Margot Chapuis

Vernon Bevan

Bruce Macvicar

André G Roy

Sediment transport and morphodynamics in an urbanized river: the effect of restoration on sediment fluxes

come

INTRODUCTION

Urbanized rivers are heavily impacted by human activities that modify their hydrology and morphodynamics. The increase of impervious areas within the watershed leads to a flashier hydrological regime. The response of the watershed to local rainy events is difficult to predict, both in terms of timing and intensity: consequently flooding risk is increased. The new hydrological and sedimentological regimes correspond to a new balance between flow input and sediment input in the river system. In particular, given a certain hydrological input, the amount of sediment 'easily' available in the watershed may not match the new 'needed' input to reach a new dynamic equilibrium state. In addition, previous attempts to stabilize the river system may prevent the mobilization of the necessary sediment stock, leading to destabilization of the existing infrastructures (embankments, weirs, bridges…).

Consequently, the modification of the hydrological regime due to urbanization leads to a conflict between the adjustments of the river system and human use of the riverscape. New restoration techniques in high energy river systems attempt to better accommodate the hydraulics by dissipating excess flow energy. For example, instead of restoration based on hydraulic efficiency, new designs relying on natural river processes may be employed [START_REF] Riley | Restoring streams in cities: a guide for planners, policy makers, and citizens[END_REF][START_REF] Downs | Rehabilitation of a lowland river: reconciling flood defence with habitat diversity and geomorphological sustainability[END_REF][START_REF] Gregory | The human role in changing river channels[END_REF]). These designs are inspired by morphological features found in similar undisturbed systems, such as meandering channels associated with riffle-pool structures. They can also rely on bioengineering techniques that are more integrated in the visual aesthetics of the environment [START_REF] Lachat | Conservation, landscaping and restoration of watercourses with a natural logic[END_REF]. However, the practice of stream restoration has leaped ahead of the science and the lack of a solid scientific basis for the technique of riffle-pool construction reduces their long term viability [START_REF] Kondolf | Five elements for effective evaluation of stream restoration[END_REF][START_REF] Milan | Stage dependent variability in tractive force distribution through a riffle-pool sequence[END_REF][START_REF] Thompson | The linkage between velocity patterns and sediment entrainment in a forced-pool and riffle unit[END_REF]. Indeed, while morphodynamics and sediment mobility are key factors for river management, they are frequently not explicitly considered by river managers [START_REF] Shields | Hydraulic and hydrologic stability[END_REF] and in many cases there is little to no information on sediment dynamics in the studied systems.

This project aims to investigate the interactions between hydrology, sediment transport and morphodynamics in a gravel-bed river located in the urban area of Toronto (Ontario, Canada). Existing infrastructures in the valley (foot path and sanitary sewage lines) are threatened by bed degradation and lateral migration of the channel. As a result the City of Toronto and the Toronto and Region Conservation Authority (TRCA) have spent a significant amount of money on engineering projects to stabilize the creek. In 2012, a 400 m long reach was restored with a riffle-pool morphology that was designed to efficiently dissipate flow energy. This design was based on the assumption that a rifflepool morphology was most representative of natural gravel-bed rivers. The objectives of this study are to develop a sediment budget for the watershed and to assess the stability of the riffle-pool design and its effect on sediments moving through the channel.

METHODOLOGY AND FIELD SITE

Field site

Wilket Creek is a small river (14.5 km² drainage area, 12 m width, 1% slope) located in the urban area of Toronto (Ontario, Canada, Fig. 1). The bed material consists of a gravel and sand mix (D 50 = 0.039 m) with some local exposure of a compact glacial till. The watershed has been intensively urbanized between the 50's and the 60's. As observed in similar systems [START_REF] Mcdonald | Response of river channel morphology to urbanization: the case of Highland Creek[END_REF], the increase of impervious area associated with a lack of stormwater management increased the intensity and the frequency of flood events [START_REF] Galster | Measuring the impact of urbanization on channel widths using historic aerial photographs and modern surveys[END_REF]. This modification of the hydrological regime led to a flashier and more intense hydrograph. This resulted in a 34% increase of mean channel width (maximum width increase = 15 m) between 1947 and 2009 and riverbed degradation that could be up to 2 m. The study reach, which comprises 5 study sites (Fig. 1), is located in a naturalized park with extensive forest cover. The channel is vertically and laterally constrained by a sanitary sewer system located underneath the river bed and a paved foot path with several bridged crossings.

Three reaches have been restored in Wilket Creek since 2008 (Fig. 1). The restoration works attempt to stop lateral erosion and bed degradation. Their meandering riffle-pool design is expected to dissipate excess water energy and thus to help prevent further erosion of the bed. The two newest restored sites are part of a more comprehensive plan undertaken by the City of Toronto to restore 10 degraded reaches in Wilket Creek (Parish Geomorphic 2011). Each restored reach corresponds to a sinuous planform designed with riffle-pool features (Fig. 2). Both embankments and riffles are made from exogenous material which is greater in size than the natural bed material (in the upstream Wilket Creek Park site, RK 1.60: D 50 = 0.048 m and 0.056 m before and after the restoration works, respectively; design D 50 = 0.700 m). In addition riffles are strengthened by transversal ribs corresponding to large (>1 m baxis) boulders embedded in the streambed immediately upstream from the riffle crest.

As part of the study, the sediment mobility of two 'natural' sites will be compared with the three restored sites (Fig. 1). The unrestored reaches are 60 m in length. One (Upstream site, RK 1.75) is located upstream of the second restored site and is partially constrained laterally by gabions in its upstream part. It is morphologically typical of the whole creek. The other natural site (Control site, RK 0.35) is located downstream of the downstream restored site and is free of human-made lateral constraint.

Methods

We used topographic surveys to assess morphodynamics changes in restored (Wilket Creek Park, RK 1.60) and unrestored (Upstream site, RK 1.75 and Control site, RK 0.35) reaches after two over bankfull floods in the 2013 summer (29 th of May and 8 th of July). Unfortunately no water level measurements were available when these two over bankfull floods occurred. However, indications of woody debris elevations allowed us to assess that water levels were 2.1 m and 1.5 m over the Wilket Creek Park restored site (RK 1.60). Based on the subsequently developed rating curve, these water levels correspond to 12 m 3 /s and 8 m 3 /s for the May 29 th and July 8 th flood events, respectively. Additional visual observations on the two other restored reaches (Windfields Park, RK 4.80 and Wilket Creek Park, RK 0.55) were conducted after the floods. In the second restored reach (Wilket Creek Park, RK 1.60), topographic surveys were undertaken along 20 cross-sections. In addition, topographic data were collected as part of the RFID tracking for all reaches located in Wilket Creek Park (Wilket Creek Park, RK 1.60, Upstream site, RK 1.75 and Control site, RK 0.35).

We used RFID tracking to assess gravel mobility within restored (Wilket Creek Park, RK 1. weighted, and their shape and volume were recorded. Particles sizes ranged from 0.016 to 0.724 m (corresponding phi-classes: -4.0 to -9.5). Tracers grain size distribution, even if less skewed, was similar to bed material after restoration work since the 0.008 -0.016 m fraction of bed material could not be tagged with RFID transponders (D 50 tracers = 0.088 m, skewness = -0.07 [START_REF] Folk | Brazos River Bar: a study in the significance of grain size parameters[END_REF] vs. D 50 bed af- ter restoration = 0.111 m, skewness = -0.15). Tracers were seeded every 0.50 m along cross-sections that corresponded to the active channel width and were spaced about 2 m in the streamwise direction. The seeding scheme was aimed at studying the link between particle mobility and bedform mobility and thus tracer sizes were evenly distributed within the seeding area. During seeding, the initial location of each tracer was recorded with a total station. In addition, topographic data were collected. Tracer recovery generally occurred after each significant flood event with a 0.50 m diameter Leonie antenna [START_REF] Aquartis | Leonie System User Guide: Mobile RFID Detection System (HDX 134.2 kHz)[END_REF]. Tracer locations were recorded with total station with an accuracy of ± 1.5 m (Chapuis, et al., submit.). This estimate takes into account the accuracy of the antenna tracking and the total station accuracy of measurement.

RESULTS AND INTERPRETATION

Design of the riffle-pool system and hydrological regime prior to the studied period

Although no water level measurements were available between July 2012 and May 2013, the May 29 th and July 8 th 2013 floods were by far the most powerful occurring after the restoration work (RK 1.60) was completed in July 2012.

By the time the May 29 th and July 8 th 2013 floods occurred, the riffle-pool design had already been put under strain by storm-triggered floods during late summer and fall 2012. In particular cobbles and boulders inserted in the bed during restoration had been reworked, especially in the riffles. However no significant bank erosion was observed prior to the two over bankfull events.

Morphologic evolution of the restored reaches and associated sediment dynamics

Following the two over bankfull events, the Wilket Creek Park restored site (RK 1.60) exhibited vertical stability although some lateral adjustments did occur (Fig. 3).

The upstream and downstream restored sites showed different trends. In the upstream reach in Windfields Park (RK 4.80, Fig. 4) where there is an ongoing cut-off of the meander, our observations showed an increase in the degradation of the channel. The cut-off accelerated channel incision in the bend behind the embankment. In contrast, the downstream restored site (Wilket Creek Park, RK 0.55) remained stable, showing only a slight destabilization of the embankment at the downstream end due to the confluence with a small tributary. The May 29 th and July 8 th floods led to the flushing of bed material within the Wilket Creek Park restored site (RK 1.60). The removal of bed material occurred over a depth ≤ 0.50 m, uncovering the underlying glacial till (Fig. 5). We observed a fine gravel bedload sheet prograding at the upstream end of the reach. This corresponds to a gravel input on the Wilket Creek Park reach (RK 1.60). Within the central part of the reach, gravel and sand were flushed from the upstream pool of the reach. The bed material resulting from this erosion probably led to the growth of a bar that was observed 200 m downstream.

Subsequent floods (summer and fall 2013) confirmed the frequent mobilization of sand within the Wilket Creek Park restored reach (RK 1.60) and RFID tracking showed that gravel path lengths were short (maximum distance of 22 m ± 1 m within a 2.5 month survey).

Sediment dynamics in the unrestored reaches

The bed in the downstream unrestored reach (Control site, RK 0.35) exhibited extensive mobility vertically and laterally with both deposition of sand on the bar (Fig. 6) and strong lateral erosion of the bank (bank retreat of 1.7 m along the monitored cross-section). Generally speaking, the river experienced flushing of the gravel layer uncovering the underlying glacial till.

No survey had been undertaken at the upstream site (RK 1.75) when the two over bankfull events occurred. Based on the RFID tracking of subsequent flood events (summer and fall 2013, Fig. 7), the gravel layer within this reach is mobile (more than 80% of the particles constituting each size class were mobile between 2013/09/22 and 2013/11/25) and thus will eventually supply gravel to the downstream restored site (RK 1.60).

SYNTHESIS AND DISCUSSION

In both unrestored and restored reaches, the two over bankfull events flushed the relatively thin alluvial layer exposing the underlying glacial till, thus potentially leading to irreversible bed incision. The till seems to have a variable resistance to erosion: in some locations, bank retreat is much less marked than in other sections where erosion was important.

Particle tracking indicates that gravel fluxes through unrestored reaches are significant. Sand fluxes through the restored reach are significant too, while gravel fluxes might not be of the same timescale. After completion of the restoration works, no significant gravel material was available in the Wilket Creek Park restored reach (RK 1.60) until the major flood events occurred. Gravel flux through the restored reach thus depends on upstream gravel in-put. As we observed a gravel layer prograding at the upstream end of the reach and gravel mobility within the upstream unrestored site (RK 1.75), it is likely that this will supply gravel to the restored reach. It is doubtful that the volume of this bedload sheet will be sufficient to compensate the flushing of the sand fraction from the pools and contribute to cover and thus protect the glacial till.

As the watershed does not have significant sources of gravel, this highlights the more general problem of gravel supply throughout the creek. Some eroding banks are composed of a mix of clay, sand and gravel, but the amount of potential gravel input is very limited. Before urbanization of the watershed, the limited sediment supply was probably not an issue as the alluvial layer was thick enough to allow for bar formation and migration while bank erosion could also supply more gravel. As the bed incised due to changes in the hydrological regime caused by urbanization, the floodplain became disconnected from the channel, thus accelerating the imbalance between increased flow input and the limited gravel supply.

The Windfields Park restored site (RK 4.80) is failing because of its cut-off but the downstream Wilket Creek Park restored reach (RK 0.55) is fairly stable after the two bankfull events. Our observations also suggest that the lateral planform of the Wilket Creek Park restored reach (RK 1.60) may not remain stable over the long term. This triggers the question about the relevance of the restoration works in relation to their cost and longevity. Efficiency of the 'vertical' restoration seems able to protect the sewage system underneath, even if the downstream end of the restoration seems to be weakened by these two bankfull events.

To date, it might be too early to assess whether the overall channel design of the Wilket Creek Park restored reach (RK 1.60) is stable or not and thus if the restoration was 'successful'. To assess the time scale associated with channel stability, a decision matrix can be developed that would include 'acceptable' adjustments vs. 'non-acceptable' (Table 1). Acceptable adjustments would be defined as those who do not threaten essential infrastructures or who do not correspond to irreversible change on the river system. We propose here that the sewage system and habitations are essential infrastructures (but not the channel path) and that incision of the glacial till is irreversible. We propose not to consider that bank erosion is an irreversible process, except when it directly threatens a habitation. The frequency of floods leading to each adjustment type could then be assessed to estimate the time scale stability of the design. Even if the channel is stable, managers should not forget that the creek is lacking gravel input and that catchment scale solutions should be sought. In-channel gravel deposition associated with potential increase of flooding risk Y > 5

*not likely to happen since overbank gravel deposition did not happen during the two over bankfull events studied and limited gravel supply within the whole catchment.

**not acceptable if threatening habitation.

CONCLUSIONS

Wilket Creek is a dynamic and steep river whose hydrology and morphodynamics are heavily impacted by human activities. Because of watershed urbanization, the flashier hydrological regime strongly stresses river banks and bed. Present management efforts consist of sinuous riffle-pool designs that vertically and laterally constrain the channel. Because the channel design was established a priori as the most stable, the effectiveness of the restoration works was investigated and stability of the rifflepool design assessed. For comparison, unrestored reaches were also monitored. Topographic surveys showed that 18 months after restoration, the vertical design is fairly stable but concerns exist about the medium/short term (5 years) stability of the channel planform after two over bankfull flood events. In addition to strong mobility of the sandy fraction, RFID tracking highlighted gravel mobility over the streambed for both restored and unrestored reaches. However this bedload mobility involves only a thin layer that travels over a glacial till that has been largely exposed by the two floods. Bedload mobility is less on restored reaches compared to unrestored ones, but as no significant gravel source is available within the watershed, the imbalance between bedload flushing and gravel input highlights the need of mitigation measures to supplement the restoration works.

Figure 1 .

 1 Figure 1. Location of the five study sites within the Wilket Creek catchment and indication of their river kilometer (RK). Wilket Creek is located within the suburban area of Toronto.

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 2. (a) Example of the restoration works in the main study site (Edwards Gardens, RK 1.60). The designed channel corresponds to a sinuous planform channel with riffle-pool features. Both embankments and riffles are made from exogenous material which size is greater than natural bed material. (b) Solicitation of the outer river bank by logs during a flashy flood (2013/06/13, Edwards Gardens, RK 1.60). Blue arrow indicates flow direction.

  60) and unrestored (Upstream site, RK 1.75 and Control site, RK 0.35) reaches during small floods that occurred in fall 2013. Tracer particles preparation consisted of drilling, inserting the transponder and hermetic sealing. Transponder sizes were 0.012, 0.023 or 0.032 m (Texas Instruments, TRPGR30TGC, RI-TRP-WR3P and RI-TRP-WR2B; Texas Instruments 2012, Texas Instruments 2001, Texas Instruments 2008, respectively). Tracer particles were measured (a, b, c-axis),

Figure 3 .

 3 Figure 3. Topographic evolution of cross-sections 8 (subplot a) and 14 (subplot b) of the Wilket Creek Park site (RK 1.60) before (2013/02/01, black line) and after (2013/07/25, grey line) May 29 th flood. These results show overall stability of the designed channel with some lateral adjustments on cross-section 8.

Figure 4 .

 4 Figure 4. Cut-off (white arrow) of the meander on the upstream restored site (Windfields Park, RK 4.80). Blue arrow indicates flow direction.

Figure 5 .

 5 Figure 5. (a) Internal reworking of sediment (cross-section 6) between 2013/02/01 (black line) and 2013/07/25 (grey line) illustrating the effects of two over bankfull floods. (b) Flushing of fine sediments in pools (cross-section 9) between the same survey dates.

Figure 6 .

 6 Figure 6. Strong modification of the bed on the upstream unrestored site (Control site, RK 0.35) before (a) and after (b) the May 29 th flood. (a) Picture taken on the 2012/10/26. (b) Picture taken on the 2013/06/13. Blue arrow indicates flow direction.

Figure 7 .

 7 Figure 7. RFID tracking on the Upstream site (RK 1.75). The seeding locations of tracers are indicated. Tracers were naturally reworked between the seeding and the first tracking (2013/09/22) because of four flood events (maximum estimated discharge: 1.7 m 3 /s on 2013/08/26). Blue arrow indicates flow direction.

Table 1 .

 1 Decision matrix of 'acceptable' vs. 'non-acceptable' adjustments in Wilket Creek. Bold Y corresponds to change current TRCA policy. The proposed discharge corresponds to the estimated WCrk2 gauge discharge. The presented values might be refined later when additional hydrologic data is available.

	Adjustment description

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

This work was made possible through an NSERC Industrial Postgraduate Scholarship, an NSERC ENGAGE grant with Parish Geomorphic, an NSERC Discovery grant held by B. MacVicar, Toronto Region Conservation Authority support and research funds from the University of Waterloo.


Margot Chapuis

Guillaume Cilici

Marie Maussin

Environments continuities and flood risk mitigation at catchment scale: which management scales and which level of achievement are suitable according to the purpose of the project? Continuités des milieux, intégration des risques et gestion des bassins versants: quelles échelles pour quelles mises en pratique?

Keywords: Management, environment continuity, flood risk, combined approches, alpine catchment basin

published or not. The documents may come

Environments continuities and flood risk mitigation at catchment scale: which management scales and which level of achievement are suitable according to the purpose of the project?

INTRODUCTION: TOWARDS AN INTEGRATIVE APPROACH OF ENVIRONMENTAL MANAGEMENT GUIDELINES AND FLOOD RISK MITIGATION AT CATCHMENT SCALE

Environmental management guidelines encourage to develop the continuity of natural environments, thanks to conceptual tools such as 'greenways' or 'blueways' that works towards the preservation/restoration of wildlife resources and migration. At the same time, flood risk mitigation planning increasingly integrates the importance of preserving the 'freedom space' of rivers to minimize flood vulnerability of riverine infrastructures throughout the world (Malavoi et al., 1998;Biron et al., 2014). Preserving these 'greyways', where the river can self-adjust its sediment fluxes, allows to enhance river resilience from a flooding perspective. But at the same time, the preservation of a wider water corridor ensures the ecological services associated to the greenways and blueways.

Thus, environmental management guidelines and flood risk mitigation planning could theoretically be coupled to both enhance ecological services and reduce flooding risk. To anticipate future river management guidelines and legislation, rivers managers are trying to combine such approaches. In particular, the new coming law about environment management and flooding risk mitigation (GEMAPI law) will actually require river stakeholders to gather these two competences, within a single structure, over a single territory, to work at catchment scale. However, the parallel implementation of the related tools are sometimes problematic when facing practical cases.

GREENWAY, BLUEWAY AND 'GREYWAY' VS. FLOOD RISK MANAGEMENT: PRACTICAL CASE STUDIES IN ALPINE RIVER CATCHMENTS

The two alpine river catchments we study here are located in the French Alps: the Arc River in the Maurienne valley and the upstream Isère River in the Tarentaise valley (Table 1). The two river catchments are adjacent: the Isère River is localized right North from the Arc River, which is a tributary of the Isère River. Both systems are characterized by narrow valleys, a strong hydrological forcing (mountain climate), supercritical flows and locally high sediment inputs that lead to high transport rates of bedload and suspended sediment load.

Table 1. Physical characteristics of the study reaches.

a The downstream limit for the Isère River study reach corresponds to its confluence with the Arly River in Albertville. For the Arc River, the downstream limit corresponds to its confluence with the Isère River in Aiton.

b Discharge values are from the 'Banque Hydro' (www.hydro.eaufrance.fr). Mean values are calculated over 64 years for the La Saussaz station (Arc River) and over 112 years for the Moûtiers station (Isère River). Both stations are approximately located in the middle of each study reach.

In both cases, urbanization laterally constrains the channel dynamics while a large part of the water resource is diverted for hydropower purposes, agriculture, drinking water supply and snow culture. As a consequence of this hydrological modification, natural sediment fluxes are heavily modified, which in turn influence the river morphodynamics and ecosystems.

Because both catchments are partly located at different elevations (ranging from high mountain areas above 2000 m to piedmont areas at ~300 m a.s.l.), these river systems present a large variety of ecosystems, with specific flora and fauna adapted to harsh climatic conditions. Thus, the preservation of such ecosystems should be a priority for development policies at local and catchment scales.

According to the technical and political trend to combine environmental and flood management tools, the Isère stakeholders are working at catchment scale by implementing two programs: one devoted to flood risk management ('Programme d'Actions de Prévention des Inondations') and the other to preserve and to improve water and riverine environments qualities ('Contrat de Bassin Versant'). On the Arc River, a program of water quality improvement ('Contrat de Rivière Arc' 1996Arc' -2002) ) was successfully performed at catchment scale and two programs of flood risk management were successively implemented since 2010. For instance, actions of flood risk mitigation and environment quality improvement were successfully combined on alluvial fans in the Isère valley, in order to protect people as well as to integrate ecological continuities (fish and sediment fluxes). At larger scale, some 'spaces of freedom ' (Malavoi et al., 1998;Biron et al., 2014) were identified along the Isère watercourse: such reaches allow self-regulation of sediment fluxes by self-adjustment of planimetric design and longitudinal profile. Improvement of morphodynamics is associated with an improvement of the ecological services delivered by the river. But such reaches are few on the Isère River, and none on the Arc River:  Valley space is highly competitive and despite communication about flooding risk mitigation measures, river mobility is still seen as highly conflictual with the human land use of the valleys. Thus, reduction of the vulnerability is still not a priority for the territories compared to their economical development. For instance in the Arc River, large volumes of sediments from highway and railway galleries digging are being stocked in the valley. These volumes might conflict with tributary inputs in the main channel on a long term perspective;

 Even if these two river systems are naturally dynamic, numerous flow diversions reduce their ability to self-adjust at different spatial scales. Since water intakes are also seen as essential for valley development, it is unlikely that such diversions will be reduced in the future. For instance, sediment deposits due to flow reduction occurs at local scale in the Viclaire floodplain (Isère River) as well as, at larger scale, in the Combe de Savoie downstream the Isère study reach.

CONCLUSION: HOW TO FIND THE PROPER MANAGEMENT SCALE AND HOW TO ASSESS THE RELEVANT LEVEL OF ACHIEVEMENT NEEDED?

In practice, to ensure that a restoration/rehabilitation project can effectively be implemented with maximum support from the political side, stakeholders must determine and anticipate:

 The proper management scales (spatial and temporal scales) that are defined as 'relevant technical perimeters' (a.k.a. 'périmètres techniques pertinents ';Bourdin et al., 2011);

 The 'real(istic)' level of achievement to aim to.

Based on an increasing number of experiences and feedbacks, some project management guidelines are being developed by French river agencies (e.g. Bourdin et al., 2011) to help assess and anticipate the difficulty to achieve such projects that combine various environmental and flood management tools. In addition, even if it is sometimes possible to combine such purposes at local scale, river stakeholders still face the challenge of performing such combined actions at larger scale, because of the need to involve larger territories that are not used to work together. Bourdin, L., Stroffek, S., Bouni, C., Narcy, J.-B. and Dufour, M. (2011). Guide technique SDAGE -Restauration hydromorphologique et territoires: concevoir pour négocier. Agence de l'Eau Rhône-Méditerranée et Corse, 105p. Malavoi, J.-R., Bravard, J.-P., Piégay, H., Heroin, E., Ramez, P., Gasnier, L., Boucheseiche, C., Rivas, J., Cambon, A., Trocherie, F., Coulet, M., Caltran, H. and Ravasseau, J.-P. (1998). Guide Technique n°2 : Détermination de l'espace de liberté des cours d'eau. Agence de l'Eau Rhône-Méditerranée et Corse, 42p.

LIST OF REFERENCES


Margot Chapuis

Simon Dufour

Bruce Macvicar

André Roy

Bernard Couvert

Sediment transport and morphodynamics of two dynamic and highly modified rivers: valley management issues and keys for river stakeholders

come

Région

PACA margot.chapuis@gmail.com River hydrology and morphodynamics are significantly modified by human activities. In many watersheds, this has led to a flashier hydrological regime and an increase of flooding risk. In addition, a river system can be highly instable at different spatial and temporal scales. When this instability conflicts with human use, sediment fluxes and morphodynamics issues become a key factor for river management. However, sediment mobility is frequently not considered by river managers. We have studied two river systems, the Durance River (France) and Wilket Creek (Canada). Even if the spatial scales of these systems are significantly different, it is interesting to notice that management issues converge. More importantly, it appears that long-term management issues can only be solved by an integrative approach that considers sediment transport for the whole system. The objective of this poster is to present a methodology to characterize gravel-bed river mobility in highly modified systems in order to support decision making for river stakeholders.

Proposed approach and result examples Proposed approach and result examples

(5) and ( 6). River processes proposals and keys for river management decisions. (

) 5
In Wilket Creek the information collected will be used to ensure the overall stability of the stream while maximizing ecosystem services, particularly in restored channel sections. (2)

Slope: 1.2%

(3) and ( 4). Stock renewal and sediment reworking in the channel.

River processes characterization

Sediment stocks and fluxes: availability, timing of transit and renewal River characterization Bed material characterization Hydrology ?

(1) and ( 2). Definition of homogeneous reaches according to sediment transport discontinuities or slope breaks. (3) (1)

River physical characterization

The improved knowledge of river morphodynamics then enables us to give relevant management keys for river stakeholders. The proposed methodology aims at giving insights of sediment transport processes and channel dynamics at different time and spatial scales. Management indexes or charts are to be developed according to specific river management long-term objectives and decision making is to be locally adapted.

  Current longitudinal transfer processes of sediments in the Durance River, if the management procedures of dams remain the same as today.

  Topographic surveys of cross-sections in the restored reach. Two significant floods occurred between the two profiles. Wilket Creek (2013) and definition of homogeneous reaches.

  Longitudinal evolution of erosion rates per homogeneous reach during the 1993-1998 and the 1998-2008 periods (Durance River) and redefinition of homogeneous reaches according to sediment dynamics.

1. Problem statement and objective 1. Problem statement and objective 2. Study sites 2. Study sites

	System	Durance River	Wilket Creek
	Location	Southern Alps, France	Toronto, Canada
	Description	Wandering gravel bed	Sinuous gravel bed, local bedrock control
	Drainage area	14,000 km 2	15 km 2
	Width	300 m	15 m
	Slope	0.3%	0.9%
	D 50 (>8 mm)	44 mm	39 mm
	Main human	Dams, competition for valley	Impervious watershed, dams, competition
	features	occupation	for valley occupation
	Hydrology	Flash floods or long events	Flash floods


Annie Montaut

Miriam Butt

Tracy Holloway

THE EVOLUTION OF THE TENSE-ASPECT SYSTEM IN HINDI/URDU: THE STATUS OF THE ERGATIVE ALGNMENT

The paper deals with the diachrony of the past and perfect system in Indo-Aryan with special reference to Hindi/Urdu. Starting from the acknowledgement of ergativity as a typologically atypical feature among the family of Indo-European languages and as specific to the Western group of Indo-Aryan speeches, I first show that such an evolution has been central to the Romance languages too and that non ergative Indo-Aryan languages have not ignored the structure but at certain point went further along the same historical logic as have Roman languages. I will then propose an analysis of the structure as a predication of localization similar to other stative predications (mainly with "dative" subjects) in Indo-aryan, supporting this claim by an attempt of etymologic inquiry into the markers for "ergative" case in Indo-Aryan.

1 Grierson is the author of the Linguistic Survey of India (11 vol.), which is still a reference. The work represents the first attempt to group the Munda and Mon-Khmer languages as a distinct family (still called Austric or Austro-Asiatic) just after Dravidian languages had been separated as the second distinct Indian family, the first one being the Indo-Aryan family, identified right after the famous discovery by William Jones in 1786 that Sanskrit and Latin-Greek were sister languages. First to give a scientific and wide description of the IE family: Franz Bopp. For the description of the scientific and ideological context of these elaborations and there far reaching consequences in language classification, see A. Montaut 2003. 2 His description, also based on a few phonetic features, like the alternation s/sh, said to radically differ between both circles, was in conformity with the then theory of the settlement of the Aryan tribes in India, said to have come from the North-West in "concentric waves". The original, more ancient settlers occupied the nucleus around which circled those arrived later. Such a theory was no longer in fashion when the Linguistic Survey of Inda was completed. Moreover, the sharp critics of S.K. Chatterji modified Grierson's final presentation of the Indo-Aryan family. 3 Which also occurred in some Iranian languages, like Pashto.

Introduction

When George Grierson, in the full rise of language classification at the turn of the last century 1 , classified the languages of India, he defined for Indo-Aryan an inner circle supposedly closer to the original Aryan stock, characterized by the lack of conjugation in the past. This inner circle included Hindi/Urdu and Eastern Panjabi, which indeed exhibit no personal endings in the definite past, but only gender-number agreement, therefore pertaining more to the adjectival/nominal class for their morphology (calâ, kiyâ, bola). The "outer circle" in contrast , including Marathi, Gujarati, Bengali, Oriya, Assamese, shows personal endings in every verb tense, therefore has a "conjugation", and should be sharply distinguished from the languages from the inner core, with intermediate languages arranged into a "middle circle" (Bhojpuri, Eastern Hindi) 2 . What it means is that agreement only in gender-number, along with the ergative structure as we call it today, was supposed to be the mark of a truly authentic Indo-Aryan language. This theory was strongly criticized by Suniti Kumar Chatterji and later abandoned by Grierson, but it is still hold that ergative Indo-Aryan languages (roughly speaking in the West) radically differ from non-ergative ones (in the East) and are extremely atypical within the wider Indo-European family. What is unique in fact is the modern development of a full fledged ergative structure out of the nominal predicates 3 , not the historical phase of the use of instrumental agents and participle predicates, which in other languages converted into a nominative structure. Both ergative and nominative patterns in Indo-European rather represent different stages of the same logic in renewing the system (section 2), both in the past and future (section 3). It will appear at the same time that the distinctiveness of the ergative alignment, at least in Indo-Aryan, does not consist in being an inverted mirror of the nominative alignment since it rather patterns with other localizing predications well established in the global economy of the system such as the experiential dative alignment (section 4). At the same time I will try to explore the main paths of grammaticization of aspect, tense and modality, starting with the non past system, which helps understand the evolution of the past system (section 1). The aim of the paper is threefold: sketching the broad lines of the historical evolution of verb forms in Indo-Aryan and specially Hindi/Urdu; inquiring into the categories of aspect, tense, mood and the way they grammaticize; inquiring into the nature of the ergative alignment, along with other non-nominative alignments.

The non-perfect system

1.1. Generalities

The present shape of the Hindi/Urdu (then HU) verbal paradigm may strike as very bizarre: as opposed to most languages which have an unmarked indicative present, the two unmarked forms are the subjunctive (only personal endings) and the anterior or narrative past (only gender-number endings) and the present is marked (two words, 5 morphs). If we agree that unmarkedness is used by defect and expresses the core meaning of a given sector of the mental map 4 , whereas marked forms express marked, less basic and less frequent meanings, the picture looks strange because we are not used to conceive of anteriority as the basic (core) meaning in tense, nor subjunctive in mood 5 . The basic oppositions (+/-progressive: rah-, +/accomplished: t) only are represented below 6 : although present and past nicely parallel in the non accomplished, as well as past and present in both accomplished and unaccomplished (last two lines), there is an asymmetry: whereas the simple form for the accomplished (-t) patterns with the two complex forms, structuring the whole of indicative forms, the simple form for the unaccomplished (+ t) does not pattern with the two complex forms and stands for a distinct mood. In these oppositions, the first is expected (marked progressive) and parallels English translations, but the second does not (marked unaccomplished). A word on terminology: perfective is the most frequent label used to design the simple form ("I came", calâ in Hindi) representing past events. It is named aorist in Nepali, simple past in French, preterit in English, and received various names in the Indo-Aryan traditions. Given the very specific meaning of "perfective" in all the languages which oppose perfective to imperfective like Russian 7 , I will avoid the term and use the term preterit (referring to anterior events), leaving aside for the purpose of this paper the well-known non anterior meanings of the form [START_REF] Montaut | Hindi Grammar[END_REF][START_REF] Montaut | [END_REF]. Since perfect is used by many as referring to present perfect ("I have come", cala hûn) I will use perfectal will to refer to the whole system of present perfect, preterit and pluperfect, a system sometimes labelled accomplished. [START_REF] Bybee | The Grammaticalization of zero[END_REF] in distinguishing unmarked from zero mark. Unmarked forms may have no overt mark and cover a wide (unspecified or with low specification) meaning, whereas the lack of overt marking may refer to a specific meaning, therefore acquiring the status of zero. 5 Tense can be defined as "the chronological situation of an event in relation with the speech act by which the speaker refers to that event", or time of utterance T0, pertaining then to the succession of events (anteriority, simultaneity or posteriority). Aspect on the contrary pertains to the way of representation of the process as a predicate (Cohen 1989: 11, 42). It maps the three basic notions of state, process and event into three types of topological intervals which can be represented with open of closed boundaries [START_REF] Jean-Pierre | Construction formelle de la catégorie d'aspect[END_REF](Desclès , 1992)). 6 The +/-accomplished is found in the other moods two 7 A distinction which Indo-Aryan largely displays by means of vector auxiliaries (Nespital, Pandharipande). History only can make this paradigm understandable. The major event in verbal morphology was the drastic impoverishment in MIA of the rich ancient paradigm: whereas OIA had some forty synthetic forms for tense-aspect, mood, voice, MIA maintained very few finite forms, and in some regions only the present in the indicative (imperative was maintained everywhere. Some speeches also maintained the old synthetic sigmatic future in -Syâti (> syai hai he). All of them used the past participle to represent past events. Out of this extremely reduced paradigm of synthetic forms, a number of compound forms with auxiliaries developed, leading to the rich present analytical paradigm of HU: Nespital (1980) for instance registers 39 tense grams and Dymshits (1985), who, unlike Nespital, does not consider the vector verbs as aspect markers, registers about 20.

The present (non perfectal) system

If we start from the standard situation in MIA (deliberately simplified in order to account for Hindi/Urdu), we could expect that the Sanskrit indicative present in -ati remains a present throughout the period up to now. The form has indeed survived but is no longer an indicative present: calati > calaï > calai > cale calanti > calaiN > caleN8 for the base cal-"walk" is now interpreted as a subjunctive. The reason why the old present did not retain its meaning in modern HU is that, among other factors, the synthetic future was not retained, but it was still a present up to 19 th century. Simply, the synthetic form had a wider meaning, covering the all non-past area (future, eventual, present, both actual and habitual), since no other form was available. This wide meaning can be designed as an open meaning [START_REF] Van Putte | Forms are silver, Nothing is Gold[END_REF][START_REF] Bybee | The Grammaticalization of zero[END_REF], embracing several restricted meanings later to be distinguished: 1a ve kheleN "they play" 3p play-3p is still described as a subjunctive sometimes used as a general present in Kellogg (1875) and is still found in the literature of the time with a present meaning, although rarely in the texts written by the language teachers of the Fort William College during the first decade of the 19 th century (1800-1810), who were supposed to set the modern grammatical standards. It is still used today with this meaning in proverbs, expressions well-known for retaining archaic forms (jaisâ kare/karai vaisâ bhare/bharai "you (will) reap what you sow", koî kare/karai, koî bhare/bharai "someone does and another one benefits") 9 . Along with this open meaning of the old synthetic form, the first periphrastic form in -tâ hai (lit." is … -ing") was, still in Kellogg's times, used as a restricted form for present, that is, not future and not subjunctive. In the 19 th century the modern contrast between habitual/generic and progressive was still not well established, since the first form is glossed by both present meanings in Kellogg whereas the second longer form in rah hai (lit. is stayed) is glossed by a more expressive periphrastic turn ("be engaged in"):

1b ve khelte haiN « they play »/"they are playing » 3p play-ing be-3p 1c ve khel rahe haiN "they are engaged in playing" 3p play stay-pp be-3p This means that the "is …-ing" form, today a general present (sâmânya vârtamân kâl) had still in the middle of the 19 th century its expected progressive meaning, along with the general/habitual meaning. Texts from the Fort William College illustrate this situation, where the rah form is only in the process of being grammaticized as a progressive, still retaining a stronger emphatic and literal meaning ("engaged"), still used as a stylistic optional or disambiguizing device 10 . When the rah form lost its literal meaning and came to be required for the expression of an actual process, then no longer perceived as an expressive device, the other form restricted its meaning to the expression of habits and genericity, losing its open meaning. Such a process of restricting the open meaning of an old simple (unmarked) form because a new marked form became obligatory for the expression of the other (restricted) meaning has been well documented: the English simple present for instance was according to [START_REF] Van Putte | Forms are silver, Nothing is Gold[END_REF] originally an open present (such as the French present still is) with both meanings, and the marked periphrasis gradually emerged as an expressive optional device used for stylistic emphasis or to prevent ambiguities. One can regard this process as a conventionalization of the inference which, in conformity of conversational rules, constraints the listener, in the absence of the periphrasis, to rule out the marked meaning (Carrey 1994). When it generalized, the unmarked form retained only part of its earlier meanings and the marked one lost its expressive strength and got grammaticized. The unmarked form can be said to have grammaticized a zero mark for the new meaning ruling out progessive. In HU the simple form indeed underwent such a process (open non-past > non past restricted to the potential, non future non present), but the newly grammaticized "is -ing", originally a progressive present, in its turn underwent the same process (open present > non progressive). If the marked form in "is -ing" (-tâ hai) has already become an open present in the 19 th century, it is because it was probably created for contrasting the actual process with the then open present expressed throughout ancient Hindi by the -tâ form 11 . This nominal form originates from the Sanskrit present active participle in -anta (> ant > at), later on suffixed with gender-number endings, and has been used as a predicate expressing general present from Chand Bardai's Prithvirâj Rasau, 12-13 th century, in Old Rajasthani (2a) and Old 10 Lalluji (Premsagar, 4 th chapter) for instance uses in the same context a -tâ hai (a) form and a rahâ hai (b) form for describing an obviously actual and not habitual process, with ostensive indications, when Krishna suggests the cowherd to visit the near by Brahmans from Mathura presently celebrating a sacrifice right now (the smokes are visible) a dekho jo dhuâN dikhâî detâ hai tahâN mathuriye kans ke Dar se yagya karte haiN look where we can see smoke, Brahmins from Mathura are celebrating a sacrifice for fear of Kansa b vahâN gae jahâN mathur baiThe yagya kar rahe the we went where the Brahmins from Mathura were celebrating a sacrifice The present expression for Kellogg's translation of (1c) would be something like : ve khelne meN lage haiN (3p play-inf in stuck are) 11 Old Hindi covers a wide number of regional speeches which are today distinct languages for some of them at least and for all of them with very distinct verbal paradigms. However, since no particular language can be identified as the direct exclusive ancestor of Standard Hindi or Kharî bolî, referring to this disparate or syncretic ancestry is a necessity if we want to go beyond the 18 th century in the history of the language.

Marathi to Kabir, in the 13-14 th century, and to Tulsidas's Ramayan, 16 th century, in Old Awadhi (2b):

2a kârtik karat pahukar sanân kartik faisant Pahukar bain il fait ses ablutions rituelles à Puhkar au mois de Kartik (Beames: 130) 2b sab sant sukhi vicarant mahî tous saint heureux marchant terre-loc tous les saints marchent joyeusement sur terre 2c puruS kahte men said Why did this participial form not retain its present meaning in the modern standard language12 , why did it instead specialize in the expression of counterfactual? [START_REF] Bloch | La Phrase nominale en sanscrit[END_REF] hypothesis that the predicative use of the nominal sentence dominated only in the accomplished (past) system, because of the resilience in the non-past domain of the old synthetic present, which indeed seems to have at least partly preserved its general present meaning since we still find it centuries later in examples such as (1a).

because the old simple form had earlier to cover the whole domain of nonpast including future and subjunctive. The simple unmarked form restricted its domain to non future when the periphrastic future emerged13 and non present when the -tâ hai form for present acquired an open meaning later (late 19 th c.) lost. There is a double process at work: widening, because of the lack of verbal forms, and then restricting, because of the creation of new forms, observable both for the synthetic form and the -tâ hai form. The past paradigm in the unaccomplished (imperfect) is analogical. would be rather stupid to say that the present is more basic than the counterfactual or is derived from it because it has one more morphem unmarkedness (core meaning) in the non accomplished: general present or non realization? Forms do not mean everything, grammaticization explains synchrony but may not be the last word.

2.

The "perfectal" system: the nominal sentence as an expression for accomplished 2.1. The problem As opposed to the present system, in a similarly impoverished verbal paradigm, the past (accomplished) system was quite early dominated by the passive past participle in -ita. Originally used for transitive processes, the participle expressed the result of the event, somewhat as we today can say "understood" for "I have understood". In classical Sanskrit already, the canonical expression of 'X had done /did Y' is 'by-X Y done', with the agent in the instrumental case (or genitive for pronouns) and the predicative participle agreeing in gender and number with the patient:

3 mayâ (mana) tat kRtam I-instr (I-gen) this-nom-ns done-nom-ns I did/have done that As is well known, this is the pattern inherited by the present HU ergative structure (4a) in the accomplished aspect as opposed to the nominative structure in the present or future: 4a laRke ne (maiNne) kitâb paRhî boy-obl erg (1s-erg) book-fs read-fs the boy (I) read the book 4b laRkâ kitâb paRh rahâ hai / maiN kitâbeN paRhtâ hûN boy-ms book-fs read stayed-ms is 1s book-fp reading-ms be-1s the boy is reading a book I read books Given the fact that Sanskrit gave birth to all modern Indo-Aryan languages, we may wonder why only some (roughly speaking Western) of the Indo-Aryan languages developed the aspectually split ergative structure. Bengali for instance is a consistently nominative language, with nominative subjects and verb agreeing in person with the subject at all tense-aspects (5):

5 âmi boiTa porlâm tui boita porlis 1s book-def read-past-1s 2s book-def read-past-2s I read the book you read the book The question is all the more puzzling since a similar pre-ergative structure prevailed in all the Asoka Prakrits, in the East as well as in the West: (6a) is from Girnar in the North-Western region, whereas (6b), similarly structured as (3), is from Jaugada in the Magadhean region, the present Bengal-Orissa-Assam-Bihar. The gloss being identical, except for the verb base, causative in the first and simple transitive in the second, it is given only once: 6a. iyam dhammalipi devânâmpriyena priyadassina ranna lekhapita this law-scripture of-gods-friend friendly-looking king inscribed nom-fs nom-fs instr-ms instr-ms instr-ms nom-fs 6b iyam dhammalipi devanampiyena piyadassina [Iajina] lekhita the friendly looking king beloved of gods has (made) engraved this law-edict Present predicates contrast with this structure in the same way as (4a) with (4b), as shown in (7), from Kalidas's Vikramorvasiya (IV.45), where the pronominal subject is in he nominative (hau < aham) whereas in the past it is in the oblique (pai < ?? atmana??) already used as a syncretic marker for several oblique cases) 14 : 7 hau pai pucchimi … diTThî pia pai sâmuha jantî I-nom you-obl ask-pres-1s seen-fs beloved-fs you-obl in-front passing-nom-fs I ask you… Did you see (my) beloved passing in front (of you)?

This opposition between past and present systems started prevailing as soon as classical Sanskrit, and Bloch noticed the wide generalization of the nominal statements for expressing past : in Vetâla (10 th century) 1115 expressions of past are of that type against 38 for finite verb forms (1906: 60). Predicative passive past participles were then used to express "various nuances of past tense and modality", but this dominance not mean that no other form existed: various finite forms were still in use, but none prevailed on others, and they became less and less frequent in texts, almost disappearing in MIA . (cf. prest??)

What we still find in ancient NIA (the earliest phase of modern Indo-Aryan from 12 th to 16 th century) is the same nominal structure for past / accomplished statements, that is to say a pre-ergative structure. The only difference with Asoka's statements in ( 6) is that the instrumental (or genitive) is no longer a distinct case since it got fused with other oblique cases, except with the locative which remained distinct in many languages. Old Bengali (8a-b), Old Awadhi (8c), which are Eastern speeches considered to derive from Magadhean Prakrit, present the same structure as Old Braj (9a), Old Panjabi (9b) and Old Marathi (9c) When the participles generalized with open meaning (anterior event, resulting state, perfect), they got more and more perceived as an active predication since there was no other option, and lost the passive meaning of the patient orientation. At the need was felt in certain statements to avoid ambiguity or to emphasize the resulting state with a new form consisting of the adjunction of a copula, originally expressive then grammaticizing in the meaning of resulting state. Initially the copula occurred in the first and second person to prevent agent ambiguity (Bloch): 10a kenâsy abhihatah who-instr-be2s beaten-nom-ms by whom have you (not he, not we, not she etc.) been beaten 10b tenâsmi sopacaram uktah 3s-instr-be-1s respectfully said-nom-ms I have (asmi) been told this by him (tena) / he told me" The copula later helped emphazing state (to prevent another kind of ambiguity, event or state) or simply introducing stylistic variation according to Breunis and Bloch, and from the moment this originally stylistic variant became more expressive of state or "condition" it was no longer a stylistic variation but a grammaticized expression of perfect or resulting state of an event Breunis (1990: 141). At the same time, the simple form restricted its previously "open" meaning to the expression of anteriority (event). This echoes the story of the renewal of the present (first competing with a new progressive marker in the specific meaning then retaining only the other meaning). The situation found in early NIA similarly shows an open meaning, which was probably in the process of getting restricted in front of the competing copula form, whereas the contemporary situation clearly shows a strictly complementary distribution of both forms. If we agree with [START_REF] Bybee | The Grammaticalization of zero[END_REF] we may analyse this as an emergence of a zero mark with the meaning of anterior, whereas previously the unmarked form had unspecified meaning in the accomplished. Obviously when the former participle is used as a predicate for representing events, even if the agent remains in an oblique case as in passive sentences, the emphasis is more on the process (source oriented) than on its result and the whole statement gets more and more perceived as active and no longer passive. Plus: only expression of past. This is expressed by Nespital (1986: 145) as the emergence of a "Neuer Proto-aktiv Satz", which he observes since the pali stage in Milindapanah.

Morpho-syntactic patterns

This active transformation was differently implemented in the East and in the West, and here lies the today opposition in the syntactic alignments. In the East, the active renewal was radical, and the pre-ergative structure was de-ergatived so to speak, between the 14 th and 16 th century. Chatterji (1926) calls the process an active conversion, comparing the form, not the meaning, with the medieval structures (8). The agent, in conformity of the linguistic perception (active process) became expressed in the nominative or unmarked case, whereas new personal endings were affixed to the verbal form. What is interesting is that these affixes are still now clearly distinct from the older endings of the present. 11 âmi boiTa porlâm 1s book-def read-past-1s] "I read the book", tui porli, 2-nonH read-2nonH tumi porle 2 read-2 "you read" comparer present The transformation then ends up providing a nominative alignment with a standard personal predicates with a standard past marker, as is rightly today analysed the -l-morph. But its origin denotes no trace of anteriority marking, since this suffix is widely found throughout the nominal class, mostly with the meaning of a "diminutive" affix (rangilâ "coloured" from rang "colour", kanTilâ "thorny", from kânT "thorn"). It also behaved more or less like the so-called "enlargement" suffix the -k-extensively suffixed to nominal bases in late OIA 15 . The same transformation happened in Bhojpuri and to a lesser degree in Awadhi: "when the original passive construction was lost in Bhojpuri as in other Magadhean speeches, the Prakritic constructions with the passive participle became a regular verb in Bhojpuri, and it began to be conjugated by adding personal terminations which came from the radical tense as well as from the s/h future" (Tiwari 1966: 171) Western languages on the contrary, instead of re-aligning the morpho-syntactic pattern on the nominative model fit for action processes, reinforced the oblique marking of the agent by using a postposition, either specific (HU) or not (Marathi), and so developed the full fledged ergative structure for the perfect system (anterior, present perfect, pluperfect) 16 . Only some modern IA languages retain the old oblique agent (Jaisalmeri, Western Rajasthani speeches). But this recent re-characterization of the old instrumental does not make the structure more passive and its "perception" as an active structure shows in the various subject properties attached to the marked agent, who has now most of the control properties (reflexivation, conjunctive participle), but still never controls agreement, even with a marked patient17 . suggests that the placing of the agent in the first position in late MIA correlates with the linguistic perception of the oblique noun as a semantic subject.. Breunis (1990) in his chapter on word order (chapter 6) suggests that the fronting of the agent is earlier, which is confirmed by many of the examples from [START_REF] Bloch | La Phrase nominale en sanscrit[END_REF]. The fronting of the marked agent amounts to treat it as a topic, which is a first step on the way of shifting it to the subject status. We can then summarize this general evolution by saying that Eastern languages have simply gone one step further than Western ones in the same logic, they have fully endowed the agent with subject properties, whereas the Western languages have gone a step further in the ergative pattern but still have endowed the agent only with the semantic, syntactic and to a certain extent pragmatic properties. Bengali is a good example of the full cycle from a nominative language (Sanskrit) to a preergative one (Old Bengali) and back to a nominative, and Hindi/Urdu of the first part of the cycle (from a nominative to an ergative one. This cyclic evolution has of course been gradual and is still in process, and the occurrence of personal endings in Panjabi and Marathi at the second person may be interpreted as a sign of a transitional stage towards a nominative patterning. For instance, (12a) in Marathi and (13a) in Panjabi exactly structured as (4a) in Hindi/Urdu, showing only gender-number agreement with the patient on the participle-like predicate, but (12b) and (13b) in the second person shows, after the gender-number agreement with the patient, a -s which is a personal ending referring to the agent18 : 12a tyânî pothiâ lihiliâ 3ms book-fp read-past-fp "he read the book" 12b one sanun tîn botlâ dîttiyâ 3s-erg 1p-dat three bottle-fp give-fp he gave us three bottles 13a tu kâm keleNs 2s work-ns do-past-ns-2 you worked/did the work tu pothî lihi.l.î.s tu pothiâ lihi.l.iâ.s 2 book-fs read-past-fs-2 2 book-fp read-past-fp-2 you read the book /the books 13b panjabi 2.3. A similar shift in other Indo-European languages: from passive to active? A very similar evolution has been studied by Kurylowicz for Persian (1953) and French (1931, 1965), and by [START_REF] Benveniste | La construction passive du parfait transitif[END_REF][START_REF] Benveniste | La construction passive du parfait transitif[END_REF][START_REF] Benveniste | Les transformations des catégories grammaticales[END_REF], also for Persian and French. Like late Sanskrit, late Latin substituted to the old synthetic perfect a new periphrastic expression with the agent in the dative case (dativus auctoris), the patient unmarked and a passive past participle as a predicate (often followed by the copula) 19 . The forms in Persian ( 14) are exactly similar to (3) in Sanskrit, including the lexical bases, except that the instrumental is not an option for the agent, always in the genitive case, and the Latin ( 15) is similar morpho-syntactically: 14a mana kardam I-gen done-ns I have done that 15a mihi id factum I-dat this-nom-ns done-ns I have done that Table 2 Whereas Persian later undergone the same evolution as Bengali, shifting the agent to the nominative case while adding new personal endings to the old participle (15b), Latin realised the same syntactic and semantic shift by using the "have" auxiliary, lacking in IA (14b): 14a man kardam [I-nom did-1s], to kardi [2s-nom did-2s], etc. 15b ego id habeo factum I-nom this-ns have-Is done-ns I have done this (15b) is the statement which is inherited now by the modern Romance languages, such as French, with "have" verb conjugated in the present as an auxiliary for the present perfect and agreeing with the subject, before the participle, the latter still agreeing with the object in some cases 20 15c j'ai fait (cela), tu as fait (cela), nous avons fait I have-1s (this) 2s have-2s done (this), 1p have-1p done Kurylowicz as most of the then scholars admitted the "passive" origin of the modern perfects derived from the passive past participle: "In the evolution that we consider, the decisive step is in the replacement of the dative + esse [be] + nominative by nominative + habere [have] + accusative. The passive construction has been transformed into an active one" (1931: 107). This also the implicit conviction of Chatterji and Tiwari when they interpret the periphrastic renewal (nominative pattern) as an active conversion. Benveniste on the contrary argued for a "possessive" meaning of the perfect, aiming at both the ancient periphrastic expression and the present meaning ("le sens possessif du parfait"). One of his argument is casual: the genitive case used to represent the agent of the Latin or Persian perfect is also the possessive mark for in both languages, and distinct from the case used in Old Persian for the agent of 19 What is generally meant by perfect in the traditional grammar of Latin is the-(v)i form, usually translated by either as an anterior (amavi "I loved") or a present perfect ("I have loved"). The difference in both IA and Romance languages is that the old synthetic form was maintained and is still living as the simple past or aorist or definite past (various terminologies according to languages and centuries), only written in contemporary French but very common in spoken Spanish and Italian. 20 Les choses que j'ai faites, je les ai faites (the things-fp which I have done-fp, them I have done-fp).

passive verbs (hacâma in Old Persian, a me in Latin) 21 . For instance mihi filius est (I-dat sonnom-ms is) "I have a son" or mihi pecunia est (I-dat money-nom-fs is) "I have money" is structured in the same way as "I did this" in (15a) and has been renewed in the same way as (15b) by the use of "have" verb, nominative subject and accusative object: ego pecuniam habeo (I-nom money-acc-fs have-1s). His other argument for the possessive reading is that the auxiliary "have" is also the stative verb which forms possessive statements: the older dative "possessor" has simply been transformed into a nominative possessor. That obviously the casual argument does not really hold for Sanskrit and Prakrits (instrumental is the agent in passive statements, and never expresses a possessor), does not entail that the general hypothesis is wrong. We come back to these problems and to the notions of possession and stativity later (section 4).

3. The modal future: a similar development 3.1. Parallel historical facts But Kurylowicz's theory of the passive meaning of the old periphrastic passive allows him to grasp a very interesting analogy between perfect and future in the Romance languages. The developpement of the modern future in Romance languages also stems from a periphrastic renewal of the older synthetic Latine future (amabo "I will love"). This renewal occurred in Late Latin at the same time as the periphrastic perfect and on the same pattern: mihi cantandum est, says [START_REF] Kurylowicz | A Grammar of the Hindi Language, Oriental Book Reprints[END_REF] parallels mihi factum est, with a dative "subject", a passive verbal adjective or gerund, originally meaning obligation in -nd-, agreeing with the patient if any (16a) or else in the neuter -um (16b).

16a mihi virtus colenda est mihi id faciendum est I-dat virtue-fs cultivate-pav-fs be-3s I shall/have to cultivate virtue I shall/have to do this 16b Carthago delenda est Carthago-fs delete-pva-fs be-3s Carthago is to be destroyed Carthago should/will be destroyed, (we) shall destroy Carthago

The Indo-Aryan data developed a strikingly similar structure, since in Asoka's times the obligative future (then the future) is expressed by an obligative passive participle in -tavya agreeing with the patient. ( 17) is the second part of ( 6), again with a Western expression in Girnar (17a) and an Eastern expression in Jaugada (17b), identically patterned: 17a idha na kimci jîvam arâbhitpâ prajuhitavyam na ca samâjo kattavyo here neg some living-ns killing sacrifice.able-ns neg and assembly-ms do-able-ms 17b hida no kimci jive alabhitu pajohitavye no pi ca samâje kattavye (one) should not sacrifice by killing a leaving creature nor hold a meeting The last part of the story is exactly similar to what happened with the perfect: this passive (according to Kurylowicz) structure got transformed into an active one by shifting the dative/instrumental agent to the nominative, the patient to the accusative and using the auxiliary "have" (habere) after a passive infinitive 18a ego cantari habeo I-nom thing-passive inf have-1s I shall sing I have to do that/I will do that 18b ego id fieri habeo I-nom this-acc-ns have-1s I shall do it And the modern future, although written today in one word, is clearly derived of the have construction since the personal endings paradigm of future in French for instance is the present of "have" verb:

18c je fer-ai, tu fer-as, nous ferons I do-have-1s, you do-have-2s, we do-have-1p I will do, you will do, we will do

The old system of ( 17) prevailed in the Magadhean languages up to around the 16 th century.

Transitive as well as intransitive have for their future, the old verbal adjective of obligation in -tavya > -abba > ab > b) with an instrumental agent22 . But the old modal meaning, quite perceptible in Late Sanskrit ( 19) is gradually lost in NIA and replaced by a temporal meaning of future as shown in Old Bengali (20a-b) or Old Awadhi (20b-c): 19a tribhir yâtavyam three-instr go-oblva-nom-ns the three have to go 19b na kSeptavyâ brahma-vâdinâ na câvamânyâh neg neglect-oblva-nom-mp Brahman-knower-mp neg contempt (you) should not neglect nor contempt those who know the Vedic word 20a maï dibi piricha (< mayâ dattavyâ pRcchâ) I-instr give-vbal.adj-fp question-fp 'I will ask questions" (Chatterji) 20b Thakiba, khaïba maï stay-vb.adj-ø eat-vb.adj-ø I-instr] "I will stay, eat" 20 c ghar kaise paithaba maï house how enter-b-ø I-instr] "how shall I enter?" 20d sukh lahab râm vaidehî bliss get-b-ø Ram Vaidehi "Ram-sita will find happiness" The later evolution of these -b-futures has been similar to the evolution of perfects in the East: personal endings were added to the participle, similar to the perfect endings and distinct from the present ones in Bengali, in parallel with the shifting to a nominative structure:

21 âmi boiTâ porbâm, tu porbi, tumi porbe, etc. 1s book-def reat-b-1s, 2nonHs read-b-2s, 2 read-b-2 I will read the book, you will read, etc. In Bhojpuri too and Awadhi, Saxena (1937: 261) notes that the -b-future was generalized in ancient NIA in the region, before the re-introduction in Western Awadhi of the sigmatic forms for the 1 st and 2 nd persons23 .

The Western speeches in contrast either maintained or re-acquired the sigmatic synthetic future or developed a periphrastic future with a "go" verb (gachati), added to the synthetic open form for non past, like Hindi/Urdu calegâ "he will go".

Modalities and the non-nominative pattern

This striking parallel in Bengali between past and future shows, as already argued by Kurylowicz, that perfect and future share a common evolution which suits a common meaning. Benveniste opposed this view and denied any relation at the semantic level between future and the obligative participle24 . But many various languages show a possible grammaticization of an obligative form in the meaning of a future (Heine 1993), an the IA data is a particularly clear evidence of such a development. [START_REF] Kurylowicz | A Grammar of the Hindi Language, Oriental Book Reprints[END_REF] maintained that both future and perfect evolved on similar lines from passive nominal structures (X been done, X to be done) to auxiliated active structures with "have" (have this done, have this to do) because they are both views over the process from the present utterance time: "future and past structures are originally forms of present, they are related to the time and situation of utterance. They do not express action, but the need or intention to act, and the present result of an action which has already been accomplished". The link between the old nominal obligative structure and perfect is confirmed by the Marathi data in a different way, since Marathi does not exhibit a future of the Bengali type. But it maintained the old obligative verbal adjective, in modal structures closer to the original than in the Magadhean modern languages : potential and obligation not only maintain the -âvmorphology inherited from the -tavya verbal adjective, they also maintain the old syntax with an instrumental subject (Joshi 1900: 468) and they also allow interesting case alternations. Bloch already noted that the "the use of these forms is similar to that of the form for past" (1935: 264), on the basis of the obligative statement borrowed from Joshi, where the "logical subject" ahmî is instrumental and karâveN agrees in the neuter-singular:

22 ahmî kây karâveN 1s-instr what do-âv-ns what should I do The pair in (23), from [START_REF] Joshi | A Comparative Marathi Grammar[END_REF], with obligative meaning, shows the "active conversion" of this "passive" structure in a way very similar to what happened in Bengali. (23a) is a quasi ergative alignment and neN marker although the verb is intransitive, agreeing in the neuter whereas (23b), still competing in the 19 th century, shows a nominative alignment with a verb agreeing with its nominative subject25 : 23a tyâneN ghariN yâveN 3m-erg home-loc come-oblg-ns he should come home 23b to ghariN yâva 3-nom home-loc come-oblg-3m he should /may he come home In contemporary Marathi however according to Pandharipande, ergative (agent) case can also have the optative meaning ("he may go home" is the translation given for tyâne ghaî dzâwe), but according to other modern writers there is now a difference in meaning, the ergative pattern being obligative while the nominative one is "optative" (Wali 2004: 31), "may he come home". The next series in (24) illustrates the potential modality, also derived from the obligative verbal adjective, also allowing casual alternation. The alternation here is between two oblique forms within the same syntactic pattern, the dative in and the "instrumental", according to Joshi and Pandharipande, who however glosses the same ne as agent in obligative statements (1997: 438, 434): 24a majhyâneN (malâ) câlavleN 1s-instr (1s-dat) go-pot-past-ns I could/was able to go 24b majhyâneN (malâ) dhadâ sikhavlâ 1s-instr (1s-dat) lesson-m learn-pot-past-m I was able to learn the lesson 24c titSyâne (tilâ) bharbhar tsâlvât nâhi 3fs-instr (3sf-dat) fast walk-pot neg these days she cannot walk fast It is however remarkable that neN, whether identically glossed or not, a single morphological unit with a single origin (see infra), alternates with both dative and nominative markers for the main participant. Examples ( 23) and ( 24) are a further argument to regard the modal system originated from the -tavya verbal adjective as a parallel structure to the perfect pre-ergative or ergative structures, a fact clearly captured by Bloch in the early 20 th century (1920). At the same time, they are a further argument, too, to consider the ergative IA pattern as part of a larger way of mapping non action, instead of viewing as an aspectual split. Benveniste, who also claimed that future and past do not represent tense but "views on time from the present" (1965), is however only concerned with perfect since he does not recognize any deep or interesting analogy with the development of futures. But he clearly states that the "so-called" passive structure, in fact according to him a possessive structure with its dativus auctoris, is a stative one. Instead of viewing the "avoir/have" conversion as a converting device from passive to active (as did Kurylowicz), he regards it as a device for "inversion". The idea stems from the possessive statement which in Latin patterns as the periphrastic future: "avoir is nothing else than a "be-to" inverted (mihi est pecunia-money = habeo pecuniam). The nominative is not an agent but the localizer of a state26 , seemingly transitive but in reality intransitive and stative". Similarly when used as auxiliaries as in the perfect "I have done". [START_REF] Benveniste | La construction passive du parfait transitif[END_REF], "the linguistic function of be/have": 197). The above formulation makes the expression of perfect one among other stative predications of localization. Viewed under this light, the term of "possessive" applied to perfect is understandable, providing we do not oversemanticize it and read it as a label for "have" sentences in general, most of them are indeed stative and only some possessive. The 'be' to 'have' "nversion" which transforms a dative alignment into a nominative alignment retains the static feature and the semantic role of localizer of the first nominal (in the dative or nominative). Adapted to the ergative IA pattern which is the continuation of the 'be' structure, the periphrastic perfect commented by Benveniste as a stative, not passive structure, such an analysis suggests that the ne sentences too are localizing predications27 , similar to (25a) for obligative predicates, perception or cognitive predicates (25b) and more generally experiential statements, transitive and intransitive (25c):

25a mujhko jute kharîdne hoNge 1s-dat shoe-mp buy-inf-mp obl-fut-mp I will have to buy shoes 25b mujhko choTe choTe ghar dîkh rahe the /dikhâî de rahe the 1s-dat small-mp small-mp house-mp appear prog-mp past-mp I saw (was discovering) small houses 25c mujhko Thand hai 1s-dat cold-fs be-3fs I am cold (French "j'ai froid") (25) morphosyntaxically patterns exactly as (4a) and ( 6), even when the predicate is a single participant one since in HU such predicates usually consist in verbo-nominal expression and the verb agrees with that noun. Similarly, possessive statements (with locatives) present a stative verb, mostly "be", which agrees with the object possessed, and the possessor, although the main participant in the first position, is marked (ke pâs "near", meN "in") and does not control agreement. Significantly, the equivalent of type (25) statements in Romance languages involves the verb 'have' more often than in English and Benveniste includes these statements too in his analysis of the "possessive perfect". Intransitivity Table 4 This suggests more affinity with an intransitive model than with a transitive one. If we come back to the aspectual semantics of perfect (emphasis on result), it is a well-known fact since Delancey (1981), who first associated both ergative and dative experiential statements, that aspectual semantics requires the viewpoint to be associated with the result (goal) and not with the source at the " natural " origin of the process, which is encountered secondarily (hence marked), upstream so to speak. In this logic, the source no longer remains in the same relation with the process and its goal: in the standard transitive model, the source is the natural startpoint of a process ending on the goal (endpoint), whereas in the ergative pattern the source is outside the predication, which has the goal as its starting point. This means that the ergative case is not a simple grammatical marker used to reverse the same trajectory, within the same cognitive scenario. The trajectory itself is a different cognitive scenario. As Langacker (1999: 35) puts it, ERG encodes an altogether different relation, involving a different perceptive strategy, thus being rather a semantically significant case and " only incidentally associated with grammatical relations ". It only profiles the last part of the clause as "onstage" (the " trajector " and main figure being the patient), in an autonomous way (not dependant on the source), whereas a nominative transitive alignment profiles the full path (the "trajector" and main figure being the agent), building the relation as dependant on the source. The ergative pattern is then more like an intransitive structure, corresponding to what Langacker calls a thematic relation ('the ice melted', profiling only the end part of the action chain, whereas 'Bob melted the ice' profiles the whole chain). As a thematic relation, " it enjoys a certain autonomy vis-à-vis the agent and the flow of energy, even for inherently energetic processes", and is thus an "absolute construal" (Langacker 1990 : 245-8). It is a starting point with conceptual autonomy from the source, a reason why " the path involved is more abstract and of lesser cognitive salience ". Both structures are thus shown to deeply (not only at the morpho-syntactic level), the ergative marker (Hindi ne) is more than a grammatical 'colourless' case.

The affinity with intransitive patterns is evidenced by Hindi/Urdu examples such as (26), where (b) in the ergative may give particular emphasis to the resulting state (c) by adding the past participle of "be" to the predicate (is having been done), in a quasi equivalent meaning as the intransitive nominative pattern (a): 26a maiN unse mitratâ banâe hue hûN nom 3p-with friendship-fs make-caus being be-1s 26b maiNne unse mitratâ banâî hai I-erg 3p-with friendship-fs make-pft-fs I have made friendship with him 26c sîtâ ne aTahârû pahne hue the / sâRî pahnî huî thî Sita erg earing-mp wear-pp been be-mp / sari-fs put-on-pp be-been be-mp Sita was wearing (had put on) earings /a sari" 28

Case semantics

Now, if the forms inherited from the -tavya participle may encode this localizer in the dative as well as in the ergative (Marathi data), the alternation makes it dubious that ergative is basically a marker for voluntary controlled action. The volition-control feature is certainly present in a massive majority of ergative statements, but it is probably linked with the semantic class of transitive predicates, rather than with the case marker 29 , since transitive basis in HU are generally + volitional or + consciousness/awareness. In contrast, the use of dative refers to lack of conscious awareness, as shown in ( 27): the ergative/nominative statement only involves conscious awareness rather than a deliberate choice, whereas the dative statement rules it out: 27a *us din maiNne tumse irSyâ kî thî par iskâ bodh nahîn thâ that day 1s-erg 2-with jealousy do ppft but this-of awareness neg was 27b us din mujhe tumse irSyâ huî par iskâ bodh nahîn thâ that day 1s-dat 2-with jealousy be ppft but this-of awareness neg was that day I felt jealous from you but I was not conscious of it When alternating with nominative case as in Marathi (23a), ergative (glossed either as such or as instrumental by linguists) it is obligative, whereas nominative is optative or epistemic (Wali 31), which refers to a "demand" or "wish" from the speaker and not the subject when not in the first person. In Delhi Hindi too, Hindi the use of the ergative marker has developed for obligative statements as (28), supposedly under the influence of Panjabi (ne ergative, nuN dative), competing with the standard Hindi construction in the dative (25a). 28 We may say that "huâ" is not a specific marker for stativity since we also find it with unaccomplished participles, as in vah gâtâ huâ â rahâ thâ (3s singing huâ come prog past) "he was coming (while) singing" where it simply marks concomitance. But the relation between resultant state (perfect) and concomitance is well known (Cohen 1992), both marking the link of the process with the situation of reference (set by utterance), either through a relation of inherence (prog: being in the process) or by a relation of adjacency (being with or after the process). (26c), like (26b) can be substituted by the intransitive : Sitâ aTahârû pahnî huî (pahne hue) thî ngs [Sita-fs earing-mp worn being was] Sita was wearing eari 29 Ergative predicates like maiNne dekhâ "I saw" (aside with "I looked"), maiNna pâyâ "I found", maiNne mahasûs kiyâ "I felt" make it clear that ergativity in Hindi is not always associated with volitionality and control. 1s-erg go-inf is I have to go SH mujhe jânâ hai 1s-dat go-inf is While it sometimes conveys a "conscious choice" (Butt 1994) as opposed to the standard dative construction, it has been proved [START_REF] Bashir | The Urdu and Hindi Ergative Postposition ne: its Changing Role in the Grammar[END_REF] to also convey different meanings varying according to the person of the verb and to the context, including a "prospective, anticipated, injunctive" meaning, which is consistent with the modal nominal pattern of (x). But the very fact that dative and ergative can alternate in patterns like (28) and that closely linked languages have either one or the other case suggests that there is a deep affinity between dative and ergative. For example, Pahari in both its regional variants Garwhvali (28a) and Kumaoni (28b) use only the ergative marker in the "obligative future", expressed by a bare infinitive, where standard Hindi/Urdu use the dative. Garhwali uses na or la, and Kumaoni uses le 30 28a maiNna (maiNla) âj barat rakhNa I have to fast today 28b maiNle âj barat rakhNa I-erg today fast keep-inf 28c mujhe âj vrat rakhnâ hai 1s-dat today fast keep-inf is All these facts of alternation suggest that there is no polar opposition between ne/le and ko/la, the markers for ergative/dative, although in many contexts they convey distinct and even opposed meanings. The instrumental use of ne/ni in Marathi (for inanimate cause and instruments), hence the gloss, as well as the interpretation of the ergative structure as passive, with instrumental agent, wrongly represent the case marker as a source, opposed to the dative (goal). But the historical evidence for the origin of both tales a different tale, more in conformity with Benveniste's "possessive" reading and my own analysis as a localizer for stative predication.

Origin of some markers

First of all, it is obvious than the ergative ne/ni can in no way originate from the Sanskrit instrumental -ena, even reinforced: Hindi main may reasonably be assumed to derive from a reinforcing of the classical instrumental form mayâ via *mayena (Chatterji: 744) and shows only a nasal ending vowel, as all forms derived from the Sanskrit -ena. It does not seem to have appeared before the end of 14 th century (Namdev has tâyaneN) and was not generalize then. In early century Konkan, the n, na, nî form means "to" and similarly ne in Bhili, ne/nai in Rajasthani has both meanings "by" and "to" (Grierson). Today nûN means "to" in Panjabi and ne is the agent marker. The etymology of this obviously single form has been extensively discussed and sometimes associated to nyâya (manner < rule), questioned by [START_REF] Bloch | The Formation of the Marathi Language[END_REF] who does not suggest an alternative. The most convincing etymology is traced by Tessitori nain, naï, nî, ni, ne: abrévation de kanhaïN (Tessitori). KanhaïN <apabr kaNNahî < skr * karNasmin (= karne), cf Trump 401, "near" "it may be understood either in the sense of the locative "Near to" or of the accusative-dative "Towards, to".: contact, vicinity/goal As for le/la, which in Pahari is the agent marker and the instrumental (allomorphs -l, al, lè) 31 lagya > lege >laï, le "having come in touch with", "for the sake of", "with the object of" 30 Both languages are classified as belonging to the PahâRî Madhy BhâSâ, Garhwali probably more influenced by Hindi since the traditional ergative marker la/le tends to commute with na in urban places. The obligative future (bhavisyat kâl) is considered by [START_REF] Juyal | Madhya Pahari Bhasha (Garhvali Kumaoni) ka anushilan aur uska hindi se sambandh[END_REF] as passive in meaning karNîy arth). 31 hamanle callo mâr cha [1p-erg bird-ms strike pft-ms] « we killed the bird »] apnâ hâtel khan banuni [refl-obl hand-instr food make-p]"(they) prepared food by their hand" a similar origin for the dative marker lâ, la (Marathi), from lag, (> lâgi, "up to, for the sake of"), cf. Turner, Old Marwari lag "up to, until" (against Tiwari: possibly < labhati): globally, contact (with, adjacency, vicinity): location, syncretised with goal. This is of course not to say that ergative statements are presently perceived as states, no more than the Latin periphrastic perfect.

  Of state ---[////] T1 -----To of anterior ---[////] T1 -----To of perfect ----[---]/////[ T1 -----To

4.

  Place of these evolutions within the global economy of the NIA system 4.1. Parallel patterns for what is aimed at, accomplished, experienced

  ), the predicate is a nominal form agreeing in gender and number with the patient, whereas the agent, if expressed, is in the oblique form and does not control verb agreement. This series shows that up to a certain point the expression of past was general, and bifurcated later, between 14 th and 16 th c., since the first Eastern statements (from Chatterji 1926) are from the 14 th century caryu.

	which purana-loc Krishna, so heared-past-fs story-fs
	in which purana, Krishna, did (you/one) hear this story? /was the story told
	8b ebeN maï bujhila
	now 1s-obl understood-ø	now I have understood
	8c maï	pâi	vs. hau	manuSa
	1s-obl obtained	1s-nom man (Jayasi)
	I obtained (it)	vs. I am a man
	9a susai	[bat]	kahî
	hare-obl/loc (speeh) said-fs	the hare said
	9b guri dânu ditta
	guru-obl/loc gift-ms given-ms	the guru gave the gift (Guru Granth Sahib)
	9c aiseN myâ pahileN
	this-ns I-instr seen-ns	I have seen this (Jnanesvari)
	In (8) as well as in (9
					which are
	Western speeches considered to derive from Saurasenic or Marashtri Prakrits:
	8a kona purane,	Kanhâ, hena sunili	kâhini

2.2. The nature of the divergence : semantics and syntax of aspect 2.2.1. As the structure in (

6

) got generalized, it started to loose its expressive meaning, originally emphasizing the result and not the process, so that it soon acquired an open meaning (cf. supra, Bloch's quote). The restricted meaning of the passive past participle, a state, can be represented as an open space, not taking into accounts any boundary, as opposed to the anterior which only takes into account the bound interval (event) in disjunction from the utterance time, and in contrast to the perfect, which represents the adjacency of the resulting state with the event which produced it, allowing for the topological representation below (from Desclès 1994):

  summarizes the analogies of the periphrastic perfects (I did this) in the three ancient languages, which still accounts for the present state of H/U

		marked agent	unmarked patient	Verb-Patient
		N1-oblique	N2-nom	verbal adjectif N2
	OIA	mayâ	tat	kRtam
	OPer	manâ	tya	krtam
	Latin	mihi	id	factum
	NIA (W)	S-ergative	O-absolutive	Verb-OD
		maiNne	yah	kiyâ

Table 3

 3

	summarizes these analogies in IE periphrastic perfect
	Marked Agent	Unmarked Patient	Verbe-Patient
		N1-instr/gen	N2-nom	verbal adjective
	mayâ	tat	kRtam
	manâ	tya	krtam
	LATIN perfect	mihi	id	factum
		mihi I-dat	filius (liber)	est

  summarizes the analogies between the various types of predications of localization

	OIA	agent-instr	patient-nom	verbal.adjective patient
		mayâ	tat	kRtam/ kartavyam
	Latin	mihi	id	factum /faciendum
	NIA (W) agent-ne	patient-nom	Verb patient
		maiNne	yah	kiyâ
		experiencer-ko	theme-nom	Verb theme
		mujhe	yah	dîkhâ
	4.2. The cognitive scenarios of non-transitive processes

Table 4 ,

 4 showing tripartite models, could then be reformulated in a binary model with the localizer outside the profiled relation, which itself is basically intransitive and mapped into an "absolute construal" (Langacker's terms) into table5

	[agent-ne] [experiencer-ko]	patient-nom Verb patien t theme-nom Verb theme

The second person, originally ending in -asi, also evolved into a final -e (-asi > -ai > -e), like the third person. The first one -âmi, has a more complicated story. Analogy in the plural modern forms and loss of the original endings.

With future meaning too: jaise kâlî kâmrî caRhai na dujo rang, black will take no other hue

As it did for instance in Garhwali still today, with personal endings suffixed: mi baccon thainki paRhâNo ku kâm kardûN 1s children dat/acc teach-inf gen work do-part-1s I do the job of teaching children In Sindhi the -ta/to form is used as a future(Beames 1871: 126, Trumpp 1872)

Aslo a late process, since even in Kellogg's times the -gâ (go) form for the future allow particles between the verbal base and the auxiliary: karûNhîgâ (do-particle hî-go), "I will do", no longer allowed (karûNgâ hî).

That is why -l-is observable in other tenses in Bhojpuri (present, past) and Pahari (future, past). Although Tiwari traces the origin of the future/present -l-in lag "touch", it is generally considered as a diminutive (laghutâvacak: Chatak?), cf. Tessitori (l < ll < ill). Cf. tonaïla (< tunda + illa) "pot bellied man".

In which case a defect agreement occurs (ms in Hindi/Urdu and Panjabi, ns in Marathi).

Désinence qui se distingue toujours de celle du présent (-s aussi) par le fait qu'au présent ce -s est précédé par une voyelle qui varie selon le genre du sujet (tu topi kâDh-t-os : « you-ms take off the hat », tu topi kâDh-t-es : « you-fs take off the hat »), whereas in the anterior is follows a vowel refering to the patient (tu topi kaDh-l-i-s « you-ms took off the hat »)

"This difference in the casual form shows of the pronoun manâ on one hand, hacâma on the other hand, shows that the perfect must be interpreted as a category in its own right, altogether distinct from passive, it is an active perfect with possessive expression".

The -tavya form is still present in some Hindi tatsam, with its modal meaning, usually as nouns (kartavya "what has to be done, duty").

The sigmatic Sanskrit future (Sy.âti > -s-> -h) was retained in some Western languages like Western Rajasthani, but also in Awadhi at certain persons.

According to him, habere in Late Latin future was only used in the past, with passive infinitive, to express a predictive meaning, specially in the Christian predication; the meaning "have to" could in no way produce a future meaning and was never confused, and still today is never.

Significantly, as in the past, the verb adds a -s personal ending for the second person.

"un siège d'état".

More details in[START_REF] Montaut | Oblique main arguments in Hindi as localizing predications[END_REF]