Margaret Chitiga-Mabugu
email: margaret.chitiga@up.ac.za

Martin Henseler

Helene Maisonnave

Ramos Mabugu

Climate Change and Women -Impacts and Adaptation

Keywords: Developing countries, macroeconomics, agriculture, production, gender JEL Codes: E23, Q54, J45, J16

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Introduction

Climate change is one of the greatest challenges of our time, largely affecting countries negatively, although by varying degrees and channels [START_REF] Baez | Do Natural Disasters Affect Human Capital? An Assessment Based on Existing Empirical Evidence[END_REF]. Beyond the immediate human and material damage, climate change leads to a decrease in the yields of certain crops, which affects agricultural output and the food security of populations. Droughts reduce the availability of water, leading to reduced water supply (for nutrition and sanitary usage), factor productivity [START_REF] Henseler | The impact of weather on economic growth and its production factors[END_REF][START_REF] Letta | Weather, Climate and Total Factor Productivity[END_REF] and economic growth [START_REF] Dell | What Do We Learn from the Weather? The New Climate-Economy Literature[END_REF]. As a consequence, droughts drive population displacement and migration [START_REF] Baez | Heat Exposure and Youth Migration in Central America and the Caribbean[END_REF][START_REF] Berlemann | Climate Change, Natural Disasters, and Migration-a Survey of the Empirical Evidence[END_REF]. These impacts are felt by all countries, but the economies of poor countries are more affected [START_REF] Dell | Temperature and Income: Reconciling New Cross-Sectional and Panel Estimates[END_REF][START_REF] Dell | Temperature Shocks and Economic Growth: Evidence from the Last Half Century[END_REF] The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), 2014a, 2022; [START_REF] Tol | The Economic Impacts of Climate Change[END_REF]. Within the developing countries, vulnerable groups are the most affected (IPCC, 2001(IPCC, , 2014a(IPCC, , 2022;;[START_REF] Park | Households and heat stress: estimating the distributional consequences of climate change[END_REF] because they are more dependent on natural resources and lack the capacity to adapt to climate change [START_REF] Fankhauser | Understanding the adaptation deficit: Why are poor countries more vulnerable to climate events than rich countries?[END_REF][START_REF] Hallegatte | Climate change through a poverty lens[END_REF][START_REF] Stern | Climate. Stern Review: The Economics of Climate Change[END_REF].

Previous literature shows that the impacts of climate change are not gender-neutral [START_REF] Adzawla | Gender perspectives of climate change adaptation in two selected districts of Ghana[END_REF][START_REF] Andersen | Gender and Climate Change in Latin America: An Analysis of Vulnerability, Adaptation and Resilience Based on Household Surveys[END_REF][START_REF] Asfaw | Gender, Weather Shocks and Welfare: Evidence from Malawi[END_REF][START_REF] Cannon | Gender and climate hazards in Bangladesh[END_REF][START_REF] Denton | Climate change vulnerability, impacts, and adaptation: Why does gender matter?[END_REF][START_REF] Eastin | Climate change and gender equality in developing states[END_REF][START_REF] Goh | A literature review of the gender-differentiated impacts of climate change on women's and men's assets and well-being in developing countries: CAPRi Work[END_REF][START_REF] Nelson | Climate Change: Impact on Agriculture and Costs of Adaptation[END_REF][START_REF] Paudyal | Gender Integration in Climate Change and Agricultural Policies: The Case of Nepal[END_REF][START_REF] Quisumbing | Do shocks affect men's and women's assets differently? Evidence from Bangladesh and Uganda[END_REF][START_REF] Rao | A qualitative comparative analysis of women's agency and adaptive capacity in climate change hotspots in Asia and Africa[END_REF]. Women are more vulnerable than men to changes caused by globalization, economic crises, and environmental degradation [START_REF] Denton | Climate change vulnerability, impacts, and adaptation: Why does gender matter?[END_REF]. Among the poor social groups, women are particularly vulnerable to climate change for a variety of reasons. They have unequal access to productive resources such as land or other assets, and less access to economic opportunities [START_REF] Mehar | Farmers coping strategies for climate shock: Is it differentiated by gender?[END_REF][START_REF] Mersha | A gender approach to understanding the differentiated impact of barriers to adaptation: responses to climate change in rural Ethiopia[END_REF]; Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research and Climate Analytics, 2013; SOFA Team and [START_REF] Sofa Team | The role of women in agriculture[END_REF]. Moreover, as they have less access to financial services and credits, they have less capacity to cope with the effects of climate change [START_REF] Deressa | Economic Impact of Climate Change on Crop Production in Ethiopia: Evidence from Cross-Section Measures[END_REF][START_REF] Eastin | Climate change and gender equality in developing states[END_REF][START_REF] Terry | No climate justice without gender justice: an overview of the issues[END_REF]. Climate change, therefore, threatens to exacerbate women's precariousness and increase their vulnerability [START_REF] Denton | Climate change vulnerability, impacts, and adaptation: Why does gender matter?[END_REF].

In developing countries, women mainly work in agricultural sectors. Indeed, the share of female labour is estimated at approximately 40% (in middle income countries) and 50% (in low income countries) (International Labour Organization 2019[START_REF] Palacios-Lopez | How much of the labor in African agriculture is provided by women?[END_REF], World Bank, 2022). Yet, this sector is identified as the most impacted by climate change [START_REF] Dell | Temperature Shocks and Economic Growth: Evidence from the Last Half Century[END_REF]FAO, 2019;[START_REF] Fischer | Socio-economic and climate change impacts on agriculture: an integrated assessment, 1990-2080[END_REF][START_REF] Hertel | Climate Change, Agriculture, and Poverty[END_REF]IPCC, 2014aIPCC, , 2022)). Working mainly in agriculture, which is highly affected by climate change, exposes women to income losses. A decline in agricultural yields or a reduction in the length of growing season affects the production of food that women provide for their families. At the national level, this may threaten the country's food security (IPCC, 2007(IPCC, , 2001(IPCC, , 2022)). The decrease in production also leads to a drop in agricultural income. The drop in income thus further increases women's vulnerability and poverty.

Women are usually responsible for domestic tasks, including childcare, water and wood collection for the household [START_REF] Wood | Introduction: securing livelihoods in Dhaka slums[END_REF]. These unpaid domestic activities reduce the amount of time women can spend on paid work [START_REF] Elson | Labor Markets as Gendered Institutions: Equality, Efficiency and Empowerment Issues[END_REF][START_REF] Fontana | Gender Dimensions in the Analysis of Macro-Poverty Linkages[END_REF]. For example, after repeated droughts, clean water may become scarce and therefore the distance and collection time may increase. Consequently, women's available time for paid work reduces, and gender gaps in paid and unpaid work widen, to women's disadvantage. The social norms and women's social status within the society also determine their resilience capacity, such as their marital status (married, divorced or widowed women) [START_REF] Azong | Gender, ethnicity and vulnerability to climate change: The case of matrilineal and patrilineal societies in Bamenda Highlands Region, Cameroon[END_REF][START_REF] Wineman | Women's welfare and livelihoods outside of marriage: evidence from rural Tanzania[END_REF]. Climate change events such as heat waves, droughts, and floods can increase women's vulnerability in society (e.g., to partner violence or early marriage) [START_REF] Carrico | Extreme weather and marriage among girls and women in Bangladesh[END_REF].

Although there are many studies evaluating the impacts of climate change in developing countries (e.g., on the agricultural sector and productivity), there is a dearth of studies on distributional impacts of climate change between men and women. Indeed, including gender in such literature has only significantly increased since 2000, with a trend of moving from qualitative general assessments focused on women's vulnerability to more regional and quantitative assessments, including adaptation and economic growth.

In the early 2000s, the first studies pointed to the need to assess climate change from a gender perspective. These studies were mainly descriptive and were focusing on the channels of vulnerability of women, and the need to include a gender lens in the climate impact studies. For example, [START_REF] Denton | Climate change vulnerability, impacts, and adaptation: Why does gender matter?[END_REF] explained that rural women are the most vulnerable to climate change but are absent from decision-making processes. The author calls for an inclusion of women in the different international organizations to make sure climate change does not hamper gender equality. Then, IPCC (2007) started to report gender differences of climate change in terms of vulnerabilities and how climate change would affect the achievement of the Millennium Development Goal 5 (gender equality). The report identified rural women as the most affected because they rely on natural resources for their livelihoods and are responsible for domestic chores such as collecting clean water and wood. [START_REF] Neumayer | The Gendered Nature of Natural Disasters: The Impact of Catastrophic Events on the Gender Gap in Life Expectancy, 1981-2002[END_REF] found that more women were dying during and right after climatic events mainly due to harsher impacts brought about by their lower socio-economic status. Following Denton, (2002), [START_REF] Terry | No climate justice without gender justice: an overview of the issues[END_REF] and [START_REF] Alston | Gender mainstreaming and climate change[END_REF] there has been a call to shape adaptation and mitigation strategies with a gender lens.

Since then, the number of articles, specifically empirical studies, including a gender lens has increased. Some studies were trying to identify the drivers of this gender inequality in given climate change. For instance, [START_REF] Dillon | The gender-differentiated impact of climate variability on production possibilities: evidence from cereal production in Mali[END_REF] found that the unequal access to irrigation equipment and other agricultural capital in Mali would worsen gender differences in crop production during a climate shock. [START_REF] Flatø | Women, Weather, and Woes: The Triangular Dynamics of Female-Headed Households, Economic Vulnerability, and Climate Variability in South Africa[END_REF] showed that, domestic burdens on women keep them from adjusting to climate shocks, especially in terms of mobility. [START_REF] Eastin | Climate change and gender equality in developing states[END_REF], published one of the few macro studies that analyses the links between gender equality and climate change. He finds that climate change reinforces pre-existing gender inequality in developing countries and calls for studies that can address the compatibility of the different micro-studies. Previous literature reviews provide overviews on specific impacts of climate change: women's vulnerability [START_REF] Pearse | Gender and climate change[END_REF], and women and agriculture [START_REF] Doss | Women in agriculture: Four myths[END_REF][START_REF] Sofa Team | The role of women in agriculture[END_REF]. Since 2000, a large number of new literature reviews present the nexus of climate change and women, either with a focus on specific countries (e.g., [START_REF] Anugwa | Gender perspectives in vulnerability of Nigeria's agriculture to climate change impacts: a systematic review[END_REF][START_REF] Nakiyemba | Women and climate change impacts in Uganda: A review article[END_REF] for Nigeria and Uganda) or on specific aspects. [START_REF] Awiti | Climate Change and Gender in Africa: A Review of Impact and Gender-Responsive Solutions[END_REF] presents different angles of women's vulnerability to agricultural production, food and nutrition security, health, water and energy, climate-related disaster, migration, and conflicts. [START_REF] Desai | Climate Change and Women's Health: A Scoping Review[END_REF] and [START_REF] Pankhurst | Girls' education and climate change: A critical review of the literature (Working Paper)[END_REF] focus their review on the climate change-induced health impacts and on the education of girls and women. [START_REF] Jain | Gender-Differentiated Labor and Adaptation Effects of Climate Change in Rural Areas: A Systematic Literature Review[END_REF] describes the climate change impacts on women on the agricultural labour market adaptation effects in rural areas. [START_REF] Gardezi | Prioritizing climate-smart agriculture: An organizational and temporal review[END_REF] and [START_REF] Huyer | Weathering the storm or storming the norms? Moving gender equality forward in climate-resilient agriculture[END_REF] review adaptation strategies differentiated by gender, especially initiatives on smart agriculture. [START_REF] Loarne-Lemaire | Women in innovation processes as a solution to climate change: A systematic literature review and an agenda for future research[END_REF] and [START_REF] Sprout | Assessing the role of social networks in women's access and use of climate services in Sub-Saharan Africa: evidence from literature[END_REF] review how technological progress, innovation and information can be used to adapt to climate change and to mitigate gendered impacts. [START_REF] Mohammed | Women's resilience and participation in climate governance in the agri-food sector: A strategic review of public policies[END_REF] review women's participation in climate change policies, while, [START_REF] Lau | Gender equality in climate policy and practice hindered by assumptions[END_REF] call for reviewing and revising the assumptions underlying some gendered climate policies.

Despite the large number of studies, there is still a gap in terms of macroeconomic studies, especially on the cost of adaptation measures and the trade-off governments may face to finance those policies. The present paper aims at partially filling this gap. The paper reviews findings of different studies on the impacts of climate change on women in developing countries through a macroeconomic lens. It analyses the recent literature through the framework of households, production and economic growth with respect to impacts and adaptation strategies. The paper derives insights into the complex nexus between climate change and women's vulnerabilities by reviewing a large number of studies. It systematically analyses and compares findings based on different research approaches and countries in Southern regions: Africa (e.g., South Africa, Ghana, Kenya), Asia (e.g., India, Bangladesh) and Latin America (i.e., Brazil, Peru). More concretely it reviews studies on climate change and women with respect to impacts and adaptation strategies. Specifically, the article:

-i describes different findings on climate change impacts on aspects of households, production and economic growth.

-ii-discusses the impacts of climate change and adaptation strategies to mitigate those findings in (i).

-iii-identifies research gaps in the literature and suggests future research needs to support policy making.

This paper consists of five sections. Section 2 presents the findings of studies analysing the impacts on women as individuals or in households. Section 3 focuses on impact on production and adaptation in agricultural production. Section 4 switches focus to the impact of climate change on economic growth, considering the nexus between women in households, production and economic growth. Section 5 concludes the paper with possible future research directions.

Women in households

Within a household, women are represented as individual women and girls (i.e., as household members) and also as heads in female headed households. They have different tasks, responsibilities and decision powers than men and different physiological and social conditions. These differences result in different climate change impacts and adaptation options for them than for men.

Impacts

The literature describes many channels through which climate change impacts women in households. Climate change impacts women differently than men by impacting agricultural income, food security, food prices, health and mortality. Besides these different impacts, social norms and socio-economic status determine women's climate change resilience.

Income and poverty

Climate change resilience capacity is the ability to manage climate changes and counteract or adapt to their impacts. Literature differentiates three main forms of resilience capacities: absorptive capacity aims at preventing damaged resulting from shocks (e.g., to build dams against floods), adaptive capacity aims at increasing flexibility to adjust to changed conditions (e.g., climate smart agriculture technologies), transformative capacity aims at more structural changes to reduce vulnerability (e.g., increase women's participation in decision processes and reduce norms which create gender bias) [START_REF] Smith | Does Resilience Capacity Reduce the Negative Impact of Shocks on Household Food Security? Evidence from the 2014 Floods in Northern Bangladesh[END_REF]. Women, like other vulnerable groups (the elderly, children, sick) have less resilience capacity, for instance, they are generally physically weaker and economically less empowered than men to pay for climate change resilience.

In developing countries, many households rely on rain-fed agriculture for food and income. Rising temperatures and insufficient rainfall will directly affect crop and livestock yields, and thus food security and household income will decrease. For instance, [START_REF] Kabubo-Mariara | The economic impact of climate change on Kenyan crop agriculture: A Ricardian approach[END_REF] showed the impact of climate change on crop revenue at the household level in Kenya. They found that high winter temperatures increase net crop revenue whereas increased summer temperatures decrease it. Increased precipitation was found to increase net crop revenue. [START_REF] Ochieng | Effects of climate variability and change on agricultural production: The case of small scale farmers in Kenya[END_REF] also found that climate change has the potential to significantly affect the livelihoods of smallholder farmers by either increasing or decreasing crop revenues. [START_REF] Huong | Economic impact of climate change on agriculture using Ricardian approach: A case of northwest Vietnam[END_REF] showed that an increase in temperature and rainfall during the dry season decreases the net revenue of farm households in Northwest Vietnam. In addition, they estimated that net revenue should decrease by about 18 and 21% in 2050 and 2100 respectively, under projected future climate change scenarios and in the absence of adaptation measures. However, when farmers' adaptation measures are taken into account, the projected loss in net revenue should only be about 0.37% and 0.20% in 2050 and 2100 respectively [START_REF] Huong | Economic impact of climate change on agriculture using Ricardian approach: A case of northwest Vietnam[END_REF].

The poverty implications of climate-induced crop yield losses depend on a household's source of income as well as whether it is a net food buyer or seller. For example, households who are net food sellers are likely to benefit if climate change causes food prices to rise, whereas net food buyer households are likely to be hurt by higher prices. [START_REF] Bandara | The impact of climate change on food crop productivity, food prices and food security in South Asia[END_REF] demonstrated that climate-induced agricultural productivity loss adversely affects food production and prices in all South Asian countries with negative consequences on food security. [START_REF] Ahmed | Climate volatility deepens poverty vulnerability in developing countries[END_REF] found that extreme weather events could have an adverse effect on agricultural income and raise the prices of staple foods that are important to poor households in developing countries. Thus, urban wage earners are likely to be the most vulnerable to climate impacts by paying for increased food prices yet not benefiting from increased farm products.

Food security and mortality

Farmland, poverty, recurrent drought and climate change, shortage of rainfall, and land degradation are determinants of food security. The access to productive resources is critical to food security. Food security is higher with relatively bigger livestock herds and better access to credits. Gender inequalities in terms of access to resources create food and nutrition insecurity particularly for women and female-headed households [START_REF] Agidew | Determinants of food insecurity in the rural farm households in South Wollo Zone of Ethiopia: the case of the Teleyayen subwatershed[END_REF][START_REF] Asare-Nuamah | Climate variability, subsistence agriculture and household food security in rural Ghana[END_REF]. Male household heads have more access to essential resources than female household heads. This, therefore, tends to imply more food security in male-headed households (Asare-Nuamah, 2021). It goes without saying that where female headed households have access to substantive remittances or income, they do not necessarily suffer these insecurities. The share of female labour is estimated at between 40 and 50 % (FAO, 2012, International Labour Organization 2019[START_REF] Palacios-Lopez | How much of the labor in African agriculture is provided by women?[END_REF], World Bank, 2022). Thus, wealthier households and households headed by men are more food-secure than those headed by women [START_REF] Ndiritu | Impact of climate change adaptation on food security: evidence from semi-arid lands, Kenya[END_REF]. [START_REF] Tibesigwa | Assessing Gender Inequality in Food Security among Small-holder Farm Households in urban and rural South Africa[END_REF] showed that male-headed households are more food secure compared to female-headed households in South Africa, because the latter depend more on agricultural activities to increase the household food levels. Thus, in rural areas the food security gap between households is bigger than in urban areas [START_REF] Tibesigwa | Assessing Gender Inequality in Food Security among Small-holder Farm Households in urban and rural South Africa[END_REF]. [START_REF] Tibesigwa | Gender Differences in Climate Change Risk, Food Security, and Adaptation: A Study of Rural Households' Reliance on Agriculture and Natural Resources to Sustain Livelihoods[END_REF] found that although weather-related crop failure threatens food security in both male-and female-headed households, households with female heads who are single, widowed, divorced, or separated, are more vulnerable. These groups of women are more dependent on subsistence agriculture and wild natural resources such as wild fruits and bush meat. [START_REF] Kairiza | Gender gap in the impact of social capital on household food security in Zimbabwe: does spatial proximity matter?[END_REF] found that, in Zimbabwe, female headed households establish better collaboration and bonding with family members and close friends (bonding social capital). This bonding social capital creates more food security for female-headed households than for male headed households at least in normal food availability situations. However, in extreme food security crisis when all households become food insecure, bonding and social capital might be limited [START_REF] Kairiza | Gender gap in the impact of social capital on household food security in Zimbabwe: does spatial proximity matter?[END_REF]. In Ethiopia, the gender of the household head and the resource endowments determines the household nutrition. Female heads were found to prioritize good nutrition more than male heads [START_REF] Teklewold | Climate smart agricultural practices and gender differentiated nutrition outcome: An empirical evidence from Ethiopia[END_REF].

Disasters (e.g., floods and earthquakes) have bigger economic impact on women and female headed households than their male counterparts, particularly in developing countries. The situation of labour markets, society and domestic burden makes women more vulnerable than men and less resilient to disasters [START_REF] Flatø | Women, Weather, and Woes: The Triangular Dynamics of Female-Headed Households, Economic Vulnerability, and Climate Variability in South Africa[END_REF][START_REF] Ray-Bennett | Disasters, Deaths, and the Sendai Goal One: Lessons from Odisha, India[END_REF]. Indeed, natural disasters, and their economic impacts, kill on average more women than men world-wide [START_REF] Ray-Bennett | Disasters, Deaths, and the Sendai Goal One: Lessons from Odisha, India[END_REF]. Women (like children, the elderly, and the sick) are at higher risk of mortality during disasters than men because of less physical strength (e.g., to climb and swim). Also, social and cultural norms contribute to an increased risk for women. In some countries, girls are less expected to learn swimming or climbing and the female dress codes (as saree or burqa) can reduce women's mobility. Additional to having fewer lifesaving skills, women have more responsibility to look after children, which puts them at additional risk (Ray-Bennett, 2018). [START_REF] Sivadasan | Missing women in India: Gender-specific effects of early-life rainfall shocks[END_REF] found that extreme rainfall events (too much or too little) result in a smaller female population. Thus, especially in regions with stronger male preference girls and women require more targeted aid for weather shocks [START_REF] Sivadasan | Missing women in India: Gender-specific effects of early-life rainfall shocks[END_REF]. However, regionally men and boys can also be at higher risk of natural disasters by flood or earthquakes. Male fishermen, quarry, workers, and labourers working in prawn rearing can be more exposed to floods than women. Thus, customized-programs are required to educate these groups at risk on early warning systems and the risks associated with different hazards [START_REF] Ray-Bennett | Disasters, Deaths, and the Sendai Goal One: Lessons from Odisha, India[END_REF]. While women are globally more vulnerable to disasters and their consequences, high temperature cause more male mortality, which depends on geographical and socio-economic factors and cultural and social norms. Women's traditional roles of staying at home for care work might protect them from being exposed to temperature extremes [START_REF] Alahmad | Extreme temperatures and mortality in Kuwait: Who is vulnerable?[END_REF][START_REF] Song | Ambient high temperature exposure and global disease burden during 1990-2019: An analysis of the Global Burden of Disease Study 2019[END_REF].

Social norms and domestic chores

While the social norms influence women's vulnerability on the one hand, climate change can influence women's social status on the other hand. Thus, women's marital status determines their resilience capacity, e.g., by rights to inheriting land. Male inheritance of properties is predominant making widowed women more vulnerable than married women [START_REF] Azong | Gender, ethnicity and vulnerability to climate change: The case of matrilineal and patrilineal societies in Bamenda Highlands Region, Cameroon[END_REF]. Women who exit marriage as widows or divorcees experience a reduction in land access, face the risk of poverty and depend more on off-farm employment [START_REF] Wineman | Women's welfare and livelihoods outside of marriage: evidence from rural Tanzania[END_REF]. In Bangladesh, in the years after extreme heat, girls and young women are at higher risk of being married into poorer households and to husbands with less education where there is more risk for intimate partner violence [START_REF] Carrico | Extreme weather and marriage among girls and women in Bangladesh[END_REF].

Women's domestic responsibilities lead to lack of time resources available to them (time poverty as a result of domestic chores). It is important to note that while the time allocation and responsibilities are regionally differentiated [START_REF] Bhadwal | Livelihoods, gender and climate change in the Eastern himalayas[END_REF], women bear the disproportionate responsibilities of unpaid household reproductive work such as home maintenance, subsistence production, and caring for children and the elderly worldwide in developing countries. These responsibilities influence their decisions to participate in or the time spent in remunerative activities [START_REF] Akyeampong | The Contribution of African Women to Economic Growth and Development in Post-Colonial Africa: Historical Perspectives and Policy Implications[END_REF][START_REF] Kabeer | Gender Equality and Economic Growth: Is there a Win-Win? IDS Work[END_REF][START_REF] Seguino | Gender, Development and Economic Growth in Sub-Saharan Africa[END_REF]. During disasters women are responsible for cooking, firewood, caring and livestock management [START_REF] Abbasi | Identifying gender vulnerabilities in context of climate change in Indus basin[END_REF]. Division of labour limits women's time and ability to participate in formal political and planning activities [START_REF] Khandekar | Perceptions of climate shocks and gender vulnerabilities in the Upper Ganga Basin[END_REF]. In Ghana, girls' education is impacted by the girl's domestic responsibility for water supply. Long trips to fetch and carry water reduce the girls' time to attend school [START_REF] Nauges | Water Hauling and Girls' School Attendance: Some New Evidence from Ghana[END_REF]. In Zimbabwe, with increased drought incidents, there was noticeable increase in water point violence affecting women and girls [START_REF] Chigusiwa | Drought and social conflict in rural Zimbabwe: Does the burden fall on women and girls?[END_REF].

Adaptation

The options for adaptive measures and their effectiveness in counteracting the impact of climate change on women and households depends on the individual contexts of the people involved. Implementing technical adaptation measures requires consideration of the socio-economic situation, the perception of climate change and the access to information, the gendered roles, and decision-making processes. Literature describes these aspects as relevant for applying effective adaptation measures.

Adaptation measures

Society, institutional barriers, and social norms and their roles in households, constrain women's resilience capacities as mentioned earlier. These constraints result in low adaptive capacity of women, which make them more vulnerable to hazards. Effectively closing the gender gaps in household food security and inequality requires targeted measures to increase women's resilience capacities. This can be done by focusing on empowerment and increasing access to credit, land, education and capacity building. Furthermore, agricultural development policies should be targeted to consider regional and socio-economic specific gender gaps to effectively reduce the vulnerability of women and female headed households [START_REF] Tibesigwa | Assessing Gender Inequality in Food Security among Small-holder Farm Households in urban and rural South Africa[END_REF]. Women left behind by their job-seeking husbands, in particular, need to acquire capacities to adapt to climate change risks. Often the women of migrant-sending households are responsible for managing disaster risks and resources. Thus, tailor-made capacity building activities and peer-to-peer learning at a household-level, flood preparedness, precautionary savings and approaching financial institutions, would support women's adaptive capacities [START_REF] Banerjee | Building capacities of women for climate change adaptation: Insights from migrant-sending households in Nepal[END_REF].

Beside instruments for financial support and capacity building, investments into technological support are considered as effective gendered adaptation measures. Crucial elements of such investments are the affordable supply of energy and water to households. Energy and women empowerment are linked. Access to clean, affordable energy is a gendered issue because it allows the reduction of women's time-poverty by changing the pattern and habits of wood collection for fuel and cooking. Thus, clean cooking can improve women's roles and socioeconomic status [START_REF] Mazorra | A comprehensive analysis of cooking solutions co-benefits at household level: Healthy lives and well-being, gender and climate change[END_REF][START_REF] Ravindra | Transition to clean household energy through an application of integrated model: Ensuring sustainability for better health, climate and environment[END_REF]. A similar impact can be expected from equipping households with water supply techniques (e.g., water pipes).

Perception and information

The perception of how climate change impacts livelihoods and preferences for specific adaptation measures differ between men and women. This difference informs and determines how decisions are made about adaptation strategies. These perceptions can be differentiated between household heads but also on an intra-household level (e.g., [START_REF] Mehar | Farmers coping strategies for climate shock: Is it differentiated by gender?[END_REF][START_REF] Ngigi | Gender Differences in Climate Change Adaptation Strategies and Participation in Group-based Approaches: An Intrahousehold Analysis From Rural Kenya[END_REF]. Furthermore, the perception of climate change can differ by region. In Nigeria men and women farmers experience different impacts of climate variability and change in rainfall, with women perceiving stronger impacts in terms of food insecurity and water shortage [START_REF] Nnadi | Impacts of variability and change in rainfall on gender of farmers in Anambra, Southeast Nigeria[END_REF]. In Ghana, if farmers perceive improved rainfall they believe there is less need to adapt to climate change. Thus, they perceive the need for adaptation only with declining rainfall and real water stress [START_REF] Etwire | Impact of climate change adaptation on farm productivity and household welfare[END_REF]. It is therefore critical that there be clear information systems that inform farmers, together with community-level awareness campaigns (e.g.: practical on-farm demonstrations, video shows and radio programs). In rural Amazonia, [START_REF] Funatsu | Perceptions of climate and climate change by Amazonian communities[END_REF] do not find gender differences for perception of climate change impacts. Yet, in general male farmers have better access to this information than female farmers [START_REF] Etwire | Impact of climate change adaptation on farm productivity and household welfare[END_REF]. This again underscores the importance of gender sensitive policies and approaches.

Information, communication and education on climate impact and adaptation strategy determine farmers decision for adaptation options and differ for men and women. In Kenya, men and women differ in their gender-specific climate information needs, trust in information and preferred channels of information dissemination [START_REF] Ngigi | Gender Differences in Climate Change Adaptation Strategies and Participation in Group-based Approaches: An Intrahousehold Analysis From Rural Kenya[END_REF]. Women and men differ in the preference to specific sources of information. Women prefer information from neighbours, friends, and media while men prefer information exclusively from media. Women were better informed than men about climate smart agricultural practices [START_REF] Waaswa | Communicating climate change adaptation strategies: climate-smart agriculture information dissemination pathways among smallholder potato farmers in Gilgil Sub-County, Kenya[END_REF]. In Ghana, the awareness of climate change between men and women is comparable but men have more access to the financial capacity required to purchase and use mobile phones. This allows men to be more responsive in adapting to climate change information and climate risk mitigation [START_REF] Partey | Gender and climate risk management: evidence of climate information use in Ghana[END_REF]. For Ghana, climate information accessibility and the willingness to pay for climate information is determined, for men, by drought experience, food insecurity and farming experience. For women it is determined by government subsidies, membership of a social group and training [START_REF] Antwi-Agyei | Predictors of access to and willingness to pay for climate information services in north-eastern Ghana: A gendered perspective[END_REF].

Gender roles and decision making

Different roles in agriculture and the household, different socio-economic and cultural statuses and social norms make men and women suffer differently under the impact of climate change. This results in different levels of resilience and adaptive capacities. Gender gaps, other barriers for women and current inequalities increase with climate change impacts [START_REF] Huyer | Weathering the storm or storming the norms? Moving gender equality forward in climate-resilient agriculture[END_REF]. Local social norms and institutions determine the power among men and women with different socio-economic characteristics, therefore the adaptation responses differ among groups [START_REF] Ahmed | Adaptation to climate change or non-climatic stressors in semi-arid regions? Evidence of gender differentiation in three agrarian districts of Ghana[END_REF]. Women face disadvantages in participation in decisions and in terms of bargaining for wages. Women are also less capable of adapting to the labour market. Restricted mobility conditions do not allow job migration for women [START_REF] Abbasi | Identifying gender vulnerabilities in context of climate change in Indus basin[END_REF].

Like socio-economic status (e.g., assets and economic status) determines the impact of climate change on women, the division of labour and responsibilities impact upon women's adaptation options in a different way than for men [START_REF] Hariharan | Does climate-smart village approach influence gender equality in farming households? A case of two contrasting ecologies in India[END_REF][START_REF] Khandekar | Perceptions of climate shocks and gender vulnerabilities in the Upper Ganga Basin[END_REF][START_REF] Van Aelst | Intersections of Gender and Marital Status in Accessing Climate Change Adaptation: Evidence from Rural Tanzania[END_REF]. In Tanzania, compared to other women, widows and divorced women face disadvantages in water management. On the other hand, divorced women show relatively more income-earning activities outside the farming sector than married women (Van Aelst and Holvoet, 2016). In coastal Tanzania, the social and religious norms even support women's adaptation. The predominantly Muslim women are not allowed to accept paid physical and labour-intensive jobs on large scale farms which take place under exploitative conditions. Thus, women focus their work on small scale farms where they avoid the exploitative labour conditions, and they might have more management decision power to produce for their own consumption and secure family nutrition. In this respect, women engage in more climate change adaptation strategies than men and suffer less vulnerabilities to food supply than men hired in large scale farms [START_REF] Atuoye | Who are the losers? Genderedmigration, climate change, and the impact of large scale land acquisitions on food security in coastal Tanzania[END_REF]. In India, empowered women benefit more from climate smart agriculture measures in the context of a climate smart village approach than less empowered women [START_REF] Hariharan | Does climate-smart village approach influence gender equality in farming households? A case of two contrasting ecologies in India[END_REF].

Agricultural production

Agriculture is a key economic sector which links women with economic growth. In most developing countries, the agricultural sector -together with mining and tourism-contributes one of the largest shares to the gross domestic product (GDP). Many women work in agricultural production and thus contribute significantly to the GDP. Women predominantly work either as employees for the household income or they work as subsistence farmers for the households' food security. The situations of men and women in agricultural sector are different, which is why the impact of climate change and adaptation measures differ.

Agriculture is of considerable importance in the social, economic, and cultural lives of developing countries world-wide. In Sub-Sahara Africa (SSA), the sector contributes about 23% of total gross domestic product (GDP) on average and employs more than 50% of the labour force which is predominantly female [START_REF] Goedde | Winning in African agriculture[END_REF]OECD, 2016). Of the percentage involved in agriculture, the majority are small-scale farmers who live in rural areas and mainly engage in subsistence production. It is estimated that about 80% of farms in SSA are on small plots and directly employ about 175 million people (OECD, 2016). Similarly, in South Asia agriculture is one of the largest contributors to GDP -about 20% of total GDP on average -and provides employment for over 45% of the population with women being the majority [START_REF] Jat | Chapter Three -Climate Change and Agriculture: Adaptation Strategies and Mitigation Opportunities for Food Security in South Asia and Latin America[END_REF]. In both regions, however, climate change is in general projected to have negative impacts on the agricultural sector due to fragile agro-ecosystems and limited investment in agriculture (IPCC, 2014b(IPCC, , 2022;;[START_REF] Jat | Chapter Three -Climate Change and Agriculture: Adaptation Strategies and Mitigation Opportunities for Food Security in South Asia and Latin America[END_REF][START_REF] Jones | The potential impacts of climate change on maize production in Africa and Latin America in 2055[END_REF].

Impacts

Similar to women in households, the impact on women in agricultural production are driven by socio-economic conditions and social norms, which determine women's vulnerability and resilience in agricultural production. Literature identifies natural and financial resources endowment and gender roles/responsibilities as the drivers for the adaptation.

Natural resources

In many countries, women have limited access to land because landownership is restricted to men [START_REF] Ahmed | Adaptation to climate change or non-climatic stressors in semi-arid regions? Evidence of gender differentiation in three agrarian districts of Ghana[END_REF][START_REF] Khandekar | Perceptions of climate shocks and gender vulnerabilities in the Upper Ganga Basin[END_REF]). Women's restricted property rights over land and limited access to credit set them at risk when exposed to climate stress and makes it difficult for women to implement climate adaptation practices [START_REF] Antwi-Agyei | Impacts of land tenure arrangements on the adaptive capacity of marginalized groups: The case of Ghana's Ejura Sekyedumase and Bongo districts[END_REF]. Decisions on resources are made by men, who own the resources on producing climate adapted varieties or changing heard size or livestock [START_REF] Khandekar | Perceptions of climate shocks and gender vulnerabilities in the Upper Ganga Basin[END_REF]. In Ghana, [START_REF] Carr | Men's Crops and Women's Crops: The Importance of Gender to the Understanding of Agricultural and Development Outcomes in Ghana's Central Region[END_REF] found that existing gender roles regarding access to land led some husbands to prohibit their wives from cultivating individual plots as a response to shifting precipitation patterns, thereby undermining both women's agency and household well-being. [START_REF] Quisumbing | Do shocks affect men's and women's assets differently? Evidence from Bangladesh and Uganda[END_REF] observed that the level of involvement in agricultural production and exposure to weather risk determines the impact of weather-related shocks on men's and women's assets in Bangladesh and Uganda. They found that because Bangladeshi women rarely cultivate land independently and have a low level of ownership and control of agricultural assets, they were less exposed to weather-related shocks compared to Bangladeshi men who bore the brunt of drought shocks. On the other hand, drought shocks only reduced the size of Ugandan women's non-land assets (mostly agricultural and consumer durables) because they manage land and grow their own crops whereas Ugandan men were able to increase their landholdings after floods. Water scarcity impacts women in two ways, first it means reduced resources for agricultural production and household use and, second, it increases their responsibilities for water supply. Collecting water from long distance sources with increased effort (e.g., use of hand pumps and carrying the water) results in physically exhaustive work and time cost for women. Time and physical strength are then reduced for carrying out other activities (e.g., adaptation). The same applies for the collection of firewood as a traditional female responsibility [START_REF] Khandekar | Perceptions of climate shocks and gender vulnerabilities in the Upper Ganga Basin[END_REF].

Inasmuch as there are gender differences in the access to productive inputs such as credit, fertilizer, land title, and extension services, the impacts of climate change on the livelihoods of men and women will also be different (Alston and Whittenbury, 2013;[START_REF] Goldstein | The Profits of Power: Land Rights and Agricultural Investment in Ghana[END_REF]Grantham et al., 2021;[START_REF] Seguino | Gender, Development and Economic Growth in Sub-Saharan Africa[END_REF]. For example, [START_REF] Goldstein | The Profits of Power: Land Rights and Agricultural Investment in Ghana[END_REF] found that because of weaker property rights, women do not fallow their land enough, leading to lower productivity. Thus, gender equality in the access to inputs such as access to credit (which is influenced by the right to land title) could increase yields on women's plots and hence food production. This implies that in the absence of gender equality in productive inputs, climate change-induced loss of agricultural productivity will impact more women than men due to existing gender and social norms.

The unequal access to production factors tends to be to the disadvantage of women in many developing countries. The extent of this inequality, however, is difficult to quantify, because regionally heterogenous ownership constellations (individual ownership by men or women or by mixed groups) hamper the quantitative measurement on the gender differences [START_REF] Doss | Gender inequalities in ownership and control of land in Africa: myth and reality[END_REF]. Quantitative information on these differences is needed to analyse the gendered differences in factor productivity. Quantitative information on the plot size farmed or owned by men, by women or in mixed groups (men and women) is required to measure the factor productivity and the difference between men and women. Furthermore, the labour allocation between men and women in agricultural and domestic work needs to be considered. Gendered programs on agricultural development require this information to be effective and efficient [START_REF] Doss | Women and agricultural productivity: Reframing the Issues[END_REF]).

Women's labour participation is determined by norms on particular crops, animals or in case of forestry to certain production systems like fuel wood [START_REF] De Giusti | Agroforestry as a climate change mitigation practice in smallholder farming: evidence from Kenya[END_REF]. Women rather work in farming and fishery, as well as transporting and selling products at markets. Women also carry water, fuel, wood, fodder on their heads, backs and shoulders, which exerts damaging physical pressure [START_REF] Khandekar | Perceptions of climate shocks and gender vulnerabilities in the Upper Ganga Basin[END_REF]. [START_REF] Waldman | Confronting Tradeoffs Between Agricultural Ecosystem Services and Adaptation to Climate Change in Mali[END_REF] and De Pinto et al., (2020) argue on the other hand that women's smaller land endowment results in advantageous conditions for adaptation in terms of crop diversification. Women farm on smaller plots and thus time constraints for farming activities can be lower and sufficient labour is available. Therefore, female farmers are willing to farm more labour-intensive crops with higher nutritional value (vegetables, pulses, cash crops) for subsistence farming [START_REF] De Pinto | Women's empowerment and farmland allocations in Bangladesh: evidence of a possible pathway to crop diversification[END_REF], or more climate resistant perennial variants [START_REF] Waldman | Confronting Tradeoffs Between Agricultural Ecosystem Services and Adaptation to Climate Change in Mali[END_REF].

Financial resources

Decisions on adaptation are determined by factors such as location, age, marital status, gender and education. Furthermore, decisions on adaptation depend directly on the financial resources accessible to farmers, while, on the contrary, climate change impacts influence the access to financial resources. For example, in South Africa, the experience of drought affected the smallholder farmers' access to credit [START_REF] Ojo | Quantifying the determinants of climate change adaptation strategies and farmers' access to credit in South Africa[END_REF]. In terms of financial decisions, women often have less decision-making power than men [START_REF] Bhadwal | Livelihoods, gender and climate change in the Eastern himalayas[END_REF], because they have fewer financial assets and they normally have lower wages compared to men. A significant share of women even work without receiving a salary as, for example, unpaid family workers. The gender wage gap depends upon the gender roles underlying the technology of production. [START_REF] Lauria | Importance of fisheries for food security across three climate change vulnerable deltas[END_REF] described that Bangladesh fishery women earn 50% less wages than men [START_REF] Lauria | Importance of fisheries for food security across three climate change vulnerable deltas[END_REF]. [START_REF] Mahajan | Rainfall Shocks and the Gender Wage Gap: Evidence from Indian Agriculture[END_REF] described that in India, decreasing rainfall, which reduced rainfed rice, creates a decrease in women's wage rate relative to men's wage rate. Thus, in years of low rainfall, female-headed households earn less income and suffer more stress, when they would need more financial means to adapt to climate stress. The reduced female wage rate in the labour market relative to that of males can reduce the bargaining power of females within the household [START_REF] Mahajan | Rainfall Shocks and the Gender Wage Gap: Evidence from Indian Agriculture[END_REF].

Besides being better endowed with natural resources men are also better endowed with financial resources and have more access to credit. Women are not involved in financial dealings or decision making and often only responsible for the cash flows, while larger financial decisions are made by men [START_REF] Bhadwal | Livelihoods, gender and climate change in the Eastern himalayas[END_REF][START_REF] Chingala | Determinants of smallholder farmers' perceptions of impact of climate change on beef production in Malawi[END_REF][START_REF] Waldman | Confronting Tradeoffs Between Agricultural Ecosystem Services and Adaptation to Climate Change in Mali[END_REF]. In Malawi women have less capital for livestock farming (e.g., for disease and parasite control) therefore female cattle producers in smallholder farming systems have limited possibilities to control capital and to access veterinary information and technologies, and to purchase chemical products (e.g., antibiotics, anthelmintics,) against diseases and parasites [START_REF] Chingala | Determinants of smallholder farmers' perceptions of impact of climate change on beef production in Malawi[END_REF]. In Malian households, the women have less access to money and assets than men. Women often manage smaller plots of land with fewer resources [START_REF] Waldman | Confronting Tradeoffs Between Agricultural Ecosystem Services and Adaptation to Climate Change in Mali[END_REF].

Gender roles and responsibilities

Decisions on farm management are directly impacted by the gender specific responsibilities. Different roles and responsibilities in farming activities, often mean men are market oriented to increase their income and aim at product characteristics such as yield appearance and market demand. Some farming activities are traditionally gendered (e.g., livestock and cropping). Also, within these subsectors allocation is also gendered (e.g., domestic livestock, pasture, certain crops traditionally produced by men of women). Women, who are often responsible for subsistence farming and the supply of food for the household, might rather target nutrient content, taste or cooking characteristics [START_REF] De Pinto | Women's empowerment and farmland allocations in Bangladesh: evidence of a possible pathway to crop diversification[END_REF][START_REF] Huyer | Weathering the storm or storming the norms? Moving gender equality forward in climate-resilient agriculture[END_REF]. As mentioned, men often produce for the market in order to earn household income, and thus produce cash and export crops. Women have less access to information on climate risk mitigation, while men are responsive in adapting by using their telephone devices (e.g., on strategic farm decision-making concerning land preparation, planting and crop selection). [START_REF] Partey | Gender and climate risk management: evidence of climate information use in Ghana[END_REF] showed that women have less access to cell phones. Financial resources to buy mobile phones are predominantly controlled by men, thus women access information and communication only through their husbands' mobile phones.

In intra-household decisions on farm management, women generally have less decision power than men [START_REF] Waldman | Confronting Tradeoffs Between Agricultural Ecosystem Services and Adaptation to Climate Change in Mali[END_REF]. With progressing climate impacts, there tends to be increased inequality and women who suffer more of the impacts of climate change will have less influence on implementing adaptation measures [START_REF] Khandekar | Perceptions of climate shocks and gender vulnerabilities in the Upper Ganga Basin[END_REF]. The marginalization of women in decision making processes on adaptation implies that societies are not taking advantage of women's knowledge and skills on adaptation (e.g., in agro-biodiversity management) [START_REF] Khandekar | Perceptions of climate shocks and gender vulnerabilities in the Upper Ganga Basin[END_REF]. Increasing women's access to information, their bargaining power in household participation in production decisions can increase crop diversification, from male preferred cereals and cash crops to more labour intensive but nutrient vegetable, fruit and protein crops [START_REF] De Pinto | Women's empowerment and farmland allocations in Bangladesh: evidence of a possible pathway to crop diversification[END_REF]. Decision making does not only differ between male and female headed households. Also, the intra-household gender dynamics are of relevance for adaptation. The decision-making process to cope with drought and floods is attributed to men as they are often the most senior member of the household, who is actively involved in farming and who has access to resources (land, house) [START_REF] Mehar | Farmers coping strategies for climate shock: Is it differentiated by gender?[END_REF]. Also, male and female household members who work in agriculture, show higher levels of adaptation than the household heads, who have less time for the implementation of adaptation strategies [START_REF] Adzawla | Gender perspectives of climate change adaptation in two selected districts of Ghana[END_REF].

In the decision-making processes at community-level, women's participation is relevant for adaptation strategies. Here participation and decision power require women's recognition of their income generation, economic empowerment, social capital and networks [START_REF] Patnaik | Gender and participation in community based adaptation: Evidence from the decentralized climate funds project in Senegal[END_REF]. The decision dynamics and interference between community level and household level are complex and dependent on the regional social norms in the communities. In northern Kenyan pastoral societies women are under-represented in formal decision-making processes on drought preparedness. The increase of empowerment does not result in a more active participation in decision-making processes at community level. At household level, however, the participation in decision-making increases with increased empowerment and results e.g., in pre-emptive livestock sales as drought preparation [START_REF] Grillos | Women's participation in environmental decision-making: Quasiexperimental evidence from northern Kenya[END_REF]. In Peru men as land-owners are more represented in the communal irrigation commission meetings, where women's decision power is marginalized. Women do not have the status to vote and cultural norms ensure that women do not feel comfortable to speak in public meetings [START_REF] Erwin | Intersectionality shapes adaptation to social-ecological change[END_REF].

Adaptation

In agricultural production, adaptation requires the adjustments in the ecological, social, and economic systems in which women play a key role for specific responsibilities. The reviewed literature below analyses the gendered aspects of adaptation with respect to different agricultural adaptation measures, job diversification, gendered preferences, and decision making.

Adaptation measures

Climate smart agriculture comprises measures to adapt farming to climate change, to lower dependency on field labour, to manage risks and to increase productivity in a sustainable way. 1 Such measures can change crop varieties, soil and water conservation and crop diversification (Chanana-Nag and Aggarwal, 2020). The costs of implementing climate smart agriculture technologies are gender and household specific. They depend on resource and market access constraints, social capital and information access and agri-climate factors, as well as the investment incentive [START_REF] Mutenje | A cost-benefit analysis of climate-smart agriculture options in Southern Africa: Balancing gender and technology[END_REF]. Labour-saving climate smart agriculture technologies can lower women's labour burden and free up time in work intensive periods. 2 The suitable option to reduce female labour input depends on different conditions (regional agro-climate conditions, as well as socio-economic and traditional norms), (Chanana-Nag and Aggarwal, 2020; [START_REF] Khatri-Chhetri | Potential of climatesmart agriculture in reducing women farmers' drudgery in high climatic risk areas[END_REF]. Climate-smart village approaches orient the application of climate smart agricultural technologies according to the gendered farming requirements in order to reach more household members in male and female headed households [START_REF] Hariharan | Does climate-smart village approach influence gender equality in farming households? A case of two contrasting ecologies in India[END_REF].

Agrobiodiversity management and crop diversification are measures to reduce risk and to increase crop resilience and yield under climate variability. By increasing the number of different crops, the risk for pests is reduced (compared to monocropping), while the selection of crops/variants with more adapted factor demand can have more resilience (e.g., against drought). Gender is a key variable in agrobiodiversity adaptation processes to climate change [START_REF] Bhattarai | Gender, Agrobiodiversity, and Climate Change: A Study of Adaptation Practices in the Nepal Himalayas[END_REF]. Social norms influence the diversification of crops since in many countries male and female farmers traditionally produce different crops, e.g., men produce cash crops and export corps for household income, while women produce crops for family nutrition. While crop diversification plans might aim at diversifying within cereal crops (e.g., maize, wheat, rice), non-cereal crops (pulses, vegetable, fruit) contribute to increased agrobiodiversity 1 Huyer and Partey (2020) reflect the current relevance of gendered agricultural adaptation in their special issue in "Climatic Change" collecting five articles on the "Gender Equality in Climate-Smart Agriculture: Approaches and Opportunities" [START_REF] Huyer | Weathering the storm or storming the norms? Moving gender equality forward in climate-resilient agriculture[END_REF]. 2 Examples for labor saving technologies are: direct seeded rice, zero tillage machines, laser land leveling, and green manuring, crop harvesters, weeder, solar pump irrigation, and post-harvest management (Khatri-Chhetri et al., 2020). and thus to climate change adaptation. Furthermore, non-cereal-crops improve the supply of nutrients and vitamins in diets and nutrition [START_REF] De Pinto | Women's empowerment and farmland allocations in Bangladesh: evidence of a possible pathway to crop diversification[END_REF].

Genetically modified crops, hybrid crops, and perennial crops are technologies that adapt crops to variable climatic conditions, such as disease resistance, with regionally adapted and accepted plant morphology. All over Africa hybrid crops associated with genetic modification of crops create a negative perception. Farmers' decision making is relevant for considering these technologies for climate adaptation and can be different between men and women [START_REF] Waldman | Confronting Tradeoffs Between Agricultural Ecosystem Services and Adaptation to Climate Change in Mali[END_REF]. Male farmers are indifferent to the use of hybrid sorghum over traditional but prefer annual crops. The advantages of labour and seed requirements are not as important to male farmers. Thus, hybrid crops will likely not be accepted because of the long tradition of saving and reusing seeds among traditional cultures in Mali, which also allows independence and flexibility of seed selection [START_REF] Waldman | Confronting Tradeoffs Between Agricultural Ecosystem Services and Adaptation to Climate Change in Mali[END_REF]. [START_REF] Waldman | Confronting Tradeoffs Between Agricultural Ecosystem Services and Adaptation to Climate Change in Mali[END_REF] argued that women farmers show fewer barriers to the labour requirements for perennial corps and the ability to reuse hybrid seeds. However, traditionally in Mali, women do not crop sorghum for income generation, rather doing so for domestic use and then only on small plots.

Implementing technologies for cropping can contribute to reduction of labour time, and water and energy demand while increasing crop yields. In rice production, machine transplanting and direct-seeded rice practices save labour and time compared to conventional rice cultivation. Time saving aspects are advantageous for women in situations with scarcity of labour time. Irrigation is used to counter crop losses through evapotranspiration and achieve maximum production in a particular growing environment. Different water-smart technologies and water supply systems can provide water for irrigation 3 (Chanana-Nag and Aggarwal, 2020; Leal Filho et al., 2022). Such technologies can also reduce the burden of physical labour for women. However, for poor households and for women working as unpaid family labourers purchasing or renting such machinery might not be affordable. Thus, they cannot benefit from technological progress [START_REF] Gartaula | Gendered impacts of greenhouse gas mitigation options for rice cultivation in India[END_REF]. Furthermore, one problem of male migration from water-scarce regions is that often women are left behind without sufficient infrastructure to implement the technological adaptation needed for necessary water supply [START_REF] Leal Filho | Understanding responses to climate-related water scarcity in Africa[END_REF].

Job diversification

Farming is often rain-fed and dependent on women's activity. The outcome of agriculture depends on natural factors. Poor connections to the market to sell products often require long distance carrying of produce by women. Men's work is often limited to land preparation activities and their income earning activities include also non-agricultural work (e.g., tourism, construction, and manufacturing) [START_REF] Khandekar | Perceptions of climate shocks and gender vulnerabilities in the Upper Ganga Basin[END_REF]. In India, [START_REF] Lambrou | Gender Issues in Climate Change Adaptation: Farmers' Food Security in Andhra Pradesh[END_REF] found that more women, particularly of lower castes, than men, work as wage labourers to compensate for weather-related crop losses. For rural unskilled women the labour diversification is limited to day-labour in agriculture [START_REF] Erwin | Intersectionality shapes adaptation to social-ecological change[END_REF]. Knowledge outside farming and cropping can be very different between men and women. In Nepal's mountain regions for instance, men's knowledge about grazing lands and weather conditions, trekking routes etc., is more advanced than for women [START_REF] Bhadwal | Livelihoods, gender and climate change in the Eastern himalayas[END_REF].

Migration from the rural to the urban areas is more often used by men than by women, mainly because of mobility constraints for women. Although women also show intention to migrate, they often stay left behind in the climate impacted region to continue agricultural and household activities [START_REF] Codjoe | Gender and occupational perspectives on adaptation to climate extremes in the Afram Plains of Ghana[END_REF][START_REF] Cundill | Toward a climate mobilities research agenda: Intersectionality, immobility, and policy responses[END_REF][START_REF] Khandekar | Perceptions of climate shocks and gender vulnerabilities in the Upper Ganga Basin[END_REF][START_REF] Lauria | Importance of fisheries for food security across three climate change vulnerable deltas[END_REF][START_REF] Leal Filho | Understanding responses to climate-related water scarcity in Africa[END_REF][START_REF] Zander | Human mobility intentions in response to heat in urban South East Asia[END_REF]. In male out migrated families the reduced fodder availability hits harder and causes a reduction of domesticated animals, which is the source of income for these families. Male out migration and reduced yields increase the stress and the workload among women [START_REF] Khandekar | Perceptions of climate shocks and gender vulnerabilities in the Upper Ganga Basin[END_REF]. However, high rates of men's outmigration can increase women's ability to participate in farming management decision and thus increase women driven agrobiodiversity management [START_REF] Bhattarai | Gender, Agrobiodiversity, and Climate Change: A Study of Adaptation Practices in the Nepal Himalayas[END_REF].

Preferences and decision making

Gendered adaptation strategies are determined by the preferences of men and women. These preferences are determined by gender specific roles in farming and production objectives (market or subsistence), their access to productive resources and their availability [START_REF] Codjoe | Gender and occupational perspectives on adaptation to climate extremes in the Afram Plains of Ghana[END_REF]. 4 The preferences are also regionally different. In Ghana male farmers, as they are producing for the market demand, tend to adopt the climate adaptation strategies more than their female counterparts if adaptation strategies are promising improved crop yields [START_REF] Adzawla | Gender perspectives of climate change adaptation in two selected districts of Ghana[END_REF]. In India male farmers prefer adaptation strategies similar to the generic indicators proposed by IPCC (borrowing or using past savings, eating less, or taking an additional job) compared to specific indicator-based strategies according to adaptation to sustainable agricultural practices (e.g., climate smart strategies) [START_REF] Mehar | Farmers coping strategies for climate shock: Is it differentiated by gender?[END_REF]. In Kenya, women tend to adapt by crop related strategies, while men prefer livestock-and agro-forestry related strategies [START_REF] Ngigi | Gender Differences in Climate Change Adaptation Strategies and Participation in Group-based Approaches: An Intrahousehold Analysis From Rural Kenya[END_REF]. In Philippines, female farmers show diversification preference toward crops such as vegetable and fruit compared to men [START_REF] De Pinto | Women's empowerment and farmland allocations in Bangladesh: evidence of a possible pathway to crop diversification[END_REF]. Increasing women's decision power in agri-diversity management can result in a higher share of land allocation for vegetable and fruit production, which provides food supply with higher nutritional value. Both, non-cereals production and prioritizing of subsistence supply by women result in higher household nutritional security [START_REF] De Pinto | Women's empowerment and farmland allocations in Bangladesh: evidence of a possible pathway to crop diversification[END_REF][START_REF] Teklewold | Climate smart agricultural practices and gender differentiated nutrition outcome: An empirical evidence from Ethiopia[END_REF]. When women have more decision power on household budget, a higher share is allocated to children's education and health. Adaptation measures which contribute to increasing women's health and empowerment also increase children's health and access to education. This contributes to long term economic growth and to building transformative resilience.

Women's ability to participate in decision making processes and social power need to be enforced or increased [START_REF] Grillos | Women's participation in environmental decision-making: Quasiexperimental evidence from northern Kenya[END_REF][START_REF] Mutenje | A cost-benefit analysis of climate-smart agriculture options in Southern Africa: Balancing gender and technology[END_REF][START_REF] Nnadi | Impacts of variability and change in rainfall on gender of farmers in Anambra, Southeast Nigeria[END_REF][START_REF] Patnaik | Gender and participation in community based adaptation: Evidence from the decentralized climate funds project in Senegal[END_REF]. At community level, group-based decision-making processes can support women organize and aim collectively at empowerment and reducing gender [START_REF] Ngigi | Gender Differences in Climate Change Adaptation Strategies and Participation in Group-based Approaches: An Intrahousehold Analysis From Rural Kenya[END_REF][START_REF] Udas | Basin level gendered vulnerabilities and adaptation: A case of Gandaki River Basin[END_REF]. At household level, men need to be involved while women's wellbeing must be prioritised [START_REF] Udas | Basin level gendered vulnerabilities and adaptation: A case of Gandaki River Basin[END_REF]. In developing adaptation programs, the gendered decision-making processes need to be understood at the household and community levels [START_REF] Mutenje | A cost-benefit analysis of climate-smart agriculture options in Southern Africa: Balancing gender and technology[END_REF].

Economic growth

Women's traditional roles in the household and in agricultural production are their main links to contributing to economic growth. Since climate change impacts women in households and in agricultural production, it thus also indirectly impacts economic growth. The changes of economic growth, caused by climate change or other drivers, spill-over to the household and to the economic sectors and thus there is a vicious cycle among women, agricultural production and economic growth.

Impacts

The impacts of climate change can be differentiated between women in households and economic growth, between production and economic growth and by considering the full nexus between women, production and growth. Often, literature provides descriptions of multiple aspects from a partial perspective. These aspects range from impacts on women's income, education and health to the impact on factor productivity and crop yields.

Women and growth

To the extent that crop growth and yield are largely influenced by weather during the growing season, climate change-induced shocks significantly impact the livelihoods of people living in tropical developing countries such as those who rely on rain-fed subsistence agriculture, those who live in rural areas and urban slums and vulnerable groups like women. This has dire consequences for food insecurity, poverty, and gender inequality. In that respect, some studies evaluate the impacts of climate change on factor incomes and the cost of living. Hertel et al., (2010) found that higher global agricultural prices due to lower global productivity can enhance factor returns in agriculture in regions where the majority of the poor are self-employed in agriculture thereby reducing overall poverty. However, the opposite is true in regions where poverty is dominated by wage earners and urban dwellers.

The stage of economic development of a country and hence the structure of production influences the degree of gendered job segregation by occupation and sector and thereby determines the value and recognition given to women's contributions to economic growth (Grantham et al., 2021). Historical development of agricultural production has driven women's labour participation and social role. While in hunting and gathering economies, women's participation of outside work is high in economies based on cereal farming, labour is divided between men and women with women spending more time on processing cereals rather than on field work with the men [START_REF] Alesina | On the Origins of Gender Roles: Women and the Plough *[END_REF][START_REF] Hansen | Modern gender roles and agricultural history: the Neolithic inheritance[END_REF]. Technological progress in domestic work can improve girls' education, demographic transition and economic growth. Technological progress (e.g.: electrification, water pipes, cooking facilities) reduces the time women spend on domestic work and frees time for childrearing (and thus increases fertility) and labour-force participation. Less demand for domestic labour increases the willingness to invest in the education of girls, whose labour is less demanded for domestic activities. As educated adults, the women have higher opportunity cost for childrearing, which decreases fertility. The higher investment into girls' education decreases the education gender gap and fertility but increases average human capital and economic growth [START_REF] Dao | The education gender gap and the demographic transition in developing countries[END_REF].

The root cause of failing to translate female labour and human capital into the productive formal economy is poor institutional arrangements that undervalue the roles women play in the informal and reproductive sectors of the economy (Grantham et al., 2021;[START_REF] Imf | Women and growth[END_REF]. Addressing these root causes preventing full translation of female labour to human capital necessary for economic growth is central when informing future policy-making that enhances women's resilience to climate change impacts. In many developing economies, women are over-represented in the informal economy where wages are low, jobs are insecure, working conditions are poor, and career prospects are limited (Grantham et al., 2021). For the most part, this is due to cultural and institutional barriers that prevent women from actively and freely participating in certain economic activities thereby underutilizing their full potential and contribution to the formal economy [START_REF] Akyeampong | The Contribution of African Women to Economic Growth and Development in Post-Colonial Africa: Historical Perspectives and Policy Implications[END_REF][START_REF] Kabeer | Gender Equality and Economic Growth: Is there a Win-Win? IDS Work[END_REF]. In SSA countries, women are mostly concentrated in the informal and reproductive sectors mainly due to lower educational attainment as well as institutional and cultural barriers that define where and what type of work is suitable for a woman (Grantham et al., 2021).

In 18 SSA countries during the 12 months after the occurrence of above-average temperatures and precipitation anomalies it was observed that there was, on average, a lower ideal family size and reduced probability of desiring a first or additional child. After a period of 60 months after above-average precipitation the ideal family size increased in size [START_REF] Eissler | Climatic variability and changing reproductive goals in Sub-Saharan Africa[END_REF]. This provides evidence that climate change effects extend to affecting the population. The ideal population is an important determinant of growth in any economy. Importantly, male and female health capital is relevant for economic growth [START_REF] Hassan | The effect of female and male health on economic growth: cross-country evidence within a production function framework[END_REF]. Improving women's health positively impacts their participation in the labour market and improves the level of childcare and investment in education. Therefore, women's health contributes to demographic transition and long-term economic growth [START_REF] Bloom | The contribution of female health to economic development[END_REF]. Climate change can impact human fertility [START_REF] Sellers | Climate shocks constrain human fertility in Indonesia[END_REF]. For 19 countries in sub-Saharan Africa drought conditions during their early childhood reduce women health status as adults. Thus, the drought experienced in early childhood negatively impact upon women's long-term health and empowerment. These impacts can be transmitted to the next generation when women bear children with a low birth weight [START_REF] Hyland | Water as destiny -The long-term impacts of drought in sub-Saharan Africa[END_REF]. In South-East Asia precipitation extremes during the first year result into reduced height-for-age of children. This observation increases with lower educational and socio-economic status of the mothers. Temperature extremes reduce the nutritional health in children's first two years of life [START_REF] Mcmahon | Climate change, social vulnerability and child nutrition in South Asia[END_REF].

Agricultural production and economic growth

In developing countries, the strongest impacts of climate change on economic growth results from the impact on the agricultural sector. Thus, the impact of climate change on agriculture and other climate-sensitive sectors has consequences on job losses and poverty reduction efforts. Also, compared to advanced economies, developing countries have limited capacity in terms of the know-how and financial resources to appropriately adapt to the vagaries and perils of extreme weather conditions.

Several studies have analysed the impacts of climate change on economic growth at a macroeconomic level. These studies provide empirical evidence that climate change impacts poor countries more severely than rich countries. Evidence of negative impact of temperature increase on total factor productivity [START_REF] Burke | Global non-linear effect of temperature on economic production[END_REF][START_REF] Dell | Temperature Shocks and Economic Growth: Evidence from the Last Half Century[END_REF][START_REF] Letta | Weather, Climate and Total Factor Productivity[END_REF] and labour productivity has been shown [START_REF] Graff Zivin | Temperature and the Allocation of Time: Implications for Climate Change[END_REF][START_REF] Henseler | The impact of weather on economic growth and its production factors[END_REF]. In a like manner, Shakhawat [START_REF] Shakhawat Hossain | Climate change impacts on farmland value in Bangladesh[END_REF] shows that seasonal precipitation and temperature in Bangladesh play a role in the determination of farmers' land values and floods are responsible for reductions in farmland value, especially in lowland areas. Their analysis also indicated that projected climate change scenarios will have a negative impact on the value of land.

For instance, climate change is expected to increase the occurrence of droughts and floods by altering the intensity, frequency, and distribution of rainfall. Also, climate change-induced higher temperatures will increase crop water requirements due to an increase in evapotranspiration rate and thereby increase agricultural water demand, in addition to further worsening the water scarcity problem, especially in the MENA (i.e., Middle East and North Africa) region [START_REF] Jat | Chapter Three -Climate Change and Agriculture: Adaptation Strategies and Mitigation Opportunities for Food Security in South Asia and Latin America[END_REF][START_REF] Sowers | Climate change, water resources, and the politics of adaptation in the Middle East and North Africa[END_REF]. Other studies estimate the yield losses for maize in 2030, between 1% to 4% in Central, Eastern and West Africa and in Southern Africa at 29% [START_REF] Pereira | Climate Change Impacts on Agriculture across Africa[END_REF]. In Latin America, Lobell et al., (2017) estimate the regional losses in Brazil at 5% in Brazil itself, and around 2% in the Andean region. In a more recent study, [START_REF] Jägermeyr | Climate impacts on global agriculture emerge earlier in new generation of climate and crop models[END_REF] estimate the global end-of-century losses at 24%.

Impacts in nexus

The nexus between climate change impacts, women, production and economic growth results from the interlinkages between women, production and economic growth. There are at least two reasons explaining the importance and contribution of women to economic growth. First, women account for one-half of the potential human capital in any economy (Grantham et al., 2021;[START_REF] Imf | Women and growth[END_REF][START_REF] Mankiw | A Contribution to the Empirics of Economic Growth[END_REF]. Second, human capital or resource is a key determinant of economic growth [START_REF] Mankiw | A Contribution to the Empirics of Economic Growth[END_REF][START_REF] Solow | A Contribution to the Theory of Economic Growth[END_REF]. Thus, the full utilisation of women's domestic, care and economic activities (both formal and informal) will not only imply a full utilisation of the available human capital and stock but also have a positive impact on economic growth. This view is based on neoclassical growth theory which posits that higher labour force participation rates and education levels will impact economic growth positively through efficient allocation of labour resources and an increase in labour productivity. However, in many countries there exist gender gaps in educational attainment notwithstanding the global progress made in the last three decades. Additionally, the labour force participation rates of men exceed those of women considerably across the world (World Economic Forum, 2021).

The historical development of agricultural praxis can partially explain today's gender norms and female labour participation [START_REF] Alesina | On the Origins of Gender Roles: Women and the Plough *[END_REF][START_REF] Uberti | The Feminisation U, cultural norms, and the plough[END_REF]. Countries with historical plough farming (e.g., in Europe, North Africa, North America) drove the labour differentiation between men and women with women specializing in work at home (e.g., processing of cereals), while men focused on working on the field [START_REF] Alesina | On the Origins of Gender Roles: Women and the Plough *[END_REF]. In these historically plough farming countries the increasing economic development resulted in increased female labour force participation ("Feminisation U-Theory"). In countries without historical plough farming (e.g., in SSA countries) the increase of female labour force participation was slower [START_REF] Uberti | The Feminisation U, cultural norms, and the plough[END_REF]. [START_REF] Andrijevic | Overcoming gender inequality for climate resilient development[END_REF] showed the link between climate change and gender equality. In many developing countries the development of gender inequality is linked to the development of climate change and the challenges for mitigation and adaptation. Many countries with high gender inequality are in mid-stages of demographic transition. The expected population growth may slow down the reduction of inequality. Of particular importance are the impacts on girls. Girls carry over the impacts of the inequalities (in health, empowerment, education, and labour force participation) as adults when they are women. Thus, to foster future climate resilient development, reducing gender inequalities is of high relevance [START_REF] Andrijevic | Overcoming gender inequality for climate resilient development[END_REF].

The following observations can be concluded for the climate change -women -economic growth nexus: -i-women play an important role in economic growth and development and women are a vulnerable group mostly because of cultural and institutional barriers that constrains their access to labour market, finance, and reproductive inputs. -ii-Closing the gender gaps in education and labour force participation will improve women's bargaining power in the household with positive impacts on children's well-being and future productivity.

-iii-Climate change reduces women's economic output as a result of their reliance on climatesensitive sectors and limited capacity to adapt to the vagaries of extreme weather conditions.iv-The predicted adverse impacts of climate change on economic activities shrink women's opportunities in the formal and informal economy, worsen gender inequality and reduce their bargaining power in the household and negatively impact children's well-being and future productivity. -v-Thus, the impacts of climate change harm economic growth twice by reducing current and future economic growth.

Adaptation

The reviewed studies propose policy recommendations to increase gendered adaptation and to reduce the climate change impacts. Furthermore, the policy measures aim at preventing an increase of gender inequalities and gender gaps. Most of the policy recommendations address the problems of vulnerability and women's empowerment, which therefore address the household and production level challenges. The complex and regional contexts create a diverse set of specific research needs in order to consider the full nexus between women, production and growth.

Women and growth

Economists have argued that properly accounting for women's contributions in the informal sector and reducing gender inequality in unpaid reproductive work will enhance economy-wide productivity and promote economic growth [START_REF] Braunstein | Embedding Care and Unpaid Work in Macroeconomic Modeling: A Structuralist Approach[END_REF]Grantham et al., 2021;[START_REF] Imf | Women and growth[END_REF][START_REF] Seguino | Gender, Development and Economic Growth in Sub-Saharan Africa[END_REF]. For instance, [START_REF] Braunstein | Embedding Care and Unpaid Work in Macroeconomic Modeling: A Structuralist Approach[END_REF] showed that reducing gendered wage gaps will directly affect production, in addition to inducing more investment in human capacities (which includes the standard human capital measures such as skills and education plus the ability to work with others, emotional maturity, self-confidence, and patience) at the household level with benefits to labour productivity and reduced unit labour costs.

Reducing gender gaps in education has further benefits to economic growth and development through its positive impact on children's well-being and future productivity. Greater educational equality enhances women's ability to participate in decision-making, which increases their bargaining power within the household and positively impacts on children's health, education, and survival. Hence, through the dynamic and cumulative process of human capital formation, greater gender equality benefits women today as well as future generations. This is to say that reducing gender gaps in education and labour force participation has generational benefits by improving women's bargaining power in the household, particularly given that women tend to spend a larger share of their income on education, nutrition, and health of children than men do [START_REF] Schultz | Why Governments Should Invest More to Educate Girls[END_REF][START_REF] Xu | A survey on intra-household models and evidence[END_REF].

Besides improving women's general education, training and education programs on adaptation strategies and climate change impact should also be offered as customized measures to men and women considering the gendered differences and socio-economic status [START_REF] Chingala | Determinants of smallholder farmers' perceptions of impact of climate change on beef production in Malawi[END_REF][START_REF] Nnadi | Impacts of variability and change in rainfall on gender of farmers in Anambra, Southeast Nigeria[END_REF][START_REF] Zamasiya | Factors influencing smallholder farmers' behavioural intention towards adaptation to climate change in transitional climatic zones: A case study of Hwedza District in Zimbabwe[END_REF]. Capacity building programs and training for men and women should be offered at community level as group-based approaches to strengthen the position of women in the labour force [START_REF] Ngigi | Gender Differences in Climate Change Adaptation Strategies and Participation in Group-based Approaches: An Intrahousehold Analysis From Rural Kenya[END_REF]. Also, climate information services should be offered while considering the regional and gendered differences [START_REF] Nnadi | Impacts of variability and change in rainfall on gender of farmers in Anambra, Southeast Nigeria[END_REF][START_REF] Ojo | Quantifying the determinants of climate change adaptation strategies and farmers' access to credit in South Africa[END_REF]. They should be offered in local languages, local calendars and appropriate media format to make them accessible to local women [START_REF] Nnadi | Impacts of variability and change in rainfall on gender of farmers in Anambra, Southeast Nigeria[END_REF]. Communication networks need to be created which allow horizontal knowledge management for women to exchange knowledge and experiences and to learn from each other [START_REF] Dey | Women and Climate Stress: Role Reversal from Beneficiaries to Expert Participants[END_REF].

The removal of discrimination towards women and gender inequality in labour force participation rates and education overwhelmingly reduces economic and societal costs -and the cost savings can help in generating economic growth. [START_REF] Bandara | The Economic Cost of Gender Gaps in Effective Labor: Africa's Missing Growth Reserve[END_REF] showed that for African countries, a 1% increase in the gender gap in effective labour (the combined effects of gender gaps in education and labour force participation) could result in a 0.43-0.49% reduction in output per worker. This means that close to US$255 billion of output is wasted by African countries. These results are corroborated by [START_REF] Fofack | Accounting for Gender Production from a Growth Accounting Framework in Sub-Saharan Africa[END_REF] who shows that increasing the stock of female human capital in Sub-Saharan African (SSA) countries could increase per capita GDP growth by more than half a percentage point. Moreover, a McKinsey Global Institute, (2015) report found that increasing women's economic participation to equal that of men, could add up to $28 trillion, or 26%, to annual global GDP in 2025. In addition, estimates by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) (2019), reveal that gender gaps in the labour market could result in a loss of economic output that ranges from 10% of GDP in advanced economies to over 30% of GDP in the MENA and South Asia regions.

Production and growth

Improving access to productive resources for women is an important measure to strengthen adaptative capacities (land, water and capital) [START_REF] Antwi-Agyei | Impacts of land tenure arrangements on the adaptive capacity of marginalized groups: The case of Ghana's Ejura Sekyedumase and Bongo districts[END_REF][START_REF] Atuoye | Who are the losers? Genderedmigration, climate change, and the impact of large scale land acquisitions on food security in coastal Tanzania[END_REF][START_REF] Chandra | Gendered vulnerabilities of smallholder farmers to climate change in conflict-prone areas: A case study from Mindanao, Philippines[END_REF][START_REF] Ojo | Quantifying the determinants of climate change adaptation strategies and farmers' access to credit in South Africa[END_REF]. Also, female-earmarked subsidies and supply with input factors (seed, fertilizer, pesticides) can help female famers. Social protection mechanism and compensation schemes should integrate risk transfer mechanisms such as weather-index insurance [START_REF] Chandra | Gendered vulnerabilities of smallholder farmers to climate change in conflict-prone areas: A case study from Mindanao, Philippines[END_REF]. Investment in water supply and irrigation technologies can benefit women, firstly in terms of the predicted positive impact on agricultural production, income and food security [START_REF] Mahajan | Rainfall Shocks and the Gender Wage Gap: Evidence from Indian Agriculture[END_REF][START_REF] Nnadi | Impacts of variability and change in rainfall on gender of farmers in Anambra, Southeast Nigeria[END_REF] and secondly, by reducing the time taken to haul water, which could reduce girls' absence from schools [START_REF] Nauges | Water Hauling and Girls' School Attendance: Some New Evidence from Ghana[END_REF]. These adaptation measures could be combined with or supplement other existing measures in gendered oriented climate smart programs [START_REF] Adzawla | Gender perspectives of climate change adaptation in two selected districts of Ghana[END_REF].

Gendered adaptation measures include technological changes, increasing women's empowerment, and changes in social norms. All these aspects are linked to economic growth [START_REF] Uberti | The Feminisation U, cultural norms, and the plough[END_REF]. Increased gender equity supports adaptation and mitigation objectives and at the same time, economic growth [START_REF] Andrijevic | Overcoming gender inequality for climate resilient development[END_REF]. Women empowerment is central to adaptation. On the one hand it is a precondition for implementing gendered adaptation measures, on the other hand adaptation measures can increase women's empowerment [START_REF] Chanana-Nag | Woman in agriculture, and climate risks: hotspots for development[END_REF][START_REF] Hariharan | Does climate-smart village approach influence gender equality in farming households? A case of two contrasting ecologies in India[END_REF]. Adaptation in terms of technolization (e.g., in field work) and infrastructure can reduce women's overall workload. Particularly in physically hard work the reduced labour drudgery benefits women's health [START_REF] Gartaula | Gendered impacts of greenhouse gas mitigation options for rice cultivation in India[END_REF]. Both set-off time for economic activities and improved health can contribute to economic growth.

Labour market reforms and policies must guarantee the same salary for men and women in agricultural and other sectors. Furthermore, it should allow women non-farm employment opportunities to allow them to earn non-agricultural dependent income in local communities [START_REF] Atuoye | Who are the losers? Genderedmigration, climate change, and the impact of large scale land acquisitions on food security in coastal Tanzania[END_REF][START_REF] Mahajan | Rainfall Shocks and the Gender Wage Gap: Evidence from Indian Agriculture[END_REF]. Negative impacts on women caused by adaptation measures need to be considered and counteracted if for example the technologization of field labour reduces the demand for women's wage labour which represents important source of income for rural women [START_REF] Gartaula | Gendered impacts of greenhouse gas mitigation options for rice cultivation in India[END_REF].

Research directions

Increasing the adaptative climate resilience for women and for the society is the primary objective of gendered adaptation measures. The strong interlinkages between adaptation and mitigation measures, and the economy and society as a whole can support multiple objectives, like sustainable development goals (food security, social, economic, energy, climate) and environmental protection [START_REF] Mazorra | A comprehensive analysis of cooking solutions co-benefits at household level: Healthy lives and well-being, gender and climate change[END_REF][START_REF] Onah | A case study of improved cookstoves and clean fuel use by selected Nigerian Households[END_REF]. Given the regional differences and the aforementioned interlinkages, adaptation measures need to address climate vulnerability and adaptative capacities with respect to the regional dynamic links between social, ecological and agricultural conditions [START_REF] Ahmed | Adaptation to climate change or non-climatic stressors in semi-arid regions? Evidence of gender differentiation in three agrarian districts of Ghana[END_REF][START_REF] Bhattarai | Gender, Agrobiodiversity, and Climate Change: A Study of Adaptation Practices in the Nepal Himalayas[END_REF][START_REF] Chandra | Gendered vulnerabilities of smallholder farmers to climate change in conflict-prone areas: A case study from Mindanao, Philippines[END_REF]. These factors are defined by specific social, political, and environmental contexts and they vary at different levels (household, community, national) [START_REF] Bhattarai | Gender, Agrobiodiversity, and Climate Change: A Study of Adaptation Practices in the Nepal Himalayas[END_REF]. A better understanding of farmers' regional needs allows for the precise implementation of adaptation options that consider farming and socio-economic conditions and vulnerabilities [START_REF] Bhadwal | Livelihoods, gender and climate change in the Eastern himalayas[END_REF][START_REF] Van Aelst | Intersections of Gender and Marital Status in Accessing Climate Change Adaptation: Evidence from Rural Tanzania[END_REF].

Research addressing the heterogeneity in the impacts of climate change across different social groups (by intersectionality, gender, age, income, etc.) within a similar agro-ecological setting can inform on specific vulnerabilities and coping mechanisms of female and male farmers, as well as their local knowledge on agricultural adaptation to climate change [START_REF] Chandra | Gendered vulnerabilities of smallholder farmers to climate change in conflict-prone areas: A case study from Mindanao, Philippines[END_REF][START_REF] Ginbo | Heterogeneous impacts of climate change on crop yields across altitudes in Ethiopia[END_REF][START_REF] Kaijser | Climate change through the lens of intersectionality[END_REF]. This knowledge provides more detailed insights which aid in designing effective strategies and policy instruments to address variations in climate sensitivity among different groups [START_REF] Ginbo | Heterogeneous impacts of climate change on crop yields across altitudes in Ethiopia[END_REF]. Specific regional and socioeconomic indicators need to be developed to support evaluations on the status of and options for adaptation [START_REF] Gutierrez-Montes | Contributing to the construction of a framework for improved gender integration into climate-smart agriculture projects monitoring and evaluation: MAP-Norway experience[END_REF].

Research needs to address the interdependency between gendered adaptation measures and women's gender empowerment in diverse farming households [START_REF] Hariharan | Does climate-smart village approach influence gender equality in farming households? A case of two contrasting ecologies in India[END_REF]. More research is required on the multiple drivers of mobility and the multiple directions of movement to better understand short-distance and in-country migration, particularly in Africa and Asia and their gendered impact [START_REF] Cundill | Toward a climate mobilities research agenda: Intersectionality, immobility, and policy responses[END_REF]. Better knowledge on migration can help to design measures to reduce the negative impacts of male migration (i.e.: females being left behind without infrastructure) [START_REF] Leal Filho | Understanding responses to climate-related water scarcity in Africa[END_REF] and to strengthen the positive impacts on female empowerment (i.e.: more power over decisions in households and communities). Aside from increasing women's resilience, empowerment and participation in decision making processes at household and community level, research should also aim to increase the participation of women in climate change research and politics. In both domains, restrictive barriers for gender, race and nationality exist [START_REF] Gay-Antaki | Stories from the IPCC: An essay on climate science in fourteen questions[END_REF][START_REF] Swim | Gendered discourse about climate change policies[END_REF].

Conclusion

This paper has presented the socio-economic literature on the impact of climate change with focus on gendered impacts on production and adaptation policies. The studies analyze different aspects of relevance to assess the impacts of climate change or to design or assess adaptation options. The early rather qualitative studies are complemented by growing body of studies based on quantitative data. However, most of the quantitative studies are based on the analysis of micro-economic data. The analyses focus on the household or individual level and are mostly restricted to partial aspects (partial analysis). Presenting the findings of the partial analysis helps to understand the relationship between climate change, women, production and economic growth as holistic problem. The main threads coming out of this review are: (1) women from developing countries tend to be more vulnerable to various impacts of climate change, (2) the impacts of climate change and adaptation measures on women are complex and regionally different as they are strongly dependent on geographical and socio-economic context, (3) women have less resilience and possibility to adapt as individuals, households, and in production, than men, (4) the impacts of climate change affect growth and thus, counteracting these impacts on women can support growth.

As emphasized in many studies of gender and growth economics and by studies addressing the topics of climate change and gender, the gender specific development policies are of high relevance for effective and efficient measures. The knowledge on the region, and society specific impacts can help to assess costs and benefits of policy measures, which in many cases have multiple outcomes and different objectives. Primarily addressed as adaptation or mitigation measures, they are at the same time, climate action policies with the objective to improve women's economic empowerment, food security, water supply, health, education, adding up in improving gender equality and economic growth. Depending on concrete measures, other goals can be impacted positively: improving production, energy supply and infrastructure. Thus, gendered climate policies can directly or indirectly address multiple sustainable development objectives at the same time and if designed effectively can be costeffective investments for development policies.

Although, general problems of climate change impacts and adaption garnered from the represented countries is useful, the regional coverage can be extended. Thus, future research can analyze case studies in regions which are currently underrepresented in the literature (e.g.: Latin America). The same applies for the economic sectors. The sector which the reviewed studies focuses research on is agriculture, which is of high relevance to climate impacts and gender. Future research could analyze the impacts of climate change in other sectors (e.g., tourism, transportation and energy). As in gender economics, the quantitative studies at macro-economic scale are underrepresented. Analyzing the impacts of climate change or adaptation measures at the aggregate scale can provide information on macro-economic impacts, budgetary costs and economic growth through a gendered lens. Such analysis can support policy making, which from a governmental perspective is often oriented to the national impact of policy measures.

The analysis of the surveyed data often allows for only a partial analysis focusing on specific aspects of economic problems. This is because it is challenging to survey enough different data to consistently represent the whole economic system. Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) models can support the analysis. Based on economic theoretic models they represent the normative economic behavior and require statistical data as inputs, which are available for many developing countries. CGE models simulate the economic interlinkages between economic agents and sectors and thus represent the economic system in a holistic way. The development of CGE models to address gendered analysis of climate change and adaption is still in its infancy and this is a subject of a future research agenda. Beside the economic quantitative analysis, interdisciplinary analysis is required to understand the linkages between environmental, economic and social systems. Only by considering these multiple aspects can effective and efficient policies be designed to avoid counter-productive effects of policies [START_REF] Lau | Gender equality in climate policy and practice hindered by assumptions[END_REF].

The presentation in this study only represents a selection of the vast literature. We reviewed studies of different research focuses and study regions. In most of our descriptions we do not provide quantitative data, thus our analysis presents and compares the main findings qualitatively. The range of analyzed studies varies in terms of research questions, study regions, analysis level and methods, such that comparing quantitative results appear less suitable and could be even misleading. Mindful of these caveats, the findings from the presented literature suggests useful areas and directions for a future research agenda on climate change, the role of women and adaptation.

Water-smart technologies are for example: weather-smart and knowledge-smart interventions, agro-advisory services, climate information. Water supply systems are for example: rain water harvest, collection, groundwater extraction, water reuse and recycling, and desalination[START_REF] Chanana-Nag | Woman in agriculture, and climate risks: hotspots for development[END_REF][START_REF] Leal Filho | Understanding responses to climate-related water scarcity in Africa[END_REF].

[START_REF] Codjoe | Gender and occupational perspectives on adaptation to climate extremes in the Afram Plains of Ghana[END_REF] analyses the preferences of male and female farmers for different adaptation strategies in farming, fishing and charcoal production.