V Goossaert

eds P Van Der Veer

Mathieu Claveyrolas
email: mathieu.claveyrolas@ehess.fr

Afsar Mohammad

Assayag Jackie

Stationery Office Benoist Jean

" De L'inde

Maurice De Maurice

The Regulation of Plurality in Mauritian

Mathieu Claveyrolas

/p. 170/ After his return from a fieldwork trip in the 1950s, the British anthropologist Burton Benedict titled his invaluable ethnographic report on Mauritius, Indians in a Plural Society (1961). Indeed, plurality in Mauritius is both a cliché and an indisputable historical reality. Local representations, both old and contemporary, support national-census statistics estimating that a quarter of the Mauritian population is descended from African slaves (and is Catholic), while two thirds are descended from Indian indentured labourers (and are mostly Hindu, but also Muslim). On the small Mauritian island (1,800 km²), people speak Creole, but also Bhojpuri, French, or English, while Hindi, Urdu, Tamil, and Mandarin are recognised (and taught) as "ancestral languages".

The plurality of the young Mauritian nation is not only inscribed in its history, it is also a founding and structuring feature. Mauritiusand the Indian Oceanhas always been at the heart of globalisation. The island was at first valued as a stopping place for sailors, both Arab (from the 10 th century) and Portuguese (in the 16 th century), on their way to the Indies. Having no indigenous population, it was subsequently populated thanks to more or less forced migrations driven by colonialism: the French (1715-1810) settled there by bringing in slaves from Africa and Madagascar (but also from India); and the British, who succeeded them, made up for the lack of labour caused by the abolition of slavery (1834) and the development of a plantation economy (1820s) by using indentured labour. 2 The raison d'être of the plantation society was in turn based on unequal globalised circuits: a monoculture (sugar cane) exclusively intended for export, which required a large and cheap workforce readily available on the sites of production.

Mauritian plurality, therefore, relates first of all to Creoleness. By "Creole" I mean a society founded on slavery and the encounter, within the total (territorial, socio-economic, racial) and extremely restrictive context of the plantation, of uprooted populations of varied origins

(European, African, and Asian). At the heart of the plantation's sugar-cane fields and camps, European settlers and masters, African slaves, Indian indentured labourers, and their descendants came one after the other and interacted. Since independence in 1968, the sugar industry has lost its dominant place in the national economy; 3 /p. 171/ but the "sugar barons" still play a key role in it thanks to diversification into the island's new core activities (textiles, tourism, offshore finance, real estate).

If the plantation matrix can be found in most contemporary territorial, social, ethnic, and religious configurations, if it has survived the end of the sugar boom, 4 it is because it is rooted in the founding radical violence of colonisation and slavery, the long-term effects of which have shaped local plurality, including the identity-based policies that have pitted the subjugated groups against one another. Without getting into the debate on the status of indenture as an extension of slavery, 5 it is worth emphasising the sharp divide that exists in contemporary Mauritius between the descendants of slaves (Blacks and Catholics, known as Creoles) 6 and the descendants of indentured labourers (Indians, invariably assumed to be Hindus). History partly echoes the identity narrative by contrasting the collective success of the descendants of indentured labourers with the persistent marginalisation of Creoles [START_REF] Boswell | Le malaise créole: Ethnic Identity in Mauritius[END_REF]. Having made up the demographic majority since the 1850s, 7 the "Indians" gradually gained access to (small) land ownership in the 1880s. 8 The Indo-Mauritian elite, formed in the 1930s, led the political struggle for an independence which the Creoles, who feared the Indianisation of the island, did not want and which, over the last 50 years, has resulted in the effective monopoly of political power by the Indian community (essentially Hindus from North India and the Vaish caste). In 2011, 48% of Mauritians identified as Hindus (compared to 27% Catholics and 17% Muslimsalso descended from indentured labourers). 9 /p. 172/ It should also be noted that Mauritian plurality is not limited to the Catholic Creole/Hindu Indian dichotomy; it also exists within local Hinduism itself. 10 Regional Hindu traditions that in India are separated by thousands of kilometres (Bhojpuri Hinduism, which makes up the majority, and Tamil Hinduism, but also Telugu and Marathi) interact and compete on the small island. 11 Other known pluralities within Indian Hinduism are also found in Mauritius, particularly along caste lines: in addition to preferential endogamy, today one can 3 In 1968, the sugar industry still accounted for 25% of the island's GDP, a figure that fell to 12% in 1990 and 2.1% in 2010 (Grégoire, Hookoomsing, Lemoine, 2011: 75). 4 In the early 1970s, the price of sugar exploded and Mauritius benefited from a "sugar protocol" (guaranteed outlets at preferential prices) signed in 1975 (and abolished in 2009). 5 See [START_REF] Tinker | A New System of Slavery: The Export of Indian Labour Overseas, 1830-1920[END_REF] and, for a more nuanced discussion focused on Mauritius, Carter, 1995. 6 In this article, "Creole" refers to this Mauritian community; from an emic point of view, in Mauritius, one is either Creole or Indian. The terms "Creoleness" and "creolisation" refer to historical processes common to Mauritius and other sugar colonies in the Caribbean and Indian Ocean; I am therefore speaking of "Creole Hinduism". 7 In 1861, Indians made up two thirds of the colony's population (Carter, 1995: 271); by the end of the 19 th century, Mauritian-born Indians outnumbered those living in Mauritius but born in India (Benedict, 1961: 27). 8 During the "Grand Morcellement" planters who found themselves in financial difficulty had to part with some of their (least profitable) lands, which were often bought by former indentured labourers (Allen, 1999). 9 The statistics quoted are from the Central Statistics Office of Mauritius (2011). 10 As well as (although this falls outside the scope of this article) within other religions, including local Catholicism (as practised by white "Franco-Mauritians", black Creoles, and "Indian"especially Tamilconverts) and local Islam. Evangelical churches, which bring together devotees from Hindu and Catholic backgrounds, also appear to be growing. 11 The Bhojpuri are estimated to have made up two thirds of the Indian indentured labourers. find in the same village and sometimes side by side places of worship looked after and frequented by ti nasyon (low-caste) or gran nasyon (high-caste) devotees [START_REF] Mathieu | Au 'pays des Vaish' ? Structure et idéologie de caste à l'île Maurice[END_REF]. Locally, though, there is no lack of dynamics critical of plurality. Among the actors seeking both the internal homogenisation of Hinduism and the hardening of its boundaries with other religions, we can cite the Arya Samaj, whose missionaries (Indian and then Mauritian) have preached their Hindu reformismboth social (criticism of castes) and theological (criticism of image worship)in Mauritius from the early 20 th century, barely a few decades after its birth in India. Since the late 20 th century, another dynamic has framed the ongoing reform of Mauritian Hinduism towards greater orthodoxy. In Mauritius, this logic, which is also known in India under the effects of the Hindutva 12 political ideology, responds to partly distinct factors. The aim, in fact, is to standardise local Hinduism by Sanskritising it, which involves a joint purification of its folk village roots (like in India: ending blood sacrifices, Brahmanisation of the priesthood and pantheon) which 19 th -century indentured labourers brought with them, but also of its Catholic influences from the time of the plantation (architecture, practices, vocabulary) (Claveyrolas, 2017: 309-310).

Here I will study the intersecting dynamics of the regulation of plurality in Mauritian society and of the redefinition of Hinduism, its internal and external boundaries, by drawing on the history and ethnography of places of worship, practices, and actors that construct it. I will consider chronologically the different phases of the export of Hinduism to and its plurality in Mauritius: what were the consequences when indentured labourers left the Indian territory, when together they crossed the ocean by boat, when they settled on the plural plantation, and when they became part of an independent secular state?

/p. 173/

The effects of indenture on Hinduism

Indian Hinduism in the 19 th century

Hinduism is a term and a category whose contours have been defined only relatively recently (during the 19 th century). Without going into the details of this "invention of Hinduism" [START_REF] David | Who Invented Hinduism?[END_REF], let us simply note that it was concurrent with an attempt at setting external boundaries and achieving internal homogenisation. 13 On the one hand, the British, anxious to better understand Indian diversity, institutionalised categories of caste and religion, particularly through censuses, something which has been seen as a factor in the hardening of identities (Bayly, 1999;[START_REF] Bernard | Colonialism and Its Forms of Knowledge[END_REF][START_REF] Nicholas | Castes of Mind. Colonialism and the Making of Modern India[END_REF]. This desire to understand was certainly not exempt from a divide-and-rule strategy, promoting a communalism that undermined not least the long-standing coexistence between Hindus and Muslims (Pandey, 1990). 14 The plurality of the colonised, which contrasted with the claimed homogeneity of the colonising nations, even became synonymous with the absence of a shared 12 Nationalist ideology which defines India as an exclusively Hindu nation and territory. 13 For a concise discussion of these issues, see [START_REF] Mathieu | L'altérité au coeur de l'hindouisme[END_REF]. 14 For examples of shared places and practices in the plural holy city of Benares, see Eck, 1983: 276;Parry, 1994: 35-36;[START_REF] Sunthar | Between Mecca and Banaras: Towards an acculturation-model of Muslim-Hindu relations[END_REF] social projecta potential source of chaos -, thereby legitimising the necessary regulation of Indian society from the outside by the colonial power, the only one capable of arbitrating and guaranteeing equal treatment for all (Bates, 2001). On the other hand, anti-British nationalism went hand in hand with the promotion of the social and territorial unity of India, taking up the terms and categories (India, Hinduism) invented by the colonists. Moreover, despite the coexistence of Hindu and Muslim leaders within the nationalist ranks, it was very much a Hinduised India that was promoted, being deified in the anthropomorphic guise of the Hindu goddess Bharat Mata (Mother India), who had been dismembered or raped by the non-Hindu "invaders" [START_REF] Mathieu | Les temples de Mère Inde, musées de la nation[END_REF][START_REF] Sumathi | Enshrining the Map of India: Cartography, Nationalism, and the Politics of Deity in Varanasi[END_REF]. However, the constitution of independent India sanctioned secularism, that is, the new state's neutrality in the regulation of its religious plurality. However, since the late 20 th century, Hindu nationalism, which was born in the same decades that preceded independence,15 has taken power in Delhi and challenged the constitutional foundations of this religious equality. 16 It is worth pointing out that contemporary Hindu nationalist ideology (Hindutva) /p. 174/ echoes the dynamics of Hindu reformism: both advocate a Hinduism free of any Muslim or Christian influence (denying the history of encounters between traditions and condemning the practices that bear witness to them), but also a homogenisation of Hinduism that favours its Brahmanic dimensions to the detriment of the diversity of practices based on regions, castes, and sects in particular.

Hinduism during the time of indenture

What happened to Hinduism, its internal diversity, and its relationship with other religions once it left India? It should first be noted that the period of indentured labour (1835-1907) coincided with the dynamics of the invention of Hinduism as described. Barely "invented" and already exported, the Hinduism of indentured labourers further posed the challenge of being tied to the territory of India (Bharat) where it had been born and developed. Being Hindu outside India was not without its dilemmas. The socio-religious taboos related to emigration (leaving the Hindu territorydharmabhumiand crossing the black waterskalapani) have been well studied [START_REF] Catherine | Kālāpānī ou les limites à ne pas franchir. Le voyage en Angleterre du maharaja de Jaipur[END_REF][START_REF] Mathieu | L'altérité au coeur de l'hindouisme[END_REF]. While they primarily concerned the orthodox high castes who had little to do with indentured labour, these taboos were part of the contemporary reinvention of the Indo-Mauritian identity narrative [START_REF] Mathieu | Indo-Mauritians and the Indian Ocean. Literacy accounts and anthropological readings[END_REF]. Along with the social consequences of emigration (losing one's caste), it was the doubt over the conditions in which practice could be continued that dominated indenture narratives: had the gods followed the indentured outside the territory of Hindu India? Combining orthodoxy and pragmatism, the concerns of indentured Hindus in Mauritius remind us that the internal plurality of Hinduism does not merely juxtapose distinct traditions without any structural link.

Between leaving India and settling on the plantation, the crossing of the "black waters" (kalapani) posed the immediate challenge of cohabiting in the limited space of a boat, making it impossible to maintain the prohibitions on contact and commensality that regulated plurality in India, although accounts differ as to the compromises granted to the indentured labourers.17 But another paradigm recurs as a leitmotiv in the crossing narratives: that of a liminal passage ensuring rebirth under the new status of "ship brothers" (jahaji bhai). This community specific to the indenture system transcended exclusive categories and may have lasted for several generations in Mauritius, affecting /p. 175/ even marriage preferences as caste and religious endogamy was rivalled by endogamy within the jahaji community (Benoist, 1989). Thus, on the Mauritian plantation, the Indians may have become socially and collectively "indentured labourers" before being Muslims or Hindus.

Alongside this paradigm of the jahahi bhai, ocean-crossing narratives join together continuity and rupture in the traces left by indenture in the porosity of Hinduism's external boundaries. This is exemplified by the role played by Nagour Mira. The town of Nagore (in Tamil Nadu) is the site of the dargah dedicated to this Muslim saint. 18 When a ship bringing indentured labourers from India to Mauritius was caught in a storm, the lascars (Muslim sailors) prayed to Nagour Mira to save them. They were joined in their prayers by the passengers, both Hindus and Muslims, who stretched their hands up to heaven imploring the saint's intercession. The indentured labourers, who made it safely to port, maintained a Hindu-Muslim brotherhood forged by this episode, as evidenced by the saint's presence in many Hindu temples on the plantation, in the form of a hand, a flag, a boat, or a sail. 19 Thus, the narratives of the initial crossing place religious plurality, and collaboration, at the heart of the identity and religiosity of indentured labourers. But what happened once the latter had settled on the plantation?

The effects of the plantation on Hinduism

Unlike slaves, whose religiosity was suppressed by the colonial authorities by banning their African practices and converting them to Catholicism, Indian indentured labourers had their religious practices denigrated but tolerated on the plantation (Carter, 1995: 260 et seq). The planters granted labourers a piece of land where they could house their deities. These plantation shrines (kalimai), at first made of simple stones found in sugar-cane fields and erected under trees, quickly developed into sanctuaries that were to become the countless, sometimes monumental, temples that now dot the island.

The kalimais brought the Hinduism of Indian villages to the plantation: a pantheon of initially popular, female, and ferocious (carnivorous) deities. These goddesses were fundamentally ambivalent, both dangerous and protective: they healed diseases that they themselves sent. Some rituals for the protection /p. 176/ of the community were celebrated at the kalimais, as well as rites of passage that brought together family and loved ones, but worship was essentially votive in nature and offered individually. 20 In Indian villages or on Mauritian plantations, popular Hinduism did not need an officiating Brahman; and the latter kept his distance from a practice he deemed inferior, and for which his scholarly knowledge and techniques were neither appropriate nor effective. Local discourses, too often reflected in research (Carter, 1995: 257), were rooted in a rhetoric of loss. However, Mauritian Hinduism was probably built more on loyalty to Indian village heritage than on the impossibility of reproducing rites due to the (likely) lack of Brahmans among the indentured labourers [START_REF] Mathieu | Quand l'hindouisme est créole. Plantation et indianité à l'île Maurice[END_REF].

Indian village Hinduism was based on pragmatic practices and deities that ensured protection against disease and misfortune. The indentured labourers' risky experience could only make this pragmatic function of religion all the more necessary, over and above any ontological or identity considerations. It is therefore not surprising that kalimais bespoke the ability of practices and pantheons to evolve in order to reflect the new natural, social, professional, and religious environment which Hinduism was meant to control and manipulate. Whilst both in Mauritius and India trees were indispensable in setting up a cult, the plant species mobilised in the founding narratives of kalimais were identified as typically Mauritian, including the mango tree which was meant to be better adapted to the local climate than socalled Indian species, such as the neem (nim) which, in fact, was widespread locally under the name of lila (Chazan-Gillig, Ramhota, 2009: 120 et seq).

Pragmatism and adaptation characterised the inclusion of new deities into the Mauritian Hindu pantheon, especially because of their miraculous qualities. They were either added (a statue of Père Laval,21 the Virgin Mary, or Saint Anthony22 would join the "bondieux hindous" ("Hindu gods")) or included in a network of equivalences (Dhi and Saher were "Jesus and his secretary", Kali was Saint Expedite, and Madurai Viran was Saint Michael or Saint George). The therapeutic concern was often central, requiring recourse to entities chosen not for their Hindu identity but for their presence, significance, and effectiveness (beneficial or otherwise) in Mauritius. Thus, Bram Baba was specifically linked to the Mauritian context. Known in India, in Mauritius he /p. 177/ was the spirit of an indentured labourer who set himself on fire in order to destroy the sugar-cane fields, a type of sabotage which testifies to the Indians' resistance to the plantation order. The main festivals celebrated also show an adaptation to the concerns and status of the plantation workers. Indentured labourers were more concerned with individual risks than the state of the harvest, therefore, they quickly abandoned the Tamil harvest feast (pongal), while the baharia puja which protected against the many work accidents became the highlight of the ritual year around the kalimais [START_REF] Léo | Recognizing Mauritius's Unique Heritage: The Relevance of Estate Temples and Shrines[END_REF].

On the one hand, popular Hinduism was common to Indian villages and Mauritian plantations; on the other hand, its demand for pragmatic effectiveness encouraged adaptation to the Mauritian context and facilitated openness to non-Hindu pantheons. However, over and above this Hindu capacity to include the other [START_REF] Hacker | Inklusivismus[END_REF][START_REF] Wilhelm | Traditional Hindu xenology[END_REF], we should probably not overlook the role of the institution of the plantation in regulating Indian plurality in Mauritius. While planters tolerated their Indian workers' cults, they only granted one space where these could be established. It is the conditions set by planters as much as the initial (India) or founding (during the crossing) brotherhood between Muslims and Hindus that imposed the coexistence between Nagour Mira and Hindu deities. The same constraint also explains the coexistence, this time within Hinduism, between Bhojpuri and Tamil cults and deities inside the same kalimai. Kali (North Indian goddess) would be found side by side with Mariamman (Tamil goddess). The same stone would sometimes be worshipped as Mariamman by the Tamils and as Kali by the Bhojpuri. As indentured labourers or their descendants began leaving the plantation thanks to social advancement and access to land, the number of temples no longer dependent on the single space available to themincreased due to scissions that often reflected a more exclusive Tamil or Bhojpuri affiliation, while Nagour Mira became less prominent in Hindu places of worship.

On the plantation, the authorities' relative tolerance towards Hinduism did not protect indentured labourers from the inevitable acculturation by the dominant Catholicism. The vocabulary used strongly testifies to this: in plantation Hinduism, a ritual specialist was a "priest", the deity a "bondieu", the temple was known as a "parish", "church", or "chapel", and worship was called "prayer" or "promise". Such linguistic borrowings are obviously not enough to determine the indentured Hindus' degree of integration of Catholic representations. However, they do go hand in hand with other signs of acculturation. Thus, the generalisation of a "sermon" closing a "priest's" weekly "prayer" is also a mark of the Catholic influence on the temporal organisation of worship. And Hindu places of worship would sometimes adopt an architecture (pitched roof) and spatial organisation ("nave" and /p. 178/ "choir"; rows of benches with prie-dieux) which replaced Hindu practices and symbols (particularly circumambulation). Finally, practices within the space of the temple itself (daily (kissing) or regular (the priest "blessing" a coffin)) attest to the loss of injunctions of purity central to Indian Hinduism (saliva and death are the vectors par excellence of ritual pollution).

What are the drivers and meanings of such acculturation (injunctions, adaptations, diversions, syncretisms)? To better understand the role of the plantation institution in the foundation of Mauritian Hinduism and the regulation of its plurality, we need to ask one question that is central to Hinduism: who financially sustains a cult? Stories about the founding of places of worship and the structuring of local pantheons are enlightening in this respect. It was the white Catholic planter who systematically (although not always willingly at first) paid for the place of worship. When a deity "appeared" in a sugar-cane field, the planter was asked for permission to erect a shrine. The planter would then give away a piece of land and help to pay for the new forms of worship, and, if necessary, the erection of buildings. The white Mauritian planter would thus become the yajman, the Hindu sacrificer, who presided over and reaped the benefits of the cult. This key role in local Hinduism is confirmed by the white planter's deification as Dhi Baba in most kalimais. This deity who protected the boundaries of Indian villages and neighbourhoods [START_REF] Coccari | Protection and Identity: Banaras's Bir Babas as Neighborhood Guardian Deities[END_REF], in Mauritius, became the guardian of the plantation area (the fieldsplace of work, and the campplace of residence); its divine jurisdiction (kshetra) covered the white planter's land. The stone representing Dhi was often placed at the boundaries of the area of the kalimai, which signified the planter's relative exteriority, but also his interceding and primordial status: since the planter's permission had been asked to found a cult on his lands, his permission was also asked to enter the kalimai and pray to the Hindu gods. The relationship between the master's Catholicism and the workers' Hinduism was also manifested around ritual practices since Dhi was worshipped using candles (associated with Catholicism), and Kali using camphor (associated with Hinduism).

In India, popular Hinduism was strongly anchored in a given areathe villagewithin which segregation (neighbourhoods of different castes and religions) and structural complementarity (hierarchical collaboration between all neighbourhoods during the village's ritual festivals - [START_REF] Marie-Louise | Les Dieux et les hommes. Étude des cultes d'un village du Tirunelveli[END_REF][START_REF] Pierre-Yves | Mapping the Management of Threatening Gods and Social Conflict: A Territorial Approach to Processions in a South Indian Village[END_REF] went hand in hand. This plural village area was ordered by socio-ritual logics of purity which prescribed everyone's place in the hierarchy and the prohibitions needed for its preservation. Such norms lost their significance when Hinduism was translated to Mauritius. Being again strongly anchored in a specific and plural area (the plantation), Mauritian Hinduism reflected socio-racial norms and hierarchies. Plantation employees lived in either the /p. 179/ "workers' camp"reserved mainly for Creole skilled factory workersor the "labourers' camp" -Indian unskilled sugar-cane-field workers -, while white staff lived separately. From India to Mauritius there was a shift from the Hindu order, which was imposed even on non-Hindus (the caste system), to the colonial plantation order, which was external to Hinduism and ascribed the latter a subordinate place.

In Mauritian Hinduism, the planter was obviously not the only yajman or patron of the temples and cults. However, the other authority that played this role was also born of the plantation, namely, the sirdar or Indian foreman, who was often an intermediary between planter and workers. Within the plantation, he had at his disposal a network of workerswhose "gangs" he ledand staff, and also benefitted from greater capital. The sirdars were the first to have access to land and found places of worship in villages outside the plantation, where they often acted as administrators and ritual officiants; they could even join the temple pantheon after their death (Claveyrolas, 2017: 261). The recurrent rise of Indian foremen invites us to nuance the fate of plantation Hinduism between acculturation and resilience. This was the case of sirdar Gokoola. An indentured labourer who converted to Catholicism on the plantation, he founded a village (now named after him) and the island's first Bhojpuri temple in 1867. Far from being the sign of radical acculturation and a break with the Hindu identity, his conversion was probably guided by a strategy for professional advancement: we know that planters preferred choosing Catholics as their trusted men. We also know that sirdar Gokoola was careful to have his marriage to his wife declared legally valid only a few months before his death, so as to ensure the continuity of his fortune which Mauritian law would not have otherwise guaranteed simply by virtue of his Hindu marriage [START_REF] Marina | Gokoola: Family, Temple & Village[END_REF]. But no record remains of Gokoola's actual experience: was his conversion a case of insidious acculturation, opportunistic manipulation, or pragmatic management of religious plurality (all divine power was worth having on one's side)? As someone who was jointly affiliated to original Indian Hinduism, to a Catholicism (which he never disowned) connected to his position of authority on the plantation, and to Mauritian Hinduism, of which he was one of the early promoters thanks to his status as a sirdartemple patron, Gokoola illustrates both the little store set by exclusive religious affiliations and the ability, when needed, to take full advantage of them.

Gokoola's story, which preceded dozens of other stories of foremen founding village temples in the decades that followed, illustrates the formation of the Indo-Mauritian elites who were born of the plantation and would later lead /p. 180/ the demands for national independence. 23 But what happened to Hinduism once independence was won and political power was promised to the Indian majority in a plural society and democratic state?

The effects of the Mauritian state on Hinduism

The gradual dismantling of the plantation was concurrent with national independence. Taking much of its inspiration from the Indian model of "unity in diversity", the Mauritius state enshrined secularism in its constitution. From the four-coloured flag (one colour for each religion in a "rainbow nation") to the banknotes (bearing the faces of representatives of each religiously identifiable community), no symbol of the independent nation escaped the ideal of harmonious coexistence between communities and religions.

Mauritian identities have crystallised around religious affiliations: one is Muslim or Hindu before being "Indian", and "Creole" means Catholic. Mauritian Constitution has institutionalised four categories: "Hindu", "Muslim", "Sino-Mauritian",24 and, by default, "General Population" (meaning Christians). The fact that all candidates in an election have to declare to which one of these four categories they belong shows how state regulation of plurality encourages religious essentialism (inherited and exclusive) rather than the porous and multiple affiliations of creolisation. However, the debates and disputes that this requirement has given rise to 25 underline the fact that the constitutional categories do not cover all the issues and experiences of Mauritian religious plurality. Let us take the example of Mauritian cemeteries, which sheds light on local religious plurality and its regulation by three key institutions: the plantation, the state (colonial and then Mauritian), and the Catholic Church. Planters provided their Hindu labourers with crematoria, which are still in use today. However, while the scattering of ashes in the ocean is sometimes preferred /p. 181/ (so the deceased can rejoin and be reborn in "ancestral India"), most ashes (without counting non-cremated bodies) are buried in cemeteries. Apart from private cemeteries belonging to parishes where only Catholics are laid to rest, Mauritian cemeteries can be public (municipal) or belong to the plantation: they thus accommodate Catholics, Muslims, and Hindus side by side, albeit in separate "sections". The deceased's religious affiliation, which is framed by the two secular plural institutions of the plantation and the state, is on display while also reflecting the intricacies of the plurality of their private lives: first and last names, symbols (Om, trident, cross, pagoda roof, or minaret), and colours (yellow for the Tamils, blue for Catholics, and green for Muslims) take up codes common to other spheres (domestic or ritual architecture), without always displaying complete consistency (Catholic first name and Hindu symbol).

Following the end of the plantation, national actors regulating the island's plurality did not stop at institutions external to Hinduism, while Mauritian Hindu institutions themselves did not value plurality. It is true that with independence, Mauritian Hinduism dissociated itself from the Creoleness shared with non-Indians. Anxious to legitimise its political hegemony and glorify a prestigious past, the Indo-Mauritian community began to reinvent Indianness, breaking with the history of the plantation [START_REF] Mathieu | With or Without Roots: the Compared and Conflicting Memories of Slavery and Indenture in the Mauritian Public Space[END_REF]. Thus, most of the religious festival celebrations lost their plural complexion and became vectors for exclusive ethnic identities. This was the case of the Muslim Ghoon: not only was this Muharram Shi'ite festival a high point of the ritual year for the Sunnis, who make up the vast majority of Muslims in Mauritius, up until the 1950s it was famously shared by the Hindus, who also helped to organise and pay for it (Benedict, 1961: 128). Procession, flagellation, and possession were linked to Tamil Hindu religiosity (body piercing, fire walking, possession during processions). The same goes for the Hindu pilgrimage to the Grand Bassin lake, in which Catholic Creoles stopped taking part when it became a Bhojpuri communalist political platform [START_REF] Mathieu | Indo-Mauritians and the Indian Ocean. Literacy accounts and anthropological readings[END_REF]; its organisation relies on the networks of the Voice of Hindu, known in Mauritius for its radicalism, even violence, in defending a Hinduness reminiscent of the Indian Hindutva movements. The decline in shared practice also concerns the plurality internal to Mauritian Hinduism: for the past twenty years, Cavadee and Timidee processions have become showcases for a Tamil identity that seeks to distinguish itself from Bhojpuri Hinduism (Trouillet, 2014).

However, in terms of regulating plurality, the main dynamic has been the generalised funding of religious institutions by the Mauritian state. The number of these institutions, known as "socio-cultural associations", increased particularly as a result of scissions that reflect both assertions of identity and opportunities to better attract subsidies. They take the form of national /p. 182/ "temples federations" (Bhojpuri, Tamil, Arya Samaj), who redistribute the financial manna to their affiliated temples. In return, the latter are bound by theological requirements which are the main tool for bringing about "reform" and orthodoxy in Mauritian Hinduism. Thus, ferocious deities are proscribed, as are the practices associated with them, such as animal sacrifice. While the secularist principle does not exclude the funding of religion, the Hindu majority in Mauritius (and consequently the Hindus' capture of most of the subsidies) coupled with Hindu political hegemony have caused bitterness. It is worth noting that unlike India, where secularism has sometimes come with state interference in the administration of temples [START_REF] Franklin | Religion under Bureaucracy: Policy and Administration for Hindu Temples in South India[END_REF], Mauritian temples federations act more like effective lobbies, being largely outside state control.

The federations have driven the Indianisation of Mauritian Hinduism. They sometimes import Indian communalist issues to Mauritius, such as when taking part in the campaign to send consecrated bricks to rebuild the Ram temple in Ayodhya, which is supposed to have been destroyed in order to be replaced by a mosque (Eisenlohr, 2006: 36-7). On a day-to-day basis, the federations provide temples with networks of priests, divine images, musicians, and architects from India. This Indianisation has ambiguous effects on local plurality. As far as the external boundaries of Hinduism are concerned, Indianisation is a type of ethnicisation which excludes Creoles from cults in which they often used to be integrated. Mauritian-style reformed Hinduism has replaced Creole with Indian languages and Indianised the names of gods and rituals [START_REF] Mathieu | Un prêtre tamoul dans le chantier de l'hindouisme mauricien. Orthodoxies et autorité religieuse[END_REF]. But Indianisation has also hardened boundaries within Hinduism.

For example, temples federations subscribe to the Bhojpuri Sanskritised or Tamil Dravidian variants of orthodoxy. Generally speaking, far from homogenising Mauritian Indianness, the institutionalisation of Mauritian Hinduism has led to a growing number of federations, which underlines the diversity of Hindu sub-communities, particularly along caste-identity lines. This is the case of the organisation representing the Rajput caste (Gahlot Rajput Maha Sabha), or the Vaish caste (Vaish Mukhti Sangh). Arya Samaj, a reformist institution which in theory denounces the caste system, itself split in two along caste lines, leading to the creation of Arya Ravived Pracharini Sabha by the Chamar untouchables, who were renamed "Ravived".

We should not forget that Hinduism, whether Indian or Mauritian, does not recognise a centralised authority able to impose unilateral reform "from above". The Hinduism of the Mauritian plantation also lacked major representatives of a Hindu religious authority, whether it be Brahmanic scholars, various /p. 183/ ritual specialists,26 or renouncers. It would, however, be a mistake to conclude that this kind of institutional vacuum leaves the national federations free to frame the regulation of local Hinduism.

In Mauritius, the mainspring of the current evolution of local Hinduism is represented by the "societies" in charge of each place of worship. They often consist of at least one president, one secretary, and one treasurer (who are elected or appointed in rotation from among thirty members or so), and vote on crucial decisions such as hiring a priest or extending a temple. This democratic way of working does not prevent individuals from taking over power and thereby having long-lasting influence on the fate of a temple. However, it also gives them real freedom from the authority of the federations. Those in charge of the national temples federations constantly rail against the indiscipline and ego of these individuals, who are suspected of dividing the community for their own personal prestige. For their part, those in charge of temple societies criticise national federations for their elitism disconnected from the practices of Mauritian ancestors. They sometimes even go as far as to ignore instructions since "there in Moka [the seat of the Tamil federation], they don't know what it's like here [in the village]", and "our ancestors used to do this [healing cults of the popular goddesses Kateri and Tookay, who are not very well regarded in high places]".

At the level of individual temples, there is also criticism of the federations' identitarian agenda, which hardens the internal and external boundaries of Hinduism, whereas locally it is pragmatic concerns that prevail. A Tamil priest who did not hesitate to extol the superiority of the "Tamil religion" and Dravidian civilisation over its North Indian counterpart, nevertheless criticised the Tamil federation's injunction to use only Tamil and exclude Sanskrit as a ritual language. He "like[s] speaking and hearing Sanskrit. Mantras are a powerful thing. Sanskrit is very powerful, it's what I prefer" (Claveyrolas, 2014). Ideological debates asidedebates which, in India, pit the Brahmanic tradition (which extols Sanskrit ritual) against reformist or devotional currents (which integrate lingua francas)it is the effectiveness attached to Sanskrit that is the decisive factor here. It is worth adding that one of the central activities of Hindu temples in Mauritius is not regulated by the federations, and even frustrates their ambitions to display an ethnic and scholarly religion: priests are often healers and their consultations (several half-days a week) attract devotees well beyond religious affiliations, even acting as a trigger for individual religious plurality (particularly in the case of Creoles who often /p. 184/ come to Hinduism via these healers). The Hindu temples that are most famous for their healers are recognisable by their plural pantheon: the one in Medine (whose officiants are Indian and Creole) groups together Bhojpuri and Tamil deities, but also the Virgin, Jesus, and the Buddha; the Queen Victoria ritual complex includes a Bhojpuri shrine (Shiv Parvati mandir), a Tamil shrine (Draupadi kovil), a Catholic "grotto", and Nagour Mira's hand around the healer's shrine dedicated to Kateri.

In these circumstances, some temples give up subsidies, preferring to free themselves from the federations' oversight and rely exclusively on "the village people, who give a lot". It should be stressed that while federation subsidies are roundly criticised by non-Hindu Mauritians as a way to undermine the secularist spirit, which favours competition between exclusive religious affiliations, individual village donations are notably trans-religious, the rule being that anyone can and does contribute financially to the building of all places of worship and main rituals, irrespective of their personal religious affiliation, both within and outside Hinduism. In other words, the communalism crystalised around religious identities is often rejected in Mauritius as the result, even project, of national elites, whereas, at a village level, everyone stresses harmonious cross-community collaboration. There has been no radical change at this level since the 1950s when Burton Benedict attested to the joint funding of a kalimai's baharia puja by the whole village, "even the high caste villagers who disapproved of the ceremony and the Muslims contributed" (Benedict, 1961: 131).

We can hardly stop at the first level of discourse and categorically state that "all [gods] are the same: Allah, Vishnu, Buddha" and that the only difference is the name by which each human community refers to them. Besides, taking part together in a ritual practice does not mean sharing all of its dimensions. The goats sacrificed to Nagour Mira have their throats cut according to the Muslim ritual while reciting Qur'anic verses, whereas those sacrificed to Kali are decapitated. During a baharia puja, pig sacrifices were sometimes abandoned in "deference" to Muslims sharing in the ceremony (Benedict, 1961: 131). On an intra-Hindu level, the divisions between high-caste and low-caste temples are aligned with the sacrifices practised: pigs for low castes (Shudra), goats for middle castes (Vaish), and vegetarian offerings for high castes (Babujee-Maraz) and Arya Samaj members. Everyone can in turn make an individual choice while taking part in village or family worship: when eating together, vegetarians substitute flour balls for the animal remains offered to the goddess [START_REF] Mathieu | Au 'pays des Vaish' ? Structure et idéologie de caste à l'île Maurice[END_REF].

Hindu practices show their pragmatism by joining the Mauritian plural context and opening up to powers whose effectiveness they value. Conversion (albeit by a minority) to Catholicism was probably facilitated by the undeniable /p. 185/ effectiveness of Catholic deities (Jesus, the Virgin, and the saints), as evidenced by their being worshipped by the dominants. However, the private experiences of religious plurality within Mauritian Hinduism stress a more conflictual and less strategic dimension. Individuals do not necessarily choose the deities they worship. Some of them come in dreams, apparitions, or possessions diagnosed by a religious specialist. Individuals then have no choice but to join the religious pluralitysomething which they can be apprehensive about since they are often wary of the less familiar modi operandi of the "gods of the others": Creoles are particularly fearful of the powernever far from witchcraftattributed to Hindu gods. Even worse than this intrusive plurality, most of the cults thus imposed by deities also extend to the devotees' descendants: the agreement into which they enter with a particular god requires not only to be sealed by a specific action (fasting, donation, worship), it further involves a lasting trans-generational obligation the breach of which would be dangerous. We can thus see why domestic shrines often embody Mauritian plurality by bringing side by side communal gods (Hanuman for a Bhojpuri Hindu) and deities that a family member has encountered in his or her life, often when making a vow (the Virgin for a Hindu).

Not only is plurality inherited and accumulated, conversely, the radical acculturation of conversion is not always enough to do away with individuals' openness to religious plurality. Thus, a Tamil interlocutor, whose family converted to Catholicism in the early 20 th century on the plantation, was saddened and surprised that he was not "immunised" against "bondieux madras". 27 He could not prevent being possessed by "the goddess" as he passed by a Timidee procession (fire walking). His mother had to "do a system" [set of prayers] to expel this unwanted divine presence. Here, the plurality rooted in ancestrality shakes up the certainties of chosen identities and authoritarian regulation "from above", to the advantage of the exclusivism embodied by conversion.

Conclusion

Hinduism's integration in Mauritian plural society followed the main phases of indentured labourers' settlement on the plantation, and the influence that the latter continues to exert on the island's national construction. To conclude, let us take the example of one of the most famous Tamil temples, the one in Camp Diable dedicated to the goddess Amma Tookay.

The story of its foundation takes us back to the beginnings of indentured /p. 186/ labour 150 years ago, at the heart of the Britannia sugar estate. An important part of the labourers' work was to clear the fields of all stones. One of them proved impossible to lift. Even the planter could not do it, but that did not prevent him from refusing to allow the Hindu labourers to erect a shrine there to the goddess identified behind this stone apparition. The planter was accused of having kicked the stone whose divine quality he denied and subsequently his leg started to rot. It only healed when he decided to allow the temple to be built, pay for it, and worship there himself. Thus, the Hindu goddess demanded and got a "place of prayer" (a Creole term for a place of worship) in the heart of the plantation. The Catholic planter and Hindu labourers worked together not without conflict or negotiations, reflecting the power relations between hierarchy and interdependence. And the sacrilegious Catholic planter became the Hindu temple's chief sacrificer.

This episode of the planter constrained by the goddess is no longer central to local stories, which are often expurgated of all instances of conflictual foundation to better emphasise harmonious cooperation. Thus, at the entrance to the sanctuary, the plaque commemorating the temple's renovation in 2002 expresses gratitude for "the invaluable contribution of the sponsor Britannia Sugar Estate". Today, the temple benefits from unique infrastructure funded by the state (signposts, a wide paved road, parking), with a plaque thanking the district council and the ministries of environment, public infrastructure, and public utilities. Under its "Dravidian" appearance (a multi-coloured gopuram tower loaded with sculptures), it remains dedicated to a popular Hindu goddess which is renowned first of all for its therapeutic qualities, unlike Brahmanic goddesses such as Lakshmi or Sarasvati who are increasingly central to renovated temples. However, the ferocious iconography (raw black stone, red eyes, grimace, and fangs), which used to crystallise non-Hindus' fear and incomprehension,28 has been replaced by a more peaceful form: a pastel-coloured face with discreet fangs framing a near-smile. And the old idea that the stone keeps growing is now largely dismissed as superstition, including by the officiant.

Apart from illustrating the history of the plantation and the ongoing renewal of local Hinduism, this temple bears witness to Hinduism's integration into contemporary plural Mauritian society. Each year in early June, the island celebrates with great pomp the start of the cane-cutting season, holding "prayers so the sugar harvest may go well."29 This Hindu ceremony is attended /p. 187/ by the state's highest authorities30 as well as a director of the sugar factory (Omnicane, replacing Britannia), Jacques d'Unienville. In 2019, Prime Minister Pravind Jugnauth took on the role of the sacrificer symbolised by the orange cloth which the priest wrapped around his head on his arrival. The (Bhojpuri) Prime Minister and (Catholic) planter led the celebrants throughout the ceremonies inside the Tamil sanctuary, in front of the cameras of the MBC national television channel, their foreheads adorned with sindur and ashes as a sign of Amma Tookay's blessing, which they received by performing the Hindu ritual salutation pressing their palms together. The media noted the ceremony's capacity to bring "all the communities" of the island together. It particularly stressed the prayers' economic concerns, which were to ensure a good national harvest (more than three million tons were expected that year). However, one of the temple's officiants focused on the propitiatory dimension of the ritualasking the goddess for permission to cut the cane in order to ensure her protection: "That is why we offer [the goddess] a cane [stalk]. Like this, all goes well for everyone in the fields and factories, no accidents, no misfortunes ... All these people ... the important people and the labourers ... the goddess, that's her children. She will protect them all year round."

The sugar industry is a sector historically linked to Mauritian identity and still provides tens of thousands of jobs (Grégoire, Hookoomsing, and Lemoine, 2011: 75). Its economic difficulties, widely covered by the media, are at the heart of political debates and electoral stakes. The fact that cane workers, planters, and the highest authorities of the Mauritian state entrust their national prosperity into the hands of a popular Tamil deity during a shared propitiatory ritual sanctions the historical evolution of Hinduism in the local plural society. The popular Hinduism that emerged in Indian villages crossed the ocean and, while at first it was merely tolerated, it became part of the plurality, constraints, and power relations of the plantation. After a century and a half of being in Mauritius, and fifty years of national independence, Hinduism today enjoys a status as key interlocutor of the secular Mauritian state, and as the "unofficial religion" of the sugar industry.

dans la société mauricienne et de la redéfinition de l'hindouisme, de ses frontières internes et externes, à partir de l'histoire et de l'ethnographie des lieux de culte, des pratiques et des acteurs qui la construisent. J'envisage chronologiquement les différentes phases de l'exportation de l'hindouisme et de sa pluralité à Maurice: quelles sont les conséquences lorsque les engagés quittent le territoire indien, lorsqu'ils partagent la traversée de l'océan en bateau, lorsqu'ils s'installent dans la plantation plurielle et lorsqu'ils s'inscrivent dans un État indépendant et séculier? Mots-clés: Maurice, hindouisme, plantation, pluralité, créolité. The Regulation of Plurality in Mauritian Hinduism. History, Actors, and Practices The plurality of the young Mauritian nation is not only inscribed in history, it is foundational and structural, rooted in the radical violence of colonisation, slavery, and plantation. I examine the intersecting dynamics of the regulation of plurality in Mauritian society and of the redefinition of Hinduism, its internal and external boundaries, by drawing on the history and ethnography of places of worship, practices, and actors that construct it. I will consider chronologically the different phases of the export of Hinduism to and its plurality in Mauritius: what were the consequences when indentured labourers left the Indian territory, when together they crossed the ocean by boat, when they settled on the plural plantation, and when they became part of an independent secular state? Keywords: Mauritius, Hinduism, plantation, plurality, Creoleness.

La regulación de la pluralidad en el hinduismo de Mauricio. Historia, actores y prácticas La pluralidad de la joven nación mauriciana no sólo está inscrita en la historia, sino que es fundadora y estructuradora, enraizada en la violencia radical de la colonización, la esclavitud y la plantación. Estudio aqui la dinámica de intersección de la regulación de la pluralidad en la sociedad mauriciana y la redefinición del hinduismo, de sus fronteras internas y externas, sobre la base de la historia y la etnografía de los lugares de culto, las prácticas y los actores que lo construyen. Considero cronológicamente las diferentes fases de la exportación del hinduismo y su pluralidad a Mauricio: ¿cuáles son las consecuencias cuando los hombres alistados abandonan el territorio indio, cuando comparten la travesía del océano en barco, cuando se establecen en la plantación plural y cuando se unen a un estado independiente y secular?

Palabras clave: Mauricio, Hinduismo, plantación, pluralidad, Creolidad.

The formalisation of Hindu political ideology can be dated to the publication in 1923 of the book Hindutva. Who Is a Hindu? byVinayak Damodar Savarkar (1883-1966).

See, for example, the recent and highly controversial Citizenship Amendment Act (2019) which excludes Muslim immigrants from regularisation measures.

In some convoys, cooks were sometimes selected from among non-untouchables (Ponaman, 1989), and the higher castes are said to have been exempted from the more polluting tasks(Carter, 1995: 102-122).

Dargahs (saints' tombs) are the main places of worship shared by Muslims and Hindus in India, as well as symbols of old interactions between Hinduism and other religions(Afsar, 2013; Assayag,

[START_REF] Marina | Servants, Sirdars and Settlers: Indians in Mauritius, 1834-1874[END_REF] Assayag, Tarabout, 1997;[START_REF] Bigelow | Sharing the Sacred. Practicing Pluralism in Muslim North India[END_REF].19 I draw here on the story told to me by a Mauritian Tamil priest explaining the hand found in his temple. For an analysis of worship among indentured communities in the Caribbean and Indian Ocean, seeBenoist, 2013. 20 For an analysis of kalimais, see[START_REF] Suzanne | L'hindouisme mauricien dans la mondialisation[END_REF][START_REF] Mathieu | Les territoires de l'hindouisme mauricien : l'Inde, la mer, la plantation et la nation[END_REF]

French Catholic missionary (1803-1864) beatified in 1979, whose tomb in Sainte-Croix is the object of an important multi-faith annual pilgrimage.

The therapeutic features of the cult of Saint Anthony are also known in Indian popular religion, including in Hindu[START_REF] Sébastia | Les Rondes de saint Antoine. Culte, possession et troubles psychiques en Inde du Sud[END_REF] and Muslim(Flueckiger, 2006: 3) contexts.

Sir Seewoosagur Ramgoolam, the "Father of Independence" and first prime minister of Mauritius, was himself the son of a sirdar.

Sino-Mauritians (2% of the population, but playing a considerable economic role) are usually identified as "Buddhists", but their "pagodas", their main forms of worship (offerings, divination rituals, ancestor worship) and deities (Kwan Tee) are more rooted in Chinese folk traditions, particularly Taoist and Confucian. Mauritian censuses include a "Chinese religion" category separate from "Buddhism". The official conversion of many Sino-Mauritians to Catholicism should not be seen as exclusive allegiance.

 25 It is on the basis of the ethnic identity declared that the seats of "corrective deputies" are allocated; these are meant to reduce imbalances of ethnic representation in the national parliament. Candidates who refused to comply with this declaration requirement, rendering them ineligible, complained to the UN Human Rights Committee, but a ruling in their favour in 2012 has not yet led Mauritian authorities to change the electoral system.

Temples' ritual officiants, who are present in Mauritius, enjoy very little prestige in Hinduism, unlike domestic priests (purohit), who are absent from Mauritius.

"How can one pray to a scary bondieu?" asked a Catholic "Indian" woman who remembered her fear when, as a child, she came here to pray during Sunday picnics.

https://defimedia.info/une-priere-pour-le-bon-deroulement-de-la-coupe, consulted 23/02/2021.

In 2020, the ministries of agroindustry and finance.


Pierre La

Pierre La Rocca

Towards a methodology to consider the environmental impacts of digital agriculture

Keywords: Digital Agriculture, ICT infrastructures, Environmental footprint 1. Research

concrete examples proving their added value to farmers. In the ideas of [? ] and [? ], the context of production need to be taken into account and ICT itself cannot be a sufficient lever if not used in more sustainable means of production. Hence, SFT benefits could depend on the production context where they are used, the functions that they need to address, and the technological paradigm used to address those functions. The authors of [? ] argues that digital solutions need to be used in agroecological context and centred on farmers' needs to be a potential sustainability lever. This last point is also supported by the authors of [? ], that add that developing ICT solutions in isolation from agricultural realities run the risk of hampering rather than advancing possibilities for sustainability transitions in the food system.

If digital agriculture might be seen as a sustainable solution, the environmental footprint linked to ICT seems rarely considered by itself. Yet, ICT device manufacturing has a significant environmental footprint [? ], and a global adoption of digital agriculture could lead to a massive deployment of complex electronic devices in the environment. This situation would not be sustainable following the conclusions of [? ] regarding IoT, as it could cause digital rebounds [? ] at a scale cancelling the expected benefits of digital agriculture.

Research objectives

In this context, by considering the peculiar environmental footprint of the ICT needed by digital agriculture and the possible rebound effects it could generate, it seems relevant to ask what kind of ICT, deployed to which scales, and for which agricultural systems could bring a certain sustainability, without threatening the sufficiency and the resilience also required by agricultural systems.

The main goal of this research is to set up of a methodology taking into account the environmental footprint of agricultural ICT systems, and their consequences on a systemic scale. This methodology should help us to develop present and prospective models and scenarios, in order to evaluate and compare possible technological paths. The obtained results are expected to enlighten societal debates and political decisions.

Currently at its earlier stage, this research in Computer Science is conducted at the Laboratoire Bordelais de Recherche en Informatique (LaBRI), under the supervision of Aurélie Bugeau (LaBRI), Gaël Guennebaud (Inria) and Anne-Laure Ligozat (LISN). It is realized in the Image and Sound department, because of the current disciplinary fields of its supervision, but also because of the lack of an ICT sustainability department.

Methods and first results

Research Approach

Our general methodology is inspired by the works of [? ] and [? ]. It is adapted to the farm complexity, where several companies can propose several ICT services working on a same territory. This while calling for different infrastructures not always interoperable. The goal of this methodology is to lead to the creation of parametric models able to inform decisions on the adoption of digital agriculture paths. Those models aim to go beyond individual life cycle assessment (LCA) studies to provide more systemic visions at different territorial scales. To adopt a more systemic approach implies broadening the environmental impact spectrum by looking at more indicators than carbon emissions and energy consumption indicators. Relevant additional indicators could be water consumption or potential metallic depletion linked to ICT infrastructures. Such models could help characterize absolute environmental impacts of digital agriculture systems and few associated indirect effects. The main steps of the proposed methodology are the definition of a baseline and its boundaries, the identification of relevant case studies and the effect assessment of possible prospective trends. Whether the digitization of agriculture being a matter of growing interest, this trend is far from being new according to [? ]. Hence, the definition of a baseline need to take into account the already existing digitization. We then use as a general baseline the average ICT used on French farm in 2025. This baseline will further be refined according to considered case studies. After a first environmental footprint assessment, this baseline will be useful to compare different technological scenarios at the 2035 horizon. Inventory studies, as the one proposed by [? ] as well as field surveys will help us to acquire associated general data.

The boundaries definition enables us to define the ICT infrastructures taken into account, the territory and the agricultural systems and steps where they are being deployed as well as the temporal perspective where they can evolve. Because different ICT systems can be used to address a same issue, we adopt a functionalist approach to compare different ICT systems addressing a same function. Approaching digital ICT by functions enables us to consider complex systems of embedded different technologies interacting to solve a same function instead of isolated technologies. This complex approach seems to better reflect systems like those presented by the works of [? ] and [? ]. Looking at the ICT infrastructures required by a system to realize a function firstly gives us the possibility to assess its environmental impact magnitudes. It also gives us a way to consider the different functions a same ICT infrastructure is expected to address.

First Results

The thesis started in October 2022. A first work consisted in a global synthesis to discover the multiplicity behind digital agriculture systems. A first use case dedicated to cattle individual identification and health metrics systems is currently realized to build and test our general methodology. We also conducted field surveys on a farm and at agricultural events to characterize current and expected trends of agricultural ICT.

Future works

In the near future, we aim to propose a first model comparing and RFID plus IoT system with one using AI and computer vision. This model will address two complementary functions regarding AI infrastructure possibilities, which are individual identification and health metrics. To do so, our preliminary work needs to be enriched with IoT collars. Then, we would like to consider culture spraying in order to test the conceptualized method on another use case.

Environmental metrics linked to software processes will need to be considered. If current systems mainly focus on edge computing, our field studies showed that a future trend for digital agriculture companies is to externalize computing to owned cloud platforms.

In the long time, we plan to compare our 2025 baselines to different 2035 scenarios, proposing different technical systems scales. Those scenarios will be inspired by the European commission plans [? ] or the projections of [? ].

Conclusion

Our research aims to propose methods and models to better assess the environmental footprint of digital agriculture systems. Filling this current gap directly contributes to a better understanding of how ICT can help to mitigate the uncertainties between climate change and agriculture. To do so, we will rely on and adapt to the context of agriculture methods used in ICT environmental effects assessments. Participating to ICT4S doctoral symposium is an opportunity to present our research to people concerned by the role that can play ICT in sustainability. Presenting our work there would be the occasion for us to formalize them toward an initiated audience, and to get from it external yet relevant feedback.


H G Patel

B P Patel

M Ganapathi

M Touratierl

Dynamic Characteristics of Laminated Angle-Ply Noncircular Cylindrical Shells

Keywords: laminated shdl. angle-ply. free vibration. non-circular. modes. finite clc, ment. elliptic:al c., ross SC('tion

1bc study of response of shells of rcmlution under static and dynamic loading ,itua• lions has received '-onsiderabk aucntion in the litcrJturc co mpared to the analysi> that deals with shells of noncircular cros. ' ><:c tiun. Thi. is p<»sibly due to the diOkully in- lhis approach may be unac.-cp1"ble for shells with significantly noncir<•ular curvature.

The cxicnsiv.->tudics available in the li1cra1ure on dynamic analysis of circularcylindri• cal shells/panels haw been reviewed in the work of Leissa I 11. N()(>r 121 and Soldatos 131.

Recently. 1he limi1,•J progress made in understanding 1hc bchavior of the non-circular cylinders has h1:cn reviewed by Soldaios HI. II may be concluded that few contributions arc availahli.: conc:cming "''ilh 1hc free vibrJ tion analysis of a.niso1ropic laminated noncircular cylindrical shell, compared 10 1hosc of isotropic ca.>e and 1bcy arc all concerned wilh cross-ply <'ase. Some of the :1vailable work' on dynamics of cross-ply noncircular shells arc of Solda1<" and T1iv:midis 151. and Soldatos 161. All these investigations have been carried ou1 hy 1he various anal)1ical methods. However. 1he analysis of angle-ply llOClCircular shell' appears 10 bc scarce in the li1era1ure bccau. <c of i n c r c a . c d n1mplexi1y

due 10 various couplings a r i ĩ n g frorn anisotmpici1y. The present paper deals with 1he study of 1he dynamic behaviur of anisntropic la minuted m g.le-ply noncireular cylindrical shells based on finite elcmclll method. The clement employed here is a r• continnus. eighl-noded serendipity quadrilatcml shear flexible shell element with live nodal degree' of freedom ( "'" 1'(1• 11• 0 • 0,. 0,) developed bas->J on field consistency approach. A detailed '1udy is carried ou1 to highlight the effects of lap-up and ply-angle on the naluml frc4uencies pcnaining to differe111 typcs of modes of vibrations of layered elliptical cylinders. The radius of curvature of the middle surface ~ p e r t a i r u n ~ tu all a..'ynunctric nHl<ll'' uf 'ihn11ion anJ the next higher one j, 1no,1ly yil'ldl•J h ~ .\Cl" l'a--c. The n1:t'.:in1un1 \';.llUl'' occur either for the Re' ic". 52. 2.17•274. 1999. 151 Suldah". K.P .. T1i\anidi,, Ci.J .• "'lluckling and ,;1u•J1ion uf ,•n•wpl) larninal<"d rmn•cin:ular r) lindrical 'hdl<' Juumal uf .Suund amJ Vibr:uiun. K2. -125-.J.tl. lllX! l<•I Soldaru,. K.P.. ",\ Fluggc•IYl'IC 1hcnl')• for 1hc :maly,i. uf :iniM>1rop idamina1cd nu11 drcular cy lindrical 'hclb," Im. J. Sul id' S1ru<1un:•. 20. 107-1 Õ . l'IK4.

p i ~ -an!!k' . i • • l•r tur 60° 1. 'a"'. r.k•J"'.•nJ1n}! un the f n : q u c : r n . " ~ ordl•r anJ l)f'IC of °'')n11nctric 'ihration nu.Jc. Ttk.• Jcraill"1 ' tu<l h:' ,f'k1'-' that lhc i n C f ( ' 3 ~ in l ' -' C l ' O l r i C i t ~ \•;due a f f c t '

  troduced in the governing equa1ions b L ã u s c of ''arying nalurc of the rJdiui. of cur\'ature or lhc noncircular cylinders with the circumferential C()• ordinatc. Studies of such ,hell' made of ad\•anc,>J composite material' that arc preferred in 1hc design of lightwdght and dlicienl shell structures are funhcr limitc>J because of1he increased complexity due hl\hc inherent dirc-c1ional propcr1ies of the se rnatcrials. Although many struc1urJI c o n 1 p o n c n t ~ of noncircular c r o : -o • s c c t i o n can be adequah.:ly 1rea1i:d as c..-quivalcn1 shells of rc\•olu1inn.

  or lhc elliptical cross-Sl' ction is described as II = (b' / 11.)( I + 11 0 cos 20) 3 1 2 where 14 = [(a 2 + b 2 )/2j 112 • 11 0 = (a' ' -l?)/(n' + b'): ;md fl denotes an angle between the 1 t a n c n t 3l thl' Ori!_!iO or y h, 'in•u1nfcn.'Olial l'U-•>nJin;lll' • anJ l ~ Ufll' at a n ~ J' IOIOl on lhl• l'Cntcr-linc. Th: par-.t.11k'.'tcf\ 11 anJ IJ an.• the l ( " n t h ' uf ttk.• '4'1Ul •l1lJjur anJ -rninor a\l''• ""flCClivcly. Rc,uhi;; ohtaincd for the lil"t fC\.\' nntural fr\.""qU l'n1.•il•, ot rv. n• :1nd c i ! ! h t • l a ~c r l • J o a n ~l t ... ply (.1''/ .f' & (.f' / -.l").J la111in:11cd 1hin clliptkal ,1,.,,11, •I./ II .. = 11.:1: 11,J h = 11111 1 for ĩ r n p l y ' upponcd txlunJa') c o n d i t i o n ~ an: prc-.cntl•J 1n thl' lull p;ipcr. It j, oh,1.•r,l•tl fnu111 hc n:,uhs that the I ~ .. ply-unglc c a c n : ũ l l ~ in ltl\.\C, t lrcqul'll1.'Y \ ' : t h l l '

  SO I •516. l'J\14. 141 Solda1'"• K.P .. "Mccha. ni••' uf C) linJrical 'hells wilh nun•dn:ular """'' ><."Clinn: ,\ 'u"c>:• AwlicJ k c h a n i c '

			ttk,.• ffl"\IUl'tll.'11.., ũ o n 1 i 1 ; : i 1 i v t . • l ~	hul lh'-'
	n;;1tun: uf vari:i.1ion of thf f n . ũ c n c ~	parJnk'1Cr d o e ~ noc l'h:.tnl!L•.
	Referenct'S
	111 l.ci""• A.W., "'Vihrn1iun uf • hdh."	0 1'ASA sr.2xx. 1' 17.1.
	I ~ I l'\1x•r . .i \ .K .• "Bihliov.raph)' 11f n11u1ographs and Ũ l " \ ' Ỹ ~ tHt ~h e l l , , " 1\pplh:t.I 1 L ' l ' h a 1 1
	k' Rc,kw. 4.1. 22,1. !,14. IWO.
	I. ' I St•h.l:tto,. K.P. ... Rl•\ h.•" of 1 h n : c -	t . l i n 1 c n ĩ o n	a l d y n ũ n i c	unuly'i' ••f <.•in:ular cylind1.•r,

am.I cylindri<"al 'hell-."" t\pplicd . \kc hanic' Review. 47.