Gérard Diffloth

Frits Kortlandt

John Peterson

Tijmen Pronk

Introduction

Gutob (Gad[a]ba) is a South Munda language spoken in Orissa and Andhra Pradesh (and among migrant workers in northern West-Bengal and Assam), by an unknown but probably rather limited number of speakers. *

Name of the Language

The name of the language, Gutob, as used by its speakers when speaking it, is identical with their self-designation as a social group (pace Parkin 1991: 31), and may be cognate with the ethnonym and language name GtaP (chapter ???).

 (1938)was the first among linguists to refer to this language as 'Gutob'.

Previous work (by Indian authors: [START_REF] Mahānti | Akhil . a Bhārata Sarbasebā Sa ṅgha[END_REF][START_REF] Rao | Gadaba Phonology[END_REF][START_REF] Gaur | Gādabā (vyākaran . a, racanāvalī[END_REF][START_REF] Rao | A Grammatical analysis of a tribal language, Gadaba, As spoken in the village 'Rajacheruvy Valasa', A Hamlet of Bobbili in Vijayanagaram District of Andhra Pradesh[END_REF]) has tended to prefer the (Desia) Oriya name 'Gadaba' (/gadba/ ∼ /godba/, gādabā ). This practise seems less appropriate not only on the grounds that it is preferable to employ a community's own name for its language, but also because in this particular case, the name 'Gadaba' is potentially confusing (Parkin 1991: 31): it has been used in the literature [START_REF] Burrow | Gadba Supplement[END_REF]-63, Bhaskara Rao 1980[START_REF] Rao | Gadaba[END_REF]) also to refer to an unrelated Dravidian language spoken by a community called Ollar in Koraput. In view of the likely Munda etymology of the name Gutob, application of the term 'Gadaba' -which to all appearances is derived from the former -to this Dravidian language and its speakers would appear to be secondary. According to Bhattacharya (1956: 2), the word 'Ollar' "is usually [?] derived from the Gadba (i.e. Gutob) word ola [/olag/ AG], meaning 'leaf', and this derivation which may be taken to be an example of the linguistic phenomenon called 'folk etymology', 2 is associated with a belief that Ollar women previously used to put on leaves instead of clothes". Burrow & Bhattacharya (1962-63: 46) (see §2.10.4) of tubog 'earth' (cf. tom in guj-tom 'to wash the face' :: tumog 'face'). The combining form tob also appears to be found in toPãur 'white ant', whose Remo cognate (cf. [START_REF] Bhattacharya | A Bonda Dictionary[END_REF]Bhattacharya #1497) ) is tobãur, and in Kharia tobãaP 'mud' = 'earth-water'. Hence, the meaning of gu-tob in this analysis exactly parallels the meaning of Desia maúia 'earth-people', an important selfdefining concept of Gutob-Gadba society discussed by Peter Berger (2007: 100, 105f.). On these grounds, I strongly prefer the given etymology above derivation from the word for 'egg' (utob), as proposed to me by Norman Zide (personal communication, with reference to origin myths among speakers of North Munda languages). For a derivation from a word for 'stream, river', see Ramadas 1931. 2 The frequently quoted association of the name Gad(a)ba with the Godāvarī river (e.g. [START_REF] Parkin | A Guide to Austroasiatic Speakers and Their Languages[END_REF]: 31, Berger 2007a: 183-189) seems likely to be another such case. Considering the etymological explanation of the name Gutob given above (n. 1), and the likelihood of folk-etymological speculations on a name no-longer understood, the historical value of indigenous traditions on the Gutob-Gadbas' having come 'originally' from the Godāvarī river is not to be overestimated.

add: "The name used by the [Dravidian speaking] Gadbas near Salur of themselves is Kond . ekor, which means 'mountaineers'."

Speakers of the Language

Members of the numerous other communities [START_REF] Berger | The Gadaba and the 'non-ST' Desia of Koraput, Orissa[END_REF] sharing the living space of the speakers of Gutob (hereafter: the Gutob-Gadbas) refer indiscriminately to them and speakers of Ollari as 'Gadbas'. Even though there are no practical restrictions on intermarriage [START_REF] Berger | The Gadaba and the 'non-ST' Desia of Koraput, Orissa[END_REF]: 70, n. 13, pace Pfeffer 2001a: 104), there is an ideal of endogamy, and the two groups are clearly separate, inhabiting different villages. While the latter group has been described ethnographically by [START_REF] Thusu | Ollar Gadba of Koraput[END_REF], information on the Gutob-Gadbas remained scattered (e.g. von [START_REF] Fürer-Haimendorf | Megalithic Ritual among the Gadabas and Bondos of Orissa[END_REF][START_REF] Izikowitz | The Gotr Ceremony of the Boro Gadaba[END_REF] until the German ethnologist Georg Pfeffer started a series of field trips in the 1980s, resulting in a number of important publications (1991, 1997, 1999, 2001a, 2001b). His student Peter Berger has spent 21 months doing ethnographic fieldwork among the Gutob-Gadbas from 1999 to 2001: with the publication of Berger's PhD thesis on their ritual and society (2004, published 2007), along with his previously published works, a relative abundance of ethnographic information is now available.

The only drawback (from our point of view) of the ethnographic work to date, notably that of Pfeffer and Berger, is that it has relied indirectly, via interpreters (Pfeffer), or directly (Berger) on the Desia language for collection of ethnographic data in general, and in particular for information on oral traditions. Berger makes some important socio-linguistic remarks (2007a: 24, n. 18): "im Bereich der Rituale (z.B. der Invokationen) ist das Desia die dominante Sprache (was bereits von Fürer-Haimendorf in Bezug auf den Bondo [the speakers of Remo, A.G.] bemerkte, 1943b: 168, Fn.1)". Although invocations of gods, spirits, and demons are only rarely done in Gutob, preliminary investigations by myself, partly undertaken in fruitful cooperation with Berger, have revealed rather extensive oral literature (stories, songs) in Gutob, especially among the older generations. In everyday situations, all but the youngest generation still appears comfortable with this language, but the number of children who no longer learn Gutob (whether as second language or at all) seems to be increasing rapidly.

Bilingualism in the local lingua franca, the Desia dialect of Oriya (Gustafsson 1973a/b, Dasgupta & Bhattacharya 1975[START_REF] Mahapatra | [END_REF][START_REF] Gustafsson | An Adiwasi Oriya-Telugu-English Dictionary[END_REF]) is universal among the Gutob-Gadbas, as among all the local 'tribal' and 'scheduled-caste' communities (Pfeffer 2001b: 779). The primary direction of language-shift is, and presumably has been for a considerable amount of time, towards Desia, while those (mostly male) members of the younger generations who have enjoyed some level of education have also come in contact with the language of schooling, which is standard Oriya.3

Location of Speakers

Speakers of Gutob inhabit villages scattered over the Southern parts of Orissa and the adjoining Northern districts of Andhra Pradesh. The highest concentration of Gutob-Gadbas is -according to the 1995 redrawing of Orissa District boundaries -found in the Lamtaput block of Koraput District. This appears to be the core area of Gutob-Gadba settlement. From this core area, speakers of the language appear in recent centuries to have migrated to the plains of Andhra Pradesh (Patnaik 1992: 4f., also Burrow & Bhattacharya 1962-63: 46), and also to Rayagada District, where anthropologist Roland Hardenberg and I have seen them living amidst the Kondhs in a village near the market place Majiguda, not far from Kalyansinghpur.

Number of speakers

Due to the confusion about whom the name 'Gadaba' refers to ( §0.1-0.2, see also Thusu & Jha 1972: 1ff.), it is nearly impossible to get reliable data on the number of speakers. The 1961 census, according to [START_REF] Manoharan | Indian Languages in Censuses -A Study[END_REF] the most reliable census to date for linguistic-demographic data, clearly states: "Though lately work on a section of Gadaba has been reported to have revealed Dravidian affiliations yet for want of a comprehensive work on Gadaba language, it has been decided . . . to conform to the Linguistic Survey of India Classification. Gadaba has therefore been included here in the Munda Branch of the Austro-Asiatic Sub-Family" (Mitra 1964: clxxxi). This means that its figure of 40,193 'Gadaba' speakers conflates (at least) two entirely unrelated languages. According to Manoharan (2001: 129), the most recent available Census (1991), lists ca. 28,000 'Gadaba' speakers, again conflating (at least) two linguistic communities.

There are no data on the relative strengths of the Gutob-and Ollar-Gadba populations, nor -more importantly -on the level of retention of the native languages among these two communities, as opposed to a switch towards Desia Oriya, or Telugu in Andhra Pradesh. Basing myself on the above figures, and on my impression (developed during an extensive field trip through large tracts of the southern part of Koraput District) that Ollar-Gadbas are relatively more numerous than Gutob-Gadbas, I had come to the estimate that there are ca. 10,000-15,000 speakers of Gutob. 4 But after these words had been written, the following even more pessimistic estimate came to my attention (Rajan & Rajan 2001b: 1f.):

Gadabas are concentrated mainly in the Koraput District of Orissa. The total population of all Gadaba in Orissa is 56,911 according to the 1981 census of India. The recent survey of the Asha Kiran Society (1998) puts Gutob as 5,000. This low number is because of two major hydroelectric power projects in the district. As a result of these hydroelectric projects many Gadaba people were evacuated and resettled at different places in Koraput. Thus they became a minority, and the gradualy shifted to the Indo-Aryan Desia language. Only forty villages in Lamtaput still maintain their Gutob-Gadaba language.5 0.5 Classification/Taxonomic Issues Gutob's nearest relative is Remo, spoken in the immediate vicinity of the core Gutob area by the Bonda or Remo tribe (see chapter ???): the similarities with Remo in every field of grammar are great. In fact, Bhattacharya (1968: xxx) affirms: "In the beginning we were of the view that Gutob and Bonda [= Remo] are two dialects of the same language. But we were convinced later that they are different enough to be treated as two languages". Bhattacharya's judgment has found general acceptance among linguists. On the relationships of Gutob further afield in the Munda language family, see now [START_REF] Anderson | A New Classification of South Munda: Evidence from Comparative Verb Morphology[END_REF], who emphasizes some previously unrecognized grammatical similarities with Kharia (chapter ???).

Known Dialect Divisions

It can be stated with some confidence that at least two dialects of Gutob exist: I shall call these 'Koraput Gutob' and 'Andhra Gutob', and shall assume the former to represent a 'standard' form of the language. Some phonological differences within Koraput Gutob (/boãoN/ :: /buãoN/ 'with', /uigi/ :: /uizi/ 'went', /uiloN/ :: /iloN/ 'will go', /oPn/ :: /oPon/ 'child') may with further research turn out to correspond with a two (or three) way division of the core area of Gutob in Koraput: East of the Kolab reservoir (villages Tikrapada, Deptahanjar), West of the Kolab reservoir (Kangrapada, Guneipada, Jalahanjar, Pipalput, Alangpada, Raipada etc.). Perhaps dialectically distinguishable from the previous two is the somewhat removed Onkadili area (Gadbapada), not yet -to my knowledge -visited by any linguist interested in Gutob. 6 The level of mutual intelligibility of Andhra Gutob with Koraput Gutob is uncertain. The Andhra dialect differs from the latter in phonology (see [START_REF] Rao | Gadaba Phonology[END_REF], having undergone strong influence from the locally dominant Dravidian language Telugu. Data on other fields of grammar are much less reliable, being available only in the linguistically somewhat naive study by [START_REF] Rao | A Grammatical analysis of a tribal language, Gadaba, As spoken in the village 'Rajacheruvy Valasa', A Hamlet of Bobbili in Vijayanagaram District of Andhra Pradesh[END_REF]. Differences with Koraput Gutob are especially striking in the lexicon, where besides influence from Telugu, one notices conservatism e.g. in the retention of native numerals. Evidence, below this last stratum of loan vocabulary, for a layer of Indo-Aryan (presumably Desia Oriya) loans, notably "/lokune:n/" 'people' (Subba Rao 1992: 19), confirms the assumption made on non-linguistic grounds that the Gutob-Gadbas in Andhra Pradesh form an offshoot from the core habitat in Koraput. 6 Rajan & Rajan (2001b: 5), speak of four dialects within their 'Gutob-Gadaba', i.e. our 'Koraput Gutob': Kinda Raji, Lamtaput dialect, Koraput dialect and Birong Raji. I do not know the meaning of the word raji (presumably not Desia raji 'agreement'), nor whether the division into kinãaP 'river' and biroN 'jungle' dialects corresponds to an indigenous classification. The data for the Rajan & Rajan 'write-up' "was collected from the Kinda Raji dialect spoken by the people of Tikkorpoda Panchayat, Lamtaput Block, Koraput District, Orissa." Cf. also Zide 1965: 49 n. 13. Whether the language of Gutob-Gadbas in other areas, such as Rayagada District, belongs dialectally with one of the above groups, or whether one or more additional dialect groups exist, remains an open question.

Literary Status

No indigenous written literature exists. Virtually none of the Gutob-Gadbas in Orissa are literate. With attitudes toward the value of education, especially of women, being rather negative among the Gutob-Gadbas, and with the actual educational facilities offered by the State government being extremely poor, only few have pursued their educational career long enough to have learnt the written form of Oriya and its script. According to the Ethnologue, the 'literacy rate in second language', i.e. (standard) Oriya, perhaps more properly called 'third language', was 6.53% in 1977. Oriya script would lend itself well for rendering Gutob, with the exception of the glottal stop /P/, for which the Oriya 'visarga' sign h . might be adopted. For previous attempts to render Gutob in Oriya script, see [START_REF] Mahānti | Akhil . a Bhārata Sarbasebā Sa ṅgha[END_REF], [START_REF] Gaur | Gādabā (vyākaran . a, racanāvalī[END_REF] and the Gutob-Gadaba Language Learner's Guide published by the Asha Kiran Society in 2001. 7

History of Research, Prospects

Although the existence of the language has been known since the middle of the nineteenth century, and although this was along with Sora the only Munda language of Southern Orissa to be included in the Linguistic Survey of India (Konow 1906: 229-238), 8 Gutob is still a relatively poorly known language. The small booklet in Oriya by [START_REF] Mahānti | Akhil . a Bhārata Sarbasebā Sa ṅgha[END_REF] gives some idea of the nominal and verbal 7 See n. 9 below. 8 Cf. the comment by Zide (1978: 50): "Note the (previously recognized) confusion between Gorum (Parengi) and Gutob in the LSI. The numerals given in the lexical tables at the back of the Munda Section of Vol. IV include under Gadba (Bastar) what are Gadba (Gutob) forms. In parentheses following these are Gorum (Parengi) forms which are called Gadba (Vizagapatam)." morphology, and some classified lexical data, but is presented in an inconsistent and imprecise Oriya transcription. The work by [START_REF] Gaur | Gādabā (vyākaran . a, racanāvalī[END_REF] was done with the collaboration of one native speaker and -as is clear from their name Khemdu (the name of the Bear clan, which has no members among the Gutob-Gadbas) -two nonnative speakers. Although it is basically written in Oriya, it has the advantage (for linguists not conversant with Oriya) of using both IPA and Oriya transcriptions, but does not distinguish native and borrowed morphology, and especially phonology/lexicon. The work contains a small collection of texts (in Oriya script only).

The most serious work has been done from the 1960s onwards under the auspices of the Chicago Munda Languages Project. This has resulted in quite extensive typed text-collections (Zide & Das 1965, DeArmond 196?), regrettably without a (good) translation or grammatical analysis. These texts have been kindly put at my disposal for use in this chapter by Zide and DeArmond. Besides these texts, there are numerous grammatical, and especially comparative studies by Zide and his students (e.g. DeArmond nã., 1976), which however give little insight into the overall grammatical system of the language, and its lexicon. The same problem holds true for the comparative studies by [START_REF] Bhattacharya | Studies in Comparative Munda Linguistics[END_REF], relying on his own field-data for Gutob. [START_REF] Sarma | Gutob Gadba: A Sociolinguistic Appraisal[END_REF] presents some socio-linguistic information on the Andhra Pradesh Gutob-Gadbas. A Tamil couple of the local (Christian) Asha Kiran Society, just south of Lamptaput, Jamuna and Herold Rajan, have been working in the Lamptaput area since 1996; Peter Berger kindly provided me with their publications 2001a and 2001b. 9

In the following, I refer to my database -work in progress -which has taken as its starting point the texts recorded and 9 The publisher's address is Asha Kiran Society, Lamtaput -764 081, Koraput, Orissa, India. Along with these publications aimed at a linguistic audience, a "Gutob -Gadaba Language Learner's Guide" has also been published, with basic sentences in Gutob (in Oriya script and romanization), in Oriya, and in English. Further language learning materials published later by the same society were brought to my attention by Felix Rau in 2005, but I have not yet found time to go through them attentively.

transcribed by Norman Zide and Richard DeArmond for the mentioned Munda Languages Project at the University of Chicago in the 1960s.10 References with the structure "4.5" refer to Zide's texts, and those with the structure "C.5" to DeArmond's. I hereby gratefully acknowledge both scholars' generosity in placing their material at my disposal. The data are interpreted here in accordance with my own results reached during three (brief) periods of fieldwork in the village Jalahanjar in 2001, 2002 and 2004. It may be noted that word and morpheme boundaries follow the transcriptions in the Zide and DeArmond texts: no attempt is made to distinguish suffixes, clitics, and postpositions.

Phonology

Unfortunately, a clear picture does not emerge from the several publications which have been devoted to Gutob phonology by earlier researchers [START_REF] Zide | Gutob-Remo vocalism and glottalized vowels in Proto-Munda[END_REF](Zide : 44, 1972: 512;: 512;Gaur . a 1991: 3-15). Rajan & Rajan (2001a) present a sketch of their interpretation of the phonology, which offers a clearer picture, although I do not agree with their analysis in all respects. My own fieldwork up to this time has not concentrated on phonological issues. The following paragraphs are, therefore, rather tentative, and several points will most likely need to be revised and supplemented in the light of future fieldwork.

Vowel Inventory

The vowel inventory of Gutob is as follows. The phonemes are given along with their most common allophones.

(1) i

[i,I] u [u] e [e,E] o [o,O] a [A,2,a]
The following two minimal pairs will suffice as evidence for contrast between /i, e/ and /u, o/:

(2) /piã/ 'to remove thatch/tiles' vs. /peã/ 'to blow'

(3) /suN/ 'to throw' vs. /soN/ 'to sell' Rajan & Rajan (2001a)

Consonant Inventory

The following table shows the inventory of obstruents in Gutob, along with their most common allophones. Phonemes that seem to be restricted to loan vocabulary are given in parentheses.

( In final position, only unreleased plosives are permitted, which means the distinction voiced/voiceless is neutralized here. 12 /ã/, in native vocabulary, here merges with /P/. From the structural point of view, it seems that /j/, the unreleased palatal stop which occurs only in final position, belongs together with /s/, which occurs only in initial position, in native vocabulary.

In intervocalic position, labials

→ [b], /ã/ → [ó], /j/ → [is]
, and velars → /g/ (optionally ∅: /sala(g)-oP/).

The status of /h/ is marginal in Gutob, as it is in Desia. 13 In Gutob, it seems to be found -besides in such rare loanwords as honu [Onu,hOnu] 'monkey' or hunãi 'village shrine' -only in distal deictic demonstratives: hu(nu) 'that (over) there' ( §2.7) and in interjections like hũ, ãhã.

The following sonorants are found in Gutob:

(8) nasals m, n, ñ, N approximants r, l

The language shows a number of clear cases of free n/l variation. E.g., the root non 'to chase' has a variant lon. /N/ is dropped in intervocalic position with concomitant nasalization of the bordering vowels, e.g., riN-oP [rĩõP] 'brought' (contrast riN-gi [riNgi] 'took'). 14

12 Previous work has tended to call unreleased plosives in final position "checked" (Bhattacharya 1965-66) or "preglottalized". E.g., Zide 1965: 52 speaks of "the -phonetically preglottalised in final position -weakly voiced stops /b, d . , j g/". The same author (1972: 512), claims: "Gutob guj-tom-'to wash the mouth', but gui-mod . -'to wash the eyes'. The preglottalised j of the former is kept since no other post-vocalic glottalised consonant follows it in the stem, whereas the glottalisation is lost in gui-mod . since the j-preceded preglottalised (postvocalic) -d . in the same verbstem". I have no data to confirm the phenomenon described by Zide, and transcribe the first element of both words guj-.

13 In the analysis of Das Gupta &Bhattacharya 1975: 11, and[START_REF] Mahapatra | [END_REF], /h/ is entirely absent, but [START_REF] Gustafsson | An Adiwasi Oriya-Telugu-English Dictionary[END_REF] does record a very small number of words with initial /h/.

14 This is not a hard and fast rule: the nasal consonant seems to be preserved in disyllables, e.g., [ãuruN-oP] 'he sank (tr.)', [riN-riN-oP-nen] 'they are

Syllable Structure and Phonotactics

The vast majority of the language's syllables have the structure C 1 VC 2 , in which either C 1 or C 2 , or both, may be ∅. Very rarely do we find syllable-initial clusters in native vocabulary, e.g. sin.droN 'medicine': in such C 1 C 2 VC 3 syllables, C 2 is always /r/. The special case of C 1 VPC 2 words has been discussed in §1.2. Syllable-initial and final clusters are only slightly more common in loan words, e.g. ãruka 'tiger', bund 'part of a plant stem'. Rajan & Rajan (2001a: 26-35) give some further details.

Intonation/Stress

Zide (1965: 44) remarks: "Any syllable of CVC shape, and any morpheme-final syllable in a non-affixal morpheme is -by definition -stressed." I have no data on intonation or stress to confirm or contradict this statement. Cf. Bhattacharya 1968: xxi and xxiii on the closely related Remo language.

Morphophonology

Both the middle and the active past tense suffixes (see §3.3) involve certain morphophonological changes. The quality of the vowel in the former (-gu or -gi) depends on the shape of the verb root. The mid-pst -gV takes the shape -gi after root-final /j/ (goj-gi 'died', buj-gi 'lost'), 15 and after the roots piN 'to come', riN 'to take' (but cf. a-ri(N)-gu-nu 'who has not been taken', i.e. 'spinster') and ui 16 'to go'. Apparently, the allomorph -gu occurs in all other cases (guj-ti-gu 'washed his hands', ãu-gu 'was', log-gu 'fell', bil-gu 'got drunk').

Roots ending in -a show elision of the vowel of the active past tense suffix -oP: eta (De.) 'to think', pst eta-P 'thought'; the same bringing/have brought' (ex. 65 below). 15 The status of seeming exceptions abaj-gu 'played' (5.354) and amroj-gu 'smeared' (C.28) needs to be checked. 16 The suffix -gi tends to be pronounced as [Ãi] in the case of this verb.

would seem to hold true (optionally) of borrowed roots which normally end in -ei (see p. 62).17

Vowel harmony in word-formation is a productive process in this language (see § §2.10.1, 2.10.2, and cf. Zide 1965: 46f.). It seems to be this process which governs the distribution of the allomorphs /ãei/ and /ãoi/ of the 3rd sg. inalienable possessive marker ( §2.3): the second form seems to occur only after words with /o/. Vowel harmony triggered by the opt suffix is encountered in the most important irregular verb, viz. ãu(k) 'to be (located)' ( §3.3). The presence of the final consonant -k in that same root is subject to further morphophonological rules:

-ãu before consonants and before -oP, in caus ob-ãu-oP 'made stay'

-ãuk in imp before -a: ãuk-a, ãik in opt before -e: ãik-e

Another important irregular verb is ãem 'to become/to make':

-ãem before hab, act-npst (ãem-to 'makes' ãem-tu 'will make') and vowel-initial suffixes, e.g., ãem-oP 'made'

-ãeN/ãen before the stem in reduplication and before mid-pst: ãenãem 'to make/become', ãeNgu 'became'

-ãe before mid-npst -loN, ãeloN 'will become'

Loss of the root-final nasal is also seen before the mid-npst suffix in roots with final /N/: riN 'to take' ri-loN 'will take', piN 'to come' pi-loN 'will come'. Whether it is lost in the same way in all such roots is not yet known. Two roots are known where a velar alternates with /ks/ before vowel-initial suffix, viz. pig and log (e.g. piks-oP 'broke in half' and obloks-oP 'caused to fall').

Nominal Morphology

Number

Gutob has two grammatical numbers: singular (unmarked) and plural, marked by the suffix -nen (pl). The explicit marking of plural number seems in many cases to be optional. A noteworthy usage of -nen is to form elliptic plurals: e.g., ioN-nen 'mother and those with her'. Different from other South Asian languages, Gutob does not employ number to express honorific status, a category which seems to be irrelevant in this language (pace Rajan & Rajan 2001b: 45).

Case

According to the tentative analysis adopted here, case suffixes are always attached directly to the bare nominal, and are in this way distinguished from postpositions ( §2.9), which can take the genitive case. There are three morphological cases in Gutob 1. Subject case: unmarked.

2. Genitive/Possessive/Attributive case: marked with -nu.

Postpositions (except (pu)lai : see §2.9) seem to take the genitive case of animate nouns and the unmarked object case of inanimate nouns.

3. Object case: unmarked, or marked with a suffix -(pu)lai (formally a postposition, though it very rarely occurs with -nu) 18 on nominals and pronouns, and a prefix o-on pronouns. The same affixes are used to distinguish the indirect (or more human/animate) from the direct object.

The following example contains a combination of obj-case markers:

18 In fact the available data yield no compelling examples of pulai combined with the gen and just one example of -nu lai. I gave the/a dog to Ramu. [Rajan & Rajan 2001b: 14]

Person

For the third person, Gutob can mark inalienable possession on kinship terms (though importantly, not on body parts). The suffix involved is -ãei/-ãoi (see §1.6).

Definiteness

There seem to be no markers for definiteness in Gutob other than the optional (?) obj marking of definite objects (see ex. 19, and §2.2). Reference to unspecified, non-definite nouns is made by means of muiroP or ek, respectively the native and the borrowed word for 'one' (see §2.8), or by means of indefinite pronominals (see §2.6.2). ( 14) maj It is usually believed that Munda gender is a two-group inflectional and concordant type based on the concepts of animacy and inanimacy. The rigid pattern which is found in Sa[ntali] is considered to be the original Munda gender-type. But this pattern of animate and inanimate gender is not found in the five South Munda languages, Saor . a, Parengi, Gutob, Bond . a and D . id . eyi, and it has become very dim in the Central Munda languages, Juang and Khar . ia.

It is possible, however, that a distinction between animate and inanimate nouns does play a marginal role in Gutob morphosyntax, e.g. in the selection between the allomorphs ãig and ãiPke 'from' ( §2.9). Bhattacharya (1976: 195) distinguishes 'compounded sex-based gender' and 'inflected sex-based gender'. 20 The former are combinations of sex-linked words with sexually indeterminate nouns. Thus, when distinction between male and female is to be made clear in Gutob, it can be expressed by using the (Desia) words anãra 'male', gaãra 'ram, male animal', mai 'female': e.g. anãra girem 'tom cat', anãra kirtag 'stallion', gaãra gimeP 'billy goat', gaãra menãa 'ram', mai gusoP 'bitch', mai kirtag 'mare'. Cf. also poãru-taN 'male calf'. Or it can be expressed morphologically, with suffixes (-a masculine, -i feminine), in Desia borrowings: puãra/puãri 'male/female buffalo calf', buãa/buãi 'old man/woman'.

2.6 Pronouns (personal, interrogative, etc.)

Personal pronouns

The following table shows the personal pronouns of Gutob:

(16) sg.

pl. 1 niN nei/naj 2 nom pen 3 maj majnen These forms are identical with the pronominal enclitics marked on verbs, except that the third person singular is there unmarked (or ∅-marked), and the third person plural is marked only by the plural morpheme -nen ( §2.1). That this morpheme is simply a marker of number, not a person marker, is made clear from collocations with 1p and 2p pronominals:

plow-act.npst-1s

You do whatever you do, I shall plow my wet rice field. [B.6] Comparative evidence from GtaP (Zide 1968: 349) confirms that pronominals nei and naj were originally used to mark the distinction between inclusive and exclusive 1p. In the field, I have occasionally felt it would be possible to prove that traces of this distribution still persist, but the database does not provide any clear evidence. It does, however, provide evidence for their merger:

Interrogative, relative and indefinite pronouns

In native vocabulary, we find six basic interrogative forms, which can all function as relative pronominals; loans from Desia provide all other interrogatives. bring-act.pst-pl Someone's name was Pig Brother, someone's name was Dog Brother, . . . , those people all brought a wife. 22 [11.15] Negative indefinite pronouns ('nobody', 'never', etc.) are simply formed by the combination of interrogative pronoun and a negation, just as in Oriya (see Neukom & Patnaik 2003: 100-104

Demonstratives and other Deictics

In the analysis adopted here, Gutob has a three way demonstrative system (Zide 1991: 353f.) To the three main bases, which can occur as free-standing forms, additional morphemes can be added.

-toN-: the semantic specifics are unclear, but this suffix seems to be added primarily to deictic bases with reference to humans (cf. Zide 1972: 509). E.g., e-toN-nen, u-toN-nen, tu-toN-nen (also to the third person marker: o-maj-toN-nen) -'these, those, those there, they'.

-noP-: indicates place, e.g., e-noP, u-noP, tu-noP. This is presumably the same morpheme as in monoP 'where?', and one might presume -in view of the other known cases of /l/ ∼ /n/ interchange ( §1.3) -that there is a connection with elo(P), ulo(P), tulo(P) '(come) here, there, yonder', hulo '(look) there'. Rajan & Rajan (2001b: 16), on the other hand, interpret -loP as 'generic' and -noP as 'specific' marker. Anderson (p.c.) derives the second part of monoP and umboP from -n(u)-boP (gen-loc).

-nu-: meaning unclear, e-nu, u-nu, tu-nu, 'this, that, that there'. Zide (1991: 353) calls this a "nominalizer postbase", which suggests that he may have thought of a connection with the -nu suffix, one of whose main uses is in nominalization.

I

am not yet sure where to place in this system the forms aloP ' ?', teloP 'there (?)', and utun 'this' or 'that' (?). The second occurs, e.g., in:

(34) kaligai-nu (Zide 1978: 51). Subba Rao 1992: 17 states for Andhra Gutob: "Gadaba language has numerals only up to five. Counting above five is done by way of addition and multiplication". He records: one = /mu:ỹu/, two = /mba:ru/, three = /igge:nu/, four /u:nu/ (or /pu:nja/, see below), five = /moley/ -these five items confirm Ramamurti's data.

Beyond the above mentioned word for 'twelve' we have no information on native counting up to 20 (and onwards). 25 As for Desia, we need not recount the whole list of numerals (for which, see [START_REF] Gustafsson | An Adiwasi Oriya-Telugu-English Dictionary[END_REF], but may point out only the following expressions, goúek 'one unit = one' (next to ek ), zoãek 'one pair' (next to di/dui 'two'), punzek 'one heap = four' (next to sar, see Zide 1978: 51) and di-punza 'two heaps = eight' (next to aú), which nicely exemplify the same system that is also pervasive for higher numbers, namely the use of multiples of koãi 'score'.

As to ordinals, aPtu/agtu 'early, ahead, in front' can be used in the meaning 'first'. At present, I have no information about strategies for making higher ordinals -the addition of -o: to the cardinal as described by Subba Rao (1992: 19) for Andhra Gutob 25 The mere existence of the forms recorded by Ramamurti shows that a radical change has occurred either on the Koraput, or on the Andhra side. Regarding the latter, Subba Rao (1992: 17) states: "For counting numbers from six to eleven, five is taken as the base. Mode of counting above five is based on additions to five. . . . Numbers higher than nine are made up both by multiplication and addition".

resembles nothing known to me from Koraput. Information is also not available on distributives and collectives.

The language does not have an extensive set of numeral classifiers, and those words which do seem to function in such a way tend to be borrowings from Desia: humans: -ãan, as in muĩãan 'alone', ' onob-rasi-pulai.

girl-cl-obj I will tell the girls. [A.129] 26 Cf. also o-pen oPãon ãu-tu ki? obj-2p near be-act.npst q 'Is it near you?' [A.73], where oPãon governs an objective case form. 27 As noted in §2.2 above, the status of this marker as a postposition seems uncertain, because clear cases of its combination with a gen suffix are not available in the database. There are several other native processes of nominal derivation clearly evident in the lexicon, though none of them seems to be productive in the current form of the language (this needs to be verified).

Deverbatives/Nominalizers (-Vn-)

There are many examples of the infix -Vn-, which is used to derive nouns from verb roots. 28 It is infixed before the initial or only vowel of such roots. The quality of the vowel is determined by vowel harmony: the infix takes the shape -in-before front vowel and -un-before central or back vowel. In vowel-initial roots, the infix becomes in effect a prefix, but here the form an-occurs before /a/ in the root. I find one case of a derivation which also seems to involve reduplication (cf. Peterson on Kharia in this volume, p. ???): s-in-iN-siN 'spool' from siN) 'to wind'. A possible example of the common Austroasiatic -Vm-infix may be gumul 'borer (insect)' from gul 'to bore'.

The animacy marker gV-

There is a sizeable set of words (comprising mainly animal names) formed with a prefix gV-, where the quality of the vowel again depends on that of the underlying root. The following is a list of 29 I do not know a root tel from which this verb could be derived. May we assume a connection with boNtel 'buffalo', animal used for threshing grains underfoot on the tinel, or with soPtil 'to glean grains fallen on the ground' ? 30 The vowel /o/ in the last example (sunoi ) remains unexplained. In addition, the words munaN 'manner' and tunom 'boiling' may derive from verbs. The word ninoN 'yoke' does not show the expected vowel harmony, nor does a root noN 'to yoke' seem to be attested.

all animal names belonging to this formation currently known to me:

(54) gi-bir /gi-big 'pig'; gi-kil 'tiger'; gi-liP 'rabbit'; gi-meP 'goat';

gi-si 'louse'; gi-siN 'chicken'; gu-gaP 'crow'; gu-bon 'bear'; gu-laj 'bull, ox'; gu-saP 'monkey'; gu-soP 'dog'

The basic lexical element, forming the second syllable, can be encountered in other combinations in compounds ( §2.10.4), but cannot occur as free-standing form: we may therefore assume that derivation with the gV-prefix was necessary at a stage of the language where the phonological system did not allow monosyllabic words. My explanation of the name Gutob as gu-tob (from tubog 'earth') has been given above in §0.1. It does not seem impossible that also guloN 'stranger, member of the Rona caste' is derived with the same prefix from suloN 'far away'. If these words have been correctly analysed, it would mean that the semantic contribution of the prefix is wider than merely the denotation of animal names, and includes also humans: in other words, it may be taken as a marker of animacy. Depending on comparative linguistic evidence which is not available to me, such kinship terms as gikiN 'wife's elder brother (?)' may also turn out to belong to this formation.

A prefix sV-?

Not having access to any evidence which would disprove or confirm such a hypothesis, I also add here a list of words which may be taken to have been formed with a prefix sV-, again showing vowel harmony between first and second syllable. The meaning of this prefix is not entirely clear.

(

Adjectives

The language does not seem to have a separate part of speech 'adjective'. Many lexical items used for nominal attribution can take verbal morphology, and can on that criterion be treated as verbs (Zide 1985: 97).

According to my field-data, comparatives and superlatives are expressed in typical South-Asian fashion by means of the 'ablatival' postposition ãiPke ( §2.9): X ãiPke adj 'adj-er than X' and sobu ãiPke adj 'the adj-est of all'. The data at my disposal, however, contain no example sentences with this construction. 33 It is interesting to note that the order of elements in these compounds is the reverse of what one might expect in what is (currently) a 'modifier-head' language.

2.12 Adverb(ial)s Rajan & Rajan (2001b: 19 [ §3.3]) distinguish "two types of adverbs, the first one occurs as a single word and the other occurs as an onomatopoeic word and it can occur more then [sic]

Verbal Morphology

As in other Munda languages, the distinction between nouns and verbs is not very strict in Gutob. Take the following example, where the borrowed word corresponding to the Oriya noun mahājana 'important man' is inflected as a verb:

Subject

Subject is marked by (clitic) pronominals generally placed in the verb phrase; the rules for the exact placement of the pronominal seem to be quite free, or if they are not, they have as yet defied attempts at analysis (Zide 1997: 308ff.). These pronominals have the same shape as personal pronouns ( §2.6.1), except that the 3rd person is ∅-marked.

Object types

Encoding of objects pronominally in the verb, such as is seen in various other Munda languages, plays no role in Gutob.

Tense, Aspect, Mood, Voice

In Gutob, the meanings of the same TAM-morphemes are different in negative verb forms from their meanings in the corresponding positive forms. As Zide & Anderson (2001: 537, n. 4) have observed, "[t]he negative in Gutob is quite complex. Very few categories use the same markers in the negative as the positive. Thus, in the positive, -to marks a customary present [here called 'habitual', A.G.], but in the negative it marks past tense: ser-to sing-customary.present 'sings' vs ar-ser-to neg-singnegative.past 'didn't sing' (N. Zide field notes)." The following table shows the usages of the various morphemes:34

(62) POSITIVE NEGATIVE Middle Active Middle Active npst -loN -tu -a -∅ pst -gV -oP -to imp -a -∅ -gV -oP hab -to - opt -e -e
The basic auxiliary is ãu(k) 'to be', which has the following rather irregular positive paradigm:

(63) ãu-tu prs 'is' ãu-loN fut 'will be' ãu-gu pst 'was' ãuk-a imp 'be!' ãu-to hab 'is' ãik-e opt 'may be' ãu inf '(to) be'

Note also the following negative forms: uraP 'is not', arãuto 'was not', arãuka 'will not be', arãike 'may not be'. With the above suffixes, and these forms of the auxiliary, we can now build a paradigmatic overview. Shown here are all the possible finite forms of the intransitive root ser 'to sing' and the transitive root som 'to eat'.

( The language also has an alternative construction for the 'present progressive' (calqued on the Desia construction described by Mahapatra 1985: 75), making use of a borrowed morpheme -ni: root-pst(-pron)-ni (table, row 17). E.g., sun-oP-nen-ni in ex. (41) above, and ob-gu-ni 'is biting' in (78) just below.

Mood

Two of the simple forms (rows 5 and 6) express modality, here dubbed 'imperative' and 'optative', respectively:

(72) muiroP

Orientation/Directionality

These concepts seem to play no morphological role in the grammar of Gutob, their expression being achieved through compound verb constructions as discussed in §3.8.1 below.

Valence/Voice

Through a double set of TAM-markers, Gutob morphologically distinguishes two 'voice' classes, called 'active' and 'middle' in this description; these two classes correspond rather closely with semantic transitivity and intransitivity, respectively. It is noteworthy that semantically transitive verbs, which in other contexts take act inflection, take mid endings when reflexively combined with body parts of the speaker as object(s). Cf. ex. ( 40

bite-mid.pst-ni

He 1 's biting his 1 finger. [Rajan & Rajan 2001b: 17] The connection of mid inflection with semantically transitive verbs is not limited to reflexivity, but is also found in the case of reciprocals, which explains why the caus-marking in the following example does not trigger act inflection (pace Zide 1985: 98):

(79) imi name ob-oN-gu-nen caus-hear-mid.pst-pl They made each other hear names. [11.14]

(Non-)Finiteness

The language does not seem to enforce a very strict distinction between finite and non-finite verb forms, at least there are no positively marked non-finite forms. In a non-third person context, the absence of pronominal marking can be used as a criterion for nonfiniteness, but even the '(conditional) converb' marked with -na ( §5.7), which would seem to be one of the most clearly non-finite categories, fails this criterion in a rare case like the following (a partial repetition from ex. 67), where the -na phrase is marked with pronominal nom (though not as suffix): The negative copula has a form uraP-gu (the precise difference in usage from arãuto still needs to be worked out), that seems to be found only in direct, or nearly direct combination with -na: If there is no water now, from where will the paddy come? [D.29] Using the above criterion of absent person marking, the 'general converb' (formally identical with a 3rd person singular pst, see p. 35), is the only other certain non-finite category known to me at present. Cf. the general converb ãuãuNgu in ex. ( 72 The bare or reduplicated form of the verb ( §3.6.1) serves, among other functions, to derive a form of the verb here called 'infinitive': see exx. ( 19) and (71).

Negation

Gutob makes use of the following negative copulae and negative prefixes: Listen, if he does not even accept father's words, then whose words will he accept? Now there will be one headman within the village, if the headmen (?) do not accept the words of [the villagers] big and small, whose words will they accept? [2.257] The following is an example of a negative 'infinitival present' (table row 1) or present progressive (11/17) -there is a possible interpretation as negative perfective (cf. also ex. 86):

(
(90) D: minãiN not.yet

The sun has not risen yet / is not rising yet. They sat there and that child said "I will come here to father, I will come to father", but his mother did not allow her son to go. She did not allow [him]

Derivation

There are two productive processes of verbal derivation in Gutob, viz. reduplication and causative pre-/infixation.

Reduplication

Reduplication is found only with monosyllabic roots/stems (see pp. 35 and 43 above) and can be full or partial. 37 The precise constraints governing reduplication have not yet been sorted out, but the place of articulation of the root-final consonant does seem to play a role (root-final consonants that are found in both fully and partially reduplicating roots are printed in bold-face):

Polysyllabic roots/stems: no red C 1 VC 2 roots (a): red = root [C 2 can be b, ã, g, l, m, n, ñ, N] C 1 VC 2 roots (b): red = C 1 V [C 2 can be: b, g, j, r, l, P] CV roots: red = root VC roots: red = root CV 1 V 2 roots: red = CV 1 V 1 V 2 roots: red = root
37 Stems derived by caus-derivation ( §3.6.2) are polysyllabic by definition, and therefore do not reduplicate, cf. ex. (71).

Causative pre-/infix

Causative stems are derived from simple verb roots by means of the caus morpheme ob-/-ob-. In the case of certain (all?) 38 disyllabic roots with vowel /u/ in the first syllable (and some with /i/), it is infixed into the root, replacing the /u/ (or /i/). Examples: buriP 'to be full' b-ob-riP 'to fill' buron 'to live' b-ob-ron 'to cause to live' butoN 'to be scared' b-ob-toN 'to scare' bulu 'to be ripe, ripen (intr.)' b-ob-lu 'to make ripe' puãal 'to break (intr.)' p-ob-ãal 'to break (tr.)' tunon 'to stand' t-ob-non 'to erect' ãuãig 'to sleep' ãobãig 'to put to sleep' birim 'to bow' b-ob-rim 'to cause to bow'

In all other cases, the same morpheme ob-is prefixed to the unchanged simple root, occasionally with assimilation of its /b/ to the root-initial consonant. Examples:

gir 'to learn' ob-gir 'to teach' som 'to eat' ob-som 'to feed' sarda 'to be joyful/pleased' o-sarda 'to make joyful, to please' moã 'to get up (itr.)' o-moã 'to get up (tr.)'

Sometimes, an apparently underlying simple root does not seem to exist, e.g. ob-sej 'to show, to guide' ← *sej 'to see (?)'.

Noun Incorporation

Noun incorporation is not a productive process in Gutob, but there are many examples which show that it must have been in a former stage of the language. Nouns incorporated in verb stems appear in 38 Cf. Zide's statement (1985: 94) concerning Kharia, but implicitly valid for South Munda languages more generally: "Roughly (. . .) monosyllabic stems take B px as (probably) do bimorphemic stems and borrowed stems. The remainder -disyllabic monomorphemic stems -take (the great majority of them) B ix " (where B px and B ix stand for the causative prefix and infix, respectively). their combining form ( §2.10.4) and can assume the role of object, instrument or sometimes intransitive subject. Examples are: sog-til 'to glean grain fallen on the ground' ← sog 'to sweep', t-in-il 'threshing floor'; iP-dom 'to defecate' ← iP 'excrement', dom ' ?'; gui-tom 'to wash the mouth' ← gui 'to wash', tumog 'mouth'

Auxiliary Verb Constructions

Under this heading, I treat two constructions:

-general converb + inflected aux -infinitive + inflected form of goN/ãem

general converb + inflected aux

Auxiliary verb constructions of this type are structurally parallel to sequences of a general converb with a finite verb form ( §3.4),39 but auxiliary constructions are characterized by extensive semantic bleaching of the second, the fully inflected member of the complex construction. The following is a list of the verbs that figure as auxiliaries in this construction. Note that several auxiliaries are functionally somewhat diverse:

(

(adj2) noun

There is evidence from the (frozen) system of nominal composition that constituent order was different in an earlier stage of the development of this language ( §2.10.4).

Alignment

Alignment in Gutob is of the 'nominative-accusative' type.

(114) niN There are numerous exceptions to the claims made by Anderson & Boyle. These exceptions do not necessarily invalidate their generalizations entirely, but viewing the markers -su and -na primarily as opposite poles in one switch-reference system does not seem to me to be the most fruitful approach. In this sketch, I take -su as a marker of conjunction ('and'), while I take -na to mark predominantly conditional converbs. 42 The main difference between the two markers seems to me to lie in the association of -na with conditional clauses, an association not shared by -su. If they keep sitting at home, whom else will they see? [18.23] The function of morphemes found in combination with -su and -na, such as (-na)-ro, (-na)-sina, (-su/-na)-sori, has yet to be determined.

6 Semantics/Discourse

Semantics

Two topics that might be selected for treatment under this heading are 'color terms' and 'kinship terms'. I must be very brief about both. Gutob has the cross-linguistically common basic set of three color terms, the commonly used terms being those borrowed from Desia: dob 'white' (Gutob pileP), roN 'red' (Gutob equivalent unknown), kala 'black' (Gutob iãej ). Regarding the topic of kinship terminology, I refer to [START_REF] Zide | Possible Dravidian Sources of some Munda Demonstrative Bases[END_REF][START_REF] Pfeffer | Gadaba and the Bondo Kinship Vocabularies versus Marriage, Descent and Production[END_REF], Berger 2007.

Discourse

Besides the quotative markers discussed in §5.4, there is another particle, of related derivation, viz. ãiPto, presumably in origin meaning 'it is said', here also glossed quot, for lack of precise understanding of its function. Desia and Gutob morphology can be quite freely intermingled.

Cf. example (108) above, where the Desia infinitive marker -bar takes the place of the Gutob reduplication to form the present progressive etai-bar-nen ãu-tu 'they are worrying' (the interlocutor answers with a more 'Gutob' form eta-nen ãu-tu, meaning the same).

Cf. also the following example: neg The sun's setting was not there, nor was the tree's coolness there. [6.3] Given such a sociolinguistic situation, it may come as no surprise that various fields of the inherited lexicon have been replaced wholesale by, or survive only marginally next to, borrowings from Desia.

Cf. the following statement of Zide (1985: 97f.) concerning borrowings from Indo-Aryan: 43

Gutob (like Kharia and Gorum) has borrowed a great deal of vocabulary -including a great percentage of its verb stockfrom IA (which, for Gorum and Gutob, means Desia). Of these borrowings, the great majority (but not adjectives or statives) 43 Zide's 1991 paper looks at possible grammatical influence from Dravidian. No evidence for direct lexical influence from Dravidian languages on Gutob is known to me, although there is considerable evidence for such influence on Gutob via Desia.

takes the suffixes -ei and -a. At least thirty percent (of a not particularly conservative dialect) of the verb lexicon consisted of EI/A-taking verbs.

8 Text: the GoPter Ritual

The following text was recorded in the 1960s by Richard DeArmond (it is labeled 'F' in my database). Thanks are due to Peter Berger for his help in translating the text. For anthropological accounts of the ritual, see [START_REF] Izikowitz | The Gotr Ceremony of the Boro Gadaba[END_REF][START_REF] Pfeffer | Der intra-agnatische 'Seelentausch' der Gadaba beim großen Lineageritual[END_REF], 2001a, Berger 2007: 284-308. Berger's forthcoming article listed in the bibliography contains the most detailed account, as well as some remarks on the possible meaning (and linguistic derivation) of the word goPter. togri-to-nen.

godba-nen-nu

unroll-hab-pl

When their grandfather, ancestor, brother, mother has died, they perform the GoPter. Those who are able to tear [out] the stomach, they take it away.

muiroP

majnen

aux(go)-hab

The Panzias take away all buffaloes, however many [they may be], and to whomever they might have belonged. people In this way, the people of the Gadba community come to make a lot of expense of all kinds: money, paddy, irik millet (panicum miliare) and finger millet.

  , the boy doesn't know,[my] brother in law doesn't know, nobody [but me] knows. [2.248] The next example shows the direct object (onob) twice unmarked, both in indefinite and in definite use; it shows the two postpositional obj markers used in constructions parallel to the reduplicated infinitive ( §3.4a girl somewhere, I will get up and go there. M: To fuck the girl, that is. Or to do what? D: Just to fuck the girl, what else would I do? [C.113-119] Direct and indirect object can be differentiated by marking the latter (according to Rajan & Rajan 2001b: 14 only if both are ani-

  )-mid.pstDue to that sin, her husband's eyes became blind, his wife became deaf. [12.2Are you the king's son, perhaps, the girl asked.[15.108]

  After he had found himself a towel from somewhere, and immediately had made 12 knots, he wore it. [10die-mid.pst ui-gi-su aux(go)-mid.pst-conj ãuba ghost ãeN-gu. become-mid.pst A boy, they say, died and became a ghost. [7.1] 2.5 Class/Gender Bhattacharya states (1976: 190): 19

  will never leave it! [B.13] The two forms seem to have developed a new distribution, where use of -naj is largely restricted to hortative function, in combination with imperative verb-forms, and -nei is used elsewhere. Cf. the following instructive examples: At the time of our coming [when we came], my brothers were chasing after [him], saying "Let's beat the sadhu". [15.166] (20) ão, come.on i-a-naj go-imp-1p nei-nu 1p-gen boP. loc Come on, let's go to our place. [10.148]Still, there are cases where naj is used outside such a hortative context. It's been a number of years now that our millet got wasted, the paddy did not get ripe, so . . .[D.53]

  beã-oP-na aux(give)-pst-cvb goi-tu-niN cut-act.npst-1s iaN-su irr-conj ãieP quot sun-oP-niN. say-act.pst-1s If anyone cuts that little piece [of land], I should cut it, that's what I said. [5.23] An example of the use of -ki has been given above in §2.4 (ex. 14). Here is another one: (28) maN-ki what-q ãeP quot sun-oP-nom, say-act.pst-2s u that samo story sun. tell Whatever you said, tell that story. [5.24] But interrogatives can also function as indefinite pronouns without such an addition: (29) laj-nu

  And so, that child became odorpoã, and is crying in front of its mother and the rest.[15.62] tobnaN 'above': see ex. (39)2.10 DerivationThe most common means in Gutob to derive nouns from nouns or other parts of speech is the use of the nominalizing suffix -kaN, glossed nmlz in this description (afterRajan & Rajan 2001b: 2f. [ §3.1.5] and 17 [ §3.2.5.3people gather? Villagers you mean?[2.280]

  once in the VP." The following are their two examples: (57) sida straight ui-gi go-mid.pst He went straight ahead. [Rajan & Rajan 2001b: 19] (58) maj 3s ka ka ka ka ka ka ãeN-gu-su become-mid.pst-conj maj 3s laãu ladu som-oP eat-act.pstIt (the crow) cried ka ka ka and ate the ladu.[Rajan & Rajan 2001b: 19]

( 59 )

 59 mazon-gu-nom important.man-mid.pst-2s you became an important man [10.159] The morphology of the Gutob verb can be described with the help of a few simple canonical shapes: Positive finite verb forms -(caus-)root-suffix(tense/voice/aspect/mood)-pron red-root-pron Converbs -General converb: root-pst -Conditional converb: (neg)-root-pst-cvb

  all the work for you.[5.57]

  do-opt-plMay men be born![6.14] The (clitic?) particle iaN (irr) marks counterfactuality: water, I would drink water.[DeArmond nã.: 9] The precise function of the (clitic?) particles ãoN and ãej has to be worked out with further field-data. The currently available text collection provides no clarity, but it seems their grammatical behavior and function fall within the domain of modality:

  )-act.npstWhatever you have in mind, I will do it for you.[5.59]

  seb-tu-niN.slaughter-act.npst-1s I will take an axe and slaughter[you].[B.79]

  was the rain this year, friend? On our side, nothing at all has come / is coming. M: Nothing has come / is coming at all, friend, it has become very hard to live this year.

  -neg.npst If they are of such type, I will come, if not, if they are [of the type] that curse, I won't come. [A.120] Negative past (3): (93) lej-gi-nen-su-sori sit-mid.pst-pl-conj-sori utu

  's not do [any] giving now, father-in-law. Honestly, you will give [her] later, he said and took off.[5.139]

  1s o-maj-toN-nen obj-3s-toN-pl ob-gir-oP-niN-su, caus-learn-act.pst-1s-conj majnen 3p gir-gu-nen learn-mid.pst-pl I taught them and they learned.[3.3]

  , they tie up two water-buffaloes; they kill one [head of] cattle for one ghost.

  -nen.tie.up-hab-plIf there are 20 ghosts, they tie up 40 buffaloes.They make an expense of 1000, 1500 rupees.7. boNtelbuffalo sob-oP-su, buy-act.pst-conj munãa platform boP loc tol-to-nen.tie.up-hab-plWhen they have bought the buffaloes, they tie them at the platform.

  fight+dis

  aux(go)-hab-pl44 One wonders whether the text is correctly transcribed here. If laj can means 'own', the conj marker -su can receive its usual translation 'after . . . '.

  They take the meat, cook it, and eat it together with children and wife.29. zarwhose ãu-gu-nu be-mid.pst-gen boNtel

  He kills one [head of] cattle, cooks 5 puúis of rice, and offers a feast to all the people. -nen.go-hab-plWhen they have partaken of the feast all people go, the next day.

  Gutob has a considerable number of postpositions, and no native prepositions. Postpositions differ from case markers in that they can be added to the nominal marked for genitive case. The distribution of cases where gen suffix -nu does and does not intervene has not yet been worked out, but may depend on animacy ( §2.2). Below, I list the most important postpositions in roughly (roman) alphabetical order. I have attempted to illustrate their meanings using examples both with gen-marking (where available in the database), and without.

	Now I am with the America gentlemen [in] Nandpur, now (45) giPãaN-siN kuruN oN-oP ãu-gu ãiePna tu
	they are saying: "Let's go to Puri". [E.6] back-house at listen-act.pst aux(be)-pst	quot	that
	ãiPke boP 'at, in, to → loc' and ãiPke 'from': tur-gu piN-gi from leave-mid.pst aux(come)-mid.pst	ãiPto. quot
	(42) niN 1s When he had heard it at the back of the house, he came out ui-gi-niN go-mid.pst-1s ãien house boP loc sonek, a.moment su conj tu that ãiPke from from there. [5.155]
	mĩõP again lagire 'due to': ex. (12) niN 1s piN-gi-niN. come-mid.pst-1s
	I went home for a while, and then I came [back] from there munaN 'like, by way of':
	again. [4.5] (46) gaúioP tur-to	. . . niN-sa	pi-loN-niN
	ali 'near': (38) anãei-gu (43) muiroP one ioN-nu mother-gen piN-gi ãiPke, from a.lot come.out-hab 1s-too muiroP muiroP come-mid.npst-1s tu onob-nu ali apoN-nu father-gen ãiPke from zu-oP-nu	tu
	return-mid.pst zonom+zat naj aux(come)-mid.pst ãem-oP-naj ãu-tu that	girl-gen ze,	near nom	that
	oPn-lai birth+echo salag-oP: 1p do-act.pst-1pi "umboP-nom be-act.npst ui-nom?"	so,	2s
	child-obj goj-gi-na oPãon 'near': 26 ask-act.pst niN maN whither-2s ãu-gu-nu	go-2s	leka,	niN
	die-mid.pst-cvb When he had come back near that girl, she asked that boy: 1s what aux(be)-mid.pst-gen account 1s goj-gi-na nom maN ãu-gu-nu leka? (47) tu gikil-nu oPãon barogaúia ui-gi. "where are you going?" die-mid.pst-cvb 2s what aux(be)-mid.pst-gen that tiger-gen near B. go-mid.pst
	aluN 'inside': Barogatia went near that tiger. [10.53]
	ghost-obj aluN inside ãu-to be-hab orbon 'near': (39) tubog earth mui-laka one-emph buãa cattle ãor-to-nen, umar-laka two-emph ki or tobnaN above kill-hab-pl mui-laka boNtel buffalo ãu-to? be-hab one-emph Is it in the earth, or above? [2.367] buãoN/boãoN 'with': (48) niN maj-nu orbon piN-gi-niN For the latter postposition, we also find ãig, perhaps limited to tol-to-nen, fasten-hab-pl ãuma-pulai. ghost-obj 1s 3s-gen near come-mid.pst-1s inanimate nouns ( §2.5): I came close to him. [N. Zide / B.P. Das, field data (note-For one ghost, they tie up two water-buffaloes; they kill one (40) (A man talking about problems after having sex:) (44) maj obsei-oP sun-oP-nu sãdi ãalni ãig book N. morphology)] head of cattle for one ghost. [F.3] (36) dinke perãay ketek-laka beã-beã-nen ãu-gu? kosúe withãifficulty toP-gu-niN, pull.out-mid.pst-1s soPl+siPl oil+echo buãoN 3s show-act.pst say-act.pst-gen ancestral acre from ãiPto mala+úoila ãiPto koãok+kuãuk kaú+kuú pulai 'in order to, for, obj', cf. §2.2, and: 27 with how.much-emph red-give-pl aux(be)-mid.pst How much did they give per day? [18.7] amroj-gu-niN smear-mid.pst-1s quot wood+echo quot hoe.work+echo cutting+echo (49) niN sun-tu-niN suN-oP. aux(throw)-act.pst-1s gornãei+girnãei ãem-oP suN-oP ãiPto. 1s say-act.npst-1s
	(37) koãe-úa twenty-art trimming+echo ãuma ghost do-act.pst ãeN-gu-na become-mid.pst-cvb aux(throw)-act.pst salis forty munã-laka quot I pulled it out with difficulty. I smeared it with oil etc. [C.28] He got the hoe-work, the cutting, the trimming done on the head-emph boNtel aP "puri buffalo (41) aP niN amrika saibo-nu buãoN nondpur niN ãu-tu, wood from the ancestral acre which had been shown [and] tol-to-nen. now 1s America saheb-gen with Nandpur 1s be-npst mentioned. [5.34]
	now kuruN 'towards'/'at', cf. ex. (74), and:

one man' (apparently only with 'one') humans: lok (De.) young people: rasi (De. rasi 'herd' ?) cattle ('a head of cattle'): munã (De.) A frequently heard element after numerals, numeral adverbs like ketek 'how many?' (De.), or classifiers is the suffix -laka (which I tentatively gloss here with emph, not pretending that this throws any light on the morpheme's function): (35) muiroP one ãuma-pulai fasten-hab-pl If there are 20 ghosts, they tie 40 buffaloes. [F.4] 2.9 Adpositions Puri i-a-naj" go-imp-1p ãieP quot sun-oP-nen-ni. say-act.pst-pl-ni account From one mother, from one father we have been born, so if you die, what is to become of me, and if I die, what is to become of you? [5.361] see-act.pst-gen munaN like muson.

oneãay A lot is displayed. I too will come one day for seeing.

[A.41]

  The following list contains all examples I have found thus far.(53) an-ab 'husk' (ab 'to husk'); b-in-iPtir 'saliva' (biPtir 'to

spit'); b-un-aj 'writing, arithmetic, embroidery' (baj 'to decorate'; b-un-oP 'ladder' (bok/boP ' ?'); g-in-ir 'fishingnet' (gir 'to fish'); g-in-iraP 'spindle' (giraP 'to spin'); gun-ug 'hatchet' (gug 'to peck'); in-iN 'rope' (iN 'to hang'); z-un-uN 'clothesline' (zuN 'to suspend'); p-in-eã 'flute' (peã 'to blow'); r-un-aN 'medicine' (raN 'to concoct[?]'); r-un-ug 'doorway' (rug 'to open'); s-in-iã 'bird lime, gum' (siã 'to lime birds'); s-un-ag 'loan' (sag 'to tear'); s-un-ar 'comb' (sar 'to comb'); s-un-og 'broom' (sog 'to brush'); t-in-el 'threshing floor' (tel ' ?'); 29 t-un-ol(+boP) '(head-)band' (tol 'to tie'); s-un-oi 'plow share' (sui 'to plow')

30

  The modal verb goN 'to be able' differs from the above in that it can be combined rather with (infinitival) reduplicated forms, in the same way as the auxiliary ãu(k) 'to be' ( §3.3), although it can also be combined with general converbs (110).

	suN: cf. example (88), and (102) nom zu-oP-na For what reason have you started coming? You're an old kaba-gu 4 Expressives 5 Syntax
	(98) uraP, no you see-act.pst-cvb ar-kupei-a neg-cut-neg.npst become.amazed-mid.pst o-niN, obj-1s úeNgia axe pulai obj man, father-in-law. [5.111] pigs-oP split-act.pst suN-tu-niN. aux(throw)-act.npst-1s No, it will not cut me: I will break the axe in two. [B.80] riN: according to Hook (1991: 186f.), "[n]o auxiliary plays the role played by le (homophonous with 'take') in Hindi." This statement, made with specific regard to GtaP, but apparently intended also to hold for Gutob, is certainly false. Consider the following counter-examples: ui-loN-nom, aux(go)-mid.npst-2s ãisel. friend When you see it, you will become astonished, friend. [A.92] piN: (103) ui-gi-na go-mid.pst-cvb ããei-gu return-mid.pst pi-piN red-aux(come) (107) lai rice ãoñ-oP cook-act.pst sarei-gu-na aux(finish)-mid.pst-cvb gisiN Gutob does not show a system of expressives in the sense of a sep-5.1 Syntax of the Simple Sentence arate part of speech, not derived from another morphological class chicken 5.1.1 Typological Features (Diffloth 2001: 263ff.). The rare 'expressive' use of the sound [h] goP-to-nen. cut.up-hab-pl When they have finished boiling the rice, they cut up the has been mentioned in §2.7 (n. 23). I treat here the echo formations Constituent order in Gutob is generally SOV. Adjectives, numerals, which are a pervasive feature of the language. The following is a demonstratives and quantifiers precede the head noun, adverbs pre-good example: cede the head they modify. The internal structure of noun phrases chicken. [8.12] (112) laj o-maj-toN-nen saka uraP-su, majnen ãoNgor+par can be represented as follows (after Rajan & Rajan 2001b: 28): ãe-loN? become-mid.npst hoe+echo do-act.pst-conj live-pl aux(be)-prs If we go, will it be possible to get back? [A.77] 3.8.2 infinitive + inflected form of goN/ãem who obj-3s-toN-pl aid not-conj 3p hill+mountain koãok+kuãuk ãem-oP-su buron-nen ãu-tu Noun phrase → (qf)/(dem) (adj1)
	(99) o-niN obj-1s beã: cf. example (67), and mastor master ai-oP aPso-nen ãu-tu. (104) maj sun-oP-su-sori live-pl aux(be)-prs call-act.pst he say-act.pst-conj-sori As nobody helped them, they were living by doing hoe-riN-oP. tirgig mĩõP tu noj+el afterwards again that night+time iã-oP-nen, som-oP-nen, iã-oP-nen, mĩõP work 41 on the hills. [5.5]
	97) verb lexical meaning functions as auxiliary verb suN 'throw' sudden motion, completive riN 'take', 'bring' self-benefactive ui 'go' motion away from speaker, completive piN 'come' motion towards speaker beã 'give' benefactive, completive sarei 'finish' telicizer lagei 'apply' inceptive big+big gisiN chicken naj we sob-oP buy-act.pst riN-∅, aux(take)-act.imp gimeP goat naj we sob-oP buy-act.pst riN-∅, aux(take)-act.imp zatra festival ãen-ãem red-do lai for ãieP quot sarloN-gu-su, talk-mid.pst-conj zar whose gor-ke house-obj ta-ke that-obj tur-gu go out-mid.pst drink-act.pst-pl eat-act.pst-pl drink-act.pst-pl again ãuãiP-gu sleep-mid.pst beã-oP-nen. aux(give)-act.pst-pl He said [this], and after that, they drank again during that night, they ate, they drank, and they went to sleep again. [5.46] (108) niN 1s kolikata Calcutta ui-gi go-mid.pst ãePna quot pi-piN red-come ar-goN-a The example illustrates three predominant patterns: (1) echo neg-can-neg.npst niN 1s etai-bar-nen worry-inf-pl proper: repetition of the first word with phonological changes ãu-tu. (koãok+kuãuk ); (2) pairing of two native words with identical or aux(be)-prs related meaning (buron+aPso); (3) pairing of two borrowed words If I go to Calcutta, they worry I will not be able to come with identical or related meaning (ãoNgor+par ). The following back. [D.46] example illustrates (4) pairing of a native with a borrowed word ui-to-nen. (105) ãaP riN-oP-su ispor+parboti-lai ãiPto (109) zu-zu niN goN-uraP. with identical or related meaning (luão+bokrei): aux(go)-hab-pl "Let's buy a really big chicken, let's buy a goat, for hold-ing the festival", in this way they discuss, and appear at whoever's house. [8.4] 40 ui: see the preceding example, and (101) muiroP one oãug boy ãiPto quot goj-gi die-mid.pst ui-gi-su water bring-act.pst-conj Shiva+Parvati-obj quot ai-oP call-act.pst "elo, come here riN-oP bring-act.pst niN 1s beã-oP" red-see 1s can-neg. (113) u ãiPke piN-gi-su kete lok boãoN I can't see. [AG fieldnotes] there from come-mid.pst-conj some people with aux(give)-act.pst ãieP quot (110) boiragi tiN-oP ar-goN-to. luão+bokrei ui-gi-su, anond ãiPto. hermit shoot-act.pst neg-can-neg.pst joke+banter go-mid.pst-conj joy quot The hermit was not able to shoot at [it]. [10.39] ãeN-gu-su-nei, ãu-gu-nei. Having brought water, he called to Shiva and Parvati: become-mid.pst-conj-1p stay-mid.pst-1p "Come here, I've brought [it] for you". [6.11] The construction with (infinitival) reduplicated form is also found After we had come from there, and had gone around cutting aux(go)-mid.pst-conj ãũba ghost The verbs lagei and sarei, finally, are both borrowings from Desia: for the verb ãem 'to become'. See example (103) and: jokes with several people, and had become happy, we stayed ãeN-gu. (106) maNúa what lai for nom 2s piN-gi come-mid.pst lagei-gu-nom ãu-tu aux(be)-prs nom 2s unãam old.man lok, person mama, father.in.law ãieP quot quot Then will dry earth allow [for a house] to be built? [1.100] ãiPto. dry earth then red-build become-mid.npst aux(apply)-mid.pst-2s (111) usor tubog mĩõP suñ-suñ ãe-loN? [home?]. [4.3]

aux(take)-act.pst

A master 1 called me to him 1 . [3.1] (100) moão+moão become-mid.pst A boy, they say, died and became a ghost. [7.1]

40

The words zar gorke take in this example are Desia.

  In Gutob . . . , the same subject marker -su attaches to a past form of the verb, but one lacking person inflection, in line with the generally redundant nature of subject person inflection in switch reference systems. . . . The different subject marker in Gutob is -na. It also attaches to a past tense form of the verb, similarly lacking person inflection.

	5.3 Coordination 'speaking' are often repeated around the complement clause. 5.5 Relative-type Clauses 5.7 The markers -su and -na
	Rajan & Rajan 2001b: 29 list several examples of asyndetic coor-dination (cf. our ex. 44 above). In addition, Gutob seems to show several particles of coordinate conjunction, notably -sa, mĩõP and ãoN, but the exact syntactic status of each of them needs further investigation. Cf. also the conjunctive marker -su glossed conj in this sketch ( §5.7). (120) lokon Lakshmana sun-oP say-act.pst nom-nu 2s-gen agia order ãePna quot Gutob shows two types of relative clauses. The first, making use of It has been claimed in a recent article that Gutob has a switch-ispor+mapru niN 1s ui-loN go-mid.npst andari dark bon forest boP loc kaligai-nu black.cow-gen riN-tu-niN bring-act.npst-1s ãieP quot mapru lord say-act.pst (see also sentence 27 in the sample text below): sun-oP. fer back to the examples (28), (80) and (100), and add the following dung the impression of being calques on Indo-Aryan constructions. I re-iPtaN tions, whether they use borrowed pronouns or native ones, make Shiva+lord the gen marker, seems to be inherited, while the other construc-reference system (Anderson & Boyle 2002: 39-54):
	(116) zona corn oP, emph Lakshmana then said: "Because it is your order, o Lord aão-sa orchard-and nei-nu 1p-gen oP, emph lioN-sa wet.rice.field-and nei-nu 1p-gen lamgo-sa dry.field-and nei-nu emph 1p-gen oP. the Black Cow", said the Lord. [6.6] 1p olden day red-do-gen from Shiva, I will go to the Dark Forest. I will bring the dung of (124) nei purbe dine ãiPke ãen-ãem-nu lioN.
	(121) saukar The corn orchard is ours, and the wet field is ours, and the zu-oP-su umboP-nom ui barogaúia ãieP merchant see-act.pst-conj whither-2s go B. quot lioN dry field is ours. [B.35] (117) memor ward.member mĩõP again niN 1s mĩõP again sonia Sonia aãsali Adsali salag-oP. obj-3s wet.field boP ask-act.pst milei uraP. loc log-gu-nei fall-mid.pst-1p The merchant saw him and asked: "Where are you going, be.available neg beã-oP. Barogatia?". [10.30] The man who has not gone is hungry, he does not have wet aux(give)-act.pst The ward member, I and Sonia fell down to Adsali. [Rajan (122) monoP onob ãePna, tunoP moã-gu land. [18.25]
	& Rajan 2001b: 19] somewhere girl quot (126) uraP nei-nu dadi on-oP-nu thither	get.up-mid.pst tunu.
	(118) maN ui-loN-niN. ãem-tu-niN no 1p-gen uncle	naparla plant-act.pst-gen lok ãiePsu	tu
	what go-mid.npst-1s do-act.npst-1s	unable	person	quot	that
	onooPn-ãoi-lai Noticing a girl somewhere, I will get up and go there. [C.113] ãoN oãuoPn-ãoi-lai sun-oP.
	daughter-3poss-obj mara+mari ãeN-gu-nen and son-3poss-obj o-maj say-act.pst razi
	5.2 Complex Sentence Structure Mention may be made here of a kind of participle that can be formed by compounding el 'time' with another word. See exx. 19 (123) kaligai sun-oP, enoP lok uraP, bak uraP niN who beat+dis become-mid.pst-pl obj-3s agreed What shall I do, for I am an incapable person, she said to black.cow say-act.pst here people not.be men not.be 1s ãem-to. her daughter and to her son. [5.219] aNte eran ãeN-gu ãu-loN-niN ãiePsu kaligai make-hab Disjunction is marked with the word ki. Cf. exx. (10), (51) and: (119) oPãon close kinãaP river ki or suloN? far alone how become-mid.pst be-fut-1s quot black.cow He makes those who have fought with each other settle their sun-oP. dispute. [I.4] say-act.pst (nei pipiN+el ), 104 (noj+el ), and the following: (115) . . . utu . . . that keroN rice bulu-gu-nu-el ripen-mid.pst-gen-time The black cow said: "There are no people here, no men: [Is] the river close or far? [A.25] ãiPto ois-oP-nen quot Complement clauses are built with the quotative ãieP (derived from There are rare examples of complement clauses entirely lacking a harvest-act.pst-pl ãiqto Another complementizer-like quotative (ãito) is treated under §6.2. 5.4 Complement Clauses quot how shall I stay alone?", spoke the Black Cow. [11.4] 5.6 Subordinate Clauses
	. . . when that rice had ripened, they harvested. [5.289] ãi 'to speak'), or its extensions ã(i)ePna and ãiePsu. Verbs of complementizer: cf. exx. (108, before etaibarnen ãutu) and (136).

wet.field It is a wet field which we work on from of old. [B.11] (125) mor-ui-gi-nu neg-go-mid.pst-gen lok person kuãu, hunger o-maj that No, it is the one that our uncle planted. [B.38] (127) laj

These types of clauses are formed in various ways, making use of the quotative constructions exemplified above ( §5.4), and by the markers -su and -na that are discussed just below in §5.7.

December 2004. This first draft lay untouched by me for more than two whole years, until a strict deadline for submission of the final draft was suddenly imposed. Given the fact that the final draft had to be prepared under pressure of time, I was in the end not able satisfactorily to address many of the important points of criticism of the mentioned readers. Nor was I able to incorporate, as I had first intended, possibly relevant data and analyses from two recently published (brief) sketches of Gutob that came to my attention after completion of my first draft: these are[START_REF] Mukherjee | Linguistic Survey of India[END_REF][START_REF] Ghosh | An Ethnolinguistic Profile of Eastern India[END_REF]. I thank Sven Grawunder who sent me a xerox of the latter publication in April 2007, and Jasper May who assisted me in preparing this final draft.1 Although the meaning of the name appears to be no longer transparent to the speakers who use it, it can be understood as a compound gu-tob 'creature of the earth', with gV-(see §2.10.2) prefixed to tob, presumably a combining form

Telugu is the dominant among the Gutob-Gadabas who have descended into the plains of Andhra Pradesh.Sarma (2001: 9) remarks about the use of Gutob in this habitat: "neither the older generation speak it among themselves, nor do they make use of it with the younger generation, making the language progressively defunct." See §0.3.

In a personal communication (27 August 2002), Peter Berger confirmed this estimate: "The Ollar are definitely much more numerous than the Gutob. The latter inhabit only a small stretch from Deptahanjar to Ongel, Onmail, Kangrapada etc. To the South are the Parenga, to the North the Ollar. I have not yet tried to make an estimate from my village surveys, but if we say there are

Gutob villages (probably there are less) in the Lamptaput/Onukadilli area with an average of 200-300 people you get your numbers."

It is not entirely clear how one is to bring this estimate in line with the following statement, published by the same authors earlier in the same year (2001a: 9 -quotation exactly as printed):

An electronic (searchable) form of the database is accessible online at <http://hin.osaka-gaidai.ac.jp/˜griffithsa/>. Other texts, including those recorded by myself, are to be added in due course.

Their ostensible evidence for contrast is: /l2y/ 'rice', /lay/ 'for', /s2y/ 'street', /nayP/ 'we (incl.)', /layP/ 'who'. I transcribe these words: /lai/, /lai/, /sai/, /naj/, /laj/, respectively -there is one homonym in my analysis, viz. /lai/ 'cooked rice' or 'for, obj'.

If in such a case the transcribed texts also happened to miss the presumably intended/underlying glottal stop, and the suffix hence appears to vanish entirely, ostensible problems of grammatical analysis may emerge, such as the one hinted at byHook 1991: 192, n. 10.

Cf. this author's broad definition of 'gender' as a "classification of nouns or other parts of speech on the basis of inflections or other grammatical features" (ibid.).

The latter, Bhattacharya claims, is found only with reference to humans, but this claim is false: see puãra/puãri cited below.

The pairing of laj with tu could also be interpreted as a relative/correlative pairing, but the context seems to suggest otherwise.

As to the 'expressive' category, cf. Zide (1991: 363): "A final word -on h in Munda demonstratives . . . . The recorded Gutob lexicon shows just one morpheme with h, ha-'yonder'. All forms with ha take a peculiar intonation, and the a is often expressively lengthened; thus, haaanoP, 'waaay out there'." Note thatRajan & Rajan (2001b: 16) posit a four way system, but do not record the form with h-.

Forms in parentheses are retranscribedfollowing Zide 1978: 51.

Cf. Peterson's discussion of the cognate Kharia formation in this volume (p. ???) for a possible phonological explanation for the use of this infix.

I know one example of a possible -Vm-infix (gumul cited above, §2.10.1), so simin could perhaps be derived from sĩ (from *sin?) 'sun'.

The first syllable does not show the expected vowel, so this derivation is doubtful.

Zide (1985: 101) states: "the negative uses the same morphemes but redistributed arbitrarily, i.e. I can find no logic to the 'redistributed system'."

The tense-aspectual interpretation in these and several of the following examples of negated verb forms is uncertain.

If my analysis of ex. (14) is correct, we have evidence that the compound can be interrupted by the conj marker ( §5.7).

The interpretation of the echo formation koãok+kuãuk is not entirely certain, but it seems most likely that it is connected with the Desia words koãokbar 'to work a field with a hoe' (cf.Gustafsson 1989: 135) and koãki 'hoe'.

It is to some extent parallel in function (and form!) to the "conditional converb" in -ile of Oriya(Neukom & Patnaik 2003: 251), based on the pst suffix -il-.

A complete survey of colonial (19th century) sources, some containing short word-lists, is available in[START_REF] Pinnow | Versuch einer historischen Lautlehre der Kharia-Sprache[END_REF]

464f. These outdated sources are not repeated here.