Alexis Michaud
email: alexis.michaud@univ-paris3.fr

Keywords: Naxi, phonemics, nasal, retroflex, labialisation, neutralisation naxi, phonématique, nasal, rétroflexe, labialisation, neutralisation

Three extreme cases of neutralisation: nasality, retroflexion and lip-rounding in Naxi

Introduction

Naxi is a Sino-Tibetan language spoken by some 300,000 people mostly concentrated in the Gucheng District (lì jiāng gǔ chéng qū 丽江古城区) and the Yulong Naxi autonomous county (yù lóng nà xī zú zì zhì xiàn 玉龙纳西族自治县) which, together, formerly made up the Lijiang Naxi Autonomous County (lì jiāng nà xī zú zì zhì xiàn 丽江纳西族自治县) of the province of Yunnan, China. The Chinese name of the language is nà xī yǔ 纳西语; the autonym in the Western dialects is /nɑ̀ hi /. It is close to, though not a member of, the Burmese-Yi branch of Sino-Tibetan (Bradley 1975[START_REF] Bradley David | Proto-Loloish[END_REF], 1997:37;Matisoff 2003:5, 8;Thurgood 2003:20). The syllabic structure of Naxi is strikingly different from that of Proto-Tibeto-Burman as reconstructed by Paul [START_REF] Benedict Paul | Sino-Tibetan: A Conspectus[END_REF] [START_REF] James | Handbook of Proto-Tibeto-Burman: system and philosophy of Sino-Tibetan reconstruction[END_REF]. Like the Yi languages (彝语 yí yǔ in Chinese; formerly known as Lolo 1 ), Naxi is a monosyllabic language without final consonants or consonant clusters. Most syllables are simply made up of a consonant and a vowel; syllabic structure is (C)(G)V, where C is a consonant, G a semi-vowel /w/ or /j/ (with a severely restricted distribution), and V a vowel; brackets indicate optional constituents. 2Naxi is nonetheless a language of some phonemic complexity. The present analyses bear mainly on the dialect of the village of /ɑ̄ ʂɚ/, 1 David Bradley proposed the designation Ni for the languages formerly called Yi or Lolo (Bradley 1995:1, note 2). Ni is a relatively common autonym among the languages concerned (e.g. Hani, Sani…), whereas Yi and Lolo are exonyms, the second being moreover derogatory. Quite recently, Bradley proposed a new improvement over this designation, changing it to Ngwi in light of advances in the reconstruction of 'Proto-Yi'. The compromise choice made here is to retain the widespread designation Yi.

hamlet of /lé pv̩ ̄ lo/ (in Chinese: lì jiāng gǔ chéng qū, wén huà xíng zhèng cūn, lěng bù luó zì rán cūn 丽江古城区, 文化行政村, 冷不罗自然村), abbreviated as AS, and, to a lesser extent, on the dialect of the village of /fv̩ ́ kʰo/ (in Chinese: yù lóng nà xī zú zì zhì xiàn, fèng kē xiāng, shàn měi xíng zhèng cūn, héng kě èr zǔ 玉龙纳西族自治县,奉科乡, 善美行政村, 恒可二组), abbreviated as FK. Some data from the village of /ndɑ̄ le/ (abbreviated to NL) will be adduced in the course of the discussion (the Chinese coordinates of the NL dialect are: lì jiāng gǔ chéng qū, guì fēng dà lái xíng zhèng xià cūn 丽江古城区, 贵峰大来行政下村 /大来二村). These dialects were investigated first-hand in 2002 and 2004. The map which accompanies this paper shows these locations, as well as the town of Lijiang, whose dialect is abbreviated to DYZ, for Dàyánzhèn (大研镇), which designates the historical city centre.

The three contrasts studied here are:

1) the contrast between oral rhymes /i/, /y/ and /v̩ /, on the one hand, and nasal rhymes /i /, /y / and /v̩ / on the other. This contrast is found in only one of the dialects investigated (this dialect is referred to as FK; see below, section 1.2), and only after initial /h/. In the AS dialect (see, again, section 1.2), which does not possess nasal vowels, the distinction between the lexical items that have rhymes /i/ : /i / or /v̩ / : /v̩ / in FK is lost altogether, whereas the distinction between the /y/ and /y / of FK subsists on the initial consonant of the syllables at issue: /ç/ vs. /h/;

2) the contrast between retroflex and non-retroflex coronal initials before vowel /o/ in the AS dialect;

3) the contrast between syllables with and without labialisation (/ʷ/) between a coronal initial and the rhotic vowel /ɚ/ (and only this vowel), again in the AS dialect.

For the sake of convenience, second-hand data are rewritten to follow my own phonemic analysis in cases where first-hand familiarity with the dialect at issue shows that the same phonemic analysis applies. In particular, tones are rewritten as level tones, a choice which is partly based on the presence in Naxi of contourcreating floating tones reminiscent of those found in Subsaharian languages and elsewhere (as described by Odden 1995; Hyman 2001; [START_REF] Clements | Autosegmental Studies in Bantu Tone[END_REF]; the Naxi facts are set out in [START_REF] Michaud | Tonal reassociation and rising tonal contours in Naxi[END_REF]).

1. The phonemicisation of the palatal initial /ç/ of the AS dialect by transphonologisation of a nasalisation contrast on vowels, still attested in the FK dialect

Description and cross-dialect correspondences

The FK dialect possesses three nasalised rhymes, / i /, / y / and / v̩ /. Phonemic analysis reveals that /h/ is the only phoneme which can appear before these rhymes; in this context, it is phonetically nasalised: its phonetic realisation can be approximated as [h ̃ ] before / i / and / y / (i.e. yielding [ h ĩ ] and [ h ỹ ]). In Naxi, the voiced fricative /v/ is a rhyme, and cannot appear as initial; before a nasal / v̩ /, an initial /h/ is realised as a nasal, labiodental, unvoiced sound, which can be approximated as [ɱ̥ ]. Seven examples are provided in table 1, providing both a narrow phonetic transcription (in square brackets) and a phonemic analysis (between slashes). From a phonemic point of view, pairs 1-2 and 3-4 in table 1 appear to be distinguished by their rhyme in FK; words 1 and 2 appear to be distinguished by their initial in AS. Words 3 and 4 are homophonous in AS, as are also 5 and 7.

An alternative analysis would consist in transcribing the syllables [h ỹ ̃ ], [h ĩ̃ ̃ ] and [ɱ̥ v ̣ ̃ ] of the FK dialect as /hy/, /hi/ and /hv̩ /, contrasting with /ɕy/, /ɕi/ and /fv̩ /. However, this somewhat contrived analysis would not account for the presence of nasality.

It appears advisable, in the analysis of such out-of-the-way synchronic data, to look for a diachronic rationale, rather than draw out typological implications on the slender basis of the data at issue, as advised by Larry Hyman: "A complex nasal state may best be understood in terms of the nasal process which gives rise to it" (Hyman 1975:254; a similar viewpoint is expressed by Martinet [1955,1975], and indeed underpins the approach of various other researchers). The diachronic evolution of the lexical contrasts at issue can be imagined as follows:

(1) at a first stage (a reconstructed, common earlier state), the oppositions were the following: /hỹ : hy/, /hi ̃ : hi/, and /hv̩ ̃ : hv̩ /; it can be imagined that, at that stage, the phonetic realisations were relatively straightforward (e.g.

[hy] for /hy/,

[hy] for /hy/);

( (3) at a later stage, in AS (and other Western dialects), the contrast between nasal vowels and oral vowels was lost. In the case of former /hy/ and /hy/, the phonetic difference between initial [h] and initial [ç] became phonemicised, so that the opposition was transphonologised as a contrast of initials: /hy/ : /çy/. (Here and below, the colon : is used for relations of phonemic contrast.)

In the case of former /hi ̃ / : /hi/, the opposition was lost without compensation in AS. There is at present no means to ascertain whether this loss was preceded by a stage in which the contrast was borne by the initial (i.e. /hi/ : /çi/). Concerning the mechanisms of change, it is likely that the absence of palatalisation of initial /h/ when followed by a nasal vowel is due to the spread of nasalisation over the entire syllable (as a prosody in the Firthian sense). In the early stages of the evolution at issue, velum lowering presumably took place some time before the beginning of the vowel, by anticipation. An open velo-pharyngeal port is not easily compatible with the realisation of an oral fricative (be it [ç] or another fricative such as [s]), insofar as fricatives require a relatively high air pressure behind the constriction, which does not easily obtain if the air can escape through the nose. In case there is a strong oral constriction (as is necessary for [ç]), the increased impedance of the oral tract will result in higher nasal airflow, while intra-oral pressure remains relatively low.

As for the reason why the lexical contrasts borne by /i/-vowel syllables are lost without compensation in the AS dialect, whereas they survive (by means of contrasts among initials) in /y/-vowel syllables, no simple articulatory or acoustic argument can be adduced; there does not appear to be any obvious phonetic motivation for this fact.

The evolution that took place in the AS dialect gives phonemic status to the sound [ç], in one single context: before vowel /y/. The strict application of principles of synchronic description leads to the conclusion that these are extreme cases of neutralisation of phonemic contrasts: in AS, the contrast between /ç/ and /h/ is neutralised in all contexts save one (before /y/); in FK, the contrast between nasal and oral vowels is neutralised in all positions except after /h/ (and, to preview section 2, the retroflex-vs.-dental contrast among certain consonants is neutralised in all positions except before /o/).

It may appear unusual, and indeed counter-intuitive, to speak of neutralisation in these cases: it is more usual to use this notion to describe cases where a thoroughgoing contrast disappears in a restricted environment, e.g. in French, /e/ and /ɛ/ contrast only in open syllables, the opposition being neutralised in closed syllables. 1 However, the term neutralisation should not be understood in a dynamic sense (whereby the opposition would have existed and then have been neutralised): it has a static-flatly synchronicapplication (Martinet 1969:257-259). It is not unusual for a synchronic formulation to be the reverse image of a diachronic perspective: for instance, describing the synchronic stage when Chinese had three tones (A, B and C) contrasting on open/sonorantfinal syllables, it can be said that the tonal opposition was neutralised on the syllables of category D (obstruent-final syllables), although this opposition had never existed on these syllables. A diachronic perspective is therefore a useful complement to synchronic description; it helps preclude unwarranted typological conclusions. 1

In addition to the above observations, let us mention that the correspondence between FK /hy/ and AS /çy/ is not verified in all cases. (Sagart 1993:121). (As an anecdote, let us also mention that the Chinese name 徐, pronounced [ɕy] in Mandarin, is sometimes anglicised as [ʃu).]דּ

Preliminary diachronic hypotheses as to the origin of nasal vowels

The above reflections suggest that the state of affairs observed in the FK dialect is somewhat more conservative than that observed in AS. In turn, this raises the issue of how nasal vowels came about in Naxi.

Across languages, the development of nasal vowels under the influence of nasal consonants in coda position (the final consonants then disappearing) is common, e.g. from Latin to Modern French, and in some Chinese dialects that have lost final nasals, such as Qingdao (qīng dǎo 青岛); phonetically, it is well established that lowering of the velum for a final nasal consonant begins before oral closure, nasalising the vowel (to a degree which varies across languages, speaking rates and speaking styles; see, e.g., Cohn 1990 and references therein).

There is no evidence that Naxi had final nasals at any stage of its history, however. 'Red', item 1 of tables 1 and 2 above, is hóng (红) in standard Mandarin Chinese, with a final nasal, but this is a mere coincidence: the meaning of this word changed from 'rose' to 'red' in the course of its history (as pointed out to us by William Baxter); moreover, the genetic relationship between Chinese and Naxi is so distant that the quest for surface similarities does not make sense.

Interestingly, languages related to Naxi have initial nasals in some words whose cognates have nasal vowels in FK Naxi. 'Body hair', /hv ̃ / in FK Naxi, is reconstructed as *mu1 by Benedict 1972, as *ʔmwe3 by Bradley 1979. 'Red', /hy ̃ / in FK, is reconstructed by Benedict as *r-ni, by Bradley as *ʔni1. 'Man, human being', is reconstructed by Benedict as *r-miy; it might be that the form /hi ̃ / observed in FK Naxi is derived from *r-miy, whereas the nasalplus-/i/ syllables observed in present-day Naxi (e.g. in /mi / 'woman', /mi / 'fire') come from other sources, such as unprefixed nasals. These tentative comparisons suggest that the nasal vowels of Naxi could originate in former nasal initials.

Across languages, there are several processes whereby an initial nasal consonant may become de-nasalised. It may evolve into a prenasalised stop, then lose prenasalisation (m > mb > b, n > nd > d, ŋ > ŋg > g), as in some Chinese dialects [START_REF] Chen Matthew | An areal study of nasalization in Chinese[END_REF] and in the Southern Loloish languages Bisu and Phunoi. This evolution bears indirect testimony to the cross-language tendency for nasalisation to spread beyond the initial consonant: in a language that contrasts, e.g., /ma/ and /ma/, the evolution of /ma/ towards /mba/ may be a means to block the propagation of nasality from /m/ onto the following syllable, a propagation which would threaten the opposition between /ma/ and /ma/ (Larry Hyman describes this as "perceptual reinforcement of the orality of a neighboring vowel": Hyman 1975:256, 259). In Naxi, there were arguably no nasal vowels prior to the process investigated here; analogues to the situation in Naxi are therefore to be sought elsewhere.

Nasalisation of a vowel by a preceding nasal consonant is well attested in the Yi-Burmese languages: closed vowels (typically /i/ or /u/) are frequently nasalised after a nasal consonant, as in Arakanese, a dialect of Burmese [START_REF] Bradley David | Arakanese vowels[END_REF]; indeed, in some languages they disappear altogether [START_REF] Bradley David | Nasality as a prosody in Loloish[END_REF]. Data from the Nosu and Phunoi languages lead David Bradley to reconstruct a historical change from a devoiced nasal consonant / ŋ̥ / to /h/, by loss of the oral closure, followed by the loss of nasality [START_REF] Bradley David | Proto-Loloish[END_REF]; the latter change is highly plausible from a phonetic point of view, since the acoustic effect of velum lowering becomes minimal in the absence of an oral closure (see also the discussions in [START_REF] Ohala | Phonetic explanations for nasal sound patterns[END_REF].

In Tamang (Martine Mazaudon, personal communication), the combination of an initial /ŋ/ and an oral vowel freely alternates with an initial /h/ followed by a nasal vowel: for instance, 'to call' is sometimes realised as [ 4 ŋot-pa], sometimes as [ 4 hot-pa] (the superscript figure at the beginning of the word indicates lexical tone).

To conclude, it can be imagined that the nasal vowels of FK Naxi originate in the lenition of a nasal initial (or an initial consonant cluster) and its change to /h/ (probably through an intermediate stage in which /h/ had become a voiceless nasal). This raises an issue in terms of historical depth of the process; in the perspective outlined here, in order to account both for present-day nasal-initial syllables (of the structure /mi/) and for present-day nasal vowels (as in /hi /), it is necessary to posit initial consonant clusters; there is in fact no evidence that such clusters were present at the stage when nasal vowels appeared. Lastly, at present one cannot rule out the possibility that the Naxi facts are a case of rhino-glottophilia as described by Matisoff 1975 (nasalisation of vowels in the environment of /h/ or /ʔ/), in which case the contrast between /hi/ and /çi/ observed in AS would represent a stage preceding phonetic evolution towards [hi ] vs. [çi] and subsequent phonemic reinterpretation as /hi / vs. /hi/.

Supplementary data for the study of nasalisation in Naxi

In the AS dialect, initial /ŋ/ only combines with three rhymes: /ɤ/, /ɑ/ and /v̩ /. It could be that, at earlier stages, /ŋ/-initial syllables were more numerous, a conjecture which is supported by data from the FK dialect, in which /ŋ/ combines with /u/ and Phonetically, the realisation of the vowel is slightly affected by the initial consonant: [o] is more closed and more rounded after retroflex coronals than after dentals. It may be useful to point out that the contextual allophones of /o/ after coronal consonants do not impinge on the phonetic domain of neighbouring vowels: no confusion takes place between the syllables in table 6 and any of the syllables made up of a vowel /ɯ/, /u/, /ɚ/ preceded by a coronal consonant (which, before these vowels, is realised as retroflex). To take an example, the imperative form of the verb 'to come', realised as [ɭu], does not get confused with /ɭo/, 'yoke' (realised as [ɭo]).

Synchronic analysis: contrast on the initial, or on the rhyme?

In synchrony, some arguments need to be adduced to support the view (implicit in the notations used in table 6) that the contrasts are borne by the initial, rather than by the rhyme. A university teacher who was born in the village of AS, He Xueguang (和学光教授), became aware of the lexical distinctions carried by the syllabic contrasts at issue; he added a rhyme -uo, distinct from -o, to the romanised Naxi script (whose standard version is presented by He Jiren et al. 1985:130-134 and[START_REF] He Zhiwu | Naxiyu Jichu Yufa 纳西语基础语法 [A Basic Grammar of Naxi[END_REF] which he occasionally teaches at the Naxi Culture Education Centre that he founded in Lijiang. Table 7 illustrates the equivalences between a phonetically-oriented transcription (that indicates both the differences on the initial and on the rhyme), He Xueguang's notation, and the phonemic analysis put forward here. The analysis in terms of a difference on the rhyme is more economical in that it only requires the addition of one unit to the phonemic inventory (a vowel /ɔ/). From the point of view of structural economy, however, the recognition of a fourth back rounded vowel amounts to adding a fourth degree of vocalic aperture to a vowel system which otherwise requires only three. This would moreover introduce an asymmetry between a three-way aperture contrast among front vowels (/i/, /e/, /a/) and a four-way contrast among back vowels-phonetically an unusual configuration.

This argument is not decisive, however, as cross-linguistic tendencies should not be taken as rules to go by in the description of individual languages (as pointed out by Nolan 1999, and illustrated by vowel systems such as that of the Bora language, documented by Parker 2001, which opposes, among back vowels, /ɨ/, /ɯ/ and /o/).

Another argument comes from comparison with related languages: in Burmese, the presence of a contrast between semi-closed and semi-open vowels (/e/ and /ɛ/, /o/ and /ɔ/) is an innovation of Central Burmese; Arakanese and Marma dialects only distinguish three degrees of vowel aperture (Denise Bernot, personal communication). This argument is not decisive either, however: two otherwise close dialects can have widely different vocalic systems (witness the differences between regional varieties of French or English: differences in vowel inventories are larger than differences in consonants).

From a phonetic point of view, it seems to me that the difference on rhymes is much less salient than the difference on initials. I consider this a clinching argument in favour of the present phonemic analysis. To conclude, this is, again, a case of extreme neutralisation: the contrast between retroflex and dental coronal consonants is neutralised in all contexts save one-before /o/.

Cross-dialect comparison

Cross-dialect comparison indicates that the contrasts which are presently carried by retroflex-vs.-nonretroflex initials in AS probably go back a long way. Oppositions between retroflex and non-retroflex coronal initials are not found in DYZ (the variety of Naxi spoken in the town of Lijiang) or in the neighbouring dialects: there, 'milk' and 'fodder' are homophonous (/no/), as are 'to climb' and 'to sting' (/ndo/), 'inside' and 'yoke' (/lo/). In some cases, however, the vowel of the words corresponding to the two forms in AS (with and without retroflexion) is different: thus, 'to sting (a wasp stings someone)', /ɳɖo/ in AS, is /ndɚ/ in the speech of a DYZ consultant, and /dɤ/ in the speech of a younger consultant (about 30 years old) who also lives in Lijiang, where both her parents always lived. (As was mentioned above, the coexistence of several dialectal varieties in Lijiang does not come as a surprise, given that it is the main city of the Naxi area.)

In the NL dialect, one and the same vowel appears in all the words that correspond to words that comprise an /o/ after a non-retroflex in AS (left column of As mentioned above, Fu Maoji's language consultant, He Fang (和芳), comes from Zhonghe (zhōng hé 中和) but probably adopted pronunciation traits of the dialect of Yangxi (yàng xī 漾西), the speech of his wife and in-laws. In the speech of the linguist He Jiren, himself a native speaker of the Yangxi variety of Naxi, the opposition of lip rounding is present, and its phonetic realisation corresponds to what has been observed in the AS dialect. Having become accustomed to the standard notation proposed for Western Naxi (in IPA, and with equivalents in romanised script), He Jiren does not indicate lip rounding in his own transcriptions.

As in section 3 above, the issue arises as to whether the difference lies in the initial or the rhyme, or whether medial semi-vowels should be acknowledged in the syllabic structure of Naxi. This recalls the general issue of "The non-uniqueness of phonemic solutions of phonetic systems" raised by Chao Yuen-ren 1934. The notations of Fu Maoji 1984 and[START_REF] Li Lincan | Moxie xiangxing wenzi zidian 麽些象形文字字典 [A dictionary of Moxie pictographs[END_REF] amount to attributing the contrast to the rhyme. The cross-dialect correspondences that have so far been brought to light do not appear to provide any particular arguments in favour of one of the competing analyses. It appears that, in the FK dialect, lip rounding was lost without compensation in some cases (e.g. 'dew' is /ɳɖʐʷɚk ʰi / in AS, /ɳɖʐɚ/ in FK as in DYZ), whereas its loss was accompanied by a change in the rhyme-and in the tone-in other cases (the change in rhyme and tone may admittedly be due to quite a different cause, however). Table 10 Phonetically, in the syllables with medial labialisation, the initial and the vowel /ɚ/ are somewhat rounded phonetically, but both are still clearly recognisable. The synchronic solution chosen here consists in acknowledging the existence of /w/ as a medial semivowel, thus considering that the syllabic structure of Western Naxi is (C)(G)V, where C stands for a consonant, G (Glide) for a semivowel /w/ or /j/, and V a vowel, the only indispensable component of the syllable. The distribution of medial semi-vowels is severely limited: both appear only before /ɑ/, /a/, /ɤ/ and /ɚ/, and only after certain consonants. This analysis diminishes the vocalic inventory by eight units: /wɑ/, /wa/, /wɤ/, /wɚ/ (which is phonetically realised as [vɚ] when occurring on its own), /jɑ/, /ja/, /jɤ/, and /jɚ/.

Concluding remarks

The present analyses, which illustrate the 'tightly structured nature of the syllable in monosyllabic languages' [START_REF] James | Tonogenesis in Southeast Asia[END_REF] and echo the general reflections of Eugenie Henderson on "Feature shuffling in Southeast Asian languages" [START_REF] Henderson Eugénie | Feature shuffling in Southeast Asian languages[END_REF], aimed to contribute to a better synchronic understanding of the three phonemic issues that were discussed. From a diachronic point of view, these case studies in Naxi phonemics hopefully offer some stepping-stones towards a goal which is still distant: to reach a clearer view of the position of Naxi within Sino-Tibetan, and in particular its position vis-à-vis languages of the Burmese-Yi subgroup ('Burmese-Lolo'), which to date remains somewhat uncertain [START_REF] Bradley David | Nahsi and Proto-Burmese-Lolo[END_REF][START_REF] Bradley David | Proto-Loloish[END_REF](Bradley , 1997:37:37; see also the preliminary remarks by [START_REF] Marc | Na-khi and Proto-Lolo-Burmese: A Preliminary Survey[END_REF][START_REF] Nishida Tatsuo | The Hsihsia, Lolo, and Moso languages[END_REF].

1"

  Im Französischen kommen aber e und ɛ nur im offenen Auslaute als Glieder einer phonologisch-distinktiven Opposition vor (les-lait, allez-allait); in den übrigen Stellungen ist das Vorkommen von e und ɛ mechanisch geregelt (in gedeckter Silbe ɛ, in ungedeckter e), so daß diese zwei Vokale nur im offenen Auslaut as zwei Phoneme, in den übrigen Stellungen dagegen als kombinatorische Varianten eines einzigen Phonems gewertet werden müssen. Der phonologische Gegensatz ist also im Französischen in gewissen Stellungen a u f g e h o b e n. Solche Oppositionen nennen wir a u f h e b b a r; jene Lautstellungen, in denen die Aufhebung erfolgt, A u f h e b u n g s s t e l l u n g e n, jene, wo die Opposition relevant ist, R e l e v a n z s t e l l u n g e n" (Trubetzkoy 1939:70).

Table 2 .

 2 Phonemic correspondence between the dialects of FK and AS for six initial-rhyme combinations.In FK, [ç] is simply an allophone of /h/, which has a broad range of allophones, as it adopts some of the phonetic features of the rhyme that follows it: it is realised as nasalised [h ̃ ] before nasal rhymes

	n°FK	AS	meaning
	1 [h ỹ̃ ] / hy ̃ / [hy ] / hy /	red (红)
	2	[çju ] / hy /	[çy ] / çy /	tired (累)
	3	[h ĩ ̃ ] / hi ̃ / [çi ] / hi /	man (人)
	4	[çi ] / hi /	[çi ] / hi /	rice (paddy) (稻子)
	5 [ɱ̥ v̩ ] / hv̩ ̃ /	[fv̩ ] / hv̩ /	hair (毛)
	6 [fv̩ ̀ te] / hv̩ ̀ te/ [fe ] / hv̩ /	tomb (坟墓) (Chinese
				borrowing)
	7	[fv̩ ] / hv̩ /

[fv̩ ] / hv̩ / saw (锯) (probably a borrowing from the Bai language) Table

1

. Narrow phonetic transcription of words exemplifying the nasal-vs.-oral contrast on vowels in the FK dialect, and corresponding words in the AS dialect. (As will be set out below,

[y] and [ju]

stand in a relation of allophony in FK.) To avoid confusion between tone diacritics and the diacritic for nasality, tones are marked to the right of the corresponding syllable.

The spectrograms in figure

1

illustrate the nasality contrast in the FK dialect, bringing out the difference between the realisations of /h/ when it precedes a nasal vowel (in which case the friction noise is weak), an oral, front high vowel (in which case it is realised as [ç]), or a voiced fricative /v̩ / (it is then realised as [f]). Recordings of items 1-5 and 7 by a speaker of the FK dialect are available at http://ed268.univ-paris3.fr/lpp/pages/EQUIPE/michaud/NAXI/.

The correspondences which emerge are taken up in table 2. / i / and / y /; as labiodental [ɱ̥ ] and [f] before / v̩ / and / v̩ /, respectively; as velar [x] before back vowels /ɯ/, /u/, /ɤ/, /ɑ/;

Table 3

 3

	sums up this view of things.

Table 3 .

 3 Hypotheses concerning the evolution of syllables with

close front vowels after a glottal fricative in two dialects of Naxi, FK and AS. (Unless placed between slashes, the notations are phonetic, not phonemic.)

Table 4 .

 4 Illustration of the correspondence between AS /ʂu/ and FK

	FK	AS	English translation	Chinese
					translation
	hỳʂùiron; homophone:	铁
				clean
	hý kʰwɑ̀ʂú kʰwɑ̀ugly	丑
	hý hȳʂu, which reduplicates to ʂū ʂùt	o look for	寻找

Table 4 provides examples of the following correspondence: FK /hy/, AS /ʂu/. This correspondence is apparently due to a systematic confusion of the earlier */ʂu/ and */hy/ to /hy/ in the FK dialect. 1 Larry Hyman reports a spectacular example illustrating the necessity to supplement synchronic description by diachronic reflection: in Wukari (Shimizu 1971), there exist syllables [ba], [ba], [ma], [mba], but neither [ma] nor [mba]. (In this description, [b] stands for any of the following oral stops: p, t, k or b

, d, g, and [m]

for a nasal, m, n or ŋ.) Synchronically, nothing prevents the analysis of

[mba]

as the realisation of a simple /m/ + /a/ sequence, [ma] being straightforwardly analysed as /ma/. This solution is economical in terms of the number of phonemic units used in the description, but at the cost of allophonic variation rules that contravene well-established typological regularities, and are apt to mislead typologists. A diachronic investigation actually reveals that mb already existed as a phoneme in its own right in earlier states of the language (Proto-Jukunoid), in which there were nine possible syllabic structures involving initial nasals or stops: *mam, *mab, *ma, *mbam, *mbab, *mba, *bab, *bam, *ba. Later, four phenomena took place: prenasalised stops became geminate nasals in cases where the syllable had a final nasal; these geminate nasals simplified to simple nasals; vowels became nasalised when preceded or followed by a nasal consonant; lastly, final consonants fell

(Hyman 1975:262)

. /hy/, in phonemic notation Let us note in passing that a change from [ʂu] to [çy] or the other way round is also attested in the domain of Chinese dialects. To take an example, the word for 'tuber', 薯 (pinyin shǔ), the phonemes of which are /ʂu/ in Standard Chinese, is /ɕy 5 / in the Gan (赣) dialect of Nanchang (nán chāng 南昌), probably a borrowing from the Mandarin dialect of Hankou (hàn kǒu 汉口), a more conservative dialect in this respect

Table 5 .

 5 /wɑ/, as illustrated by the examples in table 5. Correspondences between the dialects of FK and AS for syllables with an initial velar nasal. ] in the International Phonetic Alphabet.) For instance, 'to close (a door)' is[ʈɚ]; there is no such phonetic product as[tɚ] in the Naxi dialects of AS and FK. Nonetheless, in a manner reminiscent of the contrast between /h/ and /ç/ in the AS dialect, there is one single context in which the AS dialect of Naxi presents a contrast of retroflexion on coronal initials (stops, nasals and laterals): before the vowel /o/. Said differently, the opposition of retroflexion is neutralised before all vowels save /o/. To take the example of syllables with an unvoiced stop /t/ or / ʈ /, the attested combinations are the following:

	FK	AS	English translation Chinese
					translation
	ŋwɑ (in: sɑŋ wɑ̀ , ŋwɑ̀ me, ndɑ̄ ŋwɑ) wɑ (in: sɑẃ ɑ, wɑ́ me, ndɑ̄ wɑ) 3 rd month, 12 th month month,	5 th	三月, 五月, 十二月
	ŋwɑ̀ ̄wɑ̄tile [probably a	瓦
			Chinese borrowing]
	ŋùwɑ̀copula		是
	ŋù ̄	kōto water		浇(浇菜)
	ŋūŋɤ̄ (in: ŋɤḡ constructions ɤ) 1 st sg., in possessive	我(的)
	ŋɑ̀ŋɤ̀1 st sg.		我
	ŋv̩	ŋv̩	silver; homophone	银; 哭
			to cry
	It can reasonably be hypothesised that the conservative form is that
	with an initial nasal. These facts recall the evolution of the 1 st

One question which remains unanswered is why only three nasal vowels, /i ̃ /, /y ̃ / and /v̩ ̃ /, are now extant in FK Naxi. That out-ofthe-way patterns should be observed on closed vowels is relatively common (in Mon, for instance, they also present unexpected correspondences [Christian Bauer, personal communication]); concerning nasalisation, Hajek and Maeda, supplementing the observations of Chen 1975 and Matisoff 1975:272, show that low vowels do not necessarily have a stronger propensity to nasalisation: "...there appear to be two competing universal tendencies, if not universals : one is of preferential nasalization of high vowels, and the other is of preferential nasalization of vowels with greatest duration (generally accepted to be low vowels)"

(Hajek and Maeda 2000:68)

. Further investigation into this question will necessitate a systematic investigation into the Naxi cognates of the nasal-initial syllables of other Yi-Burmese languages.

2. Contrasts of retroflexion on coronal initials in the AS dialect are restricted to a single context: before the vowel /o/

2.1. Description

In the dialects of FK and AS, retroflex stops

[ ɳɖ ], [ ɖ ], [ʈ], [ʈʰ], nasal [ ɳ ] and lateral [ ɭ ] stand in a relationship of allophonic variation to nonretroflex [nd], [d], [t], [tʰ],

[n] and [l], the former appearing before rhymes /ɚ/, /ɯ/, and /u/, the latter before all other vowels. (By the strength of its release, the / ɭ / is close to the sound described as [ ɽ i.e. the distribution of / t / and / ʈ / is almost complementary, but not quite. Table 6 presents lexical oppositions (checked with four language consultants). The examples for / ʈ / and /ʈʰ / do not appear to be basic, reliable words, but the examples for /nd : ɳɖ /, /n : ɳ /, /l : ɭ / /ɯ̄ ɭo/ 'yoke' (轭) (/ɯ/ : 'cow') M /lo/ 'work' (/lō be/ 'to work'; /be/ 'do'); /tō lo/ 'straw hat' (斗笠); /ə́ lo/ 'grandfather, forebear' /ʂō ɭo/ 'bone'; /ɭo/ 'mouthful' (量词) 口 (一口饭); /ʈʂʰó ɭo/ 'ant'; /hi ́ ɭo/ 'dumb person' l : ɭ H /lo/ 'to stride over, to cross' (跨 : 跨小沟); /ló lē bɯ/ 'to go back' (/le/ 'again', /bɯ/ 'go') /ɭó pi / 'chilli peppers' (辣椒)

Table 6 .

 6 Lexical words illustrating the retroflex-vs.-dental opposition among coronal consonants in the AS dialect of Naxi.

Table 7 .

 7 Approximation in IPA, romanised notation proposed by He Xueguang, and phonemic analysis of certain contrasts among syllables with and without retroflexion.

	approximation	romanised	notation	phonemic analysis
	in IPA	proposed by He Xueguang
	ɭɔ : lo	luo : lo		ɭo : lo
	ɳɔ : no	nuo : no		ɳo : no
		etc.

table 6

 6

			): vowel /o/ (phonetically realised as
	[ø]). Various vowels correspond to the /o/ vowels that follow
	retroflex initials in AS, however: mainly /ɑ/, but also /o/ and /u/.
	Table 8 presents four such correspondences, which may hint at an
	earlier opposition, perhaps one of initials.
	initial AS ɳònɑ̀o vs. ɑ moth 蛀虫 NL corresp. English and Chinese translation ɳ ɳōnōo vs. o milk 奶 ɳɖòndùo vs. u reel, spool (of thread) (量词) 团 ɳɖ
			(一团线)
		ɳɖōndɑ̄t o sting (a bee stings) (蜜蜂)叮咬 vs. ɑ
	ɭ	ɭó pi ̀ lɑ̄ pi ̀hot peppers 辣椒
		ʂō ɭōʂɑ̄ lɑ̄b one 骨头
		ɯ̄ ɭòɯ̄ lɑ̀o	yoke 轭子

Table 8 .

 8 Some examples of NL cognates of the retroflex-initial syllables of the AS dialect. They do not draw the phonemic implications of this state of affairs, but the evidence they offer suggests that the retroflex/nonretroflex oppositions in table 6 are attested in Ludian as well as in AS.The data collected by Fu Maoji also show a similar set of phonemic oppositions (based on the speech of 和芳 Hé Fāng, born in the village of Zhonghe [zhōng hé 中和村]: see Fu Maoji 1981:8, 297-307). According to linguists He Jiren 和即仁 and He Limin 和力民 (personal communication), this informant lived in several dialect areas, and was strongly influenced by the dialect of Yangxi (yàng xī 漾西). Discussions with He Jiren, himself born in Yangxi, showed that the opposition is present in his dialect.So far, internal comparison does not shed light on the origin of this set of retroflex consonants. One wonders whether some medial elements were involved at one stage. Systematic comparison of Naxi with Burmese, Yi, and (Southern) Qiangic languages will be attempted in a later study to obtain further insights. in AS, whereas 'full (a container/vessel is full)', DYZ/NL /ʂɚ/[START_REF] Mazaudon | Naxi [Nahi]-English vocabulary[END_REF]:31, He Jiren et al. 1985:167), is /ʂʷɚ/ in AS. Table9presents the oppositions that were observed in AS.

	The opposition between retroflex and non-retroflex coronal
	consonants is lost in NL, the corresponding words being
	homophonous with other syllables: e.g. 'yoke' is /lɑ/, homophonous
	with 'hand' (the latter word being /lɑ/ in NL as well as in AS).
	Were it not for cross-dialectal evidence, no trace of the opposition
	could be found in NL.
	Li Lincan et al. 1953 (whose language consultant was Hé Cái 和才, a native of Ludian [lǔ diàn 鲁甸]) distinguish between a [l] and a

Table 9 .

 9 Lexical words illustrating the oppositions between syllables with and without lip-rounding after a coronal initial in the AS dialect. Recall that the variety of Naxi they study is that of Ludian, lǔ diàn 鲁甸.) The distribution of this rhyme, both rhotic and rounded, by and large corresponds with that of /ʷɚ/ in AS. Pending further investigation into the Ludian dialect, it is not yet possible to indicate whether it is phonetically closer to [u˞] or to the [ʷɚ] observed in AS.

	Fu Maoji 1984:304 reports a [ɭuʌɹ] syllable, illustrated by the words
	'to meet up, to get together' (聚集) and 'disorderly, topsy-turvy'
	(慌乱), though his data do not include a [ɭʌɹ] counterpart which

The authors who describe Naxi dialects that possess medial labialisation before /ɚ/ adopt various solutions for its transcription. In his modified version of Naxi romanisation, He Xueguang (a native of the AS dialect, as mentioned above) transcribes the lip rounding found on these items by using a -vr rhyme, e.g. shvr for the combination that I transcribe as /ʂʷɚ/ (in Naxi romanisation, sh stands for /ʂ/). His own pronunciation of the rhyme is especially closed and retroflex; it could be transcribed as [ʷɹ̩ ], adding that both articulations are simultaneous: the rhyme is slightly rounded throughout.

Li

Lincan et al. 1953 record a [ur]

rhyme, which contrasts with the [ɚ] rhyme (which they transcribe as [ʌr]). (

Table 10 .

 10 presents three correspondences of the AS syllables at issue with syllables with rhyme /ɤ/ or /wɑ/ in FK. Illustration of the correspondences between syllables with medial labialisation of the AS dialect and cognates in the FK dialect.

	initial AS	FK	corresp.	English and Chinese
					translation
	ʐ	ʐʷɚ̄ ndzàʐɤ́ ndzɚ̄ʷɚ̄ vs. ɤ́willow 柳树
	nd	gi ǹdʷɚ̄ndwɑ́ʷɚ̄ vs. wɑ́pond 池塘
	ɳɖʐ	ɳɖʐʷɚ̄ɳɖʐɚ́ʷɚ̄ vs. ɚ́wet 湿
		ɳɖʐʷɚ̄ɳɖʐɚ̄ʷɚ̄ vs. ɚ̄dew 露水

For an inventory of Naxi syllables, and a glimpse of Naxi studies, see, in the present issue, "Syllabic inventory of a Naxi dialect, and correspondence with Joseph Rock's transcriptions".

The phoneme /h/ is distinct from the absence of any initial ['zero initial']; the phonetic realisation of syllables without an initial consonant is set out in another paper in the present volume, "Syllabic inventory of a Western Naxi dialect, and correspondence with Joseph F. Rock's transcriptions".

The correspondence between their data and mine is not entirely straightforward. All of the syllables which they transcribe as [lo] correspond to the /lo/ of my own data; some syllables that they transcribe as [ro], however, correspond to [ɭu] in my data, e.g. [ro] "four", [ɭu] in my data. The phrase they give for "Sichuan", [ró pʰɑd y], could not be checked because the informants I consulted use a loanword to refer to this Chinese province.

Acknowledgments

Many thanks to David Bradley, Martine Mazaudon, Jacqueline Vaissière and the two reviewers of this paper for detailed comments and suggestions, and to Christian Bauer, William Baxter, Michel Ferlus, Boyd Michailovsky and Laurent Sagart for very useful comments and discussions. My thanks to the Naxi informants, colleagues and friends, especially Guo Dalie (郭大烈教授), He Jiren (和即仁先生), He Jiezhen (和洁珍女士), He Xueguang (和学光教授), He Xuan (和漩), He Qin (和沁), He Yong (和涌), He Xixian (和希贤), Mu Ruhua (木汝华), and their families, and to Laura Bennetts and Liberty Lidz for useful exchanges about Eastern Naxi. I alone am responsible for remaining shortcomings.


Per Lundin
email: per.lundin@chalmers.se

Computers and Welfare: The Swedish Debate on the Politics of Computerization in the 1970s and the 1980s

Keywords: computing policy, history of computing, integrity, IT-history, Sweden, unemployment, welfare

In the 1950s and 1960s computers became part and parcel of the great modernization project -the creation of the modern welfare state. The ability to control and rationalize provided by the digital technology proved indispensable for the expanding public sector as well as for trade and business. At the turn of the decade, the effects of the new technology on Swedish society became increasingly apparent. This paper examines the debate on computer and politics in Sweden during the 1970s and the 1980s. It particularly discusses two issues that were hotly debated: integrity and jobs. The debate was occupied with the centralized solutions and systemic effects large-scale computing implied. In this debate computing technology was perceived as a threat, but at the same time there was a widely shared belief amongst debaters that it was possible to take control of the technology.

Introduction

In this paper I give an overview of the debate on computer and politics in Sweden during the 1970s and 1980s. During this period, civil society organizations, especially the large social movements, and political parties elaborated manifestos and programmes that presented explicit computing policies. Writers and journalists discussed the pros and cons of the digital technology and its impact on society. Government commissions, government bodies and later also researchers investigated the social consequences of the computing technology and suggested possible measures. In the early 1990s, the interest in debating computers and politics dwindled, and in 1995 a commentator promptly declared that 'datapolitik', e.g. computing politics, was an extinct subject [START_REF] Henriksson | Datapolitikens död och återkomst[END_REF].

Admittedly, the politics of computerization has been considered in the earlier literature. However, the focus has been more on (the lack of) government policies for research and development, and less on the broader public discourse on computer and politics [START_REF] Annerstedt | Staten och datorerna: En studie av den officiella datorutvecklings-och datorforskningspolitiken[END_REF][START_REF] Annerstedt | Datorer och politik: Studier i en ny tekniks politiska effekter på det svenska samhället[END_REF][START_REF] Glimell | Återerövra datapolitiken! En rapport om staten och informationsteknologin under fyra decennier[END_REF]. The most detailed account up-to-date is still the political scientist Kent Lindkvist's research paper Datateknik och politik [Computing Technology and Politics] (1984) [START_REF] Lindqvist | Datateknik och politik: Datapolitiken i Sverige 1945-1982[END_REF].

In the 1950s and 1960s computers became part and parcel of the great modernization project -the creation of the modern welfare state. While computers in the 1950s and the early 1960s had been used mainly for techno-scientific computing, often for military purposes, by the end of the 1960s they became increasingly used, and associated with, the gathering and processing of data for bureaucratic or commercial purposes. Indicative of this change is the location of computing expertise in the government apparatus. The Swedish Board for Computing Machinery (Matematikmaskinnämnden, MMN), which had been established in 1948, hosted initially the government's computing expertise. MMN belonged to the Ministry for Education until 1961 when it was moved to the Ministry for Finance. Two years later, in 1963, MMN was discontinued, and the Swedish Agency for Public Management (Statskontoret) at the Ministry for Finance took over the overarching responsibility. Hence, the minister of finance became de facto minister of computing. The ability to control and rationalize provided by the digital technology proved indispensable for the expanding public sector as well as for trade and business. At the turn of the decade, the effects of the new technology on Swedish society became increasingly apparent [START_REF] De Geer | På väg till datasamhället: Datatekniken i politiken 1946-1963[END_REF][START_REF] Dussauge | Precursors of the IT Nation: Computer Use and Control in Swedish Society[END_REF][START_REF] Lundin | Computers in Swedish Society: Documenting Early Use and Trends[END_REF][START_REF] Nybom | Det nya statskontorets framväxt 1960-1965[END_REF].

The period 1968-70 marks the beginning of the public debate on computing and politics as well as the end of the privileged and unchallenged position that computing expertise had enjoyed during the previous decades. As the historian Lars Ilshammar shows, the number of computer-related initiatives in the Swedish Parliament skyrocketed during this period [START_REF] Ilshammar | Offentlighetens nya rum: Teknik och politik i Sverige 1969-1999. Örebro universitetsbibliotek[END_REF]. An important event was the publication of Datorer och politik [Computers and Politics] (1970) by the political scientist Jan Annerstedt and his co-authors (Lars Forssberg, Sten Henriksson and Kenneth Nilsson). They argued that the use of digital technology had served to manifest and consolidate the existing power structures in society. They exposed the close connections between the state apparatus and trade and business, especially the multinational IBM. In the book's concluding section Annerstedt pointed out that despite the far-reaching political consequences of the new technology the Swedish government lacked an explicit computing politics. Although the book presented an almost conspiratorial plot, in a manner typical of this radical period in history, it nevertheless identified many of the key problems with the narrow societal control of the new technology [START_REF] Annerstedt | Datorer och politik: Studier i en ny tekniks politiska effekter på det svenska samhället[END_REF]. Admittedly, Datorer och politik was not the first book that stressed the dangers of an unfettered use of digital technology. Earlier notable books such as the Swedish physicist Hannes Alfvén's Sagan om den stora datamaskinen [The Tale of the Big Computer] (1966) and the Danish computing scientist Peter Naur's Datorerna och samhället [Computers and Society] (1969) might be mentioned -but Annerstedt's book was arguably the publication that received most attention [START_REF] Alfvén | Sagan om den stora datamaskinen: En vision[END_REF][START_REF] Naur | Datamaskinerna och samhället: Med ett tillägg om svenska förhållanden av Sten Henriksson[END_REF].

Especially two issues became hotly debated during the following couple of decades: integrity and jobs. Below I investigate them in more detail. Kent Lindkvist claims that a third issue also caught the public's attention, namely vulnerability [START_REF] Lindqvist | Datateknik och politik: Datapolitiken i Sverige 1945-1982[END_REF]. In this paper, however, I will not further discuss this issue. My choice is motivated by the fact that the debate on vulnerability was more limited in scale and scope. In my analysis, I focus particularly on the role of political parties, trade unions and other civil society organizations, debaters, and the media. Hence, I will not closer examine the role of the many government commissions launched during the 1970s and the 1980s or the large government-sponsored research programmes starting above all in the 1980s.

Debating Integrity

Part of the post-war welfare state project had been the development and use of large databases and registers dealing with personal data, and at the onset of the 1970s the issue of integrity came into the fore. The 1970 Population and Housing Census conducted by the National Central Bureau of Statistics (Statistiska centralbyrån, SCB) sparked a heated debate. During the autumn 1970, debaters and the media targeted SCB. Leftists accused SCB of selling the data gathered for commercial purposes. Liberals and Conservatives dominated the debate, however. If left-wing debaters were concerned about the commercialization of personal data, Liberal and Conservative voices worried about the privacy of the individual citizen and feared the coming of a socialist 'Big Brother' society. The question of integrity soon entered the Swedish Parliament. Especially the Swedish Left Party (Vänsterpartiet kommunisterna, VPK), the Liberal Party (Folkpartiet, FP), and the Centre Party (Centerpartiet, C), the former Agrarian Party, were active. Admittedly, the issue of computing technology and integrity was already under investigation by a governmental commission, but the debate on SCB's census undoubtedly catalysed its work, and in 1972 the commission presented its official report Data och integritet (Data and Integrity). The commission's work led to the Data Act of 1973, which presented a far-reaching legislation concerning data registers and credit reports [START_REF] Lindqvist | Datateknik och politik: Datapolitiken i Sverige 1945-1982[END_REF][START_REF] Ilshammar | Offentlighetens nya rum: Teknik och politik i Sverige 1969-1999. Örebro universitetsbibliotek[END_REF][START_REF] Söderlind | Personlig integritet som informationspolitik: Debatt och diskussion i samband med tillkomsten av Datalag[END_REF].

The debate and the legislation spurred political parties from the left to the right as well as civil society organizations to discuss the politics of computerization, and during the 1970s computing politics became an established concept [START_REF] Henriksson | Datapolitikens död och återkomst[END_REF][START_REF] Lindqvist | Datateknik och politik: Datapolitiken i Sverige 1945-1982[END_REF].

Liberals and Conservatives voiced above all concerns for personal integrity. The Conservative Party (Moderata samlingspartiet, M), for example, feared that an omnipotent state would use the computing technology, and in particular the data registers, for developing a more effective control of its citizens. The Left, on the other hand, expressed concerns over integrity at the work place. For instance, the Swedish Left Party viewed the integrity issue from a class perspective. The party did not oppose data registers per se, but it wanted them to be adapted to the employees' interests, not the employers'. Until the general election in 1976, the Social Democratic Party (Socialdemokratiska arbetarepartiet, SAP) was the political party in power. By contrast, it tended to view the question of integrity as a non-political, technical issue, and the party also painted a much brighter image of the role of digital technology for the individual citizens. In the late 1970s, after having gone into opposition, SAP developed a more explicit computing politics. Integrity was not a prominent feature of its politics, however. The party, which was intimately associated with post-war reforms in both welfare and warfare, preferred to link integrity to the question of national security, i.e. the integrity of the nation against other nations [START_REF] Lindqvist | Datateknik och politik: Datapolitiken i Sverige 1945-1982[END_REF][START_REF]Datorer på människans villkor: Program för datapolitiken. Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetareparti[END_REF][START_REF] Lundin | Technology, State Initiative and National Myths in Cold War Sweden: An Introduction[END_REF].

The single most influential voice in the debate was the Liberal Member of Parliament, Kerstin Anér. In her book Datamakt [Computer Power] (1975) she exposed the ambitions of the state as well as the corporations to control, and she empathically defended the right and the need for individuality [START_REF] Anér | Den tillverkningsbara människan. Folk & samhälle[END_REF][START_REF] Anér | Datamakt. Gummessons[END_REF]. As my examples have illustrated, the worries that the freedom and privacy of the citizens would be restricted came above all from the political right. Consequently, civil society organizations loosely connected to the Liberals or the Conservatives took a similar stance. Examples include the Free Churches and the temperance movement. Often the argument centred on the privacy of the family and in particular small children. Among the individual debaters that presented arguments in this vein the journalist Margareta Calmgård Bergmark might be used as an illustration. In her book Människan i datorsamhället [Man in the Society of Computers] (1981), she presented herself as a mother of small children, who worried over the encroaching of computers upon private life. Calmgård Bergmark raised the question if the gains in efficiency really would counter the loss of privacy [START_REF] Bergmark | Människan i datorsamhället[END_REF].

Although the debate on integrity was most intensive during the 1970s, it continued well into the 1980s. Lars Ilshammar highlights two controversial projects: the debates around FOBALT in 1983 and the Metropolit project in 1986. FOBALT was a planned alternative population and housing census, that in order to reduce the administrative costs would link and match about twenty registers from different government authorities. The criticism was vehement. Metropolit, in turn, was a research project in sociology at Stockholm University that had collected personal data for approx. 15,000 inhabitants in Stockholm during a period of twenty years. The inhabitants, all born in 1953, had neither been consulted nor informed. When the largest Swedish daily, Dagens Nyheter, in February 1986 exposed the scale and scope of the project, it led to a storm of protests, and later the same year the project was ended. Ilshammar argues that the Metropolit controversy marked an end of the debate on integrity. During the second half of the 1980s, computers were less and less perceived as a threat against personal integrity, and the negative connotations of computerization were gradually replaced with positive ones. When the Liberal Party as part of the non-Socialist government during the period from 1991 to 1994 suggested that the personal numbers should be abolished, the political interest was lukewarm at the most. Integrity had ceased to be a political conflict zone [START_REF] Ilshammar | Offentlighetens nya rum: Teknik och politik i Sverige 1969-1999. Örebro universitetsbibliotek[END_REF].

Debating Jobs

If the debate on integrity was led by Liberals and Conservatives, as well as civil society organizations such as the Free Churches and the temperance movement, the debate on the effects of the computer-based rationalization and its ultimate consequence, unemployment, was above all sustained by the political left and the labour unions.

The early 1970s marked the end of the phenomenal growth that had characterised the preceding decades. By the mid-70s, if not earlier, it had become painstakingly apparent that the computer was a powerful rationalization tool, and that the wave of computer-led rationalization had begun to hit new groups such as blue-collar workers. Previously white-collar workers had been affected by the rationalization, but because of the booming economy of the 1950s and the 1960s, the result had almost never been unemployment since new jobs had been created. In the 1970s, however, the computerbased wave of rationalization coincided with the economic recession, and many occupational groups feared they would lose control over their work and eventually their jobs. It was particularly with the 'microelectronics revolution', which took off in the mid-1970s, that computers began to transform working life [START_REF] Lundin | Designing Democracy: The UTOPIA-Project and the Role of Labor Movement in Technological Change during the 1970s and the 1980s[END_REF][START_REF] Magnusson | Den tredje revolutionen -och den svenska arbetsmarknaden[END_REF].

The labour movement reacted swiftly, however. Interestingly, the governing Social Democrats and the trade unions regarded technology and technological change as a prerequisite for realizing material and social welfare. The technological optimism of the labour movement was manifested at the so-called Rigoletto Conference, organised by the Social Democrats in 1955. It featured a broad assembly of scientists and technicians, politicians and trade union leaders, and representatives for trade and industry. The resulting publication Tekniken och morgondagens samhälle [Technology and the Society of Tomorrow] (1956) communicated a solid belief in technology and science. The trade unions shared this approach. The Trade Union Confederation (Landsorganisationen i Sverige, LO), for instance, adopted a 'rationalization friendly approach', i.e., a strategy of adaptation towards technological change [START_REF] Johansson | Teknikoptimismen i den svenska modellen[END_REF][START_REF]Tekniken och morgondagens samhälle[END_REF].

At the onset of the 1970s, a very strong labour movement expanded its ambitions from wage negotiations into changing work organization and eventually also technology. An example of this active and technology-friendly strategy was the Trade Unions Confederation's decision to present an action programme labelled Företagsdemokrati och data [Industrial Democracy and Data] (1975), and the subsequent decision in 1976 to launch the Trade Unions Confederation's Advisory Committee for Computing (LO's dataråd). The programme and the committee stated that the trade unions moved from 'defensive' to 'offensive' strategy. Rather than being the passive object of automation, the worker should be an active subject in shaping technological change. Thus, it would be possible to counter the degradation of work that many believed would be the result of an uncontrolled use of digital technology in working life [START_REF]LOs handlingsprogram för företagsdemokrati och data. Landsorganisationen i Sverige[END_REF][START_REF]Solidariskt medbestämmande: Rapport till LO-kongressen 1976: Med kongressens beslut[END_REF][START_REF] Rolandsson | Facket, informationsteknologin och politiken: Strategier och perspektiv inom LO 1976-1996[END_REF]. The Swedish Confederation of Professional Employees (Tjänstemännens centralorganisation, TCO) took a similar stance. The organization put a particular emphasis on the issue of integrity at work. In its programme for computing politics, Datorerna och arbetslivet [Computers and Working Life] (1978), it maintained that computer-based methods-time measurement (MTM) systems controlled the employees to a too high extent and threatened the personal integrity. It was crucial, the Swedish Confederation of Professional Employees argued, that employees were given the possibility to participate in the development of the computer systems [START_REF]Datorerna och arbetslivet: Rapport från TCOs arbetsgrupp för datafrågor[END_REF]. Eventually, the Social Democratic Party would follow suit, and in 1978 the party presented an action programme on computers and politics, Datorer på människans villkor [Computers on the Conditions of Man]. In the programme it was observed that computers had become an integral part of society, and it was argued that 'computerization' was a central political issue [START_REF]Datorer på människans villkor: Program för datapolitiken. Sveriges socialdemokratiska arbetareparti[END_REF].

Tage Erlander's Computer Symposium in 1980 became an important political manifestation of this posture. Named after a former social democratic prime minister, the symposium can be described as a summit conference for the labour movement. Social democratic top politicians as well as trade union leaders participated. The message conveyed at the conference and in the subsequent publication Datorerna och samhällsutvecklingen [Computers and the Development of Society] was that computing technology was beneficial if it was possible to control it politically [START_REF]Datorerna och samhällsutvecklingen: Debattinlägg vid Tage Erlanders datasymposium 1980[END_REF].

As we have seen, different social groups promoted and debated the issues of integrity and jobs, respectively. More often than not did they represent radically different social values and political ideologies. Nevertheless, their responses toward the new digital technology displayed several common features.

The debates I have surveyed were by and large occupied with the use and effects of mainframe computers. They did not deal with mini computers or, more importantly, personal computers and the new patterns in use emerging with them. Rather they were occupied with the centralized solutions and systemic effects that large-scale computing implied. Thus, issues of control appeared at the core of the debates. The computing technology was perceived as a threat towards personal integrity or work. But at the same time there was a widely shared belief amongst debaters that it was possible to take control of the technology. As the above-mentioned Kerstin Anér stressed it was nonsensical to break the computing machinery into pieces like the Luddites once had done. However, she continued, it was necessary to develop a legislation to control the computing technology. Furthermore, it was necessary to choose between the different possibilities available [START_REF] Anér | Den tillverkningsbara människan. Folk & samhälle[END_REF]. That a Liberal Member of Parliament should argue against Luddism was not so surprising, however. After all, Luddism was a desperate reaction from workers losing control over their work. But Swedish workers and their organizations did not express much sympathy for machine breaking either. As I have discussed elsewhere, technological optimism was a distinct feature of the Nordic labour movements, which separated them from the Anglo-Saxon labour movements who often viewed technological change with suspicion [START_REF] Lundin | Designing Democracy: The UTOPIA-Project and the Role of Labor Movement in Technological Change during the 1970s and the 1980s[END_REF]. As we have seen above, the Swedish labour movement maintained that by controlling technology it would be possible to develop it on the premises of the workers. Thus, debaters on both the right and the left drew the conclusion that it was possible to control and even to choose digital technology, and that it ultimately was a matter of politics. It was not technology, but politics that dictated our future.

Another common feature of the debaters was an ambition to enlighten the general public. A characteristic trait for Sweden, and indeed the Nordic countries, is a particular educational ideal called folkbildning. It can be described as a liberal nonformal and voluntary educational system for adults, upheld by folk high schools and study associations. It was a system shaped by the large social movements such as the labour movement, the temperance movement, and the Free Churches [START_REF] Johansson | För folket och genom folket: Om idéer och utvecklingslinjer i studieförbundens verksamhet[END_REF][START_REF] Sejersted | The Age of Social Democracy: Norway and Sweden in the Twentieth Century[END_REF]. This educational ideal was important for disseminating knowledge of digital technology and for sustaining a critical discussion of its effects [START_REF]Folkbildning kring datorn 1978-85: Transkript av ett vittnesseminarium vid Tekniska museet i Stockholm den 9 oktober 2008[END_REF]. The Workers' Educational Association, for instance, produced course material such as Vi väljer vår framtid: Datorerna, makten och våra jobb [We Are Choosing Our Future: Computers, Power, and Our Jobs] (1983), which were used in study circles on the role of computers in social change [START_REF]Datoranvändning: Från samråd till medbestämmande[END_REF][START_REF]Datorer på människans villkor[END_REF][START_REF] Utbult | Vi väljer vår framtid: Datorerna, makten och våra jobb. Brevskolan i samarbete med LO[END_REF]. Kerstin Anér collaborated with Christian organizations in the development of Styra eller styras? [Control or Be Controlled?] (1983), which served as educational material for both the Church and the Free Churches [START_REF] Sköld | Styra eller styras? Människan och datorn. Sveriges kyrkliga studieförbund, Frikyrkliga studieförbundet, KFUK-KFUM:s studieförbund[END_REF]. As yet another example serves the booklet Den elektroniska demokratin [The Electronic Democracy] (1984) published by the Temperance Movement's Educational Division (Nykterhetsrörelsens bildningsverksamhet) and intended for the temperance movement's study circles [START_REF] Jansson | Den elektroniska demokratin. Nykterhetsrörelsens bildningsverksamhet[END_REF]. Many of these publications repeated observations, analyses, conclusions and reflections made in earlier programmes or manifestos. The publications and the study circles produced and organised under the auspices of the different civil society organizations, hence contributed to the dissemination of an awareness of the consequences of the digital technology and the importance of its politics.

From Welfare to Growth

If 1970 serves as the symbolic starting point for the debate on the politics of computerization in Sweden, the year of 1994 stands out as its symbolic ending point. A seminal event was a speech held by the Conservative Swedish Prime Minister Carl Bildt at the Royal Swedish Engineering Academy (Kungl. Ingenjörsvetenskapsakademien, IVA) on February 4, 1994. The speech with the telling title 'Sverige mot IT-toppen', e.g. 'Sweden towards the IT Top', signalled a radical shift in rhetoric. Together with the famous email exchange between Carl Bildt and US President Bill Clinton that very same month, the speech demonstrated that the concept 'IT', or 'information technology', had largely replaced 'data' as a symbol of growth and progress [START_REF] Ilshammar | Offentlighetens nya rum: Teknik och politik i Sverige 1969-1999. Örebro universitetsbibliotek[END_REF][START_REF] Henriksson | De galna åren -en efterskrift[END_REF][START_REF] Johansson | Du sköna nya tid? Debatten om informationssamhället i riksdag och storting under 1990-talet. Tema[END_REF].

In fact, 'data' and 'IT' evoked radically different associations in the contemporary discourse. While data during the previous decades had become related to mainframe computing and large centralized systems, control and rationalization, IT was linked with personal computers and decentralized networks, communication and growth. While data stood for the closed (national) world of the Cold War order, IT represented the open (global) world of a new liberal-capitalist order. Furthermore, this conceptual shift coincided with a political shift from the collectivism of the strong state and the social democratic welfare regime to the individualism of the libertarian 'minimal state' and the neoliberal market empire. In the 1990s, a more growth-oriented IT politics would also replace the welfare-oriented computing politics of the previous decades.

Integrity and Jobs Revisited

Lately, the issues of integrity and jobs have resurfaced in the public discourse. In the wake of the Snowden affair in 2013, the rapid development and extensive use of digital surveillance technologies has once again put the issue of integrity in the limelight. And the widely noticed publication of The Second Machine Age: Work, Progress, and Prosperity in a Time of Brilliant Technologies (2014) by Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee has led to a debate on the automation of intellectual work and the future of jobs [START_REF] Brynjolfsson | The Second Machine Age: Work, Progress, and Prosperity in a Time of Brilliant Technologies[END_REF]. It might be instructive to compare today's debate with the one I have surveyed in this paper. If it is at all possible to discern a politics of digital technologies today, it is an implicit one. It is definitely one that is very far from the explicit manifestos and programmes of the 1970s and 1980s. Current policies seem to adapt to a technological future that appears inevitable rather than believing that this future is possible to choose; they are reactive, not active. In hindsight, it seems as if the 1970s and 1980s harboured a belief in politics that have since been lost.

Acknowledgements. Ridderstads stiftelse för historisk grafisk forskning has provided financial support for the research carried out in connection with this paper. Gustav Sjöblom has given valuable comments on earlier versions of this manuscript.


Marjorie Dole

Hélène Loevenbruck

Olivier Pascalis

Jean-Luc Schwartz

Anne Vilain

Anne Vilain Perceptual

Perceptual abilities in relation with motor development during the first year of life

de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

Phoneme categorization

•Infants show discrimination of syllables as soon as 1 month of age despite speaker variability [START_REF] Eimas | Speech perception in infants[END_REF][START_REF] Eimas | Auditory and linguistic processing of cues for place of articulation by infants[END_REF].

•Problem of invariance: ability to detect a consonant in ≠ syllable contexts despite acoustic variations: argument for the Motor Theory [START_REF] Liberman | Perception of the speech code[END_REF].

•A recent study claimed that 6-month olds but not 3-month olds solve the invariance problem [START_REF] Hochmann | The invariance problem in infancy: A pupillometry study[END_REF] and argue against a motor interpretation since babbling occurs later.

• Standard: (baseline) bead-bad-boat (target) boo

• Deviant: (baseline) bead-bad-boat (target) due

Greater pupil dilatation for the deviant target than for the standard target.

However

•Are infants detecting invariance or just acoustic differences between stimuli?

•Does babbling only start at 6 months?

Goals of the present study

•Assess the ability to detect invariants and the role of motor knowledge in 6-to 12-month old infants.

Methods

Preliminary Results

• Plosive categorization abilities (p<0.05): preference for stimulus presented during familiarization (Trials 3&5).

• Significant for 6-mo (p<0.05), trend toward significance for 9-mo olds. (p=0.07).

• No significant betweengroups difference.

Intersensory matching procedure [START_REF] Pons | Narrowing of intersensory speech perception in infancy[END_REF] Participants: 41 6-to 12-month old infants.

• 12 6months (8M), mean age= 6.45, sd= 0.1.

• 14 9mo (7M), mean age= 9.47, sd= 0.16.

• 15 12mo (6M), mean age= 12.48, sd=0.19.

Parental questionnaire assessing infants' production abilities 29 infants out of 41: 6 6mo, 11 9mo, 12 12mo

  . 1 , Loevenbruck, H. 2 , Pascalis, O. 2 , Schwartz, J.L 1 , Vilain, A. 1 . 1 GIPSA-lab, Département Parole & Cognition, CNRS & Université Grenoble Alpes, Grenoble, France 2 Laboratoire de Psychologie et NeuroCognition, CNRS & Université Grenoble Alpes, Grenoble, France

Effect of Age

Effect of Production abilities

Non Babbling: 7 infants (4 6mo, 2 9mo, 1 12mo). Canonical Babbling: 15 infants (2 6mo, 9 9mo, 4 12mo) Variegated Babbling : 7 infants (1 6mo, 4 9mo, 2 12mo)

• No matching for NonBabbling & Canonical infants (p>0.05).

• Trend toward significant matching for Variegated infants (p=0.09).

• Trend toward better matching for Variegated than NonBabbling infants (p=0.06).

Interaction Age by Production abilities

• Infants showed a preference for videos pronouncing the consonant with which they had been familiarized. They performed intersensory matching in spite of the varying vowel context (invariance for plosive place of articulation?

• This performance seems to be present from 6 months of age comforting Hochmann et al.' results

• Effect of production abilities: infants producing [b] and/or [d] with varying vowels are better at matching than infants who don't produce the contrast, or who only produce the contrast with a single vowel.

Role of the perceptuo-motor link in categorization?

• No association in 12-month old infants: inadequate procedure? Emergence of the preference for new stimuli at 12mo?


Tomas Ohlin
email: tomas@telo.se

TERESE -TElecommunications and REgional development in SwEden Early Telecommunication Development in a Regional and Social Perspective

Keywords: Eidem, Regional development, social, Sweden, telecommunications, Terese

ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

Background

During the 1970s computing was making clear technological as well as structural progress. Systems structures were shifting from centralization to decentralization. Networks with increasing numbers of terminals were connected to ever larger computer centres. But what kind of social development was supported by this, and what type of steps were taken into the emerging information society?

Questions at the time included: would citizens accept an increasing dependence on technology for social services, would citizen-governed democracy survive, would centralization be implemented increasingly? In Sweden it was a question if regional development at large could be affected by communication development? Could networks be important for non-spontaneous regional development? What kind of effects would occur?

In 1975 a project group was formed, with representatives from public Swedish authorities, from research, from regional development, from technical expertise, and from Future Studies. Creatively active in this organizational work, as well as for the complete Terese project, were Bertil Thorngren, then at Umeå University, and Tomas Ohlin, then at the National Swedish Board for Technical Development (STU). Public STU financing of the project group´s planning and experiments was secured through work by Tomas Ohlin.

Discussions about possible social effects of telecommunication and computerization were initiated in industry, at organizations, at public authorities (including the National Swedish Board for Technical Development (STU) and the Expert Board for Regional Development (ERU)). The Public Telecommunication Authority (Televerket) participated with interest.

The Project group´s activities were initiated with a study visit to USA and Canada. The concern was to note and analyze new communications technology, with emphasis on the balance between social need and technological possibilities, in a regional perspective. It was expressed by ERU that "regional needs should control technological development, and not the other way round".

Concerning policy for types of transport, the group was inspired by prof T Hägerstrand:

"A different type of transport philosophy could have led from the beginning to the introduction of a technology that did not segregate and which presumably could have given higher total efficiency than the one we have now, particularly in urban districts. Mobility, for instance, is a good means of combating unemployment" (1973). It was noted that, up to the middle of the 1970s, use of telecommunications had often amplified tendencies towards centralization rather than contributed to regional spreading of employment, education, functions for distribution of information etc. The group asked:

"Can we reverse this pattern, and instead get telecommunication aids to promote a desirable regional development, an improved regional balance?" An intentional caution in the efforts towards technical development should not be regarded as an expression of "animosity towards technology", it was noted. New technology can scarcely be regarded as automatically equivalent to "profits" for regional development -even if it were "profitable" from a more narrow economic perspective. It is equally important to make allowance for the possibility of the reverse, i.e., that currently "unprofitable" technology can be socially important. The final result of a critical technology assessment can very well be to expedite the introduction of certain parts of a new technology, a technology which otherwise would have been delayed or eliminated by market considerations of a more shortterm nature.

Planning

An early task for the project group was to establish contact with interested local parties, county authorities, county councils and other organizations, in order to obtain views on priority between social and regional needs and technological possibilities. It was analyzed what types of services that could be tested practically. Analysis of new telecommunication possibilities should not be regarded as an isolated step, but rather as support for other measures related to regional policies.

Information and communication services can support many welfare components, e.g, employment, living conditions, transport, education, health, social services, culture, environment …. Possible effects and limitations concerning these components were discussed.

Local contacts

A Contact Report was published in January 1976, with the analysis so far. This was done to make way for broad discussion and local responses to different early contacts. The report was disseminated to many regions, and contacts were taken.

It was decided to carry through an empirical social trial. What regions were to be considered? After regional contacts -with questions about local interest -a region in the very North of Sweden was selected. This area was called the "Square", because of the geographical shape of the space defined by the four cities Luleå, Piteå, Boden and Älvsjö.

Social Priorities

Regional development showed many social possibilities, a number of which were supported by communications systems of different kinds. At the time, in the middle of the 1970s, the role of technical support for social development was not clear and accepted by regions, especially not in the North of Sweden, an often snowy and icy part of the country. How could social needs and new technological solutions meet?

The project group organized a public seminar of one whole week, in the city of Luleå, where discussions were held concerning needs and possibilities. This week was future oriented, but it attracted a large number of attendants, from industry, from research, from authorities, and from socially interested citizens.

One type of constraint in the Swedish North was concern for geographical distance. Physical travel was resource demanding and irregular, and provision of social service was difficult. Could new communication technology shorten distances? Many types of service were dependant on practical possibilities to deliver. Large costs were concerned. Local industry was also dependant on communication and delivery of relevant information, and naturally not only on the possibilities to deliver goods. Education depended on access to human teachers. Support for the handicapped showed wide gaps of needs.

How could new technology help?

Technological Possibilities and Constraints

Certain economical concerns had to be observed. Communications technology was in a developing stage. After analysis, and to make trials practically possible, it was decided that widespread broadband services would be too expensive (this was in 1976), but that two-way communication services (mainly on narrowband) would be essential for many of the social services that could be considered.

However, certain point-to-point high speed services were available. Video could be tried.

These constraints were inspired by the project group´s visit to USA in 1975. The Institute for the Future in California had carried through a number of social experiments with computer mediated communication, and Ericsson could provide video equipment.

The Swedish Public Telecommunication Authority, which at the time was a public monopoly, was naturally interested in trials with new and distributed computerized applications.

At the week-long Luleå seminar possible technology and applications had been shown, and discussed. It had been suggested to try:

-computer conferencing -computer aided education -social question/answering systems for: health information and planning psychiatric care consumer information by demand planning of employment -telephone conferencing -facsimile services -video telephone As economical resources were limited, certain restrictions had to be made for trials. It was decided that main social experiments would use "unintelligent" terminals connected to a main computer centre, through Televerket´s ordinary telephone oriented network. As an addition, a limited number of point-to-point broadband equipments could be tried.

An important piece of technology turned out to be the software package that was to organize connection and flexible communication between terminals. This soft-ware was called Planet, and was implemented on DEC-10. It was bought (for 10 000 dollars) from Institute for the Future in California, USA. It was firstly implemented in Stockholm University -very far from the empirical sites up in the "Square". Planet (later developed, then called Forum) was to play an important role in several of the practical experiments that were carried out. Planet/Forum was later replaced by a Swedish software system, called Termex, developed by Hans Wallberg at Umeå University.

For the practical trials 50 paper writing terminals were aquired from Texas Instruments, equipped with acoustical modems. They used light sensitive paper, which was easy to use at the time, but which degenerated over time, and as it turned out, made late analysis and empirical comparisons somewhat difficult.

Social Applications

The decision about what social systems should be tried, based on analysis concerning regional importance, was difficult. Several application candidates were suggested.

After contact with numerous organizations and local authorities, and based on the priorities that the week-long seminar had defined, a number of social applications were chosen to be tried empirically:

-Communication for small-scale business -Planning over distance -Communication in health care -Distributed education -Communication for the handicapped -Communication and energy consumption This family of applications may not look smooth and even in a later perspective, but it mirrored the needs that were expressed locally at the time. Naturally, economical and physical constraints made large-scale experiments impossible. But these social trials were taking place early. Very limited amounts of knowledge about social and regional effects in relation to new communication systems were available, during the 1970s.

Experiments

The experiments mentioned below (illustrated with creative drawings made 1977 by the artist Stina Eidem) were apparently of quite different nature. Some were fairly sharp and concise and hopefully with measurable results, others were -because of size -trials of only initial dimension. Several of the experiments turned out to be educationally interesting, in that they invited to demonstrations and discussion.

Promotion of Local small-scale Business

The following experiments were carried out: Increased interaction within and between certain small companies. Resource sharing, normally available only over distance and within urban centres, including a study of the effects of added capacity for exchange of qualitative interaction. (Fig. 1)

Health Care

Experiments: Local planning of mobile nurses, time dependent matching of demand and service supply for regional medical support. Resource pooling of medical specialist knowledge between regional hospitals. Treatment of time-critical medical problems, including psychiatric regional first-aid. (Fig. 3)

Communication and Energy Consumption

Experiments: Study of possible energy reduction through use of telecommunication as substitute for travel. Replacement of certain physical travel. Study of the "paperless office" and its effects on business efficiency.

Narrowband technology was used for all computer conferencing and mail applications in all these projects. This turned out to be important for several of the experiments. On the contrary, video on broadband was a piece of technology that was used only to a limited extension.

Resources

To collect financing for the Terese project a large number of contacts had to be taken. The project was considered unconventional. Within the National Swedish Board for Technical Development (STU), as well as within the Expert Board for Regional Development, it took time to create understanding for the need for this type of social/technical research. As it turned out, the main research amount that STU allocated consisted on 2 million Swedish Crowns (the rate then was sharply different from 2014 ….). However, there were also other sources of financing. Televerket supplied communication possibilities, and a number of researchers worked for free on applications.

Naturally, realization of this research also relied on voluntary activities, from established planners as well as from young and eager researchers. Several researchers later used the experiments as empiri for their own expanded research.

The project planning was carried out within the project group and did not use any of the project research fund.

As a result, the total resource amounts for the Terese project at large turned out to be higher than the actual economical amounts that were available from initial research funds.

Naturally, experiments of the type mentioned above "normally" consume substantial resources. Certain experiments in this case had to be made in very small scale. Also, certain applications demanded development work that only could be initiated during the time that was made available for the project.

Possible Continuation

Project analysis did raise the question if this type of development would be asked for in larger scale. During 1977 experiences and comments of different types were collected:

─ Expanded support for regional development was considered important ─ Information access and availability could be given priority ─ Incremental project nature should be chosen, a form that can be expanded ─ Certain social applications should be given priority ─ Methods for social assessment should be observed ─ Present government funding should be added with private economical sources

Evaluation

Certain experiences that were collected during the project time were of the ahatype "what evidently can be expanded in the near future". It was evident that a separate evaluation was desirable. A limited amount of additional funding for this was made available, and independent personal resources were selected, mainly from university environment.

The evaluation was carried out at Umeå University, close to the geographical "Square", where the actual practical experiments had been taking place. An evaluation group was created, under the lead of Leif Lindmark, an economist at Umeå University. An evaluation report was created, published in 1979.

Some practical experiments were -for different reasons -done in a small scale. The evaluation concerned: ─ distance education ─ medical communication ─ communication within small-scale industry ─ communication for people with impaired hearing

The evaluation touched on social, economical and technological concerns. For all of the evaluated experiments, educational interest and advantages were observed. Efficiency improvement was also observed, although of a new character. For certain projects, less time turned out to be needed to carry out "normal" activities. For other projects, new types of contacts were created, some of which concerned integration efficiency. For people with impaired hearing, much practical training was needed for increased educational contacts.

This type of social evaluation of communication systems was uncommon at the time.

The evaluation especially observed the usage character for the later developed mail communication system Termex, which after time replaced Planet/Forum.

Conclusion

The Terese project was unconventional, addressing societal concerns that until then mostly had been unobserved. As a consequence, it turned out to need time to define, find support for, and carry out the needed social experiments using new technology.

Terese meant a step towards the information society. Certain positive regional effects could be observed, especially of educational character. However, the time available for Terese as a whole was short. With larger resources available sharper conclusions could have been noted.

The project was successful in that it encouraged local participants to open their eyes for new social and technical possibilities. However, and it can be repeated, the dimension of several of the Terese empirical experiments turned out to be too small for conclusions of desirable sharpness. Anyway, several types of research were supported within the empirical projects that were carried out. New technological network experiences were also observed.

For the Swedish society as a whole the use of computer conferencing including open and publically available electronic mail was new. This knowledge was spread slowly but efficiently for the times to come, starting in university circles.

Since the use of communication technology for regional and social development before 1975 had mostly been unobserved, it took time for Terese and its experiences to grow and be noticed in larger circles. One person who immediately noted the importance of this sociotechnological project, however, was the renouned professor Yoneji Masuda, who visited Sweden twice at the time, and who was kind enough to describe the project in some detail (with certain requested text support from this author) in his pioneering book "The Information Society as Post-Industrial Society" (first published 1980 in Japanese). Through the description in this book the project Terese reached a large audience.

Fig. 1 .Fig. 2 .

 12 Fig. 1. Information for small industry

Fig. 3 .Fig. 5 .

 35 Fig. 3. Health service planning for the elderly