Sonia Adam-Ledunois

Romuald Mansuy

Sébastien Damart

An innovative tool for territorial shared

Introduction

Historically, the non profit sector supports many activities and responsibilities in relation to accommodation and social integration of the most vulnerable people. Stakeholders involved in this activites are numerous (governmental services, non-profit organizations, volunteers, local authorities, etc.). These multiple actors, with heterogeneous resources (coming partly from the government, partly from other institutions) have different areas of intervention, which does not always make actions effective, the ultimate goal being obviously to increase social utility or societal utility created.

In France, in early 2013, the government wanted to be more involved in the management of hosting arrangements and social integration, drawing a strategy included in the multi-year plan to fight against poverty and for social inclusion. The proposed strategy is built around two lines: giving priority access to housing on the one hand, and answering the needs for a greater offer of lodging (by increasing capabilities but also improving housing conditions) on the other hand.

Two issues may hinder the achievement of these goals: the multiplicity of actors and actions already undertaken in the field, and the difficulty of coordinating actions throughout each territory (region). In response, the French government designed and made available to local actors a methodology for a shared territorial diagnosis. This diagnosis, so-called "360°", is a prerequisite required by the government before any decision or action. The aim of these diagnoses is to highlight issues (homelessness, inadequate housing) and to analyze the existing offer, this in a comprehensive, objective and shared manner. The 360° evaluation is to be "a decision aiding tool for the government and local communities" 1 .

1 Ministry document published the 18th of August 2014.

This tool was deployed for the first time early 2015 on all French regions, at the request of the French Minister of Housing and Equality in Territories, with the obligation for each region to return diagnosis before June 2015. In each region, an identified organization (a governmental agency or an actor from the private sector) facilitated the realization of this diagnosis. This diagnosis should be updated annually, allowing for comparisons over time. The government has not only formulated the goals and intentions of the 360° evaluation but it also detailed precisely the methodology that actors must mobilize across territories. In addition to the aspects covered by the evaluation, the methodological framework emphasizes the diversity of stakeholders to be involved in the process.

Beyond its main function (evaluation), the 360° shared diagnosis would aim to stimulate local dynamics and foster collaborations between stakeholders, harmonization and practices transformations, the actual process of diagnosis creating de facto a link between players on the same territory and concerned with the same problem. The premise thus posed is that in participating, through the 360°, to a process of construction of a shared representation, the actors will have more ease to appropriate the results by integrating them in their decisionmaking process and translate collaboratively in actions on the territory. It would ultimately create the conditions for social innovation. This evaluation support is therefore a full management tool: a knowledge production tool aiding the decision (diagnosis tool) and a tool promoting interactions between actors on the basis of a shared diagnosis. It would provide a means for collective action. Nevertheless, it is possible to question the way local actors have used this methodology in a sector where very few formalized management tools are deployed. This raises particular issues. Did the actors in charge of the 360° manage to preserve the core philosophy of this tool? Has the approach been perverted into a rationalization tool of past decisions rather than a useful knowledge production support for the community? Did the creation of relationships between actors expected through this evaluation process happen?

We propose to address these questions on the basis of a critical analysis of the implementation of this 360° diagnosis on two French regions. We pay attention on the implementation process of the assessment tool to identify its uses and effects, this next to its philosophy and its initial intentions.

I.

A shared territorial diagnosis deployed on two French regions First, we specify what the shared territorial diagnosis consists in, both in its philosophy and its nature, and its implementation. Second, we present two cases of deployment of this assessment tool on two French territories.

A. The 360° diagnosis: principles, goals and methodology

The French policy of accommodation and access to housing is characterized by a strategy focused on giving the priority access to housing on the one hand, and answering the needs for a greater offer of lodging on the other hand. This strategy has been formulated in the multiyear plan to fight against poverty and for social inclusion, adopted on 21 January 2013. The principle of shared territorial diagnosis so-called "360°" was chosen to support the implementation of this strategy. The logic of these diagnoses was proposed to the government decentralized services and partners of the Ministry of Housing and Equality for Territories These diagnoses are thus made to permanently guide the policy for homeless people or inadequately housed, to the faster access to decent and suitable housing. They are intended to identify relevant actions and progress axes and to set priorities on a territory. They come in addition to some existing document supporting dialogues between partners acting as governmental operators (NPO, private actors), and government services in charge of Social

Cohesion and Protection of vulnerable populations in the territories.

The originality of these shared diagnoses claimed by the promoters, is characterized by three principles:

-A global inventory process that takes place with the same temporality in every region of the country, -A will to involve dynamically all stakeholders in the same struggle against poverty and social exclusion,

-A detailed methodology, assigned to local players that will enable to aggregate all evaluations in a final output, on a national level. This requires consistency from the point of view of data collected and quantitative analysis (statistics and figures), and qualitative (the results obtained, the system of actors, relations between the partners).

The two aims of these diagnoses is to have in each territory, a more factual vision, a comprehensive and shared representation of the problems of the most vulnerable -from the street to difficulties to access or stay in the housing -and to put in perspective the existing The 360° tool consists of a shared analysis of supply and demand, based on a measure of gaps. The imposed approach must, if it is to cross the observations and analysis, to strengthen territorial dynamics and thus adapt institutional responses through better coordination of the actors and a repositioning of the latter vis-à-vis real needs. For this, the instruction specifies the need for elaborating a diagnosis involving all stakeholders implied or concerned with the field of accommodation and access to housing. The spectrum is broad and includes in particular the local authorities, all services involved in the field of social monitoring, hosting, housing and support -especially Prison Service and probation, local organizations fighting for women's rights, the Regional Health Agencies -social or private donors, donors of the insertion housing, social accommodation facilities organizations and social monitoringincluding representatives of major voluntary networks, etc.

If the government directs territories to deploy this methodology, the approach was not designed independently from stakeholders. Note that the methodology of diagnosis and its essential elements were developed jointly with some pilot regions before being generalized nationally. A rapid deployment sequencing method was selected (see Figure 1), in order to foster a work dynamic. In this context, each territory is free to schedule the work as it wishes, with respect of an imperative deadline: a first deliverable in June 2015 and a final diagnosis in early September 2015.

Figure 1 -Timeline of the deployment of the 360° evaluation

Unlike standard working procedures between operators and governmental services, the first diagnosis 360° is made to be updated annually, conducted in consultation with the partners, which will be an opportunity to make a feedback on undertaken actions on the basis of the previous diagnosis. The contents of the diagnosis can be enriched progressively depending on the ability of territories to produce reliable data and to develop their existing information systems. Similarly, the tools proposed to carry out diagnosis can be consolidated based on territories feedbacks and difficulties identified.

The regional level of government services is responsible for coordinating the process of realization of diagnosis and for ensuring regional consolidation of data collected in each territory. It supports territories in the appropriation of tools at their disposal, as well as the analysis of national and local collected data, allowing finally a regional consolidation of territorial diagnoses. To do this, the territories have a highly detailed methodological guide which specifies the content of a shared territorial diagnosis (common set of indicators to produce and key issues to address for each territory) and fix the steps of the method development. The annexes of the guide are extremely accurate. They give a precise description of committees to set up. They give practical advices for the organization of diagnosis and they provide some commented model documents to present materials and results. This guide was designed to be a methodological support to regional and local actors in the implementation of diagnosis and to enable consolidation.

B. The deployment of the 360° diagnosis on two French territories

In order to study the deployment of 360° diagnosis, two case studies were performed on two

French territories, Eure and Orne, both located in rural areas (see Box 1). These cases have been studied based on the experience of one NPO, called Ysos, which is involved in the Home and Insertion Accommodation sector (HIA) on these two territories. Ysos is a private actor. This NPO acts as an operator of the government (by delegation) in this sector and has participated in the deployment of diagnoses 360° in the Orne and Eure territories.

Box 1 -Research methodology

Two case studies were conducted on the Eure and Orne territories forming part of the same French region of Normandy. These two case studies resulted in comparisons, in order to put into perspective the salient features of each case and to identify points of similarity or singularity. We mobilized mostly secondary data (evaluation report, debriefing, ministerial documents, etc.). Mobilization of primary data, including qualitative, was deliberately limited, one of the authors is a stakeholder in the realization of these diagnoses 2 . His status has provided privileged access to work documents and the identification of bottlenecks in the deployment of 360°. It also made possible to identify actors involved and to characterize their role in the implementation of the approach. To limit some biases, we also defined contribution spheres in writing this article. Thus, discussion of results was sequenced:

written by researchers at first, this part was then submitted to the practitioner for validation and basis for discussion. As such, in addition to theoretical contributions, the writing of the article had some reflective properties to the practitioner, prompting him to cast a critical eye on the process.

2 Romuald Mansuy is the director of Ysos.

The involvement of Ysos in the 360° diagnosis was not of the same kind in the two territories, which came from the major difference in terms of deployment of the tool in both territories (see Table 1). In the Eure, Ysos intervened at two levels. It intervened as an operator responsible for HIA missions. It has also entrusted the animation of 360° diagnosis by the government decentralized services. In the Orne, Ysos has just attended this diagnosis as an operator of HIA in that territory. Government services have preferred to facilitate the 360° diagnosis with internal resources rather than outsourcing it.

Table 1 -Roles of actors in the 360° diagnosis ORNE EURE

Diagnosis supervision

Governmental regional decentralized services

Diagnosis process management

Co-management by two governmental regional agencies

Diagnosis process facilitation

Governmental regional decentralized services NPO YSOS + consultants

In the Orne, the deployment of the method was carried out by the government decentralized services and regional services. Three persons (one coming from a decentralized service, in direct contact with the French government, and the two others coming from a regional service in direct contact with the local planning authority) handled the animation of the realization of the diagnosis. Two plenary meetings were held, one for the launch of the diagnosis, the other for the feedback at the end of the diagnosis. The chosen facilitation method (see Table 2) is structured around three thematic workshops that brought together 45 people. These workshops were opened as widely as possible to the actors of the sector (free registration) as required by the methodological guide. They were intended to stimulate exchange and ensure coordination between actors.

In the Eure, the deployment of the method has been conducted by the same kind of actors than in the Orne (co-management by some decentralized services of the government and by regional services). The animation of the realization of the shared diagnosis has however been outsourced to Ysos. An employee of the decentralized services of the government and two project managers (consultants) incurred by Ysos lead the entire diagnosis approach jointly. A scoping meeting was organized upstream to delineate the roles and responsibilities of all actors involved. The animation method was based on the constitution of five working groups resulting in workshops on five themes (see Table 2). These workshops were opened and have gathered 65 people, local experts and / or actors working in the thematic field 3 . 14 persons: 6 coming from regional services, 1 from Ysos, 2 consultants and 5 experts Workshops 3 Social services, regional services in charge of housing and accommodation, concerned with indirectly connected issues (justice, health, education, etc.), local communities, social housing providers, etc.

3 workshops x 3h = 9h 5 Workshops x 3 meetings x 3h = 45h

Almost 45 people participating Almost 65 people participating

In Orne, the animation method and the results validation process in workshops was soft and centralized. It was a relatively uncluttered animation method, what we have described as "centralized and streamlined approach" (see Table 3). The model of diagnosis has been put online quickly, once validated.

In Eure, the facilitation method was sophisticated, time consuming and based on the involvement of many actors from different structures. This method was to understand in depth the various topics, adopting an approach that we have termed "outsourced and deep" (see Table 3). Each thematic group was led by a pair of experts and resulted in three plenary meetings, the last consisting of defining improvement actions declined in goals and means. To stimulate discussion, an inventory was conducted on each theme and case studies (analysis of individual paths) to identify particular levers and locking points. The final validation of the diagnosis took place over several months.

Validation processes

Simple:

-Delegation of reporting activities to the

Facilitation model

Centralized and streamlined Outsourced and deep

The workshops, regardless of the territory, have produced relatively similar results. They were helpful in documenting the diagnosis (in that they helped producing knowledge on the expected topics in the final report) on the various topics covered in the workshops, both about itself than on identifying needs of the territory, on the users demands of existing devices or on the quality of services provided. However, they have been of limited scope to identify even more dynamic relations between stakeholders and to understand the competition between service providers. Competitive logic persisted and has sometimes led actors to censor their words. Recognize their difficulties in their missions would be to recognize that they are not able to take over the tasks delegated by the government. Their survival depends on it, as these structures are dependent on the budgets granted to them by the government. Similarly, workshops struggled to produce knowledge on the question of the balance between public needs and practices of service providers or on the evaluation of the efficiency of the service (next to its cost). The only notable difference between the two territories was that it was possible to understand the results obtained through benefits in the Orne while this was not possible in the Eure.

Finally, in Orne, the minimalist form of management of the diagnosis gave to actors a sense of efficiency and operability in a simple setting. For Ysos, the 360° diagnosis has actually led it to start a new project in partnership with the social housing provider of Orne, and a relocation plan of its activities in order to ensure the performance vis-à-vis the beneficiaries.

In this territory, the diagnosis has enabled Ysos to recognize the known problematic of all, but not previously managed. However, in Eure, 360° diagnosis did not have any impact on Ysos activities. A year later, updating the diagnosis is not envisaged by the government services.

II. Background

We propose to develop in this second part a review of relevant literature to inform this experimentation of a shared diagnosis on social issues. This refers primarily to the issue of management tools and the way actors use them. This then provides a specific context, that of public policy. It is thus a question of tools and evaluation in the context of public management.

A. Management support tools and their appropriation

Work on management tools are primarily derived from French works on organizations culturally rooted in a continuation of the work by Michel Crozier, Jean-Claude Moisdon, Michel Berry, Jacques Girin or Armand Hatchuel from the 1970s.

A management tool consists of an "A set of management objects incorporated in a functional logic (or other kinds of logic) in a codified and systematic manner, respecting a certain number of management rules" (Vaujany, 2006, p. 113). A management tool takes different forms which purpose is to guide and facilitate collective action. In other words, management tools can be seen as conceptual constructions in the form of accounting or financial formalizations for instance, quantitative or qualitative [START_REF] Nobre | Méthodes et outils du contrôle de gestion dans les PME[END_REF] or as noted by [START_REF] Lorino | Vers une théorie pragmatique et sémiotique des outils appliquée aux instruments de gestion[END_REF], abstractions of concrete operations.

Two approaches can be identified in the literature:

-Either as a representation of reality in an instrumental logic; a vector of rationalization and standardization of behavior, in the tradition of Fayol's "administrative tools". This vision has been predominant for many years in management theory. It is based on a decomposition design / use of the tool and its ability to replicate reality. This is the "representationist" posture (Lorino, 2007), which is part of a rationalist perspective. The tool requires the actor, the context is irrelevant;

-Or -and this is the approach we chose -a pragmatic approach or "actionalist", according to a logic of "design in use" (Bourmaud and Rétaud, 2002) or "design for use" (Lin et Cornford, 2001). In this perspective, the tool is incorporated in behaviors likely to produce meaning and actions [START_REF] Lorino | Vers une théorie pragmatique et sémiotique des outils appliquée aux instruments de gestion[END_REF]. The object then can be reinvented for each use, representations or interpretations developed for it evolving, as [START_REF] Grimand | L'appropriation des outils de gestion et ses effets sur les dynamiques organisationnelles : le cas du déploiement d'un référentiel des emplois et des compétences[END_REF] highlights it.

It is in this perspective that lies the pioneering works of the French school of Management Tools from the 1970s, under the leadership of the French Management Research Centre (CRG -Ecole Polytechnique: [START_REF] Berry | Une technologie invisible ? L'impact des instruments de gestion sur les systèmes humains[END_REF][START_REF] Girin | Les machines de gestion[END_REF] and the Scientific Management Centre (CGS -Ecole des Mines: [START_REF] Hatchuel | Apprentissage collectifs et activités de conception[END_REF][START_REF]Du mode d'existence des outils de gestion -les instruments de gestion à l'épreuve de l'organisation[END_REF][START_REF] Hatchuel | Les nouvelles fondations des sciences de gestion[END_REF].

In the latter perspective, internal and external stakeholders have a role first, because external stakeholders (consultants, government, customers, etc.) design new management tools that organizations can, or even should, use, and second because internal stakeholders are involved or interfere with the appropriation or the use of the tool. In this sense, management tools can facilitate dialogue with the stakeholders of the organization, as Chatelain-Ponroy (2010)

shows it.

As highlighted in [START_REF] De Vaujany F-X | Pour une théorie de l'appropriation des outils de gestion : vers un dépassement de l'opposition conception-usage[END_REF], if the management tool has long been seen as a representation of reality, more recent work, in the 2000s, have proposed an alternative approach, centered on the use (Lin & Cornford, 2000;[START_REF] Lorino | Vers une théorie pragmatique et sémiotique des outils appliquée aux instruments de gestion[END_REF][START_REF] Lorino | Vers une théorie pragmatique et sémiotique des outils appliquée aux instruments de gestion[END_REF]Teulier, 2005 Vaujany and[START_REF] Vaujany | Moving towards appropriability of academic knowledge: a post-actionnalist perspective[END_REF][START_REF] Grimand | L'appropriation des outils de gestion et ses effets sur les dynamiques organisationnelles : le cas du déploiement d'un référentiel des emplois et des compétences[END_REF]. [START_REF] Rabardel | Instrument, activité et développement du pouvoir d'agir[END_REF] define the management tool as a mixed entity, which combines material and symbolic artifacts (concepts, interpretation schemes, computer tools interfaces, etc.) on the one hand, and action registers, that will give them meaning, on the other.

The management tool is inseparable from its use: "to implement the tool means to design it" (Lorino, 2002, p. 23). It has a contextual dimension, the tool influenced by various transformations depending on its use and dissemination. It is also inseparable from actors who use it, humans having themselves fallible judgments, leaving room for interpretation [START_REF] Lorino | Vers une théorie pragmatique et sémiotique des outils appliquée aux instruments de gestion[END_REF]. The management tool should thus be considered through its uses, which refers to its process of appropriation.

By going beyond the instrumental logic, new thinking appears on the issue of management tool appropriation process. We will discuss four successively: diversion or deflection of the tool, the place of (and sometimes conflict) a new management tool in an existing frame, its induced effects, particularly on: the relationship between actors, wider organizational dynamics and finally its symbolic significance.

First, a number of works paid attention to the becoming of management tools once in the hands of people that use them. As Grimand (2012) recalls it, appropriation process of management tools is never predictable and remains subject to diversion. So there is room for deformation or modification of the tool in use. This is not unrelated to the learning process, a learning phenomenon crossover designer / user of the tool operating [START_REF] Hatchuel | Apprentissage collectifs et activités de conception[END_REF].

The management tool evolves according to a system of "joint regulation" (Rabardel, 1988).

According to Rabardel (1988), the joint regulation is made of control and self-regulation.

While control corresponds to the design and instrumentation of the object by the dominant stakeholders, self-regulation refers to how actors in the organization receive action coming from the control system. It is in this context that operates the effects of the appropriation of the tool by the actors, the deformation of the associated rule or the avoidance of the use of the tool or the invention of new objects to fill gaps left empty by the specified management object.

Second, it is important to question the place of the management tool within the organization and practices. The management tool will fit more or less easily to the practices of actors and the decision system. The introduction of a new management tool can especially hinder the overall coherence of the existing management system. [START_REF] Rabardel | Instrument, activité et développement du pouvoir d'agir[END_REF] states that an overall reconfiguration is required, whether the management tool comes to occupy an existing territory or not, which explains its complexity and cost. This is not unrelated, according to the author, to the high mortality of some management innovations.

Following on from these reflections, it is the wider question of the effects of management tools on organizational dynamics that is asked. [START_REF] Grimand | L'appropriation des outils de gestion et ses effets sur les dynamiques organisationnelles : le cas du déploiement d'un référentiel des emplois et des compétences[END_REF] explores this question on different registers: power, learning, change, etc. Several studies [START_REF] Vaujany | Moving towards appropriability of academic knowledge: a post-actionnalist perspective[END_REF]Grimand, 2006;Martin and Picceu, 2007;Dominguez-Pery, 2011;Oiry, 2011) have in common to emphasize the role of management tools in the activity of sensemaking, the structuring of relationships between actors, the introduction of change or the organizational learning process.

Finally, the management tool may also include a symbolic dimension. To make use of a management tool recognized by stakeholders of the organization, means symbolically materialize a mode of operation, an expertise. This means to make the organization visible.

The systems and tools in place in some organizations do not have other vocations that making legitimate or credible the organization, which uses them from the point of view of its institutional environment (Laufer & Burlaud, 1980, quoted by Chatelain-Ponroy 2010; [START_REF] Meyer | Social environments and organizational accounting[END_REF]. This symbolic dimension encourages organizations to adopt tools, not with the aim of improvement, but much more in a conformist logic inciting to mimicry. The tool is introduced mainly to instrument the interface between the organization and its environment, which produced very little change in the organization (Chatelain-Ponroy 2010). In this case, the tool is essentially reduced to its formal dimension but without real adoption of the tool. It does not really "penetrate" the organization.

The appropriation of the management tool can be apprehended from different perspectives, each based on a particular conception of the management tool. We summarize in Table 4 below the 4 perspectives identified in the literature. Source: Synthesis made from [START_REF] De Vaujany F-X | Pour une théorie de l'appropriation des outils de gestion : vers un dépassement de l'opposition conception-usage[END_REF] and [START_REF] Grimand | L'appropriation des outils de gestion et ses effets sur les dynamiques organisationnelles : le cas du déploiement d'un référentiel des emplois et des compétences[END_REF].

B. Public policy, evaluation and management tools

The question of policy instruments has long been remained unexplored in the literature, which is easily explained, since the issue of performance, or how to do better with less, appeared lately [START_REF] Van Dooren | Performance management in the public sector[END_REF]. On this issue, however, as on the evaluation of public policies, every country did not advance at the same pace, Continental Europe having entered a lesser extent in this logic compared to the Anglo-Saxon world [START_REF] Hood | Public service management by numbers: why does it vary? Where has it come from? What are the gaps and the puzzles?[END_REF] or the United

States 2002;[START_REF] Roy | The Uses of Cost Benefit Analysis in Public Transportation Decision-making in France[END_REF]. Reforms supporting the "New Public

Management" marked a turning point in this matter in OECD countries, requiring management tools (Chatelain-Ponroy 2010). In France, the organic law on public budgeting (LOLF) of the early 2000s put into perspective the issue of budget performance [START_REF] Calmette | La loi organique relative aux lois de finances (LOLF) : un texte, un esprit, une pratique[END_REF]. The subject of the evaluation as practice is fairly new in France (Monnier, 1992;Perret, 2001). Dating back to the 1970s and especially 1990, it found its inspiration in the American Program Evaluation, highly developed under the Kennedy and Johnson presidencies [START_REF] Barbier | Éléments pour une sociologie de l'évaluation des politiques publiques en France[END_REF].

A lot of articles is concerned with the evaluation of public policies 4 (called PCE) [START_REF] Verdung | Public policy and program evaluation[END_REF][START_REF] Kessler | Évaluation des politiques publiques[END_REF][START_REF] Weiss | The interface between evaluation and public policy[END_REF][START_REF] Sanderson | Evaluation, policy learning and evidence-based policy making[END_REF]Jacob, 2005;Barber, 2010;[START_REF] Perret | L'évaluation des politiques publiques[END_REF]Givord, 2015 ;[START_REF] Spenlehauer | La (f)utilité gouvernementale de l'évaluation des politiques publiques, quelques leçons américaines et françaises[END_REF]. Should we see a specific approach to performance measurement? According to McDavid & Hawthorm (2006), there are several notable differences between evaluation and performance measurement. Measuring the performance would have the property of being continuing. It concerns general issues and it would be incorporated in routines, directly involving managers and bearing on infrastructure.

Evaluation would be more punctual. It would focus on more specific issues, specifically 4 Two conceptions of public policy evaluation could be presented [START_REF] Barbier | Éléments pour une sociologie de l'évaluation des politiques publiques en France[END_REF]): a managerial one (decisionaiding) or a democratic one (favoring participative processes). This has been discussed in [START_REF] Roy | The Uses of Cost Benefit Analysis in Public Transportation Decision-making in France[END_REF] and we will not enter into this debate.

designed according to the needs, conducted by evaluators who are not necessarily linked to managers and to the goals defined in advance. Evaluation is directly connected to the design and implementation of public policies [START_REF] Barbier | Éléments pour une sociologie de l'évaluation des politiques publiques en France[END_REF]. If evaluation and performance measurement are distinct, literature nevertheless interconnects these two faces of the practice of public policy, either using a sequential logic [START_REF] Wholey | Handbook of practical program evaluation[END_REF][START_REF] Weiss | Have we learned anything about the use of evaluation?[END_REF], or an integrative one (McDavid & Hawthorm, 2006). In particular, evaluation tools are very useful in the measurement of performance.

Among the strategies identified by [START_REF] Pollitt | Public management reform: a comparative analysis[END_REF] that public decision-maker use to improve public management performance, one of them is to import techniques and values from the private sector, in a managerial logic [START_REF] Hood | A public management for all seasons?[END_REF]. New management tools thus accompany each reform or designing process of new policies. And the proliferation of tools is even more significant that public policies are less structured and involve a wide range of interest groups [START_REF] Lascoumes | Understanding Public Policy through Its Instruments -From the Nature of Instruments to the Sociology of Public Policy Instrumentation[END_REF], which is the case of the environment, urban policy or social policies.

Traditionally, public management tool is apprehended through an instrumental logic, which is not without some difficulties. [START_REF]Du mode d'existence des outils de gestion -les instruments de gestion à l'épreuve de l'organisation[END_REF]2005) emphasizes the delicate encounter between management tools and public organizations, the latter remaining frozen in a normative view of tools. They face difficulties to enroll in a real learning process. Non-profit organizations tend to idealize the management tool "through a rationalizator myth" (Chatelain-Ponroy, 2010, p. 74). [START_REF] Aggeri | Les métamorphoses de l'instrumentation gestionnaire -Une généalogie des approches par les instruments[END_REF] lead to the same conclusion, considering that issues and impacts associated with the instrumentation of public action are comparable in large organizations, public and private. In both contexts, the analysis has long favored a rational perspective of the decision and the decision maker, inspired by H. Simon's works.

Halpern, Lascoumes & Le Gales (2014) propose a different reading through a sociological approach. According to the authors, a public policy instrument is "a device both technical and social, which organizes specific social relations between public power and citizens based on representations and meanings it carries". The effects produced by the tool can be disconnected from its original goals. According to these authors, management tools can take a status of "actor", partly autonomous and helping to steer the behavior of actors. Capilotin (2014) emphasizes interactions between objects and actors highlighting mutual influence: the object changes the practices of actors and actors transform tools.

Halpern et al. ( 2014) also discuss the role of management tools within public policy contexts.

They qualified them as change tracers (they can shake history) but sometimes they are the ignition sparks of new dynamics, in that they can produce new expertise or renew coalitions.

In doing so, the authors discuss some widely accepted assumptions but questionable, such as technical instruments neutrality or indifference to the political strategies in particular. In this perspective, the authors apprehend the toolkit as an artifact of the transformations of the relationship between rulers and ruled; public action is apprehended through the prism of instruments.

Throughout the evaluation process, there is a risk that the initial ambition that motivated the design of a particular evaluation tool is diluted in much more pragmatic or political considerations, at a local level. De Lancer, Julnes & Holzer (2001) consider the introduction of tools to measure performance in public organizations as a process of change, under the influence of political factors in particular. Chatelain-Ponroy (2010) also raises the issue of the management tool in non-profit organizations, focusing in particular on the introduction of management control tools. Like [START_REF] Abernethy | A field study of control system 'redesign': the impact of institutional processes on strategic choice[END_REF], the author highlights the lack of willingness of these organizations to adopt this type of tool in response to the dictates of their institutional environment. The adoption of these tools is also a way to cope with "organizational constraints", including the enlargement of the missions assigned to non-profit organizations to meet changing public expectations (quality requirements, diversification of activities). The management tool becomes a support to the dialogue with partners and supervisory authorities [START_REF] Dejean | Culture de l'évaluation et fascination pour les indicateurs[END_REF][START_REF]Une voie de compréhension du contrôle de gestion dans les organisations non marchandes : la métaphore de l'iceberg[END_REF].

Distortions of the evaluation process could also happen so that the result of the evaluation legitimizes offs and past actions. Each party seeks to rationalize past decisions and value the past actions by demonstrating their relevance, "evaluation evidence" in hands. Interference may be fortuitous (local actors, adapting the method to their own context, may bias the process and results) or present a much more deliberate character, the process comprising a highly political and strategic dimension, as pointed by [START_REF] Leca | Sur le rôle de la connaissance dans la modernisation de 'Etat et le statut de l'évaluation[END_REF]. [START_REF] Barrault L. ; C. Halpern | Jouer avec l'instrument -Les usages institutionnels et sociaux de la carte scolaire[END_REF] shows the resistances and the mobilization of actors helping to limit or exacerbate certain effects of the tool, or favoring a process that totally escapes the designers of the tool. He mentioned disparities of: the understanding of the tool, the meaning of issues the tool serves. Finally it is important to raise the question of the participation of actors and their ability to cooperate in the implementation of a new tool. The 360° diagnosis is expected to be a shared evaluation tool, which requires collaboration of stakeholders during its deployment.

Stakeholders are multiple: government services, local authorities, private actors to which some services have been delegated.

In public policy context, the nature of the dominant service delivery model can affect how the actors will cooperate, especially in the knowledge-sharing phase, which is an important phase in the shared territorial diagnosis. [START_REF] Head | Wiked problems : the implications for public management[END_REF] evoke symptomatic difficulties of competition between actors, which is the French model of HIA sector (operating by tendercompetitive tendering processes). If this operating mode is intended to improve efficiency, the authors state that it also has the effect of altering the cooperation between actors and it develops information retention strategies, limiting or negating any sharing of ideas. It is indeed important that a minimum of trust is established, regardless of the contractual aspects.

Thus the authors stress the importance of cooperative relations, a key contributing factor to improve understanding and solving wicked problems involving actors with different knowledge levels and different stakes. These cooperative relationships also produce positive effects in the deployment of solutions. In the context of relationships involving competing organizations, [START_REF] Head | Wiked problems : the implications for public management[END_REF] stress the importance of communication, relationships facilitation and time. The public sector is not, according to these authors, an easy context because it may lack consistency over time (because characterized by alternating political orientations). This raises finally the question of cooperation between government services and private actors, symptomatic of the 360° evaluation.

III. Discussion

As emphasized by [START_REF] Head | Wiked problems : the implications for public management[END_REF], there is no universal solution to 'wicked problems'.

They nevertheless point out that according to the nature of the problem, some solutions may be preferred. So if "the fundamental problem is insufficient knowledge", it is important to fill gaps and promote consensus, route explored by the French government in offering this 360°

diagnosis. The philosophy of these shared diagnoses gives to the approach a real sense of decision support, both for the government and the territories. The evaluation is conceived here not in its restrictive meaning as a simple management control tool or a control-sanction tool [START_REF] Fouquet | L'évaluation des politiques publiques : État(s) de l'art et controverses[END_REF] but as a knowledge production tool useful for decision and action. This approach is consistent with that contained in the official Charter of Evaluation of the French Society for Evaluation: "the evaluation aims to produce knowledge on public actions, including in their effects, with the dual purpose of allowing citizens to appreciate their value and help policy makers improve the relevance, effectiveness, efficiency, coherence and impact." At its conception, centralized government services have adopted a psycho-cognitive approach, attributing to the tool useful functions for learning and reflexivity.

Although the methodological guide addressed to the territories is extremely detailed, can this be enough to ensure the universality of the method when local actors deploy it? Or do factors interfering in the evaluation process exist? The experiments carried out on the territories of Orne and Eure are illuminating from this point of view. Results from the 360° diagnosis on these two territories are relatively similar, while the animation style was rather different, more or less complexity assumed by different actors, public actor in Orne, and private in Eure.

In contrast, what interfered with the nature of the data obtained emanates from the local competitive environment. Eure, territory where several service providers are in competition, has suffered from this context, collaboration and information sharing between stakeholders being limited or denied by the actors. Regardless of the appropriation of the tools, it is difficult to ignore the socio political context and intentions that actors perceive as associated with the tools, which interfere with the process of appropriation. It is important to remember that this diagnosis approach was initiated in a crisis budget for the country, even though at the time the budgets of providers had not been reduced. All the actors involved and providers were able to experience this as a hint to rationalize resources. This mindset has certainly had an impact on the attitudes of staff and structures, as well as the transparency of information during the working sessions. The 360° diagnosis was designed as a knowledge production

tool. Yet the actors failed to adopt this approach, fearing that the decisions resulting from of this evaluation will upset the equilibrium and budgetary allocations. Some "trial intents" were also able to alter the appropriation process. Ysos. This allowed it to legitimize its place in the territory (operator in charge of regulation on the entire territory, which naturally gives a competitive advantage to the structure) and strengthen it vis-à-vis to the other actors. This echoes the analysis of Laufer & Burlaud (1980, quoted by Chatelain-Ponroy, 2010) and [START_REF] Meyer | Social environments and organizational accounting[END_REF] for whom the management tools adopted in some organizations have no other purpose than to improve organizations credibility within their institutional environment.

The extremely detailed methodological guide was originally designed to deploy the same standardized method on all French territories, repeatedly, with the aim to aggregate the results. The tool is expected to be both a diagnosis tool useful for decision-making in the territories but also a post evaluation tool to measure the deviations from the decisions taken at the end of the previous diagnosis. It does not seem, however, that a permanent facilitation had been considered. The actors have therefore not been encouraged to reproduce the diagnosis the following year, making impossible any comparison over time. We must not ignore the context in which the tool operates. News for government services, including regional services in charge of social cohesion, were particularly busy in recent months in France especially with the coming of many migrants, refugees and asylum seekers. This perhaps has not allowed exploitation of the work and / or relationships formed during the course of diagnosis.

The urgency of the situation may have overtaken foresight ambitions, both for government services and service providers.

The appropriation of the tool and its integration in the management of policies and actions in the territories therefore assume that government agencies act on certain aspects. As in any context, government services must accompany the change induced by the introduction of a new management tool. This calls for an increase in expertise on the use of the tool but also a better understanding of themes and complexity of the sector. It is also important to establish multi-year targets to enable actors to restructure themselves, the annual pace of the 360°

diagnosis not to induce short-term logic. The usefulness of the tool (justifying the resources it mobilizes) will be more noticeable and proved that the decentralized services of the State will conduct regular inspections of the practices of the actors, thus ensuring the appropriateness of the offer to the needs. The decentralized government services must in turn adopt a transversal logic between the different areas of community competence. It is also important that they manage to develop a future vision of "living together" in the territory.

Conclusion

Our contribution has helped to highlight the uniqueness of appropriation of a management tool in the context of public policies partly implemented by private actors. Designed by the government services with the aim to produce useful knowledge for decision-making and the control of actions in the territories, the tool was to be operated by the actors autonomously in the territories.

Our findings support an idea raised by [START_REF] Head | Wiked problems : the implications for public management[END_REF]. Based on a government report (APSC, 2007), the authors state that in order to deal with 'wicked problems', governments have an interest in promoting collaboration to develop a sustainable behavior change. In this same logic, the 360° diagnosis may have an effect on social innovation only if cooperative logics develop between the actors, which requires both time and a network of actors. This of course upsets the habits of the sector, requiring an actor the ability to operate beyond its organizational boundaries and structure its efforts using management tools, hitherto little used in practice. New skills are required, particularly in communication, global thinking and ability to cooperate. So far remains the difficulty of developing collaborative logics between actors also in competition in the delivery of social services or in conflict on responsibilities allocation (between government decentralized services). This is one of the obstacles to a better match between supply and needs on fields where private actors assume missions, by delegation of the government. The political and symbolic logic prevailed in the process of appropriation of the tool, regardless of the actors concerned (private or public) even if the psycho-cognitive perspective was originally present in the way that was designed and introduced the tool by centralized government services. In the end, the tool does little to improve the functioning of the system as it has been confined to its symbolic dimension. Like what was observed by Chatelain-Ponroy (2010) in a different context, the tool is reduced to its interfacing feature between the organization and its environment. It did not really "penetrate" the organization so it was unable to produce real effects, lacking of ownership by the actors.

The fact that Ysos has not held the same role in the two studied territories (actors simply contributing to the diagnosis in Orne and diagnosis leader in Eure) was of interest insofar as it was possible to observe the appropriation of the same tool by the same actor from a different perspective depending on the place occupied in the process. This asymmetry of role may however cause some bias and it is the main limitation of our approach. It was not possible to observe the same elements in both territories, which meanwhile gave us access to data of different types.

One obvious prospects of of this research is to continue working in order to observe the evolution over time of the deployment and the animation of the tool in the territories (if it continues to exist). This will make it possible to observe in time any changes of the tool, its possible deformations and how the actors made, over time, with the tool once the changes it induces has been accepted. Will the actors go far beyond the political and symbolic logic, leaving the tool penetrates the global system and thus produce knowledge necessary to release social innovation?

(

  federations, NPO, communities) in the second half of 2014. 360° diagnosis are intended to feed and direct the content of the various planning or programming documents, both governmental and communal ones. In 2014-2015, the publication of the Law for Access to Housing and Urban Renovation imposed writing, throughout each territory, a Departmental Action Plan for Housing and Accommodation of Disadvantaged People. The first 360° diagnosis made would be the cornerstone of this plan.

  offer. The 360° panorama should allow to better understand the needs of households in their diversities and to go beyond sectorial approaches of institutions, practitioners or numerous existing program, with variable boundaries: Departmental Action Plans of Housing for the Disadvantaged People, Departmental Action Plans for the Accommodation and Insertion, Local Program of Housing and Departmental Plans of Housing.

--

  Feedback by emails. Reaction of participants and validation Short processes. Short time between workshops and validation. Sophisticated: Reporting made by consultants -Validation by governmental decentralized services and regional services -Transmission to experts Long processes. Numerous, subtle and timeconsuming corrections. Long time between sessions and validation.

  Le Bourhis & Lascoumes (2014) also put into perspective these opposing logics of appropriation. Actors may develop certain forms of resistance in response to difficulties or even impossibility in the deployment of the instrument. Cognitive resistance may in particular arise when the new instrument upsets habits, practices, or when it requires new skills. Le Bourhis & Lascoumes (2014) mentions the example of the personnel of the Scotland Environment Protection Agency (Kirk & Reeves, 2007) who were expected to cooperate with other agencies as organizations were partitioned. In such a situation, actors may prefer withdrawal on mastered options.

  The tool essentially promoted the development of an inventory of the quality and the nature of the services provided, the needs in the territories and the beneficiaries' paths. It has however weakly produce knowledge on what was nevertheless one of the main ambitions of the tool: the adequacy of the existing offer to existing and future needs, encouraging actors to work for better coordination interventions and greater efficiency. In practice, actors' strategies and diversions of the tool have emerged, as part of a socio-political process. The symbolic dimension is probably also present, the use of the 360° legitimizing actors in their dialogue with the government. From this point of view, being entrusted by the government services for the facilitation of the whole process in Eure has constituted a strong symbolic advantage for

Table 2 -Number of sessions and workshops on each territory Orne Eure

 2

	Management

Table 3 -From workshop sessions to the validation step ORNE EURE Workshops

 3

	Period

-Analysis of the balance between the housing offer and the existing and future needs -Prevention of evictions -Unworthy habitat -Housing access -Analysis of mini case studies (individual paths) -Analysis of existing social, care and health structures -Link Health/social -Domicile

Table 2 -Management tools appropriation: 4 perspectives

 2

	Perspective	Tool conception		Tool uses		Appropriation process
	Instrumental	Rationalizing	actions.	Prescription	and	Linearity. Relies on a
	(or rational)	Replicating the reality. The	normalization	of	separation	between
		tool	produces	expected	behaviors.		design	and	use.
		effects.						Normalized process.
	Sociopolitical A tool for valuing. Rhetorical	Structuring	power	Social action. Collective
		tool. Legitimate a priori or a	relationships. These	process influenced by
		posteriori collective action.	are transformed.	individual or collective
		"Machines made to build				strategies (see the joint
		interpretations" (Boussard &				regulation theory by
		Maugeri, 2003, p. 27)				Reynaud, 1988).
	Psycho-	Support learning processes.	Enhance reflexivity of	Individual or collective
	cognitive	The tool questions the own	actors through the use	process. Double process
		practices of actors.		of the tool.		made of assimilation and
								accommodation.
	Symbolic	Identity	support	and	Symbolic dimension	Adoption (the tool is
		sensemaking support (Weick,	of the tool that gives	reduced to its formal
		1995).			it	a	role	in	dimension) rather than
					organizational	appropriation.
					dynamics

8th International Social Innovation Research Conference / 5th -7th September 2016, Glasgow


MINES PARISTECH / F Guarnieri
email: franck.guarnieri@mines-paristech.fr

S Travadel

ENTERING INTO THE UNEXPECTED: MANAGING RESILIENCE IN EXTREME SITUATIONS

This article introduces the concept of the extreme situation, which is tightly linked to the concept of resilience and more specifically, entry into resilience. The latter is defined as the moment when an individual (or group) gradually resumes normal business following a period of immobility due to a shock of unprecedented brutality. The classical approach is the well-known concept of sensemaking drawn from the work of Karl Weick. Nevertheless, this historical perspective merits a fresh look that incorporates new sources of hitherto untapped data and/ or a review of existing material. The accident at Fukushima Dai Ichi serves as a demonstration for this new interpretation.

1.

INTRODUCTION

Accident management is usually associated with the unexpected, notably through the process of sensemaking [START_REF] Weick | Sensemaking in Organizations, Foundations for Organizational Science[END_REF]. In an extreme situation, the 'surprise' ('reality shock' [START_REF] Louis | Surprise and sense making: What newcomers experience in entering unfamiliar organizational settings[END_REF]) takes the form of stupor or stunned shock. The individual is suddenly unable to act, blindsided by an event that is beyond their frame of reference [START_REF] Lagadec | Navigating the Unknown -A Practical Lifeline for Decision-Makers in the Dark, Crisis Response-Editions Preventique[END_REF]. Astonishment marks a time when individual concerns are no longer relevant. For those in this state of shock, time may appear to be suspended or futile. Those affected are overwhelmed by an ongoing unprecedented situation and lose the ability to understand or take action. This powerlessness leads to anxiety, fear and dizziness. Such feelings gripped Masao Yoshida, the director of the Fukushima Dai Ichi power plant, and his teams, who were struck on 11 March 2011 by two natural disasters (an earthquake and a tsunami) in under an hour. These events caused a technological failure on an unprecedented scale (the loss of most onand off-site power generators which would lead, in the course of the following days, to the release of radioactive materials from several reactors), "at the time, to be quite frank, I was destroyed. Myself, I mean. I said to myself that we were facing a terrible situation" [START_REF] Guarnieri | L'accident de Fukushima Dai Ichi: le récit du directeur de la centrale[END_REF].

However, on 11 March, this phase was particularly short. Yoshida and his teams quickly became aware that they were facing an extreme situation and had to find a way to cope [START_REF] Pearlin | The Structure of Coping[END_REF] ("... feeling sorry for ourselves would serve no purpose" [START_REF] Guarnieri | L'accident de Fukushima Dai Ichi: le récit du directeur de la centrale[END_REF]).

In phenomenological terms, the extreme nature of a situation is affirmed when living conditions become inordinately intense, or unbearable [START_REF] Fischer | Le ressort invisible. Vivre l'extrême[END_REF]. The person who undergoes the experience is on the verge of an abyss [START_REF] Kadota | On the Brink: The Inside Story of Fukushima Daiichi[END_REF]; they are faced with violence of unprecedented brutality, a radical upheaval that threatens life itself. In psychosocial terms, the extreme situation leads to the loss of the usual points of reference and can undermine identity. This is because individual identity is shaped by the relationship with current social norms, hierarchical relationships, adherence to shared values, responses to social expectations, etc. The rupture of the (past) value system causes irreparable change and resultsor notin the emergence of a new system of shared values.

The analysis of the extreme situation therefore focuses on subjects who must face the unthinkable [START_REF] Fischer | Le ressort invisible. Vivre l'extrême[END_REF] and what holds them together. At Fukushima Dai Ichi, the unthinkable took the form of three "entities" that became uncontrollable as they were "unleashed".

Faced with this exceptional adversity and predictions of "certain death" [START_REF] Guarnieri | L'accident de Fukushima Dai Ichi: le récit du directeur de la centrale[END_REF], Yoshida and his teams successfully entered into a positive dynamic, through mobilizing resources which, although limited, allowed them to survive, then to recover an acceptable level of control over a devastated nuclear facility. This process can be described as 'entry into resilience'.

FROM RESILIENCE 'IN GENERAL' TO ENTRY INTO RESILIENCE 'IN PARTICULAR'

Words, ideas and concepts do not have exactly the same definition from one scientific discipline to another. The concept of 'resilience' is no exception to this rule. The English word 'resilience' comes from the Latin verb 'resilire' that means to 'bounce back'. As the word does not exist in Japanese, the English term is used. Some approximations are kaifuku-ryoku (buoyancy or power to recover), or fukugen-ryoku (the power of restitution), dan ryoky sei (elasticity), or teikou-ryoku (in the context of disease).

Given these multiple meanings, the scientific community looks like the famous biblical description of the Tower of Babel. This myth provides a useful way to talk about resilience. In the Bible, after the Deluge, men began to build a city and a tower that reached to the sky. Seeing their arrogance, God confused their language so that no-one could understand each other anymore. He then spread them over the whole of the Earth. By creating a multitude of languages, God created confusion and misunderstanding. Like the Babel fish (the fruit of the imagination of the genius English writer, Douglas Adams [START_REF] Adams | The Hitchhikers Guide to the Galaxy[END_REF]), Google translate still has a lot of progress to make. Rather than develop a universal language, humankind, and particularly scientists have developed a 'preferred' language -Englishto build a taxonomy.

The 'resilience' taxonomy takes many forms depending on the discipline. In science, the concept enjoyed its first moment of glory in 1901 when French engineer Charpy attempted to measure the resistance of a material [START_REF] Charpy | Note sur l'essai des métaux à la flexion par choc de barreaux entaillés[END_REF]. In the 1970s, the term reflected the capacity to absorb and overcome the effects of significant, unexpected and brutal ecological disruption [START_REF] Holling | Resilience and Stability of Ecological Systems[END_REF]. Hybrid definitions have since emerged in many disciplines: geography [START_REF] Adger | Social and ecological resilience: are they related?[END_REF], psychology [START_REF] Richardson | The metatheory of resilience and resiliency[END_REF], sociology [START_REF] Saint-Arnaud | Convergence or resilience? A hierarchical cluster analysis of the welfare regimes in advanced countries[END_REF], organizational science [START_REF] Baardwijk | The link between diversity and resilience[END_REF] and, more recently, ergopsychology [START_REF] Hollnagel | Resilience Engineering: Concepts and Precepts[END_REF].

Despite this plethora of definitions, the concept can usefully be summarized into two complementary representations that can be given different weightsleading to a radical change in the nature of scientific knowledge. An allegory illustrates the point; rather than Plato's cave, we use an Indian and the Indian elephant.

Figure 1 very schematically summarizes two perspectives of resilience. On the top, a blind Indian man balances on the back of an elephant. Why is he there? We do not know. To keep his balance, his body and mind continually respond to stimuli of varying intensity that come from the elephant and the environment. Whether the road is in good or bad condition, or whether there is wind or rain, he strives with all his might to stay balanced on the elephant's back. The keywords here are balance, anticipation, adaptation, etc. and are usually found in the field of ecology [START_REF] Holling | Resilience and Stability of Ecological Systems[END_REF] or cognitive ergonomics [START_REF] Hollnagel | Resilience Engineering: Concepts and Precepts[END_REF].

In the drawing on the bottom, the Indian is on the ground, but he has lost his glasses and his cane. Here again, please do not ask what has happened. We do not know. Perhaps an unforeseen sequence of complex interactions has occurred [START_REF] Perrow | Normal Accidents: Living with High Risk Technologies[END_REF]. The key point here is that the Indian must quickly find his glasses and cane. If he does not he will be in real trouble. He will face an extreme situation, to the point that his life is at stake [START_REF] Fischer | Le ressort invisible. Vivre l'extrême[END_REF]. He might never find his way and could starve to death. On the other hand, he could find himself on a tiger's dinner plate. The blind Indian is forced to go beyond his limits if he is to survive and return to a normal life. Here, this means finding the elephant and balancing on its back.

In the context of our work, we exclude the first perspective and focus on the second. The concept of resilience is therefore considered in the context of damage, loss, accident or trauma. Pre-accident, prevention, precaution or prudence takes priority. Resilience is an accessory to survival. The concept has positive connotations and represents an asset or progress.

ENTRY INTO RESILIENCE: A HEURISTIC APPROACH

The term 'entry into' usually describes the passage from one place to another and underscores the transitional situation that characterizes it. The question of the place through which one enters is another issue, which leads to the question of the direction of the transition. The temporal dimension is important as 'entry into' implies a dynamic, leading to a change in state [START_REF] Holling | Engineering resilience versus ecological resilience[END_REF].

Figure 2, inspired by [START_REF] Pavard | Design of Robust Socio-Technical Systems[END_REF], is a schematic of what we understand by 'entry into resilience'. It illustrates the dynamics of autonomous agents and institutions in crises. Referring to Hurricane Katrina studied in [START_REF] Pavard | Design of Robust Socio-Technical Systems[END_REF], the red curve depicts the action of teams of volunteers who spontaneously tried to re-establish communications. They acted autonomously and auto-instituted their action framework. The black curve shows the evolution of the formal organization, i.e., institutions which formalize a social mode of being and evolved throughout the crisis. Note that the amplitude of the curves and their development over time does not have an absolute value and is shown only to illustrate the positioning of the phenomena. The parallel with what happened at Fukushima Dai Ichi is obvious, at least for the period from 11 to 15 March 2015. Here, the entry into resilience occurs during the emergence of a radically new ephemeral organization in response to the consequences of the accident and the physical and social disorder that ensued. It ends when new institutions take over responsibility for collective action and ensure the long-term control of the recovered situation.

. How to explain what "entry into resilience" is…

Entry into resilience appears as a window in the usual space-time, a period of exploration in which the aim is to understand sequences in order to better manage them. A learning phase and re-appropriation of the environment is necessary. It is difficult to rationalize this exploratory phase before or during the process as it is essentially a form of cognitive do-it-yourself that is very different to the usual rational-instrumental understanding of the world (which does not mean that it cannot be effective) [START_REF] Morel | Les Décisions Absurdes[END_REF]. At best, it may be possible to define some principles that enable people to react in an extreme situation. While this would not eliminate risk, it would reduce it to a level lower than that resulting from the substantive rationality [START_REF] Morel | Les Décisions Absurdes II. Comment Les éviter[END_REF]. However, it is not possible to define strict rules that would ensure the entry into resilience, as creativity play a role in the process. Entry into resilience translates into the de facto creation of a new system [START_REF] Walker | Resilience, adaptability and transformability in social-ecological systems[END_REF] when the ecological, economic or social structures make the initial system untenable.

Given our lack of knowledge, it is clearly very difficult to characterize the determinants of entry into resilience. Some disciplines have made more progress than others. This is the case for psychology [START_REF] Richardson | The metatheory of resilience and resiliency[END_REF] and ecology [START_REF] Holling | Resilience and Stability of Ecological Systems[END_REF] for example. These disciplines have the advantage of developing a 'clinical' approach by studying extremely well documented cases.

In the latter case, a further challenge lies in the need to generalise the study of a particular situation. In the field of management science and human resources, the work of Powley [START_REF] Powley | Reclaiming resilience and safety: Resilience activation in the critical period of crisis[END_REF] is particularly interesting as the author proposes both a data analysis methodology and a useful model for understanding the mechanism by which collective action can be reconfigured following a trauma.

Alongside these innovative avenues, the classical route used to decipher the mechanisms implemented by individuals (or groups) when faced with adversity is sensemaking, meaning the ongoing, a posteriori construction of a sense of 'reality', which enables people to find direction and decide on the actions to be taken.

WHEN SENSEMAKING DOES NOT MAKE COMPLETE SENSE

According to the sensemaking perspective, as classically described by Karl Weick [START_REF] Weick | Sensemaking in Organizations, Foundations for Organizational Science[END_REF], action plays a determining role in cognition, notably through a verbal understanding of a part of the range of experience. Based on their preconceptions, individuals extract cues from the endless stream of events and develop a plausible representation of the overall situation. This authorises societal action; through actions that are consistent with this representation, individuals 'enact' their own world. "Enacted environments contain real objects such as reactors, pipes and valves. The existence of these objects is not questioned, but their significance, meaning and content is" [START_REF] Weick | Enacted Sensemaking in Crisis Situations[END_REF]. Therefore, "the concept of sensemaking keeps action and cognition together" [START_REF] Weick | Sensemaking in Organizations, Foundations for Organizational Science[END_REF]. The result of the enactment is itself added into the course of history, as a tangible and orderly social construction that is subject to multiple interpretations.

Although the construction of meaning in the world and the "world" itself is retrospective, at the same time, it prospectively directs action or the search for cues. This process is invoked to explain the control that humans can have over an environment. Control means acting on the environment, while 'acting' is understood in the sense of enacting, thus both representing and constructing meaning. Actions are linked by preconceptions, while actors react to the environment that is enacted by others; these two factors structure the response to failure and may trigger a crisis (if the failure is exacerbated). Decision processes, as such, are of secondary importance in the study of accident dynamics, and the conditions under which individuals can pursue their activities in a way that makes sense to them takes precedence.

This approach is inspired by social constructivism [START_REF] Gergen | Social Construction in Context[END_REF][START_REF] Burr | Social Constructionism[END_REF], according to which experience and knowledge of reality are constructed from a particular social position. However, management sciences typically bypass a major ontological problemnamely absolute relativism that prohibits any form of generalizationinstead pragmatically noting the existence of organizations, 'objectified' perennial institutional figures based on a complex set of representations (myths, rituals, procedures, cult objects, etc.).

According to this view of sensemaking, the individual is described as unique and idiosyncratic, rather than a simple object that can be decomposed into factors. Enactment has two inseparable facets, one public and the other private. The public version is the visible part of the process, and is at the origin of social constructions; the private version refers to if-then mappings that are constructed from individual experience [START_REF] Weick | Making Sense of the Organization[END_REF]. However, sensemaking theory gives a dominant role to communication processes and thus to language and the cognitive dimension of action [START_REF] Weick | Organizing and the Process of Sensemaking[END_REF]. At the level of the organization, individual actions that contribute to the group's work, the representation of this work and the resulting subordination of their own actions embody an overriding schema of the whole that Weick and Roberts [START_REF] Weick | Collective mind in organizations: Heedful interrelating on flight decks[END_REF] refer to as the "collective mind".

Reduced to a logic of control and therefore performance evaluation, the sensemaking process is inevitably associated with a managerial ideal, to the point that the origins of a catastrophe begin to resemble the 'Failure of Foresight' model [START_REF] Turner | Man-Made Disasters[END_REF]. The accident is explained by a departure from the ideal, and 'causes' are found, for example, in the weakening of the social structure that authorises sensemaking [START_REF] Weick | The collapse of sensemaking in organizations: The Mann Gulch disaster[END_REF]. In this context, 'resilience' is the capacity to adapt in order to preserve shared interpretive schemas by adjusting (in particular) formal and informal social links (hierarchies, roles, etc.), and the associated communication flows. However, to the best of our knowledge, there are no studies that demonstrate the usefulness of these requirements for the entry into resilience of a group that has been hit by upheavals on the scale of those experienced by Fukushima Dai Ichi personnel. This clearly shows that in the extreme situation, the intensity and variety of stimuli should not be ignored.

The most recent approaches argue that the concept of sensemaking must take more account of emotions [START_REF] Maitlis | Sensemaking in Crisis and Change: Inspiration and Insights From Weick[END_REF] to reflect the scope of 'sense' more accurately. The historical Weickian [START_REF] Weick | The Social Psychology of Organizing[END_REF] perspective would benefit from distancing itself from an overly restrictive view of the retrospective nature of sensemaking, and focus more on the goals, expectations and projections of the individual in the future [START_REF] Weick | Reflections on Enacted Sensemaking in the Bhopal Disaster[END_REF]. For some, sensemaking should be defined as the process by which "an individual [...] grasps external reality through cognitive elements, the aims of the individual and the emotions and sensations that they feel" [START_REF] Garreau | L'apport Du Concept de Sens à L'étude Du Fonctionnement Des équipes Projet[END_REF]. Furthermore, it should include the social dimension that creates the 'individual', and interactions between different objectives, expectations or representations [START_REF] Sandberg | Making sense of the sensemaking perspective: Its constituents, limitations, and opportunities for further development[END_REF]. Consequently, the Fukushima Dai Ichi accident provides an excellent opportunity to demonstrate the merits of a revised and expanded definition of sensemaking.

THE VALUE OF SENSE IN-THE-MAKING IN AN EXTREME SITUATION

Our demonstration is based, inter alia on an in-depth analysis of the many official reports produced following the accident [START_REF] Icanps | Investigation Committee on the the Accident at the Fukushima Nuclear Power Stations of Tokyo Electric Power Company[END_REF][START_REF] Icanps | Investigation Committee on the the Accident at the Fukushima Nuclear Power Stations of Tokyo Electric Power Company[END_REF][START_REF] Naiic | The Official Report of The Fukushima Nuclear Accident Independent Investigation Commission[END_REF][START_REF]NAS, Lessons Learned from the Fukushima Nuclear Accident for Improving Safety of U.S. Nuclear Plants[END_REF][START_REF]The Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Plant Accident: OECD/NEA Nuclear Safety Response and Lessons Learnt[END_REF][START_REF]The Fukushima Daiichi Accident[END_REF][START_REF] Inpo | The Nuclear Accident at the Fukushima Daiichi Nuclear Power Station[END_REF]. However, it goes beyond the reconstruction of facts and recommendations to examine the raw testimony of actors in the crisis provided to the various investigators. The value of this corpus is unprecedented and considerable. On 11 September 2014, the Japanese Government published the hearings of the plant's director, Masao Yoshida (400 pages reflecting 28 hours of examination). On 25 December of the same year, it published 127 new hearings.

Yoshida's testimony is both edifying and instructive. The director of the plant unambiguously reports the fear and pain experienced by on-site personnel as they battled with the facility and tried to contain the damage. His lexical register attests to this; he speaks of "three entities", "three nuclear units that were unleashed" against which he attempts the "impossible with very few staff" to "tame this thing" [START_REF] Guarnieri | L'accident de Fukushima Dai Ichi: le récit du directeur de la centrale[END_REF]. In this context of a new awakening of the senses, his impressions and perceptions would have a strong impact on his decisions. His order to evacuate the site is one example.

In this context, emotions should not be seen simply a disruption of the surrounding order and well-regulated planning. Damasio [START_REF] Damasio | The Feeling of What Happens: Body and Emotion in the Making of Consciousness[END_REF] shows that they are an essential component in the development of rationality. Several experimental results have since confirmed the need to rehabilitate emotion as part of the process of conceptualization. It has been demonstrated that individuals produce concepts according to their perceptual experience [START_REF] Niedenthal | Embodiment of emotion concepts[END_REF]. These studies show that the embodiment of emotion serves as conceptual grounding. As an illustration, Yoshida testified that after the explosion of reactor 1building (when pressure was about 500 kPa), the number "500" put him "ill at ease. I knew this was totally irrational, it was just a feeling" [START_REF] Guarnieri | L'accident de Fukushima Dai Ichi: le récit du directeur de la centrale[END_REF]; this feeling would influence his decisions about the other reactors.

Such considerations appear in the work of Leontyev [START_REF] Leontiev | Activity and consciousness[END_REF], for whom human activity is the substance of consciousness. It is a back-and-forth process between a subject and an object, guided by a schema and determined by physical contact with the outside world. Beyond these circular processes that guide interactions between the organism and the environment, Leontyev argues that mental representations are governed through physical contact with the real world and the subject obeys its intrinsic properties and relations. The object's resistance breaks the circle of internal mental processes and provides an opening to the outside world. Similarly, Vygotsky [START_REF] Vygotsky | Mind in Society[END_REF] showed that activity, aided by tools and signs, is social in nature and always occurs in the presence of others. Recent studies characterize the moderating role of social relationships in the subject's relationship with their body as a tool for conceptualization, the "current (social or other) context influences the way in which a concept is represented in a conceptual task and the extent people recruit embodied information to solve it" [START_REF] Niedenthal | Embodiment of emotion concepts[END_REF].

In line with these theoretical results, embodied embedded cognition (EEC) theory considers that meaning is grounded in the bodily processes of perception and action. The organism's bodily interaction with the environment is of crucial importance to its cognitive processes [START_REF] Kerkhofs | The embodiment of meaning[END_REF]. What is meant here by the 'body' is not the body as a functional system with input and output, "but rather the body as an adaptive autonomous and therefore sense-making system" [START_REF] Di | The Enactive Approach[END_REF]. The 'first technical object' [START_REF] Mauss | Les techniques du corps[END_REF], the body appears as a support for and creator of sense. "It is impossible for a man to not be permanently changed and transformed by the sensory flow that runs through him. The world is the emanation of a body that translates it in terms of perception and sense, one does not exist without the other. The body is a semantic filter" [START_REF] Le Breton | Pour une anthropologie des sens[END_REF].

However, the influence of the physical world on individual and social representations is not as determinant as usually suggested. The subject should be considered as a whole, characterized by their intentions, affect and capacity for representation. In this context, representation concerns the "presentation by and for the living being, by means of which the living beingstarting from what are for it only mere shocks […]creates its own world" [START_REF] Castoriadis | Logic, Imagination, Reflection[END_REF]. The imagination is at the centre of meaning processes. The above examples illustrate the importance of the imaginary in the on-site management of the Fukushima accident. Moreover, Castoriadis [START_REF] Castoriadis | The Imaginary Institution of Society[END_REF] showed the articulation between the individual imagination and the social imaginary through sublimation. In turn, the social imaginary that holds the group together orients emotions in order to provide a coherent way of being and representation of the world. This was seen at Fukushima, where a group that was determined to fight together experienced powerful emotions. Thus, after the explosion of reactor building 3 on 14 March, Yoshida "experienced one of the greatest emotions of [his] life. They all wanted to return to the field, they even pushed each other out of the way" [START_REF] Guarnieri | L'accident de Fukushima Dai Ichi: le récit du directeur de la centrale[END_REF].

The decisions of the plant's director were influenced by the need to preserve the physical and mental integrity of his employees [START_REF] Guarnieri | L'accident de Fukushima Dai Ichi: le récit du directeur de la centrale[END_REF]. When the manual opening of a valve located in a highly radioactive zone proved to be the only option for venting reactor 1 and preventing its explosion, technicians were ready to take action. The director explained, "we decided to do the operation by hand, as a last resort. We decided to do this because we thought we would succeed if all that was needed was to be exposed to radiation" (Ibid.). The economics of the situation could have dictated such a decision from the start, as the loss of a few employees could have resolved the crisis without jeopardizing remaining resources. However, such a decision could only be made acceptable following a personal and interpersonal progression, through action, which constituted a particular value system that made suffering acceptable.

Immersed in an unprecedented sensory universe, Fukushima Dai Ichi operators had to make the world make sense again. High levels of radioactivity, unbearable temperatures, debris, seismic aftershocks, floods, darkness and reactor building explosions formed the apocalyptic scene in which they were required to act. Action was shaped by physical contact with this material and social reality through physical challenges, and the mutual care and attention of teams at the scene.

A group is organized around an object, a representation of its activity (the "collective imaginary" [START_REF] Giust-Desprairies | L'imaginaire Collectif[END_REF]). This imaginary object enables (or not) subjects to invest in the group, to the extent that it facilitates the identification process. Based on this theoretical framework, it could be said that the tsunami swept through, not only the relevance of operational procedures, but also the collective imaginary of operators at Fukushima. To act, subjects had to restore an enabling imaginary. Yoshida immediately paved the way for action by sending the teams on site to collect information on the status of reactors and prepare for the injection of water using fire trucks. This action plan provided an initial fixed point for the emergence of a collective imaginary, while it subsequently evolved as a function of the hazards and operational constraints. The group's representation (the collective imaginary) are constructed from active social imaginary significations (among others). Individuals rework these significations depending on their situation. In this case, the representation of the Fukushima Dai Ichi accident in public opinion hinged on the incompetence of TEPCO [START_REF] Cleveland | Significant Breaking Worse[END_REF]. This negative image contrasted strongly with the mutual respect of workers on site, and the heroic allegories they used to describe their actions, notably to save their families' land. It appears that the group that remained on-site became closer as the days went by; by distancing themselves from social stigma they created an ideal image of themselves that justified the sacrifices they were making. In fact, the actions of on-site operators were only fully acknowledged long after 11 March 2011. Three months after the accident, workers reported an unusually high level of psychological distress linked to the social discrimination they suffered in their contacts with the Japanese population [START_REF] Shigemura | Psychological distress in workers at the fukushima nuclear power plants[END_REF].

In order to understand decision-making in extreme situations we must understand the development, necessarily mediated by the bodily experience of the situation, of the collective imaginary significations. The study of the dynamics of entry into resilience must focus on the mutation of imaginary meanings. At Fukushima, this enabled group action to develop around creative solutions that followed the initial period of stunned shock. Beyond sensemaking, i.e. repeated rounds of analysis, we are interested in sense-in-the-making, which includes the processes by which meaning initially arises.

CONCLUSION

Investigations into the accident at Fukushima Dai Ichi highlighted deficiencies in communication, and a lack of foresight and anticipation by some operators in some of their decisions. These analyses implicitly refer to a variety of possibilities that begin with a known state, and reduce decision making to an optimization exercise. The focus is naturally on the lessons learned from shortcomings in coordination between the operator's headquarters, the government and the plant, redundant measurement systems, or the effects of stress on behaviour. It is of course clear that we need to look more closely at the impact of stress or emotions on actions or decision making [START_REF] Kowalski-Trakofler | Judgment and decision making under stress: an overview for emergency managers[END_REF]. However, paradoxically, this approach (often found in the safety sciences) seeks to exclude those who act from a theory of humanity, and instead focuses on bloodless social mechanisms. In the case of nuclear power, managers are also sometimes tempted to resort to formalisms to demonstrate control, to the extent that they deny the problems operators face [START_REF] Dejours | Pathologie de la communication, situations de travail et espace public : le cas du nucléaire[END_REF]. In extreme situations, the risk is that the factors that determine 'entry into resilience' are ignored [START_REF] Guarnieri | Engineering thinking in emergency situations: A new nuclear safety concept[END_REF].

The options in terms of normative conceptual models are legion. However, the fact remains that we know very little about the teams, groups and organizations that must face the unthinkable. This ignorance invites us to favour an on-the-ground approach that attempts to delve deep into the mechanisms at work in an extreme situation. The Fukushima Dai Ichi accident is remarkable due to the profusion of data that has been published or will be released, notably the testimony of the plant's director [START_REF] Guarnieri | L'accident de Fukushima Dai Ichi: le récit du directeur de la centrale[END_REF]. This material, which is very much a personal account, makes it possible to understand the reactions of engineering teams who faced an unprecedented situation and provides some initial food for thought regarding the concept of engineering in extreme situations [START_REF] Guarnieri | Engineering thinking in emergency situations: A new nuclear safety concept[END_REF].

The lessons learned so far conceal some key processes related to how the action unfolded in the eyes of subjects who faced annihilation. The concept of the extreme situation invites us to supplement these lessons by reintroducing physical, emotional and kinaesthetic aspects, which constitute the socio-sensual structure for action, into our initial relationship with the world.

The study of action in extreme situations therefore implies decrypting accounts of such experiences; such experiences are punctuated by radical changes that cannot readily be globalized into a 'logical' description. It also means focusing on representations that are created by subjects themselves, rather than seeing them as fantasies that muddy the description of an 'objective' reality. These imaginary creations establish a new balance between individual impulses and social reality on the one hand; and between the infinity of individual perspectives and collective requirements on the other [START_REF] Castoriadis | Logic, Imagination, Reflection[END_REF].

From this epistemic perspective, the 'extreme situation' refers to the collapse of meaning at group level, when control of the production facility is lost and group members are held responsible by society for an unavoidable danger. The subjects in extreme situations are torn between an urgent need to act (driven by society) and the physical impossibility of taking action within the established framework (crisis management procedures in particular) [START_REF] Travadel | L'agir en situation extrême", L'accident de Fukushima Dai Ichi, Le Récit Du Directeur de La Centrale, 1. L'anéantissement[END_REF].

In extreme situations, the group reforms around a "magma" of imaginary significations [START_REF] Castoriadis | The Castoriadis Reader[END_REF] that can conflict with those created by institutions further from the action. At Fukushima, the difficulty of managing the on-site situation was compounded by instructions issued by a remote headquarters. In this context, the conflict between staff at the plant and the executive powers cannot be reduced to a failure to exchange information. Because actors had a very different relationship to a situation that was far beyond of what could be communicated, they were unable to understand each other. This highlights the need to give subjects autonomy to handle an extreme situation, and consequently to articulate the various registers of temporality and 'rationality'.

FIG 1 .

 1 FIG 1. What is "resilience"?