Ramón Martí Solano

Drawing a distinction between false Gallicisms and adapted French borrowings in English

This seems to be one of the most clear-cut and classic examples of false Gallicisms. As Ayto (1991: xii) puts it: "Nor does English stop at reinterpreting the pronunciation of foreign words. Sometimes it even invents new 'foreign' words. The best-known is the pseudo-French bon viveur." 2 I would like to thank Dr Hélène Chuquet for the translation of this quotation. 3 Parking and footing are mentioned as "pseudo-loans" by Humbley (2002: 121-122). Thogmartin (1984: 452) classifies parking, footing and smoking as "pseudo-borrowing ending in -ing". Otman (1989: 121) describes parking and smoking as productions françaises à partir de ce suffixe [-ing

Introduction

False borrowings, also known as pseudo-borrowings, are not easy to classify as their definition may vary significantly from one scholar to another. Here follows the definition of false borrowing by the French lexicologist Jean Tournier: "Il arrive exceptionnellement qu'un mot perçu comme un emprunt à une langue étrangère n'existe pas dans cette langue, ou existe sous une autre forme. On a alors affaire à un faux emprunt. Exemples : bon viveur, 1 folie de grandeur. (Les mots français sont bon vivant, folie des grandeurs)." (Tournier 1991: 75) [Exceptionally a word that is perceived as being borrowed from another language may not actually exist in that language, or not in an identical form; such words can be considered pseudo-loanwords, e.g. bon viveur, folie de grandeur (the original French words being bon vivant, folie des grandeurs).]. 2 Tournier's narrow definition of false borrowing is strictly applied to words which either do not exist in French (bon viveur) or have a slightly different form (folie de grandeur), which in the examples provided is a matter of derivational and inflectional morphology respectively. According to this definition, the classic examples of false Anglicisms in French, namely smoking 'dinner jacket', parking 'car park' or footing 'jogging', would not fit in as all these words exist in the English language with exactly the same form. 3 In any case, no occurrences of bon viveur or of folie de grandeur have been found in the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA). The former is an undisputed Briticism whereas the latter has its native counterpart in the phrase delusions of grandeur which is found 71 times in the COCA.

When investigating false borrowings one cannot skirt round the notion of the different levels of mastery of the orthographical and grammatical intricacies of a foreign language. It is obvious that the existence of the 'right' and the 'wrong' forms of a French word in a dictionary entry (bon vivant and bon viveur respectively) can be interpreted as clear evidence of both groups of speakers. The Cambridge Advanced Learner's Dictionary (CALD) registers bon vivant but also supplies bon viveur between brackets with the label also UK. It is my intention to distinguish the whole range of phenomena regarding adapted French loanwords in English as well as setting them against false Gallicisms.

The words analysed in this study are but a sample of French borrowings and false Gallicisms in English. Words have been searched for and selected manually in the American Heritage Dictionary (AHD) and in three dictionaries of foreign words and phrases (Ayto 1995;[START_REF] Bliss | A Dictionary of Foreign Words and Phrases in Current English[END_REF][START_REF] Speake | The Oxford Dictionary of Foreign Words and Phrases[END_REF]. I have also carried out a search by wildcarts in the British National Corpus (BNC), COCA and in the CD-ROM version of the CALD. In order to detect potential French borrowings, the following wildcart combinations were used: *age, *ante, *eau, *erie, *esse, *et, *ette, *eur, *euse, *ier, *ière, *our.

A definition of false Gallicism

When compared with false Anglicisms, false Gallicisms seem to conform to a slightly different type of classification. The three fundamental types of false Anglicisms in Italian, namely autonomous compounds, compound ellipsis and semantic shifts (Furiassi 2006: 274) cannot be exactly applied to false Gallicisms. As a matter of fact, I have not found any instances of false Gallicisms that could be assigned to the first group in which are included false Anglicisms such as Fr. tennisman 'tennis player' or It. autostop 'hitch-hiking' (Furiassi 2010: 141). Conversely, I have found some instances of the second category and a plentiful supply of false Gallicims for the third category.

As a starting point I will consider one of the classic examples of supposedly false Gallicisms in English, i.e. rendezvous. To the tutored eye the first minor, though noticeable, difference is typographical -the word is hyphenated in French whereas in English it is a solid compound. 4 So far it could be argued that the English word does not exist in French as no such fluctuation in form is allowed in this language (the word is always hyphenated as it retains the spelling of the second person plural of the imperative mood of the pronominal verb se rendre 'to go to', from which it derives). The second and much more striking feature is the conversion process of this noun in English, thus becoming a verb that once inflected produces forms such as rendezvoused or rendezvousing. Conversely, the semantic narrowing (a secret meeting place for lovers) and the metonymic shift (the word designating a place or a venue) are common both in French and in English and it is precisely these features of semantic specialization that have traditionally been put forward as the main arguments for the classification of this type of loanwords as false borrowings. It is consequently a matter of the utmost importance to verify both in authoritative lexicographic sources and in large general corpora all the possible senses of a word in the donor language (DL) so as not to act with precipitation over these issues. Hence, rendezvous will be classified as a genuine French loanword because no typographical or orthographical adaptations, conversion and subsequent native inflection, and semantic narrowing in the recipient language (RL) will count as valid criteria for the labelling of French borrowings as false Gallicisms.

In what follows I will be using a much broader definition of false borrowings than that advanced by Tournier (1991: 75) in order to include not only the formal component but also the semantic one. So, partially following and adapting the definition of pseudo-Anglicisms by Sørensen (1997: 18) -but also in agreement with Furiassi's (2003: 123) andFischer's (2008: 7) standpoint on false Anglicisms -false Gallicisms will be defined as words that look French, but which deviate from genuine French words either morphologically, lexically or semantically.

The approach to false Gallicisms is totally different depending on whether these are examined from a diachronic or a synchronic perspective. When looking at the English word courier ("a person who carries important messages or documents for someone else") one can notice that this is both an adapted French loan (the corresponding French word is courrier, with a double r) and a semantic false Gallicism as the meaning of the English word courier is conveyed in contemporary French by the word coursier. 5 On the other hand, and from a diachronic point of view, English adopted the French word in the early 18 th century 6 with the regular spelling at that time, so it could be said that the English word corresponds exactly to the French one. Besides, and from a semantic perspective, the word courrier is also used in French to designate a courier, especially in compounds such as courrier d'ambassade or courrier diplomatique whose equivalent in English is diplomatic courier.

Finally, a distinction should be drawn between false Gallicisms and false friends. These two concepts are occasionally mixed as false friends can sometimes become a sort of catch-all category that encompasses everything from cognates, false friends and false loanwords. For instance, Kirk-Green (1995: 193) categorises venue as a false friend when this loanword should be analysed as a false Gallicism since the meaning of the word is English is different from the meaning of the exact same word in French.7

Formal adaptation of French borrowings

The main mechanisms of formal adaptation of French loanwords and phrases will be outlined taking into consideration all possible typographical, diacritical, orthographical, morphological, lexical and semantic changes when benchmarked against the corresponding native forms in the French language.

The English word connoisseur (Fr. connaisseur) could exemplify the French loanword in English that has preserved an ancient spelling, currently obsolete in Modern French according to the Oxford English Dictionary (OED). However, the only ancient form of the word provided by the Dictionnaire historique de la langue française (DHLF) is connoiseor and not connoisseur. One could hypothesise that the unorthodox Old and Middle French ending -eor was changed to a more suitable and French-looking -eur in English. In any case this item will not be considered as a false Gallicism as, depending on the source, the word has either preserved a former foreign spelling or has been orthographically adapted in the RL.

Typographical, diacritical and orthographical adaptations

Words can be borrowed by a RL exactly as they are written in the DL but sometimes these borrowings can take a somewhat different form in the RL. These formal changes or adaptations are certainly the product of the assimilation and usage of the actual borrowing in the DL as speakers are more often than not unfamiliar with and unaware of the orthographical and grammatical rules applied to foreign loans. When the original French phrase de luxe is spelt as one word in English, i.e. deluxe (Otman 1989: 122), this simply reflects the linguistic unawareness of dealing with a combination of preposition and noun in French by Englishlanguage speakers. But most of the formal differences mainly concern the use of accents and other diacritics. A remarkable example of this lack of accentual rigour is the loan papier mâché. No tokens have been found in the BNC of the original French spelling either with one or both diacritics. However, there are 16 tokens of this compound without diacritics in the BNC.

As regards spelling, one should differentiate between long-established adapted spelling, as is the case of maisonette8 (Fr. maisonnette) and lexicalised variants as with sobriquet/soubriquet (Fr. sobriquet) and ambience/ambiance (Fr. ambiance). These variant forms merely reflect the maintenance in contemporary English of a former spelling of the French word as explained by Ayto (1991: 288): "Defying chronology, English actually borrowed the word's original form soubriquet (now superseded in French), in the 19 th century, and this is now if anything commoner than sobriquet.". These examples are to be distinguished, in their turn, from the somewhat erratic orthography reflected in forms such as de rigeur instead of the correct de rigueur: the cluster of vowels is especially difficult to retain, which could partially explain the incorrect spelling.9 Portmanteau (Fr. portemanteau) and apartment (Fr. appartement) illustrate another spelling feature of formal adaptation of French loans into English. The elision of the vowel e from the original French words reflects the level of phonological assimilation of the loans as well as the lexical association with such English words as port and apart.

As observed in the case of apartment, there seems to be a tendency of orthographical adaptation of French loans concerning double and single consonants. Some double consonants in the DL are reduced to one as in maisonette and courier whereas some single consonants in the DL are doubled in English as can be seen in such loans as pannier (Fr. panier) and fillet10 (Fr. filet).

Morphological adaptations

However, it is in morphology, and more precisely in inflection and affixation, where the most prominent examples abound. The epitome of English false French suffixation is arbitrageur, a derived noun from the specialised word arbitrage11 . The corresponding French noun is arbitragiste and not arbitrageur. The latter is an English-derived word that looks entirely French but which does not exist as a word in this language, which automatically makes of this derivative a genuine false Gallicism.

Other instances of morphology are related to the use of the French inflectional endings for the plural and the feminine gender. The lexicalised French phrase the nouveau riche has as its counterpart the French les nouveaux riches in which all three constituents take the appropriate plural ending, -s, -x and -s respectively. Similarly the English adjective sauté as used, for instance, in sauté potatoes is, as all adjectives in English, invariable, whereas French has four different forms: the masculine singular sauté, the masculine plural sautés, the feminine singular sautée and the feminine plural sautées. The latter would be used to translate the example of sauté potatoes (Fr. pommes de terre sautées). It is worth remembering that correct inflected forms of French adjectives and nouns can sometimes be found in English texts, but this remains exceptional as these loans tend to be registered in dictionaries -and used in examples -in their invariable form, which clearly accounts for their level of integration in the morphological system of the English language.

A special formal case is represented by the widespread use in English of the feminine ending of a number of French nouns and adjectives used both for male and female referents. The classic example is blonde (the feminine form of blond in French) used also for men (Bliss 1966: 10). Other examples include the English words confidante, naïve and debutante as illustrated by the following example:

(1)

Lord Falconer, who is also the lord chancellor and a close confidante of Tony Blair, said a move to proportional representation would mean politicians were preoccupied with establishing coalitions. (The Guardian 20 May 2005)

The word in bold in (1) would be interpreted by a French speaker as having a female referent due to the inflectional ending -e. Endings notwithstanding, the referent in the English sentence is Lord Falconer, undoubtedly a man. Obviously the form confidant is generally found for a male referent, which makes of confidant(e) a typical example of masculine/feminine suffix fluctuation depending greatly on the grammatical competence of the speaker. Finally, the adjective naïve has supplanted the masculine French adjective naïf both in lexicographical entries and in texts. The non-correspondence between grammatical gender in French and actual forms in English does not constitute a criterion for classifying a given French loan as a false Gallicism.

As concerns pluralisation it is interesting to note the adaptation of some French loanwords to the English morphological pattern present in the lexical paradigm that includes words such as trousers, shorts, pants, knickers, dungarees, leggings, etc. This is exactly the case of the French loan fatigue whose origin is to be found in the French phrases habit de fatigue or vêtement de fatigue that are defined as réservé pour les tâches pénibles [especially worn when doing tough jobs] but which are not exclusively used in the field of soldiering, contrary to the English word fatigues.

(2)

Asked recently what he would do when the war ended in Croatia, Arkan said he would sell his six captured tanks, hang up his combat fatigues and return to his ice cream parlour business in Belgrade. (BNC) The French loan in bold in (2) constitutes then a false Gallicism as the word has been semantically reanalysed in English and is translated in French by treillis. The case of the English word culottes is rather complex as it involves several mechanisms, both formal and semantic. On the one hand, the corresponding French word is jupe-culotte, which makes of the English word an adaptation by compound ellipsis and pluralisation. On the other hand, there is a word in French, culottes, whose meaning does not coincide with its English counterpart as it is used in French to designate underpants or underwear in general.

Conversion of nouns or adjectives into verbs

Loanwords are subject to conversion or zero derivation as much as words from Anglo-Saxon origin. Finesse, valet, rendezvous, compere, sabotage, chauffeur, julienne, massage, sauté, début The conjugated forms in bold in (3) and ( 4) are to be regarded as native adaptations of the French loans and not as false Gallicisms. The same criterion should be applied to other fairly common French loans from the semantic field of food and cookery when they are used as verbs, for instance to fillet or to purée as there is no semantic change involved in the conversion process.

Lexical adaptations

This section will be dealing with cases of compound ellipsis, by which one or more words in a compound or a noun phrase are elided and that is unquestionably one of the commonest mechanisms of creating pseudo-loans in many European languages (Alexieva 2002: 257;Busse & Görlach 2002: 29;Graedler 2002: 77;Humbley 2002: 121;Maximova 2002: 208;Pulcini 2002: 163;Rodríguez González 2002: 147). Sometimes the elision is possible in the DL as it happens with Fr. tableau vivant, or simply Fr. tableau, whereas in other cases the elision in English, which is optional, is not possible in French if the same meaning is to be conveyed, as with coup d'état12 and haute couture. These loans can be used with exactly the same meaning in English in their abbreviated forms, coup and couture respectively, as shown in ( 5) and ( 6). It is only in their non-canonical, single-word form that these loans are considered as false Gallicisms.

(5)

At first, he accepted military rule by Mr. Musharraf, who as head of the armed forces had seized power in a coup in 1999. (COCA) (6) But if you want to understand why couture still matters, look inside a Valentino ballgown, a YSL Le Smoking, a Chanel suit. (COCA) Contrary to the above examples, the loan séance, whose French counterpart is séance de spiritisme, is only found in English as a single word and as such it is attested in dictionary entries. 13 Otman (1989: 119) analyses séance as an instance of semantic narrowing in the RL and puts it on a par with French loanwords such as ensemble or bouquet. I would rather look at it as a case of compound ellipsis and therefore as a false Gallicism.

One could think that it is always the head of the compound or the noun phrase that is retained as the shortened version in English. However, this is not always the case as other procedures may come into play. The English au pair is a shortened version of the original French noun phrase jeune fille au pair, literally 'young girl on equal terms', in which the elided constituent is precisely the head of the noun phrase. As my aim is to investigate the current state of affairs concerning false Gallicisms in English, this example will be considered as such and hence will be included in the list of false Gallicisms provided in Appendix A. Thogmartin (1984: 454) mentions four cases of French pseudo-borrowings in English, namely brassiere, au gratin, au jus and à la mode. The use of the portmanteau morph auwhose corresponding feminine form is à la -can be compared, although not in the same proportion, to the use of the -ing form in false Anglicisms. The morph is so characteristically French that it is made in English to precede French loans from the semantic field of food when these are masculine, as with gratin and jus. The result of this ill-assorted combination, to a French eye, becomes automatically a false Gallicism in English. For instance, the English phrase potatoes au gratin would be translated in French as gratin de pommes de terre. 5 tokens of au gratin have been found in the BNC and a total number of 53 in the COCA. Used mainly in combination with the word potatoes, the phrase can be placed both before and after the noun: potatoes au gratin or au gratin potatoes. But it can also be used as the head of a noun phrase, as in au gratin of potatoes and even as a single noun in itself which functions as the subject of the sentence as in The au gratin + predicate. This is undeniably a false Gallicism -the actual combination au gratin simply does not exist in French.

Other word-relation processes can be observed, as for instance paronymy, which is certainly responsible for the existence of the English compound double entendre, a typical example of pseudo-Gallicism. There is a similar phrase in French à double entente, which means exactly the same although the sexual innuendo of the English phrase is not necessarily present in the French one. The two French words, entendre and entente, are etymologically related and phonologically close, which makes them paronymous. According to Renouf (2004: 533) "[t]he modern French semantic equivalent of double entendre is mot à double sens or mot en sous-entendu".

Semantic false Gallicisms

Different types of semantic mechanisms are underway in the lexical borrowing process in languages in contact and especially between French and English. These are extremely varied and can go from semantic extension or reduction and metonymic, metaphoric or meronymic shifts to connotational changes such as amelioration or pejoration. Two common examples are the English words chandelier and crayon which refer to slightly different objects than their French counterparts chandelier 'candlestick' and crayon 'pencil'. As Winford (2010: 175) points out, "many borrowings do not represent complete adoption of a foreign item with both its form and meaning" and this is especially true of semantic false Gallicisms.

There may even be non-native word creations such as papier mâché and nom de plume. 14 The OED clearly specifies in a special note in the entry of papier mâché that "[a]lthough composed of French words, the name papier mâché appears not to be of French origin. It is not recognised in the French Dictionaries of the Académie, Littré or Hatz-Darm, except in its literal sense of 'chewed paper'." I do not concur with the above statement since both nouns are attested in the Trésor de la langue française informatisé (TLFi). Moreover, the French general corpus Frantext registers its first appearance in 1736 (there are 111 tokens in Frantext where the noun is used to complement the head noun figure, visage or mine, the three of them meaning 'face') and its use as "pieces of paper mixed with glue or with flour and water and used to make decorative objects or models" (CALD) is clearly apparent in several examples such as the one in (7), from 1938: (7) Laforgue ne retrouvait que des cheveux familiers, comme ces cheveux naturels plantés sur les masques chinois de papier mâché. (Frantext)

According to Ayto (1991: 211) nom de plume "gives every indication of being a French expression, but in fact it is quite uncommon in French, and it could well be that it was coined in English as a pseudo-Frenchism, perhaps modelled on the long-established nom de guerre (it is first recorded in the 1820s, in the works of Thomas de Quincey)." As regards papier mâché Ayto (1991: 225) adds that "[p]apier 'paper' and mâché 'chewed' are of course French words, but the term papier mâché appears to have been concocted in English in the mid-18 th century: the usual French expression for what we call papier mâché is carton-pâte." If the synchronic criterion should be applied here, nom de plume and papier mâché are not to be considered as false Gallicisms as they are used in French in exactly the same sense as in English, irrespective of the fact that they were created in English.

It should be noted as well that some words can be at the same time a genuine Gallicism and a false Gallicism: the word charade, when used in the plural, describes a sort of team game both in French and in English. However, the semantic extension that the word has developed in English is unknown in French. Example (8) shows the use of the English word charade for which the French translation would be comédie.

(8)

The wounds Giles had inflicted were only just beginning to heal. Had she ever really meant anything to him? Or had all his compliments and charm, so convincing at the time, been just a charade to get him what he wanted? (BNC) The same situation applies to the English word fracas as used in (9). In English the word is synonymous with 'brawl' or 'fight', whereas in French the word is associated with strong, unpleasant noise and could be translated as 'crash', 'din' or even 'roar'. ( 9)

In Tascosa he had encountered a brother of the dead Natchez gambler accompanied by two of the irate companions. He had killed two of his enemies and wounded the other, coming out of the fracas with a bullet in his leg. (COCA) A special use of the French prepositional phrase en suite -also spelt as a solid or as a hyphenated compound -has been developed in English to designate "a bathroom which is directly connected to a bedroom or a bedroom which is connected to a bathroom" (CALD). Although the phrase is mainly used as an adjective, an en suite bathroom, it can also be found as a noun. The loan is much more common and widespread in British English than in American English where it is primarily used to describe a type of compact bathroom in the specialized context of motor boating and yachting.

Negligee is sometimes given as an example of an English word creation (Ayto 1991: 206). However, the French word negligé designates, as well as déshabillé, "a woman's decorative dressing gown made of light material" (CALD). At times the search in the Oxford-Hachette French Dictionary (OHFD) can bring about the most puzzling and indiscernible situation since Fr. négligé is translated as En. negligee whereas En. negligee is translated as Fr. déshabillé. Moreover, the existence of the English word dishabille (with a variant form deshabille15 ) turns the whole issue into a sort of lexical mélange. Consequently, this loan will not be classified as a false Gallicism for the same reasons as papier mâché or nom de plume, namely that the word is used in contemporary French with exactly the same meaningalthough not the same form -as the English loan.

The English word cortege designates "a slowly moving line of people, or cars at a funeral" (CALD). This is a case of semantic restriction and of formal truncation from the original French cortège funèbre. The French cortège is not only used for various types of ceremonies, but also for demonstrations or to refer to groups of students or workers. Once more, the bilingual dictionary supplies contradictory information: the translation of Fr. cortège funèbre is En. cortege whereas the translation of En. cortege is Fr. cortège. Regarded fundamentally as a case of compound ellipsis, this loan will be categorised as a false Gallicism.

Finally, the English words exposé and dossier have been borrowed from French and have both undergone a semantic pejoration process. The corresponding French words are connotatively neutral whereas their English counterparts are usually associated with criminals or criminal acts and contexts. Connotational processes such as pejoration or amelioration will not be regarded as valid semantic mechanisms to label French loans as false Gallicisms as they represent a special type of semantic narrowing -in the cases above there are no morphological, lexical or semantic differences and both words are translated into French by their homonyms.

False Gallicisms and English language varieties

Some false Gallicisms are not of general use in English but are restricted to a certain geographical area. In what follows in particular several instances of false Gallicisms that are either Briticisms or Americanisms will be examined. Furthermore, some false Gallicisms can be classified according not to regional varieties but to different types of technical or specialised languages.

Briticisms

Words or phrases that are especially used in Great Britain are known as Briticisms. Well-known Briticisms are flat (apartment), bloke (guy) or central reservation strip), to mention just a few. The English Gallicism cagoule is labelled UK in the CALD and means "a light jacket with a hood which protects the wearer against wet and windy weather" 16 as illustrated in ( 10):

(10) If you can imagine being on a steep, snow-covered slope, below which there is a 1000 m (3,500 ft) sheer drop, would you prefer to be wearing a shiny nylon cagoule or a rough old woollen jumper? (BNC) The French word cagoule has historically been used to designate a cowl, i.e. "a large loose covering for the head and sometimes shoulders, but not the face, which is worn especially by monks" (CALD). In modern times the word has taken on a second sense in French and corresponds to the English word balaclava.

The word bonnet can either mean a type of hat or, exclusively in British English, "the metal cover over the part of the car where the engine is" (CALD). It is in this sense that the word bonnet is to be considered as a false Anglicism -the corresponding French word is capot -and as a Briticism since the equivalent word in American English is hood.

Courier in English has the general meaning of "a person who carries important messages or documents for someone else" (CALD) and is quasi-synonymous with messenger. However, this loanword has taken on a specialised meaning in British English in the field of tourism as "a person who looks after a group of people on holiday especially by giving them advice on what to do, what to see, etc" (CALD).

Americanisms

16 Something which corroborates the fact that cagoule is a Briticism is that no entry of this word has been found in the lexicon of the Webster's Third New International Dictionary (WTNID). However, the derivative cagoulard ("a member of a secret reactionary revolutionary French organization suppressed in 1937-38") is included as this refers to a historically relevant figure in French history, which is obviously beyond any varietal distinction.

Words or phrases that are associated with the variety of the English language spoken in the United States are known as Americanisms. Well-known Americanisms include cookie (biscuit), rooster (cock) or scallion (spring onion) among many others.

Valet is a clearly identifiable French loan which is phonologically marked as the final t is silent, thus imitating the original French pronunciation. This word which is currently used to designate "someone in a hotel who cleans clothes" (CALD) has taken on a special meaning in American English and is applied to refer to "someone at a hotel or restaurant that puts your car in a parking space for you" (CALD) as shown in ( 11):

(11) The paparazzi were busy snapping photos of the solo Olsen twin as she waited for the valet to fetch her car. (COCA) It is well established that a great number of French words and phrases related to food and wine have made their way into English and many other languages worldwide. However, some of these loans have taken on a special sense in British or American English, as is the case with hors d'oeuvres.17 Another rather conspicuous false Gallicism in American English is entrée which in this language variety means main course as illustrated in ( 12). ( 12) The cooks are given offbeat ingredients and just 20-30 minutes to make an appetizer, entree and dessert, resulting in such offerings as sea urchin French toast. (COCA)

A very well-known example of semantic shift is represented by the French loan bureau and the sense that the word has taken on in American English. A bureau in Great Britain is a writing desk whereas in the United States the word is used to refer to a chest of drawers,18 as shown in ( 13).

(13) Helen walked to a bureau and searched the drawers, one filled with scarves and nylons, the next with panties neatly folded and separated by color. (COCA) Foyer is another case of a false Gallicism exclusively in the sense that this word has developed in American English as "the room in a house or apartment leading from the front door to other rooms, where things like coats and hats are kept" (CALD). The loan is synonymous with hall or hallway as illustrated in ( 14):

(14) The main entrance leads to a small foyer, beyond which is a spacious living room with original hardwood floors, a wood-burning stove and glass doors that open to a back patio and bathe the space in natural light. (COCA) So far I have dealt with words that are common to both language varieties but which have developed a special and distinct sense in American English. This is simply part of a larger linguistic phenomenon which is common and well-attested in the different varieties of the four main European languages spoken in the American continent, i.e. English, Spanish, Portuguese and French. On the contrary, there are French loans that are only found in American English, and that is precisely the case of pompadour (15), a word that designates a type of hairdo that the British call quiff and the French call banane.

(15) The other was younger, maybe a couple years older than I was. He was brownhaired; he had a big pompadour and he combed his hair back into a duck's ass, a popular style at the time. (COCA) Au jus seems to be in use only in American English as 16 tokens of the phrase have been found in the COCA and none in the BNC. The phrase has an entry in the WTNID and is defined as "served in the meat juice obtained from roasting (roast beef au jus)". In order to express the same idea French would need a more complex structure to translate the example provided at the end of the definition, but in any case the combination of the portmanteau morph au and the noun jus does not make any sense in French.

Finally, the phrase à la mode represents another instance of an American false Gallicism since it is used to designate a scoop of vanilla ice-cream accompanying a dessert as shown in ( 16):

(16) I've long been amused by diners who choose a dessert like apple pie a la mode, at about 600 calories a serving, and sprinkle artificial sweetener in their coffee or tea to replace the 16 calories in a teaspoon of sugar. (COCA)

Technical or specialised languages

The very few examples of false Gallicisms in this section are representative of a certain type of borrowings that have made their way into terminology or are restricted to a specialised area or technical field. It is a well-known fact that English has borrowed an important number of French words and phrases along centuries of mutual lexical contact and that cookery, fashion, law and the military have been particularly receptive to French lexis. As a general rule, the large majority of French loans in these and other specialised areas have retained their original sense in English although some particular terms related to traditional trades or artisan professional activities could be catalogued in the list of false Gallicisms.

In the specialised field of the leather industry I have found the French-looking word, surcingle. The AHD defines it as "[a] girth that binds a saddle, pack, or blanket to the body of a horse". The word as such does not exist in French which uses the terms surfaix or sousventrière to refer to the same object. The English word is etymologically and semantically related to contemporary French sangle, which has exactly the same meaning but which is nonspecialised and therefore makes part of the French core vocabulary, contrary to the word surcingle in English, completely unknown to the non-specialists.

In the technical language of sewing or needlework, mention should be made of the English term appliqué, whose French translation is application. The word appliqué means "[a] decoration or ornament, as in needlework, made by cutting pieces of one material and applying them to the surface of another" (AHD), and clearly constitutes a case of technical false Gallicism as the French word appliqué 'applied' is the past participle of the verb appliquer 'to apply' and is used exclusively as an adjective in combinations such as linguistique appliquée 'applied linguistics' or mathématiques appliqués 'applied mathematics'.

Lastly, I would like to point out the use of the French loan rosette in architecture to designate "a circular ornament, carved, painted or moulded resembling a formalised rose" (GDT).The equivalent specialised term in French is rosace.

Conclusion

It is essential to subscribe to a synchronic or to a diachronic perspective in the analysis of false borrowings in general, and of false Gallicisms in English in particular: borrowings such as nom de plume and papier mâché have exactly the same meaning in contemporary French and in contemporary English, regardless of the fact that, according to highly reputable sources, they were not coined in France. A sharp distinction should also be drawn between genuine Gallicisms that have been adapted orthographically and remain formally stable in contemporary English (maisonette) or that fluctuate as far as gender and plural agreement is concerned (confidant/e, the nouveau/x riche/s) and false Gallicisms which either do not exist as such in French (arbitrageur) or have been truncated or clipped (couture) or if they do, they have a completely different semantic referent (chandelier). As with native Anglo-Saxon words, some French loanwords do not necessarily mean the same thing on both shores of the Atlantic (bureau) and some others may have acquired a specific meaning in a certain technical or specialised language (appliqué).

Other studies of false Gallicisms (and of false borrowings in general) would be necessary so as to contrast items, analyses and results that will eventually pave the way for the publication of a dictionary of false borrowings in English.

Gallicism (CALD)

French (OHFD)

  and many more other nouns and adjectives can be converted into verbs as illustrated in the following examples:

	(3)	She worked with Cyril Stapleton's BBC Showband and featured on the Goon
		Show. For a decade from the late 1970s, she compered a highly successful
		BBC Radio 2 show. (The Guardian 29 May 2000)
	(4)	I have recently been through a bit of a root vegetable phase […] thinly sliced or
		julienned, dressed with a tasty little vinaigrette and tossed with dried fruit or
		pulses or crisp winter leaves -or all of the above. (The Guardian 18 January
		2012)

  worn usually by men, in which the hair at the front of the head is brushed up.banane résumé (US)A short written description of your education, qualifications, previous jobs and sometimes also your personal interests, which you send to an employer when you are trying to get a job.

	entrée (US)		The main dish of a meal.	plat principal
	fatigues		A loose brownish green uniform worn by	treillis
	à la mode (US)		Served with ice cream. soldiers.	avec une glace à la
	folie	de	Delusions of grandeur	vanille folie des grandeurs
	appliqué grandeur 19		Decorative work in which one piece of cloth is	application
	foyer (US)		sewn or fixed onto another, or the activity of The room in a house or apartment leading from	entrée
			decorating cloth in this way. the front door to other rooms, where things like
	au gratin		Cooked with a covering of cheese or small coats and hats are kept.	gratin
	fracas		pieces of bread mixed with butter. A noisy argument or fight.	altercation,
	au jus (US)		Served in the meat juice obtained from roasting.	servi dans le jus de accrochage
	(haute) couture		(WTNID) The designing, making and selling of expensive	cuisson haute couture
	au pair		A foreign person, usually a young woman, who fashionable clothing, or the clothes themselves.	jeune fille au pair
	pannier		lives with a family in order to learn their A bag or similar container, especially one of a	sacoche
			language and who looks after the children or pair that hangs on either side of a bicycle,
			cleans the house in return for meals, a room and motorcycle, or animal such as a horse or
			a small payment. donkey.
	arbitrageur bonnet (UK) pompadour (US)	A person who makes money from arbitrage. The metal cover over the part of a car where the engine is. A hairstyle, CV, arbitragiste capot curriculum
	bon viveur (UK)	A person who enjoys good food and wines and	bon vivant (vitae)
			likes going to restaurants and parties.
	brassiere		A piece of women's underwear that supports	soutien-gorge
	rosette		the breasts. A circular ornament, carved, painted or	rosace (GDT)
	bureau (US)		A piece of furniture with drawers in which you moulded resembling a formalised rose; also a	commode
			keep things such as clothes. rose-shaped patera. (GDT)
	cagoule (UK) surcingle		A light jacket with a hood which protects the A girth that binds a saddle, pack, or blanket to	anorak, K-Way® surfaix, sous-
			wearer against wet and windy weather. the body of a horse. (AHD)	ventrière (GDT)
	chandelier valet (US)		A decorative light which hangs from the ceiling Someone at a hotel or restaurant who puts your	lustre voiturier
			and has several parts like branches for holding car in a parking space for you.
	venue		bulbs or, especially in the past, candles. The place where a public event or meeting
	charade		An act or event which is clearly false. happens.	comédie
	cortege		A slowly moving line of people, or cars at a	cortège funèbre
			funeral.
	coup (d'état)		Sudden illegal, often violent, taking of	coup d'État
			government power, especially by (part of) an
			army.
	courier		A person who carries important messages or	coursier
			documents for someone else.
	courier (UK)		Person who looks after a group of people on	guide
			holiday especially by giving them advice on
			what to do, what to see, etc.
	crayon		A small stick of coloured wax used for drawing	craie grasse
			or writing.
	culottes		Women's short trousers which look like a skirt. jupe-culotte
	double entendre	A word or phrase that might be understood in	sous-entendu
			two ways, one of which is usually sexual.	(grivois)
	en suite, en-suite,	Describes a bathroom which is directly	salle	de	bain
	ensuite		connected to a bedroom or a bedroom which is	attenante
			connected to a bathroom.

lieu

19

No definitions or translations have been found in the CALD and in the OHFD. However, the phrase is attested in Ayto's Dictionaries of Foreign Words and Phrases.

A search in the BNC has yielded the following results: 262 tokens of rendezvous against 10 of rendez-vous. The CALD only registers the unhyphenated form.

See Appendix A for a list of false Gallicisms, their definition in English and translation into French.

The first recorded example in the Oxford English Dictionary (OED) of the word courier with the spelling courrier is from 1718.

The En. loan venue is 'the place where a public event or meeting happens' whereas in French this same word simply means 'arrival or coming'.

The OED adds the following commentary in the dictionary entry: "The correct spelling with -nn-is rarely found."

5 tokens of the incorrect form against 40 of the correct form have been found in the BNC.

Even though the CALD specifies that the form fillet is used in British English and the form filet in American English, we have found 455 tokens of filet and 621 tokens of fillet in the COCA, which contradicts the information supplied in the dictionary and evidences the vacillation over the spelling of French loans.

Here is the definition of arbitrage included in the CALD: "the method on the stock exchange of buying something in one place and selling it in another place at the same time, in order to make a profit from the difference in price in the two places."

Other compounds having as head the French word coup attested in the OED are coup de force, coup de foudre, coup de glotte, coup de grâce, coup de main, coup d'oeil, coup de poing, coup de soleil, coup de théâtre and coup de vent. It goes without saying that only coup d'état does allow the elision of the complement of the noun head.

We have checked this entry in a monolingual dictionary, the CALD, as well as in a bilingual dictionary, The Oxford-Hachette French Dictionary (OHFD).

Only nom de plume is included inGörlach (2003: 146) and is described as pseudo-French.

This information is taken from the AHD that defines dishabille as "the state of being partially or very casually dressed; a state of undress" and as "casual or lounging attire".

Hors d'oeuvres means "a small savoury dish eaten at the start of a meal" in British English whereas in American English it means "small pieces of food eaten at a party" (CALD).

Not only in American English does this French loan acquire a new sense. The Swedish formally-adapted French loan byrå (Fr. bureau) has exactly the same meaning as its American counterpart, which automatically makes of it a false Gallicism in Swedish.

Appendix A

The following table lists in the first column the words analysed as false Gallicisms and in the second column, their definition as found in the CALD. Finally, the third column provides the translation into French given by the OHFD. It should be noted that when a given item does not have an entry in either of the two dictionaries mentioned above, other monolingual lexicographic sources have been consulted, namely The American Heritage Dictionary (AHD), Le Grand Dictionnaire Terminologique (GDT) and the Webster's Third New International Dictionary (WTNID). False Gallicisms specific to the American variety are labelled US and those mainly used in the British Isles are labelled UK.

False Definition Translation into


Ramón Martí Solano

Man/woman versus hombre/mujer: a contrastive analysis of compound nouns, collocations and collocational frameworks

Keywords: man/woman, hombre/mujer, collocations, combinaisons lexicales stéréotypées, lexicologie contrastive, linguistique du corpus man/woman, hombre/mujer, collocations, stereotypical lexical combinations, contrastive lexicology, corpus linguistics

La présente étude prétend dévoiler un large éventail de combinaisons et structures lexicales associées aux bases man et woman en anglais et hombre et mujer en espagnol dans une perspective à la fois synchronique et diachronique. Nous avons repéré des stéréotypes liés au sexe aussi bien que de nouvelles collocations moins prédictibles dans les textes à l'aide de grands corpus généraux. Les résultas obtenus dans les corpus synchroniques anglais correspondent à des combinaisons telles que family man, gay men et career woman, qui sont les plus fréquentes et qui contrastent fortement avec d'autres combinaisons plus traditionnelles ou stéréotypées dans le corpus diachronique. Quant à l'espagnol, la base mujer s'associe principalement à l'apparence physique, l'age et la personnalité tandis que la base hombre s'associe aux affaires, à la confiance et à l'action, ce qui confirme l'immobilisme des constructions mentales stéréotypées liées au sexe dans cette langue romane.

I. Introduction

Gender stereotypes can be observed not only in the lexicon and the phraseology of a language but also in its morphology and pragmatics. Romance languages, for instance, use different endings to distinguish the feminine from the masculine gender and still retain the marked/unmarked grammatical notion which makes the masculine plural form usual and acceptable for a mixed company. Other uses have evolved and have given rise to what could be described, from a traditional and normative point of view, as ungrammatical. This is the case of the anaphoric use of the third person plural pronoun in English to refer to singular gender-unmarked nouns or pronouns such as person, student, everyone or somebody. However, we believe that it is in the field of lexis, and particularly in lexical collocations, where the evolution or the immovability of a number of stereotypes can be better observed and analysed-certain combinations seem to decline whereas others are still widely used or have developed lately and have even become pervasive and widespread.

II. Languages and gender stereotypes

Although languages in general show clear and distinct degrees of stereotyping-usually racial or sexual-, not all of them make use of the same grammatical, lexical or phraseological strategies to convey stereotypical constructs. However, most languages seem to share an amazing large number of sayings, proverbs, aphorisms and other sentencelike units that speak ill of women and flatter men [START_REF] Schipper | Women in Proverbs from around the World[END_REF]). The situation is not exactly the same if we look at smaller combinations such as compounds, collocations and other word patterns. Examples such as the approving mujer de bandera 'a striking woman or a hell of a woman' or the disapproving mujer de armas tomar 'a formidable woman' are definitely culturally-bound and even though translation equivalents can always be found, these highly lexicalised combinations seem to reflect specific idiosyncratic features of the Spanish culture. In contrast to the previous examples, both English and Spanish make use of a large number of word combinations to designate prostitutes. Examples such as mujer de la vida, mujer de vida alegre, mujer de mala vida, mujer de mal vivir, mujer de la calle, mujer pública, mujer mundana and mujer perdida are transparent for speakers of other languages as the set of references induced by the adjectives and nouns associated to the node are shared more or less universally. However, some combinations remain culturally-specific and show different degrees of opacity, as with mujer del partido, mujer de punto or mujer del arte.

III. Word combinations and patterns

In this study I will be dealing with three main types of word combinations and patterns both in English and in Spanish. Firstly, compound nouns of the subtypes Noun + Noun (career woman) and Adjective + Noun (gay man) and secondly, recurrent collocations of the subtype Adjective + Noun (married woman or hombre honrado 'honest man'). Thirdly, I will consider collocational patterns that include the node, the collocate, a preposition and/or a determiner. The word pattern schemas under scrutiny are the following:

NOUN + NODE ADJECTIVE + NODE NODE + ADJECTIVE NODE + OF THE + NOUN NODE + PREPOSITION + NOUN PHRASE

The above pattern schemas are used, with different degrees, by both languages. For very well-known reasons concerning the syntactic structures of Germanic and Romance languages, Spanish seems to favour the collocational patterns and English, the compound nouns and collocations.

A. Compound nouns

It is not my intention here to develop a theory about compounding in general, or compound nouns in particular, but to address the issue from a practical point of view applied to the topic in question. I will claim that compound nouns are lexicalised word combinations and this means, among other things, that they have their own entry in dictionaries. For instance, the compound noun career woman is included in the nomenclature of the Cambridge Advanced Learner's Dictionary 2008 (CALD08) whereas it is absent in Webster's Third New International Dictionary 1986 (WTNID86). This lexicographic comparison clearly accounts for the evolution of the social and professional status of women in the Anglo-American society. However, one could argue that if this combination has been lexicalised as a compound noun it is simply because the meaning of the whole cannot be retrieved by adding or putting together the meaning of either constituent. A career woman is defined in the CALD08 as "a woman whose job is more important to her than having children". The combination is semantically specialised and therefore has been given full headword status.

B. Collocations

The prototypical examples of collocations in English tend to be combinations of an adjective and a noun such as strong tea or high winds. Contrary to compounds, collocations are not lexicalised and as a result do not have their own entry in dictionaries. Nevertheless, lexicographers tend to include these recurrent word associations in at least one of the examples provided in the headword article.

Collocation is the co-occurrence of two items in a text within a specified environment. "Significant" collocation is regular collocation between items, such that they co-occur more often than their respective frequencies and the length of text in which they appear would predict. (Jones et Sinclair 1974: 19) Collocations, as defined above, are extremely significant word combinations in a given language not only because they are recurrent but also because they carry in them a particular way of understanding the world around us and, especially, human stereotypes and relations. The recurrence of the collocation hombre honrado in the Spanish corpora is the reflection of the importance that the concept of honra 'honour' has always had in the Spanish culture. Recurrence is then a key criterion for regarding a word combination as a collocation, thus the importance of carrying out frequency studies by means of large reference corpora.

C. Collocational frameworks

The term collocational framework was introduced in 1991 by Renouf and Sinclair in their article entitled Collocational Frameworks in English.

Our 'frameworks' consist of a discontinuous sequence of two words, positioned at one word remove from each other; they are therefore not grammatically self-standing; their well-formedness is dependent on what intervenes. (Renouf & Sinclair 1991: 128) Collocational frameworks can be significant either grammatically or lexically. For this study I have looked at all the collocational frameworks that have the target words man or woman as nodes irrespective of the size of the framework. Table 1 shows the different types of collocational frameworks in English including man and woman whereas Table 2 deals with collocational frameworks with hombre and mujer in Spanish. The schemas in Tables 1 and2 are quite limited as I am only interested in equivalent frameworks in the two languages. The combinations illustrated in Spanish have also been described as composición sintagmática 'syntagmatic compounding' (Val Álvaro 1999: 4825) although the examples provided by Val Álvaro usually include idiomatic, non-compositional and opaque or semiopaque combinations such as diente de leche 'milk tooth', bautismo de fuego 'baptism of fire', telón de acero 'iron curtain' or ojo de buey 'porthole'. Only by revealing and putting to the test the whole range of combinational structures can one have a comprehensive view of the multilayered and intricate network of lexical and cultural associations of both terms in each language.

IV. The corpora and the method of analysis

Three general corpora have been used in order to detect and analyse the main word combinations and patterns in English, namely the British National Corpus (BNC) and the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA) for a synchronic examination and the Corpus of Historic American English (COHA) for a diachronic perspective of American English since the early 19 th century to date. As concerns Spanish, I have used the Corpus de Referencia del Español Actual (CREA) for synchronicity, the Corpus Diacrónico del Español (CORDE) for diachronicity and the Corpus del Español (CdE) for both a synchronic and diachronic approach. The latter is a 100-million-word collection of texts from the 13 th to the 20 th century, which comes in useful when the analysis of the development of a given combination or pattern is needed.

A. Corpus results for English combinations and patterns with man and woman

BNC is a corpus of contemporary British English from the second half of the 20 th century including texts up to the year 1993. As a general rule, I have decided to use the lexemes man and woman as the nodes, taking into account for frequency counts the plural and the genitive forms. As regards collocates, I have intentionally disregarded the adjectives young and old and the determiner other as they do not combine with the nodes to create significant collocations. For all the corpus searches I have systematically extracted the four most frequent Noun + Noun combinations. As for compounds, the results are presented in Table 3. I have highlighted the first two compounds in the COCA column for woman as they have nearly the same amount of hits, 161 for cleaning woman and 160 for career woman. On the other hand, it should be noted that the COHA has not yielded either career woman or family man as frequent compounds, which corroborates the evolution of these modern constructs in contemporary society when compared to the four most frequent in the diachronic corpus. It should also be noted that the only compound with woman found in the three corpora is cleaning woman.

As far as collocation is concerned, the most frequent Adjective + Noun combinations in the BNC are shown in Table 4. The most frequent significant collocation in the BNC is married woman. This is without the shadow of a doubt a clear sign of the association that still exists between being a woman and marriage in most cultures including the British society as a whole. Interestingly enough, the most frequent adjective that collocates with man is gay. The collocation tends to occur more recurrently in the plural (190 tokens for gay men versus 16 for gay man).

B. Corpus results

for Spanish combinations and patterns with hombre and mujer I have also used three different corpora for searches in Spanish. The same methodological approach as the one adopted above has been used for the combinations in Spanish. As regards collocations, I have searched the combination hombre + Adj. and mujer + Adj. in the CdE. The results speak for themselves and are set out in Table 5. It is interesting to note that when the research is carried out in the plural, results may change considerably. This is something that should be done systematically in order to capture the whole range of possibilities and corroborate the initial hypotheses. Women are most often described in Spanish texts as young, beautiful, honest and married whereas men are depicted as politicians or as fighting men and are described as honest and free. The association with marriage is only to be found with women in stark contrast with the association that exists between freedom and men. Bigrams are much less frequent in Spanish than in English as Romance languages tend to favour the syntagmatic Noun + Noun combinations by linking them with a preposition: un hombre de letras is 'a man of letters' whereas 'a business man' is un hombre de negocios. In order to account for the presence, frequency and extent of the compound nouns of the type N + de + N in contemporary Spanish I have carried out a search in the 20 th century sub-corpus of the CdL. The nouns associated with the node mujer are, in order of frequency, aspecto 'appearance', edad 'age' and carácter 'character'. As for the node man, the associated nouns are negocios 'business', confianza 'trust' and acción 'action'. The conclusions that can be drawn could not be more straightforward and, at the same time, less encouraging for women and above all for the way women are regarded or considered as well as for the role they play in today's society. If language is, among other things, a reflection of the society that uses it-and I strongly believe in this-then women are not held in high regard as age, appearance and character seem the be the most important aspects, at least quantitatively, with which women are associated in the Spanish-speaking world. There is a striking coincidence between these empirical lexical results and the popular belief, which demonstrates that, unfortunately in some cases, stereotypes are alive and well.

V. The question of substitutability

Gender substitutability stands here for the possibility of replacing man with woman in those common phrases in which man has been traditionally the only option. The CALD08 registers the man/woman in the street, a man/woman of the people, a man/woman of the world, to mention just a few. However, some of them resist substitutability as can be seen with a man of action or be man enough to do something. Spanish seems to be more conservative in this respect and even though some combinations show an equivalent number of occurrences in corpora-hombre de principios 'a man of principle' has 25 occurrences in the CREA and mujer de principios, 23-the general combinatorial tendency is clearly biased towards the masculine noun as shown in Table 6. On the contrary, the pair hombre/mujer de mundo 'a man/woman of the world' seems to show a medium degree of substitutability if one looks at the results for both variants in the CREA-62 for hombre and 22 for mujer. This difference in the degree of substitutability can be explained if we examines the diachronic corpora. Hombre de mundo is not a very old phrase as most tokens in the CORDE are from the 19 th century-the earliest example I have found is from 1813. Hombre de palabra 'a man of his word' and hombre de confianza 'a righthand man' are much older phrases. Both the CORDE and the CdE give Guzmán de Alfarache by Mateo Alemán as the earliest written record of the former phrase:

Y si lo habéis de dar y con ellos no andáis tan relojeros, que un solo momento faltáis a lo puesto, si no les pagáis al justo lo prometido, si se lo dilatáis un hora, ni sois hombre de palabra ni de buen trato. (CORDE 1604)

The earliest example of hombre de confianza in the CORDE is from 1545 and is to be found in a letter from the Spanish conquistador Pedro de Valdivia to the emperor Charles V. As a possible explanation we could hypothesise that for the older combinations the use with woman is extremely low or non-existent. However, with the more recent combinations the use with woman seems to be more widespread. It could be inferred from the above that the longer a combination with man is lexicalised and therefore used the smaller the degree of substitutability is and vice versa. In its turn, the Spanish hombre de provecho does not lend itself to a straightforward translation into English. The combination is frequent and well-known among Spanish speakers and although it can be actually applied both to male and to female referents, no examples with mujer have been found in the CREA. Hombre de provecho encapsulates the stereotype of the honest, hard-working and successful man that all parents would like their sons to become. A search in the CREA has yielded a total of 24 tokens of this phrase whereas the CORDE has got 63, which shows that the combination is a traditional one and that is little by little becoming less pervasive and widespread.

VI. Conclusions

Results in the English synchronic corpora yield combinations such as family man, gay men and career woman as the most frequent, which contrasts strikingly with more traditional or stereotypical combinations in the diachronic corpus. The role of the modern man as happily in charge of home and children in the Anglo-Saxon societies is well established at least as far as word combinations is concerned. As regards Spanish, the node mujer is mainly associated with physical appearance, age and character whereas the node man is associated with business, confidence and action, which corroborates the immovability of gender stereotypical constructs in this Romance language.

Table 1 : Types of collocational frameworks in English including the target words man/woman

 1

	schema	examples
	man/woman + of + N	man of letters
	man/woman + of + the + N man of the people, woman of the streets
	man/woman + of + NP	woman of childbearing age
	man/woman + about + N	man about town
	man/woman + about + the	man about the house
	+ N

Table 2 : Types of collocational frameworks in Spanish including the target words hombre/mujer schema examples

 2

hombre/mujer + de + N hombre de provecho, mujer de mundo hombre/mujer + de + det. + N mujer de la vida hombre/mujer + de + su + N mujer de su casa hombre/mujer + de + NP mujer de armas tomar

Table 3 : Most frequent compounds with man and woman in BNC, COCA and COHA

 3

	compounds	BNC	COCA	COHA
	woman	career woman	cleaning	Negro woman
		peasant woman	woman	peasant woman
		mystery woman	career woman	cleaning woman
		cleaning	medicine	business woman
		woman	woman
			spider woman
	man	family man	family man	business man
		business man	con man	newspaper man
		field man	point man	medicine man
		mystery man	hit man	grocery man

Table 4 : Most frequent Adj. + N collocations with man and woman in BNC

 4

	[j*] man	[j*] men	[j*] woman	[j*] women
	young man	young men	young woman	young women
	old man	other men	old woman	other women
	other man	old men	other woman	married women
	dead man	gay men	married woman	older women

Table 5 : Most frequent collocations with hombre and mujer, in the singular and in the plural, in CdE

 5

	hombre + Adj.	hombres + Adj.	mujer + Adj.	mujeres + Adj.
	hombre	hombres	mujer joven	mujeres jóvenes
	honrado	honrados	mujer hermosa	mujeres
	hombre joven	hombres	mujer amada	honradas
	hombre	armados	mujer honrada	mujeres
	moderno	hombres		hermosas
	hombre solo	políticos		mujeres casadas
		hombres libres

Table 6 : Very low or inexistent degree of substitutability hombre/mujer

 6

		number of		number of
		tokens in		tokens in
		CREA		CREA
	hombre de palabra	37	mujer de palabra	4
	hombre de confianza 299	mujer de confianza	1
	hombre de provecho	24	mujer de provecho	0