Foreword

In this working paper we will present a research methodology for describing and comparing corpus of video productions diffused and shared on social media platforms (here: You Tube). The objective of this research is:

1. to study and interpret the cultural representations of the figure of the migrant/immigrant and refugee in virtual local and global communities viewing, commenting and remediating (rewriting) such video productions and 2. to interpret these cultural representations as belonging to a diversity of (new) folk cultures offering especially people from the younger generations (the so-called Millennials and Post-Millennials also sometimes called Homelanders) an epistemic framework for thematizing and narrating the (social) Other (here: the migrant, the immigrant and the refugee).

This paper constitutes the principal support of our course entitled "Cultural visions of (im)migrants and (im)migration in the digital social mediasphere". This course is part of the EMICC (European Master in InterCultural Communication) program offered by a network of European universities and coordinated by the Università della Svizzera italiana (USI) in Lugano1 .

The methodology and results discussed in this paper will also be presented in the First Eurocampus Conference "Advances in Intercultural Communication" in January 2018 and hosted by the Universidade Aberta in Coimbra (Portugal).

Finally, we would also like to stress that this is a first uncorrected version of a research article to be published in the Cambridge Handbook of Intercultural Communication, edited by Guido Rings and Sebastian Rasinger (expected publication date: end of 2018/first half of 2019).

First section: General context of the study 1) Presentation

Following experts, there are more than 65 million of refugees in the world. Europe -and more particularly the European Union -faces a challenge of between 2 to 3 million of refugees, coming mainly from Middle East, North, West and East Africa and the West Balkan lands (Kosovo, Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, …). The main reasons are war, political, religious and other persecutions and discriminations, poverty and lack of jobs and youth bulge.

A common well-known expression for designating this complex is that of the "European migrant crisis". This expression means, approximatively, the increased influx of people from Muslim-majority countries trying to join the EU since 2014 across the Mediterranean Sea or overland through Southeast Europe. The most concerned countries of the EU are Greece and Italy as well as Hungary, Austria and Slovenia mainly in the role of transit countries and Germany, France and the UK as the most popular destination countries.

The European migrant crisis has had -unsurprisingly -a tremendous echo in the traditional news media as well as in the digital social mediasphere. Some data taken from the You Tube platform illustrates this enormous echo:

Key words

Approximate number of hits « European migrant crisis » More than 9.900 video hits « Refugee crisis » Almost 280.000 video hits « Immigrant » More than 1,1 million video hits « Immigration » More than 2,8 million video hits "Muslim immigrant" More than 8.500 video hits "Muslim refugee" Almost 17.000 video hits « Economic migrant » More than 110.000 video hits « Europe muslim immigration » Almost 600.000 video hits (Figure 1.1)

This quantitatively extremely impressive video production is realized by traditional information media (TV and news channels), NGO, associations, various political think tanks, religious and other charity organizations, political parties and, finally, a whole diversity of social movements, communities, informal groups and anonymous individuals.

On the You Tube platform which constitutes our principal research terrain, these videos are diffused and shared via "channels". Channels are small, user-generated and managed video portals hosted on the You Tube platform. They are shared by local, regional and sometimes even global communities of consumers who can (selectively) view and comment videos and discuss their opinions and ideas. Some of these channels are highly popular and aggregate several millions of consumers. Frequently, You Tube channels are followed by medium-sized communities of several thousands of people. However, YouTube video channels vary enormously with respect:

 to the quantity of offered videos (from some few videos to collections of hundreds of videos);  to the number of subscribed people (from less than 50 to several millions of subscribers);  to their active follow up (a considerable number of YouTube channels witness permanent follow up activities in line with their principal business while many other ones only possess an ephemeral existence);  to their presence in the "outer" digital and non-digital mediasphere (indeed, many You Tube channels are part of a whole communicational ecosystem belonging to, for instance, a TV channel, a news media, a political organization, a think tank, an NGO, an alternative social movement, and also individual bloggers branding themselves in the role of experts, trendsetters, influencers or digital stars).

It seems to be an obvious trend that to-day we (especially the younger generations, i.e. the so-called Millennials and Post-Millennials) spend more and more time connected with the social media platforms. For instance, following the website "SocialMedia Today" 2 , for the year 2016 it is estimated that the average time that people spent on their mobile phones is more than 4 hours per day. Of these 4 hours, almost 2 hours per day people spend connected to social media platforms. The most popular platforms are:

 You Tube (40 minutes per day),  Facebook (35 minutes 3 ),  Snapchat (25 minutes).

Extrapolated to an (average) lifetime of 66 years of exposure [START_REF]Elaboration of a kind of dictionary of typical audiovisual expressions that stage a theme, a role[END_REF] , this means that somebody spend (to-day) more than 5 years of his/her life on social media -and more than 7 years watching TV. Considering all these data, it seems to be rather obvious that the content produced by the videos and shared, commented and recommended by the numerous consumer communities of the You Tube platform must have a tremendous impact on the people's mindset, the people's imagination and visions of the world. We can indeed assume that this audiovisual content contributes massively to the production of identities, social and cultural identities and hence of the representation of the "same" and the "other".

With respect to this briefly outlined context, the general purpose of our research work is to understand of how audiovisual media (here: digital videos) produce and communicate images, representations of the (social) other and of how this object (i.e. the "social other") becomes a common cultural topic for smaller and bigger, local, regional or global virtual communities.

The notion "common topic" stands here for cultural models used as evidential, common sense truths and references:

1) for imagining, qualifying, understanding, judging the self and the other; 2) for narrating the self and the other; 3) for communicating about and with the other; 4) for acting upon the other and for interacting with the other.

As already stated, our principal empirical research domain is the You Tube platform -together with Facebook certainly one of to-day's most popular social media platforms -with its millions of (so-called main stream, personal, communitarian …) videos and video channels dealing: 1) more generally with migration and immigration, migrants and immigrants and emigration, and 2) more particularly with the European migrant crisis. The main objectives of this research work are: 2 http://www.socialmediatoday.com/marketing/how-much-time-do-people-spend-social-media-infographic 3 Following other sources -such as Business Insider France -the average time spent on FB is 50 minutes 4 For more detailed explanations: http://mediakix.com/2016/12/how-much-time-is-spent-on-social-medialifetime/#gs.e6U1Mqs 1. to view and to interpret a series of small corpora of YouTube videos dealing with the migration/immigration complex in general and the so-called European migrant crisis more particularly;

2. to describe the central cultural models -called topics or macro-topics -that these videos use for producing, diffusing and sharing representations or visions of the other (here: the migrant, the immigrant and the refugee) in relation to the self (called in our case study the Homelander inhabiting and "owning" a special territory called the Homeland which is represented in the analyzed videos by the USA, Australia and especially Europe or a European country like Italy, France, Hungary, the UK…);

3. to explain of how these topics or macro-topics constitute bricks of a global cultural system covering a diversity of (new) folk cultures offering especially millions of You Tube video channels subscribers all over the world an epistemic framework for thematizing and narrating the (social) Other (here: the migrant, the immigrant and the refugee);

4. to explain some key elements of the audiovisual language used in these video productions to communicate persuasively visions (ideas, values) and representations of the (social) Other (here: the migrant, the immigrant, the refugee) in relation to the Self (here: the Homelander and his Homeland).

5. to elaborate an explicit research methodology based on structural semiotics and discourse analysis for dealing with audiovisual corpora stored, manipulated and diffused on digital media platforms.

With respect to the general field of interculturality and intercultural communication, this research work aims to demonstrate that the (mobile) digital social mediasphere is a "laboratory" for understanding the emergence and evolution of collective mindsets and new forms of (socio-)cultural diversity of which salient characteristics are:

1. the constitution of smaller or bigger, ephemeral or more persistent, … cultural meaning ecosystems for social (local or global) communities which must be considered as new actors (stakeholders, producers, consumers, pressure groups, communicators …) in contemporary society;

2. the reference to consumer and brand cultures, life-style cultures, new gaming cultures and popular (mass) cultures produced and diffused by (web, tv, …) series, lifestyle events, storytelling, crowdsourced and user generated content and fiction, virtual experiences, etc.;

3. the remixing (rewriting) of main-stream media information, official public visions (of history, social welfare …) and of traditional sources of (scientific, expert) knowledge, (religious) believes and values with respect to these above quoted epistemic and axiological roots.

2) Analyzing, comparing and classifying video data 2.1) On video analysis

There are many different theories and approaches of video or film-analysis. In speaking of the possibility to produce an analysis of a video or a corpus of videos, we tacitly presuppose that a video (or a corpus of videos) is a text, is a meaningful whole of which the analysts seeks to describe and to explain the content -the "meaning" -of the text. In other words, an analysis of a video or a corpus of videos seeks to understand the purpose of a video, i.e. to understand what a video "tells us". The clarification of the purpose of the video text can be understood and approached from different points of view.

First, the purpose or the content of a video text can be understood as the message which the author of the video text seems to intend to deliver to a destine, to the reader of the text (to the viewer of the video understood as a text or, more precisely, as the physical and technical media support of an audiovisual text). "Author" and "reader/viewer" are roles which can be assumed and staged by one person (in this sense we speak, for instance, of an individual -authentified or anonymous -author) but also by a collectivity of persons. Working in this direction means to reconstruct the intended auctorial purpose. For doing this, the analyst relies in general on an explicit and fine-grained theory of the object "video text". But the analyst also will seek for other material traces which could help him to understand the intended meaning:

 comments of the author concerning his oeuvre,  other realizations of the author,  maybe interviews with the author,  critical reviews of the oeuvre of the author, and so on.

All these elements constitute together the author-scape, the textual environment [START_REF]More systematic work on the different narrative, rhetorical and discursive forms in audiovisual productions dealing with migration/immigration[END_REF] that, so to speak, materializes (potentially significant) traces of the auctorial meaning of a video (a corpus of videos produced by the same auctorial instance).

Second, the purpose or the content of a video text can be understood as the interpretation of this text by the reader (the viewer). In this second case, the analyst is more interested in the effects (and outcomes) of a video text. For instance, in working on the effects of You Tube videos on an identified community of people means, concretely speaking, to seek for, to localize annotations, comments of these people with respect to a chosen video text. It can also mean to "ask" them directly (via online surveys, for instance) to provide in some specified form a personal description or interpretation of the video text, to rewrite it, to produce a continuation of it, and so on. All these elements constitute the textual environment of the reader-and userscape, the materialization of (potentially significant) traces of the perceived and interpreted meaning of a video (or a corpus of a video).

Third, the purpose or the content of a video text can also be understood as belonging to a broader meaning sphere, i.e. to a cultural system. Working in this direction means to try to reconstruct the influence of a cultural meaning system on a chosen video text, to understand the position of the video text in the cultural meaning environment. A "culture" or "cultural meaning system" can concern very different phenomena:

 In analyzing You Tube videos staging the so-called European refugee crisis, one can be interested to reconstruct the meaning of these videos with respect to group specific cultures (for instance with respect to the culture of the Millennials or Post-Millennials).

 Another cultural reconstruction could concern the positioning of selected You Tube videos with respect to a given political culture (for instance, there are many videos belonging to the far-right meaning sphere, in French called fachosphere).

 A third cultural reconstruction could concern more particularly the digital media culture understood as an ecosystem in which people reuse already existing video and other material and rewrite the original narratives (we will see some examples later).

Cultural systems understood as meaning systems are indexed (or situated) with respect to a (social) actor: a person, a group, a population, a generation, an institution. In this sense, the different elements that enables the analyst to reconstruct (hypothetically) a cultural meaning system or "bricks" of a cultural meaning systems form (situated) actorscapes. Actorscapes are situated textual environments composed of signifying (material and "immaterial") objects that constitute perceptible traces of the actor's culture (his/her visions, believes, values, preferences, etc.). These three quoted directions in the description and interpretation of video texts are obviously related to each other and not mutually exclusive. Indeed, the reader-and user perspective of a video text obviously maintains a close relationship with the cultural perspective. A difference between these two approaches is that the third is more interested in the description and explanation of common sense meaning which form collectively shared ideas, believes and values of actors such as social groups (movements, parties, generations, …) whereas the second approach deals more particularly with the (broadly speaking) translation or conformation of an (auctorial) video content in order to attune it to the personal cultural framework of the reader/user -personal cultural framework which, however, belongs at least partially to a commonly shared one … In any case, from an epistemological point of view the author's, the reader's and the collectively shared meaning remain three distinct categories of meaning and should be kept separated also from a methodological point of view.

2.2) Corpus of video data

Usually, the term "audiovisual media" recovers -in the context of media studies -videos (films), still images, acoustic data, or a mix of these three categories of media. In this study we are mainly interested in films (movies) produced either by professional Medias (such as news Medias) or by any individual who wants to share content through this form of expression in using the one or the other of the existing social media platforms (in our case: the YouTube platform).

In the social medias we can observe besides the circulation of video content belonging to the traditional audiovisual genres, the production and sharing of new forms or genres of video and audiovisual montage. Representative traditional audiovisual genres (or "types") which have shaped the history of audiovisual content production and consumption during the 20 th century and which we can find also on the social media platforms like You Tube, are, for instance: TV news, TV programs, reportages, documentaries or again docufictions. Among recent forms and genres of audiovisual productions, we find web micro-movies (movies produced by an electronic device and with a duration of some seconds to some few minutes), hard-hitting webdocus, still or animated shorts, direct video recordings (of events, vox pops …) and especially remediatized or remediated videos -a broad category which includes (partial or complete) reruns of already diffused videos in a new media context and coupled with new communication intentions and hence modifying (sometimes also reinforcing) an initial message.

Figure 2.1 shows us examples of some of these new (and indeed rather fuzzy) audiovisual genres. Video 1, 2 and 3 in figure 2.1 are web micro-movies. Their common characteristic is that they are short (no longer than 6 minutes) and diffused on the web, via a social media platform. Another characteristic for these productions is the excessive use of post-synchronized instrumental and vocal music. As far as our study of the figure of migrant/immigrant is concerned, many of these productions are amateur produced film montages. The first one relates the story of a little boy who loses his family and home because of war; the second explains the reasons of the European refugee crisis. Finally, the sixth video (figure 2.1) is an entirely remixed, remediatized video, using extracts (segments) from various audiovisual sources to create a sort of documentary aiming at the objective to convince everybody that Europe, attacked by masses, by savage hordes of illegal immigrants, is in flame (we will discuss this kind of content in more detail hereafter; cf. chapter 10).

Channel

A concrete analysis of a video text is based in general not on a single video item but on a collection -a corpus -of relevant video data. "Relevant" means that the analyst has to localize and chose only those videos which could be considered as signifying traces -as documents -of the object of research. In speaking of video data, we want to emphasize the fact that a collection or corpus of video texts should cover (as far as possible) all above mentioned audiovisual genres:

1. traditional audiovisual genres (reportages, documentaries, TV news …); 2. new web based genres (web-films and series, micro-movies, remixed user-generated movies, interactive films, …); 3. amateur videos; 4. direct video recordings, etc. Moreover, a corpus of video data should also include comments and likes of readers/viewers and other related information (views of a video, reruns of a video on different channels, blogs, web pages, etc.).

2.3) The "interpretive reading" of video data

The interpretive reading [START_REF]underlying the drama in order to simulate different ways of telling it, of making it live using the video medium or any other media[END_REF] of a corpus of videos relies on a general semiotic model of describing audiovisual data. It targets, more particularly, the identification of remarkable or critical items, i.e. of items by the means of which the analyst (but also a reader or viewer) tries to understand the purpose -the meaning -of a video or a corpus of videos. Figure 2.2 offers us a small set of general types of remarkable objects that an analyst (an "expert reader") may use for localizing visually concrete specimen or items in the linear audiovisual flow (i.e. on the manifested linear multimodal textual sphere) of a video: isolated objects, people, scenes (i.e. activities), but also acoustic elements such as voice-over and voice-in comments and exchanges, music, sound effects, etc. More particularly, the expression "audiovisual objects" means here that the remarkability of an item is intrinsically based on the combined presence of visual and sound elements (for concrete examples, cf. hereafter, figure 2.3) whereas this is not necessarily the case for (dominantly) remarkable visual or sound objects. Remarkable objects are parts of shots and sequences.

Another category of remarkable items that an analyst (or "expert reader") may identify are shots (figure 2.2). A shot in filmmaking is a series of frames ("still images") that runs for a certain temporal period (i.e. in film production between the start and the stop of camera rolling; in film editing, between two cuts). As well known, there are diverse types of shots with respect to (filmed) field size, camera movement, camera position, film editing or duration of a shot.

A short belongs to one or more sequences. Sequences (figure 2.2) are thematic and narrative units in a film (or video) which contribute to the meaningful construction of a video in accordance with its (communicational) purpose. In selecting and linearizing sets of filmic shots, a sequence brings to the foreground a theme (or a configuration of themes). A theme offers one possible meaning, i.e. one possible vision or interpretation of an object (a series of objects) or a shot (a series of shots) composing a sequence.

Themes belong to one or more (macro-)topics. As already explained above, a (macro-)topic qualifies (defines) a possible common-sense model for interpreting the "world" (the self, the other, ….). (Macro-)topics constitute in this sense the semantic framework of cultural models situated with respect to and embodied a (social) actor (a person, a social group, an institution, a population, …).

Macro-topics and themes "nurture" the discourses and narratives that are developed progressively in a video by the means of sequences, shots and (audiovisual) objects for realizing a given purpose, for delivering a "message":

1) Discourse means here any kind of "talk" produced by an auctorial instance (an "author") about a "subject" (a thematized domain such as, for instance, the immigration in the USA; the refugee crisis in Europe, etc.) -a talk that uses not only verbal but also visual, acoustic and other elements. Concerning our research object, we meet various kinds of discourses or "talks": a. academic or so-called scientific discourse (relying on "facts", theories, expert knowledge, etc.); b. pro-refugee activist discourse (relying on the engagement and impassionate plea for solidarity with refugees leaving in disastrous conditions); c. anti-refugee activist discourse (relying on supposed horrific acts committed by the "savage hordes" invading homeland); d. news discourse typical for "neutral" main stream media (relying on relating so-called "acknowledged facts"); e. denunciative discourse used mainly in more recent tv and news media (relying on the revelation of hidden, scandalous, … "facts"); f. other genres of discourse.

2) Narrative means here more particularly the "story" related through a talk, by the means of a talk. For instance, concerning our research object, we have identified ten general macro-topics which unfold as many stories (or groups of stories): a. one highly important group of stories is that of the immigrant as an invader, as a destructive agent who menaces the homeland and the homelanders (= group of stories belonging to the macro-topic n° 7; cf. hereafter chapter 11); b. another group of stories -totally opposed to the group of stories belonging to the 7 th macro-topic -is that of immigrants who contribute, thanks to their demanding work and skills, to the enrichment and the evolution of homeland (group of stories belonging to the 5 th macro-topic; cf. hereafter, chapter 10); c. a third group of stories is that of the immigrant as an infelicitous stranger who struggles desperately to join the borders of homeland (group of stories unfolded through macro-topic N° 3; chapter 7); d. etc.

3) Purpose means here the (supposed or declared) communicational objective of a video. Analogous with the three basic types of objectives in commercials, the videos dealing with the domain migration/immigration typically either wants to bring something (about this domain) to the knowledge of the reader/viewer, or intends to call on the emotions, affects, values of the reader/viewer, or again intends to trigger a reaction from the reader/viewer.

Let us summarize: the expressions remarkable (audiovisual, visual or acoustic) objects, shots, sequences and staging features stresses the fact that the perceivable linear audiovisual flow contains a series of hotspots. Such hotspots hypothetically offer the analyst an access to the meaning-sphere of a video or again in other words: they enable the analyst to interpret this linear audiovisual flow as the perceivable expression and staging of a meaning (a "vision") and a purpose (a "message").

The remarkable objects localized in the linear audiovisual flow of a video can vary from one analyst to another, from one reader to another. The interpretative reconstruction of a set of localized remarkable or critical objects can also vary with respect to, for instance, the cultural references of the interpreter, his/her technical knowledge, etc.

These interpretative variations are "normal" and foreseeable, are "simply" expressions of the high cultural diversity of the actors (individuals, groups, …) who produce, receive, consume and reuse media products in form of videos. However, the fact that we understand that there exist variations also means that there must exist commonalities which are tacitly shared or presupposed by these different interpretations.

In this sense a semiotic description usually tends to produce a hypothetical interpretive model of the meaning of videos which indeed only can be considered as a hypothesis to be tested and adapted through further analysis, through further empirical and experimental work.

In our case, we want to explain the meaning universe of a corpus of audiovisual productions in form of a series of main-topics that underlie these productions and which are also at least tacitly used as a common frame by the readers. The model we offer of this meaning universe is certainly not "perfect" but it offers at least a first basis for understanding the production and interpretation of thousands of videos dedicated to one of the to-day's hottest subjects, i.e. the problem of immigration from "poor" countries to "rich" countries and, more particularly, the so-called (political, religious, economic, …) refugee crisis in Europe.

But we also will see, that a semiotic description can favor other aspects than that of a hypothetical reconstruction of a common meaning universe. It can, for instance:

1. focus on a common "dictionary" of typical remarkable visual, acoustic and audiovisual objects used to elaborate the specific meaning and message for a concrete video;

2. be interested in the identification and classification of typical sequences, i.e. syntagmatic structures following which the linear audiovisual flow is structured and dramatized;

3. work on typical audiovisual rhetorical figures (putting together, so to speak, visual and acoustic items with thematic and discursive ones) in order to emphasize, to insist on a specific message to be delivered (for instance, videos intending to persuade us that Europe is invaded by wild hordes of immigrants and videos intending to persuade us that the masses of immigrants seeking a new life in Europe are peaceful people and people "like you and me", use both the same visual items, i.e. "the masses of people". But in the first case, masses are shown as compact ones (like "dark armies"), running, crying, attacking, etc. whereas in the second case, masses are shown as porous, composed of individuals and small groups (of friends, families), walking, interacting peacefully with local people, etc.). Before considering a concrete example, let us stress also the point that the description of a video text localizes, identifies and processes (compares, classifies, describes, …) only those elements in the video text which are critical, which possess a relevance, an interest (i.e. a value) for the analyst. The above identified categories of critical items can help the analyst to systematize his interpretive reading and to minimize the risk to oversee potentially interesting aspects in a video text. But the final decision if a data is remarkable -critical -depends on the competence, the intelligence of the analyst. To decide if something is critical, is an interpretive decision which seems a priori to be difficult to "automatize" (what doesn't mean that this process could not be simulated in the sense, for instance, of a computer simulation!). Indeed, the video analyst (and any analyst of textual data in general) fulfills a role which can be compared, analogically speaking, with that of a detective looking for relevant -critical -traces that help him to reconstruct, for instance, the scene of a crime.

(Figure 2.3) Figure 2.3 shows us a graphical representation of the different elements that an interpretive reading of a video or a corpus of videos can take into consideration in order to reconstruct its meaning, its message. The proposed model suggests that the text of a video should be considered as a stratified whole, i. e., as a whole composed of a set of strata comprising the ten strata identified in figure 2.3. The different strata are positioned in relation to the timeline of the audiovisual flow. The "hotspots" we have talked about above are the moments or intervals at which -for the reader, the viewer -"something happens" on one or more strata simultaneously. A "good" film scenario defines these "hotspots" and audiovisual tactics upstream to lock the viewer's attention on the previously defined "hotspots". This is the case, of course, in fiction films, but also in commercials, propaganda films, documentaries, etc.

From an analytical point of view, the above graphical model can be used as a methodological guide, a questionnaire to be used to "query" a video or video corpus. The model shown in figure 2.3 can be refined, but as it stands, it is sufficient for our work.

2.4) Example of an interpretive video reading

Let us consider the concrete example of a reportage produced by The Guardian and diffused on the You Tube platform with the title "We walk together: A Syrian family's journey to the heart of Europe" [START_REF]Develop the approach of a semiotics of culture semiotic based on the notion of thematic and narrative topics expressed and staged through multimodal, multisensorial textscapes[END_REF] . This documentary of 17 minutes has been diffused the first time the 10 th of September 2015 and has been viewed till the end of September 2017 more than 400.000 times. It relates us the history of a journalist (presumably working for The Guardian) who joins a Syrian family in Budapest and who accompanies them and other thousands of refugees in their way from Budapest to Vienna (Austria) and Munich (Germany).

Let us try to identify a small corpus of critical items which could help us to understand the intended meaning, the purpose of this video (from the auctorial perspective). For this, we will consider the following 5 categories of remarkable elements and we only will analyze the first 8 minutes of the reportage: 1. audiovisual evidences (i.e. remarkable audiovisual objects), 2. visual evidences (i.e. remarkable visual objects), 3. acoustic evidences (i.e. remarkable visual objects), 4. syntagmatic constructions (i.e. remarkable sequences).

Figure 2.3 shows us a simplified but structured table that identifies a series of remarkable data "manually" extracted from the video. The data are approximatively located with respect to the timeline of the video. The description is not complete. Only the first 8 minutes of the video have been -roughly -analyzed. The table itself is constituted of five columns:

1. the first column identifies the main categories of remarkable data we want to localize; 2. the second column identifies the approximative temporal location of identified data 3. the third column indicates the identified and approximatively localized data; 4. the fourth column categories the identified data with respect to broader thematic (and functional) categories; 5. the fifth column offers some explanations or arguments of the criticality of an extracted data;

i.e. some interpretive reasons why these data are remarkable (as the table of figure 2.3 shows us, these explanations and arguments presuppose in general some familiarity with the content of a corpus of video -a video analysis without any comparative consideration is not feasible).

Category

(Figure 2.3)
The various elements listed in Figure 2.3 represent only a small part of the data extracted or reconstructed from the documentary in question. Similarly, we prefer not to stabilize completely the "Thematic data category" column. This column can be used in two complementary ways:

1. either by reference to a list of topics already identified, defined and described in a precedent analysis of a corpus of videos to which belongs the video under analysis (in our case, the documentary "We walk together: A Syrian family's journey to the heart of Europe"); 2. or as a heuristic to gradually elaborate the major topics (themes, narrations, discourses …) that seem to characterize the universe of meaning of a corpus of videos on which one is working.

To take the case of our study, we have identified and described ten major thematic and narrative topics that seem to largely determine the content of audiovisual productions dedicated to the migrant/immigrant complex and which we will discuss below. These ten topics are used, among other things, to fill in the "Topic data category" column to identify whether a video belongs to one or more topics. We did not do it systematically in our example represented by figure 2.3 so as not to anticipate our discussion of this family of macro-topics (cf. the second section of this paper). In checking the identified items, the purpose of this documentary seems:

1. to show immigrants not only in their role of refugees, but also of parents, brothers, sisters, fathers, friends, of caretakers, -as somebody like "you and me"; 2. to show that this is not an "invasion" but -contrarily -a long and peaceful march to freedom; 3. to encourage an appropriate behavior from "our" side (as demonstrated by different

Hungarians in this film) in feeling empathy with people who are grateful and respectful.

As we will see in the second section of this study, this documentary is nurtured mainly by two thematic and narrative macro-topics i.e. cultural models for representing and interacting with migrants/immigrants):

 the third macro-topic "Attempts of the infelicitous Stranger to reach and and to establish in the desired Homeland";  the ninth macro-topic "Understanding and empathy between Homelander and infelicitous Stranger". To conclude this little example, let's note that this video develops several discourses including the following two:

1. a discourse of testimony with the purpose to show us that the refugees who arrive en masse in Europe are "people like you and me", who interact peacefully with the "locals" and in no way with "wild hordes" who would threaten Europe; 2. a discourse denouncing the attitude of "certain policies" (here: of the Hungarian government) which want to make Europe a fortress and push back the refugees at its borders.

3) You Tube video channels and other small media ecosystems

The concrete videos are produced; diffused, interpreted, consumed and reused in on one or more media ecosystems. One kind of media ecosystem is the You Tube video channel. There are millions of You Tube video channels and thousands of You Tube video channels exclusively dedicated to the production and sharing of video content dedicated to the migration/immigration complex and there are even hundreds of You Tube channels which are dealing mainly (not always exclusively) with the so-called European migrant crisis.

A media ecosystem, simply speaking, is built of media resources (such as films or photos) produced, diffused and shared by social actors (individuals, groups, institutions, …) with the help of technical devices; it is situated within a more global sociocultural and historical context and contributes to the building, spreading and consumption of images, visions, values, ideas, believes and so on.

One interesting point to be stressed here is that there exist, on the You Tube platform, of course video channels belonging to so-called main-stream social actors such as TV and news channels, Intergovernmental Organizations, think tanks, etc. But there also exists also a huge quantity of video channels produced by just anybody. Some of these channels are extremely popular, are followed by thousands even millions of subscribers forming new virtual -fan, style of life, convictional …communities all over the world; many of them are small and very small, sometimes ephemeral ecosystems but constitute together a moving textscape (mediascape) expressing, representing new folk cultures. These new folk cultures are highly influenced by the digital gaming culture, consumer-brand cultures, the omnipresence of tv and web serials and soaps and new categories of "influencers", "trendsetters" and trusted authorities who don't belong anymore to the traditional social environment of which the main mission has been the production and transmission of knowledge, values and information.

For example, one of the main narrative macro-topics we will meet hereafter is The Menaced homeland macro-topic. This macro-topic constitutes a meaning resource for producing a variety of stories (cf. chapter 2.3) talking us about:  the aggression by a "stranger agent" (= the "(im)migrant" …) of a territory which is the "homeland" of the narrator;  the danger to see destroyed all traditional values and institutions by the "stranger agent";  the glorious reaction against this aggression by the "hero of homeland";  the betrayal of an interior inimical agent (= the "elite", the "liberal politician", the "mainstream media" …), etc.

All these possible (and in most cases realized) specific types of stories are realized in a vast number of videos in form of original videos or remixed ones, micro-movies, hard-hitting web-docus or more "traditional" audiovisual genres such as news, documentaries or reportages8 .

The Menaced Homeland macro-topic belongs itself to the noospshere ("meaning-sphere") framing a whole cultural ecosystem which is designated by an avalanche of terms such as "fachosphere", "far-right", "(neo-)fascist", "(neo-)nazi", "xenophobic", "identitarian", "racist", "chauvinist", "nativist", "populist", "anti-democratic", etc. This global media ecosystem is composed of an important number of You Tube channels. Many of them represent anonymous, sometimes ephemeral, small or mediumsized channels (composed of communities of 10 to 500 subscribers and offer between no more than 10 videos up to 50 …). But there also exists an important number of channels which obviously belong to and are financed by social activist movements, "think tanks", politically one-sided news media, etc. promoting for instance the conviction that "white" US-Americans and more generally the Western nations risk to disappear especially because of an imaginary invasion of Muslims in Europe or North-America and also because of inner enemies represented by the "mainstream media", "liberal" or socialist politicians like Angela Merkel or Hilary Clinton, NGO engaged in humanitarian missions, etc 9 . Such assertions constitute together the evidential truth which serves as an epistemic and axiological resource for selecting, producing, diffusing, sharing relevant audiovisual data and for commenting and judging audiovisual data and other textual data by the subscribers.

In this sense, social media platforms like the You Tube constitute, in our opinion, excellent research fields and offer highly relevant corpora of data documenting to-day's social imaginary (social imagination). Studies in "social imaginary" (or imagination) are interested in what people -out of main-stream media and political elites but certainly influenced by them -believe and think to-day of events, objects, people, … that are part of and constitute their daily life.

The basic problem of identity and alterity has been managed in modern history through general and collectively binding cultural frameworks which shape namely:

 "ethnical" communities (conceived and elaborated on the basic meaning distinction between natives and strangers);  religious communities (conceived and elaborated on the basic meaning distinction between believers and nonbelievers (the "infidel", the "pagan", …));  political communities (conceived and elaborated on the basic meaning distinction between citizens and foreigners);  socially stratified communities (conceived and elaborated on the basic meaning distinction between the dominating group (the "elite", the "privileged", the "cultivated", the "upper class", the "bourgeoisie" …) and the dominated group (the "mass", the "lower class", the "bumpkin", the "under-privileged", the "proletarian", …).

This complex of binding cultural frameworks, we call traditional and main-stream cultural diversity. Through the social media platforms seems to emerge a new genre of cultural diversity in form of personal and (informal) group-specific cultural frameworks. These personal and (informal) group-specific cultural frameworks borrow and assimilate elements of the "official", the "main stream" culture & history" but in reinterpreting and remixing them with many other elements originating especially from:  popular mass media culture (TV, movie fiction, music, …);  digital video gaming culture;  consumer-brand cultures;  digital word-of-mouth culture.

These personal and group-specific cultural frameworks design indeed a new landscape of cultural diversity. They form a kind of "new" folk culture diversity which offers new meaning horizons and resources for a huge quantity and variety of social actors who no longer identify themselves with the "official culture" considered as an elitist one, irrelevant for their problems, needs and desires. We assume indeed the hypothesis that this new "folk culture":  forms indeed in itself an extremely heterogeneous and even contradictory complex of local cultural ecosystems;  tends to supplant the "official culture" in the daily life of the concerned people (i.e. mainly the younger generations and active users of the social media platforms);  and creates a rather specific field of intercultural tensions, i.e. of tensions between -to put it simply -those who refer to the "official culture" and those who refer to the one or the other variant of the quoted new folk culture.

Introduction and definitions

In this section, we will develop in a more detailed way a family of thematic and narrative main topics that frame the content -the purposes and messages -of an important portion of videos produced and shared on You Tube (and presumably other social media platforms) related to the migration/immigration complex and -more specifically -to the so-called European migrant crisis.

In analyzing more particularly a corpus of more than 150 videos and 100 video channels (understood here, as already explained in the last chapter, as small media worlds of meaning ecosystems), we have identified the recurrent presence of ten such main macro-topics. These topics constitute semantic bricks of a highly diversified meaning universe which seems to be characteristic for the production, diffusion and sharing of messages about:  migrants and migration, more particularly immigrants and immigration,  and the relationship between migrants/immigrants and the "homelanders", i.e. those who inhabit the territory that constitutes the desired destination of migrants/immigrants.

What do we understand more precisely under the term "(thematic and narrative) macro-topic"? As we have developed it elsewhere in more detail 10 , a topic is a locus (or model) of knowledge which offers a meaning, a sense -or again a "view" -of the world or of some problematic part of it.

In other words, and in referring to the object of our study, a topic thematizes visions, ideas, convictions, appreciations, etc. of migrants and immigrants, of migration and immigration, of the relationship between migrants/immigrants and the "homelander", of the place and trajectory of migrants/immigrants in "homeland", etc.

As a locus of knowledge, a topic is a commonplace (i.e. a common-sense model of the worldin our case: of migrants/immigrants and migration/immigration) for people who refer to this locus, who believe in this locus (i.e. who trust it, who hold on it), who share this locus and who use it. As a common-sense model in which people trust, a topic acquires a sort of regulative and normative status: everyone who believes in a topic, expects from the others who also believe in it, an attitude and behavior which are conform with the meaning, with the ideas, values, etc. belonging to the topic.

In other words, the ten thematic and narrative macro-topics, we will discuss hereafter, form epistemic reference models which are shared and developed by quantities of videos circulating on the YouTube platform, in one or more of its media ecosystems called channels. The producers (authors) and "consumers" of these videos constitute a (local, regional or global) community of beliefs (i.e. an epistemic community). As members of a community of beliefs, the producers and "consumers" trust in and share the one or the other of the ten narrative macro-topics.

The distinction between "macro-topic" and "topic" is purely operational. It stresses the fact that a topic can be localized on small and short segments of a video as well as constitute a common theme or strand on the level of a whole video and beyond, i.e. on the level of whole video productions, collections, programs, etc.

The expression "thematic macro-topic" means here that each macro-topic is constituted of a set more specialized themes while the expression "narrative macro-topic" stresses the fact that a topic possesses not only a thematic but also a functional meaning, and this on both distinct levels:

1. first it offers the thematic and figurative material for a diversity of potential stories; 2. second it joins other topics to form larger, more inclusive narratives. Let us take the example of the (externally) Menaced Homeland macro-topic we will discuss more in detail hereafter (cf. chapter 11). This topos is typical for far-right, anti-migrant/immigrant positions. It thematizes visions:

 of the immigrant as a sort of a savage, uncultivated invader who acts as a destructive external agent (i.e. as a destructive Stranger) who attacks and endangers the culture of Homeland and the authentic Homelander as well;  of the (female) authentic Homelander as a treasure of Homeland tradition to be protected;  of former Homelander as glorious warriors and heroes;  of the (political, economic, intellectual, …) elite as "false" homelanders who act as a Traitor;  of typical interactions between the authentic Homelander and the destructive Stranger in form of brutal attacks and aggressions of defenseless local people committed by immigrants and refugees,  of religious rituals belonging to the "anti-culture" of the destructive Stranger as angst-inducing, frightening ceremonies which take place within the territory of Homeland, etc.

In offering this thematic material, a diversity of stories can be conceived and developed by videos which diffuse, communicate the same basic message or purpose: "immigrants (especially immigrants coming from Middle East or from Africa and with a Muslim background) are invaders and will destroy Europe (and, of course, North America as well)".

In short, the thematic material offered by a topic is functionally more or less well adapted for producing specific types or genres of narratives in form of chronicles, portraits of people and populations, reportages, dramas, etc. The thematic material offered by the Menaced Homeland macro-topic constitute, so to speak, the feed for thousands of reportages, docudramas, user-generated fictions, etc. These productions are rooted in a presupposed, tacitly trusted truth which is grounded on the belief that strangers are different from homelanders, that among strangers there are those who want to destroy the traditions and the culture of the homelander (and the homelander as well), that immigrants from Middle East and Africa with Muslim background belong to this category of strangers and that, hence, the homelander either let them enter and risks to disappear or resists in banishing them, forcing them out of menaced homeland.

However, it would be difficult to use this same thematic material for producing dramas, portraits, reportages, etc. which develops the basic message: Immigrants enrich and empowers the homeland! This message belongs, indeed, to another thematic and narrative macro-topic we will meet hereafter, i.e. The infelicitous Stranger enriches and empowers the Homeland macro-topic (cf. hereafter, chapter 10).

4) A small family of major thematic and narrative topics

As already mentioned, in studying a corpus of about 150 videos and 100 video channels, we have identified ten thematic and narrative macro-topics commonly used for dealing with the figures of migrant, immigrant or refugee and, more generally, with the migration/immigration complex.

Together, these ten narrative macro-topics form functional "bricks" that belong to a global narrative we call the "Homelander-stranger drama for inhabiting and shaping homeland". This drama produces indeed an enormous variety of stories diffused through thousands and thousands of videos (and other media) which nurture local, regional and global epistemic communities (communities of belief) composed of thousands and millions of people.  the infelicitous and the free Stranger, the Stranger prepared to take risks, the forfeited Stranger, the destructive and the constructive Stranger, …  the needy and the fortunate Homelander, the assaulted Homelander, the old and the new Homelander, the true and the false Homelander, the uncivil Homelander, the unjustly fallen Homelander, …  the prosperous and the (internally) endangered or (externally) threatened Homeland, the desired and the denied Homeland, … 4) a series of significant processes (actions, interactions, …) engaging both roles with respect to their relationship to the homeland.

The label Homeland (figure 4.1) designates a controversial territory (which can be a country, a region, an urban or a rural space, …) which constitutes the main issue between two actors -the Homelander and the Stranger. The label Homelander designates any person, group, movement, profession, … who occupies the Homeland, who has fashioned (i.e. cultivated) it and who owns a right over the territory. The Stranger designates any person, group or movement attempting to join Homeland and to establish there.

The qualifications of Homeland, Homelander and Stranger are modulations reflecting topical specificities or communalities. For instance, one central modulation is that of the Stranger as an infelicitous Stranger (vs free Stranger): the infelicitous Stranger is forced to leave his/her original place for distinct reasons: poverty, persecution, war, etc.

The majority of the ten macro-topics deals indeed with the infelicitous Stranger. However, in certain topics, the Stranger receives another qualification. For instance, in the sixth macro-topic (The Menaced Homeland macro-topic), the Stranger receives the qualification of a destructive Stranger, and in the tenth macro-topic the Stranger is presented as the free Stranger, i.e. as an autonomous subject who choses freely, with respect to his own interests, a (temporary) new Homeland.

The label significant processes (figure 4.1) in this context means that there exist a certain diversity of actions, interactions and social practices which are regularly thematized by the one or the other of the ten macro-topics to narrate either the fortune of (im)migrants attempting to join the new Homeland and to establish there or the polemic or consensual interactions between local people (the Homelander) and immigrants. Significant processes in this context typically belong to: .2 shows us the list of the ten thematic and narrative macro-topics framing the cultural visions and images of the migration/immigration complex prevailing in the You Tube social media ecosystem. Each one of these topics articulate, as already stated, visions and values which stand for specific cultural models. People refer to these cultural models to understand and to explain the migration/immigration and migrant/immigrant complex, to imagine and to narrate it, to judge it, to assume a certain attitude concerning this complex and, finally, to engage socially in line with the visions and values of a chosen cultural model.

1) The first topic is entitled "To move and to be moved is a human condition -people are Homelander and Stranger as well". This topic thematizes visions and values including especially those of an "objective knowledge", of an "assumed reality", of "(scientific or expert) truth" and of "moral authority". The basic message of this topic, is that migration (and hence immigration) is intrinsic to human history even though there always have been social movements and resistances against people coming from elsewhere. Conformably to this vision, the appropriate attitude and behavior is to understand, to explain and to teach this phenomenon, to consider people who temporarily habits the role of Stranger simply as people "like you and me"

2) The second topic, entitled "Stranger's reasons to leave original Homeland", promotes mainly two completely different visions of why people leave their home: the first thematizes and narrates stories of people who are forced to leave their home, who leave it against their will, who have to assume the hard experience of the infelicitous Stranger searching desperately a new Homeland; the second vision thematizes and narrates stories of people who chose freely, following their desires and interests to leave their home and to establish in a new Homeland which offers them "good opportunities" to satisfy their life plans. The basic message of this topic that we should consider the motives or reasons why somebody leaves his home in order to be able to understand the meaning of this decision. More particularly, concerning the migration/immigration complex in the context of the so-called European refugee crisis, the basic message is here that the mobile of (im)migration are bad, infelicitous initial conditions that push the Stranger to leave his native place (a counter-argument against the that advanced in the macro-topic; cf. hereafter).

3) The third topic entitled "Attempts of the infelicitous Stranger to reach and to establish in the desired Homeland", promotes visions and values of a deep belief in and hope for a better life and liberty. It thematizes and narrates the infelicitous Stranger as a subject who hasn't any choice than attempting to join new Homeland. These attempts to reach the desired new Homeland are not simply spatial moves from one place to another, they constitute much more perilous paths full of danger. Sometimes the infelicitous Stranger is a lucky subject (when he succeeds to reach the desired Homeland), often he is unlucky, a tragic subject who loses his life in wanting to change his initial infelicitous conditions (cf. second macro-topic). One basic message that unveils this third topic is that mistreated and unfortunate man(kind) sooner or later "stands up against adversity".

( 4) The fourth topic is called "The Homelander welcomes and admits the infelicitous Stranger in Homeland". It deserves mainly a cultural model that articulates visions and values of hospitality, open-mindedness and magnanimity. The basic message here is that one should open his home to anybody who comes from elsewhere, from abroad and who, furthermore, is in need. In accordance with this vision, the appropriate behavior is to open the door to the infelicitous Stranger, to people who are migrants/immigrants against their will, and to facilitate them their arrival at the new Homeland.

5) The fifth topic called "The infelicitous Stranger" joins Homeland and tries to become a new Homelander", articulates a cultural model including visions and values which are based on the diligence, the industry of infelicitous Stranger, of people having been forced to leave their home country, the capacity of these people to adapt and to transform themselves in a new Homelander.

The grown, the old Homelander must appreciate these foreign people. The infelicitous Stranger becoming a new Homelander is himself proud of this evolution, of his life's work. This value of a life's work achievement to become a new Homelander alludes also the maxim of "we are a community, after all, whether we like it or not" and which translates in a common-sense the Kantian imperative of the "ungesellige Geselligkeit" 11 . Conform attitudes and behavior with respect to this cultural model include the evidence that one must rely on the other as far as the other belongs to the same community -the Homelander community.

6) The sixth topic is entitled "The infelicitous Stranger" enriches and empowers Homeland". It thematizes and narrates visions and values related to the "empowerment" and "enrichment" of present Homeland and more particularly to the "utility" of the infelicitous Stranger for present Homeland (in the sense that the infelicitous Stranger is utile for the evolution of the old Homelander and the present Homeland) -a typically common-sense reasoning for promoting interculturality as a value, as an ideology. The basic message here is that migration/immigration is good because it deserves the prosperity of local people and their territory.

7) The seventh topic is entitled "The (externally) menaced Homeland: assaulted Homelander against destructive Stranger". It occupies a specific place within the ten examined macro-topics in the sense that it thematizes and narrates the fortune of migrants/immigrants in focusing on the latter as destructive Stranger that invade present Homeland with the intention to become the new Homelander in replacing (physically) the grown, the old Homelander. Typically, stories nurtured by this seventh macro-topic develop and stage visions and values referring to the traditional distinction between an inner and an outer world whereas the inner world is the home (the hearth) and the outer world a terrific, eerie one full of destructive agents against which the members of the home must stay together, united, with dignity and aware of the uniqueness of their hearth.

8) The title of the eighth topic is "The infelicitous Stranger lives in inaccessible Homeland excluded and in distress". This topic thematizes and narrates stories of exclusion and confinement of the infelicitous Stranger in the desired Homeland, in other words: of people having been forced to leave their home country and who are now forced to spend their days in secluded and secured spaces amidst Homeland -secluded spaces from which they risk being sent back to their original place.

9) The ninth topic entitled "Understanding and empathy between Homelander and infelicitous Stranger", develops visions and values based on the promotion of empathy and mutual comprehension. This topic promotes -thematizes and narrates -visions and values of pity, compassion, "mercy" for everyone who is "in need", here for the infelicitous Stranger. The basic message is "help the other in distress".

10) Finally, the tenth topic is completely different from all the other ones and plays only an ephemeral role in the mediatization of the European migrant crisis. It develops indeed visions and values of the free Stranger, of the wealthy stranger, of the stranger who possesses resources lacking in Homeland trying to attract him, of the opportunistic individualist who deliberately exploits facilities of Homeland. The basic message of the stories nurtured by this ninth topic is "Take your life. It's yours".

Besides these ten macro-topics, figure 4.2 identifies again two other ones which we don't develop here further but which play however a significant role of how media ecosystems and audiovisual productions exploit, use the global narrative we have entitled the "Homelander-Stranger drama for inhabiting and shaping homeland" drama. The 11 th macro-topic is called the Expert produces a frame for understanding the world macro-topic. In our case, it is the journalist (the reporter, …) who gives us the necessary information for the correct interpretation of what is related and staged in video. Naturally, this macro-topic can be used by everybody -journalists, politicians, researchers, prophets, any Joe sixpack believing to know the "truth", etc. The consequence is that of competing, mutually excluding versions and cultural visions of a thematized and staged event. The problem is then for the reader/the viewer of a video of how to hierarchize between different competing, mutually exclusive versions and visions of a thematized and staged event? And this leads to of what some good marketers and sensationalists call an info-war.

Finally, the 12 th macro-topic entitled "The Narrator relates of a world full of striking events" serves to motivate -and to justify tacitly -the fact that video productions and media ecosystems (such as You Tube channels) thematize and narrates stories like those contained in the ten first macro-topics, i.e. stories about migration/immigration and immigrants/migrants. After all, one could judge that this "complex" is not worthwhile to be related at all in the one or the other way as offered by the ten macrotopics. And there are obviously millions of audiovisual productions and thousands of media ecosystems (in form, for instance of You Tube channels) which don't at all thematize the migration/immigration complex in general and the so-called European refugee crisis, in particular.

We will now discuss synthetically each one of the ten thematic and narrative macro-topics framing the understanding of the migration/immigration complex. The general structure of our discussion will be based on the following guidelines: 1) Typical characteristics of the meaning and discourse universe of a macro-topic; 2) Presentation and discussion of a small corpus of videos; 3) Explanation of eventual relationships between the different macro-topics. This is a very first discussion of the ten macro-topics which possesses its obvious conceptual and empirical limits. It is the objective of an ongoing research work to produce a more explicit and satisfying framework for describing, comparing and finally interpreting audiovisual productions nurtured by the "Homelander-Stranger drama for inhabiting and shaping homeland".

5) The first macro-topic:

To move and to be moved is a human condition -people are Homelander and Stranger as well

5.1) Some general features

The "To move and to be moved is a human condition" topic frames, i.e. thematizes and narrates the migration/immigration, migrant/immigrant complex from the point of view that migration:

 is a phenomenon that first must be analyzed and understood, i.e. for which there are exists explainable reasons;

 is a phenomenon which is central to and common in human history;  produces complex situations which must be handled with empathy and humanity.

This topic shapes, globally speaking, the vision of human history as a permanent, free or forced, local or global flux of people. It forms the background of one of the dominant discourses of YouTube science channels and of a series of channels belonging to important intergovernmental organizations (UNO, IOM, …). Developing the basic message that migration (and hence immigration) is intrinsic to human history, the universe of discourse deployed through this topic is also representative of a to-day's commonly shared vision in social and human sciences.

Typical audiovisual genres staging this first macro-topic are scholar, scientific and especially pedagogical ones and takes the form of (animated) courses, historical documentaries, academic conferences and debates, etc.

Typical thematic developments are based on historical, demographic, social, economic, … themes by the means of which migration is presented and explained. One central and recurrent scientific theme is the "pull-and push" theme, i.e. the fact that migration/immigration is based on "push"-factors (= the reasons why people leave their place) and "pull"-factors (= the reasons why people choose a target place).

Typical narratives developing this repertory of themes offered by the first macro-topic are, for instance, historical reconstructions of waves of immigration, of the settling of "new" territories (like those of to-day's Australia, Canada, USA, …), scientific and pedagogical explanations, etc.

From the (visual) rhetorical point of view, the videos developing this topic are using, unsurprisingly, scientific experts, archival documents, statistics, etc.

From an intertextual point of view, it is noticeable that the "To move and to be moved is a human condition" topic is regularly used by the other nine key topics as an argumentative back up (for the seventh topic, the (externally) Menaced Homeland topic, it constitutes unsurprisingly the perfect example of a fake argument …).

5.2) Presentation of a small corpus of selected videos

Figure 5.1 represents a very small corpus of four videos that are typical examples of the universe of discourse deployed by the "To move and to be moved is a human condition" topic. As already mentioned, the thematic and narrative content of these (and similar) videos develops typically:

 the reasons why people move;  the fact that human history is a succession of (mainly forced) movements of masses of people;  the vision or image of the migrant (immigrant, …) as somebody who basically seeks opportunities to survive and to realize his life-project(s).

In this sense, potentially everybody is a migrant. As already stressed, most of videos nurtured by this macro-topic are scholar productions (broadly speaking), have a pedagogical orientation/objective and are often backed up by the presence of (the voice of) experts and researchers working in formally recognized higher education and research institutions (universities, …).

Channel

Video Summary Animation explaining the reasons of massive immigration from Syria, the few consequences of this immigration for Europe and the appeal to maintain an open-minded attitude (Figure 5.1)

Let us have a closer look on the video entitled Migration -Why do people migrate? (Figure 5.1). It is a rather popular animation (almost 70.000 views since October 2015), produced by Steven Heath, author of the website "Geographer Online" and diffused on the same-named YouTube video channel. It explains the basic reasons of migration in using the technique of writing down "on a white board" progressively (i.e. following the linear flow of the video) the key elements and in offering some characteristic and simple visual illustrations. The whole explanation is accompanied by a charming and peaceful melody. One of the central moments in this animation is situated at the end of the animation (i.e. between time point 02:47 and time point 3:14) where the author introduces two remarkable visual illustrations: the first shows us the human brain and second the human heart. This specific textual configuration of temporal and visual signs obviously has the communicational mission (or objective) to exhort us to have an intelligent and open-hearted view on (im)migrants (figure 5.2). This clearly targets other narrative macro-topics and more particularly the ninth macro-topic, i.e. the Understanding and Empathy between the Homelander and the infelicitous Stranger topic.

In other words, this textual configuration expresses or stages the fact that "migration is a global issue" which cannot be denied (it constitutes an intrinsic phenomenon of human history (= first macrotopic) and that, hence, people who concretely experience this condition (here: the infelicitous Stranger) must be treated with empathy and comprehension (= ninth macro-topic). This argumentative link between the first topic and the ninth topic seems to be motivated by a presupposed, assumed cultural vision of enlightenment, viz. of education which favors understanding, openness and tolerance. This general vision is obviously not restricted to the migration/immigration issue and forms a sort of belief in science (and critical thinking) as a guideline, as a policy for moral behavior.

(Figure 5.2) An interesting exemplification of the message of this animation is the podcast produced by the UN Agency IOM (International Organization of Migration) entitled "World on the Move" (figure 5.1). In this podcast immigrants/refugees from all over the world hold the floor and speak about what should be retained mainly from their own experience as immigrant/refugee offering a lot of concrete examples for the above mentioned "pull and push"-theme. A striking (critical) moment in this podcast (located around 08:12) is the direct interpellation of the young people viewing this video by one of the experts to engage them for a save, sure, orderly migration/immigration. In this sense, this podcast joins messages produced under the fourth topic, i.e. the topic entitled The Homelander welcomes and admits the infelicitous Stranger at Homeland. Let us stress, by the way, that the direct interpellation of the targeted public by a person playing the role of a (moral, scientific, political, …) authority at a specific temporal moment in the linear flux of a film, is another typical textual configuration frequently used to constitute a sort of direct connection between the "authors" of a film and the spectator and to produce an as strong as possible (emotional) impact on the viewer.

(figure 5.3) Another example of a video staging the «To move and to be moved is a human condition" topic is the documentary America's Immigration History (10,000 BC -2015). This documentary has been viewed since 2014 by more than 330.000 people. It has been produced and diffused by a video channel called TDC (The Daily Conversation 12 ). Its main purpose is to demonstrate that Americans are heirs of a long history characterized by successive waves of migration and immigration leading to more or less conflictual situations with the already established population on the US American territory. This documentary uses the standard techniques of its genre. As a coherent filmic text, it is principally based on voice-over explanations (interrupted several times by voice-in comments of people playing the role of experts) which offers a mainly chronological reconstruction of the ups and downs of American history from the point of view of migration/immigration.

The voice-over explanations offer also, as this is usually the case, a comprehensive framework for the "good" lecture and interpretation of the selected visual material: animations showing (pre-)historical migration waves, artistic drawings representing supposed historical scenes, staged filmic reconstructions of historical events, archival photographic and filmic material, maps showing the political evolution of the US American territory, visualizations of quantitative data, teachers and researchers (identified by their name and title and/or through their appearance, …) playing the role of (neutral) experts, etc.

The thematic selection and development offered through this montage consisting of voice-over explanations, some voice-in comments of experts and a huge quantity of visual material consists in three main themes (or main thematic isotopies in the sense of A.J. Greimas 13 ):

 1 st thematic isotopy: the fact that people from different origins have settled down on to-day's US American territory and the reasons of this choice (persecution, poverty, …);  2 nd thematic isotopy: The contribution of migrants/immigrants to the historical economic evolution and welfare of USA;  3 rd thematic isotopy: The communitarian resentments and the exclusion and rejection of "foreigners", of migrants belonging to certain communities, the chase of "illegal" or "undocumented" immigrants and the attempts to regulate immigration.

In trying to interpret the linear development of these three principal themes in the documentary, we can rely on several "critical" or significant moments such as:

1. 01:01: the "unhappy", controversial discovery of America by Christoph Columbus implying the disappearing of almost all the "real natives" (+ visual evidence of the bow of a ship and of a scientific expert in his white laboratory habit explaining why natives disappeared); 2. 08:19: appearance of the first American anti-immigrant sentiment (+ visual evidence: insert of a historical job offer "Help Wanted. No Irish Need Apply"); 3. 12:52: anti-immigration sentiment after WW1 (+ visual evidence: archival photography of a poster entitled "Exclusion! The solution that means peace"; figure 5.3); 4. 14:05: the birth of the notion of "illegal alien"; 5. 15:40: "Operation Wetback" (1954-55) -the mass-deportation of Mexican immigrants initiated under the D.D. Eisenhower's government (staged in this documentary through a voice-over explanation and the portraits of Eisenhower and J. Swing, the responsible general of this operation); 6. 18:07: R. Reagan's signature of the Immigrant reform and Control Act (1986) legalizing the presence more than 2 million of immigrants (staged in this documentary as a voice over explanation accompanied by an archival photo showing R. Reagan signing the Act);

7. 19:45: a graphic showing the main nations from where America's 2013 immigrants come from -a moment that introduces the general conclusion ("moral) of the documentary offering a vision of the specificity of the American nation.

The identification of these (and other) critical moments depends obviously of the interpretive interest of the reader. However, in considering the above identified ones, we see clearly that it is the third theme, the third thematic isotopy which constitutes the central, the principal one in this documentary. In other words: the third theme is the problem which the author (the narrator) tries to solve in using the first and the second one. Concretely speaking, based on the evidence that the US American territory always has been a territory for migrants/immigrants and that this has been beneficial for the economic development of the USA, the exclusion, rejection of "foreigners", the status of undocumented, illegal immigrants, the chase of illegal immigrants must be refuted. This is a typical response to messages produced under the (externally) Menaced Homeland topic (= seventh macro-topic), i.e. messages which hold on the evidence that the Stranger (i.e. immigrants, refugees, …) must be kept away from Homeland because they constitute a danger for the tradition and the evolution of Homeland. Simultaneously, the message of this documentary maintains an obvious intertextual relationship with messages produced by videos which refer to the sixth topic, i.e. The infelicitous Stranger enriches and empowers the Homeland topic.

In other word, the basic message of videos using this first macro-topic is that, first, migration is an intrinsic aspect of human history and that, second, migration is not an evil but a "natural" means for human evolution regardless of whether it is accepted or not.

Typical media ecosystems in which videos such as the three quoted ones (figure 5.1) are produced, diffused and shared are YouTube channels which belong typically to institutional actors: universities, research centers, think tanks, IGO, … (cf. figure 5.4). (Figure 5.4)

Channel Summary

However, the audience of these institutional YouTube channels seems to be rather moderate if not to say mediocre (between only several hundreds of subscribers to 3000 …) with respect, for instance, to their audiovisual offer (between 80 to 400 videos). The little reputation/notoriety of these channels can be interpreted as an indication of the problematic position of official main stream institutions and experts in the world of (digital) social media facing the emergence and diffusion of a diversity of uncommon, sometimes highly idiosyncratic (social, political, …) visions of the umwelt including the representation of the other, i.e. in our case, of immigrants and refugees.

Hence a real issue in social, cultural or again political communication is the question of how to make more attractive these channels, these "main-stream" institutional media ecosystems especially for people belonging mainly to the Millennials and the Post-Millennials, i.e. revealingly called the Homeland Generation.

6) Second macro-topic:

Stranger's reasons to leave original Homeland

6.1) General features

This second macro-topic presents and develops visions of migration and immigration from the point of view of the reasons, the motives that push and sometimes (but not always) constrain them to leave their original Homeland. In fact, there exists, so to speak, two basic scenarios:

1. Somebody is constrained, forced to leave his/her original Homeland and this, in general, for economic reasons (poverty), ecological reasons (natural disasters), political reasons (war), ethnical reasons (genocide) or religious reasons (religious persecution).

2. Somebody has the intention, takes the free decision to leave his/her original Homeland for settling temporary or permanently elsewhere, i.e. in a new Homeland which needs him and/or which offers him new opportunities for maintaining or enhancing his personal well-being.

The first scenario thematizes principally the fact that there are people who endure injustice, persecution, exclusion in their original place, who are either pushed out of their homeplace or who have no other choice than to leave their original place. These people habit the role of the infelicitous Stranger who is separated, deprived of the value of well-being. Besides the tenth macro-topic (cf. hereafter) all other macro-topics deal with the infelicitous Stranger in search of a new Homeland.

It especially links this second macro-topic with the following one, the third macro-topic entitled "Attempts of the infelicitous Stranger to reach and to establish in the desired Homeland". Videos developing principally the second and third macro-topics use the (infelicitous) Stranger's reasons to leave Homeland topic as an explanation of the often-desperate attempts of people to join, for instance, Europe or the USA. This first scenario creates also a strong relationship with the ninth macro-topic entitled "Empathy and Understanding between Homelander and infelicitous Stranger". In videos diffusing stories based on the second and ninth macro-topic, the (infelicitous) Stranger's reasons to leave Homeland topic is commonly used as an undisputable argument to feel empathy with refugees and other poor immigrants wishing to establish, for instance, in an European country, Canada, the USA or Australia.

The second scenario represents some insights in a completely different story. In checking videos diffusing content about the migration/immigration complex, we see that there exists another category of the role of Stranger, i.e. a Stranger who deliberately chooses to join another place than his original or actual one because of the opportunities offered by the new place which meets his interest. Sociologically speaking, this category of Stranger is composed of wealthy travelers, investors, young global nomads, foreign students, professionally qualified persons coming frequently from a place with high reputation (such as India) or again any person who possesses something which represents an a priori value in the new place. Hence, we call this role the free Stranger. Stories implying this specific role are developed through the tenth macro-topic, i.e. The free Stranger exploits the opportunities of Homeland topic. Indeed, this tenth macro-topic covers a series of more specific cases such as the decision of educated and trained people to offer their services to the new Homeland; the plan of wealthy people to exploit better facilities in a new Homeland for personal investment and enrichment, the desire of young people to travel around the world or to study somewhere else, etc.

6.2) Presentation of a small corpus of selected videos

Figure 6.1 shows a small corpus of videos of which the content is nurtured by this second macrotopic, viz. the (infelicitous) Stranger's reasons to leave Homeland topic. The first four videos are productions of media companies (Al Jazeera, The Guardian, RT and Vice News) in form of reportages. The story of the little boy Carly ("Karlinchen") who has lost all and who looks for a new home (Figure 6.1)

Channel

In a series of videos nurtured by this second macro-topic, we meet the role of the unjustly fallen Homelander who is acted by the refugee/immigrant. This role is thematized in videos which focus not only the reasons of why people leave their home-country but also of what they are losing, i.e. their home, their family, their fortune. In this sense the unjustly fallen Homelander forms a rhetorical means to exhort the Homelander to act as if the refugee/immigrant simply were a (normal) Homelander.

The role of the unjustly fallen Homelander is presupposed by the infelicitous Stranger. In other words, somebody in the habits of the infelicitous Stranger has also passed the traumatizing experience of the unjustly fallen Homelander. This specific thematic and dramatic development links, as already mentioned, the second macro-topic with the ninth one, i.e. the Empathy and Understanding macro-topic. Two examples in our small video corpus (figure 6.1) are short video montages produced by AJ+ (belonging to the Al Jazeera media Network): "Syrian refugees explain why the fled Syria" (video 1) and "Syrian refugees tell us what they miss about home" (video 2).

The third video is an animation relating the (real) story of the little boy Farid who loses his parents and his home because of the civil war raging in Syria, becoming a refugee forced to seek a new Homeland. There are a series of similar animations, diffused on the You Tube platform, which develop the theme of the child as an unjustly fallen Homelander having lost his beloved Homeland, i.e. his home, his parents, and his whole daily life world. Another example is the animation, produced by the UNHCR, "Carly, A Refugee Story" which develops further of what happens to the little boy Carly in the role of the infelicitous Stranger during his sad erratic journey.

7) Third macro-topic:

Attempts of the infelicitous Stranger to reach and to establish in the desired Homeland

7.1) General features

This third macro-topic presents and develops visions of migration and immigration as a, basically speaking, spatial move or trajectory from an original, undesirable place to a desired one, i.e. the desired new Homeland. In the case of this third topic, Homeland forms a potential valued place (an "utopia") for which the Stranger takes all risks to join it: hence the label desired new Homeland.

Typical themes and stories relating the frequently unhappy and rarely happy erratic journeys of the infelicitous Stranger are:

 the multiple and usually dangerous stations of the infelicitous Stranger (immigrant, refugee) in his/her attempts to reach the desired Homeland (represented by Europe or a European country like UK and Germany, the USA, Canada, Australia …);  the obstacles and dead-locks of these attempts;  eye-witnesses and reports of harassment, exploitation physical violence of which the infelicitous Stranger during his/her trajectory for joining the desired Homeland is the victim;  the blockades dressed against the massive arrival of the infelicitous Stranger, the desperate attempts to overcome these blockades and the violent confrontations between the infelicitous Stranger and the agents having in charge the control of the frontiers of Homeland;  blank despair and hope (to escape the evil) as two omnipresent moods of the infelicitous Stranger motivating his daily life activities and reasoning;  the definitive failure of the infelicitous Stranger paying with his/her life the desperate attempts to join the Homeland;  (rather uncommon) after mortal danger, the final success for the infelicitous Stranger joining (but not necessarily establishing) the desired Homeland;  (local) solutions for creating saver conditions for the infelicitous Stranger during his erratic trajectory.

Typical audiovisual genres staging this third macro-topic are audiovisual reportages produced by mainstream media (such as Al Jazeera, Russia Today, …), recently created media companies (such as VICE News established in 2013) targeting the younger generations and Non-and Intergovernmental Organizations (NGO and IGO) such as the International Organization for Migration (IOM). Most of the videos produced by these organizations are staging the infelicitous Stranger in his desperate trajectory to join the desired Homeland as a (filmed, staged) object. In other words, these videos are staging the erratic journeys of the infelicitous Stranger from the point of view of the journalists or other experts producing (with respect to their specific cultural references) messages about the migrant on move.

Compared to these audiovisual productions, there exist few audiovisual materials which are produced by the migrants themselves staging their erratic journey. One important exception here are the amateur-produced harraga videos. Harragas (an Arabic word) are people -in general young men -from North Africa -who "burn the frontier", i.e. who try to join the Spanish province Andalusia, sometimes Malta and even the island of Lampedusa by small (motor) boats. Harraga videos are typically produced by the young people themselves during their boat trip somewhere on the high sea. They feature repeatedly a small group of young men sitting in the boat, gesticulating, in a buoyant mood driving the boat on the high sea which fills out the whole visual horizon.

These amateur produced videos are diffused, shared and commented through a variety of You Tube channels (some of them exclusively dedicated to these videos) which contribute to the creation, especially among the young generation living in Algeria and the Maghreb, of the image of the harraga as cultural heroes, as examples to be followed for a better, more meaningful life. Examples of such channels are the rather popular Algerian located channel "Wonder and Strangeness Algeria"14 , and "DZ Immigration"15 , a smaller anonymous video channel which shares, besides harraga, audiovisual content about moments in the everyday life of young people belonging to the popular classes in Algeria.

It is noticeable that in many of these short and very short amateur harraga videos (realized with a mobile phone) the most important visual thematisation is that of collective manifestations of a positive emotional mood, of happiness and hilarity, as well as of common bound and togetherness. These visualizations cannot exclusively be reduced to simple iconic expressions of the quoted emotions but must be understood more comprehensively as "strategies" to conjure fear, to ban the danger and to seek shelter in the community of fate. Hence, these small videos become powerful resources for creating audiovisual narrations (montages) staging the harraga as a drama, as an epic story of heroism. Film presenting a center in Agadez (Niger) taking care of migrants (Figure 7.1)

7.2) Presentation of a small corpus of selected videos

Channel

The first video (figure 7.1) is a reportage produced by Al Jazeera which shows us a (female) journalist visiting a detention center of (mainly African) migrants in Libya. The detention center is visually staged as the outmost place where the erratic journey of the infelicitous Stranger often definitively ends. The detention center represents the world the infelicitous Stranger indeed wanted to escape -in other words it is a dystopian place preventing the infelicitous Stranger to attain happiness. Staying in this place signifies for the infelicitous Stranger to die (symbolically or physically) or -if he/she could yet escape this hell -to face the deathly dangerous passage over the sea (the Mediterranean Sea) and to force tremendous adversity for reaching the desired Homeland, i.e. the infelicitous Stranger's utopian place represented by Europe. This vision clearly appears also in the interviews which the journalist conducts with several migrants detained in the Libyan detention center. In developing the reasons why all these migrants dare this highly dangerous journey with a probably unhappy end, this reportage links this third topic with the second one (cf. chapter 6) reserved for the thematization and narration of the mobiles people animates to leave their homeplace.

Like the first video, also the third and the fourth video (figure 7.1) are reportages which focus on the desperate attempts of the infelicitous Stranger to join the desired Homeland. The quite foreseeable dramatic result of these attempts for the infelicitous Stranger are either confinement in a dystopian place and/or the umpteenth repetition of his dangerous and desperate attempts.

The second video (figure 7.1) we have already discussed in more detail in the second chapter (cf. chapter 2.3). It stages the departure from Budapest of thousands of mostly Syrian refugees trying to join the Austrian frontier and, after, Germany. A journalist working for The Guardian (UK) accompanies the refugees. The audiovisual genre used here is a reportage producing visual impressions of the long walk of the Syrian refugees punctuated with short interviews with the refugees and dialogues between refugees organized in small groups and between refugees and local people (Hungarians) wanting to help. The whole is framed by voice-over comments provided by the journalists. In comparison to the first video (figure 7.1), this one is rather optimistic in the sense that the erratic journey of the infelicitous Stranger has all chances to turn out well -a thematization which is not prevalent in videos developing content covered by this third topic.

Let us stress here that a rather typical visual item in this reportage is the staging of the theme of masses of refugees. Indeed, videos nurtured by the 7 th macro-topic (i.e. by the (externally) Menaced Homeland macro-topic) stage in general "masses of migrants" as an enormous crowd (like a black cloud obscuring the whole horizon) which exists only as an undifferentiated and threatening, "highly energetic" whole destroying all what obstructs its way. With respect to this type of visualization, that we can observe in videos nurtured by the third macro-topic privilege regularly the staging of the "mass of migrants" as that of a society composed of individuals, children, elder persons, families, small groups of friends, etc. It is obvious that the first type of visualization prompts interpretations of the migrant not as an infelicitous Stranger but as a destructive agent against whom Homelander must defend his menaced Homeland, whereas the second one favors interpretations of the infelicitous Stranger as "somebody like you and me" -and who, therefore, can become potentially a constructive Stranger for the destiny of Homeland and maybe even a new Homelander.

Videos 5, 6, 7 and 9 (figure 7.1) belong to the category of harraga videos. The fifth and the sixth video are amateur produced ones showing, as already mentioned above, small groups of young men gesticulating and joking in a boat somewhere on the high sea trying to join the desired Homeland, i.e. Europe. Video 9 is a dramatic montage (remix) of images showing the peril of the erratic journey over the sea and the courage of people undertaking this journey who have to pay their courage sometimes with their life. Video 7 is an almost unsupportable audiovisual recording of immigrants drowning in the sea while desperately trying to climb up a ship from where these scenes are recorded.

The BBC Newsnight [START_REF]From thematic and narrative macro-topics to cultural analysis[END_REF] produced reportage (video 8, figure 7.1) stages the dramatic rescue of two boats overfull with migrants by a European vessel operating not far from the Libyan coast. From a thematic point of view, it has to be stressed the distinction drawn here between the rescue vs the welcome of infelicitous Stranger by Homelander. Indeed, in this reportage the welcome theme is absent signifying that Homelander is morally obliged to help the infelicitous Stranger to survive but not necessarily to join Homeland and to establish there … Finally, video 10 (figure 7.1), produced by the International Organization for Migration, stages a rather astonishing, unexpected thematic variant belonging to this second macro-topic, i.e. the theme of a "save" erratic journey -a priori a rather contradictory notion …

8) Fourth macro-topic:

The Homelander welcomes and admits the infelicitous Stranger at Homeland

8.1) General features

This narrative macro-topic is developed and staged by videos which focus on the (projected or already happened) arrival of the infelicitous Stranger in the desired Homeland (Europe or a European country, USA, Canada, …) and the welcoming of them by the Homelander17 .

Typical thematic developments we can observe in videos nurtured by this fourth topic are, for instance:

 welcome messages and scenes of fraternization between Homelander and infelicitous Stranger;  welcome of infelicitous Stranger in Homelander's family;  scenes of (pacific or violent) support of the infelicitous Stranger by Homelander;  declarations of the inalienable rights of the infelicitous Stranger in Homeland;  the acknowledgment of a new status of the infelicitous Stranger in Homeland as an accepted (infelicitous)

Stranger (this theme is strongly related with the following, fifth macro-topic).

The reception of the infelicitous Stranger is framed, in this topic, as an activity determined by a positive and open-minded attitude of the Homelander. This positive and open-minded attitude is motivated by several reasons. Among them, the two following are frequently thematized: 1) the moral conviction that one should help the other in need and pain (this specific theme is strongly related with the ninth macro-topic, i.e. the Understanding and empathy between Homelander and infelicitous Stranger topic; 2) the (utilitarian) conviction that the infelicitous Stranger can contribute to the positive evolution of the endangered present Homeland (this theme is strongly related with the sixth macro-topic entitled "The infelicitous, willing-to-help Stranger enriches and empowers the Homeland").

Indeed, the reciprocity of a welcoming Homelander living himself in a precarious situation (i.e. in an endangered present Homeland) and the infelicitous Stranger willing to contribute to save the Homeland, is one typical intersubjective constellation we can observe in the messages produced by videos which are nurtured by this fourth macro-topic.

Following this narrative logic, it is not so much the Homelander as such who receives the infelicitous Stranger but more likely the needy Homelander. Reciprocally, it is not so much any infelicitous and erratic Stranger but more precisely the infelicitous Stranger who is willing to help the needy Homelander and his endangered Homeland.

This specific intersubjective constellation between the needy Homelander and the infelicitous, willing-tohelp Stranger connects naturally this macro-topic with the sixth macro-topic (entitled "The infelicitous, willing-to-help Stranger enriches and empowers the Homeland") and with the fifth macro-topic (i.e. The infelicitous Stranger joins Homeland and trois to become a new Homelander). We will present hereafter three videos exemplifying this specific intersubjective constellation which conveys us two, not necessarily related common-sense assumptions:

1. Somebody who is himself in need is more likely to help the other in need; 2. If you help somebody in need he will give it you back.

However, this specific constellation is not staged in every video belonging to this fourth macrotopic. Other videos stress either the theme of the (moral) necessity to help the other in distress (without any obligation of social reciprocity for the infelicitous Stranger) or the theme of a general sense of hospitality which applies, basically, to any human "knocking on the door".

8.2) Presentation of a small corpus of selected videos

The first video (figure 8.1) entitled "How migrants and refugees are being welcomed in one Italian village", is a reportage of 9 minutes, produced and diffused by the US American PBS (Public Broadcast Service). It relates the story of an almost extinct little village in the South-Italian province of Calabria which in welcoming immigrants starts a second life. The two principal themes developed here are: 1) the infelicitous Stranger is welcomed by needy Homelander of whom the territory (the Homeland) is endangered, risks to disappear;

2) the infelicitous Stranger feels well in endangered Homeland and changes progressively in a new Homelander.

The second theme developed in this reportage connects this fourth Homelander welcomes and admits the infelicitous Stranger at Homeland macro-topic with the fifth topic (i.e. the macro-topic entitled "The infelicitous Stranger joins Homeland and tries to become a new Homelander"). In other words, this reportage vehiculates at least a triple message (and common-sense moral):

1) The needy Homelander who is poor or himself in a precarious situation understands better (than the other, the fortunate Homelander) the despair of the infelicitous Stranger. 2) If the needy Homelander is good with the infelicitous Stranger, the infelicitous Stranger will be (morally) indebted and pass back to the needy Homelander all the good he has received.

3) The needy Homelander alone cannot maintain his endangered Homeland. He needs the other -the infelicitous, willing-to-help Stranger -accepting to contribute to the maintenance and evolution of endangered Homeland.

The second video (figure 8.1) entitled "This Italian Village Was Dying … Until the Refugees Came", is a short documentary of 10 minutes produced by the National Geographic, staging the dangerous life of the refugee Assan from Casamance in Senegal (= thematic development nurtured by the second macrotopic) who is welcomed by an Italian family in the name of hospitality and Catholic values. He is one of 80 other refugees admitted and integrated in the village of Camini -like Riace, a tiny village in South Italy.

This second documentary (figure 8.1) is closely related to the first one and develops mainly the same three above quotes themes: the welcome of infelicitous Stranger by needy Homelanders who are inhabiting endangered Homeland; the infelicitous Stranger feel well and starts changing his original identity in becoming progressively a new Homelander.

Both videos rely on a set of common and typical visual themes featuring the simple and ancestral village life; happy immigrants (families, children, young men) frequently shown while accomplishing socially and economically useful activities (such as repairing old houses, working for the property of the village, learning Italian, …); respectful and open-minded interactions between immigrants and villagers; etc. These visual themes are interpreted or reinforced by interviews with the concerned actors (immigrants, villagers, mayor of a village, …) and voice-over comments creating a very specific cultural vision of the figure of the immigrant himself and of the relationship between the villagers and the immigrants:

 the figure of the immigrant is humanized in the sense that he/she is first "someone like you and me" and, moreover, a "good person full of resources";  the figure of the relationship between (poor) homelanders and immigrants in need as a sort of social cooperation, based on mutual respect, for improving the life conditions of bothhomelanders and strangers -in endangered homeland.

However, in considering the comments of users of the channels diffusing these two videos, we can observe that their messages have been understood by not necessarily accepted. Quite the contrary is the case as shown by this small selection of comments:

[…] "Let me get this straight: there were no jobs in Camini, but all of the sudden, the 'refugees' came and jobs are abundant? it doesn't make sense". "This documentary is so biased! makes me sick". "German women were safe... Until the refugees came". "No jobs before -now thanks to refugees a lot of jobs ??". "Nice photos -but no words about Sharia". "It's not an Italian village anymore. RIP the West"; "Yet most Italians object to them being there. I wonder why?"; […].

One of the main messages of the CNN produced reportage entitled "Canadian city welcomes Syrian immigrant" (3 rd video, figure 8.1) is that the welcome of refugees from Syria in Calgary (Canada) doesn't destabilize the security of Canadians, that this is a minor risk with respect to the potential benefit that Calgary (the Homeland) could make from the arrival of Syrian refugees. In this sense, this reportage introduces already the sixth main-topic, i.e. "The infelicitous, willing-to-help Stranger enriches and empowers Homeland". Following this reportage, in three years all the welcomed Syrian refugees will become a Canadian, i.e. new Homelanders.

Like the first two quoted videos, although this one is rooted in the general theme of social reciprocity: in welcoming and helping you, you are in debt with us and, hence, you will accept us and help us, viz. transform yourself in a new Homelander and contribute to the maintenance and evolution of Homeland.

Video 4 (figure 8.1), produced by the UNHCR, is a small reportage staging an Austrian family who welcomes a young Syrian refugee at their home. The Syrian refugee becomes a full member of this family. This video, contrarily to the first three one, is based on the theme of the (moral) necessity to help the other in distress (without any obligation of social reciprocity for the infelicitous Stranger). This general purpose, video 4 shares with the sixth video (figure 8.1) staging "Happy Christmas-wishes for migrants/immigrants pronounced by UK citizens". Video 5 (figure 8.1) develops the same theme as video 4 (and 6) in stressing however that this is a claim of "anti-fascist", leftist, anti-capitalist movements and the fact that the welcome and admission of the infelicitous Stranger is not based on some obscure (and metaphysical) moral obligations but constitute an inalienable right for any human in need.

In other words, whereas the fourth (and the seventh) video seems to stress a general humanistic attitude which should be adopted by everyone facing people in distress, the fifth video stresses obviously a general political claim.

9) Fifth macro-topic:

The infelicitous Stranger joins Homeland and tries to become a new Homelander

9.1) General features

The fifth macro-topic focuses on the effort of the (infelicitous) Stranger not only to attempt (= 3 rd macro-topic) but also to (socially) integrate Homeland. In other words, through this macro-topic we can see and listen stories staging, among other themes, that of the (not always successful) tentative of conversion or metamorphosis of the migrant/immigrant from an (infelicitous) Stranger in a new Homelander, i.e. in a persona who receives his qualifications partially (not exclusively) through the Homeland (through its traditions, cultural specificities, etc.). Typical thematic developments we can observe in videos nurtured by this fifth topic are, for instance:

 The biography of a migrant/immigrant in the role of infelicitous Stranger who has been forced to leave his original place, the hardships he/she is facing after having joint the Homeland and his/her efforts and strategies to integrate Homeland, to become a new Homelander.

 The various (administrative, technical and human) facilities, services and helps offered to migrants/immigrants in their tentative to become a new Homelander.

 The main challenges (such as the overcoming of the language barrier) that migrants/immigrants in the role of infelicitous Stranger face when arriving at Homeland.

 The emotional state, the fears and desires of migrants/immigrants in the role of infelicitous Stranger when they arrive at Homeland and their unexpressed appeal for help.

 The personal achievements of migrants/immigrants as guarantees, as pledges for their trustful intentions to become a new Homelander. This theme establishes a connection between the fifth macro-topic and the sixth one, i.e. the macro-topic entitled The infelicitous Stranger enriches and empowers Homeland. In the context of the fifth macro-topic, it is used to argue the good intentions of migrants/immigrants to integrate their new home country. In the context of the sixth macro-topic, it serves mainly as an example illustrating the (personal or collective) contributions of migrants/immigrants to the prosperity of their new home country.

 The migrant/immigrant in his role of a new Homelander becoming a turntable between Homeland and the original territory from where he is coming (the migrant/immigrant is considered here as a Mediator between two cultures, two civilizations and as a Facilitator for the Homeland to benefit from resources belonging to his territory of origin). Like the previous theme this one typically connects the fifth macro-topic with the sixth macro-topic entitled The infelicitous Stranger enriches and empowers Homeland.

 The migrant/immigrant in his role of a new Homelander giving advices to his former companion, the infelicitous Stranger, of what to take care for managing not only the good arrival at new Homeland but also his (social) integration.

 But also (definitive) shortcuts in the process of conversion or metamorphosis of the migrant/immigrant in a new Homelander (this specific theme establishes rather frequently a connection between this fifth macro-topic and the seventh one, i.e. the (externally) menaced Homeland macro-topic, which views the migrant/immigrant not in the role of an infelicitous Stranger but, contrarily, in that of a destructive Stranger who invades the Homeland with the firm intention to destroy it and to supplant it with a new regnum -that of the destructive Stranger (cf. hereafter, our discussion of the seventh macro-topic).

9.2) Presentation of a small corpus of selected videos

Figure 9.1 offers us a small corpus of six videos which are developing and staging predominantly this fourth macro-topic.

Channel

Video Summary Montage of short interviews where Syrian refugees manifest their desire to let behind their ancient life and to start over a new life.

(Figure 9.1)

The first video (Figure 9.1) is a voice-over narrated montage of still images which retraces the life of a Korean engineer who has been obliged to leave Korea in the 60ies for Australia where he has settled and successfully "converted" to a new Homelander. This very interesting example uses -quite naturally -the genre of biography to stage and to communicate a cultural vision of migrants/immigrants which thematically belongs to this fifth macro-topic entitled The (infelicitous) Stranger joins Homeland and tries to become a new Homelander.

The second video (figure 9.1) offers us an interesting documentary, produced by the Schlessinger Library Video Company (USA). It retraces the European immigration to USA since the end of the 19 th century in emphasizing the cultural changes that touch the immigrants themselves in their efforts to establish and to become a new Homelander.

The third and fourth videos (Figure 9.1) focus more particularly to the difficulties the infelicitous Stranger must overcome if he/she wants to "convert" to a new Homelander. These difficulties are not (always) prohibitive but exemplify the sometimes big (cultural) distances which exists between migrants/immigrants and the populations in new home countries. Such cultural distances concern almost all aspects of human life: language, daily life routines, personal and interpersonal behavior, religion and more general world views and values or again climate, landscape and architecture.

In the seventh video (Figure 9.1) entitled "Immigrants tell why they hate Finland" these distances are used as an argument to consider that they are not only too important for establishing a bridge -a mediation -with immigrants/migrants (here: from Iraq) but that they also generate a hostile attitude of the concerned people (the immigrants/migrants) towards the home population having received them in their home country. This video connects with the seventh macro-topic and changes the role of the immigrant/migrant from an infelicitous Stranger (possessing a "good intention" and hence to be helped) in a more neutral erratic Stranger (who don't possess necessarily a "good intention" …). This seventh video (figure 9.1) forms indeed an interesting example of an amateur montage developing a double message: 1) refugees are complaining of the harsh treatment they seem to be the victims in Finland; 2) these refugees don't like to stay anymore in Finland, definitively don't like Finland. This message can be interpreted in diverse ways: a. A first interpretation is that of a failed integration of infelicitous Stranger in Homeland even although he has been admitted first by Homeland (= an interpretation relying on the negative side of the cultural vision offered in this fifth macro-topic). b. A second interpretation is that of infelicitous Stranger sliding progressively in complete isolation in Homeland and for whom Homelander should feel empathy (= an interpretation relying on the cultural model provided by the ninth macro-topic). c. A third -most probable -interpretation is that of the erratic Stranger who reveals finally to be a destructive Stranger not accepting the specificities of Homeland and considering it as an enemy territory (= an interpretation relying on the cultural model provided by the seventh macrotopic).

The fifth video (figure 9.1) develops mainly the facilities, services and helps offered by Homelander to the infelicitous Stranger to start the integration process. In presenting Austria, it offers information about the administrative and political culture of this country, about rules to be respected in this country and which govern the status and the behavior between women and men, the exercise of a religion and the liberty of expression.

Finally, the sixth video (figure 9.1) celebrates the positive role of the Google translation service and tool for the teaching of immigrants and refugees.

10) Sixth macro-topic:

The infelicitous Stranger enriches and empowers Homeland

10.1) General features

The "infelicitous Stranger enriches and empowers Homeland" narrative macro-topic develops more specific themes and discourses related to the positive contributions of migrants/immigrants and more particularly of refugees to the prosperity of Homeland, to its aura and influence. It also develops the theme of the (intrinsic) goodness of cultural exchange, intercultural dialogue, cultural mixing, etc. The Stranger here is dominantly thematized as somebody who is constrained to leave his/her original place, as somebody who must leave his/her original place because of poverty, (political or religious), persecution or discrimination (cf. the second macro-topic entitled "Stranger's reasons to leave original Homeland"). In this sense, the role of the Stranger is determined by the infelicitous state which characterizes the migrant/immigrant forced to leave his home territory. The infelicitous state is understood here as the fact that the migrant, immigrant is separated (or, in the sense of A.J. Greimas, disjointed) from a good (from an economic, a political, an educative, … good) which provides him a well-being. This sixth macro-topic is one of the central and most used one in the global narrative we entitle the "Homelander-Stranger drama for inhabiting and shaping the Homeland". Indeed, it heavily relies on an axiological (value and valued) separation within the role of the Stranger between: 1) the good Stranger associated to the figure of the migrant/immigrant as a constructive Stranger 2) and the bad Stranger associated to the figure of the migrant/immigrant as a destructive Stranger, as an invader.

The migrant/immigrant in the role of the constructive Stranger is somebody (a person or a group) who proves his goodness through the fact that: a. he/she is a hard worker; b. he/she contributes to the prosperity and wellbeing of Homeland; c. he/she therefore becomes a worthful element of Homeland and hence could be recognizedreclassified -as a truly new Homelander.

The fact that the migrant/immigrant has become a worthful element in Homeland and hence a truly new Homelander is staged, expressed through plenty of material signs constituting a diversified material heritage-scape of Homeland. One of the central functions of such a heritage-scape is to materialize and to recall us the general common-sense moral that people who are forced to migrate are in general "good strangers". Typical material objects composing the heritage-scape of Homeland are the tools and instruments migrants/immigrants have used for their (manual) work, memory objects representing glimpses of the life in the communities to which migrants and immigrants belong, personal objects belonging to migrants/immigrants, objects witnessing the engagement of migrants/immigrants in the defense of Homeland, etc. As well known, these and similar objects are commonly used in museum collections, exhibitions, picture books and web sites for documenting and narrating the contributions of migrants/immigrants to the prosperity of Homeland.

Videos developing this sixth macro-topic are unsurprisingly using specific themes or topoï that enhance, make more "colorful" the portrait of the migrant/immigrant as a constructive Stranger represented frequently by poor but hard-working people (i.e. individuals, families, small "ethnical" groups), by people who have been forced to leave their previous Homeland because of economic or religious reasons, by people who have experienced the role of unjustly fallen Homelander.

A remarkable point here is a kind of tacitly presupposed utilitarian value: the (in a broad sense) economic goodness of the constructive Stranger for the Homeland which conditions the argument and the narrative moral of the "migrant as a good stranger". This tacitly accepted utilitarian reference framework also conditions another cultural vision, viz. that one of the "good cultural diversity" as a byproduct of the contributions of the constructive Stranger to the (economic) prosperity of Homeland … A rather obvious example here are video productions celebrating American (i.e. US American) history as an economic success story based on the contributions of millions of migrants with different (linguistic, geographic, religious, …) origins18 . Moreover, videos belonging to this sixth macro-topic frequently develop the argument that migrants acting in the role of constructive Stranger have opportunities to "climb the (social) ladder". This argument assumes an equilibrated relationship between two mutual interests:

1) the interest of what's good for the migrant slipping in the role of constructive Stranger; 2) and the interest for what's good for Homeland and Homelander.

Presupposed here is once more again the utilitarian value of (reciprocal) goodness. Another important presupposed value is that of an equilibrated social doing or behavior 19 , based on a balanced distribution of rights and duties and avoiding both, an excessive and an insufficient social doing or behavior performed by the concerned actors:

1. "Excessive social doing or behavior" means that only the interest of one of both parties is concerned, i.e. only the interest of the immigrant to the detriment of Homeland or only the interest the Homeland to the detriment of the migrant/immigrant. Such an excessive social doing or behavior is that of the exploiting Homeland (i.e. the Homeland -and the Homelander -exploiting the migrant/immigrant) or of the exploiting Stranger (i.e. the Stranger exploiting unilaterally -only for his sake -the opportunities offered by Homeland; this vision connects the sixth macro-topic with the tenth one, i.e. with the Free Stranger exploits the opportunities offered by Homeland topic).

2. "Insufficient social doing or behavior" means that there is no real engagement from the side of the Homeland or the Homelander for the (infelicitous) Stranger pushing him into isolation and exclusion (this theme links the sixth topic with the eighth one, i.e. with The infelicitous Stranger lives in Homeland excluded and in distress topic). It also can mean the absence of any engagement of the Stranger to interact positively with the Homelander, to integrate into Homeland and to contribute to its prosperity (this theme links the sixth topic with the next one, the (externally) Menaced Homeland macro-topic).

Besides the above discussed utilitarian reference frame which constitute one of the dominant discourses in this sixth topical field, there exist however a considerable number of videos which develop more heterodox positions in celebrating, for instance, the intrinsic goodness of cultural diversity (which has not to be justified or founded on more basic or general principles) or again the intrinsic right for everybody to be different and to live his/her difference. These videos "subvert" so to speak the dominant utilitarian discourse in coming closer either to the first macro-topic (in affirming something like: migration is a human condition -hence diversity is good) or to the general topic "we are all humans" (and hence we all have the right to our personal fulfillment …).

10.2) Presentation of a small corpus of selected videos

This sixth macro-topic is frequently developed in (educational) documentaries and reportages of which the syntagmatic construction is a standard one with few variations: explanations of experts, interviews and testimonies of descendants of former migrants, historical documentation (photo, film, text, …), etc. Figure 10.1 shows us a small list of videos which narrate this sixth macro-topic. All of them are staging: 1) the contribution of the constructive Stranger (migrant, …) to the wealth, the wellbeing, the cultural (economic, scientific, …) evolution of homeland and 2) the intrinsic benefit of cultural diversity for the evolution of Homeland.

Channel

Video Summary A short reportage on a cultural event of the Chinese community in San José (Costa Rica).

(Figure 10.1)

The first video "Australian Migration -the Italian Experience" (figure 10.1), produced by the educational Australian channel ClickView TV20 , relates (in form of a narrated life story) the establishing of an Italian immigrant just after WWII and his and his family's contribution to Australian daily life (especially: gastronomic) culture and economic welfare. Thanks to Italian immigration, the Australian territory-scape has been enriched with Italian and Mediterranean elements.

The second video, "Southside Immigration and Cultural diversity" (figure 10.1) is a documentary produced in 2014 by WOSU Public Media, a public media station in Columbus (Ohio). "Southside" means the south of Columbus (Ohio), an urban and suburban area which has become, during the first decades of the 20 th century, the homeland of thousands of migrants from Europe and elsewhere: Jewish, Hungarians, Germans, Afro-Americans, Italians, Croatians, Slovenians, Russians, Estonians. The overall message of this documentary is a homage to:

 the cultural traditions of these different communities enriching the territory-scape of Columbus Southside,  the enormous contribution of these communities to the prosperity of this area,  and the tolerance governing the relationships between these different communities. This overall message is stressed by audiovisual evidences such as archival photos representing glimpses of migrant's stories and achievements, by archival recordings of work achievements, interviews with descendants of migrants or again voice-over comments offering the "correct" interpretation of the staged visual material. In sum, these are the more or less same types of audiovisual evidences than those used in the first macro-topic, viz. the To move and to be moved is a human condition topic.

The third video (figure 10.1) entitled "Are Immigrants Stealing American Jobs" is a small AJ+ (Al Jazeera Media Network) produced reportage based on a series of interviews in Arizona wishing to convince the spectator of the video that immigrants (here: mainly Mexicans) don't steal Americans' their job. Contrarily, as argued in this reportage, (Mexican) immigrants apply for jobs for which no American citizens are available and they also constitute a significant economical factor for the maintenance of prosperity in Arizona.

In the same vein, the fourth video (figure 10.1) -"EU migrants contribute billions to UK economy" produced by the Russia Today (RT) news channel -intends to demonstrate that EU immigrants living and working in UK contributes massively to the economic evolution of UK economy. However, they must face harassment and exclusion since the Brexit in 2016. This reportage is, in other words, a kind of counter-argument on the affirmation that immigrants/migrants are destructive Strangers (developed in the next, the Menaced Homeland macro-topic) and an (implicit) condemnation of the excessive social behavior of UK citizens (i.e. the Homelander) exploiting the contributions of EU migrants while depriving them their status of truly new Homelander.

The pedagogical animation "Intercultural cities -how can migration and diversity work for cities" produced by the Council of Europe (fifth video, figure 10.1) thematizes the central "equation": migration = diversity = empowerment of urban regions in Europe". In other words, it is an example of the above discussed dominant utilitarian discourse for arguing in favor of migration/immigration. The sixth and the seventh video (figure 1à.1) finally stages the enormous but enriching diversification of the cityscape of an urban space belonging to the Homeland thanks to the immaterial cultural contributions of immigrants (immaterial contributions in form of events, music, dance, etc.). The sixth video is an amateur recording that let us experience a multicultural procession in Brisbane. The seventh video shows us some scenes of the Chinese Culture Day organized by the Chinese community in San José (Costa Rica). Both videos produce audiovisual evidences (in form of carnival-like activities, masked dances, "ethnic" music, …) that enrich, diversify, stimulate and make more attractive the given textscape (here: city-scape) of the Homeland's territory (here: the cities of Brisbane in Australia and of San José in Costa Rica).

11) Seventh macro-topic:

The (externally) Menaced Homeland: Assaulted Homelander against Destructive Stranger

11.1) General features

This seventh narrative macro-topic develops more specific themes and discourses which are used by an incredibly high number of (in general) amateur edited and remixed videos relating the invasion of Europe or the USA (i.e. the Homeland) by devastating and brute hordes of (either African and Middle East or -in the case of USA -Mexican) immigrants, refugees slipping in the role of the destructive Stranger. The destructive Stranger attacks the Homeland, its institutions, its cultural traditions and, finally, the identity of the assaulted Homelander himself represented by young abused women, harassed peaceful citizens and hardworking people.

The (outer) destructive Stranger has frequently an ally in Homeland, the Traitor, who facilitates him the progressive control over Homeland and its inhabitants. This role is commonly represented by main stream medias; the social liberal political elite; intellectuals; social, political and Church activists and NGOs. Also, specific communities like the Turkish community living in Germany, the Maghrebi community living in Belgium or France and, once more again, the Jewish community, are targeted in these audiovisual productions. As already mentioned, these audiovisual productions are in general considered to belong to the far-right (nationalist, identitarian, neo-Nazi, …) political scene in Europe and the USA.

The folk "stand up, menaced homeland" culture is the product of different influences: political activism (such as identitarian, neoconservative, white supremacist, etc. movements), video game culture, web and tv series culture (replacing the traditional popular culture), social media word of mouth and viral culture. It is also nurtured by so-called experts and journalists working for extremely conservative (web) news channels (such as Fox News21 or the The Alex Jones channel 22 , USA) and/or neoconservative think tanks and foundations (like the You Tube channel of the Gatestone Institute23 ).

The (externally) Menaced Homeland: assaulted Homelander against destructive Stranger macro-topic knows important thematic and narrative developments which we will analyze in more detail in another work dedicated to the emerging social and political folk cultures in the social media sphere. Some significant characteristics of this macro-topic are:

1) The thematic (and visual) differentiation of the key role destructive Stranger: in comparing a certain number of video productions nurtured by this seventh macro-topic, the destructive Stranger is typically acted by the Muslim immigrant/refugee and the sub-Saharan African (as far as Europe represents the Homeland), the Latino and the Mexican (as far as the USA represents the Homeland). But there are other -especially -visual characteristics of qualifying somebody as playing the role of the destructive Stranger: people moving as organized hordes (i.e. "animated bodies" having lost their individuality), masked people (i.e. "animated bodies" hiding their identity), people attacking the police (i.e. uncontrollable "animated bodies") and people physically attacking individuals (women, children, …), people wearing specific clothing, etc. All these visual characteristics form together a sort of an identikit picture of the destructive Stranger.

2) The thematic (and visual) differentiation of the second key role, viz. the assaulted Homelander.

The assaulted Homelander is typically represented by the pretty white, defenseless and a bit naive girl or the elderly person who do need help. There exists a series of recurrent visual characteristics which form, once more again, a sort of identikit picture of the assaulted Homelander.

Besides the gender and the age characteristics, typical characteristics are related to the economic status of people, their religious appurtenance and their traditional (in general folk) life style.

3) A variety of forms of aggression conducted by the destructive Stranger against the Homelander: Besides physical destruction (of goods), recurrent forms of aggression are sexual harassment of the white woman, brutalization of individuals in public places, violent manifestation and especially the repeated threats of the so-called ethnic replacement and islamization of Europe.

4) The thematization of the resistance and of the advent of the true Hero: The true Hero covers two more specialized roles: a) the true Expert denouncing the destruction of Homeland in defying the ignorance of the naïve Homelander as well as the deceitful activities of the Traitor (represented by the leftist intellectuals, the political elites, the researchers, …); b) the brave Warrior combating the destructive Stranger. Together, these two roles prepare and organize the resistance of Homeland.

5) The thematization of the role of the Traitor: The Traitor, as already mentioned, is represented by a bunch of elites abandoning the Homeland to the destructive Stranger. In doing so, they demonstrate that they do not belong to the Homelander, that they always have been extraneous to the qualifying state of a true Homelander (i.e. the "real nationalist", the "pious Christian", the "virile, martial young man", the "angelic devoted girl" …).

6) Finally, the thematization of a variety of cultural references defining the Homeland: these cultural references can dip in the fabulous historical epochs reread and restaged by plenty of tv and web series, cartoons, comic strips and video games (the Roman Empire, the Vikings, the Teutonic knights, the Napoleonian army, etc.). All these cultural references thematize the glorious history of warfare, rehabilitating regularly fascist and Nazi "achievements" and symbols.

There are certain number of You Tube channels which are almost completely dedicated to this kind of video productions -and there exists a much more important number of channels which diffuse them. "Britain First" 24 , "The European Guardian" 25 , "Identity Evropa" 26 , "Génération Identitaire" 27 , "AWResistance"28 , "Czechoslovakia Anti-Islam News"29 , "Proud American Infidels"30 , "Face of a dying Nation"31 , … are all video channels which are almost exclusively diffusing and sharing messages referring to this seventh macro-topic. These (and a lot of other similar) channels create a global media context for producing, diffusing and sharing content and messages which are nurtured by a far-right ideology regularly mixed up with elements borrowed from both traditional folk culture and transhumanismthemed (fantastic, horror …) fiction.

11.2) Presentation of a small corpus of selected videos

As already stated the (externally) Menaced Homeland macro-topic is extremely fertile in the generation of a vast number of frequently amateur edited and reedited video stories about the menaced Europe, the menaced USA, the menaced white and Judeo-Christian civilization by especially the Islamic civilization, the hordes of roaring, harassing Africans or other "Oriental people" and about the "real values" of the European civilization, the "white American" brave-hearts, the brave warriors, etc. As we can observe, this narrative universe even rehabilitates fascism and Nazism. The proper of this narrative universe is that it is based on physical violence and coercion, obviously nurtured by video game mediated historical references (the Germans, the Celts, the Roman cohorts, the German army and elite troops, etc.). Figure 11.1 offers us a small corpus of video productions which are nurtured by this seventh macro-topic.

Channel

Video Summary (Figure 11.1)

The first video (figure 11.1) -"A Calais exaspération et violence entre riverains et migrants clandestins » -is a republished version of a France 2 (public French TV channel) reportage relating the clashes between people from Calais (France) and refugees -clashes which are a direct consequence of Calais as the physical dead-end for refugees wanting to join the UK. The reportage thematizes the various reactions of the inhabitants of Calais -covering all possible reactions from open hostility and physical persecution of refugees to understanding of their sad lot and concrete help and assistance. This reportage is republished as such on the small You Tube Channel Lea Brunelli. In having a closer look on this You Tube channel, we note that it offers a series of videos of which the general purpose is to denunciate violence and aggressions of which the authors are either immigrants and/or people of North-African origin. This is a patent example of how the simple republishing of an audiovisual document in another media context (i.e. in our case, the media context is represented by the small You Tube Channel Lea Brunelli and its audiovisual offer) transforms the initial auctorial intention of the reportage (i.e. in our case, to "inform" about the exasperations of the inhabitants in Calais) and attunes it to the overall purpose which characterizes its new media context (i.e. in our case, to denunciate the aggressions and physical violence of which people from Calais and more globally in France are victims).

The second video entitled "With Open Gates. The Invasion of Europe" (figure 11.1) is a montage of various extracts from multiple sources accompanied by a highly charged music. It shows very violent masses of people invading the roads, the cities and villages of Europe, crying, beating, destroying all what belongs to the Homeland and the Homelander. These extremely brutal scenes are interspersed with crude interpellations of people slipping in the role of the destructive Stranger and predicting the Homelander's end, his symbolic and physical death. The montage finishes revealingly with an extract of an interview given by the academic Barbara Lerner Spectre, founder of Paideia32 , an institute for Jewish Studies in Sweden. In this interview, Barbara Lerner Spectre speaks of the necessary transformation of Europe in a multicultural society and the possibly significant role of Jews as facilitators in this -for Europe complicate -transformation. In the far-right social media sphere, Barbara Lerner's purpose has been entirely reinterpreted and replaced by the affirmation that Jews will play a significant role in the "white genocide". "White genocide", following far right medias, is a program supported by the "inner enemy", by people who slip in the role of the Traitor, and who together with (Maghrebi, African, Syrian, …) refugees and immigrants in the role of the destructive Stranger attack and replace physically the Homelander, his Christian and other cultural traditions.

The purpose of this second video production is similar with that developed in the seventh video (figure 11.1) entitled "The Destruction of Great Britain by Immigration". The destruction of a nation or a country is a highly popular one. There exist, indeed, a vast number of videos demonstrating or predicting the destruction of Ireland, Sweden, Finland, Hungary, Germany, etc. The 5 th video is a production of Beny Karachun, a channel apparently based in Israel, who provides the same vision of immigration as in the second and third video.

The third video (figure 11.1) diffused by a channel called HVIM 192033 and entitled "Message to illegal immigrants from Hungary", is an example of the "heroic resistance" of the real Homelander (vs the naïve one or again the Traitor) in the person of a far-right Hungarian mayor of a small city near the frontier between Hungary and Serbia. Like a commander in chief of a whole invisible army, the major menaces the illegal immigrants to pass the Hungarian frontiers which are defended now by a barbwire and a couple of paramilitaries who patrol the frontier.

A characteristic example is provided by the sixth video (figure 11.1) entitled "Laura Southern: searching for Syrian Refugees in in France's Calais Jungle", a production of the far-right Canadian news network Rebel Media. A "courageous" female journalist (following her, there are only young men in the Jungle …) looks in vain during hours for Syrian refugees. This is for her a striking an argument that the Jungle is not a center for refugees! The production "Europe Needs You -Save your Children -Stop Immigration" (eighth video; figure 11.1) is one example of many dramatic montages which bring together the theme of white genocide, the destruction of Europe by the savage hordes coming from the South and "glorious" references to European warfare including fascism and national socialism. These montages create a peculiar visual and audiovisual environment for the staging of cultural visions of reality which we have the intention to analyze more in another work.

Finally, the ninth, tenth and eleventh video (figure 11.1) are reedited and remixed versions of the same original video recording showing the garbage and dirt left on a street in the North of Paris after the dismantling of a makeshift shelter of immigrants and refugees. This recording has been dubbed with various melodies and other sound effects and reinterpreted as an apocalyptic scenery of Paris and of France in general due to the work of the destructive Stranger represented -once more again -by North-African and Sub Saharan immigrants and refugees.

12.2) Presentation of a small corpus of selected videos (Figure 12.1) As already stated, videos of this eighth macro-topic are staging typically the lockout, secluded world of refugee camps and other asylums, i.e. the anti-Homeland where the migrants and refugees are forced live vs the open, the free, the prosperous world of the surrounding Homeland; the extremely harsh conditions for migrants/immigrants and refugees in this dystopian place of anti-Homeland; the expression and staging of compassion and empathy with these people living under so harsh conditions. Figure 12.1 represents a small corpus of videos which are nurtured essentially by this eighth macrotopic.

The first video (figure 12.1) relates the traumatic isolation and exclusion experienced by immigrants from the EU (from Poland, Portugal, Bulgaria, …) living in the post-Brexit UK and having lost the status of new Homelander. It simultaneously relates the harassing behavior toward this infelicitous Stranger by local people representing the uncivil Homelander.

One of the main visual themes in the second video (figure 12.1), produced by the United Nations and entitled "Detained in Italy. Misery for Migrants and Refugees", is the separation between the two worlds: the infelicitous Stranger's secluded world vs the unattainable world of freedom of the Homelander. Another central theme deals with the misery, the illegality and the poverty that strike the infelicitous Stranger in Homeland.

The third video (figure 12.1) entitled "What Living Conditions are like for Syrian Refugees in Berlin" opposes the "official" culture of hospitality of Homeland (here: Germany) with the "real" situation in which immigrants and refugees have to live, i.e. in general in asylums such as the Tempelhof in Berlin or simply in the street (without any possibility to become a new Homelander). However, there are also exceptions like, for example, Goslar, a small city in Lower Saxony, which offers an active integration policy for migrants and refugees to counterbalance the population decline (this theme joins the content of audiovisual productions realized under the fourth macro-topic, viz. the (needy) Homelander welcomes and admits infelicitous Stranger at (internally) endangered Homeland macro-topic)

The fourth video (figure 12.1) entitled "Children confined -Immigrant detention in Hutton" is a reportage which denunciates the fact that in Texas, in contradiction to the US American constitution, are kept imprisoned children from immigrants, from illegal immigrants. Like many other videos nurtured by this eighth macro-topic, also this one develops a discourse of denunciation accusing the authorities of Homeland for (passively or actively) supporting the maintenance of dystopian places in Homeland (i.e. forms of an anti-Homeland) where migrants and immigrants are locked up and separated from the rest of the population, i.e. from the Homelander and the desired Homeland.

Videos 5 to 7 (figure 12.1) develops is theme and discourse in focusing on the consequences for the live of infelicitous Stranger.

The sixth video -"Hundreds of refugees in Calais still trying to reach UK" -develops in form visual themes the physical separation of the two worlds and affirms that even the physical destruction of the scheduled dystopian world hasn't any effect on the desire of infelicitous Stranger to join the new Homeland: indeed, refugees continue to attempt desperately to join UK. But they are stopped and inevitably thrown back in the dystopian place of exclusion in Homeland. This place, represented by the camp but also the street, riverbanks, open sea coasts, etc. is the dead end where the identity of the immigrant and refugee risks to turn down to the forfeited Stranger, the subject who cannot take care anymore of his life. This message is also provided by the seventh video entitled "Fears of new migrant 'Jungle' in the heart of Europe" (figure 12.1) produced by the AFP News Agency. Migrants arriving in Brussels haven't any place where to life: the secluded world, the dystopian place of anti-Homeland becomes a sort of nonterritory.

Another example of a video nurtured by The (infelicitous) Stranger lives in Homeland exclude and in distress macro-topic is the Al Jazeera produced reportage "Armed an Vigilant: In fear of a Muslim Uprising in Texas"34 (9 th video; figure 12.1). In this reportage, produced in 2016, a journalist visits Texans who prepare the armed resistance against a hypothetical invasion of Texas by Muslims. With the weapon in the hand, as asserted by one of the Texans, they will do all for preventing that the Sharia law will be applied in Texas … Meanwhile, US Muslims witness, in this reportage, to be victims of violent acts. This reportage offers a specific connection between the seventh macro-topic (i.e. the (externally) Menaced Homeland macro-topic) and the eighth one in the sense that the journalist suggests to interpret the behavior of the interviewed Texans with respect to the exactions of which US Muslims are the victims on the basis of the narrative and veridical opposition between the real Victim vs the false Victim: even though the interviewed Texans believe to be the true Hero defending the menaced Homeland (= a narrative belonging to the seventh macro-topic), they play indeed a double role, i.e. that of the false Victim and that of the Oppressor of infelicitous Stranger who are the US Muslims.

Finally, the news, produced by the Russian Ruptly TV and entitled "Germany: At least 7 injured after the refugee center set ablaze outside Berlin"35 (11 th video; figure 12.1), inform us about a criminal act committed against a refugee home near Berlin in 2016. The online news show The Young Turks denunciates in one of its popular programs36 , realized in 2016, of how illegal (i.e. undocumented) immigrants are treated in the USA. Well, all these and many other similar productions develops themes which are also treated by videos referring clearly to the cultural vision offered in the Menaced Homeland macro-topic. The last ones however interpret, relate and stage these themes within the commonly shared narrative constellation opposing the destructive Stranger, the assaulted Homelander and the true Hero defending the assaulted Homelander and the Menaced Homeland. This specific narrative constellation composed of the three quoted roles is not at all present in the above quoted audiovisual productions realized by Al Jazeera, Ruptly TV and The Young Turks. In these productions, the narrative constellation in question is replaced by other narrative constellations opposing: 1) the "false Victims" vs the "real Victims" (as far as the Al Jazeera production is concerned); 2) the "Criminals" vs the "Victims" (as far as the web news of the Russian Ruptly TV is concerned); 3) the "Homelander as a torturer + the (tacitly) acquiescing Homelander" vs the "Victims" (as far as the TV discussion "How America Treats Undocumented Immigrants" organized by the Young Turks is concerned).

In this sense, the last three quoted productions use themes that also characterize the seventh narrative macro-topic but which are "dramatized" by the means of narrative constellations or settings which typically belong to the eighth or other macro-topics.

13.2) Presentation of a small corpus of selected videos

The first video (figure 13.1) is a short animation of photos with the basic message that immigrants and refugees living in the camp of Calais are people like "you or me". This evidence is produced by a montage of a series of sequences in three acts organized as follows:

1) First act: short written texts (example: "Just like" you"; "Just like us"; …) 2) Second act: a visual evidence (a bicycle; a pan; …) 3) Third act: a second short written text containing the explanation ("… they want to go to school"; "… they have to eat"; etc.).

The last sequence finishes with "Just like you … (Image) … they deserve dignity and respect". In this sense this video is a perfect example for this ninth macro-topic.

The second video relates the story of Firas Alshater, a Syrian refugee, actor and freelance journalist who has become a very popular in Germany thanks to his diverse performances. With enormous humor and a lot of creativity, he aims to strip away prejudices poisoning the relationships between Homelander and Stranger, especially infelicitous Stranger.

The third video is an animation relating the (real) story of the little boy Farid who loses his parents and his home because of the civil war raging in Syria, becoming a refugee forced to seek a new Homeland. There are a series of similar animations, diffused on the You Tube platform, which develop the theme of the child as the infelicitous Stranger, having lost his beloved Homeland and seeking a new Homeland: These animations indeed provide information why people (especially here: children) must leave their home place and to go sometimes far away while suffering dreadful conditions. In this sense, they join, thematically speaking the second macro-topic, i.e. the Attempts of infelicitous Stranger to join a new -desired -Homeland. But the basic message here remains that of the plea of humanity for people, especially children who suffer so dramatic changes in their life such as the killing of their parents and the loss of their home.

The fourth video is a remix of many small either original segments or extracted from other audiovisual productions and edited together with the objective to animate the Homelander to sympathize with the millions of people who are on the "path", to commiserate with their misfortune and, finally, not to forget that everyone could be in the same situation (cf. here, for instance, at 0:42, the witness of a Spaniard whose parents have been forced for economic reasons to leave Spain for Venezuela after the Civil War). It is not so much an explanation of what migration is (cf. the first macro-topic) but a plea for humanity. The short montage What is migration of the Spanish blogger Anita Picoteano, published in 2016 on YouTube, offers a view of migration as a complex phenomenon which has to be addresses with tact, empathy and also in bearing in mind the fact that many of us are descendants of migrants. This film has been visited since 2016 already more than 16.000 times!

14) Tenth macro-topic:

The free Stranger exploits the opportunities offered by Homeland

14.1) General features

This thematic and narrative macro-topic, as already mentioned, plays only an ephemeral role within the perimeter of our research domain, i.e. the European refugee crisis and the migration/immigration complex seen, interpreted from the point of view of the infelicitous Stranger who is forced to leave his Homeland and to seek a new Homeland at whatever costs.

The tenth macro-topic, contrarily relates plenty of stories of the free Stranger -just the opposite of the infelicitous Stranger -who decides himself to leave his country, to settle down temporarily or for a longer period in a new Homeland. This new Homeland represents opportunities for the free Stranger. This doesn't mean that he is necessarily well seen there. But for the free Stranger, the opportune Homeland is a territory which offers him the possibility to realize his goals -either as a tourist, as a student, as a qualified worker, as an investor, as a global nomad, etc. Hence, the tenth macro-topic develops more specific themes and discourses related to:  (intellectual, economic, social, touristic, …) opportunities for people having the intention to migrate and to resettle in another country;  Helps, advises, … of how to enjoy these opportunities;  examples, experiences of enjoying those opportunities;  A central sub-topic here is that of "expatriation" This macro-topic is a glorification of globalization, individualism and individual liberty, ultraliberalism and anti-regulation. Itis the perfect opposite topic to the third macro-topic, i.e. the Attempts of infelicitous Stranger to reach and to establish in desired Homeland macro-topic.

There exist a series of You channels which are either exclusively or partially dedicated to counsel people in the role of the free Stranger for migrating from one country to another. We can quote here, for instance, the Indian based video channel Crown Immigration 41 specialized in resettlement solutions for Indians in foreign countries, the again Indian based channel Future Link Consultants 42 specialized in 41 https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCnGy4uENJmddEbuHELUNI8g 42 https://www.youtube.com/user/futurelinkvideos/about education and study Oversea or again the small (Australian based?) video channel Smart Expatriation43 helping people to prepare the expatriation to Australia. Other channels are even more specialized, for instance, in financial questions or again the wedding market …The specificity of these channels is to provide concrete helps and advice for obtaining visas, resettle in foreign countries, invest money in tax havens, etc.

14.2) Short analysis of representative videos

Channel

Video Summary The first video -"How to find in Germany" -is a recording by a young Canadian from Toronto who lives in Berlin and offers advice to all North Americans who wish to settle in Germany and, more specifically, Berlin without speaking German, without being a EU citizen or even without a visa. As the young Canadian woman explains in the baseline of her You Tube channel -she lives her dream life in Europe. In other words, as a free Stranger, it is his personal choice to have come to Europe, to Germany because it offers her an entire range of opportunities to fulfil her dreams.

In the second video -"Expat Africa: Living in Africa, careers in Africa" -we can follow a presentation of the African continent from the point of view of people (fortunate or wanting to make a fortune) who may wish to move there. In a manner comparable to the first video, the aim here is to provide a set of information and advice to help future expatriates choose their destination in Africa and succeed in settling in.

The message of videos 3 ("Singapore -Costs of living, rental costs, gross salary"), video 4 ("Why Australia"), and video ("Path Migration") is pretty much the same: there are an entire range of opportunities in Homeland -represented here by Australia, Singapore (and many other countries) -for a certain category of people (acting as the free Stranger) who want to capture them. Typically, the free Stranger is represented by people (by a people-scape) with the professional skills Homeland needs, wealthy people and investors, students, young nomads. This message contrasts particularly with, for example, the harsh reality of the infelicitous Stranger (represented here by immigrants and refugees mainly from Middle East) who are systematically denied access to the Australian mainland, while isolating them in closed areas outside the mainland or on small islands such as Nauru.

The sixth video ("My Warning to Expatriates") offers a quite interesting content. It develops the idea that US-Americans are hated all over the world -hence the advice to (US-American) expatriates to go back to their country... Even if this video does not have a direct link with the videos developing the seventh macro-topic (i.e. the Menaced Homeland topic), one can easily understand its ideological link with the latter: the elsewhere is dangerous for the free Stranger (represented here by the US-American expatriate) and therefore those (i.e. the destructive Stranger) who come from this place are dangerous too. This last video also makes us aware that there exists an impressive number of videos on You Tube that are aimed at communities of tourists or -better -"tourist nomads" living in foreign countries, who are looking for advice and sharing their experiences as free Stranger moving from one Homeland to another and sometimes settling down voluntarily for a longer while in one targeted Homeland … Some few words again concerning the expressions Homelander and Stranger and their diverse qualifications. In semiotic terms they refer to thematized roles called actors. The Stranger -like the Homelander -is an actor who "plays a role" in our "Homelander-Stranger drama for inhabiting and shaping Homeland". In our corpus the actor called Stranger (like the actor called Homelander) is represented, staged by individuals, groups, communities, generations, anonymous people, persons identified by their name, people from different ethnic and religious origins, babies, children, adults and elder persons, etc. This is a whole peoplescape which should be analyzed further for helping us to better understand the (mental, visual, acoustic, …) representations of the above mentioned qualified roles: the infelicitous Stranger, the needy Homelander, the destructive Stranger, etc.

Likewise, the expression Homeland refers to a thematized space (in semiotic terms: a spatiality, i.e. a space that possesses a meaning -for an actor, i.e. for the Homelander and the Stranger). In considering our corpus, Homeland is represented and staged in form of continents, countries, seas, coasts, mountains, natural and human-made frontiers, cities, urban districts, streets, buildings, closed camps and prisons, etc. This worldscape peculiar to the thematized space Homeland has also to be considered in much more detail if we want to better understand the (mental, visual, …) representations of Homeland in the thousands and thousands of videos producing content about migrants and immigrants and which are shared on the You Tube platform by millions of people around the world.

We must keep in mind that this complex meaning universe composed of the ten discussed macrotopics, organizes a diversity of cultural visions and representations of the migrant/immigrant and the migration/immigration complex, especially of the actual European migrant crisis. Each one of the discussed macro-topic stands for an "ideological sensibility" concerning this complex in general or a more particular aspect of it. With "ideological sensibility" we mean here an epistemic basis built on:

1. evidences (i.e. what is hold for an evidence) or believes about how the world (the other, …) is 2. and values as reasonable results of such evidences.

For instance, the evidence that the Stranger constitute an enrichment for Homeland evolution (= sixth macro-topic) leads to the utilitarian value that Stranger is basically useful for Homelander and that based on this value we have to welcome immigrants and refugees, to take the risk to welcome them even if there may be some "black sheep" among them.

In other words, based on such values, standards of conduct are elaborated considering of how to behave with strangers, of how to interact with them, of how to evaluate them, etc. If sufficiently important for Homeland and the Homelander, these standards of conduct are transformed in social institutions or institutionalized social practices aiming at, in our case, the integration of Stranger with the objective to "exploit" his skills for the development of the Homeland and to make (eventually!) at the same time of the Stranger a new Homelander.

As already stated at the beginning of this essay, this is a first draft of a research that will be expanded upon, as we hope, in the coming months. Among other ones, we will focus on the following points:

1. Better identification of the different thematic axes that characterize a macro-topic and possible relationships between several macro-topics.

2. Better identification of qualified functional roles and their belonging to specific macro-topics.

3. More systematic analytical work on visual, audio-visual and verbal representations of topics, themes and qualified functional roles (i. e. a more systematic work on the different textscapes mentioned in this essay which express and stage the meaning of a topic, a theme or a role).

16) From thematic and narrative macro-topics to cultural analysis

The family of the ten thematic and narrative macro-topics constitute, as we have seen, the cultural meaning background for hundreds and thousands of YouTube channels and for hundreds of thousands if not millions of videos diffused and shared worldwide via the YouTube platform. In other words, these topics constitute together …:  a meaning-sphere generating themes, narratives, arguments, rhetorical figures, discourses for "speaking" about migration and immigration, migrants and immigrants

This meaning-sphere (or local noosphere) forms a common system of believes, knowledge and values, in other words a shared culture enabling social actors (individuals, social groups and movements, institutions, …):

1. to define, first and foremost, their own position (or "identity") with respect to people and communities called migrants, immigrants or refugees;

2. to conceive (imagine) views or visions (i.e. representations) of the other, here: of the migrants, immigrants and refugees, of migration and immigration;

3. to produce, diffuse, share, interpret, comment, reuse… messages about migrants, immigrants and refugees, migration and immigration;

4. to observe, judge and interact with migrants, immigrants and refugees.

These four points seem to us to show the relevance of a topical approach to culture or, rather, of a cultural system situated in relation to an actor (an individual, a group, an institution, etc.). Indeed, every culture draws a kind of semantic framework (a "semantic horizon", in a phenomenological tradition) by means of which an actor appropriates his own body and his environment, imagines them, uses them and controls them. Figure 16.1 identifies a questionnaire that served us as a sort of methodological guide for a better understanding of the semantic framework that underlies audiovisual productions that deal with the migration/immigration and migration/immigrant complex, especially in the historical context of the so-called European refugee crisis. Even if the structure of this questionnaire has to be clarified and formalized further, it seems to us to be a highly useful tool for any cultural analysis, i.e. for any project aiming to describe the meaning universe and the perceptible textscape of a cultural form situated with respect and embodied by a social actor.

  The identification, definition and naming of these ten thematic and narrative macro-topics are based on four basic narrative elements (figure4.1): (Figure 4.1) 1) a "problematic" space or territory called:  the Homeland 2) two main roles or actors called:  the Homelander  the Stranger  accompanied by a series of secondary roles such as the Traitor 3) a series of typical qualifications of the actors and the territory -qualifications such as:



  collective processes which figure out migration, displacement, empowerment, …  actions of the Homelander such as welcoming of Stranger, assistance to Stranger in distress or, contrarily, (active) defense against aggressions from the side of Stranger, etc.;  actions of Stranger such as attempting to join Homeland, to contribute to the fortune of Homeland or, contrarily, to exploit the opportunities of Homeland;  consensual cooperation and empathy between Homelander and Stranger;  conflicts and violent oppositions between Homelander and Stranger.

Figure 4

 4 Figure 4.2 shows us the list of the ten thematic and narrative macro-topics framing the cultural visions and images of the migration/immigration complex prevailing in the You Tube social media ecosystem. Each one of these topics articulate, as already stated, visions and values which stand for specific cultural models. People refer to these cultural models to understand and to explain the migration/immigration and migrant/immigrant complex, to imagine and to narrate it, to judge it, to assume a certain attitude concerning this complex and, finally, to engage socially in line with the visions and values of a chosen cultural model.

Figure 4 Topic 5 :

 45 To move and to be moved is a human condition -people are Homelander and Stranger as well. Topic 3: Attempts of the infelicitous Stranger to reach and to establish in the desired Homeland. Topic 4: The Homelander welcomes and admits the infelicitous Stranger in Homeland. The infelicitous Stranger" joins Homeland and tries to become a new Homelander. Topic 6: The infelicitous Stranger enriches and empowers Homeland.

Topic 7 :

 7 The (externally) menaced Homeland: Assaulted Homelander against destructive Stranger. Topic 8: The infelicitous Stranger lives in inaccessible Homeland excluded and in distress.

Topic 9 :

 9 Empathy and mutual Understanding between Homelander and infelicitous Stranger.

Topic 10 :Topic 12 :

 1012 The free Stranger exploits the opportunities offered by Homeland. The Narrator relates of a world full of striking events. Topic 11: The Expert produces a frame for understanding the world. Topic 2: Stranger's reasons to leave original Homeland.

Figure 7 .

 7 Figure 7.1 shows a small corpus of videos of which the content is nurtured by this third macrotopic, viz. the Attempts of the infelicitous Stranger to reach the desired new Homeland topic. The first four videos are productions of media companies (Al Jazeera, The Guardian, RT and Vice News) in form of reportages.



  Carly, A Refugee Story (produced by the UNHCR 38 ; 2007 -07:15);  Seeking Refuge Julianne's Story (produced by Cartoon City 39 ; 2016 -05:02);  25 Days of my Life -Story of a Calais Refugee by Rediat Abayneh (produced by Random Acts 40 ; 2017 -03:45)

Figure 14 .

 14 Figure 14.1 offers us a small corpus of representative videos nurtured by this tenth thematic and narrative macro-topic.

Timeline Data Thematic data category Remarks 1 -Remarkable audiovisual evidences

	3 -Remarkable	03:23 -All over	A Hungarian car driver offers Sequences alternating between	Empathetic 2 -Small groups vs	"good" representing a
	syntagmatic	03:37 the video	his help images showing masses of	Homelander big masses	homelander vs humanized
	constructions	03:56 -	(Hungarian ?) woman waving people walking with images of	Empathetic	"bad" "mass of
		03:59 (ex.:	her hands and sending kisses in individuals (sometimes	Homelander	homelander people" vs the
			direction of the walking refugees commenting their walk)		"wild, savage
		05:24 -Ex.:	A Hungarian lady shows her Sequences staging the long walk	Empathetic	hords" …
		05:40 04:00 -	empathy with the refugees to Austria as a series of images	Homelander
		05:56 -05:25	A Hungarian offers his help and showing individuals and small	Empathetic	peaceful walk vs
		06:30	witnesses his empathy groups (families, couples, …)	Homelander	violent rush
		06:45 -	A Hungarian activist criticizes	Reason of State vs
		06:59	his government	Humanity
		10:05 -	A young migrant put forward all	Hopes, wishes and	Emotionality
		10:50	his interrogations, questions	fears	common to all
					humans
					People "like you
					and me"
		00:03	Father taking care of his little	(parental) Care
			son	Family
		03:17 -	Father/parents taking care of his	(parental) Care	vs savage,
		03:21	little child	Family	dehumanized
		00:35	Family taking care of their	(parental) Care	agents
			children	Family
		03:11 -	A vigorous young refugee gives	(community) Care
		03:16	an injured refugee a piggyback	Group of friends
	2 -Remarkable visual evidences	00:24 03:55 03:42 -	ride Walking masses of people refugees Peacefully walking masses of	March vs Rush March	Not wild hordes
		02:10 -	Injured refugee is walking to	Suffering Person;
		02:35	Austria	Person willing to
				overcome himself
		02:52 -	Refugees are taking pictures of		Appreciation of
		02:55	them in Budapest		beauty vs
					destruction
		00:07 -00:14 03:07 -03:10	Individuals commenting their walking, their hopes and fears, … Refugees, alone or in small groups, relaxing beside the road	Hopes, wishes and fears	Individualization of "stream of migrants"
		00:45 -00:52 00:28 01:21 -01:34 08:30 00:58	Group of young men and ladies encouraging each other to walk Babies and children in the The fears and suspicions of a young lady to be ill-treated emergency shelter Children alone beside the road Children preparing for the big walk to Austria	Mutual support & care Dependent individuals, needy of Hopes, wishes and care fears	Emotionality Innocence vs common to all humans crowds of dehumanized agents People "like you and me"
		01:36 -01:49 03:42 -01:56 -02:00 03:59	Voice-over narrator presents a Montage of images of peaceful Syrian family Witnesses of gratitude by refugees walking refugees, interspersed with images of single refugees walking in the mass and images	1 -Grand march to Grateful Stranger Thankfulness freedom	individuals (in their roles of Friendly, parents, brothers respectful … and sisters,
			witnessing the heartful welcome		friends, …) and
			of the refugees by local people		small groups

The detailed program of this course and the expected group work for assessment and grading are presented in a separate document.

Peter Stockinger: Multiple Video Staging of the Figure of Migrant on the You Tube Platform (Paris, INALCO 2017)

For a more detailed explanation of the concept textscape, cf. Peter Stockinger. Semiotics of textscapes and cultures. 2015. <hal-01315352>

Expression used in reference to Clifford Geertz' notion of interpretive anthropology (Geertz, Clifford: The Interpretation of Cultures. New York, Basic Books 1973

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ubGhzVdnhQw

Cf. hereafter, figure10.1 (chapter 10) for some concrete examples of such videos …

Rather well-known channels are, for instance, the Rebel Media channel from Canada or the US-American Fox News and Alex Jones channels.

Cf. Peter Stockinger. The topos of polite behavior. Semantic explorations in the thematic, narrative and discursive structures of a lexical field. 2017. hal-01598843〉

Kant, Immanuel: Idee zu einer allgemeinen Geschichte in weltbürgerlicher Absicht. Werkausgabe Band XI. Frankfurt/Main, Suhrkamp Taschenbuch Wissenschaft 1978

https://www.youtube.com/user/TheDailyConversation

Greimas, A.J. and J. Courtés: Sémiotique. Dictionnaire raisonné de la théorie du langage. Paris, Hachette 1979

https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCm_Uzox791W7SoFqO5t9yPg

https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCDIXOpe49eqfS5kDoJtpNNg

https://www.youtube.com/user/BBCNewsnight

With respect to the meaning universe peculiar to this fourth macro-topic, the seventh one (i.e. the (externally) menaced Homeland macro-topic) develops a totally contradictory meaning universe where the infelicitous Stranger is a destructive agent threatening the Homeland and against whom the Homelander has to resist…

Cf. for instance the documentary "Immigration and Cultural Change" of Schlessinger Video Productions, published on YouTube 2016 by John Berg: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zESKxpV73Sw

For a more detailed discussion of this very general axiological topos, cf. Peter Stockinger, The topos of polite behavior. Semantic explorations in the thematic, narrative and discursive structures of a lexical field (to be publishd in

2018; online prepublication on Academia.edu)

https://www.clickview.com.au/

https://www.youtube.com/user/FoxNewsChannel

https://www.youtube.com/user/TheAlexJonesChannel

https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCRKnjXDfN1zYA8uPspnlr9w

https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCtEsYNHwF37lrd9IH7Tv-uA

https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCc0So5OFwq41g-fxL2ucwmg/feed

https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC8ZmnNg0kKjX2C0NeXsukXg

https://www.youtube.com/user/GenerationID

https://www.youtube.com/user/AlanWattResistance

https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCP-bxB-yYCMDXD7c2AUV2wA/featured

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YrnP2jGYsNY&list=PL4LyKm-jOkIaVZiwq0OYnh-tyYR9Cyd_V

https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCwJo0lXjjk482VdpsGP37yQ

http://www.paideia-eu.org/

HVIM 1920 is the acronym of the far-right Hungarian movement "Sixty-Four Counties Youth Movement" claiming the revision of the Treaty of Trianon and the reconstruction of Greater Hungary (i.e. of Hungary before 1920)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4c7AWS4Bc-M&t=3s

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IiWgw2OaUvc

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6eOtVxVf7SE

https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC2ZDAoIMGP3m9tAgnniNEYw

https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCxpUq8VlwX-ktn8Tg03rvEA

https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCWwZGGoPLUfZmhm5zwKGHbg

https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCglErup6Y0K3q-D_tnXAeug

Second section:

The cultural macro-topics 12) Eighth macro-topic:

The (infelicitous) Stranger lives in inaccessible Homeland excluded and in distress

12.1) General features

The (infelicitous) Stranger lives in Homeland excluded and in distress macro-topic is obviously in full contradiction with the seventh topic, i.e. the (externally) Menaced Homeland topic. The central vision produced through this topic is that of a closed world represented by refugee camps and asylums where immigrants are forced to live and another one which is figured out by the surrounding Homeland -a desired but unattainable territory. The closed and secluded world of refugee camps and asylums becomes the anti-Homeland that removes the infelicitous Stranger almost any liberty of movement.

In other words: while the migrants/immigrants are forced -against their will -to leave their home country, the asylums and refugee camps force them to stay, once more against their will: two forms of dystopian places producing the forfeited Stranger represented by migrants and immigrants struck by deception, mental and physical distress, manifestations of insane violence and, finally, atony. This eighth thematic and narrative macro-topic develops typically specific themes and discourses related to:  (first) experiences of the infelicitous Stranger in the desired Homeland either as somebody waiting for his social status in Homeland (i.e. for becoming a new Homelander) or possessing the status of an "illegal immigrant", i.e. the status of a, so to-speak non-Homelander;

 the exclusion, confinement, … of the infelicitous Stranger in camps and asylums, i.e. in an area of exclusion, disconnected from the surrounding area of desired Homeland positioned just at the borders of desired Homeland;

 the lack of the most basic comfort, the absence of any health care and education in this area of exclusion represented by refugee camps or asylums;

 the expression of anger by migrants and refugees facing such conditions and who shift from the role of the infelicitous Stranger to that of the revolted Stranger;

 but also the already quoted degeneration of the role of infelicitous Stranger to that of a forfeited Stranger represented by migrants and immigrants who are not able any more to take charge of their own lives.

Channel

13) Ninth macro-topic:

Understanding and Empathy between Homelander and Infelicitous Stranger

13.1) General features

The Understanding and Empathy between Homelander and infelicitous Stranger thematic and narrative macro-topic develops more specific themes and discourses related to:

 the similarities between all human beings, i.e. things and characteristics that all human share;  the moral necessity or evidence for helping somebody in distress, especially if he/she belongs to the same community (i.e. to the humans);  the history (especially of Europe and USA) full of references of suffering Europeans  (the request of) an emotional proximity -compassion -between Homelanders ("natives") and migrants/immigrants and refugees  religious and philosophical themes of compassion and pity.

The specificity of channels developing this macro topic is closely related to humanitarian issues of the migration/immigration nexus. Another aspect concerns the capacity to establish peaceful and respectful relationships with people belonging to diverse cultures, religions, etc. -this aspect is represented by the "Dialogue of Civilizations Research Institute" channel 37 .

(Figure 13.1) 37 https://www.youtube.com/user/worldpublicforum

Channel

Video Summary

15) Some concluding general observations

The preceding discussion of the ten macro-topics show us that, together, they form a whole and complex meaning universe. Each one of these topics constitute a specific region in this meaning universe whereas we can observe that the regions are connected among each other by the means of common themes.

For instance, the first macro-topic (i.e. the Move and to be moved is a human condition macro-topic) and the sixth one (i.e. The infelicitous Stranger enriches and empowers Homeland macro-topic) share, among others, the common theme that migrants in the role of infelicitous Stranger constitute a "utile" resource for the evolution of Homeland. Based on the (implicit) assumption that a utile (i.e. a "good") resource should be handled carefully and with respect, this theme can be used in narrations aiming to "demonstrate" the value of migration in human history (cf. first macro-topic) or more particularly for Homeland (cf. sixth macro-topic).

The semantic regions formed by each one of the discussed ten macro-topics form also a functional totality. As we have seen, there are roles which are common to all macro-topics, i.e. to the whole meaninguniverse. Among these common roles, we have the Homeland, the Stranger and the Homelander. These three roles differentiate in a series of qualitatively specified roles. For instance, the basic functional role of the Stranger specifies in: 1) the infelicitous Stranger, 2) the free Stranger, 3) the constructive Stranger, 4) the destructive Stranger, 5) the forfeited Stranger, 6) other not yet identified qualified roles of Stranger.

Concurrently, the basic functional role of the Homelander differentiate also in a series of specified roles among which we have, for instance: 1) the civil and the uncivil Homelander, 2) the needy and the prosperous Homelander, 3) the assaulted and the martial Homelander, 4) the true and the false Homelander, 5) the old (i.e. "grown") and the new Homelander, 6) the unjustly fallen Homelander. Some of these qualified functional roles are inherent to most of the ten examined macro-topics. This is the case of the infelicitous Stranger and the old (in the sense of "grown") Homelander. Other roles are specific to one or a few numbers of macro-topics. This is the case, for instance, of most of the roles belonging to the seventh macro-topic (i.e. the Menaced Homeland macro-topic).