Hana Gruet-Skrabalova

INTRODUCTION

The aim of this paper is to investigate the status of particles in answers to negative questions. A yes-no question is a question that asks to identify whether P or not P is true [START_REF] Hamblin | Questions in Montague English[END_REF], and is minimally answered by an answering particle. Answers to yes-no questions have given rise to a large amount of literature since Pope (1972), who gives a detailed description of the types of answers across languages. She distinguishes two major systems: truth-based systems, in which the particles confirm or disconfirm the true value presupposed by the question, like in Japanese in (1), and polarity-based systems, in which particles express positive or negative polarity, like in Spanish in (2).

( The same particles are used to answer both positive and negative questions, although some languages "reinforce" the positive particle to negative questions, e.g. the conjunction but before yes in Czech, see (3), and some languages use a specific particle for positive answers to negative questions, e.g. si instead of oui in French, see (4).

( Although the behaviour of particles has been described for many languages (see [START_REF] Laka | On the Syntax of Negation: On the nature of functional categories and projections[END_REF]Martins 1994;[START_REF] Holmberg | The syntax of yes and no in Finnish[END_REF][START_REF] Holmberg | On the syntax of yes and no in English[END_REF][START_REF] Farkas | The grammar of polarity particles in Romanian[END_REF]Krifka 2012 a.o.), it has been hardly observed that particles could be used in both ways within a same language. So, [START_REF] Holmberg | The syntax of yes and no in Finnish[END_REF]2013) notes that negative questions with not in English can be confirmed by both yes and no, see (5), because not is ambiguous between sentential and VP-negation. In other words, he argues that yes only confirms negative questions when not is interpreted as VP-negation, thus when the question is rather affirmative that truly negative.

( The use of the particles is however not free. It is argued that it depends on the interpretation of the sentential negation in the question, which can be either true or expletive (cf. Brown and Franks 1995 for Russian negative questions). This semantic distinction is furthermore tightly linked to the syntactic position of the negation, according to which we can distinguish between negative interrogative clauses and negative declarative clauses used as questions (cf. [START_REF] Gunlogson | True to form: Rising and Falling Declaratives as Questions in English[END_REF]). An analysis in terms of absolute and relative polarity [START_REF] Farkas | The grammar of polarity particles in Romanian[END_REF]) is then proposed to account for the mixed behaviour of answering particles: particles express absolute polarity in answers to interrogative questions, whose polarity is open [START_REF] Holmberg | The syntax of yes and no in Finnish[END_REF], and relative polarity in answers to declarative questions, whose polarity has been already specified.

The paper is structured as follows. Section 2 describes two types of answers to negative questions in Czech, showing a mixed behaviour of answering particles. Section 3 deals with negative questions; several pieces of evidence are discussed in order to show that we have to distinguish between questions with expletive negation and questions with true negation and that this distinction accounts for the distribution of answering particles.

Section 4 focuses on expression of the polarity in the answers; it is proposed that particles express absolute or relative polarity depending on the polarity of the question. Section 5 sums up the paper.

TWO TYPES OF ANSWERS TO NEGATIVE QUESTIONS

To show that both answering particles in Czech can confirm and disconfirm a negative question, we need to specify that Czech (like many other languages, e.g. Basque, Finish, Portuguese, Irish) can reply a question by using use the finite verb of the question, either alone or in combination with a particle, see (7). The positive verb always indicates a positive answer and the negative verb a negative answer. Verbal answers will therefore be used throughout the paper to clearly state the polarity of the answer. ( 7 yes neg-are no are 'Aren't the parents at home?' 'They are not.' // 'They are.'

The puzzle we are dealing here is that the question 'Aren't the parents at home?' can be answered in two ways, which I call type A and type B answers and which are summarized in table 1 below. In type A answers, ne means 'they are not', while ano means 'they are'.

In contrast, in type B answers, ne means 'they are', while ano means 'they are not'. The particles appear, thus, to be ambiguous; they may also combine with both negative and positive verb. The interpretation of each answer is however clearly given by the verb, meaning that the combination of the particle and the verb cannot be considered as Furthermore, B answers are generally judged inacceptable as replies to questions containing an initial verb, meaning that the question's form matters for the choice of the answer (see section 3 for more details):

(10) Neposlal jsi mu ten dopis? *Ano (neposlal). / Neposlal. // *Ne (poslal). / Poslal. neg-sent be.2sg to-him the letter yes (neg-sent) neg-sent no (sent) sent 'Didn't you send him the letter?' Importantly, however, B answers can be used as replies to negative questions with negative polarity items like ani (not-one/not-any), see (11). Since any must be licensed by sentential negation (see section 3.3 for more on NPIs), negative questions confirmed by B answers must contain sentential negation. They therefore differ from negative questions with not in English that allow confirmation by yes only with VP-negation reading, see (5) above.

(11) Jan *(ne)pozvalani jednoho spolužáka? Ano (ani jednoho). // Ne (nějakého pozval).

John (neg-)invited not-one schoolmate yes not-one // no (he) some invited 'Didn't John invite any of his schoolmates?'

The difference between A and B answers cannot thus be due to the contrast between sentential and VP-negation, but it must nevertheless be linked to the negation. The hypothesis I explore in the following section is that in some negative questions, negation loses its negative force and behaves likes expletive negation. Negative questions with expletive negation behave like positive questions, whose polarity I assume to be open (following [START_REF] Holmberg | The syntax of yes and no in Finnish[END_REF]. Thus, they are answered by type A answers, in which particles indicate absolute (positive or negative) polarity. In contrast, negative questions with true negation behave like negative assertions, whose polarity is fixed. Thus, they are answered by type B answers, in which particles indicate relative polarity, i.e.

(dis)agreement with the polarity of the question.

NEGATIVE QUESTIONS

The main claim of this section is that in some questions, negation is not true (from the truth conditional point of view), but expletive. [START_REF] Brown | Asymmetries in the scope of Russian negation[END_REF] and [START_REF] Abels | Expletive (!) Negation[END_REF] observe that negative questions with the interrogative particle li in Russian do not license NI-phrases, which would suggest that they also contain expletive negation. However, the same questions license Genitive of Negation. Moreover, questions without particle li license both NIphrases and Genitive of Negation. To account for this asymmetry, Brown & Franks (1995:266) claim that "certain independently motivated grammatical principles, such as Rizzi's (1990) Relativized Minimality, conspire to prevent negation from having negative force [...] in Russian Yes/No questions". In their analysis, negation in li-questions is forced to be pleonastic, because a Yes/No operator in Spec-CP prevents ne to be licensed by the Negation Operator (adjoined to CP) when ne (cliticized on V) moves to C. I pursue here the view that negation can be rendered expletive by the interrogation. In other words, the interrogative operator blocks the negative operator to bind ne when Verb(Neg)-moves to C, so that ne cannot retain its negative force. I will show that despite the absence of Genitive of Negation in Czech, the phenomenon of expletive negation is relevant and allows to account for the distribution of A and B answers to negative questions.

Word order

Main questions in Czech do not contain an overt interrogative C. Still, assuming that syntactic clause-type (declarative, interrogative, exclamative) and illucutionary act (assertion, questioning, exclamation) can be dissociated [START_REF] Beyssade | The Speech Act 97 Assignment Problem Revisited: Disentangling Speaker's Commitment from Speaker's Call on Addressee[END_REF], we can distinguish two types of questions. Czech is a SVO language in which interrogative clauses, are formed by V-fronting (and wh-fronting in case of wh-questions), see ( 14).

Interrogative clauses are typically used as questions. But declarative clauses with (not only) SVO order can also be used to express questioning. In the following discussion, I will show that negative interrogatives and negative declarative clauses used as questions differ with respect to negative presupposition, combinability with evidential and modal adverbials, licensing of NPIs, and also the answers they receive. ( 14 On the contrary, negative declarative questions are typically used when the speaker expects a negative answer or when (s)he wishes to express an emotional response (surprise, disagreement, etc.). They convey a negative presupposition like negative declarative clauses. Questions in ( 16) are typically used when the speakers expects the doctor not to be in his office or if he is surprised that the addressee did not find the right way. Type B answers are then used to confirm or disconfirm this negative bias.

(16) a. Doktor není v ordinaci? Ano, není. (he is not) // Ne, je. (he is) the doctor isn't in his office b. Jak je to možné? Vy jste nenašli správnou cestu? Ano, nenašli. (we did not) how is it possible? you didn't find the right way Ne, našli. (we did)

However, the biased interpretation in ( 16) is not obligatory, which explains that these questions can be also answered by type A answers, as shown in (16') (see section 3.4, ex.

(24) for analysis). The ambiguity of declarative questions can be avoided by using final rising intonation for neutral interpretation (like in interrogative clauses) and rising intonation followed by final fall for biased interpretation.

(16') a. Doktor není v ordinaci? Ne, není. (he is not) // Ale ano, je. (he is) the doctor isn't in his office

Evidential and modal adverbs

The fact that only negative declarative questions can express a negative bias is confirmed by their compatibility with adverbs expressing modality or evidentiality, like určitě ('of course'), zřejmě ('apparently'), jistě ('surely'), see (17). These adverbs are considered as bias markers' and cannot appear in interrogative clauses in English neither, see (18) (cf. The contrast observed above needs to be more specified. First, NI-phrases are ungrammatical in interrogative clauses in (20a) and (21a) below, but they are acceptable in (21b), where they are used with focal interpretation. [START_REF] Brown | Asymmetries in the scope of Russian negation[END_REF] argue however that negation cannot be expletive with focal interrogation because the verb doesn't raise to C (recall that expletive negation in questions is triggered in contexts with Verb(Neg)-raising to C). I claim that the verb in (21b) actually doesn't raise to C but stays in T, whose specifier is occupied by a null expletive subject (because of the EPP feature).

The focused subject stays in Spec-vP. The fact that an overt expletive subject (v)on ('he') can co-occur with the focused subject in (21c) makes this claim plausible.

(21) a. Nepotřebuje *nikdo / někdo pomoct? neg.needs nobody / somebody help 'Does anyone need help?' 7 The expletive status of negation can be supported by the behaviour of PPI. The PPI in the sentence is interpreted (as expected) only with the wide scope with respect to negation, while the PPI in the sentence (ii) with V(Neg)-raising is not Finally, recall that that negation in declarative questions can also have expletive interpretation. This suggests that the verb movement to C can be covert; consequently, we obtain type A answers to negative declarative questions:

(24) Doktor není v ordinaci? => LF: Není doktor t v ordinaci? Ne (není). the doctor isn't in his office? isn't doctor in his office no (he isn't)

Summary

Negative questions in Czech can be expressed either by using interrogative or declaratives clauses. These two types of clauses behave differently with respect to several properties (presupposition, adverbs, NPIs, see table 2) that can be explained if the sentential negation in interrogative clauses looses its negative force (thus becomes expletive) by virtue of its movement to the C. Importantly, the distribution of type A and B answers described in section 2 also follows from the distinction between true and expletive negation.

BACK TO ANSWERS

It is generally assumed (since Laka 1990) that answering particles are generated in the

Expressing polarity in answers to interrogative clauses

Positive interrogatives have open polarity (x, cf. Holmberg 2001) because they ask whether

[P] or [not P], [P] corresponding to the positive polarity value and [not P] to the negative polarity value. The particles are minimal answers in that they only indicate the polarity value of the P, the P itself being presupposed (and elided). The polarity head of PolP receives its value by specifier-head agreement with the particle in its specifier:

(25) Chtěl x byste šálek čaje? To say that negative interrogatives behave as positive interrogatives with respect to negation does not mean that they are completely equivalent. They cannot for instance be used to initiate a line of inquiry or to raise an issue as open or unsettled, as shown in ( 27).

[ PolP Ano [+] [ Pol' [ ] [ XP ø]]] (= chtěl
On the contrary, they are willingly used as polite requests and to solicit advice or an As noted by [START_REF] Brown | Asymmetries in the scope of Russian negation[END_REF], negative interrogatives must thus be endowed with some specific communicative and pragmatic value. Negative interrogatives in Czech are actually considered as more polite or less direct than positive ones. 9 I suggest the following explanation for such a politeness effect. 10 A polar question asks the addressee to choose between two alternatives, positive or negative (P or not P), but refusing or saying no can be perceived as rude, and therefore difficult to express. By using the negative form of the question, the speaker presents the negative alternative as acceptable and consequently allows the addressee to express his refusal more easily. It is precisely because negation has lost its truth-conditional role that it can play such a role at the discourse level (see [START_REF] Groenendijk | Questions[END_REF].

Polarity in answers to declaratives clauses

I have said above that declarative clauses have their polarity feature specified. The value of the polarity feature in negative declarative clauses is negative. Likewise, negative declarative clauses used as questions have a negative polarity value. That's why they convey a negative presupposition (see section 3.1). The answer confirms or disconfirms 9 See Leech (2014:167) for negation as a "a strategy to express a degree of polite indirectness". 10 A similar effect can be observed with Negation Raising. The sentences Nemyslím, že s tím bude souhlasit ('I don't think he will agree with that') and Myslím, že s tím nebude souhlasit ('I think he will not agree with that') are semantically (i.e. the negation is interpreted in the embedded clause), but only the raised negation adds a politeness effect to the sentence interpretation. Importantly, this analysis can be extended to positive questions conveying a positive presupposition, as in (30). But there will be no difference at surface between answers expressing absolute polarity and those expressing relative polarity. In both (25) above and

(30) below, the positive answer will be expressed by "ano + positive verb", and the negative answer by "ne + negative verb". The mixed behaviour of the particles can therefore be only observed with negative questions.

(30) Oni ten návrh přijali

CONCLUSION

In this paper, I have dealt with answers to negative yes-no questions, focusing on data from Czech. I have shown that answering particles can express both positive and negative answers to negative questions, but that their distribution depends on the semantic and syntactic properties of questions. I have argued that negation in questions loses its negative force when it moves to the interrogative head C and behaves thus as expletive negation.

Consequently, I have distinguished between two types of negative questions: (i) negative interrogative clauses that contain an initial negative verb and expletive negation, and that do not convey a negative presupposition, and (ii) negative declarative clauses used as questions, that contain a non initial negative verb and true negation, and that convey a negative presupposition. Following this syntactic and semantic distinction, I have shown that negative interrogatives receive the same answers as positive interrogatives (yes in case of positive answer and no in case of negative answer), while negative declaratives used as questions are confirmed by yes (corresponding to a negative answer) and denied by no (corresponding to a positive answer). I have explained this distribution by proposing that the particles express absolute polarity in answers to interrogative questions, whose polarity is open and must be fixed by the particle, and relative polarity in answers to declarative questions, whose polarity has been already specified. Abstract: This paper deals with answers to negative yes-no questions, focusing on data from Czech. It is shown that answering particles can express both positive and negative answers to negative questions, but that their choice is not free. Several pieces of evidence are discussed in order to show that the use of the particles depends on the interpretation of negation in the question, which can either be expletive or true. This semantic distinction is furthermore tightly linked to the syntactic position of the negation, according to which we distinguish between negative interrogative clauses and negative declarative clauses used as questions. An analysis in terms of absolute and relative polarity is proposed to account for the mixed behaviour of answering particles: particles express absolute polarity in answers to interrogative questions, whose polarity is open, and relative polarity in answers to declarative questions, whose polarity has been already specified.

Keywords: yes-no questions; answer; answering particles; negation; polarity.

  are licensed before negation moves to the interrogative C, where it looses its negative force. In contrast, NI-phrases must stay in local relation with Negation throughout the derivation. Consequently, expletive negation cannot license NI-phrases at LF, see (23b). (22) a. Nepotřebuje ani jeden z vás pomoct? doesn't.need any one from you help b. before Verb(Neg)-raising : ✓[ TP [ NegP Neg [ vP ... ani ...]]] c. after Verb(Neg)-raising : ✓Neg+C [ TP ... [ NegP [ vP ... ani ...]]] (23) a. before Verb(Neg)-raising: ✓[ TP [ NegP Neg [ vP ... ni-phrase ...]]] b. after Verb(Neg)-raising : *Neg+C [ TP ... [ NegP [ vP ... ni-phrase ...]]]

  polarity projection (ΣP, PolP) in the CP domain, because they express positive or negative polarity. The concept of the polarity must be nevertheless made clearer in order to account for the mixed behaviour of answering particles in Czech.I propose to distinguish, following[START_REF] Farkas | The grammar of polarity particles in Romanian[END_REF], between absolute and relative polarity or rather between absolute and relative value of the polarity. In declarative clauses, polarity is a feature that has two absolute values: positive [+] and negative[-]. The relation between two polarity values can be called relative polarity. In case of question-answer pairs, relative polarity indicates the relation between the polarity of the question [Q] and the polarity of the answer [A]. There are four possible relations: either [Q] and [A] have the same positive or negative value, or they have different values, one being positive and the other negative. The basic idea is that the particle ano ('yes') expresses the positive value [+], or (by default) the relation between two identical values: [+,+] and [-,-] = [+]. The particle ne ('no') expresses the negative value [-], or (by default) the relation between two different values: [+,-] and [-,+] = [-].

  ) would you like a cup of tea yes (= I would like a cup of tea) [ PolP Ne [-] [ Pol' [ ] [ XP ø]]] (= nechtěl) no (= I would not like a cup of tea) Assuming that negation becomes expletive by virtue of Verb(Neg)-raising, negative interrogatives also have open polarity and therefore behave like positive interrogatives. Consequently, they are answered by type A answers: (26) Nechtěl x byste šálek čaje? [ PolP Ano [+] [ Pol' [ ] [ XP ø]]] (= chtěl) wouldn't you like a cup of tea yes (= I would like a cup of tea) [ PolP Ne [-] [ Pol' [ ] [ XP ø]]] (= nechtěl) no (= I would not like a cup of tea)

  this negative presupposition. Consequently, the particles only indicate relative polarity, i.e. relation between the polarity of the question and that of the answer. 11 (29) Oni ten návrh nepřijali[-] ?[ PolP Ano[-,-] [ Pol'[-] [ XP ø]]] (= nepřijali) they didn't accept the proposal yes (= they didn't accept the proposal) [ PolP Ne[-,+] [ Pol' [-] [ XP ø]]] (= přijali)no (= they accepted the proposal)

  Aren't the parents at home?' 'They are not.' // 'They are.'

	(6)	Rodiče nejsou doma?	Ne. / Ano.	// Ne. / Ale ano.
		parents neg-are home	no yes	no but yes
		'
	This paper shows that negative questions in Czech can be both confirmed and
	disconfirmed by yes or no, see (6), which makes the particles potentially ambiguous. The
	negation is expressed by the negative prefix on the finite verb, cf. (3) above.

5) a. Is John not coming? No, he is not. (sentential Neg) / Yes, he is not. (VP-Neg) b. Isn't John coming? No, he isn't. (sentential Neg) / *Yes, he isn't. (*VP-Neg)

  Il faut finir avant qu'il n'arrive.(ne: expletive Neg) it miust finish before that-he neg-arrives 'We have to finish before he arrives.' c. Je suis sûr que nous ne sommes pas en retard. (ne: true Neg) I am sure that we neg are not late 'I am sure that we are not late.' d. Je crains que nous ne soyons en retard.

				(ne: expletive Neg)
	I fear that we	are	late
	(13) a. Nikdo nepřišel.			(ne-: true Neg) (Cz)
	nobody neg-come
	'Nobody came.'
	b. Bojím se, aby někdo		/ *nikdo nepřišel	pozdě. (ne-: expletive Neg)
	I-fear refl. that somebody / nobody neg-come late
	'I am afraid that somebody might come late.'
	More interestingly,

The term 'expletive' (or 'pleonastic') negation usually refers to a phonologically overt negative morpheme that lacks negative semantic content (see

[START_REF] Espinal | Expletive Negation and Logical Absorption[END_REF]

for Romance;

Brown & Franks 1995 for Slavic)

. It typically appears after lexical items like before or until, and in constructions with verbs like to fear or to doubt, see (12). Contrary to true negation, expletive negation cannot license NIphrases in Slavic, compare (13a) and (13b).

3

For

Brown & Franks (1995: 262)

, "canonical pleonastic negation (in Slavic) consists of a NegP with either an empty or vacuous specifier position. The head position is filled with ne [...], but there is no Negation Operator, the bearer of the semantics, to give the sentence negative force."

12)

a. Il n'est pas arrivé. (ne....pas: true Neg) 4 (Fr) he neg-is not arrived 'He hasn't arrived.' b.

  Mary nom given children dat cakes acc given Mary nom children dat cakes acc 'Mary gave children some cakes.' b. Dala Marie dětem koláčky? / Komu dala Marie koláčky? (interrogative) given Mary nom children dat cakes acc who dat given Mary nom cakes acc They do not convey any presupposition. Questions in (15) are understood as open questions that the speaker uses to find out whether the doctor is or is not in his office, and whether the addressee did or did not take a wrong road. The can only be answered by Ne, není. / *Ano, není. (he is not) isn't the doctor in his office Ano, je. / *Ne, je. (he is). b. Kam jdete? Nespletli jste si náhodou cestu? where are you going? didnt'you accidentally take a wrong road? Ne, nespletli. / *Ano, nespletli. (we didn't) Ano, spletli. / *Ne, spletli. (we did)

	(15) a. Není doktor v ordinaci?
	type A answers.

) a. Marie dala dětem koláčky. / *Dala Marie dětem koláčky. (declarative) 'Did Mary give children some cakes?' / 'To whom did Mary give some cakes?'

3.2 Negative presupposition

Negative interrogatives (with non-focal intonation 5 ) are used to elicit information, to solicit an opinion, or to make a polite request for action (see

[START_REF] Gunlogson | True to form: Rising and Falling Declaratives as Questions in English[END_REF]

for detailed distribution).

  . I thank Mojmír Dočekal for this observation. This contrast parallels Russian li-questions in which negation does not license NIphrases, but triggers Genitive of Negation (see above). I suggest therefore that strict NPIs

	b. Nepotřebuje NIKDO pomoct?
		neg.needs nobody help
	c. Von	nepotřebuje NIKDO pomoct?
		he-expl neg.needs nobody help
	Second, contrary to NI-phrases, strict NPIs are grammatical in both types of questions, see
	(22).
	(i) Někdo	nepotkal včera	Karla?	= 'is there a specific x who did not meet Karel?'
	somebody neg-met yesterday Karel acc
	(ii) Nepotkal někdo	včera	Karla? = 'is there or isn't there an x who met Karel
	neg-met somebody yesterday Karel acc

Table 2 :

 2 Interrogative vs. declarative negative questions

		Negative interrogatives	Negative declarative questions
	Word order	VSO	SVO
	NI-phrases	*	✓
	Negative presupposition	no	yes	no
	Negation	expletive	true	expletive
	Answers	A	B	A

  Co myslíte, bude / #nebude François Hollande znovu zvolen prezidentem?what do you think, will / will not be FH re-elected president Může být, ale také nemusí. (he) can but (he) also must not ('it could go either way')

	b. (28) a. (v tramvaji) Chcete / Nechcete pustit sednout?
	(in the tram) would(n't) you like to take my seat
	b. Co myslíš, mám / nemám se nechat ostříhat?
	what do you think, should(n't) I get my hair cut
	opinion, see (28). 8
	(27) a. Máte děti?	Pokud ano, chodí / #nechodí do školy?
	do you have children? if yes, do / don't they go to school?

  Particles are therefore not ambiguous, but their felicitous use depends on the felicitous interpretation of the question. This can be resolved by using specific prosody schemes to indicate biased or focused interpretation. Finally, the proposed analysis predicts that the mixed behaviour of particles can be observed in languages in which negation raising to a particular C leads to its expletive interpretation and in which declarative clauses can be used as questions. This prediction seems comes true e.g. for Russian and Spanish (see Gruet-Skrabalova 2014), as shown in (31) and (32) respectively 12 . This issue is however out of the scope of this paper and must be left to future research.

	(31) a. Ne priexali li roditeli domoj?	Net, ne priexali. // Da, priexali.
	neg came PART parents at-home	no, neg came	yes, came
	b. Roditeli ne priexali domoj?	DA ne priexali. // NET, priexali.
	parents neg came home	yes neg came no came
	(32) a. ¿No están en casa los padres?	No, no están. // Si, están.
	aren't at home the parents	no, they aren't yes, they are
	b. ¿Los padres no están en casa?	? SI, no están. // NO, están.
	the parents aren't at home	YES, they aren't // NO, they are
	[+] ?	[ PolP Ano [+,+] [ Pol' [+] [ XP ø]]] (= přijali)
	they accepted the proposal	yes (= they accepted the proposal)
		[ PolP Ne [+,-] [ Pol' [+] [ XP ø]]] (= nepřijali)
		no (= they didn't accept the proposal)

  LEECH, Geoffrey (2014) The Pragmatics of Politeness. New York: Oxford University Press. MARTINS, Ana (1994) "Enclisis, VP-deletion, and the nature of Sigma." PROBUS 6.2-3, 173-206. POPE, Emily N. (1972) Questions and answers in English. PhD. Diss. MIT. REESE, Brian J. (2006) "The Meaning and Use of Negative Polar Interrogatives." In: O. Bonami/ P. Cabredo Hofherr (eds) Empirical Issues in Syntax and Semantics 6, 331-354.

This example is from my Japanese informant.

See section 3.4 for licensing of NPIs in Czech.

In (12a) and (12c), ne can be omitted.

See ex. (21) for focal intonation.

It is also sensitive to truth conditions and to the pragmatic part of meaning, which explains that it is not acceptable in all downward entailing contexts[START_REF] Dočekal | Constituent negation, subjunctive and alternatives[END_REF].

A detailed semantic and pragmatic approach of these questions can be found inReese (2006) andKrifka (2012).

Ano in (29) cannot be itself (without ale 'but') interpreted as "they did accept". Ne is theoretically ambiguous, but in practice, the ambiguity will be resolved by the intonation of both question and answer (see section 3.2., ex. (16) and (16')), and section 3.4 ex. (24)).


Hana Gruet-Skrabalova

ELLIPSIS IN SEQUENCES OF MULTIPLE WH-WORDS

Keywords: Ellipsis, Wh-words, Multiple Question, Sluicing, Czech

This article deals with elliptical sequences of multiple wh-words in Czech. It it argued that such sequences involve two different constructions, elliptical multiple questions and elliptical assertions. Wh-words in elliptical multiple questions share the properties of whwords in non-elliptical questions; they have the same syntactic distribution and semantic interpretation, they do not show superiority effects, and their combinability depends on their reading. Moreover, elliptical questions can be reconstructed into syntactically complete questions. In contrast, elliptical assertions differ from elliptical questions in several aspects. They always contain the word jak in initial position, they don't have question interpretation and cannot be reconstructed into full clauses. I propose that elliptical multiple questions result from TP-deletion after movement of the wh-words into CP domain (so-called multiple sluicing) and the TP-ellipsis is driven by the Focus feature. This explains that it can also apply to referential focused DPs. As for elliptical assertions, I claim that they are base-generated and involve semantic ellipsis, i.e. a null category, which gets its interpretation from a TP in the previous context.

Introduction

This paper deals with elliptical sequences of multiple wh-words, as in (1) and (2). These sequences are elliptical in that they have sentential interpretation despite the absence of a syntactically full clause. We argue however that they cannot receive a uniform analysis. In particular, only sequences in (1) can be derived from full multiple questions by TPdeletion [START_REF] Merchant | The Syntax of Silence: Sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis[END_REF]. In contrast, sequences in (2) are base-generated and contain a null category e that receives its clausal content by a semantic reconstruction [START_REF] Chung | Sluicing and logical form[END_REF].

(1)

Přenáší informace, ale nevím od koho komu.

(he) brings information but (I) don't know from who-GEN who-DAT 'He brings information but I don't know to whom he brings information, and from whom.'

(2) Prý jsou hotely u pláže už plné? Jak kde.

they say hotels on the beach are full how where 'It seems that the hotels on the beach are full. Some are and some are not.'

The paper is organized as follows. In section 2, we present the properties of ellipsis in questions with a single wh-word, known as sluicing. In section 3, we compare the properties of wh-words in multiple questions and in elliptical sequences. We show that sequences in (1) share most properties with non-elliptical questions, while those in (2) behave differently, in particular with respect to ordering and interpretation. Section 4 deals with the type of ellipsis in these sequences: deletion of a syntactic structure driven by the focus feature in (1), and semantic reconstruction in (2). Section 5 sums up our findings.

Sluicing

Sluicing refers to ellipsis of an interrogative clause in which everything except for the interrogative word was elided [START_REF] Ross | Guess who?[END_REF]). Sluicing appears both in embedded contexts and in independent clauses related to a previous utterance, as shown in (3). The antecedent of the elided clause can be found in independent utterances as in (3b (I) showed her the map: I don't know where but we will go out somewhere

The sentence containing the antecedent of sluicing also contains an explicit or an implicite correlate of the wh-word, corresponding to an indefinite DP or AdvP, like někdo, něco, někde, etc.:

(5) Domluvil si (s někým) práci v Tel Avivu, ale nevzpomínám si s kým. (ČNK)

(he) arranged (with someone) a job in Tel Aviv, but (I) don't know with whom

In languages with morphological case-marking, the wh-remnant must bear the same case as its antecedent or as the wh-word in non-elliptical questions 1 , see ( 6). The wh-remnant must also be accompanied by the same preposition as its correlate, in contrast to langages like English that allow preposition-stranding, see ( 7).

(6) a. Jan koupil někomu dárek, ale nevím komu / *koho (komu / *koho koupil dárek) (he) must have received information from someone and I ask (from) whom b. He was talking to somebody, and I want to know (to) whom.

1 Contrary to cleft-sentences where the wh-word is in nominative case (cf. [START_REF] Grebenyova | Sluicing and Multiple Wh-fronting[END_REF].

The case-marking and the possibility (or not) of preposition stranding constitute two principal pieces of evidence for deriving sluicing by TP-deletion from non elliptical questions [START_REF] Ross | Guess who?[END_REF][START_REF] Lasnik | When you can save a structure by destroying it[END_REF][START_REF] Merchant | The Syntax of Silence: Sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis[END_REF] Assuming the analysis in (8), we make hypothesis that the elliptical sequences we are dealing with are derived from questions with more than one wh-word, so-called multiple questions (cf. [START_REF] Stjepanović | Multiple Wh-Fronting in Serbo-Croatian Matrix Qustions and the Matrix Sluicing Constructions[END_REF] for Serbo-Croatian, Grebenyova 2006 for Russian). This hypothesis predicts (i) that the wh-remnants have the same properties as the wh-words in non-elliptical multiple questions, and (ii) that they can be syntactically reconstructed into full questions. In the following section, we show that these predictions are only born out for wh-sequences like in (1).

Properties of wh-words in multiple questions and in elliptical sequences

There exists substantial literature about the propeeties of multiple wh-words in Slavic languages.2 In this section, we compare wh-words in multiple questions and in elliptical sequences, focusing on their adjacency, ordering, interpretation and combinability. We show that elliptical wh-sequences fall into two groups: sequences that behave like multiple questions3 , and sequences with an initial jak ('how') that behave differently, in particular with respect to their ordering and interpretation.

Adjacency

All wh-words in informative multiple questions in Czech must be fronted. They can however be separated by second position clitics (auxiliary verbs and pronouns), as in [START_REF]We don't consider the lexicalized sequence kdo s koho ('who of who-GEN') meaning 'who of them two will prevail over[END_REF]. The clitics' position is related to interpretation, see 3. 'What did you buy, and for whom?' b. Rád bych věděl, kdo se kde schovává / ?kdo kde se schovává.

I wonder who CL.REFL where hides / who where CL.REFL hides 'I wonder who is hiding, and where.'

In contrast, wh-remnants in elliptical sequences must always be adjacent, see (10). Assuming that clitics constitute a barrier between TP and CP domains, the ellipsis site in wh-sequences must involve TP and clitics.

(10) a. Prý jsi každému něco koupil. Řekni mi co komu / *co jsi komu. everyone CL.REFL somewhere hides, but I don't know who where / where CL.REFL where 'Everyone is hiding somewhere, but I don't know who, and where.'

Ordering and correlates

We observe no superiority effects in multiple questions in Czech, whether they are embedded or not [START_REF] Meyer | Superiority effects in Russian, Polish, and Czech[END_REF]):4 tell me who who-ACC / who-ACC who invited to dance Although both orders are possible in elliptical sequences, parallel ordering of wh-remnants with respect to their correlates is often preferred, see (12b)5 . The correlates of multiple whremnants correspond to quantified and indefinite XPs as in ( 12), or to plural referential DPs, as in ( 13), and the wh-remnants always bear the case of their correlates.

(12) a. Každému něco koupil, ale komu co / co komu, to nevím. (the liaison officer) transmits information but (I) don't know from who-GEN who-DAT (13) a. Domluvili se, že je budou střílet do srdce. A rozdělili si, kdo koho. (ČNK) (they) arranged that they will shoot them in heart and they decided who who-ACC b. Moji kamarádi se na tu oslavu (nějak) přestrojili, ale nevzpomínám si už, jak kdo.

my friends for the party (somehow) dressed up, but I don't remember how who On the contrary, sequences introduced by jak ('how') as in (14) behave differently because (i) the order of the wh-remnants is strict, and (ii) the wh-remnants do not have indefinite nor quantified correlates. So, contrary to (13b) where jak has an indefinite correlate nějak, jak in ( 14) is linked to specific adverbials (of different semantic types) in the antecedent clause, i.e. full, nicely, main, very. The wh-word following jak always has a plural referential correlate, generally implicit, which bears the same case, see (14b,c).

Distribution

Multiple questions can be both independent and embedded, see (11) above. In comparison, elliptical sequences mostly appear embedded under predicates that subcategorize an interrogative clause, except for jak-sequences in ( 14). These latter mostly constitute independent utterances, or appear embedded under the predicate záleží ('it depends on'), which is due to their interpretation (see 3.4).

Furthermore, elliptical sequences ususally follow their antecedent clause. However, we can find sequences nevím jak kdo ('I don't how who') preceding their antecedent, as in (15a), in which the wh-word kdo contrasts with an explicit referential correlate and can be itself replaced by another referential DP. When the antecedent precede the wh-remnants, kdo refers to each individual included in the correlate, thus I don't know how each one of us was satisfied in (15b). This order is therefore impossible when the correlate denotes a single individual, compare (16a) and (16b). In section 4, we show that these sequences can receive the same syntactic analysis as other sequences embedded under 'to know'.

Interpretation

Multiple questions can have pair-list (PL) reading and specific-pair (SP) reading. In Czech, non-adjacent wh-words require pair-list (or distributive) reading and conjoined wh-words require specific reading, see (15). In absence of clitics, the question is compatible with both readings (Gruet-Skrabalova 2011). Adjacent and conjoined wh-items can also have contrastive reading if the participants are known and the question only asks to identify their respective roles.

(17) a. Kdo se komu omluvil? Jan se omluvil Petrovi, Pavel Tomášovi a Martin Ondrovi. (PL)

who CL.REFL to-whom apologized J. CL.REFL apologised to P., P. to T. and M. to O.

b. Kdo komu se omluvil? Jan se omluvil Petrovi (a ne Petr Janovi). (SP)

who to-whom CL.REFL apologized J. CL.REFL apologised to P (and not P. to J.) c. Kdo a komu se omluvil? Jan se omluvil Petrovi (a ne Petr Janovi). (SP) who to-whom CL.REFL apologized J. CL.REFL apologised to P (and not P. to J.)

Elliptical sequences as in ( 12) and ( 13) can be reconstructed into full multiple questions, as shown in (18), and are interpreted like that. Their specific interpretation depends on the correlates, see ( 19): quantified correlates require distributive reading and therefore adjacent wh-remnants, while indefinite correlates require specific reading and occur more frequently with conjoined6 wh-remnants.

( In contrast, elliptical jak-sequences as in ( 14) are interpreted as assertions. They imply that a previous assertion, given or presupposed in the context, is true for some x (individuals, objects, moments, etc.), but not for all, as shown by the paraphrase and the context in (20). Thus, they always have distributive reading. The type of x is given by the wh-word following jak: x is an individual from the set kdo ('who') in (20a), and a moment from the set kdy ('when') in (20b). Jak behaves here therefore not as an interrogative word, but as an adverbial quantifier that distributes the affirmative or the negative value of the preceding assertion over the set of x given by the subsequent wh-word. The syntactic reconstruction is impossible, as shown in ( 21), because the deleted TP should be both affirmative and negative.

(20) a. Je pravda, že se tady příjemně tráví čas? Jak komu. = Někomu ano, někomu ne. b. Za co utrácíš kapesné? *Jak kdy (za co) utrácím kapesné.

Combinability

Although all wh-words can appear in multiple questions, two adjacent adjuncts are usually considered as less felicitous in comparison to conjoined adjuncts. This is however due to the possibility or not to obtain a distributive reading (see above): in ( 22), distributive reading of kdy kde ('when where') is possible only in the example (b): 'for each period of holidays, where will you be?'. In ( 23), distributive reading of jak kdy ('how when') also better obtains in (b): 'he doesn't know for each party how his girlfriends were dressed'.

(22) a. *Kdy kde / Kdy a kde se máte setkat?

when where / when and where should you meet b. Řekni mi kdy kde / kdy a kde budete během prázdnin.

tell me when where / when and where (you) will be during holidays (23) a. ??Jak kdy / Jak a kdy hodnotíte studenty na univerzitě?

how when / how and when (you) evaluate students at the university b. Neví vůbec, jak kdy byly oblečeny jeho přítelkyně. (ČNK)

(he) doesn't know how when were dressed his girlfriends

In our corpus study of 16 combinations 7 , we have found almost 1800 occurrences of multiple questions, the five most frequent combinations being co kdo (253), co kdy (223), jak co (188), kdo kdo (163), a kdo co (137). We haven't found any occurrence of sequences kdy jak, kde kam / kam kde, kde jak, and kam jak / jak kam. In contrast, we have found less than 100 elliptical sequences 8 , the most frequent being independent jak-sequences (88): jak kdo (67), jak co and jak kdy / jak kde. We have only found 5 9 elliptical sequences with other wh-words than jak. In one of them, the wh-words have rather indefinite interpretation (see section 4.1):

(24) Líp ti to neřeknu a nevím, zda kdy kdo.

(I) cannot say it better to you and I don't know of when who

Summary

The properties discussed in this section show that elliptical wh-sequences fall into two groups: those that have the properties of multiple questions (that we call E-sequences) and those that do not (jak-sequences):

Two types of ellipsis

In this section, we propose that elliptical sequences involve two different types of ellipsis: E-sequences involve syntactic deletion in multiple questions, while jak-sequence contain a base-generated null category e.

Deletion in multiple questions

Wh-remnants in E-sequences behave as wh-words in multiple questions. Consequently, Esequences can receive the syntactic analysis of sluicing constructions discussed in the section 2: they contain a clausal structure, the wh-words move to the left-periphery, and TP is deleted under identity with the TP in the antecedent clause [START_REF] Merchant | The Syntax of Silence: Sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis[END_REF] In [START_REF] Merchant | The Syntax of Silence: Sluicing, islands, and the theory of ellipsis[END_REF]'s analysis, TP-deletion is licensed by the head C which bears the features [+Q] and [+Wh]. It has been however argued (Bošković 1998, 2002[START_REF] Stepanov | On Wh-Fronting in Russian[END_REF][START_REF] Stjepanović | Multiple Wh-Fronting in Serbo-Croatian Matrix Qustions and the Matrix Sluicing Constructions[END_REF]) that movement of multiple wh-words in Slavic is driven by the feature Focus, and that multiple sluicing is licensed by every head bearing the feature Focus [START_REF] Grebenyova | Sluicing and Multiple Wh-fronting[END_REF]. We propose that a focus-driven analysis of sluicing is appropriate for multiple sluicing in Czech, because it allows to explain adjacency and specific or at least contrastive interpreattion of wh-remnants (see section 3). For that, we assume that only adjacent wh-words in multiple questions appear both in the CP domain, i.e. before clitics, and occupy the specifiers of IntP and FocP respectively [START_REF] Rizzi | The Fine Structure of the Left Periphery[END_REF][START_REF] Lenertová | On Clitic Placement, Topicalization and CP-Structure in Czech[END_REF][START_REF] Gruet-Skrabalova | Czech questions with two wh-words[END_REF], see (26). Consequently, sluicing licensed by the head Focus will result in sequences of adjacent wh-remnants with specific or contrastive interpretation. The elided structure corresponds to TP and clitics, thus FinP. Semantically, the contrast obtains most easily with the wh-words of the same type, which explains the preference for elliptical sequences kdo kdo. Finally, focus-driven analysis of sluicing predicts that sluicing should be also possible after focused referential DPs [START_REF] Grebenyova | Sluicing and Multiple Wh-fronting[END_REF]. This is actually true for both a single DP and a sequence of two DPs, as shown in (27). Consequently, our analysis can also account for sequences combining wh-words, referential DPs and indefinite pronouns, as long as they are contrastively focused, see (28).

( that Czechs cooperate with French is sure but that French with Czechs is not so sure (28) a. Každý s někým tancoval, ale kdo s Evou (tancoval), na to si už nevzpomínám. everyone with someone danced but who with Eva (danced) I don't remember b. Nevím, jak koho / jak Pavla (to rozčiluje), ale mě to teda rozčiluje.

(I) don't know how who-ACC / how Paul-ACC (it irritates) but (it) certainly irritates me c. Líp ti to neřeknu a nevím, zda kdy kdo (ti to řekne líp).12 (I) cannot say it better to you and I don't know whether when who (will say it better)

Semantic reconstruction

Jak-sequences do not allow syntactic reconstruction, although they have clausal interpretation. These non-sentential assertions confirm the value of a previous (presupposed) assertion for some but not all x in a set given by the wh-word following jak. The variable x has an implicit correlate in the presupposed assertion, see (29a). The syntactic reconstruction is impossible because these sequences imply both an affirmative and a negative clause, see (29b) and section 3.4.

(29) a. Je pravda, že se tady (lidem) příjemně tráví čas? Jak komu. is (it) true that (people) have a nice time here how who-DAT b. Někomu se tady tráví čas příjemně, někomu ne.

someone has a nice time here, someone not

We suggest that jak-sequences are base-generated and contain a null category [e] that is semantically reconstructed at LF as other anaphors [START_REF] Chung | Sluicing and logical form[END_REF][START_REF] Lobeck | Ellipsis: functional heads, identification, and licensing[END_REF]. The fact that the interrogative DP following jak must bear the same case as its correlate is necessary to ensure its syntactic and semantic integration into the ellipsis site (Chung 2013:29). More detailed semantic analysis of these constructions is however beyond the scope of this paper.

Conclusion

In this paper, I dealt with elliptical sequences of multiple wh-words in Czec. I argued that they involve two different constructions, elliptical multiple questions and elliptical assertions. I first showed that wh-words in elliptical multiple questions share the properties of wh-words in non-elliptical questions: they have the same syntactic distribution and semantic interpretation, they do not show superiority effects, and their combinability depends on their reading. Moreover, elliptical questions can be reconstructed into syntactically complete questions. In contrast, elliptical assertions differ from elliptical questions in several aspects. They always contain the word jak in initial position (the order of wh-words is therefore not free), they don't have question interpretation and cannot be reconstructed into full clauses. I then proposed that elliptical multiple questions result from TP-deletion after movement of the wh-words into CP domain (so-called multiple sluicing) and that the TP-ellipsis is driven by the focus feature. Thus explains that it can also apply to referential focused DPs. As for elliptical assertions, I claimed that they are basegenerated and involve semantic ellipsis, i.e. a null category, which is interpreted anaphorically with respect to a TP in the previous context.

  say (you) CL.2SG bought something to everyone tell me what to-whom/what CL.2SG towhom 'It seems that you bought someone something. Tell me what you bought, and to whom.' b. Každý se někde schovává, ale nevím kdo kde / *kdo se kde.

(

  11) a. Co komu koupil? / Komu co koupil? what who-DAT (he) bought / what who-DAT (he) bought b. Řekni mi kdo koho / koho kdo pozval k tanci.

  to-everyone something (he) bought but what who-DAT / what who-DAT I don't know b. Každý pozval někoho k tanci, ale nevzpomínám si kdo koho / ??koho kdo. everyone invited someone to dance but I don't remember who who-ACC / who-ACC who c. Spojka [..] přenáší informace, ale nevím od koho komu. (ČNK)

  (14) a. Prý jsou hotely u pláže už plné? Jak kde. / *Kde jak. (ČNK) they say hotels on the beach are full how where / where how b. Je pravda, že se tady (lidem) příjemně tráví čas? Jak komu. / *Komu jak. is (it) true that (people-DAT) passes nicely time here how who-DAT / who-DAT how c. Bylo vaší hlavní inspirací Chile? Záleží jak v čem / *v čem jak. was you main inspiration Chile it depends how in what / in what how

  (15) a. Nevím, jak kdo / jak vaši kolegové, ale my jsme byli velmi spokojeni. (ČNK) (I) don't know how who / how your colleages but we were very pleased b. My jsme byli velmi spokojeni, ale nevím, jak kdo. (16) a. Nevím, jak koho / jak Pavla, ale mě docela rozčiluje, když... (ČNK) (I) don't know how who-ACC / how Paul-ACC but (it) quite irritates me when... b. *Mě docela rozčiluje, ale nevím jak koho, když....

  is (it) true that (one) has a nice time here how who-DAT = to-someone yes, tosomeone no b. Za co utrácíš kapesné? Jak kdy, někdy to utratím, někdy šetřím.for what (you) spend money how when sometimes (I) spend it, sometimes (I) spare it (21) a. Je pravda, že se tady příjemně tráví čas? *Jak komu se tady (příjemně) tráví čas.

  ) a. Mohl to někdo udělat sekerou? Spíš bych řekl, že mačetou. (ČNK) could someone do it axe-INSTR I would say that truncheon-INSTR b. Že Češi spolupracují s Francouzi je jisté, ale jestli Francouzi s Čechy už tak jisté není.

(

  30) a. Je pravda, že se tady příjemně tráví čas? [ CP Jak komu [ TP e]]. b. LF: [ CP Jak komu i [ TP lidem i se tady příjemně tráví čas]]

  ), and in coordinate and subordinate clauses, see (3a) and (4a) respectively. It usually precedes the wh-remnant, but it can follow it in an appropriate context, see (4b).

	(3)	a. John bought something, but I don't know what. (= what John bought)
		b. John bought something. What?	(= what did John buy?)
	(4)	a. Pokud chceš někoho pozvat, dobře si rozmysli koho.

if (you) want someone invite, bethink well who ACC b. (Ukázal jsem jí mapu): Nevím ještě kam, ale někam si určitě vyjedeme.

  18) a. Každému něco koupil, ale komu co koupil, to nevím. b. Každý pozval někoho k tanci, ale nevzpomínám si kdo koho pozval k tanci. c. Moji kamarádi se na tu oslavu přestrojili, ale nevzpomínám si už, jak kdo se na tu oslavu přestrojil.

	(19) a. Každý se někde schovává, ale nevím kdo kde. / *kdo a kde. (PL)
	everyone CL.REFL somewhere hides, but I don't know who where / who and where
	b. Někdo se někde schovává, ale nevím ??kdo kde / kdo a kde. (SP)
	someone CL.REFL somewhere hides, but I don't know who where / who and where
	c. Věděl, že někdo někomu napsal, ale kdo komu / kdo a komu, to nevěděl. (SP)
	(he) knew that someone to-someone wrote but who (and) to-whom (he) didn't know

Table 1 :

 1 Properties of multiple questions and elliptical sequences

		Adjacency	Interpretation	Free	Contexts	Correlates	Combina-	Recon-
				order			tions	struction
	Multiple	not	question	yes	main or	-	all	-
	questions	necessarily	distributive /		embedded
			specific
	E-	yes	question	yes	mostly	indefinites,	all	yes
	sequences		distributive /		embedded	quantifiers,	but less
	ex. (1)		specific		under 'to know'	referential	acceptable
			+ contrastive			XPs
	jak-	yes	assertion	no	mostly main or	specific	jak	no
	sequences		distributive		embedded under	adverbial +	+ wh-word
	ex. (2)				'to depend'	referential
						XPs

  10 : (25) Každý někoho pozval, ale nevím [ CP kdo 1 koho 2 [ TP t 1 pozval t 2 ]]

  11 (26) a. [ ForceP [ IntP Kdo [ FinP se [ TP komu [ vP t omluvil t]]]]]? => *..., ale nevím [ ForceP [ IntP kdo [ FinP se [ TP komu [ vP t omluvil t]]]]] b. [ ForceP [ IntP Kdo [ FocP komu [FOC] [ FinP se [ TP [ vP t omluvil t ]]]]]]? => ale nevím [ ForceP [ IntP Kdo [ FocP komu [FOC] [ Fin se [ TP [ vP t omluvil t ]]]]]]

E.g.[START_REF] Rudin | On multiple questions and multiple Wh-fronting[END_REF],[START_REF] Bošković | On multiple feature-checking: Multiple wh-fronting and multiple headmovement[END_REF]Bošković ( , 2002)),[START_REF] Meyer | On multiple wh-fronting and wh-clustering in Czech[END_REF][START_REF] Meyer | Superiority effects in Russian, Polish, and Czech[END_REF],[START_REF] Gruet-Skrabalova | Czech questions with two wh-words[END_REF].

With some differences that will be explained in section

In our corpus (ČNK, subcorpus SYN2010), jak appears much more frequently in the initial position.

According to[START_REF] Grebenyova | Sluicing and Multiple Wh-fronting[END_REF], the parallelism is obligatory in Russian.

Cf. Tak se mi zdá, že se tady někdo někomu líbí. No to by mě teda vážně zajímalo, kdo a komu. (ČNK) it seems to me that here someone to-someone pleases I really wonder who and who-DAT

This also explains that three and more wh-remnants are always conjoined or separated by a comma.

We assume that the polarity feature of the clause is checked in the CP[START_REF] Laka | On the syntax of negation[END_REF], thus not relevant for TP-identity.


Ahmadzai Ahmadi
email: ahmadzai.ahmadi@univ-lyon2.fr

Chantal Cherifi
email: chantal.bonnercherifi@univ-lyon2.fr

Vincent Cheutet
email: vincent.cheutet@insa-lyon.fr

Yacine Ouzrout
email: yacine.ouzrout@univ-lyon2.fr

A Review of CPS 5 Components Architecture for Manufacturing Based on Standards

Keywords: CPS, Industry 4.0, Standardization, Embedded Computing Technologies, CPS Components I

The Cyber-Physical System (CPS) is a concept describing a broad range of complex, multi-disciplinary, physically-aware next generation engineered systems that integrate embedded computing technologies (cyber parts) into the physical world. CPS is a broad area of engineering which supports applications across emergency response, air transportation, critical infrastructure, health care and medicine, intelligent transportation, robotic for service, and special smart manufacturing. In particular, CPS is the core technology enabling the transition from Industry 3.0 to Industry 4.0 and is transforming global advanced manufacturing. This paper provides a review of CPS 5 components architecture for manufacturing as well as of CPS components challenges for manufacturing. It then focuses on the standardization challenges and provides a complete review of international standards. From this study we show that there is need for CPS components to be standardized in order to achieve the success of Industry 4.0. A framework of CPS 5 main components for manufacturing based on standards is proposed.

INTRODUCTION

We are currently experiencing the fourth Industrial Revolution in terms of cyber physical systems. [START_REF] Jacobson | Cyber-Physical Systems[END_REF][START_REF] Bagheri | Cyber-physical Systems Architecture for Self-Aware Machines in Industry 4.0 Environment[END_REF][START_REF] Jazdi | Cyber Physical Systems in the Context of Industry 4.0[END_REF]. A Cyber Physical System (CPS) is a physical and engineered system, which can monitor and control the physical environment. Most modern computing devices are ubiquitous embedded systems employed to monitor and control physical processes: cars, airplanes, automotive highway systems, air traffic management, manufacturing plants, etc. [START_REF] Jacobson | Cyber-Physical Systems[END_REF]. In the past, research on embedded systems tended to focus on the design optimization problems of these computational devices. In recent years, the focus has shifted towards the complex synergy between the computational elements and the physical environment with which they interact. The term Cyber-Physical System was coined to refer to such interactions. In CPS, embedded computation and communication devices, together with sensors and actuators of the physical substratum, are federated in heterogeneous, open, and systems-of-systems. Examples include smart cities, smart grids, medical devices, production lines, automotive controllers, and robotics [START_REF] Lee | Introduction to embedded systems: A cyberphysical systems approach[END_REF].

The presence and importance of CPS is intended as the orchestration of networked computational resources with multiphysics (mechanical, chemical, electrical) systems in industry. The engineering problems are faced daily managing dynamics, time, and concurrency in heterogeneous (interconnected) systems where the amount and complexity of intelligence (the cyber part) is growing rapidly, and where software implementations are a major portion of system design, validation and ultimately verification. Research and education in this field is of strategic importance for business for years to come. Industry and Government in United States have posed CPS at the center of the engineering research agenda since 2007 when the President's Council of Advisors on Science and Technology (PCAST) highlighted CPS as the "number one" Priority for Federal Investments in Networking and Information Technology. Since 2010, the European research and industrial community has focused on CPS as paradigms for the future of systems. Acatech (German National Academy of Science and Engineering) developed and published in 2011, an Integrated Research Agenda for CPSs. CPSs are essential for the future of the system industry worldwide and collaboration at all levels, from practicing engineers to product architects, from tool makers to technology providers, from service to research. The impacts of CPSs on industrial services can lead to seven affordances [START_REF] Jacobson | Cyber-Physical Systems[END_REF][START_REF] Lee | Introduction to embedded systems: A cyberphysical systems approach[END_REF][START_REF] Shi | A survey of cyber-physical systems[END_REF][START_REF] Gunes | A survey on concepts, applications, and challenges in cyber-physical systems[END_REF]: Nevertheless, CPS, as emerging technology and new industrial paradigm, is still lacking of formal methodology to guide the design and the deployment phases. In order to handle such research gap, we decide to focus on the existing and emerging standards attached to CPS in some ways, in order to first have a clear maps of the concepts.


To this aim, we use an accepted CPS architecture for manufacturing to avoid redundancy in analysis and description. We propose an analysis of the standards landscape for CPS in the Industry 4.0 context with consolidated information from governing bodies such as the International Organization for Standardization (ISO), the International Electrotechnical Commission (IEC), Guobiao Standards (Standardization Administration of China GB), and Deutsches Institut for Normung (DIN). We propose a framework of CPS 5C architecture based on standards for manufacturing to avoid gaps between CPS components and standardization bodies.

We base our research through professional association (IEEE, google scholar and web of science), extracting literature using the keywords (CPS, Industry4.0, Standardization) for the duration from 2010 -2017. We so found international standards, European standard and national standards and we selected those standards which had relation with CPS 5C Fig. 2.

The paper is organized as follows. Section 2 presents the CPS 5C architecture for manufacturing. Section 3 is dedicated to the challenges related to standardization in the CPS 5C architecture. The proposed framework is detailed in Section 4. Finally, Section 5 deals with the conclusion and future work.

II. CPS 5 COMPONENTS ARCHITECTURE FOR MANUFACTURING

The 5C architecture proposed by Lee et al. to build the CPS consists of 5 levels, namely the connection, conversion, cyber, cognition, and configuration levels. Fig. 1 depicts the 5C architecture. Below we describe the details for each level. [START_REF] Bagheri | Cyber-physical Systems Architecture for Self-Aware Machines in Industry 4.0 Environment[END_REF].

A. Connection

As mentioned in [START_REF] Bagheri | Cyber-physical Systems Architecture for Self-Aware Machines in Industry 4.0 Environment[END_REF], connecting machines and their components for acquiring accurate and reliable data is the first step in developing a CPS for smart factories. Different devices or sensors are used to acquire a variety of data, including the voltage, current, temperature, vibration, rotating speed, feed speed, and oil concentration of machines and their components, as well as images and videos of work pieces. Some sensors are even installed for acquiring temperature, humidity, lightness, atmospheric pressure of the manufacturing field and warehouse. Data may also come from the PLC or manufacturing systems, such as ERP, MES, SCM, and Coordinate Measuring Machinery (CMM). Specific protocols, such as those used in the Internet of Things (IoT) technology, are used to realize data transfer.

B. Conversion

As stated in [START_REF] Bagheri | Cyber-physical Systems Architecture for Self-Aware Machines in Industry 4.0 Environment[END_REF], data are converted into information in this level. Several mechanisms can be used to realize the data to information conversion. Some mechanisms are developed for prognostics and machine health management. This level brings the self-awareness property to the machines.

C. Cyber

The cyber level acts as central information hub in this architecture. Information is being pushed to it from every connected machine to form the machines network. Having massive information gathered, specific analytics have to be used to extract additional information that provide better insight over the status of individual machines among the fleet. These analytics provide machines with self-comparison ability, where the performance of a single machine can be compared with and rated among the fleet. On the other hand, similarities between machine performance and previous assets (historical information) can be measured to predict the future behaviour of the machinery.

D. Cognition

In this level, proper presentation of analytic information is provided to users for making decisions. The priority of tasks for maintenance process can be easily determined due to the availability of comparative information and individual machine status.

E. Configuration

As shown in [START_REF] Bagheri | Cyber-physical Systems Architecture for Self-Aware Machines in Industry 4.0 Environment[END_REF], the configuration level gives feedback from the cyber part back to the physical part. This level performs the supervisory control for making machines selfconfigured and self-adaptive. It acts as the Resilience Control System (RCS) to apply the controls corresponding to the decisions made in the cognition level to machines.

III. CPS 5 COMPONENTS CHALLENGE FOR MANUFACTURING

A few articles address the challenges of standardization and seamless process integration, seamless data aggregation and disaggregation [START_REF] Jain | Towards a virtual factory prototype[END_REF], standardization compliance [START_REF] Grangel-Gonzales | Towards a semantic administrative shell for industry 4.0 components[END_REF], and productservice innovation, product variety, quality standards, support services, and immediacy or order satisfaction [START_REF] Colledani | Design and management of manufacturing systems for production quality[END_REF]. Industrial Automation Systems (IASs) are commonly developed using the de-facto standard IEC 61131 [START_REF] Grangel-Gonzales | Towards a semantic administrative shell for industry 4.0 components[END_REF]. Although version 2.0 of IEC 61131 is introduced to address the new challenges of Complex Industrial Automation (CIA) systems, the standard IEC 61499 has been defined to eliminate limitation of IEC 61131. However, we need more and more work on standardization for maturing this new emerging technology [START_REF] Seddiqui | Challenges of CPS for Manufacturing in Industry 4.0: A literature Review[END_REF].

A. Roles and Functions of Standard

Standard is a document that provides requirements, specifications, guidelines or characteristics that can be used consistently to ensure that materials, products, processes and services are fit for their purpose. It appears that different types of standards with different roles and functions are needed for different categories of technology elements to achieve their efficient development and utilization as presented in Table1. It is therefore necessary to define various types of standards according to their basic roles and functions in innovation, in order to discuss mechanics of each generic function along with their complex interactions with technology and other innovation activities.

It is interesting to note that these various types of standards also play an important function of knowledge diffusion between different innovation actors. Transferring new knowledge between and across various stages of technological innovation, standards "help bridge the gap between research and marketable products" (European Commission 2011, p.6). The Expert Panel for the Review of the European Standardization System (EXPRESS 2010, p.16) also notes that "standardization converts new knowledge from scientific research into market" through various types of standards. Table 1 is summarizing examples, knowledge diffusion roles, and economic impacts of various types of standards with different roles and functions [START_REF] Ho | Dimensions of Standards for Technological Innovation-Literature Review to Develop a Framework for Anticipating Standardization Needs[END_REF].

B. Standardization Bodies

The standardization organizations such as IEEE, ETSI, IERC, IETF, ITU-T, OASIS, OGC, W3C, and GS1 are critical for the technology development of CPS. The international organization, IEC, ISO and DIN have established many relevant standards for CPS. This study focuses on CPS standards which considers industry technical specifications officially issued by the international standards holders such as IEC and ISO [START_REF] Trappey | A Review of Technology Standards and Patent Portfolios for Enabling Cyber-Physical Systems in Advanced Manufacturing[END_REF].

1) International Electrotechnical Commission (IEC)

The IEC, established in 1906, is the oldest international organization for Electrotechnical Standardization. The IEC is responsible for standardization in the field of electrical engineering and electronic engineering. IEC's Standardization Management Board (SMB) is the agency managing the IEC technical specifications and standardization. IEC/SMB/SG8 is the strategic working group for smart manufacturing technologies and is responsible for developing Industry 4.0 technical standards [START_REF] Trappey | A Review of Technology Standards and Patent Portfolios for Enabling Cyber-Physical Systems in Advanced Manufacturing[END_REF][START_REF]About IEC[END_REF].

2) International Organization for Standardization (ISO)

The ISO, established in 1947, is an independent and nongovernment organization with 165 global members representing different countries. The organization brings experts together to share knowledge and develop international standards. The ISO works closely with the IEC on the development of Internet 4.0 standards. For instance, ISO/TC 184 is important to the international standardization of Internet 4.0 and focuses on automation systems and integration [START_REF]About ISO[END_REF].

3) Deutsches Institut fur Normung (DIN)

DIN is a German national standardization organization founded in 1975, and is located in Berlin. DIN is a very important national standardization organization. Many of DIN's standards become ISO standards that are internationally recognized [START_REF] Trappey | A Review of Technology Standards and Patent Portfolios for Enabling Cyber-Physical Systems in Advanced Manufacturing[END_REF].

IV. PROPOSED CPS 5C FRAMEWORK FOR MANUFACTURING BASED ON STANDARD

In this section, we map the CPS ISO/IEC standards landscape to the five-layered architecture. Fig. 2 depicts the ISO/IEC standards, DIN and corresponding Chinese standards (GB) [START_REF] Trappey | A Review of Technology Standards and Patent Portfolios for Enabling Cyber-Physical Systems in Advanced Manufacturing[END_REF].

A. Smart Connection Level

The smart connection level studies how to obtain data from the physical objects. The most common technique is the use of Automatic Identification and Data Capture (AIDC). The following descriptions are the relevant standards for AIDC. The ISO/IEC 19762:2016 provides terms and definitions for AIDC. The ISO/IEC 15459 series specifies the unique identification for registration procedures, common rules, individual transport units, individual products and product packages, individual returnable transport items, and groupings. Important to CPS is the use of sensors for the automatic collection of data from manufacturing systems. The ISO/IEC/IEEE 21450:2010 defines the basic functions required to control and manage smart sensors. The ISO/IEC/IEEE 21451 series defines the Network Capable Application Processor (NCAP) information model, communication protocols, and Transducer Electronic Data Sheet (TEDS) formats for smart sensors. The standard methods to control these sensors are very important. The IEC 61131 series identify the principal functional characteristics of programmable controller systems. The IEC 61499 defines a generic model for distributed control systems based on the IEC 61131 standard. The IEC 61131 and IEC 61499 help establish a reliable, interchangeable control system.

B. Data-to-Information Conversion Level

Data-to-information conversion defines processing data from the smart connection level and analyzing the information. The IEC 61804-3, IEC 61804-4, IEC 61804-5, and IEC 61804-6 (Electronic Device Description Language, EDDL) are used to describe the characteristics of devices. The IEC 61360 series provides a basis for the clear and unambiguous definition of characteristic properties, i.e. data element types, of all elements of electro technical systems from basic components to subassemblies and full systems. Further, the IEC 62714 series provides a data exchange format called the Automation Markup Language (AML). The above standards ensure that there is a unified data format. The IEC/ISO 13236:1998 establishes a high-quality system for the Information Technology (IT) environment. Since the security of data is an important issue, the ISO 27000 standard provides the best practice recommendations for information and security risks management and control. The IEC 62443 series (ISA99) is used to ensure the security of industrial automation and control systems and provides comprehensive security protection.

C. Cyber Computation Level

Communication is the most important element considered at the cyber and computation control level. The CPS data and information exchange require several relevant standards which include wired and wireless communication. The ISO/IEC 8802 provides the set of international standards which describe local area networks. There are several standards for wired communications: the IEC 61158 series and IEC 61784 series are standards for fieldbus types and profiles including foundation field buses, common industrial protocols, PROFIBUS and PROFINET, P-Net, World FIP, INTERBUS, Swift Net, CC-Link, HART, VNET/IP, TC net, Ether CAT, Ethernet POWERLINK, Ethernet for Plant Automation (EPA), Modbus, SERCOS, Rapi Net, Safety Net p and MECHATROLINK. These protocols enable real-time distributed control in CPS and wireless communications. The IEC 62591:2016 (Wireless HART™) and IEC 62601:2015 (WIA-PA) are suitable for industrial wireless communication of industrial measurement, monitoring, and control. The ISO/IEC 14476 series enhances the communications transport protocol to ensure that there is a good Quality of Service (QoS). A good industrial network requires the above communication standards to link the sensor network and machine network. ISO/IEC 20005:2013, ISO/IEC 29180, ISO/IEC 29182, ISO/IEC 30101:2014, and ISO/IEC 30128:2014 are used to build intelligent, reliability and secure sensor networks. There are several standards related to the cyber level. The ISO/IEC 17826:2012 specifies the interface to access cloud storage and to manage the data stored within. The ISO/IEC 27033 series ensures network security. The IEC 62769 series (FDI) is used to integrate the devices with the use of communications technology.

D. Cognition Level

The cognition level focuses on monitoring and making decisions. The ISO 13374 series provides the basic requirements for open software specifications, which allow machines to monitor data and information processing and communication.

The IEC 62453 helps integrate all devices regardless of the suppliers.

E. Configuration Level

The configuration level contains the standards of overall control for CPS. The IEC 61512 defines the models for batch control used in the process, the terms and the data models. The IEC 62264 used for enterprise control system integration increases uniformity and consistency of interface construction. The standard reduces the risk, cost, and errors associated with implementing these interfaces. The IEC 61508 increases security and ensures life cycle safety for industrial process control. The fourth level is the cognition layer. The data from the cyber level is cognitive based and used for decision-making. The sub-technical fields consist of information display, monitoring systems, and decision-making. ISO 13374 series, Condition monitoring and diagnostics of machines -Data processing, communication and presentation. IEC 62453 -Field device tool (FDT) interface specification.

The last layer is the configuration layer. The goal of configuration is to achieve self-adjustment in response to external parameters, demand, and environmental changes. The sub-technical fields consist of controls and adjustment. IEC 61508 series, Functional safety of electrical/ electronic/ programmable electronic safety-related systems. IEC 61512 series, Batch control. IEC 62264 series, Enterprise -control system integration.

F. Discussion

Fig. 2 illustrates that all the different layers have been at that time tackled by standardization, but independently since no standard exist at the interface in between different layers, and no standards are tackling two levels at the same time. Fig. 2 links the CPS five components layer with the specific standard organizations. To go a step further, Table 2 details the subtechnical fields of the 5 components layers with the corresponding ISO, IEC, and GB/T standards.

V. CONCLUSION Cyber Physical Systems are expected to play a major role in the design and development of future engineering systems. They are one of the key technologies of Industry 4.0. Nevertheless, there are still important challenges ahead that need to be tackled for CPSs to develop their full potential. A challenge of prime importance is the standardization aspect. This paper provides a literature review of CPS components for smart manufacturing, CPS challenges for smart manufacturing. It focuses on CPS standardization challenges, roles and functions of standard, standardization organizations, and provide a comparison of standard CPS 5C framework for manufacturing. This review and the proposed framework intend to help industry to understand the aforementioned aspects of CPS. This research must also benefit small and medium companies to integrate Industry 4.0 based on standards.



  Engineer better equipment by leveraging operational performance data, Optimization of equipment operations, Control and manage equipment remotely,  Predict and trigger service activities,  Remote diagnostics and replace field service activities,  Empower and optimize field service,  Information and data-driven services.

Fig. 1 .

 1 Fig. 1. Applications and techniques associated with each level of the 5Carchitecture[START_REF] Bagheri | Cyber-physical Systems Architecture for Self-Aware Machines in Industry 4.0 Environment[END_REF]

Fig. 2 .

 2 Fig. 2. CPS 5C Framework for Manufacturing Based on Standard

TABLE I .

 I STANDARDS WITH VARIOUS ROLES AND FUNCTIONS[START_REF] Ho | Dimensions of Standards for Technological Innovation-Literature Review to Develop a Framework for Anticipating Standardization Needs[END_REF]

	Type	Examples	Knowledge Diffusion	Economic Impacts
	Terminology	Definitions of key concepts	From basic to oriented -	Increased communication
	and Semantic	and attributes	basic and applied research	efficiency among various
	Standards			stakeholders
	Measurement	Measurement and test	From basic to applied	Increased research efficacy though
	and	methods	research	more accurate research inputs and
	Characterization	Science and engineering		verifiable results
	Standards	databases, standard reference
		materials		Higher productivity/ quality
				through better process control
	Quality and	Performance metrics, such as	From pilot products into mass	Expand market share through
	Reliability	minimum quality levels	markets	performance assurance and
	Standards	ISO 9000		reduction in transaction costs
		Procedures, such as
		equipment calibrations
	Compatibility	Interconnection among	From applied research to	Achieve network externalities and
	and Interface	system components	experimental development	thereby expand value / cost rations
	Standards	RS-232 interface standard	From computer to printer
		Portability of software across	terminal	Facility open systems and thereby
		implementation of a	From pilot products into mass	enable more competition at
		computer system	markets	component and subsystem levels
	Variety	Microprocessor architecture	From pilot products into mass	Achieve economies of scale and
	Reduction	size of silicon wafers	markets	compatibility across components
	Standards	Bit rate	From Tx -Rx Digital Signals

TABLE II

 II Information technology -Automatic identification and data capture techniques -Unique identification, ISO/IEC 19762:2016: Information technology -Automatic identification and data capture (AIDC) techniques -Harmonized vocabulary. ISO/IEC/IEEE 21450:2010: Information technology -Smart transducer interface for sensors and actuators -Common functions, communication protocols, and Transducer Electronic Data Sheet (TEDS) formats, ISO/IEC/IEEE 21451 series, Information technology -Smart transducer interface for sensors and actuators. IEC 61131 series, Programmable controllers, IEC 61499 series, Function blocks, GB/T 29261 series, Information technology -Automatic identification and data capture (AIDC) techniques -Vocabulary, GB/T 15969 series, Programmable controllers. GB/T 19769 series, Function Blocks for industrial -process measurement and control system. The second layer manages data-to-information conversion. The sub-technical fields of the second layer consist of data processing and smart analysis. Information technology -Quality of service: Framework. ISO/IEC 27000 family, information technology -security techniques. IEC 61360 series, Standard data elements types with associated classification scheme for electric items. IEC 61804-3, IEC 61804-4, IEC 61804-5, IEC 61804-6 Function blocks (FB) for process control -Electronic device description language (EDDL. IEC 62443 series (ISA99), Security for Industrial Automation and Control Systems. IEC 62714 series, Engineering data exchange format for use in industrial automation systems engineering -Automation markup language. Information technology -Telecommunications and information exchange between systems Security framework for ubiquitous sensor networks. ISO/IEC 29182 series, Sensor networks: Sensor Network Reference Architecture (SNRA). ISO/IEC 30101:2014, Information technology -Sensor networks: Sensor network and its interfaces for smart grid system, ISO/IEC 30128:2014, Information technology -Sensor networks -Generic Sensor Network Application Interface, IEC 61158 series, Industrial communication networks -Fieldbus specifications, IEC 61784 series, Industrial communication networks -Profiles. IEC 62591:2016, Industrial networks -Wireless communication network and communication profiles -Wireless HART™, IEC 62601:2015, Industrial networks -Wireless communication network and communication profiles -WIA-PA, IEC 62769 series, Field Device Integration (FDI).

	.	DISCUSSION ON THE STANDARDS FOR EACH LAYER OF THE CPS 5C FRAMEWORK
	5 Components Layers	Scope of Deliverable
	The first layer is for smart connection that obtains external information and data through sensors. The sub-technical fields consist of embedded systems, 3D printing, robotic sensors, power, energy, cameras, actuators, controllers, circuits, plug and play, enterprise manufacturing systems, and condition-based monitoring. ISO/IEC 15459: Data processing includes image and video processing systems, data security, database management systems, multidimensional data correlation, and data harmonization. Smart analysis includes self-awareness, prediction, statistical evaluation, power management techniques, diagnostics and health management. IEC/ ISO 13236:1998, The third cyber computation layer is referred to by ISO/IEC 8802 series, Information technology -Telecommunications and information exchange between
	the short name, cyber. The goal of the cyber layer is	systems -Local and metropolitan area networks.
	to collect information for a broad range and create a	ISO/IEC 14476 series, Information technology -Enhanced communications transport protocol.
	comprehensive communication platform for	ISO/IEC 17826:2012, Information technology -Cloud Data Management Interface (CDMI).
	components and systems. The sub-technical field	ISO/IEC 20005:2013, Information technology-Sensor networks-Services and interfaces supporting
	consists of communication, middleware, software, a	collaborative information processing in intelligent sensor networks.
	central information hub, computation, and	ISO/IEC 27033 series, Information technology -Security techniques -Network security.
	networked control	ISO/IEC 29180:2012,

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

This research work has been supported by SmartLink Project, Erasmus Mundus Program. The authors would like to thank SmartLink Project and Universite Lumiere Lyon2.