmayamātaram |

165

These are extracted letter by letter in

  kālikā smr ˚tā;f. 108v5-6: etat tatpin . d . avij ñānam . kun . d . aleśīmatam . śubham; f. 118r3-4 (colophon): . . . kun . d . aleśvarīvidhih . pa ñcadaśamah . pat . alah . . She is called K ūt . eśvarī at f. 110r1 (15.61c): k ūt . eśvarī devadevī; f. 110r4 (15.67ab): deyam argham . devadevi k ūt . eśvaryābhimantritam; and S . at . ka 4, f. 59r7: *yat tat (as cited in Jayadrathayāmalaprastāramantrasam . graha, f. 61r1 : yan na A) k ūt . eśvarīcakre pin . d . am uktam . mayā tava (see n. 176 on p. 286).

  176 locanāstravivarjitām | dhyānadhyeyavinirmuktām . cidacitpadamadhyagām | 17 spandamānām . pare vyomni sarvaśaktikalālayām | ā kālacakrakuharāc †chadanāt † parakun . d . alīm | 18 prabodhya guruvaktrāntam . yuktyā mīnavivartavat 'When the [internal] utterance of this [Mantra] is accomplished correctly only once, the body trembles violently. Of this there is no doubt. [This goddess] Parakun . d . alī does not have the Heart, Head, Hair-queue, Armour, Eyes, and Weapon [that are the Ancillaries of ordinary Mantras

  INITYE SV ĀH Ā | HAM . STHITIP ŪRN . E NAMAH . | RAM . MAH ĀSAM . H ĀRIN . I KR ˚ŚE CAN . D . AK ĀL Ī PHAT . | HSKHPHREM . MAH ĀN ĀKHYE ANANTABH ĀSKARI MAH ĀCAN . D . AK ĀLI PHAT . | RAM . MAH ĀSAM . H ĀRIN . I KR ˚ŚE CAN . D . AK ĀL Ī PHAT . | HAM . STHITIP ŪRN . E NAMAH . | SAM . SR ˚S . T . INITYE SV ĀH Ā | HSKHPHREM . MAH ĀCAN . D . AYOGE ŚVARI. 178 This Mantra comprises five Vidyās in one: four invoking Kālī as embodied in each of the four phases of Krama worship, those of emission (sr ˚s . t . ih . ), stasis (sthitih . ), retraction (sam . hārah .

  also beingcalled K ūt . eśvarī in that chapter, as shown above (see p. 284). He explains only what should follow that syllable in the primary Mantra and then decodes the instructions for the Mantras for the individual Kālīs. Without the interspersed citations from the text he is explaining his commentary is as follows (f. 61r-6): MAH ĀK ĀLIP ĀDA. ATHAV Ā MAH Ā-CAN . D . AYOGE ŚVARĪP ĀDA. . . . PH ĀM . PH ĀM . PHEM . SR ˚S . T . IK ĀLIP ĀDA. . . . 3 STHITIK ĀLIP ĀDA. 3 SAM . H ĀRAK ĀLIP ĀDA. 3 *RAKTAK ĀLIP ĀDA (corr. RAKTAK ĀLIK ĀLIP ĀDA Cod.). 3 SUK ĀLIP ĀDA. 3 YAMAK ĀLIP ĀDA. 3 MR ˚TYUK ĀLIP ĀDA. 3 BHADRAK ĀLIP ĀDA. 3 PARAM ĀRKAK ĀLIP ĀDA. 3 M ĀRTAN . D . AK ĀLIP ĀDA. 3 K ĀL ĀGNIRUDRAK ĀLIP ĀDA. 3 *MAH ĀK ĀLAK ĀLIP ĀDA (corr. : MAH Ā-K ĀLAK ĀLIK ĀP ĀDA Cod.). 3 MAH ĀBHAIRAVAK ĀLIP ĀDA. *evam . (em. : 3 evam . Cod.) devī 13. The numeral 3 here denotes the three syllables PH ĀM . PH ĀM . PHEM . . 177 Mahātripurasundarīvarivasyā (KARAP ĀTRASV ĀMIN 1962), p. 255: [OM . HRĪM . ĪM . OM . ] HSKHPHREM . MAH ĀCAN . D . A*YOGE ŚVARI (corr. : YOGĪ ŚVARI Ed.) K ĀLIKE PHAT . UTTAR ĀMN ĀYA-SAMAYAVIDYE ŚVARIK ĀLIK ĀDEVYAMB Ā[ŚRĪP ĀDUK ĀM . P ŪJAY ĀMI NAMAH . ]. The additions in parenthesis are mine, replacing the author's indications to carry standing elements forward. 178 Paraśurāmakalpas ūtra, Sarvasādhāran . akrama, S ūtra 25. On the context of recitation see ibid., S ūtras 8-9: atha raśmimālā. 9 suptotthitenais . ā manasaikavāram āvartyā 'Next the Raśmimālā. He should recite this once mentally as soon as he has risen from sleep'.

179

  Jayadrathayāmala, S . at . ka 1,: 6 pihanāt gopitā yā ca gūd . hā *sarvārthasiddhidā (conj. [cf. Yonigahvara, f. 15v5 (212b): k ūt . am . sarvārthasiddhidam] : sarvaj ñasiddhidā Cod.) | prabodhakaran . ī vidyā kr ˚tyāvetālasādhanī | 7 trailokyar ājyapraday ā *yayā (conj. : yasyā Cod.) tulyā na vidyate | āścaryān . i mahīyām . si pratyayāś ca tathaiva ca | 8 yayā jāyanti vīrān . ām . vidhānārpitacetasām | yayā sarvān . i kāryān . i ekayā sādhayet sadā | 9 yā na kīlayitum . śakyā yasyānyogrā na vidyate | mantra mudrāthavā vidyā yā tvayādhyāsitāsakr ˚t | 10 kālar ūpā mahāvidyā jagat kars . ayate yatah . | kālasam . kars . an . ī tena proktā yā prāk tvayā mama | 11 sā muhuh . kr ˚payā nātha saindhavāya prakāśyatām. 180 Jayadrathayāmala, S . at . ka 1, f. 125r1-2 (19.66ab): dr ˚s . t . vaitan man . d . alam . yodhā jayanti yudhi līlayā. 181 Jayadrathayāmala, S . at . ka 1, f. 177r9-v1 (40.87): sam . sthitā dhārakā *hy asya (em. : dyasya Cod.) śiracchedasya suvrate | sām . grāmikam idam . tantram . rājānasyātidurlabham. 182 Jayadrathayāmala, S . at . ka 4, ff. 222v5-237v3. Colophons: mahālaks . mīmatacakre devyutpattimantroddhārapat . alah . (f. 224v2-3); mahālaks . myā yāgapat . alah . (f. 229r7-v1); mahālaks . myādisiddhipat . alah .

  188 p ūjanam | vahnikāryam . yathāvastham . japam . sarvārthasiddhidam | 8 tad br ūhi devadeveśa yath ā r ājy ādis ādhanam | evam . niśamya deveśah . priyāvaktroditam . vacah . | 9 *prāha (corr. : prāhi Cod.) tantravarasyānte mahālaks . mīmatam . śubham; f. 224r7: dad āti pr ˚thivīśvaryam acirān nātra sam . śayah . ; f. 226r1: yad icched *r ājyasam . pattim . (corr. : rājyasam . pattis Cod.); f. 228r6-7, speaking of the Yoginīs worshipped in the Man . d . ala: etat sādhāran . am devi khad . gasiddhipradāyikā h . | acirāt p ārthivendratvam . sādha ka sya dadanti tāh . ; f. 230v1: carukam . juhuyād devi bhāgam . tāsām .

prakalpayet | dadanti pr ˚thivīśvaryam . ; f. 231v7: siddhiks . etrān . y atah . śr ˚n . u | yes . u sam . siddhyate mantrī yena r ājyam . labhed dhruvam; f. 232r3: sam . vatsare narendratvam . ; and f. 232r4: siddhyate caiva sam . r ājyam

  ,Ran . abha ñja I of Khi ñjaliman . d . ala as -stambheśvarīlabdhavaraprasāda-(SINGH 1994, p. 101), and the Hoysal . a kings as -vāsantikādevīlabdhavaraprasāda-(e.g., Epigraphia Carnatica 4, Ng, no. 38 of c. AD 1125; Ng, no. 30 of AD 1164; and 12, Tp, no. 58 of c. AD 1120). On Māneśvarī seeTOFFIN 1996, pp. 59-62.

  in the Ekāntavāsinīdevatāyāga found in a birch-bark manuscript of the Kāśmīrikakarmakān . d . apaddhati, a compendium that sets out the rituals of the brahmins of Kashmir: 1 śr ˚n . u deveśi tattvena rahasyam paramadurlabham | ekāntī devatā yā sā kālasam . kars . an . ī parā | 2 sutānām . jīvitārthe ca p ūjayet parameśvarīm | purā tu devadeveśi gauryāh . putro na jīvitah . | 3 divyam . vars . asahasra m . ca tapas taptam . mayā priye | jīvitārthena putrān . ām . kr ˚tam . vratam abhīpsitam | 4 aśarīrā tadā vān . ī hy abravīn madhurā girā | sam . kars . an . ī nāma devī ekāntī hy atha yocyate | 5 p ūjayet parayā bhaktyā sutānām . jīvitārthatah . | sā śaktih . paramā devī dīrghajīvas suto bhavet | Kathāsaritsāgara 68.64-71b: athākasmād gr ˚hāyātām . śvasr ūm . tām . siddhayoginīm | anugrahārthī so 'bhyarcya prārthayām āsa yatnatah . | 65 sātha yogeśvarī tasmai sabhāryāya yathāvidhi | kālasam . kars . in . īm . vidyām . dīks . āp ūrvam upādiśat | 66 tatah . śrīparvatam . gatvā sa vidyām . tām asādhayat | sā ca siddhā satī sāks . āt tasmai khad . gottamam . dadau | 67 prāptakhad . gaś ca sam . pannah . sa tayā bhāryayā saha | kāntimatyā kr ˚tī vāmadatto vidyādharottamah . | 68 tato rajatak ūt . ākhye śr ˚ṅge malayabh ūbhr ˚tah . | kr ˚tam . puravaram . tena nijasiddhiprabhāvatah . | 69 tato vidyādharendrasya tatra kālena kanyakā | tasyām . patyām . samutpannā nāmnā lalitalocanā | 70 jātamātraiva sā vidyādharasaccakravartinah . | bhāryā bhavitrī nirdis . t (em. : kāle sam . kars . in . īm . śritah . Ed.'s MS KHA : kālasam . kars . an . o 'sinah . Ed.) | vidyām . śrīparvate dhyātvā khad . gavidyādharo 'bhavat.

	śrīdevy uvāca:
	6 sarvasam . śayacchettāra sarvaj ña parameśvara |
	vidhānam . br ūhi me tasyā yadi tus . t . o 'si me prabho |
	īśvara uvāca:
	.	ā
	gaganodbhavayā girā.

190 191 Br ˚hatkathāma ñjarī 9.52-54, reading in 53 tacchiks . ayā vāmadattah . *kālasam . kars . in . īm . śritah .

  7 śr ˚n . u devi pravaks . yāmi tantram . trailokyadurlabham | vedādyam . p ūrvam uddhr ˚tya mahāpāpāntam uddharet | 8 pānujam . repham ār ūd . ham agnidhāmnaiva bh ūs . itam | ardhendubindusahitam . mantram . tridaśad . āmaram | 9 svanāmasahitā devī namaskārāntayojitā | karādidehanyāsam . ca ekoccāren . a kārayet | 10 svagr ˚he p ūjayed devīm . bhogair nānāvidhaiś śubhaih . | padmam . cātra surekham . tu caturasram . tu pr ˚s . t . hatah . | 11 dvāraiś caturbhis sam . yuktam . nānāra ṅgais tu ra ñjitam | ādau snātvā suvastrā ca bhaktyā p ūjyā maheśvari | 12 p ūjitā varadā devī śuklapaks . e dine tithau | trayodaśyām arkadine caturthyām . ca varānane | 13 mārgaśīrs . e tathā jyais . t . he pratisam . vatsaram . punah . | gr ˚he bhartuś ca putrārthe śāntyarthe p ūjayet sadā | 14 devaveśmapratis . t . hādau sutakanyāvivāhayoh . | s . as . t . hyā yāge tathā khad . ge jantau jāte prap ūjayet | 15 rājakāryes . u sarves . u yaj ñe devīm . prap ūjayet | Kāśmīrikakarmakān . d . apaddhati, f. 35v (Ekāntavāsinīdevatāyāgah . ) 4d yocyate conj. : śocyate Cod. 6c tasyā em. : tasya Cod. 6d prabho conj. : śr ˚n . u Cod. 7d mahāpāpāntam uddharet conj. : mahāpāpānta coddharet Cod. 8a pānujam . em. (cf. Jayadrathayāmala, S . at . ka 4, f. 230r2: pānujam . proccaret) : sānujam . Cod. 8b agnidhāmnaiva em. : agnidhāstraiva Cod. 8d tridaśad . āmaram em. [cf. Nityākaula, f. 4v3-4: + ntram . tridaśad . āmaram . ] : didaśad . āmaram Cod. 9c nyāsam . ca conj. : nyāsena Cod. 10d pr , Deveśī, in truth the secret supremely difficult to acquire. The goddess Ekāntī is the supremeKālasam . kars . an . ī. 192 One should worship [this goddess] Parameśvarī for the [long] life of one's sons. In the past, Devadeveśī, a son of Gaurī did not survive and I, beloved, [therefore] practised celestial penance for a thousand years. I performed the desired ascetic observance to secure the longevity of my sons. Then a disembodied, sweet-toned voice addressed me and said: "For the long life of one's sons one should worship with total devotion the goddess [Kāla]sam . kars . an . ī known as Ekāntī. This goddess is the supreme Śakti. [By her favour] one's son will be long-lived". The goddess said: "Omniscient Parameśvara, resolver of all doubts, if you are pleased with me, my master, tell me her rite". Īśvara replied and said: "Hear, Devī. I shall teach you the most precious ritual in all the three worlds. One should extract the first [sound] of the Veda [OM . ], then the [letter] after the Great Sin [KH(A)] 193 and the younger sibling of P[A] on R[A] adorned with the fire-pit [E] and accompanied by the half-moon and the dot[, namely] the Tridaśad . āmara Mantra [KHPHREM . ]. The goddess [that is this Vidyā] should be accompanied by her name [in the dative case] and have NAMAH .added at the end.194 One may accomplish the installation [of the Mantra] on the hands and body [simply] by reciting it once. One should worship the goddess in one's home with fine foods of many kinds and there should be a lotus for her with well-drawn lines and a square behind it, provided with four gateways, and coloured with powders of various hues. First one should bathe, Maheśvarī, and then after putting on a fine garment worship her with devotion. The goddess grants boons when worshipped every year on the thirteenth lunar day, if it is a Sunday, and the fourth, of the bright halves of the monthsMārgaśīrs . a and Jyais . t . ha, in the home of [one's] husband, in order to obtain male offspring, and to quell [all dangers]. One should [also] worship her in such [ceremonies] as the consecration of [an image of] a god or a [new] house, or on the occasion of the marriage of a son or daughter, when one performs worship of [the goddess] S . as . t . hī, on the sword, and whenever a person is born. [Moreover,] one should worship the goddess in a fire sacrifice (yaj ñe) on the occasion of any undertaking on behalf of the king

˚s . t . hatah . conj. : pr ˚s . t . atām Cod. 14a devaveśmapratis . t . hādau conj. : pratis . t . hādevaveśmādau Cod. 15b devīm . conj. : dīks . ām . Cod.

Hear

  head' among the code-names of KA(vv. 20c-21b): yonyādyam . kartanam . caiva kalaśam . parikīrtitam | brahmān . am . śīrs . akam . caiva kakāram . paripat . hyate. The expression mahāpāpam evidently conveys the same sense, referring to the great sin (mahāpātakah . ) of brahminicide committed by Śiva when he cut off the fifth head arrogantly sprouted by four-headed Brahmā and then performed penance by carrying the skull, the embodiment of that sin, in his left hand as his begging bowl. The myth is already told in chapters 5 to 7 of the originalSkandapurān . a, which holds that the decapitation took place in Kashmir(7.33), and in 78.210-217 of the Picumata (f. 311r2-4), which locates the events by the bank of the Gandhavatī (f. 311r2 [210c]: gandhavatyā tat . e ramye), that is to say, in the cremation ground of Ujjain (Kathāsaritsāgara 102[6][7]: paścime kalpayed devi ujjenīks . etram uttamam . | pāśam . tatra samālikhya aśvattham . vr ˚ks . am uttamam . | tasyādhastāl likhen mantrī nāmnā gandhavatīnadī m | tasya daks . in . atīre tu śmaśānām . cālikhed budhah . ).

  : kapālamālinam . dr ˚s . t . vā j ñātvā ca purus . ottamah . | svabhujam . darśayām āsa mahāsattvo mahābalah . | tato mayā triś ūlena hatas tu śubhalocane | śron . itasyātivegena tato dhārā vinirgatā | mahāghos . en . a patitā kapāle cātibhāsvare).

  p ūjayed bindumārgordhvam . mahātejah . svar ūpin . īm | bhāvābhāves . u sarves . u sam . hāracakranāyikām | 72 mahātejovatīm . dīptām . bind ūrdhvapathagāminīm | tatra p ūjyā prayatnena svasam .vedanatatparaih . | 73 athavā cchurikām . *sthāpya (N 1 : sthāpyā N 2 ) kartarīm . vā sudārun . ām | *mahāmukurapr ˚s . t . he (mukura conj. : mukut . a Codd.) tu p ūjyā sam . hārabhairavī. The Vidyā is extracted in 4.64-69. I have emended the reading of the manuscripts mahāmukut . apr

	to mahāmukurapr ˚s . t	. he 'on a large crown' ˚s . t

mukt āpīd . asya mantrin . am ||7|| kaly ān . asv āmināmāsya yāj

  gives the relevant text of the Kādambarīkathāsāra and its translation as follows: śaktināmābhavad gaud . o bhāradvājakule dvijah . | dārvābhisāram āsādya kr ˚tadāraparigrahah . ||5|| tasya mitr ābhidhāno 'bh ūd ātmajas tejasām . nidhih . | janena dos . oparamaprabuddhenārcitodayah . ||6|| sa śaktisv āminam . putram avāpa śrutaśālinam | rāj ñah . karkot . avam . śasya ñavalkya ivābhavat | tanayah . śuddhayogarddhinirdh ūtabhavakalmas . ah . ||8|| agādhahr ˚dayāt tasmāt parameśvaraman . d . anam | ajāyata sutah . kāntaś candro dugdhodadher iva ||9|| putram . kr ˚tajanānandam . sa jayantam ajījanat | āsīt kavitvavaktr ˚tvaphalā yasya sarasvatī ||10|| vr ˚ttikāra iti vyaktam . dvitīyam . nāma bibhratah . | vedavedā ṅgavidus . ah . sarvaśāstrārthavādinah . ||11|| jayantanāmnah . sudhiyah . sādhusāhityatattvavit | s ūnuh . samudabh ūt tasmād abhinanda iti śrutah . ||12||

  does not mention Śaktisvāmin. He does however mention a minister of Lalitāditya called Mitraśarman (Rājatara ṅgin . ī 4.137f.)." 5 NM I 653.11-12: asmatpitāmaha eva grāmakāmah . sām . grahan . īm . kr ˚tavān. sa is . t . isamāptisamantaram eva gauram ūlakam . grāmam avāpa. "My own grandfather, desiring a village, performed the sām . grahan . ī sacrifice. Immediately after the completion of the sacrifice he obtained the village of Gauram ūlaka" (Tr. by DEZS Ő [2004: vii]).

  He accepts that all scriptures, except those of extreme sects such as Lokāyata, Nīlāmbara andSam . sāramocaka, are authoritative because they fulfill the condition either 'being based on the Vedas' or 'being composed by a reliable person'.

	1-4 4 Vedas
	5 6	Smr ˚ti Itihāsapurān . a
	7-12 6 A ṅgas
	13	Mīmām . sā
	14	Nyāya
		Śaiva, Pāśupata, Pa ñcarātra
		Bauddha, Ārhata
		Lokāyata, Nīlāmbara, (Sam . sāramocaka)

  ." 10 Cf. Śābarabhās . ya ad 2.4.9, ŚBh 635.4-5: yad uktam "śākhāntares . u karmabhedah . " iti. sarvaśākhāpratyayam . sarvabrāhman . apratyayam . caikam . karma 'It is said that ritual actions are distinguished [from each other] when the [Vedic] branches are different. [But it is not the case.] A single ritual is known from all branches and all Brāhman . as.' 11 Tantravārttika 189.3-6 ad 1.3.4 (quoted in NM I 615.16-19): yadi yaj ñopayogitvam . nehāsty ātharvan . aśruteh . | arthāntarapramān . atvam . kenāsyāh . pratihanyate śāntipus . t . yabhicārārthā hy ekabrahmartvigāśritāh . | kriyās tayā pramīyante *'trāpy evātmīyagocarāh .(NM reads: trayīvātmīyagocarah . ; but NMGBh 101.14-15 supports -gocarāh . ) 'With regard to this, [even] if the Atharvanic revelation does not contribute to a sacrifice, why is it denied that it is authoritative [at least] with regard to other things? For in this case, too, ritual actions relying on a single Brahman priest which aim at propitiation, prosperity or black magic are known from the [Atharvanic revelation] as constituting its [i.e., the revelations's] special domain' (Cakradhara in NMGBh 101.15-18 interprets ātmīyagocarāh . as a bahuvrīhi compound: '[ritual actions] which have [the revelation's] own [ritual elements] as [their] targets', i.e. 'containing its own ritual elements').

  NM I 621.7-19: tad 14 ayuktam. atharvavedena brahmatvasya karan . āt. tathā 15 ca gopathabrāhman . am-(1) prajāpatis somena yaks . yamān . o vedān 16 uvāca kam . vo hotāram . vr . īs . va sa hi audgātram . veda, (5) atharvā ṅgirovidam eva brahmān . am . vr ˚n . īs . va sa hi brahmatvam . veda

	˚n . īyam 17
	iti prakramya
	(2) tasmād r ˚gvidam eva hotāram . vr ˚n . īs . va sa hi hautram . veda, (3) yajurvidam evādhvaryum .

18

vr ˚n . īs . va sa hi ādhvaryavam . veda, (4) sāmavidam evodgātāram . 19 vr ˚n

  K 19 evodgātāram . ] MVK; evodgāram . L ity evam 20 abhidhāya punar āha (6) atha cen naivam . vidham . hotāram adhvaryum udgātāram . brahmān . am . vā 21 vr ˚n . ute purastād evais . ām . 22 yaj ño ricyate 23 iti (7) tasmād r ˚gvidam eva hotāram . kuryād yajurvidam 24 evādhvaryum .These passages correspond to the Gopathabrāhman . a, in GAASTRA's edition, as follows (peculiar differences are underlined in the above text): 32(7) This corresponds to GB1.2.24:62.2-3 for the Hotr ˚(tasmād r ˚gvidam eva hotāram . vr ˚n . īs . va), but for the other priests the GB has 3 times tasmāt tam eva . . . vr ˚n . īs . va, and the NM quote rather resembles GB 1.3.1:65.1-3 (tasmād r ˚gvidam eva hotāram . vr ˚n . īs . va yajurvidam adhvaryum . sāmavidam udgātāram atharvā ṅgirovidam . brahmān . am . ) 36 (

		25 sāmavidam evodgātāram atharvā ṅgiro-
	vidam 26 eva brahmān . am
	iti. tathā yaj ñe 27
	(8) yad ūnam . ca viris . t . am . ca yātayāmam . ca karoti tad atharvan . ām . 28 tejasā
	pratyāyayati
	iti. 29 tathā
	(9) na rte 30 bhr ˚gva ṅgirovidbhyah .	31 somah . pātavyah .
	iti.

tad] MVL; tad etad K 15 tathā] MVK; yathā L 16 vedān] MVL; devān K 17 vr ˚n . īyam] VL; vr ˚n . īyam iti M; vr ˚n . ayām K 18 evādhvaryum . ] MV; evādhvaryam . L; evādhvaryavam .

  NM I 552.10-11: na 53 caupādhikah . pait . hīnasipaippal ādiprabhr ˚tis . u 54 brāhman . apratyayah . , upādher agrahan . āt, aupādhikatvasya ca 55 gotvādāv api vaktum . śakyatvāt.

  samāpyate . brought forward that already around 700 AD, at the time of his ancestor Śakti, there was a Paippalādin family inBengal. 57 Kāt . hakasam . kalana Kāt . haka-sam . kalana.Ed. S ūrya Kānta. Lahore: Meharchand Lachhmandas, 1943 [Reprint New Delhi 1981].KādambarīkathāsāraThe Kâdambarîkathâsâra of Abhinanda.Ed. Durgāprasād and Kāśīnāth Pān . durang. Bombay: The Nirn . aya-Sāgara Press, 1888. Nyāyama ñjarī, I mainly consult M, which is also the edition to whose volume, page and line numbers I refer throughout this paper. For correcting the text, I consult another edition V and two manuscripts designated as K and L. See below and also KATAOKA

		Textual sources
	Āgamad . ambara ĀD . 1 Āgamad . ambara Otherwise Called S . an . matanāt . aka of Jayanta Bhat . t . a.
		Ed. V. Raghavan & Anantalal Thakur. Darbhanga: Mithila In-
		stitute, 1964.
	ĀD . 2	See DEZS Ő (2004).
	Gopathabrāhman . a
	GB	Das Gopatha Brāhman . a. Ed. Dieuke Gaastra. Leiden: E.J. Brill,
		1919.
	Tattvasa ṅgraha
	TS	Tattvasangraha of Ācārya Shāntaraks . ita. Ed. Dvārikadāsa Śāstrī. Vol. 2. Varanasi: Baudha Bharati, 2 1982.
	Tattvasa ṅgrahapa ñjikā
		See TS.
	Tantravārttika
		See ŚBh for the Śābarabhās . ya.
	Nyāyakalikā
		The Nyāyakalikā of Jayanta. Ed. Ganganath Jha. Princess of Wales
		Sarasvati Bhavana Texts. Allahabad, 1925.
	Nyāyama ñjarī
	NM	For the

  See Ps-JRT 115*, p. 149 (B 1082 ab): śiś ūnām . śāstrapāt . hādi s ūhabhat . t . ena nāśitam. 20 Cp. SLAJE 2005: 21 (n. 93). See also CHI p. 281; MAJUMDAR 1990: 431 (n. 30); WITZEL 1994b: 238; DHAR 1994: XIV, n. 24. 21 See Ps-JRT 113*, p. 146: . . . ks . māpas tadvidyāpratyayotsukah . | ānāyayat sa tān sarvān pan . d . itān nijaman . d . alam B 1047 | . . . | . . . tatra yathāyogam . nyavīviśat B 1048 'The

  śāstres . v atharvavedasya māhātmyam . paripaśyatām | kāśmīrikān . ām . tatprāptyai ciram āsīn manorathah . 1269 kāle 'tha vipule yāte s ūhabhat . t . abhay ākulah . | yuddhabhat . t . ābhidho mānī deś āntaram ag ād gun . ī 1270 yajus . ah . pat . hanāt prītaih . karn . āt . aih . so 'tha pāt . hitah . | sarahasyam atharvān . am . nijām . pratyāgato bhuvam 1271 śrījainollābhadenasya gun . ino gun . arāgin . ah . | upadīkr ˚tya tam . vedam . parām . tus . t . im ajījanat 1272 Ps-JRT *121 (p. 173), B 1269-1272 The people of Kaśmīr, being fully aware of the Atharvaveda's great impor-Śrīvara may even have taken his partial citation directly from Jayanta's Nyāyama ñjarī, since, according to Śuka (c. AD 1513), a good history-writer should be familiar with (typically Nyāya) issues of reasoning and raising doubts (tarka, vitarka), and should base his work on valid means of knowledge (pramān . a), etc.: vandyam . tarkavitarkakauśalamater vākyam . pramān . ānvitam . yatkāntyā nr ˚pakīrtivasturacanā dedīpyate sarvatah . | ( ŚuRT I 4ab).

  in Jonarāja's and Śrīvara's contemporary chronicles. By piecing them together, we get a more comprehensive picture ofŚiryabhat . t . a's personality and fate.At the time when Jonarāja lived at Zayn's court,Śiryabhat . t . a was holding the highest judicial position.26 Moreover, it wasŚiryabhat . t . a, who -on behalf of Zayn -commissioned Jonarāja to continueKalhan . a's work. Says Jonarāja himself:

	sarvadharmādhikāres . u niyuktasya dayāvatah . |
	mukhāc chrīśiryabhat . t . asya prāpyāj ñām 'anavaj ñayā
	rājāvalim . p ūrayitum . samprati' . . . | JRT 11-12b
	I had received orders [of the

  must have been senior to Jonarāja. Separated by some 800 Ślokas from his introductory remarks just cited, Jonarāja has left us a more detailed account ofŚiryabhat . t . a's earlier fate. It perfectly ties in with our general knowledge of the religious policy pursued by S ūhabhat . t . a under Sikandar and Alī Šāh: Zayn had been suffering seriously from what appeared to be an incurable boil, and because of the oppressions by the Mlecchas no medical expert the sons . . . and provided him with his own garments . . . '). The choice of words in the given context (upadīkr ˚-tena apāt . hayat) points to a gift in physical shape, i.e. a manuscript copy of the Atharvaveda. Had Yuddhabhat . t . a recited it to Zayn only from memory, we would not expect a causative form of the verb pat . h. Moreover, mere recitation could hardly have been considered a 'present'. Cp. also ŚRT I 5, 79 (quoted above in footnote 21), according to which Zayn procured manuscripts (pustaka) from abroad.Śiryabhat . t . a was promoted to the office ofSult . ān's chief judge').had remained in the country -except forŚiryabhat . t . a. 27 The latter, however, had been hiding himself:yajvāgārud . aśāstraj ñah . śiryabhat . t . o nr ˚pānugaih . | atrānvis . adbhir āpto 'tha . . . cikitsāyām . vidagdhah . sa mlecchabhīty ā vyalambata | sphuli ṅgadagdhah . purus . ah . spr ˚śaty api man . im . cirāt svayam . dattābhayo rāj ñā prāptas tam udam ūlayat |

	śiryabhat . t . o vis . asphot . am . . . . JRT 812-814
	tus . t . ena bh ūbhujā dattām . yathes . t . am api sampadam |
	naiks . is . t . a śiryabhat . t . ah . sa . . . JRT 816
	The

26

Cp. also Ps-JRT 113*, p. 148: bh ūpateh . prād . vivākatvam . sa prāpad bhat . t . aśiryakah . B 1073cd ('

  is praised for having repaired damages and having remedied abuses caused by S ūhabhat . t . a. Pseudo-Jonarāja depicts Śiryabhat . t . a as the true antagonist of S ūhabhat . t . a. By his unremitting efforts, he, however, incurred the anger of the Muslims (yavana): nāśitam . s ūhabhat . t . ena yadyat kaśmīraman . d . ale | yojitam . śiryabhat . t . ena rājaprārthanayātha tat pravartya yāgayātrādi nāgānām . bhat . t . aśiryakah . | turus . kāpahr ˚tām . bh ūmim . vidagdebhyo nyadāpayat udaye dāpite tena hindukānām akhan . d . ite | śiryabhat . t . āya cukupuh . sarve yavanadānavāh . Ps-JRT 113* (p. 146), B 1051-1053 From that time on (atha), Śiryabhat . t . a, at the request of the Sult . ān, restored again whatever had been destroyed [before] in the country of Kashmir by S ūhabhat . t . a. Śiryabhat . t . a first set in motion [the performance of] Nāga-

  t . aputra-śrī-Līlākara, grandson of bhat . t . a-Dinakara, son of bhat . t . a-Yaśaskara. The donee of Plate 2 is śānti-gr ˚ha-prativa(ba)ddha-śāntivārika-bhat . t . aputra-śrī-Atthakara, grandson of bhat . t . a-Yaśaskara, son of bhat . t . a-purohita-śrī-Śāntikara." Thus the two Paippalādins were śāntivārikas attached to a śāntigr ˚ha.

  and 50. On the other hand, epigraphical records of the Rās . t . rak ūt . as, for instance, testify that R ˚g-, Yajur-, or Sāmavedins could belong to the very same gotras; cf. SCHMIEDCHEN 2001: 65. 58 Cf. SAHNI 1917/18 = EI 14, no. 15 (B), p. 199, text l. 19 (single plate): . . . kat . hehalīsatkatāmrapatralikhitanānānāmagotrebhyo brāhman . ebhyaś catuścaran . acā(ca)tu[h . *]śrutipāt . akebhyah . pam . caśatasam . khyebhyo . . . .

  At least theoretically, the Atharvaveda belonged to the corpus

	Index
	Abhayamantra, 214	a ṅkas, Orissa dates measured in, 152
	Abhayanr ˚sim . ha, 211 abhicāra, 316	Annamdeo, 289 antas . t . ya-, 40
	abhicārika, 172	Anukraman . ī material of the Paippalādins,
	Abhinavagupta, 228, 237	187, 254
	accented passages in the PS, 31, 41	Ānus . t . ubhakalpamālā, 216
	advaitācāra, 225	Anuttara, 231
	Āgamad . ambara, 196	Anuttarasam . vidarcanācarcā, 244, 248
	Agasti, descendants of, 25	apacít-, 69
	Agastyaśrautas ūtra, 184	Aparājitānandanātha, 238
	Agni	Archetype (*G) of PS mss., 54, 87
	7-syllable mantra of, 221	Ārdrapat . ī, 207
	mantra of, 219	Arthaśāstra, 204
	Agnicayana, 73, 81	Asimil . ā (a Paippalāda village), 146
	Agnipurān . a, 85, 188, 205
	agrāhāra, 314, 364
	Ahalā, queen of Kashmir, 348
	Ahalyā Mat . ha, 344, 346
	foundation and destruction of, 347
	Ahirbudhnyasam . hitā, 248
	aindrīśānti, 362
	Ajitasena, 197
	ājyatantra, 183
	Alī Šāh, 333, 341
	accession and defeat of, 344
	succession of, 348
	amānta system of month-naming
	use in Kashmir of, 347
	Amarakośa, 46, 47, 63
	anad . udvrata, 177
	anākhyacakra, 286
	Ānandakalpalatikā, 231
	Anantavarman Cod . aga ṅgadeva, 233
	Ancillaries (a ṅgas) of Mantras, 199, 245,
	257
	Andhra Pradesh, 227, 229, 235, 355, 356,
	364
	andhya-, 37
	a ṅgamantras, 199, 245, 257
	A ṅgas (i.e. Vedā ṅgas)
	(list of) six, 173, 175, 182
	Ā ṅgirasakalpa, 146, 184, 185
	Ā ṅgirasa rituals, officiants of, 203
	animal sacrifice, 221, 225, 271, 276

J.C. WRIGHT, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and AfricanStudies 65 (2002), 194-196, p. 194.

The meaning of the symbols is as follows: ∪ = short syllable; -= long syllable; ∪ = syllaba anceps.

Except for disyllabic pronunciation of thegen. pl. in -ām, an entirely unproblematic restoration (cf. OLDENBERG 1888: 163-171). Affected are among other things mostly the nom. pl. in -ās and the abl.sg. in -āt. Already OLDENBERG (1888: 183) noted: "Bedenklich wird der Sprachforschung das Zulassen der Vocalgruppe aa erscheinen." But later on he stated: "Uebrigens darf es zur Beschwichtigung aller Bedenken ausgesprochen werden, dass eine volle Erklärung aller der in Rede stehenden Formen als sprachlicher Erscheinungen vielleicht überhaupt gar nicht das wäre, was hier geleistet werden m üsste. Denn man wird zu ber ücksichtigen haben, dass die hieratisch-k ünstliche Vortragsweise der vedischen Texte, die schon f ür die Zeit ihrer Abfassung mit Wahrscheinlichkeit angenommen werden darf, den Erscheinungen, wie die Sprache sie darbot, eine willk ürliche Steigerung und Ausdehnung aufgedrängt haben kann, welche auf die Rechnung der altindischen Sprache zu setzen verfehlt sein w ürde " (1888:

184).17 Such unexpectedly long scansion of a diphthong in front of a vowel is beyond doubt in the cadences of the following trimeter-pādas:4.8.3a; 4.27.1b; 5.1.1c; 5.1.3b; 5.1.4b; 5.2.9a; 7.82.3d. But in the case of the uneven dimeter-pādas1.29.5a; 6.21.1c and 6.100.1a, the prosodical value of the diphthong is

unclear. 18 Except maybe for R ˚V5.41.17b,

cf. OLDENBERG 1909: 338. 19 2.14.4d and 5.29.10c. Maybe also4.24.6c. These instances can be added to the list given by WHITNEY (1881: 5). Outside of the core kān . d . as vájramight be trisyllabic at the beginning of dimeter-pādas only in ŚS11.10.12d (= 13b) and 3e(= 27d), but like6.135.1b these pādas could also be interpreted as acephalic.

ARNOLD 1905: 161.

This explanation of these two verses has been kindly proposed to me by ArloGriffiths.

Cf. e.g. KORN 1998: 14.

In most cases of a devatādvandva (2.1.4a; 2.10.1d; 2.29.4c; 4.6.2a; 4.22.4a; 4.30.1c; 4.30.5d; 5.12.9a; 6.58.1b; 6.58.2a; 7.82.4d; 7.82.5d). From the fact that dual-dvandvas with both members inflected and accented preferably appear in this position -both members being separated by the caesura -INSLER (1998) inferred that both elements are not univerbated. Instances for other compounds in this position are3.28.6b and 6.47.1a.

E.g., 4.16.2c: d u váu sam . nis . ádya yán mantráyete.

E.g., 4.21.7d; 5.20.11d; 6.84.1a and 7.109.2a.

ARNOLD 1905: 12; OLDENBERG 1916: 492 and 500 (= II/1218 and 1226).

ARNOLD 1905: 12; OLDENBERG 1916: 494 (= II/1220).

OLDENBERG 1888: 56.

On these variants cf. OLDENBERG 1888: 67-71.

E.g., 2.10.2b: śá ṁ sómah . sah á áus . adhībhih . with disyllabic break in contrast to5.3.11b with trisyllabic break: yó gojíd dhanajíd aśvajíd yáh . .

Another example of an extended Tris . t . ubh-pāda would be PS5.15.2b, whose interpretation as "13" (= "J2") by LUBOTSKY has been rightly criticized byZEHNDER (2004: 58f.).

Cf. GRIFFITHS forthc. ad PS 7.9.7cd.

This interpretation has been suggested to me by Prof. Chlodwig Werba; nitudántīm would produce a better break than nim ívantīm.

By contrast with the mantra PS1.65.4 edited there, the accentuation -although limited in extent -has been done with care here: udātta (vertical stroke above accented aks . ara), anudāttatara (vertical stroke below preceding aks . ara) and dependent svarita (dot below ensuing aks . ara) are all duly marked.

W. Caland, Pa ñcavim . śa-Brāhman . a, The Brāhman . a of Twenty Five Chapters, Translated. Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, 1931, 545.

rās . t . ra is also repeatedly mentioned in Book 18 of PS, as pointed out by WITZEL.

As for the translations of these two texts, I quote those of GELDNER and WHITNEY respectively.

It would not be adequate to assume that rās . t . rá means the realm governed by a king. There are few indications of immovable property in the nomadic life of early Vedic India. It is only after the late Brāhman . a period that rās . t. rá with the meaning 'realm' denotes this significant aspect of kingship.

I follow the emendation vahata (BHATTACHARYA vahatha; thus the Or. mss.; Kashmir reads vahatu) and the translation suggested to me by ArloGriffiths.

As to this harmony ritual which leaves the sacrificer in the position of superior, see BLOOM-FIELD (1899: 72-3).

 10 Regarding the tribe alliance as the dominant element in early Vedic history, seeRAU (1957: 18-19), and WITZEL (1997a: 326-338, 1997b: 263).

Cf. HEESTERMAN 1957: 141-2. E.g., āsandīm ārohan, ār ūd . ha (Mān ŚS 9.1.4.9) and tām (= āsandīm) ārohan ( Āp ŚS18.15.6) in rājas ūya. In the coronation of the AV: 'He seats [the king] upon a bull's skin on a couch' (talpārs . abham . carmārohayati, KauśS

17.3: laghvabhis . eka) and 'He seats [the king] upon a tiger skin on the bigger couch' (vars . īyasi vaiyāghram . carmārohayati, KauśS 17.13: mahābhis . eka).

* My thanks go to Prof. Nicholas R. Williams for smoothing my English and giving valuable suggestions.

This sequence is nearly the part shared in common by the NU and a 'Nīlarudras ūkta' included in a ritualistic ms. of the Paippalāda school found in Orissa; see below (p. 86).

 5 Later accounts in the Mahābhārata and the Purān . as attribute Śiva's blue neck to his having swallowed the poison produced during the churning of the milk ocean: e.g., MBh1.18.42;

See the discussion of this term onpp. 90-92, below.

Nārāyan . a reads the word svaj ánām . as svajanān, taking it as an accusative plural of the stem svajana, while only one manuscript (Z) gives the original reading svajānām . (see the note on this stanza below, p. 114).

em.; the manuscripts (e.g., ISTU, and BORI 1/A1883-84, p. 83) show the singular form mun . d . akādis.

It is not clear to me why the first fifteen are not included as teaching the same basic doctrine.

An exception is the list of 28 Upanis . ads in AVPariś 49.4.4 (which is an extension of the shorter one at49.4.10): here, the NU is wedged between seven 'Yoga Upanis . ads' and seven 'Sam . nyāsa Upanis . ads', all of which are inserted after theMān . d . ūkya, with the Advaita and Alātaśanti omitted at the end.

The Orissa manuscript connected with the Ā ṅgirasakalpa, that has been listed with siglum Ni in §2D of Arlo Griffiths' contribution to this volume, and whose transcription has been made available to me by Griffiths, prescribes the recitation of a 'Nīlarudra' (atharvaśira-śikhādinīlarudram . japati, ff. 21r1-2). These three works are mentioned together also in f. 6r2: adyahetyā evam . p ūrvoktavidhinā atharvaśiraśikhārudras ūkta(+ nīlas ūkta)m adhyāpakatvena tvāmaham . vr ˚n . e. The ambiguous name nīlas ūkta has been added interlinearly after rudras ūkta. In light of the other passage, it seems possible that the Nīlarudras ūkta was meant, perhaps even that the writer meant simply to add nīla to the name rudras ūkta (although the name 'Rudras ūkta' is known from other sources as well, including the four collections of Atharvan s ūktas from Nepal used in this edition). These and similar passages will be discussed in my edition of the Atharvaśiras, to appear in the Groningen Oriental

Studies. 18 The hymns are frequently preceded by a statement of their ritual application (viniyoga). For the Nīlarudra, this ms. states: śāntikarman . i ekādaśarudrādhyāye viniyogah . (f. 37r1). The hymn is referred to in this codex either as the Nīlarudragan . a (f. 37r1) or simply as the Nīlarudra (thrice in f. 35r1-3, and at the end of the hymn

, f. 38r2).19 This is a small ms. containing various ritual texts, among which a Grahaśānti, found in the collection of the late VaidyanāthaPan . d . ā and his son Mr . tyu ñjayaPan . d . ā (village Sankhāmari, Orissa), and photographed by Arlo

Griffiths in June 2005. See his paper in this volume, §2E.20 This explanation of the absence of the NU in Upanis . ad collections from Orissa was suggested by ArloGriffiths.

GRIFFITHS (2002: 40-44) discusses WITZEL's model.

Cf. Annette Schmiedchen's contribution to this volume.

See CHATTERJI 1960: 78.

It is quite possible that these 'Nepali' mss. actually belong to the group of (mostly Taittirīya) mss. from the Konkan or Karnataka from around 1730, when King Jagajjaya Malla brought theBhat . t . as of Paśupatināth to Nepal (WITZEL 2000: 285, 293).

Recent scholarship increasingly points to evidence that the Pāśupata religion was rooted early in its history in Gujarat; see BAKKER 2000; BISSCHOP & GRIFFITHS 2003. It seems that at least a segment of these Pāśupatas were Atharvavedins. On the other hand, there is no explicit evidence for Pāśupata use of the Nīlarudra.

BOUY (1994: 65-67) proposes the 9 th -11 th c. for the shorter list (AVPariś49.4.10) because Rāmānuja knows several of the works in it. He deems the longer list(49.4.4) of "twentyeight Upanis . ads of the Brahmaveda" to belong to the 12 th or 13 th c. ("probably" posterior to Rāmānuja, but certainly no later than Śa ṅkarānanda, who commented on many of the works mentioned only in this list, although not on the Nīlarudra).

[START_REF]On the nature of immobilizing, deluding, causing dissension, causing panic, and killing the enemy. Colophon[END_REF] The single manuscript in a southern script (Zin Telugu characters) is most likely a transcript descended from a Nāyaka-era Devanāgarī

exemplar. 28 T Ā 10 is known also as the Yāj ñikī Upanis . ad. The commentatorBhat . t . a Bhāskara Miśra names this brief section the '

Tvaritarudrānuvāka'.[START_REF]Fire sacrifice of an image made of meal of the Āsurī-plant for various purposes[END_REF] See GENGNAGEL's remarks(1996: 18-21) on the date of Bhojadeva, the compiler of the

This is the understanding ofSāyan . a (mukharahitavran . abhais . ajyārtham . 'for the healing of wounds without opening'), and of Keśava ad KauśS 31.11 (aks . atavran . abhais . ajyam 'a remedy for intact sores').

amined but not included in the collation: 2/1891-95 (ff. 52r-53v),10/1882-83 (ff. 29v-30v),27/1895-98 (ff. 29r-30v),42/1892-95 (ff. 43v-44v), 134/1880-81 (ff. 50r-51v [renumbered in Arabic numbers as ff. 60r-61v]),233/1882-83 (ff. 236r-239r), and 328/1883-84 (ff. 48r-49v).45 The following Adyar Library manuscripts were examined but not included in the collation: PM 169 = 9 B 166. The NU is on the last leaf (f. 51r-v). Damaged and illegible in many places. PM 485 = 9 F 99. The NU is on ff. 39v-40v of a collection of 52 Atharvan Upanis . ads copied in 1751 in Gujarat. The postcolophon (f. 116r) gives the date sam . vat 1807[= 1751 CE]: ity atharvan . īyopanis . adah . samāptāh . cha sam . p ūrn . am . samāpta sam . vat 1807 vars . e mārgaśīrs . amāse saptamyām . ravivāsare nāgaraj ñātiyam etāsām ajīsujacatrabhujena likhyate śrīkr ˚s . n . ārpan . am astuh . śrīkachadeśe mād . avīvam . daranevis . e śubham . bhavatuh . kalyān . am astuh .. This manuscript is very carelessly written, with a very high number of errors; since it does not, on the other hand, help in doubtful passages, its readings have not been included.The Library seems at one point to have possessed three other manuscripts of the NU that are no longer traceable. They are listed here by the numbers used in SCHRADER 1908, followed by the numbers used in A Catalogue of the Samskrit Manuscripts in the Adyar Library, by the Pandits of the Library, part I (1926), an alphabetical title index. A number according to the new system used by the library is lacking for all three. 9 B 171. SCHRADER describes a collection of Atharvan Upanis . ads on paper in Śāradā script, written c. 1700. This manuscript does not appear in the new list. The 1926 catalog does not have a listing for this manuscript under the heading Nīlarudropanis . ad. The library itself lists it as "not found".34 J 6 = 77446. SCHRADER does not list this manuscript. The 1926 catalog identifies it as Nīlarudropanis . ad, but the number is now attached to a copy of the Rāmāyan . a.34 J 31 = 77471. SCHRADER does not list this manuscript. The 1926 catalog identifies it as Nīlarudropanis . ad with Nārāyan . a's Dīpikā, but the number is now attached to an Āpastambaśrautaprayoga.

One further copy of the Dīpikā was consulted: Ānandāśrama, no. 985/11920. Eighteenth in a collection of Atharvan Upanis . ads with Nārāyan . a's Dīpikā written on modern lined note paper, with the initials of the Ānandāśramagranthālaya A;a.(r a.g{ M a. printed on the upper left margin, and the word nM a;ba:= on the right. These are the final hand-written copy sheets used in printing the 1895 edition. The stanzas (written in red) alternate with blocks of commentary. Numerous corrections have been made to the text. This manuscript has not been used in constituting the text because it appears quite contaminated, and is replete with canceled readings that cannot be read. In any case, in its corrected form, it gives exactly the text of the edition.

But for a possible case of original accentuation continuously preserved in the manuscripts, see the annotation to1.3a.

See WEST 1973: 52-53.

E.g., the doubling of the first n in the Vedic form aneśann (2.15c) as if it somehow contained the compound anna-īśa-.

Even in other Vedic texts, the insertion of s is not consistently applied in this context; see AiGr I:§280 and WHITNEY 1905: cxxiv-cxxv; also 1862: 417 [rep. p. 87], cited by GRIFFITHS 2004: lvii.

LOPEZ (2000: 237) mistakenly reports the Kashmir reading as álnyor.

For the specific identifications noted here, see LUBOTSKY 2004. I have retained the translation 'viper' for svajá because a harmful snake seems to be meant.

 56 For instance, plural dadhmah . in the ŚS agrees better with the preceding first-person plurals than TS dadāmi. The pronoun té in the TS phrasing of the formula 'whom we hate and who hates us' (occurring thus also in numerous places in the MS and KS) is dismissed byKEITH (1914: 342) as "hardly more than an anacoluthon". But I take this as a case of 'sa-figé', despite its not conforming to the older, R ˚gvedic pattern of occurring mainly with imperative or subjunctive verb forms, or as predicate of a first person subject in a copular phrase, a constraint that was greatly relaxed in later Vedic prose (seeJAMISON 1992, esp. pp. 235-237). In other words, té here anticipates and 'doubles' the unexpressed vayám, perhaps for deictic or emphatic

effect. 57 This also explains why they are transmitted together under the name 'Rudras ūkta' in the Nepalese manuscripts D and E.

The Orissa PS readings for pāda b are: nīlākalaśālā | savah . paśya Pa Ji4; nīlākalaśālā | {tau}śavaśaśya V/122; nīlākalaśālāh . | savah . paśya JM. The Kashmir ms. reads: nīlākalaśāśavas . paścā.

On the interpretation of the words in this stanza, see[START_REF] Hoffmann | Notizen zu Wackernagel-Debrunner, Altindische Grammatik II,2[END_REF]HOFFMANN : 9-13 = 1975-76: 390-94;-76: 390-94; also MAYRHOFER 1992: 126; 1996: 51, 640.

See pp. 127, 132.

One early example of this is the passage in the Mahābhārata (7.57.49-59) in which Arjuna

Evidence of such emendation is to be found in the galley-sheets for the Ānandāśrama edition (see note 46 above), in which an editor has made a number of substantial changes unconnected with the variants recorded at the bottom of the page. 1 śrīgan . eśāya namah . ] KOQ; śrīgan . eśāya namah . śrīkr ˚s . n . āya namah . Dī 2 ; śrīkr ˚s . n . āya namah . Dī 1 ; om . Ed 1 ; om. HEd 2

The survey does not aim at completeness for the limited number of sources accessible in the mentioned public libraries, but includes from their collections only those mss. to which I have access in photographs or photocopies at the time of writing (March 2007).

For this place name, and all the other place names from Orissa (and Jharkhand) mentioned in this article, seeWITZEL & GRIFFITHS 2002.

This ms. does not seem to have been noticed in MOHAPATRA 2002-03, where however no mss. with serial number other than "V/" have been included. After my most recent visit to the OSM (in 2005), I found inMOHAPATRA's work (p. 50), in the description of the contents of V/126, that this PS-ms. also contains śrīdharaviracitāyām . vivāhādikarmapa ñjikāyām . cyutavratipunarupanayanavidhih . (the colophon for the vidhi coming immediately before the KP portion published in GRIFFITHS 2003b, see p. 7 of that article), i.e. possibly a substantial part of the first third (upanayana related) part of the KP. I had failed to notice this in my own description of the ms. (see GRIFFITHS 2003a: 364). The photographs available to me do not seem to cover anything but PS material, but this may be due to my not having realized that the bundle contained important other material, when I took the photographs.

On this era of the Mughal emperor Akbar, see GRIFFITHS 2003a: 339.

In all mss. presented here, the 1 st division of this text is explicitly called khan . d . a, whereas the second is closed with a simple numerical indication.

The ms.: ātharvan . e somotpattih . .

The ms.: ātmanopanis . at.

The ms.: śrīkr ˚s . n . asya p ūrvatāpanīkaivalyapanis . at.

Note that this text seems to have three prapāt . hakas in Ku 3 and Ni.

The ms.: • vidyupanis . at.

On the calculation of regnal years from a ṅkas, see GRIFFITHS 2003a: 338.

Based on such sources as H.K. MAHATABs History of Orissa, Vol. II (Prajatantra Prachar Samiti, Cuttack: 1960), pp. 471f. and K.N. MAHAPATRA's Khurudā Itihāsa (1969) [both unavail-

The title does not seem to be mentioned in any of the colophons, but the text agrees with the one given an explicit title in ms.Ni.

Including Śatarudriya/Rudrādhyāya.

The ms.: nr ˚sim . hapurān . āntargataśrīsiddhivināyakastotra.

The title does not seem to be mentioned in any of the colophons, but the text agrees with the one given an explicit title in ms. Ni. The adhyāya division seems to be absent in this ms.

See BISSCHOP & GRIFFITHS 2003: 317, n. 8. Since writing that footnote, where I referred to the Caran . avy ūhopanis . ad as a second recension, I have managed to obtain an electronic file of Christa BASTIAANSEN's MA thesis that I also mentioned, through the kind offices of Michael Witzel. The file does not contain a title page or a date, and the thesis that it contains does not offer an edition of the text, which was known to BASTIAANSEN only in one recent paper copy of a ms. from Baiśi ṅgā. The only published information I am aware of is the short note byWITZEL 1985: 288 (n. 35), and the excerpt from the text on pp. 274f. of that article.

caran . avy ūham . ] em., • vyuham . Ni pc , • vy ūhavidhi Ku 1 , ran . avyuhavidhi Ku 3 , • vyuhavidhi Ni ac Gu 1 Gu

, caran . avyuhavidhim . Jā 2 tatra] NiKu 1 Ku

Jā, tatah . Gu 1 Gu 2

r ˚gvedasya] NiKu 1 Ku 3 Jā, r ˚gvedesya Gu 1 Gu 2 4 śāstraveda upavedah . ] Ni, śāstravedo upa • Ku 1 Ku 3 Gu 1 Gu 2 , śāstravedopa • Jā 4 dhanurveda upavedah . ] NiKu 1 Gu 1 , dhanurvedo upavedah . Ku 3 , dhanurvedopavedah . Gu 1 Gu 2 , dhanurvedopa veda• Jā

sāmavedasya] NiKu 1 , śāmavedasya Ku 3 , sāmavedo Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 5 gāndharvaveda] NiKu 1 , gāndharvavedo Ku 3 , gāndharvavedah . Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 5• vedasyāyurveda upa • ] Ku 1 , • vedasya ā ẏurvedo upa • Ku 3 , • vedasya ā ẏurveda upa • NiGu 1 Gu 2 , • vedasyā ẏurvedopa • Jā

• cittīyābhi • ] Ku 1 Jā, • cittā ẏabhi • Ni, • cittābhi • Ku 3 , • citā'bhi• Gu 1 Gu 2 8 vāyur] NiKu 1 Ku 3 , vāryu Gu 1 Gu 2 ; lost in lacuna Jā 8 devatā] NiKu 1 Ku 3 Gu 2 , devatāh . Gu 1 ; lost in lacuna Jā 8 sāmavedasya] NiKu 1 Ku 3 , śāma • Gu 1 Gu 2 , ••ve dasya Jā 9 vaikhāyana • ] NiKu 1 Ku 3 Jā, vaiks . ā ẏana • Gu 1 Gu 2 11 r ˚gvedah . ] Gu 1 Gu 2 Jā, r ˚gveda{sya}h . Ni, r ˚gvedasya Ku 1 , r ˚gveda Ku 3 11 • śmaśruh . ] • śmaśru Ni, • smaśruh . Ku 1 , • smaśru Ku 3 , • smas . mr ˚h . Gu 1 , • s . as . mr ˚Gu 2 , • s•• Jā 12 • ja ṅghāpramān . ena] NiKu 1 , • jaghapramān . ena Ku 3 , • yaghanapramān . enah . Gu 1 Gu 2 ; almost the entire compound (except • mān . ena) is lost in lacuna in Jā 12 'pi] om. NiKu 1 Ku 3 Jā, pi Gu 1 Gu 2 12 vis . t . hitah . ] Ku 1 Jā, vis . t . hitam . h . Ni, nis . t . hitah . Ku 3 , vis . t . itam . Gu 1 Gu 2

laks . an . agranthā . . . caturādhyāyikā] laks . agranthā bhavanti tatra laks . agra caturādhyā ẏakā Ku 1

rāhucārah . ] Ni ac Ku 3 , rāhusam . cārah . Ni pc , rāhucāra Ku 1 , rāh ūcārah . Gu 1 Gu

, • hucārah . Jā

sām . tapanam . ] em., śānt{i}apanam . Ni, śāntipanam . Ku 1 Ku 3 , śyāntipanam . h . Gu 1 Gu

, śānta ••

Peter Bisschop has suggested to me that the number 18 may have entered the CVU here from the list of 18 vratas in4.11.

See below, p. 187, on the Paippalāda affiliation ofPait . hīnasi.

This suggestion has been made, in a slightly different form, already byRENOU (1947: 78ff.).See also BHATTACHARYYA 1955: 7, with n. 30.

On the question of the Veda of the king's personal priest see nn.

and

on p. 204 below.2 On the function, provenance, date, and influence of the Netratantra see SANDERSON 2005b.

For textual and epigraphical evidence of the giving of Śaiva initiation to kings and on the textual evidence of Śaiva royal consecration see SANDERSON forthcoming.

The futility of the Vaidikas' hope for a renaissance of their tradition that would enable them to prevail over the Śaivas and Pā ñcarātrika Vais . n . avas supported by the court is deftly portrayed by the Kashmirian philosopher Jayantabhat . t . a around the end of the ninth century in the prelude to the fourth act of his play Āgamad . ambara ('Much Ado About Religion').

Compare the incorporation of prescriptions of Saiddhāntika, Daks . in . a, and Śākta rituals in the Uttarabhāga of the Li ṅgapurān . a discussed in SANDERSON 2005b, p. 235, n. 10.

See BISSCHOP and GRIFFITHS 2003 for an introduction to and an edition and annotated translation of Pariśis . t. a 40 on the pāśupatavratam. Rightly judging as exaggerated the view of WEBER (1858, p. 339) that the whole collection is permeated by sectarian devotion to Rudra, they

The only work on this corpus known to me is a pioneering but very short article by[START_REF] Bahulkar | Ā ṅgirasakalpa: a Brief Survey[END_REF] in which he briefly outlines the contents and character of two Ā ṅgirasakalpa manuscripts, both used by me here (P 1 and P 2 ), gathers the few existing references to the Ā ṅgirasakalpa in Dārila's and Keśava's commentaries on the Atharvavedic Kauśikas ūtra, and in Sāyan . a's introduction to his commentary on the Śaunaka Atharvavedasam . hitā, and concludes that our work must be different and later.

 19 For this distribution and a list of Paippalāda-Atharvavedin settlements in the region see

GRIFFITHS 2002, p. 37 and WITZEL and GRIFFITHS 2002. It is probable that the Paippalādins reached Orissa from Bengal, having migrated there from Gujarat. As Kei Kataoka observes in this volume (p. 324), it is not impossible that there were already Paippalādins in Bengal c. AD 700. The earliest evidence, with positive Śākhā identification, of their presence in Orissa is a copper-plate inscription of the tenth century from the central Orissan kingdom of Ubhayakhi ñjaliman . d . ala recording grants to three Paippalādins, of whom two are said to have migrated there from coastal Orissa (Od . ra)(GRIFFITHS 2002, pp. 41-43). The presence of Atharvavedins in coastal Orissa at least a century earlier is established by a copper-plate inscription of the Orissan Bhaumakara king Śubhākaradeva, which records a grant of two villages to some 200 brahmins of specified Veda, of whom about a quarter were Atharvavedins (see Annette Schmiedchen's contribution in this volume, nos. 12 and 13). Though the inscription does not indicate to which school they belonged, that they were Paippalādins is at least probable.20 This title adequately describes the work's content but is found nowhere in the manuscript, which comes to us as an untitled collection of texts.21 Paippalādavaśādis . at . karmapaddhati p. 124: amukasagotram atharvaved āntargatapippal ādaś ākh ādhy āyinam amukaśarmān . am . brāhman . am amukasagotrah . amukadevaśarmā rājā mama amukapha-

Pratya ṅgirā is a Tantric personification of Atharvavedic counter-sorcery (pratya ṅgirasam).

The final words of the Mantra are . . . pr ˚tanā jayema in BHATTACHARYA's edition, who follows here the reading of the Orissa manuscripts; however, the Kashmir manuscript reads . . . pradiśo jayema, and the authenticity of this reading is confirmed both by the testimony of the Ā ṅgirasa tradition, and by the nearly identical parallel that is R ˚gvedasam . hitā6.75.2.

The remaining pages (210-249) of PAN . D . Ā's edition contain a number of Vais . n . ava Atharvavedic Upanis . ads: Anuc ūlikopanis . ad, Viśvar ūpākhyopanis . ad, Kr ˚s . n . aśāntopanis . ad, Tripuraprakaran . opanis . ad, Br ˚hannr ˚sim . hopanis . ad, Purus . asubodhinī, Rāmacandropanis . ad, and Pāvamānīs ūkta.

Cf. item 36, above on p. 213, where Vij ñānabhairava has a Vedic rather than a Tantric Mantra.

The worship of Ma ṅgalacan . d . ī/Ma ṅgalā, particularly on Tuesdays, is characteristic of village religion in Bengal; seeCHAKRABARTI 2001, pp. 209-213, 239-245.

This, however, is not true of all Atharvavedic Tantric materials. For the cult of the Kaula goddess Kubjikā taught in the explicitly and strongly Atharvavedic Kubjikopanis . ad mentions the five Ms (pa ñca makārāh . ) in the section from the eleventh chapter onwards that incorporates the East Indian Śākta tradition of the ten Mahāvidyās; see[START_REF] Goudriaan | The Kubjikā Upanis[END_REF]

Abhinavagupta cites or paraphrases this text under the titles Brahmayāmala and Picumata in Tantrāloka4.60-65; 5.97c-100b; 13.145; 15.43c-44; 18.9; 23.43c-44b; 27.21c-23b; 27.29; 28.383c- 384b; 28.409c-411a; 28.418c-419b; 28.422c-423b; and 29.11-12b.

These are the verses numbered 12-18b in the KSTS edition of the Parātrīśikālaghuvr ˚tti, which takes 17 to consist of a half-verse, and 12c-18b in the editions of the Parātrīśikāvivaran . a of Abhinavagupta.

The vowels Ā, Ī, Ū, AI, AU, and AH . used in the Ancillaries are known as the six 'long vowels' as opposed to the five 'short vowels' (A, I, U, E, O) that are used in the same way to modify the main Mantra to create the five face-Mantras. See Jayaratha on Tantrāloka 30.11 (vaktrā ṅgam . hrasvadīrghakaih . ): a i u e o iti pa ñca hrasvāh . . ā ī ū ai au ah . iti s . ad . dīrghāh . . evam āpāta eva vacanād anyatrāpy a ṅgavaktrān . ām iyam eva vārtety āveditam; and BRUNNER 1986, p. 102.

These two verses are also taught for use in hostile ritual in Prapa ñcasāra32.38-39 and Śāradātilaka 22.145-146, with the difference that in the first line the editions have bhavābhīs . t. e bhadrasiddhipradāyini.

The variant of P 1 and T/121 specifies that the substance offered should be parched grain (lājahomāj jayo bhavet).

On the Navarātra festival, a pan-Indian royal tradition, see,e.g., EINOO 1999 and LEVY 1990, pp. 523-576.

Constraints of time did not permit me to collate directly with the Asimil . ā manuscript (As) the following final part of the *Bhadrakālīmantravidhiprakaran . a, that I decided to include in my contribution only at a relatively late stage. I have thus edited it only from P 1 and Ed P , which is based on As.

The text refers to what is termed a sam . pātahomah . 'a sacrifice of the remnant' or by abbreviation a sam . pātah . . In Tantric practice the officiant pours the first part of each oblation of melted butter from the ladle (sruvah . ) into the fire as he utters the SV Ā of the SV ĀH Ā that closes the Mantra in the case of oblations and then as he utters the H Ā pours the rest (ājyaśes . ah . ) on to whatever is to be empowered (sam . skārya-). This is done first with the root-Mantra and then with its ancillaries. See, e.g., Svacchanda 3.153: p ūrvamantram . samuccārya SV Ā ity agnau pradāpayet HEti śis . yasya śirasi sam . pātah . śivacoditah . ; Tantrāloka 15.440c-441b: SV Ā ity amr ˚tavarn . ena vahnau hutvājyaśes . akam | carau HEtyagnir ūpen . a juhuyāt tat punah . punah . ; Kalādīks . āpaddhati f. 60v-61r4: nis . kalena tada ṅgavaktraiś ca ekaikayāhutyā sam . pātam . kuryāt, yathā: OM . H ŪM . SAM . P ĀTAM . KAROMI SV Ā ity agnau H Ā iti carau. evam . hr ˚dayādimantraih . . OM . H ĀM . SAM . P ĀTAM . KAROMI SV Ā ity agnau H Ā iti carau. evam anyat. punah . nis . kalenās . t . ottaraśatam . japtvā parāmr ˚tam anusmaran carāv ājyāhutim . ks . iped ity agnīs . omasomasomatāvyāptaś carur bhavet. iti carusādhanam. tatah . karan . īkhat . ikārajah .kartaryājyatilādīnām . yaj ñā ṅgānām . m ūlena s . ad . a ṅgena prāgvat SV Ā ity agnau H Ā karan . īkhat . ikādis . u iti sam . pātam . kuryāt; ibid. f. 76v6-11: tatah . śis . yaśirasi sam . hitayā SV Ā ity agnau H Ā iti śis . yaśirasi pratyekam āhutitrayen . a trayen . a kāryam . yathā OM . H ŪM . SAM . P ĀTAM . KAROMI SV Ā ity agnau H Ā iti śis . yaśirasi ghr ˚tāhutityāgah . . evam . hr ˚dayādibhih . .

For a detailed analysis of the Purān . ic prescriptions of this festival see EINOO 1999.

For another example of this see the information given inSANDERSON 2003 (p. 371, n. 64) on the Tantric rituals ofMahās . t . amī in the Kathmandu valley.

Jayadrathayāmala, S . at . ka 3, devi yadā samyag uccārah . kriyate sakr ˚t | tadā prakampate dehah . *samantāt tu (conj.:samanāttam . Cod.) na sam . śayah . | 16 hr ˚cchiraś-ca-śikhāvarma-

On the iconographic evidence of the identity of Ekāntavāsinī /Ekāntī withKālasam . kars . an . ī in this text seeSANDERSON 1990, pp. 61-63.

That 'the great sin' (mahāpāpam) isK[A] so that the letter which follows it (mahāpāpāntam) is KH[A] may be inferred from theVarn . anāmapat . ala. For that lists 'the cutting', 'Brahmā' and 'the

The textual evidence for the identity ofKalhan . a's Vīranātha with the Krama Guru Hrasvanātha and his performing hostile rituals of chastisement, immobilization, and dissension is presented inSANDERSON 2007, pp. 280-291.

In the Āgamad . ambara ( ĀD .1

2.23) he calls himselfBhat . t . a Jayanta and not JayantaBhat . t . a.

For Jayanta's unique view of sarvāgamaprāmān . ya and a discussion of the religious and political situation of his day, see WEZLER (1976).

 8 For this section, there is an English translation by[START_REF] Bhattacharyya | Jayanta Bhat . t . a's Nyāya-Ma[END_REF], a Gujarati translation by[START_REF] Shah | t . a's Nyāyama[END_REF], and two summaries by[START_REF] Narahari | The Atharvaveda and the Nyayamanjari of Jayantabhatta[END_REF] and SHAH (1997).

Cf. RAGHAVAN (1964: iii): "In his discussion of Veda-prāmān . ya in the NM., Jayanta not only puts up an elaborate defence of the Atharvaveda but even holds it as the foremost Veda (pp. 253-260) and finds fault with Kumārila for his attitude of hesitation in regard to this Veda. We may surmise from this that Jayanta belonged to theAtharvaveda."

GRIFFITHS

2002: 42f.2 Ps-JRT *121 (p. 173), B 1269-1272.3 Interpolated into JRT between AD 1561 and 1588.4 "This Kashmiri tradition of continual updating of earlier chronicles[. . . ] seems to have been an old practice whose earlier examples are unfortunately now all lost" (SALOMON 1987: 152, comment on RT I 9-10).

STEIN 1900 (I): 11 on RT I 50f and chart on p.134. Cp. also WITZEL 1990: 31ff.

MBh VII 69, 41 ff.

MBh VII 69,[START_REF] Jad | a (JRT 727b); m ūd . ha (JRT 746a)[END_REF][START_REF]Similar to no. 19, whole districts ([END_REF][START_REF]baddhvā mallikajasrathena sa yadā rājāliśāhir hato[END_REF]

STEIN 1900 (I): 11 (Introduction).

On the significance of the appellative 'Bhat . t . a' added to a personal name, i.e. pointing to a (ritually active) Brahmin householder, see SLAJE 2006.

On the usage of this term in the Kashmirian cultural context, see SLAJE 2004: 2ff; 2005: notes 36ff.

), B 1269, cp. the quote above.

WITZEL 1994a:16.

See above, p. 330 (note 10).

Assuming irregular double sandhi ( • mat . ha [locative] + i • ) and gender confusion (iyam, fem. + • vedam . likhitam, irregular neuter).

In the table of contents given in JASBom,N.S., 34/35 (1959/60, published 1962), the title of the article is printed correctly. For material on Atharvavedins, see besides DISKALKAR 1959/60 also DISKALKAR 1962.

I owe an extensive collection of data in primary and secondary sources to ArloGriffiths.

These copper-plate charters are mostly written in Sanskrit. Some early examples (such as no. 1 of the list and the table in appendices I and III) show Prakritic influence, while the medieval ones often contain portions in the proto-regional languages. It is remarkable that the search for relevant material has brought to light only one stone inscription; see no. 20 of the list and the table in appendices I and III. This Tamil stone epigraph has not been properly edited yet.

 4 A royal grant of a village to a religious donee meant that a king had a village converted into a permanent holding exempted from royal revenue demands, and that he transferred the taxes, services, and other liabilities of the village to the donee. The privileges and immunities usually granted in a specific region at a certain time were mostly the same, regardless whether a whole village or a plot of land was donated. Therefore, it is sometimes difficult to distinguish between the conditions associated with the conveyance of a village and those associated with the endowment of a clearly defined piece of cultivable land. It is possible that some royal families "held extensive private property rights which they bestowed upon religious persons rather than making assignments on the revenue due to the ruler"(MORRISON 1970: 99). Under many dynasties, royal grants of entire villages were more frequent than those of plots of land, one exception being, for instance, the

Maitrakas.5 See, for instance, HULTZSCH 1905/06, p. 240, text l. 41 (fifth plate): . . . pām . beyena sarvottamenādharvvan . ena likhitam . This set of copper plates from the Nellore District in south-eastern Andhra Pradesh records the grant of a village by the Eastern Calukya king Sarvalokāśraya, who

The twenty-three grants given in appendix I list altogether more than three hundred and sixty Atharvavedins; but this figure is to some extent misleading as no. 19 alone mentions one hundred and ninety-nine.

The Rās . t . rak ūt . as, for instance, who ruled over a large territory in the Deccan (Maharashtra and northern Karnataka) from the 8 th to the

th centuries, granted dozens of villages to Brahmins, but there is not a single Atharvavedin explicitly mentioned in their epigraphical records known so far.

[START_REF] Mills | A Copper-Plate from the Reign of Śrīcandra (Bangladesh National Museum Accession Number 77.1478[END_REF] has recently edited one of the Dhaka Museum plates and compiled the results of the latest research on Candra epigraphy.

See, e.g., SIRCAR / SANKARANARAYANAN 1961/62, p. 40, text ll. 41-42 (second plate): . . . rug(r ˚g)ye(ya)ju[h . ]sāmātharvan . avedavedām . gapāragebhyah . . . . . This is a 13 th -century charter of the reign of the Yādava dynasty from Karnataka recording a land grant by a local chief to fifty-six Brahmins of specified gotra, but unspecified Vedic affiliation.

The first donee called ācāryapan . d . ita Śrī-Vr ˚tikara belonged to the Vasis . t . hagotra; his Vedic affiliation is not mentioned.

The Deities of the Corpus and the Style of their Worship

The principal deities encountered in the corpus examined are then Nr ˚sim . ha, who receives much the greatest attention, especially in assocation with his 32syllable Mantrarāja, which has the form of a namaskāraślokah . in the Anus . t . ubh metre, Vakratun . d . a (Gan . eśa), Rudra (here a variant of the Siddhānta's Sadāśiva), the Śiva of the Cintāman . imantra, and the following goddesses and Bhairavas: Āsurī (worshipped as a form of Durgā), Kālī, Pratya ṅgirā, Kr The procedure for the worship of the Śaiva deities among these, that is to say, the Rudras, goddesses, and Bhairavas, is fully in accordance with Tantric norms, and those for the worship of Nr ˚sim . ha and Gan . eśa follow the same model. Within the broad category of the Tantric there is a particular affinity here with the deity-range and style of worship seen in the Prapa ñcasāra attributed to Śa ṅkarācārya and the related Śāradātilaka of Laks . man . adeśika. In the first regard we may note in both those texts and our Ā ṅgirasa corpus the prominence of the Nr ˚sim . ha of the 32-syllable Mantrarāja, and the presence of the Śiva of the Cintāman . imantra, Tripurabhairavī, Gharmat . ikā, the Can . d . ikā of the Cit . imantra, Dh ūmāvatī, and Kāmadeva (Manmatha). In the second regard we may note that all these materials share (1) the distinctive use of the vyāpakanyāsah . , (2) the device of using the same throne-Mantra for a number of different Mantra-deities and prescribing its use after the first enunciation under such expressions as vais . n . avah . pīt . hah . , śaivah . pīt . hah . , and āsurīpīt . hah . , (3) the specification in pseudo-Vedic form of the R ˚s . i, metre (chandah . ), deity, and, sometimes, application (viniyogah . ) of every Mantra, though the Ā ṅgirasa materials also usually specify the parts of a Mantra that are its bījam, śaktih . , and kīlakam, and ( 4) the very ordering of information: first the Mantra is given, then its R ˚s . i, metre, and the rest, then its Ancillaries (a ṅgāni), followed by the nyāsah . , the visualization (dhyānam), and the order of worship. Also consonant with the style of the Prapa ñcasāra and Śāradātilaka is the fact that the system of worship is not restricted to Vais . n . ava, Śaiva, Śākta, Saura, or Gān . apatya Mantras but includes in its system materials from all these traditions. Finally, like those texts, its mode of worship is Veda-congruent in the sense that with the exception of animal-sacrifice (paśubalih . ) it eschews the elements of nondualistic practice (advaitācārah . ) such as the offering of alcoholic liquor and worship involving union with a female consort that characterize the independent Śaiva cults of Bhairava and the Śākta goddesses. 56 In the same spirit it shows virtually no trace of

ALEXIS SANDERSON

The Period of the Composition of the Corpus As for the period of time during which these materials were composed, that cannot be determined in our present state of knowledge with any precision. Even the works ascribed to human authors that appear in the corpus are of uncertain date.

The Date and Provenance of the Prapa ñcasāra and Śāradātilaka

The earliest among them is perhaps the Prapa ñcasāra attributed to Śa ṅkarācārya, the chapter on the propitiation of Tripurabhairavī and several visualizationverses from which are found in P 2 . This text was the basis on which Laks . man . adeśika composed his Śāradātilaka 67 and the latter is widely held to have been composed in Kashmir in the tenth century by Laks . man . agupta, one of the Gurus of Abhinavagupta in the Śākta Śaiva tradition of the Trika, more particularly his teacher in the philosophical works composed by Laks . man . agupta's teacher Utpaladeva. 68 But this attribution is patently false. It rests on the testimony of the Maharashtrian scholar Rāghavabhat . t . a, who in his commentary on the Śāradātilaka, completed in Banaras in AD 1494, 69 cites a verse that he takes to be giving the preceptorial lineage down to and beyond its author as Śrīkan . t . ha, Vasugupta, Somānanda, Utpalācārya, Laks . man . a, Abhinavagupta, and Ks . emarāja. 70 But he has certainly done so in error, since apart from the fact that its Laks . man . a (= Laks . man . agupta) is not identified in that verse as the author of the Śāradātilaka, so that the identification rests only on the tenuous evidence of the occurrence of an extremely common personal name, there is the evidence that the Śāradātilaka shares nothing with the Tantrism of that distinguished Kashmirian tradition either in the type and range of its deities and rituals or in its philosophical underpinnings. Indeed in the latter respect it is radically opposed to it, since though nondualistic in doctrine it adheres to the non-Śaiva model of reality in which the Tattvas are twenty-six ( Śiva and the twentyfive of the Sām . khya system) rather than the thirty-six of the Mantramārgic Śaivism propagated by Utpaladeva and his successors. Moreover, it is almost certain that the undeclared source of the verse that Rāghavabhat . t . a cites is not one that being within the tradition of the form of Tantrism taught in 67 GOUDRIAAN in GOUDRIAAN and GUPTA 1981, pp. 134-135. 68 This was first proposed by FARQUHAR (1920, p. 267) and then repeated by GONDA (1963, vol. 2, p. 28, note 9) and, among others, by GOUDRIAAN (in GOUDRIAAN and GUPTA 1981, p. 135), VON STIETENCRON (2005a, p. 16) and B ÜHNEMANN (2000, p. 2). 69 Śāradātilakapadārthādarśa pp. 916-917. 70 Śāradātilakapadārthādarśa p. ihastamukhaśabdakramen . a (vāmapārs . n . i corr. [cf. Parākrama,8: vāmapārs . n . ighātaih . ;Parāpaddhati,p. 191: vāmapārs . n . ibh ūtala-; Anuttarasam . vidarcanācarcā,p. 9: pārs . n . ihastamukhaih . ] : pādapān . i Ed.) pātālabh ūmyantariks . agatabhedavighnaśamanāya kuryāt 'First he should give three 'claps' to himself, these in the form of the three points of rest in the three constituents of the heart-seed [ SAUH . ], descending [through Paśyantī, and Madhyamā] to audible utterance on the level of Vaikharī. He should make himself assimilate them in order to quell the Impeders in the form of false identification with and desire for the plurality of the four spheres [of the universe], both internally and externally, with sounds produced by his left heel, hands, and mouth in order to quell the Impeders that are the pluralities [manifest] in the subterranean worlds, on the earth, and in the air'. 49. 107 For this incineration (dahanam) and inundation with nectar ([ā]plāvanam) cf. Paraśurāmakalpas ūtra, Śrīkrama 11: vāyvagnisalilavarn . ayukprān . āyāmaih . śos . an . am . sam . dahanam āplāvanam . ca vidhāya 'having desiccated, incinerated, and inundated [his body] with breath-restraints accompanied with the syllables of wind, fire, and water respectively . . . '. The term bh ūtaśuddhih . for this process is also seen ibid. in Vārāhīkrama, S ūtra 6. For PHAT . , and having inundated it with the root-Mantra followed by VAUS . AT . in order to transform it into one that is made of [ Śiva's] powers '. For (2) a ṅganyāsah . , (3) śikhānyāsah . , ( 4) pratyaks . aranyāsah . , and ( 5) vyāpakanyāsah . . This interpretation assumes that 20d (tatah . pratyaks . aram . nyaset) does not prescribe a pratyaks . aranyāsah . between the first and second but refers to the pratyaks . aranyāsah . that will be detailed in 22c-24b after the prescription of the a ṅganyāsah . and śikhānyāsah . .

The alternative procedure (prakārāntaram) for the installation of the six Ancillaries given here is that prescribed by the Parākrama (S ūtra AT . visargasya kevalasyānuccāryatvāt. evam agre 'pi 'Bhr ˚gu is SA, the fourteenth is AU, and the sixteenth is AH . . One should make the six Ancillaries beginning with the Heart by using each of these twice. This is how one installs the six Ancillaries in the form of the individual sounds [of the Mantra SAUH . ]. Moreover, one must add M . [to SA and AU], because such is the tradition of the learned. The form of the Mantras is as follows: SAM . HR ˚DAY ĀYA NAMAH . , AUM . ŚIRASE SV ĀH Ā, AH . ŚIKH ĀYAI VAS . AT . -[AH . ,] because H . on its own is unpronouncable-and so on'. The immediately preceding S ūtra rules that all the Mantras of the Parākrama should begin with the sounds SAUH . (13: sarve 'pi parākramamanavah . sauh . varn . ap ūrvāh . kāryāh . ), and the Parāpaddhati applies this to the varn . as . ad . a ṅganyāsah . . It also goes against the view seen in Rāmeśvara's commentary by teaching that the constituent sounds should be S, AU, and H . , stating that the last should be on its own and not preceded by A. Thus (p. 192): SAUH . S HR ˚DAY ĀYA NAMAH . SAUH . AU ŚIRASE SV ĀH Ā SA ŪH H . ŚIKH ĀYAI VAS . AT . SAUH . S KAVAC ĀYA HUM . SAUH . AU NETRATRAY ĀYA VAUS . AT . SAUH . H . ASTR ĀYA PHAT . iti m ūlamantrāvayavair dvir āvr ˚ttair varn . as . ad . a ṅgam. The order of installations in the Parājapavidhi differs from that taught in the South Indian texts. The Parākrama teaches first the a ṅganyāsah . on the five locations (S ūtra 9), then the śikhānyāsah . (S ūtra 10), then the varn . as . ad . a ṅganyāsah . with the parts of the Mantra, and finally the mantras . ad . a ṅganyāsah . with the whole Mantra (S ūtra 14). The Parāpaddhati (p. 192) teaches the same order, except that it omits the śikhānyāsah . [START_REF]dvāpa ñcāśatam abdān sa rājyam[END_REF] Next I shall teach you the Great Seed (mahābījam) of Bhadrakālī, by whose favour the king will achieve the greatest of victories. ( 44) Her Great Seed is taught as having seven sounds: H and S, then KH, PH, R and E with M . . This is the greatest of all the great Mantras that bestow victory. [START_REF]O JAHI) that accomplishes simultaneously self-protection and the destruction of one's enemies. Colophon: ity ā ṅgirase svaraks[END_REF] The Great Seed of Bhadrakālī inevitably grants this result.

Here too the king is spared the inconvenience of elaborate ceremonies. He is promised that he will emerge from battle unscathed and victorious simply by repeating this syllable while meditating on and thereby assimilating its transcendental essence and infinite power, with or without the accompanying visualization of Bhadrakālī's form: Abhinavagupta in his Tantrāloka, 159 and in the Kālīkulakramārcana of Vimalaprabodha, the Rājaguru of King Arimalla of Nepal (r. 1200-1216). 160 However, the form with RI, which provides the correct orthography for what is evidently the vocative singular of mahācan . d . ayogeśvarī, is also widely attested. We see it, for example, in the Guhyakālīkhan . d . a of the Mahākālasam . hitā, 161 the Guhyakālīp ūjā, 162 the Uttarāmnāyayaj ñakrama, 163 and the scripture J ñānārn . avatantra. The last is a work of the Śākta Śrīvidyā rather than the Kālīkula, but its system of worship includes Vidyās for goddesses as the deities presiding over each of four Śākta traditions, these being attributed to the cardinal directions: the Eastern (P ūrvāmnāya), the Southern (Daks . in . āmnāya), the Western (Paścimāmnāya), and the Northern (Uttarāmnāya). The first two, the Vidyās of Unmanī and Bhoginī, are in the territory of the Śrīvidyā itself, the third is the Vidyā of Kubjikā, and the fourth is that of Kālī in the Uttarāmnāya, which is to say, in the Kālīkula, and is our nine-syllable Mantra. 164 We also see it in the Yonigahvara. That, as we have seen, teaches the form in R ˚. But it prescribes that in RI in its Mantras for the worship of the two highest of the five goddess circles of the Krama, namely those of the Nameless (anākhyacakram) and U (276a: navame antimoddhr ˚tya) for O. The code used here is that of the position of the 49 letters in the triangular grid of 49 triangles in descending rows of 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 11, and 13, known as the yonigahvaram, with the 50 th , KS . . hādya Ed.] iti sam . hitayā āveditam). He then demonstrates this by citing the passage edited above that also appears in the Devīdvyardhaśatikā and the Kālikākrama for these eight syllables that follow KHPHREM . . 160 Kālīkulakramārcana, f. 16r1-2: varā ṅga-vihaga-ś ūra-pu ñja-purus . a-kāla-sarvagata-dāran . a-tr There are also three tales of such swords given to heroes by the goddess in the Kathāsaritsāgara, the vast collection of narratives redacted from earlier materials by the Kashmirian poet Somadeva at a date between 1063 and 1081/2. Now in two of these tales the goddess is Vindhyavāsinī, 189 but in the third it is none other than our Kālasam . kars . an . ī, thus providing further evidence that this goddess for all the soteriological emphasis of her cult in the learned liter-Shah dynasty of Nepal, before he began his conquests. On this and on the role of Siddhas in the ideology of kingship in the numerous small kingdoms established in the Himalayan region between the thirteenth and eighteenth centuries see BOUILLIER 1989 passim and p. 201.

In yet other cases we encounter no such myths but only the idea that the royal sword is a sacred object empowering rule and securing victory. Indeed this idea appears to be universal in the Indic world and to be independent of any Śākta reading. It appears not only in India but also in the kingdoms of South East Asia. We see this in the case of the royal sword of the Khmer kings. This was named Jayaśrī ( K. 736, v. 5; K. 806, v. 6; K. 905, l. 12) and the templecomplex Jayaśrīnagara built by Jayavarman VII on the site of his bloody victory over the Chams (K. 908, v. 32) is known in Khmer as Preah Khan (Old Khmer vrah . khān), 'The Sacred Sword'. The Chinese memoir on the customs of Cambodia written in 1296-97 by Zhou Daguan, who had spent eleven months in Angkor with the embassy sent by the Yuan emperor Chengzong (Tem ür Öljeit ü), reports that the king, Śrīndravarman, held "the precious sword", no doubt this Jayaśrī, when he gave his twice-daily audience and when he went forth in court parades riding an elephant, and also that the daughter of the preceding king (Jayavarman VIII), the father-in-law of Śrīndravarman, had secured her husband's position as his successor by stealing "the golden sword" from her father and giving it to him, thus depriving Jayavarman's son of the succession (PELLIOT 1951, pp. 34-35). This sword, or rather a copy of it with the same name, was in the care of the brahmins of the royal palace in Phnom Penh until recent times (COED ÈS 1941, p. 257). In the thirteenth century, during the period when the Thai of Sukhothai were asserting their independence, the Khmer sovereign gave it, together with the royal title Kamrate ṅ a ñ śrī Indrapatīndrāditya, and his daughter Śikharamahādevī to the Thai prince Pha Muang of Muang Rat (COED ÈS 1941, p. 256). In the triumphal procession depicted in relief in the "historical gallery" of Angkor Wat S ūryavarman II is shown standing on his elephant and holding a sword with the blade resting on his shoulder (GITEAU 1976, p. 195a). Belief in the supernatural power of the royal weapons is also an important part of the Śaiva palace culture of Bali, where krises, lances and other martial heirlooms were brought out for annual worship; see GEERTZ 1980, pp. 115 and 229. It was evidently general in the kingdoms of Java; see HEADLEY (2004, pp. 209 and 214) on the sacred kris and spear of Surakarta and the Black Stork kris given to the Javanese national hero Dipanagara by Paku Buwana VI of Surakarta (r. 1823-30) at the beginning of the Java War against the Dutch (1825-30). The kings of this principality, though converts to Islam, preserved the annual practice of sacrificing wild buffaloes to the goddess Durgā (sang hyang bhat . āri Durgā) in the Krendhawahana grove near Kalioso village, in order to ensure their well-being and the protection of the realm against all dangers, remembering this as part of the customary law (adat) of the pre-Islamic court of Majapahit (HEADLEY 2004, pp. 59, and 282-329;andBRAKEL 1997, pp. 257-263). BRAKEL reports (1997, p. 260) that it was said to have been common practice for people to bring their weapons to this place in order to make them more powerful and that in the performance of the ceremony that she witnessed in 1983 a sacred heirloom (pusaka), the weapon Muliadipura belonging to the heroine R.A. Sumirah, had been been present, wrapped in a yellow cloth, looking like a sword and resting against the tree near the offerings. The antiquities of Java photographed by Isidore VAN KINSBERGEN (1821[START_REF] Hultzsch | /06 Chendalur Plates of Sarvalokasraya; AD 673[END_REF] Instead of Paippalāda(ka)/Paippalādin, Jayanta could have mentioned another name in order to give one example of a Vedic school. This would even have been more appropriate, because he enumerates the four Vedas in the order beginning with the R ˚gveda, as is normally expected. Besides Paippalāda(ka)/Paippalādin, Jayanta knows that there exists another Atharvaveda school called Maudaka, while he nowhere mentions Śaunakīya. He quotes a Śābarabhās . ya passage (ad Jaiminis ūtra 1. 1.27) which refers to Vedic branches such as Kāt . haka, Kālāpaka, Maudaka and Paippalādaka. 43 NM I 619. 22-620.3 44 : mīmām . sābhās . yakāren . āpi vedādhikaran . e "kāt . hakam . kālāpakam .

45 maudakam .

46 paippal ādakam" iti yajurvedādivad 47 atharvavede 48 'pi paippal ādakam udājahre. sarvaśākhādhikaran . e 'pi 49 vedāntaraśākhāntaravan maudakapaippal ādak ākhye 50 atharvaśākhe apy udāhr ˚tya vicārah . kr ˚tah . . In the Vedādhikaran . a [in particular ad 1.1.27], [ Śabarasvāmin], the author of the Mīmām . sābhās . ya, too, referred to the Paippalādaka with regard to the Atharvaveda as well, just as [he referred to some branches] with regard to the Yajurveda etc., when he said: "Kāt . haka, Kālāpa, Maudaka and Paippalādaka". In the Sarvaśākhādhikaran . a [in particular ad 2. 4.8], too, he quoted, just as [he quoted] other branches belonging to the other Vedas, two 42 All the editions and manuscripts that I have consulted read paippalādi-. But it is possible to emend paippalād ādi-(or possibly paippalādakādior paippalādyādi-). If one interpreted the sentence as it reads without ādi, then it would be translated as follows: 'And each and every [ritual] element which is taught in a particular Vedic recension, Paippalādin, is required for each [ritual].' But this is unnatural and does not fit the context, in which Jayanta emphasizes the point that all the elements taught by the four Vedas have organic unity. See the preceding passage in Nyāyama ñjarī 588. 19-589.1: ekam eva hi karma vedacatus . t

. ayopadis . t . aih . pr ˚thagbh ūtair apy ekārthasamavāyibhir a ṅgair anvitam . prayujyate 'For a single ritual is performed being accompanied by the constituents which are taught by the four Vedas, and which, though separate [from each other], belong to [and aim at] the same goal.' While the emendations to paippalādakādiand paippalādyādiare less likely, it is clear that the change from paippalād ādiśākhā-to paippalādiśākhācould easily have happened. Still, I hesitate to accept this emendation, for I do not think that Jayanta expresses the 'Paippalāda branch' as paippalādaśākhā. Instead he would have expressed it as paippalādiśākhā or paippalādakaśākhā as is indicated from his usage in NM I 620.1-2: paippalādakam . . . maudakapaippalādakākhye atharvaśākhe. Therefore I retain the present reading paippalādiśākhā as original. For it is possible that Jayanta forgets to add ādi, though it is necessary and intended as is clear from the following words -śākhābheda-. 43 This set of Vedic branches is referred to in the Mahābhās . ya ad 4. 4.3.101(3):II 315.15; 4.3.120(11):II 319. 5-6. 44 This corresponds to L (134v22-135r3), V (256.2-5), K (95r1-95r2). 45 Thus, a Kashmirian Atharvaveda codex dating from December 1419 may absolutely be linked to Zayn as a ruler. Moreover, making such a connection is also consonant with a palaeographic development characteristic of that time.

The final decline of pr ˚s . t . hamātrā diacritics in favor of only the śiromātrā manner of writing diphthongs happened in Kashmir between the middle of the 14 th and the middle of the 16 th century, that is, mainly in the 15 th century. This chronological determination of the predominance of vowels written in the śiromātrā manner is of some relevance for the dating of manuscripts. Any Kashmirian codex displaying such a change will have to be dated by considering this period as the earliest possible date of its writing. The same applies to the T übingen Atharvaveda codex, since it does reflect such a change in the writing of diphthongs. According to the colophon of the T übingen Codex, Pan . d . it Praśastabhava would have finished his copy on a Friday, December 15, 1419, in the Ahalyā Mat . ha of Śrīnagar. 72 Thus it was completed only three months after the beginning of Alī's short interregnum of altogether six months, during which time Zayn had been staying abroad in exile. In all likelihood, copying the full codex would have taken more than only three months, so that we must The only major difference between BARRET's and WITZEL's transcriptions, as far as the dating of the manuscript is concerned, is *ati (BARRET) against *uti (WITZEL), resulting in [v]ati or [ś]uti, as the case may be. The asterisks indicate that the brittle birch-bark has peeled off and the syllables written on it have become irretrievably lost. From an inspection of the facsimile edition, it would appear that WITZEL's reading [ś]uti is perhaps more accurate, for at the bottom of the line there has indeed remained something like a hook pointing to the left, the common diacritic sign representing a subscribed -u. Neither of the transcriptions is, however, absolutely faithful to the manuscript. The actual reading of the two lines (with a tentative word separation) is this: [8] . . . ahlāmat . ht . heya mayā pam . praśastabha[9]vena merabhavaputren . otsabhavapautren . a atharvan . avedam . likhitam. z z [10] 79 Therefore, the year 1219 can safely be ruled out. Considering the additional evidence externally supplied from the Rājatara ṅgin . īs, strongly supporting the 15 th century, I think it is absolutely justified to suggest the reading vati, accept amānta as the scheme of reckoning, and maintain Claus VOGEL's original calculation as the safest of all hypotheses: Friday, 15 December 1419.

Post-Postscript

Of late, I chanced upon two stanzas by Pseudo-Jonarāja, which may be considered another piece of evidence supportive of the year 1419. As will be recalled, Praśastabhava, the scribe of the T übingen codex, has left us the name of his grandfather in the colophon as Utsabhava (see above, p. 346), which is certainly no frequent proper name and also no familiar short form of Utsava. It turns out that Pseudo-Jonarāja knew of a Brahmin (bhat . t

. a) namesake, who was one of S ūhabhat . t . a's henchmen. The event related by Pseudo-Jonarāja happened shortly after Alī Šāh's succession in 1413, approximately six years before Praśasta-bhava's copying of the codex was completed. In light of the cumulative evidence collected so far, Praśasta-bhava's grandfather and Bhat . t . a S ūha's cunning follower may indeed have been one and the same person. This is the background of the event. Immediately after Alī's accession to the throne (1413), Bhat . t . a S ūha ensured his promotion to the position of Prime Minister (JRT 816). Having achieved this, he set himself to the elimination of his former fellow ministers, who had served together with him under Alī's father Sult . ān Sikandar as close confidants, Laddarāja and Śa ṅkara, the physician (JRT 585). Laddarāja held the position of mārgapati, a commander-in-chief of the mountain passes. Arresting him publicly was out of the question, as S ūha had drunk the peace cup with Ladda (kośapāna). 80 To the public, he was bound to stand by his oath unswervingly. Moreover, S ūha was a coward shying away 78 ahalyāmat . he 'gnidāhah . sam . pannah . sahasraśaś ca gr ˚hā [. . . ] 115. 80 Drinking the water of a peace cup was to the (Kashmiri) Indians what smoking the peace pipe was to the American Indians. Kalhan . a's references to this custom have been exhaustively treated by K ÖLVER (1971: 175ff). In the present context the following passage is of relevance: adrohārthitatatsam . vitpītakośodako 'pi san laddamārgapatim . s ūhabhat . t

. o roddhum acintayat tena hy aśa ṅki sa svasmin svātmevāsmin hy aviśvasan | mahātmanām bhavet kośah . kośo vāri tu pāpinām Ps-JRT 98* (p. 114), B 793-794 ('Although Bhat . t . a S ūha had drunk the peace cup [with him], well aware that trustworthiness was the aim [of the oath], he plotted to take him into captivity. For, BHAT . T . AS, SULT . ĀNS, AND THE KASHMIRIAN ATHARVAVEDA 349 from face-to-face fighting. 81 Therefore, he sent a henchman, Utsa, to Ladda's palace chamber, under a pretext. And while Utsa was inside, he had the building surrounded by assassins (tīks . n . a).

This is Pseudo-Jonarāja's account of Bhat . t . a 204,316,317,319,321 Brahman (n.),212,267,271 brahmapurī,366 Brahmaśambhu,196 Brahmas ūkta,181 Brahmas ūtrabhās . ya,181 Brahmaveda (i.e. Atharvaveda),84,87,88,96,168,170,171,173,188,205,208 Brahmavedoktavis . t . āriyaj ñapaddhati, 188 Brahmayāmala (Picumata),198,228,277, 293 Brahmayāmala texts of South India, 277 Br ˚hatkathāma ñjarī, 291 Buddhism, esoteric, 197 Buddhists in Kashmir, 339 Cāmun . d . ā,277 Can . d . abhairava,220 Can . d . acāmun . d . ī,207 Can . d . ā Kāpālinī,277 Can . d . eśa,198 Can . d . īma Saiddhāntika,88,195,196,198,218 Śaivacintāman . i,232 Śaivakalpadruma,232 Śaiva officiants encroachment into the Purohita's office by, 195 Śaivism 'Kashmir Śaivism ',237 Mantramārgic,196,196 Saiddhāntika,88,195,196,198,218 Śākta,195,196,207,210,225,230,235,237,242,254,277,283 sakalapāt . ha Vais . n . ava(s),196,216,222,225,226,232,234 Vaitānakalpa,184,203,209 Vaitānas ūtra,184 Vakratun . d . a,222 Vāmanabhavadāsīya,209 Varāhapurān . a,198 Vārāhī,238 Varn . apat . ala [START_REF][END_REF]63,204,42,105 Yantra,146,210,212,214,215,264,273