Keywords: Physical Education (PE), France, "arts de faire", Institution, Ethnography

Everyday Physical Education for 11-year-olds in a "rurban" (outer city) secondary school in the south of France: the conflict between norms and arts de faire -an ethnographic approach

Jacques Gleyse, Jean-Luc

Other research [START_REF] Nespor | Tangled up in school[END_REF] over a longer period of ethnographic presence (two years) also attempted to define what school represents and what constitutes its limits. Finally, still using an ethnographic method, the earliest work of [START_REF] Walker | Louts and legends : male youth culture in an inner city school[END_REF], describes how male culture is organised through school in underprivileged inner-city areas. Some literature concentrates on particular cases (Clarke & Quill, 2003, 253-266) or incidents identified as "critical" (Amade- Escot, 2000, 83) during a teaching session. This is of value to both the neophyte and the experienced teacher, with a more realistic approach to teaching method. Other articles put greater emphasis on pupil motivation (Ommundsen, 2006, 289-315), or on the practical aspects of teaching (Kim et al, 2006, 361-379), (Morgan, Kingston, Sproule, 2005, 257-285).

However, in French literature, there is little work based on the presence in class of the researcher over an extended period (more than a few weeks) and it is unusual for an ethnographic approach to be adopted which clearly concentrates on the actual activity of the class as a group comprising pupils and teacher. Our approach to PE research draws on contemporary ethnological work in the field of physical exercise (Callède, 1985;[START_REF] Darbon | Rugby mode de vie[END_REF]Bromberger, 1987a;1987b;[START_REF] Saouter | Etre rugby, jeu du masculin et du féminin[END_REF][START_REF] Gleyse | Rites initiatiques et rituels de passage ou de purification dans l'école, l'éducation physique et le sport[END_REF]Pruneau, 2001), and English language research into education [START_REF] Angus | Developments in ethnographic research in education: From Interpretative to Critical Ethnography[END_REF]Delamont, 1984;[START_REF] Erickson | Cultural Organsation of participation structure in two classroom of Indian Student[END_REF][START_REF] Lutz | Ethnography: The holistic approach to understanding schooling[END_REF][START_REF] Spindler | General introduction In: Doing the ethnography of schooling[END_REF][START_REF] Stebbing | Teachers and Meaning, Definition of Classrooms Situations[END_REF][START_REF] Snyder | The Hidden Curriculum[END_REF][START_REF] Ogbu | School Ethnography: A multilevel approach[END_REF][START_REF] Wolcott | Criteria for an ethnographic approach to research in schools[END_REF][START_REF] Woods | L'Ethnographie de l'école[END_REF] and a few French papers [START_REF] Berthier | L'Ethnographie de l'école[END_REF]Lapassade, 1996Lapassade, , 1998)).

Our work involved direct, participative observation of the social behaviour of pupils and teacher during PE under "total immersion" four hours per week over a full school year (two hours twice a week). The aim was to investigate the wide range of anticipated and unforeseen behaviour in an interactive and micro-sociological environment.

4

It surprised us to discover what is most routinely familiar in a PE class. Yet, the observer's task is not easy for the experienced PE teacher, since we become imprisoned by a number of work routines and prejudices accumulated over careers lasting many years.

The battle is not easy either for the ethnologist studying contemporary life. It is essential, of course, following the example of traditional ethnology, to win the confidence of the group in order to gain access to its "secrets" and the minutiae that make up the daily routine.

Ethnology has often been portrayed as simultaneously distant and participative, external and internal. The ethnologist is always external to the relationships being studied.

Exteriority defines the ethnologist as much in terms of method (the observer makes contact, tries to become accepted and to understand) as from the subject's point of view. They and the group know they will never belong to the group being studied, although some ethnologists, by vanity, naivety or calculation, sometimes give the appearance of being absorbed by the subject they are observing, for example by actually initiating a religion. The involvement required when speaking of participative observation is of an intellectual order: it involves entering into the other's reasoning [START_REF] Augé | Le métier d'anthropologue. Sens et liberté[END_REF].

Thus, the researcher moves from the status of controlling adult [START_REF] Woods | L'Ethnographie de l'école[END_REF] at the start of the academic year, to a second status of guardian or safe deposit or even coat-hanger as they are entrusted with watches, rings and jackets and thirdly to that of confident and games partner. At this stage, revelations, admitted by pupils or prompted by the researcher's curiosity having become a member of the group, become quite numerous.

Several authors [START_REF] Vidal | Malaises dans l'institution scolaire[END_REF] have shown that uproar is a condition for perpetuating the academic system. Others perceived (the institutional pedagogy of Rogers or Neil) that the group itself is one of the driving forces in academic learning. However, no research into PE in France up to now has really asked what is learnt from the everyday arts de faire [START_REF] Certeau (de | L'Invention du quotidien[END_REF] and what precisely the pupils actually learn. The principle of arts de faire, as defined by de Certeau, is "the game" in institutions, the unorthodox or unclassifiable within the instituted. Arts de faire means everything that escapes the institution -rationality, organisation, quantification. "Usually, the unorthodox is present discreetly in the street, but it just needs a crisis for it to rise up in spate, swamp cellars, raise drain covers and occupy the town. When light is suddenly thrown on nighttime events, we are taken by surprise. However, the existence of what is normally hidden is revealed -an ever-present internal resistance." (de Certeau, 1970, 7). The paper that follows meticulously examines this dynamic in a specific school class.

Until now the concept of arts de faire has been used neither as a tool nor as a theoretical basis for research into teaching practices in school PE. Arts de faire make it possible to perceive a quite different pedagogic reality, not that which involves the teacher's laborious activity but all that eludes teaching, long described as uproar, or "opting out". Arts de faire in school education, specifically in relation to PE and Sports, would definitely be disruptive in Foucault's description of the incarceration aspect of French schooling [START_REF] Foucault | Surveiller et punir[END_REF]: lining up, docile bodies, rankings inherited from the Brothers of Jean-Baptiste de La Salle charity schools, discipline, silence and immobility. Arts de faire is all that noise, movement, gesture, disturbance, indocility and indiscipline that infiltrate the established institutional order, the fundamental dogma, and provide some degree of freedom which makes the instituted bearable for the greatest number.

Method

The class of eleven-year-olds observed was an ordinary one in a junior high school (collège) in southern France, with no peculiarity whatsoever. The children's socio-economic backgrounds were mixed, the balance being similar to many secondary school first year classes (a third being quite privileged, a third averagely so and a third underprivileged). The 6 assessment at the start of the academic year showed a similar pattern to the norm. There were 12 girls and 13 boys. The school is situated in a "rurban" (outer city) area in southern France.

The teacher was himself a PE teacher, similar to many. He held an advanced teaching diploma in sports and PE "Certificat d'Aptitude à l'Enseignement de l'Education Physique et Sportive" being promotion after obtaining a master's degree "Maître d'Education Physique et Sportive". Aged forty-eight (the average teaching age in the region) he had worked in the same school for twelve years. For ethical reasons, the names of the establishment, the class, the pupils and the teacher have not been disclosed.

The researcher was assimilated into the class.

Standard ethnographic aids were used (a notebook for meticulously recording both significant and less significant ethnological events with photographs and sketches as necessary), and spontaneous and qualitative, guided discussion. The researcher concentrated on major ethnographic categories: subject, discussion, language, myth, prohibition, rites and rituals [START_REF] Piette | Le Mode mineur de la réalité[END_REF]. Thus the ordinary is transformed into the extraordinary, the banal into the strange. Unguided (spontaneous) discussions for research purposes took place at the end of the ethnographic period of immersion, in other words once the researcher was accepted by the group. Interviews were of variable but sufficient duration and always with two or three pupils.

Verbatim remarks were carefully deciphered and content was analysed qualitatively (by subject, Bardin, 1984).

In total the researcher made nearly 700 pages of ethnographic notes covering spontaneous discussions, sketches and on-the-spot remarks made by the teacher or the pupils.

On occasion, situations were described that were either complex or difficult to remember or could not be reported verbatim. In any event, the purpose of the ethnography was to ensure certain facts were not forgotten, to collect them methodically in order to collate the ethnography later, in other words, to systematise data collection from a process of induction.

To this end the methodology of Claude [START_REF] Levi-Strauss | Anthropologie structurale I[END_REF] and other classical ethnologists was employed.

Findings

It is not possible here to explain all the arts de faire used by the class/teacher combination. We describe only the most obvious. However, arts de faire have been described in a number of fields.

2.1

The conflict between everyday arts de faire and institutional rationality "You really have to behave like an idiot from time to time, you have to let your hair down; your body has to exult at times at school." (Mid-year, Spontaneous Remark by the Teacher: SRT) This was said during a period of guided discussion. While it was to be expected that an experienced teacher would confirm academic principles, rationalising the teaching event was an opportunity for the pupils to freely express themselves regarding the described, approved system:

"… To get back to the general subject of people walking out of class like that… Everyone does it at some time or other [...] "Masses of it!" Question: For example? "Oh, I dunno, there could be a kid who seems to be fully engrossed in the stuff, doing an exercise I've suggested, though not perfectly and then, he says to himself, 'I'm doing it but I really couldn't care less. It's pointless, stupid, I don't like it, I'm only doing it so's not to get told off' and then I realize it's always like that! It is actually happening every few minutes."

(Spontaneous Group Discussion: SGD).

So this is a real picture of the times left unorganised by the institution, in which a multitude of arts de faire [START_REF] Certeau (de | L'Invention du quotidien[END_REF], major and minor, become entangled. They are a major learning opportunity for the pupils, including their relationships with their peers.

"In a way, they opt for self-teaching, they prefer to do everything on their own, even back to front, rather than follow the advice of someone else. I think they should have greater decision-making ability regarding the class and more 'freedom' in inverted commas." (SRT).

These are the words of the teacher, using the term "self-teaching" to mean an unstructured learning dynamic. He is not alone; his pupils too have a sharp awareness of what is happening. Here are the comments of Mélanie C., Sandra, Denis and Jonathan during a warm-up session: "[...] when Sir turns away, there are some kids who make an initial start, go round the track and then have another go you see, but only do half the circuit, they cheat don't they, in other words instead of going round the whole track they take short cuts, they go direct.

Everyone takes short cuts, cheats."

Speaking of rugby:

"He [the pupil] passes with his feet when we have to do it by hand." and other physical activities:

"Once, when Sir had his back turned, he made gestures at him, two finger signs, things like that." (Year-end, SGD) Or, according to Jonathan: 9 "And once, Benjamin at rugby, it was against Julie F. and she had the ball and he jumped on her and pinched her butt!" Confirmed by Denis: "It's true!" Sandra won't admit these sexual connotations at all: "The last time Olivier did that to me I did the same thing back, and he walloped me!"

(SGD)
You can see in these brief cameos de Certeau's expression (1980), that: "the daily round invents a thousand ways to steal," applies in a standard PE class for eleven-year-olds.

In fact, where you would expect to find rational motor learning, we observed a thousand and one tiny glimpses of events, built up mainly through interaction with the pupil group on the spot.

Even at the moment of greatest domination, as Georges Balandier (1988) illustrates, a "spontaneous sociality" develops from the arts de faire, demonstrated according to Piette (1992) by: -role distance [START_REF] Goffman | La Mise en scène de la vie quotidienne. Les relations en public[END_REF]; -social lies and gossip; -compensating activities;

-clandestine tactics and stealing (de Certeau, 1980); -duplicity and cunning [START_REF] Maffesoli | Au creux des apparences[END_REF]; -investment and lack of interest [START_REF] Maffesoli | Au creux des apparences[END_REF]; -the active game [START_REF] Bourdieu | La Distinction[END_REF]; -gaps and disorder. This is precisely what this paper examines through observing an ordinary PE class for eleven-year-olds. 1 0

Interaction in class work too

Virginie and Julie exchange solutions in class:

"And when I don't get it, she helps me. So, we all help one another, that's why we chat in class."

Julie "chats" with Mélanie C. too: "I'm next to Mélanie C. and any time that I can't do something, she explains it to me; but when she doesn't understand, she doesn't ask me, she copies from me instead, [...] and if I make a mistake, she makes one too!" (SGD) Virginie, Julie and Mélanie C., use what [START_REF] Woods | L'Ethnographie de l'école[END_REF] calls "coping".

According to the teachers, the author of "Inside schools: Ethnography in Educational

Research" explains "This is adapting to recurring everyday problems, responding to immediate tangible pressure, like the size of the class and the premises, as well as strong socio-structural and long-standing forces such as discipline […] and the weight of tradition. It is a means of integrating the contradictory aims that the educational system requires its agents to impose (such as liberal individualism opposing the democratic mass phenomenon), the dilemmas faced in class and the tensions induced by the physical, emotional and intellectual demands of the profession. Also, coping is involved where biography and organisation meet." (Woods, 1990, 23).

In fact, it is a response to contradictory interjections as in a double-blind system, such as mass education and elite selection, personality construction and imposed social organisation. In brief, there are numerous contradictions with which both the teacher and the pupil group must come to terms (including the teacher within the group). This is true for the whole education system but most particularly in PE which was initially viewed as compensatory relaxation from intellectual learning.

1

Here it appears that arts de faire borrowed from de Certeau ( 1980) is just as pertinent as coping put forward by Woods. It is what the pupils of this ordinary secondary school class call "messing about", meaning everything happening within and opposing the institution. For example, if they know they are not allowed to talk together, they'll do so constantly without being found out. If they know they are not allowed to share information during a test, they'll find a way to share the information ("pump" and "dupe"). But especially in PE, an incredible number of arts de faire are concerned.

Furthermore, according to [START_REF] Vasquez-Bronfman | La socialisation à l'école. Approche ethnographique[END_REF]: "It turns out that quite a high proportion of children in a class are always doing two things at the same time (following the lesson and interacting among themselves) and they successfully manage to do both simultaneously."

During a swimming session in January, arts de faire was being fully expressed. In fact, the aim of the activity defined by the teacher was to:

"Swim without touching the sides or a classmate for seven minutes. You must not touch the side of the pool, is that clear?" (Ethnographic notebook: Enb).

In fact of course, some touch the side of the pool. The teacher says: "Olivier and Sébastien E., come out." (Enb). Then, seeing that the task set is difficult to achieve, he changes the rules with the two boys straight away and lets them go back into the pool. Then, he asks Pierre, who is still in the water, how far he has swum. Pierre doesn't know what to say. The teacher continues: "That's alright, but next time, think about the distance you do." (Enb) And then he asks them all to get out of the water, although they have swum for less than five minutes.

A little later, the pupils are given another task (jump into the water) organised in three lines. Sporadic pushing and shoving occurs. Sébastien E. finds himself pushed in the water by Pierre. The teacher sees what has happened immediately and asks the group: "Who did the 1 2 pushing?" (Enb) Pierre replies naïvely, with confidence: "It wasn't me!" The teacher continues: "Don't be cheeky, I saw you. Just calm down." (Enb). But no real sanction is imposed on Pierre. Here, we see the teacher's tolerance in respect of such arts de faire.

Other similar behaviour occurs frequently: every time they pass each other Alexia, Olivier and Pierre splash one another. Benjamin, Anthony and Sébastien E. pretend to drown when they turn at the end of the pool. Olivier and Sébastien E. are lectured by the teacher for resting on the side of the pool, are called out of the water, and a few minutes later try to slip unnoticed back into the water. They are seen by the teacher and called out again. While this is going on, Mélanie C., Fanny and Julie float discreetly as the teacher talks to the two miscreants. So, in a very short learning session, pupil behaviour both complies with instructions given and infringes them through minor actions. The teacher's job is to notice these infringements and apply latitude to the instituted machinery (as in the case of Pierre).

The teacher is acutely aware in the matter of flexibility, game and redistribution: "Follow a class from A to Z without faltering, you do your class, and he [a pupil] listens, is attentive and takes it in both physically and mentally with absolutely no problem, but he will be only one of six or seven who does, perhaps a quarter of the class." (SRT) It is understandable that as a result, three quarters of them benefit from a degree of latitude.

Perhaps this why the pupils consider, as with the example of Mélanie C., that the PE class has "a good atmosphere", "freedom", even though the limits are sometimes exceeded; she may also say that "it was a shambles" and that the behaviour was "inane". It is surprising that pupils, when invited to comment on the PE class during an unguided research discussion, in general almost never referred to the motor training but to a host of other matters that might previously have been considered non-academic yet are nevertheless an integral part of school activity. 1 3

The ON and OFF of compulsory PE as a school discipline

Rites on entering and leaving the class

Three examples are given of these rites.

In September, the PE teacher tells the pupils:

"When the bell goes, form up in a double line in the quad." (Enb) Generally, throughout the year, they respect this instruction but some circumvent it by throwing satchels out of the line have the vital necessity to go and pick them up, some leave the line to shake hands politely with the researcher (most often Benjamin, Pierre, Olivier, Kader, and Jonathan), others have fairly friendly fights with those in the adjacent line. This behaviour is disapproved of by the girls, who say the boys "just want to draw attention to themselves." Furthermore, the position in the line is not predetermined, and tussles break out to get the first place. Girls like Alexia and Mélanie C. normally take the head, but are sometimes pushed back and hustled by others who relegate them to the third or fourth position, or throw them out of the line altogether. Thus, "the art of the line" [START_REF] Foucault | Surveiller et punir[END_REF] "in a closed area, isolated, functional" [START_REF] Gleyse | Rites initiatiques et rituels de passage ou de purification dans l'école, l'éducation physique et le sport[END_REF] is almost continuously disturbed without being reproved by the teachers and monitors, as if allowing a period of adjustment for integrating into the new role of secondary school pupil.

The cloakroom [START_REF] Gleyse | Rites initiatiques et rituels de passage ou de purification dans l'école, l'éducation physique et le sport[END_REF] is one of the places where testing institutional limits and those established by the pupil group, certainly occurs. In fact, while the teacher insists on "three or four minutes for changing", the time taken varies and is used in part for other purposes, and not what is intended by the two institutional systems -the school and the PE discipline.

The boys peep through the keyhole to "eye up the girls" while they are changing.

Boys bang on the door between them to imply a possible intrusion, under the amused gaze of 1 4 their peers. Benjamin tries to make a brief incursion into the girls' changing room and incites their protests. Gabriel changes slowly as if playing with his peers or negotiating with the teacher. Yet a wealth of other games (in the sense of paideia or game -a spontaneous child's game and not ludus or play with established rules), is organised or learnt: pushing off the person on the end of a shared bench, shouting stridently while hiding, burping noisily and laughing wildly. The silence requested by the teacher is ignored when he is not there, a caricature portrayed by Morad: "Silence, you, you and you, black marks for everyone," (Enb) and the other boys find it hilarious. Fights break out, gentle or quite rough shoving.

The event of the year is when the girls' cloakroom is dirtied by the boys dropping sunflower seed shells (known as "fag-ends" by both pupils and teacher). The teacher makes the girls clean up and they plead innocence. Here, the limit seems to have been exceeded: the teacher calls everyone together and says:

"We won't leave the gym until I know who dropped those fag-ends." (Enb)

Benjamin gives himself up. The teacher admonishes him, "What you've done is dishonest. Now please listen to me! It's not nice to see or hear about. You all have to make an effort; it's stupid to fight one another." (Enb) Benjamin is told to "behave impeccably from now on". But there is no further sanction. According to the boys' comments, Benjamin did it as vengeance:

"So the girls, who are spoilt by the teacher, [would] get into trouble." (Enb) Several other matters are the subject of this dynamic dialogue and "limit testing".

Dress regularly gives rise to tension (particularly leaving laces untied, giving undue importance to brand names); in this the group imposes virtually as many standards as the teacher.

There is often a mild uproar during roll call (stealing someone else's identity, shouting, shoving). The end of session group analysis is followed by half the class while the 1 5 rest play with small teaching aids. While instructions are being given there is a lull, silence and immobility contrasting with the incessant commotion. The length of the session itself is variable (it may finish a few minutes earlier or later than the institution's timetable). From the beginning of the academic year, the teacher insists on punctuality and respecting the timetable. However, his own punctuality during the year lapses on occasion, the teacher arriving late about ten times. Some of the pupils draw attention to this. Alexia, in a bantering tone, tells the teacher:

"You're late, Sir, you'll get a warning!" (Enb)

The teacher's quiet smile responds to this joke. However, that day perhaps Alexia learns both punctuality and the possibility of flexibility regarding the timetable.

There is scant respect for the warming-up exercise, its duration and the distances to be accomplished (pupils cut corners when jogging, do not repeat the exercises as instructed by the teacher, even do something else entirely).

All these actions oppose the institutional logic and the arts de faire, and have a fluctuating limit, defined day by day both by the pupils and the teacher, who is always conscious of it. Nothing seems really fixed. Everything is installed in a dynamic dialogue between pupils and between teacher and pupils; in other words, between the members of the group.

As a class finishes, the teacher asks the pupils to end their activity, and gather in a particular area in the gym or sports field. They are invited to sit down and asked, in a variable sequence, to:

-listen to the analysis of the session or to answer questions on the learning achieved; -collect up small items of equipment (tennis balls, posts, competitor's numbers, rings etc.); -put away the other equipment used (gym mats, badminton posts, Hand balls etc); 1 6 -listen, on occasion, to the progam for the next session. Some examples illustrate finishing rites. At the pool, the call to come out of the water is almost never gets an immediate reaction: four or five pupils nearly always go quickly back into the water. In badminton an impetuous push, or leaping onto the equipment trolley, captures the energy of the boys. Handballs are thrown at the girls instead of being tidied into storage nets.

Getting changed is often the excuse for joyous chaos: the supporter's song (Allez la France, Allez l'OM) is shouted by the boys, clothing is thrown, and friendly fights take place while waiting for the bell.

Transitional areas: exceeding the transfer time

Here are three examples of this.

Within the school grounds, the class is asked to form up in two lines and walk to the cloakrooms near the main building. Here again, the degree laxness is tested. Some of the pupils tap on a classroom or study room window making provocative comments to their peers such as "Oh! Look how ugly he is. Have you seen his fish-face? Hey moron, what are you doing in the study room?" (Enb) Some shuffle along, leaving a long gap between themselves and their colleagues, and the teacher, mindful of the low marks they obtained in the last class, discreetly takes care to exclude one or two of them from the football team.

In order to get to the stadium outside the school, or to the gym a fifteen-minute walk away, despite the teacher's repeated insistence ("stay in file, keep together, no talking, walk on the pavement, stop and look before crossing the road"), behavioural infringements still occur. Pressing the bells of houses they pass is one of the boys' favourite games. Pilfering oranges, pretending to run away down an adjacent road, hitting the bag of balls carried by another pupil, trying to walk on the curb without falling despite being shoved by their neighbour.

7

One day, Kader trailed behind, hidden by Olivier, Pierre, Anthony and Sébastien E.

From beside a garage door he started to run to catch up with the group after ringing someone's doorbell. Unfortunately for him, the house was occupied by a family in mourning.

Someone rushed out of the yard in front of the house. The teacher went back to investigate, and was admonished: "It's disgraceful to allow children to do as they like. You should be doing your job properly." (Enb)

The teacher called the pupils together and asked them not to play any more "pranks in such poor taste". He told them "you have exceeded the limits", which is doubtless the key to the whole issue.

What is discovered about "conduct instituted" and everyday arts de faire is really that it is testing the limits (in the etymological sense of limits: the Roman frontier between barbarity and civilisation) and these limits are tested and appraised by all the members of the group, not just the pupils.

In the above incident between the school and the sports ground, Kader took full responsibility for his behaviour, so the teacher lectured him but did not impose a punishment: "It's right and proper that you admitted doing it, I hope you realize the implications."

(Enb)

The social message being learnt is apparent here. School is perhaps one of those rare places in our repressive society where we can make a mistake and learn from it ("confession is half-way to being pardoned" the proverb says). This did not prevent the teacher from reiterating firmly: "I don't expect pupils to go ringing doorbells ever again." (Enb). The game had reached the limit of acceptability.

The standard framework, bounded by silence, the line and the precise route as rites imposed by the teacher, is interfered with by small, random behaviour patterns; the pupils test 1 8 the standards and rules, burst into laughter, annoy some of their peers, and break the PE class routine in a thousand ways.

A coach ride taking pupils to the pool twenty-two kilometres away is the opportunity for numerous infringements: throwing sports bags over the seats, frenetically shaking the seats, drawing on the steamed up windows, distributing sweets, trading vehicle parts. In brief, the reminders to calm down, be quiet and keep still issued throughout the journey are constantly disregarded or at least tested by the pupils thereby learning the limits of sociability.

Rituals in physical activities

Regular incidents, generally ritualised, seem to recur with certain activities: starting the activity, a system of constituting values, setting standards in physical techniques, games with small items of equipment that disrupt organisation.

Starting the activity

The teacher sets a routine for starting the physical activity with an alternating system "Forty-five seconds running slowly and fifteen seconds walking." (Enb) Yet here again, the times given are not really respected and furthermore, the pupils run in time to the noise of a passing motorbike, they shove one another, they cut corners in the gym, on the rugby pitch or football ground. Other incidents come to light that circumvent the standards set by the teacher and are important to him.

In Yet, as with other requirements, these norms are not really respected, by either teacher or pupil.

In badminton, passes must be high but not too high: this instruction becomes a competition to touch the gym ceiling. Whenever an activity is started, the teacher tries to set limits in time, space, movement and behaviour. Pupils immediately mount their counteroffensive, testing these limits, but without completely challenging the system, which adapts, continuing to operate through the game.

Values specific to the activity

The teacher stresses a founding principle for each physical activity. Hence the (ignored) instruction to swim without touching the sides for ten minutes.

"So much can happen in two or three minutes when tiredness takes over. They somehow get onto their backs, they breath in a particular way, and there are things that seem interesting to me; I notice for example, that whatever their level of ability, after about fifty meters, all the swimmers turn onto their backs, which surely indicates that they have breathing problems and manage to find a solution that way." (SRT).

Here the founding value of the system is to develop confidence in a "problem situation", encouraging the pupil to discover their individual breathing capacity. Sometimes, they are unsuccessful, which explains why they hang on to the side of the pool.

Pupils value quite another reference system, which includes jumping into the water, splashing about, going down the slide. Above all they want to "have fun in the water." Pierre and Kader experiment:

"Hmm, I didn't think much of what we were doing. Yeah! In the pool, at the end, we played on the slide and all that. It was crazy, but to start with we swam for ten minutes, at the end of ten minutes, heck! It's too long!" (Enb)

The same verdict was delivered by Virginie, Julie and Sandra, the latter saying that: "It's OK, but I don't know, it would be better if we could go on the slide!" (Enb)

1

Here again we see the dynamics of the pupils' desire and the teacher's basic value system. We might even talk of a "dialogic" system (Morin, 1984).

In badminton, the teacher's defined founding value is the hierarchy, the players' ladder with its system of "ascending and descending", with some pupils being eliminated and all being classified (a value appreciated by the academic institution, [START_REF] Bourdieu | Esquisse d'une théorie de la pratique (Sketch of a practice theory[END_REF], Establet & Passeron, 1971).

"Good; moving on to badminton, it is the same. Establishing a hierarchy I suppose is important, it's unfortunate but it's important in life too. A hierarchy is always important."

(Enb) Some pupils distance themselves from this link with society; "We're happy in the fifth division." "We'd rather play among ourselves; we're having a great time." (Enb).

The teacher's value system meets resistance however, although the fun activity itself is not really subjected to limit testing, but some challenge the founding organisational system.

Norms in physical techniques

Rugby is without doubt where limit testing flourishes in terms of norms in physical techniques. However, when the teacher is faced with the girls' resistance to violent contact, he excuses them from tackling in favour of a simple touch. The teacher, confronted by the anguish of some of the girls, (particularly Mélanie C. who cries when she is hit on the head by the ball), blames what he calls the founding value system of rugby: "contact". But he recognises that: "Mélanie C. reacted too emotionally." He also reproves the sudden violence exhibited by Alexandre: "When you're hit, don't get angry; there's no enemy, this is rugby!"

(Enb)
Thus, from the third session, faced with the girls' resistance (through fear), the teacher abandons a physical technique he considers a founding value of the activity, showing that he too yields to the limit test. A valid limit is provided by the girls. We also see that the PE 2 discipline is organised in the immediate present, not in abstracto. However, it is significant that the system is chaotic and random: this is clear from the dynamics of the daily testing of the group's limits, of the institution, the arts de faire, the teacher, the practice, the rules and the technical norms. We see here that the teacher uses these incidents to help the pupils learn self-control.

We also see what is actually learnt, not the teacher's formal plan. Pupils test their limits regarding the aggressiveness of other pupils, just as the teacher tests the pupils' limits in rugby and his own didactic approach. Physical techniques become less important than other learning, although of course group self-control is actually a physical technique.

In gymnastics, other expectations come to the fore. The number of repeats, particularly important to the teacher so that the pupils to learn certain techniques, is not respected: "After a moment, you are fed up, you do something else." Kader and Benjamin do forward summersaults and cartwheels instead of the high rolls requested, saying:

2 3
"Well, we did it once and that was enough so we stopped right there, ha! ha! We were doing rolls here, cartwheel things there, I didn't like it." This was confirmed in discussion by

Virginie and Julie too. (Enb).

In October there was an epic session in the teacher's presence, most of the class starting a jumping competition on the mats when they were supposed to be setting up equipment. A friendly fight broke out between Jonathan and Denis, Marc and Sébastien E., chasing one another, tripping, landing flat-stomached on the mat. In brief, a joyous effervescence where together pupils learn several physical techniques that have no bearing on the planned gym session, or at least, nothing that seems to bear on it. Yet, maybe there is a dialogue between the two.

That day the teacher told them: That day, getting back on track was absolutely essential.

And if the teacher requires them to "get things under control", the activity, like the learning technique, is just reorganised by the pupils to suit themselves. Yet it is exactly this reorganisation that constitutes learning possible limits, what is acceptable and unacceptable to the institution, even to the group itself.

Similar limit testing occurs in swimming, badminton, and stamina training. The roles, in the sense defined by [START_REF] Foucault | Surveiller et punir[END_REF], required in the academic institution just as in military, prison and medical institutions, are certainly disrupted; lines, in the symbolic sense, are disturbed, order disrupted by arts de faire. But thanks to such "great deviations" the system endures.

Constituent values of the PE discipline

While the teacher often requires "seriousness and concentration", pupils forget the instructions and abandon themselves to enormous gales of helpless, contagious laughter, which the teacher tries to check with a threatening tone of voice. Sometimes the teacher exploits pupil hilarity in order to create a more relaxed atmosphere, generally welcoming laughter as he remembers his own helpless laughter as a teenager: "And that too [...] While a teaching method based on humour might seem worthless, a healthy sense of humour towards oneself, others and the institution is surely beneficial?

Language is important too. What are the language styles used by the pupils and teacher to express themselves? In general, the teacher adopts a language that complies with school orthodoxy and the demands of PE. It often relates specifically to the discipline, to be learnt at the same time as the motor tasks.

The teacher considers that his mode of expression falls within the range of expected school language: "I speak as a teacher, not as a teenager; I don't talk slang, I don't use fuck and shit [...] in every sentence." He feels he has to communicate in a way in which he is personally at ease, using everyday language though sometimes borrowing from the street: during disciplinary comments: "Benjamin, push off", "Marc, watch out", "Stop bullshitting around" etc. (Enb)

"When
Between pupils without the immediate influence of the teacher, "normal" expressions are interspersed with sexual or scatological insults, "Up yours", "Screw your mother", "I'll stuff it in your mouth and you'll find out how it feels". (Enb) Thus, language arts de faire takes a few liberties with school and teaching orthodoxy.

Disorder

Sports equipment is regularly used for purposes other than those intended. Gym mats, the transport trolley, posts, competitor identity numbers, badminton rackets, record sheets, whistles, stop watches, the sand box; weighted balls and even ordinary balls are given other uses than those intended by the institution.

A badminton racket becomes a guitar in the hands of Denis, a weapon for hitting a backside or head, a machine gun, a spinning top or a frying pan. Olivier tosses it in the air as he pirouettes like a majorette. The arts de faire, this game within instituted conduct, is considered a problem not only in relation to instituted conduct, the school, PE, the teacher, but also relative to the conduct approved by the group itself.

Alexandre is the target of dominant boys, and Gabriel and Alexia disapprove:

"Sometimes, they get hold of A. He doesn't know how to look out for himself. He cries too, and they laugh at him so he'll cry, [...] in fact he's too nice. He lets them get on with it."

(Enb)

A system of norms exists within the pupil group, targeting the kindliness of some of the others; a system too that is reorganised by the arts de faire. It is really another form of "messing about" disapproved of by the majority. In the case of Alexandre it is both the group limits and his personal limits that are being tested.

Immobility and movement: the intolerability of sitting

At the start of the session, when intermediate instructions are being given and during the end-of-session review phase, the teacher asks the pupils to come together, sit on the ground and keep still. Several pupils fidget: they handle balls, play with badminton rackets, the boys throw small pebbles at the girls, exchange friendly slaps between peers. Immobility markers are quite difficult to establish, much to the teacher's disappointment. The request to keep still causes the opposite response: movement.

The gender battle

In this class everyone seeks to define their symbolic and physical limits. The permeability of these limits is regularly challenged. The boys try to impress the girls with their strength and virility. The girls, far from submitting to this attitude, refuse to take part in activities that call for "male values". They have their own weapons too: seduction and guile.

For the group, a boy is typified by his strength and ability to use force, a propensity to "show off", to "band together" and to "take decisions". However, these characteristics are contested by girls with similar qualities, particularly in relation to strength. A girl is generally defined (by the boys and some of the girls too) by her poor performance in team sports, her limited ability in games of skill and her superiority in intellectual matters. Yet being attractive can help her gain a place in the team.

Attempts at co-education that respects differences and similarities, still has far to go.

Prohibitions and denials

Rudeness of a sexual nature ("Fuck off", "I'll stuff it up your arse"), deviant behaviour (hands on buttocks, pinching breasts), and games of seduction find a place in a PE class, despite denial and general rejection of sexuality both by the institution and the teacher.

Denial of sexuality is typified by a discussion between the teacher and Pierre: "Sir, if you kiss a girl at school, will you be kept in?" The teacher walks on and replies in a distracted sort of way: "Oh, I'm not in the picture."

A range of behaviour and responses with a sexual connotation, self-evident or disguised, contradict the denial of sexuality by the institution, the discipline and the PE teacher. It is a modus vivendi that ignores the sexuality of the pupil... and of the teacher, responding to sexuality credited to Eros-impetuous, often clumsy and sometimes aggressive.

The prohibition to chew gum during PE sessions was the subject of constant vigilance from the first to the last session of the school year, yet many pupils (girls and boys) continued to keep a piece of gum in their mouths, often only pretending to throw it in the waste bin. Is this incessant game of imposition and circumvention between the teacher representing the rules, and the pupils trying to evade them in a way that enhances the status of the group, a failure to understand the reason for the prohibition? The teacher's benchmarks for hygiene, safety and discipline are met by the group's behaviour, testing them constantly throughout the school year.

3 Schematic view of the system of norms

The system of the class may be schematised, with particularly significant individuals appearing in an area that is virtually symbolic and topological.

FIGURE 1

In this schema Gabriel is the pupil who is the class lynchpin. Gabriel, an older, taller boy re-sitting the year, is the expert among the pupil group of arts de faire, instituted PE conduct, the school and the teacher. He fully understands the system of norms established through limit testing. He knows exactly what those limits are.

The teacher moves constantly between the conduct instituted by the school, PE and the arts de faire in order to encourage learning. But he does not occupy Gabriel's central position as he is not an expert in the arts de faire instituted by the pupil group.

As the year progresses, Mélanie C., a pupil considered by the majority of her peers as the "teacher's pet" finds herself excluded from the arts de faire and unable to benefit from learning from her peers. She mainly learns from the formal teaching.

Alexandre, who is not shown on the diagram, while being more or less a scapegoat, is excluded neither from the arts de faire nor from the instituted conduct.

Conversely, as the year progresses, Olivier, only conscious of the arts de faire, not having internalised the logic behind limit testing, exceeds the instituted limits and is finally expelled and thus excluded from the group.

So, clearly, the teacher is not the centre of the tribe in the normal PE class. Our ethnographic approach enables us to state this with virtual certainty. We also see that the word "collège", whose etymology goes back to colegem, meaning to constitute the law together, suddenly makes complete sense. It really is the pupil group through the arts de faire, in dialogue with instituted conduct, that provides the implicit laws or norms of the group, laws that are tested daily by all those involved: this permanent testing may be seen as the most important tutor to this PE class: limit testing.

Conclusion

Didactic instituted tutoring is only part of the PE learning process. What some call learning "incidents", and others everyday arts de faire, seem to have considerable importance in the normal teaching session. This type of learning doubtless arises largely from the concept 3 0 of socialisation. Thus, it is not the individual pupil who is the centre of the learning event, but the pupil group. Limit testing can only be learnt by a committed presence.

If there really is a hidden curriculum in education it does not just concern gender as many have shown, although this has a role in limit testing between male and female. It is more widely socialisation and, even more precisely, sociality, meaning the entire non-explicit, non-instituted and not necessarily conscious socialisation, which enables the life of the group to continue day by day.

Finally, regarding the strict domain of physical activities and physical education, it appears that pupils learn as much from their peers as from the teacher (the teacher also learning from their pupils), while paideia often takes precedence over ludus.

"

  There's such a lot I don't understand [...]. It's not possible to put up with certain behaviour, [...] I grumble because I don't want to talk to the kid concerned individually. And then there's a general grouse to [...] get back on track." (Enb).

and then OK, back again! There must be a lot of

	stuff that escapes me you see, but I still take that into account, realizing that in a class, any
	class, there are so many things I don't understand, you know. You see what I'm trying to say?
	Things just get impossible and that's why suddenly you give a shout of protest [...]."
	Question: You've just said that at a particular moment, there's stuff you don't
	understand?

  rugby, suggestions are often ignored: the length of a kick, limited to 10 meters, But these controlled infringements, this paideia in the ludus, play within the game is nearly always limited and does not actually challenge the system; on the contrary, it enables it to endure. Or perhaps limits are defined moment by moment, here and now.When placing the record cards for long distance races some pupils are visibly bored, and the only person who seems to have understood the task is Mélanie C., who will become virtually excluded from the arts de faire by her peers because she complies too readily with the teacher's demands.However, the teacher systematically sets norms at the start of the activity: record

	increases rapidly; lines for progressive passes are only briefly maintained, quickly
	deteriorating into a disorganised mass of players. A threat made by the almost disheartened
	teacher "you'll end up running in six-meter diameter circles" (Enb) is virtually disregarded,
	though a large laughing group turns round the ethnologist (now clearly accepted by the
	group).
	1
	9

cards, the gymnastics session criteria, quite draconian hygiene standards at the pool: "Using the WC, and going through the shower is compulsory; wait on the side of the pool for the teacher to arrive; goggles are not essential; if you use the equipment -boards, chips, or mats -you must put it away afterwards; you may, if necessary, go to the WC during the session; we shall inspect your feet to make sure they are clean." (Enb).

  Physical attacks in the course of a game of rugby are numerous: Mélanie C. is scratched on the face, Sébastien E. molested by Olivier "He won't let the ball go and Olivier is holding him by the balls!" Mélanie C. thinks "he can't bear to lose." Gladys explains this by saying: "he thinks he's strong and doesn't like the others to push him around like that[...].

He must

[...]

think he's strong." (Enb) The teacher intervenes and encourages them to learn about body contact, reminding them of the fun aspect: "Some players are too rough. Hitting is often unintentional; it's part of the game, part of life. [...]Olivier, you're behaving like an idiot, go away. Julie got hit, but she's got herself under control." (Enb)

  you talk to a pupil you want to talk as I'm talking to you now, in an ordinary way,

	-in describing learning behaviour: "you messed up the last turn", "everyone's
	bushed" (after a long distance run). (Enb).
	which suits me. I don't talk like Molière, however, if I spoke to them as I do to you, they
	wouldn't understand sixty percent of what I say." (Enb). And the language limits in a PE class
	can be stretched till you are swearing like your pupils.
	Our observations corroborate that the teacher's normal speech to pupils sometimes
	employs colourful expressions, and maybe involuntarily:
	2
	5

  The trolley is coveted by all. It is no longer used for carrying the mats but is calmly taken for a walk by the pupils. Pierre, Sébastien E., Marc, Olivier and Benjamin argue regularly for the privilege of steering it or riding on it. Pressure by the teacher does not end this game until limits are exceeded.Swimming boards are used for surfing. Rugby balls play the role of pregnant women.Weighted athletics balls become juggling balls. Posts become loudspeakers, witch's hats or giant sex organs. The damp grass in the stadium is used for skating. The teacher's attempts to prevent these activities have little effect. A multitude of arts de faire makes ordinary objects fantastically extraordinary. Yet here again learning is achieved, entirely based on the experience, here and now of the actual social construction of the class.The pupils call it "messing about". But the messing about not only involves the equipment; social relationships and the instituted organisation of orthodox conduct are also disrupted.

	Morad and Gabriel think that: "It goes OK in general, but there's a lot of messing
	about." (Enb).
	Conflicts between boys and girls occur too and other incidents that bring disorder to
	order, entropy to harmony. The list occurring during this school year is virtually
	inexhaustible: "At the pool, they take people's bags and throw them, or they take swimming
	caps." "They take swimming caps and whack us with them."

"Once, Pierre arrived, I went and changed, and when I came back, he hit me and I asked him: 'What have I done to you?' and he told me to stop rebelling [...] (SGD).

"The other day he messed with Morad, and managed to get the better of him. Then he said it was me who started it. No, it was him who started it," "so I had to mess with him, didn't I?" (SGD).

Paradoxically, during long distance running the teacher says: "I have confidence in those in this class; everyone is more or less honest."

Although some of the pupils said: "You're kind, Sir, you should give him a zero, he stopped!"


V Fireteanu
email: virgiliu.fireteanu@upb.ro

R Mahu

A-I Constantin

Finite Element Analysis of a New Furnace with Travelling Field Inductor for Induction Heating, Electromagnetic Stirring and Levitation of Molten Titanium Alloys

Keywords: titanium alloys processing, induction heating, electromagnetic stirring, levitation, FE analysis

The study based on finite element (FE) models of the electromagnetic field and of the motion inside the volume of the levitated molten titanium alloy of a new induction furnace equipped with a travelling field inductor in this paper is focused on three important effects -induction heating, electromagnetic stirring and charge levitation. The main parameters of this study are the charge weight, the supply frequency and the relative position charge -inductor.

Introduction

The motion inside the molten volume of the classical induction furnaces or in the cold crucible furnaces and the levitation of this volume by the action of the Lorentz forces are more or less considered secondary effects of the electromagnetic field presence with respect the main action, represented by the Joule heating effect of induced currents. Instead of the usual inductor that creates a magnetic field only time dependent, this paper considers an inductor of traveling field type, able to generate a wave magnetic field, time and space dependent. This is a new device whose operation regroups the Joule effect of induced currents, respectively the induction furnace function, and the driving effect of Lorentz forces, respectively the linear induction motor function. This last function is the result of the important axial/vertical component of Lorentz forces. Since the spatial structure of the Lorentz force volume density is different in traveling field, the motion inside the molten volume, respectively the electromagnetic stirring, is also different than in a time dependent magnetic field. Consequently, the induction heating (IH), the electromagnetic stirring (ES) and the charge levitation (LEV) are of the same level of practical interest in the new IH-ES-LEV furnace.

Description of the finite element 3D model of the new IH-ES-LEV furnace

This section describes the Flux3D finite element model of the new IH-ES-LEV furnace for induction heating of titanium alloys, in which the Lorentz forces ensure an intense electromagnetic stirring and the levitation of the furnace charge. The inductor of this furnace, Fig. 1, is composed from six helicoidal turns/coils of stranded conductor type, indexed in Fig. 2 phase A1, phase A2, phase A3, … , phase A6. The terminals of the inductor winding are 60 degrees shifted around the furnace axis from one phase to the next one.

A6 i A1 (t) = 2Isin(2ft), i A2 (t) = 2Isin(2ft -/6), i A3 (t) = 2Isin(2ft -2/6), ... , i A6 (t) = 2Isin(2ft-5/6) (1)
the wavelength of the travelling field is the double of the inductor axial extension. The charge of the furnace inside the inductor, Fig. 1, that consists in molten titanium alloy with the resistivity 2 Ωmm 2 /m, density 4200 kg/m 3 and the viscosity 4.410 -3 Pas, is the solid conductor region of the electromagnetic field computation domain. This region has a particular geometry, imposed by the balance between the gravitation, Lorentz forces, viscosity forces and the surface tension. The geometrical parameter CHARGE_POZ = 0 defines the position of the charge in Fig. 1 with respect the inductor. The numerical applications whose results are further analyzed consider two cases -charge 1 and charge 2, with the geometrical data in Table 1.

Main results of the electromagnetic field analysis

For the case charge 1 in Table 1, supply frequency f = 160 Hz and phase current I = 13.5 kA are presented in this section graphical results as support of a better understanding of the new furnace operation. The position of the levitated charge 1 with respect the inductor corresponds to CHARGE_POZ = 110.4 mm. The maximum value 6.17 A/mm 2 of the induced current density, Fig. 3, characterizes a point on the lateral area of the charge surface whose radius is nearly the maximum. As shown in the second image of Fig. 3 related the current density in an axial plane of the charge region, this local quantity, which determines the induction heating efficiency and the electromagnetic stirring intensity, decreases in radial direction.

Optimum of the levitation effect in the IH-ES-LEV furnace

The influence of the supply frequency on the levitation force that is the integral over the charge volume of the Oz component of the Lorentz force volume density for I = 14.5 kA and CHARGE_POZ = 0 mm is analyzed in this section. As Fig. 8 shows, f opt1 = 160 Hz represents the value of the frequency for which the maximum of the levitation force is obtained. If the frequency increases over this optimal value, the levitation force slightly decreases. Related the power induced in the charge, Fig. 9, this quantity continuously increase when the value of the supply frequency increases. Similar results are obtained for charge 2, where the maximum of levitation is obtained for the frequency f opt2 = 350 Hz.

Identification of the stable equilibrium vertical position of the levitated charge

The dependence of the levitation force on the relative position charge -inductor in case charge 1, for I = 13.5 kA and frequency f opt1 = 160 Hz is represented in Fig. 10. The intersection point to the right of this curve with the horizontal line that corresponds to the charge 1 weight that is 873.9 N, defines the Stable Equilibrium position of the charge for which the levitation force is equal with the charge weight. This position corresponds to CHARGE_POZ = 110.4 mm, for which the power induced in the charge, is 124.7 kW.

Increase of the furnace power without alteration of the levitation characteristics

The maximum value of the levitation force with respect the relative position charge -inductor, Fig. 10, in case charge 1 is 910.5 N for the frequency 160 Hz and the current 13.5 kA. This means a levitation gap 910.5 -873.9 = 36.6 N between this maximum value and the charge weight. The interest to increase the furnace power should be of practical interest. The results in Table 2, where two increased values of the frequency are considered, contain the values of the current I for which the levitation gap 36.6 N rest unchanged and reflect the increase of the power induced in the charge. The equilibrium position of the charge defined by the result CHARGE_POZ goes up when the frequency increases.

Electromagnetic stirring / motion inside the molten titanium alloy

The

Conclusions

The melting, the levitation and the intense electromagnetic stirring of titanium alloy charges up to 100 kg are processes proved to be feasible by using a the new IH-ES-LEC induction furnace, equipped with a multiphase traveling field inductor. A good efficiency of the induction heating and Lorentz forces that ensure the charge levitation and an intense motion inside the molten volume are all obtained in a relatively low frequency traveling magnetic field.

Fig. 1 : 2 :

 12 Fig. 1: Geometry of the 6-phases travelling field Fig. 2: Meshing of the regions inductor and charge IH-ES-LEV furnace of the 6-phases travelling field furnaceSupplying the inductor from a power source that consists in a usual 3-phase frequency converter and a 3-phase/6-phase transformer, a travelling magnetic field is generated. If the currents injected in the six phases of the inductor have the following time dependences:

Fig. 3 :Fig. 4 :

 34 Fig. 3: Induced currents density [A/m 6 ] maps and arrows

Fig. 8 :

 8 Fig. 8: Levitation force versus supply frequency -charge 1 Fig. 9: Power induced in the charge 1 versus frequency

Fig. 10 :

 10 Fig. 10: Levitation force versus vertical charge position For the charge 2, I = 8.15 kA and f opt2 = 350 Hz, the equilibrium position corresponds to CHARGE_POZ = 67.4 mm.

  Fig. 11. Map of the velocity [m/s] at a given time step and arrows of the average in time velocity

Table 1 .

 1 Computation data of the two cases considered in the numerical applications

	Case	Mass [kg]	Maximum diameter of charge [mm]	Height of charge [mm]	Inner diameter of the inductor [mm]	Outer diameter of the inductor [mm]	Height of coils cross-section [mm]	Coil -coil gap [mm]
	charge 1 89.08	300	360	360	480	44	4.16
	charge 2 28.03	200	255	260	320	34	3.15


Michel Damian
email: michel.damian@upmf-grenoble.fr

A new political economy of climate change

Keywords: Paris Agreement, climate change, carbon price, carbon trading, political economy, regulation, decarbonization Q54, Q58, F53

This article responds to Jean Tirole, winner of the Nobel prize for economics in 2014 and the signatories of the international appeal launched by Toulouse School of Economics and the Climate Economics Chair at Paris Dauphine University who propose setting a universal carbon price and establishing a transcontinental emissions trading system. We hold that the Paris Agreement, which disregarded such recommendations, represents a paradigm shift. The new political economy of climate change departs from the standard approach with regard to its economic instruments (emissions prices and quotas), returning to a classical political economy approach in terms of production economics. It confers a strategic role on methods and techniques for cutting emissions, as part of a long-term vision of energy and industrial transition. It is underpinned by the concerted action of States and multiple actors operating on various scales. There can be no magic wand to swiftly reduce greenhouse gas emissions while disregarding the real conditions of States, which all differ in terms of their relative development, technological capacity and political and social situation, not to mention the diversity of their values and priorities.

Introduction

Led by Jean Tirole, winner of the Nobel prize for economics in 2014, the economists of the Toulouse School of Economics have for months been criticising the Paris conference and its foreseeable outcome, dismissing it as 'media froth' [START_REF] Gollier | Conférence sur le climat : à Lima il faut aller plus loin ! Le Monde, 10 décembre[END_REF], a strategy 'doomed to fail' (Gollier, Tirole, 2015), an agreement 'with no ambition' (Tirole, Gollier, 2015), or even 'a summit for nought' [START_REF] Thibault | COP21 : un sommet pour rien ! Toulouse School of Economics[END_REF].

Paris was not a summit for nought.

According to those who signed the international petition launched by TSE and the Climate Economics Chair at Paris Dauphine University [START_REF] Tse | Call for an ambitious and credible climate agreement in Paris, TSE-CEC Joint Initiative[END_REF], the decisive solution should have been to set a universal carbon price and establish a transcontinental emissions trading system. The Paris Agreement -its backbone and limitations apparent for some time -was adopted by consensus on 12 December 2015, disregarding the TSE recommendations. The ink on the agreement was barely dry when Tirole wrote, implicitly recalling the failure of the previous Copenhagen conference in 2009: 'In six years we have made almost no progress' (Tirole, 2015b). We do not endorse this view [START_REF] Criqui | Non, la COP ne fut pas « un sommet pour rien[END_REF]. In particular in terms of economic thinking, in which climatechange policy has effected a paradigm shift.

No immediate likelihood of a global emissions trading system

The main thrust of the arguments set forth by TSE economists is as follows. Firstly it sets aside what climate experts refer to as 'policies and measures', in other words state action through regulation and standards (which may bear on emissions, products or processes). 'Their application in countries with centrally planned economies has demonstrated their limitations.' [START_REF] Crampes | Of price and men[END_REF]. Furthermore enforcing standards is 'very expensive'. Rather the accent is placed on an approach based on economic incentives, such as taxation or emissions trading (which the TSE school of thought prefers), all the more so because 'a free market and democracy often go handin-hand'. This scheme is none other than the one advocated during the period between the Kyoto Protocol of 1997 and the failure of the Copenhagen summit in 2009: a three-pronged system based on a global emissions cap, burden-sharing and emissions trading. Appealing in its formal purity, in conformity with the standard economic theory and its supposed virtues in terms of efficacy, fairness and independence, this scheme has nevertheless proved impossible to deploy.

The TSE economists propose two key components to set up a global emissions trading system: first, satellite technology to monitor and measure emissions accurately; and second an independent body to regulate the permit trading system, in other words a price-based mechanism. This body would be tasked with monitoring and measuring national pollution by individual signatories, and penalizing any participants which failed to fulfil their commitments on emissions. It would therefore be a regulatory body, but 'a body protected from any form of influence' [START_REF] Thibault | COP21 : un sommet pour rien ! Toulouse School of Economics[END_REF], like a drone controlled from one knows not where.

'We should, here and now, have sufficient courage,' these authors add, 'to enable the emergence of an independent body capable of seriously monitoring the efforts of each party -satellite technology makes it easy to measure emissions -then agree on firm commitments, even if this means taxing countries which will not accept the rules of the game.' These economists are not familiar with the satellite technology to which they refer, for in practice it is not 'easy' to measure emissions. For the time being satellite metering (though promising) is still difficult, with only limited accuracy. It should be noted that Gollier and Tirole (2015, p. 24) are more cautious and better informed: 'Experimental projects from NASA and ESA to measure the global emission of CO 2 at the country level are promising in the long run.'

In keeping with Gollier and Tirole (2015, p. 27) Thibault and Cherbonnier cite the work of William Nordhaus to support their proposal. The latter has demonstrated 'the viability of this solution, based on forming a club of countries which would agree to impose a carbon tax of €50 per tonne on their population and industry, while imposing a 5% on the others at their border.' But Nordhaus explicitly defines a framework and limitations for his approach: 'The analysis assumes that countries maximize their national economic welfare and ignores partisan, ideological, myopic, and other nonoptimizing behaviors.' He is also careful to emphasize that he has made no allowance for the economic, environmental, legal and diplomatic issues affecting the feasibility of his proposal, wisely leaving this up 'to specialists in those areas' [START_REF] Nordhaus | Climate Clubs: Overcoming Free-riding in International Climate Policy[END_REF](Nordhaus, , pp. 1341(Nordhaus, and 1347(Nordhaus, -1348)). This is just as well.

The World Trade Organization cannot, at present, sanction punitive taxes at borders for countries not signing up to a climate agreement

To make a transcontinental emissions trading system operational, the TSE economists have selected two instruments, based on existing bodies. The first is the International Monetary Fund. Failure to comply with a climate agreement would engage the responsibility of a country's future governments and would be treated as sovereign debt augmented by carbon debt. In the case of a mechanism issuing emissions permits, a permit deficit at the end of the year would thus increase national debt. We shall not discuss this point here.

The second party to the system proposed by the authors would be the World Trade Organization, as an incentive to countries hesitating about accepting such an agreement and a means of developing a stable global coalition on climate. The WTO would play a decisive role in their scheme: 'the WTO should view noncompliance with an international agreement as a form of dumping, leading to sanctions. […] one could penalize non-participants through punitive border taxes. This policy would incentivize reluctant countries to jump on board and be conducive to the formation of a stable world climate coalition.' (Gollier and Tirole, 2015, p. 27;also Tirole and Gollier, 2015). This suggestion is clearly relevant, but it unfortunately disregards the real conditions under which the WTO can act, in other words its capacity to regulate relations between trade and climate. It is consequently purely incantatory and, at least for the time being, wholly inapplicable. This second point requires more ample explanation.

Article 3.5 of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, signed in 1992, reads: 'Measures taken to combat climate change, including unilateral ones, should not constitute a means of arbitrary or unjustifiable discrimination or a disguised restriction on international trade.' (United Nations, 1992). Following signature of the Convention, Daniel Bodansky, an eminent authority on global climate change who had attended all the meetings to negotiate and draft the Convention, wrote that Article 3.5 did not, in principle, rule out the possibility of deploying measures at borders [START_REF] Bodansky | The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change: A Commentary[END_REF]. This may be true, but there are nevertheless entirely objective limitations to imposing such measures.

Out of several hundred multilateral environmental agreements (conventions, treaties and protocols) the climate agreement is, to the best of our knowledge, the only one to suggest not resorting to trade barriers, in other words either controlling or banning imports, or border measures. Yet resorting to measures affecting cross-border trade is a decisive pre-requisite to the effectiveness of major environmental agreements. In particular the 1987 Montreal Protocol strictly regulates international trade in substances that deplete the ozone layer and bans their export. Does the WTO have a multilateral framework which would authorize it to regulate relations between trade and the environment? Unfortunately this not the case. 'The decision-making bodies of the WTO (the General Council, the Ministerial Meetings, and the Dispute Settlement Body) try hard to keep trade and the environment in watertight compartments: the WTO has so far declined to endogenize the relationship between the biosphere and international trade. These bodies do not pronounce on the content of the environmental rules which all manner of institutions (public, private and hybrid) have set up, outside the WTO. So far as they are concerned, the issue is merely one of the compatibility of these regulations with the basic principles of the multilateral trading system: market access and non-discrimination.' (Damian, Graz, 2001b, p. 598;also 2001a, pp. 1-9) The WTO has no say on matters related to the environment, nor yet on food, health or technical standards. It leaves this up to other bodies, in particular the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and the World Health Organization (WHO), and other agreements, such as the Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT) agreement, or the one on Sanitary and Phytosanitary (SPS) measures, as well as the Multilateral Environmental Agreements. The WTO restricts itself to recognizing and using standards approved by States as part of multilateral negotiations in other assemblies. Its position, clearly set forth on its website, has not changed since its inception in 1995: 'The issue of climate change, per se, is not part of the WTO's ongoing work programme and there are no WTO rules specific to climate change. However, the WTO is relevant because climate change measures and policies intersect with international trade in a number of different ways.'

The UNFCC would have to be redrafted or a protocol appended to the existing agreement in order to authorize border measures such as levying customs duty at borders. But is this conceivable? As climate talks stand, in the wake of the Paris agreement which leaves it up to sovereign States to take the necessary measures, it seems highly unlikely.

The Group of 77 (G77) and large emerging economies belonging to the Basic group (Brazil, South Africa, India and China) are against any attempt to impose 'unilateral measures, including fiscal and non-fiscal border measures' against imported goods in an effort to cut emissions. This was the case on the eve of the Copenhagen Conference in 2009, when the Basic group was formed (Barrett, 2010, p. 20). Since then the position of emerging and developing countries has not changed at all. They remain firmly opposed to border measures. This is the stumbling block for the mechanism proposed by Gollier and Tirole. Nor is there any cause for celebration at this glaring shortcoming in the multilateral system. Contrary to what Tirole advocates, the WTO is not currently in a position to authorize punitive border taxes for countries not signing up to an international climate agreement.

The American model for sulphur dioxide permits: an empty shell

For many years the American sulphur dioxide allowance trading system, launched in 1990, served as an argument in favour of and a model for establishing a CO 2 emissions trading system. But the SO 2 system has turned out to be an empty shell, for reasons we shall not explain here [START_REF] Burtraw | The Institutional Blind Spot in Environmental Economics[END_REF][START_REF] Ellerman | Is Conflating Climate with Energy Policy a Good Idea?[END_REF][START_REF] Schmalensee | The SO2 Allowance Trading System: The Ironic History of a Grand Policy Experiment[END_REF][START_REF] Damian | La politique climatique change enfin de paradigme[END_REF]. In 2009, thinking ahead to the Copenhagen Conference, Tirole suggested that States should undertake to set up a global CO 2 emissions trading system. At several points in his paper he cited the exemplary nature of the US SO 2 trading system [START_REF] Tirole | Politique climatique : Une nouvelle architecture internationale[END_REF]. Tirole and other advocates of carbon trading have said little about the confusion into which the US system has sunk.

To address the matter seriously they would have to acknowledge that Europe has done just as well, or perhaps better, with its regulatory policies. This is particularly true of Germany where the success of the programme to cut SO 2 emissions is primarily due to the strength of the institutional and political signal, in other words the pressure of public opinion on the authorities and the operators of electric power plants. Regulation of SO 2 emissions by large coal-fired power plants started in July 1983. Emissions were reduced by a factor of almost 10 between 1983 and 1990. There is no doubt whatsoever that this approach is more effective than market incentives: 'Traditional economists' view is that command-and-control instruments are less efficient than economic instruments (e.g., taxes and tradable permits) […] However, our analysis suggests that the German command-and-control approach was most likely the best choice in terms of efficiency […] The implementation of an SO 2 emissions trading scheme in the United States has not led to the development of technologies that could have been used to achieve the ambitious German reduction aims at lower costs.' (Wätzold, 2004, pp. 37 and 38).

Cause for optimism in the Chinese emissions market?

'Economics, much as good sense,' according to Claude Crampes and Thomas-Olivier Léautier (2015), 'suggests that the most effective means of cutting greenhouse gas emissions is to increase their price. For a change the Chinese Communist party endorses our view and has recently proposed setting up a carbon emissions trading system in China.' On 24 September 2015, during a visit to the White House in Washington, President Xi Jinping announced that a system of this sort would be rolled out for the whole of the People's Republic in 2017.

However the specialists assert that it will be a long time before this market becomes the main instrument of China's climate policy. Rather the announcement was primarily intended as a signal for the imminent Paris Conference. The project would only start in 2017, setting upper limits for the branches of industry generating the most emissions, apart from transport.

There is every reason to assert that China's political regime is particularly well placed to set up an effective, efficient and increasingly strict carbon-trading system. We should however also bear in mind the words of Qi Ye, the director of the Climate Policy Institute of Tsinghua University in Beijing and the Brookings-Tsinghua Centre: 'Europe certainly is a market system, so if Europe cannot do an emissions trading system well, how would you expect China to have a successful carbon market?' (quoted by [START_REF] Buckley | Enacting Cap-and-Trade Will Present Challenges Under China's System[END_REF]. But this position perhaps only reflects Mr Qi's broader caution regarding the tendency to underestimate constraints entailed by decarbonization: 'To translate the optimism into green and low-carbon development requires a lot of hard work -harder perhaps than many may realize.' [START_REF] Ye | Post-Paris: Time to get back to reality[END_REF].

Policies will stay national for years to come

The TSE economists' approach to climate change seems to have little to do with the human condition. The policy they advocate is not rooted in the societies supposed to implement it; their policy floats in the air, driven by an emissions trading system suspended from and controlled by observation satellites and an administrative drone.

In stark contrast, the Paris Agreement is important and challenging because, for decades to come, it will relate to stakes with a firm, territorial basis, close to the conditions under which people live, to their way of life and behaviour. Because, in the main, the political, material and ecological conditions governing human life and livelihoods are not framed at an international level, or as part of some 'over-arching' independent body. The Paris Agreement marks a turning point. Its ambitions are undoubtedly modest, falling far short of what would be needed to swiftly reduce greenhouse gas emissions and enable global warming to remain below the 2°C target set by the UN, even if States have set a political goal of limiting the rise in temperature to 1.5°C. Multilateral tensions and the acrimony of poor countries with regard to their rich counterparts will not vanish, weighing on future summits and urgently needed action. For years to come the agreement will be exposed to the claims of developing countries with regard to funding for mitigation and adaptation policies, and, for the most vulnerable among their number, to compensation for the irreparable damage they are already enduring (Damian, 2015a).

In any case it is too late -a point which attracted far too little attention at the Paris Conference -to halt climate change which has already started and the damage it inevitably entails: 'Most aspects of climate change,' as IPCC scientists wrote in the 5th and latest report, 'will persist for many centuries even if emissions of CO2 are stopped.' (IPCC, 2013, p. 27, our emphasis).

Putting a price on carbon, but how?

On the issue of carbon pricing Tirole repeated, three days after the agreement was signed, that: 'What is needed is a universal price for carbon compatible with the target of 1.5°C or 2°C' (Tirole, 2015a). His colleagues at the TSE may endorse this imperative, but is it credible at a global level? Statements of this type, even underpinned by the relevance and rigour of a Nobel prize winner, have never survived confrontation with the harsh realities of world politics and the economy.

Tirole added: 'The wait-and-see strategy of intended nationally determined contributions has prevailed.' What other strategy is there than one open to the action of States, all of which differ in terms of their relative development, technological capacity and political and social situation, not to mention the diversity of their values and priorities? There is no magic wand to swiftly reduce greenhouse gas emissions while disregarding these realities.

By the end of the conference any idea of a worldwide levy on carbon seemed remote. Paragraph 137 of the (neither binding nor monitored) decisions taken by the conference -and not cited by the Agreement itself -briefly mentions 'carbon pricing' for the first time in a document produced by a Conference of the Parties. It sketches out a long pathway requiring individual countries to set national carbon prices, which it is hoped will gradually converge in the long term, perhaps initially within the framework of clubs formed by groups of countries [START_REF] Elysée ; Espagne | Discours lors de l'ouverture du « Sommet des Entreprises pour le Climat[END_REF], possibly joined by large firms and other actors such as regional and metropolitan governments. Here again, this will entail battles at an international level and inside individual countries.

A new political economy of climate change

The new political economy of climate change mapped out by the Paris Agreement only departs from the standard approach with regard to its economic instruments (emissions prices and quotas), returning to a classical political economy approach in terms of production economics (Damian, 2015b, pp. 83-94;[START_REF] Damian | La Conférence de Paris 2015. Une nouvelle économie politique des changements climatiques[END_REF]. It confers a strategic role on methods and techniques for cutting emissions, as part of a long-term vision of energy and industrial transition. It is underpinned by the concerted action of States and multiple actors operating on various scales.

The Deep Decarbonization project -the most striking economic study presented at COP21, on 11 December, at the French Pavilion at Le Bourget -is testimony to this paradigm shift [START_REF] Iddri | The Paris Agreement: historic! What's next? climate365[END_REF][START_REF] Damian | La politique climatique change enfin de paradigme[END_REF], moving from a top-down to a bottom-up approach. The study was instigated in 2013 by French Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius and coordinated by France's Institut du Développement Durable et des Relations Internationales, headed at the time by Laurence Tubiana, and the UN's Sustainable Development Solutions Network, led by Jeffrey Sachs. It focuses on long-term national decarbonization pathways for the biggest sources of greenhouse gas emissions [START_REF] Ribera | Pathways to deep decarbonization 2015 report[END_REF].

The Deep Decarbonization study brings together work on energy-transition scenarios by 16 national teams, painting a long-term picture of possible decarbonized futures, for use by the governments of the relevant countries. Its approach is original in that it makes allowance for the specificities of each country: potential of technologies deployed, acceptability of various options, such as nuclear power, inertia of urban and transport infrastructure inventory, development stakes such as inequality and poverty, job market, local pollution and public health. It is a pity that France and the European Union had so little say in the basic rules and limited pledges of the INDCs, though it in no way detracts from the work done organizing the conference and building final agreement. Bodansky was full of praise for France's achievement: 'Paris is definitely one of the best-organized COPs ever -the French have done a fantastic job.' [START_REF] Bodansky | The Incredible Shrinking Climate Agreement? Opinio Juris[END_REF]. The emissions-reduction targets set by the agreement will need to be raised, from 2025 onwards at the latest and particularly for the INDCs, but it is nevertheless here to stay, certainly for the rest of this century.

Conclusion

French President François Hollande, in his speech opening the Business Climate Summit on 20 May 2015, quite rightly emphasized the long-term perspective: 'What is also at stake at Paris is the transformation of the world, either because we shall have failed to achieve agreement, in which case we shall be left on a planet where it will be increasingly difficult to survive […] Or we shall reach agreement, in which case a revolution will be underway, in the way we produce, transport, consume, develop, and ultimately in the way we live.' [START_REF] Elysée ; Espagne | Discours lors de l'ouverture du « Sommet des Entreprises pour le Climat[END_REF]. This is a huge undertaking which, for the whole of the century, will have to surmount turbulent changes reaching far beyond just the climate.

There will be no shortage of tension between blocks of nations, nor yet of despair among increasingly vulnerable communities, of fierce competition between firms and conflict focusing on production, labour and transfer. As we well know decarbonization will be a long hard struggle

The next climate conference (COP22) will be held in Marrakesh in December 2016, in Africa where part of the future of humankind will be decided, with many challenges for the continent as a whole, individual nations and regions. It is a fair assumption that neither a universal carbon price nor yet a transcontinental trading system will rank very high on the agenda.