Marie-Julie Frainais-Maitre

Anne Cheng

Marcel Granet

Albin Michel

François Jullien

CHINA AND FRENCH PHILOSOPHY

published or not. The documents may come

known in France; it is not officially recognised by twenty-first century French philosophers as a philosophy. Philosophy is here understood to be a critical and rational activity, made possible with the emergence of the logos (or "reason", "thought", "discourse" and "study") in ancient Greece, which aims to discover the truth through questioning, employing rationality, and creating concepts, and which became a discipline developed and institutionalised in the West. 3 The paradox of the situation is that when we study Chinese thought in detail, we are clearly faced with a philosophy, understood as an activity of thinking which seeks to understand and explain the world and humanity, and which is common to humankind; a philosophy which is open enough to not exclude anything which could aid this attempt to explain the world. For instance, the sinologist Jean-François Billeter defines the philosopher as "un homme qui pense par lui-même, en prenant pour objet de sa pensée l'expérience qu'il a de lui-même, des autres et du monde; qui s'informe de ce que pensent ou de ce qu'ont pensé avant lui les autres philosophes; qui est conscient des pièges que tend le langage et en fait par conséquent un usage critique." 4 He recognises philosophy in the Zhuangzi. 5 In France, therefore, 1998). Also see Jean-François Billeter, Leçons sur Tchouang-tseu (Paris: Allia, 2002) ; and Max Kaltenmark, La Philosophie chinoise (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1994). 3 Christian Godin, Dictionnaire de philosophie (Paris: Fayard, 2004), 742 & 979; André Lalande, Vocabulaire technique et critique de la philosophie, volume 2 (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1999), 774. 4 Jean-François Billeter, Leçons sur Tchouang-tseu (Paris: Allia, 2002), 12. English version (my translation): "a man who thinks by himself, taking experiences from himself, others and the world as the object of his thought; who is informed by what other thinkers have thought before him; who is aware of the traps of the language and then uses it critically." 5 Zhuangzi, , was a philosopher who lived in China in the fourth century BC, at the time of the Warring States (475-221 BC), zhanguo, . He is credited with writing, in part, a text that bears his name, the Zhuangzi. He could have occupied a high administrative position, and rejected a prime ministership offered by the King of Wei Chu, chuweiwang, . He chose a wandering life, close to the people, instead of working in seclusion. See Angus Graham, trans. Chuang-tz : the inner chapters Chinese philosophy is more represented and imagined than known. What is the origin of the representation of China and its philosophy? This representation can be linked with how Edward Saïd defines Orientalism. According to him, Orientalism is the way the West imagines and creates the East. Orientalism was developed in the 19th century in parallel with the rise of Western colonialism, and this imaginary contributes to the construction of a dominant ideology. 6 The concept of "imaginaire", or "imaginary", is borrowed from the philosopher Cornélius Castoriadis and means "invention". 7 The problem of the existence and representation of Chinese philosophy seems to be connected to the way it was introduced into French scholarship and how it was perceived. One way to understand this problem is to go back to the source of the intellectual exchange between Europe and China. This exchange was initiated by the Jesuits in the 16th century by means of the encounter between China and Europe. 8 Analysing the manner in which the missionaries portrayed China could help us to highlight their politics in writing about the Middle Kingdom.

The methodology that we use is related to Edward Saïd's argument: "the essential aspects of modern Orientalist theory and praxis (from which present-day Orientalism derives) can be understood, as a set of structures inherited from the past, secularised, redisposed, and re-formed." 9 It could be helpful to see when this "imaginary" began, what "gaze" has been presented of the Middle Kingdom and its philosophy, and what the representations of China and its philosophy are. The impact of the writings of the Jesuits could also be measured. Philosophers of the Enlightenment like Voltaire read and relayed the content of the Edifying and Curious Letters of some Missioners, of the Society of Jesus, from Foreign Missions (published between 1702 and 1776). These Letters contain descriptions of China, its culture and philosophy. Do they still have an impact today? This paper describes how the Jesuits represented China and its philosophy, and aims to measure their impact, if any. The purpose is to provide some tentative explanation of their impact on the inherited imaginary in Chinese philosophy in France, and of their strategy for writing about China. Our hypothesis is that the Jesuit representations of China and its philosophy are still relevant today in the way that French philosophers represent Chinese philosophy.

A Window on China

The first Jesuits arrived in China at the end of the 16th century and began to initiate Europe in the knowledge of the country. 10 They are at the origin of sinology, which is understood as the study of China and its language, civilisation and history. For Europe, 9 Saïd, Orientalism (London: Penguin, 2003), 122. 10 The Spanish priest St. Francis Xavier (1506-1552), one of the founders of the Society of Jesus, was the first Missionary who attempted to reach China in 1552, but he died on the Chinese island of Shangchuan without reaching the mainland. The first missionary who succeeded in entering China was the Jesuit Melchior Nuñez Barreto (1520-1571), who twice visited Canton for one-month periods (1555). Starting in 1579, Father Michele Ruggieri (1543-1607), Father Francesco Pasio (1551-1612) and Father Matteo Ricci (1552-1610) stayed in China and began to really develop the mission. they represented a window on China. They were also an important source of information and provided numerous documents addressing a broad public; their central and unique position makes their readers dependent on them. The Jesuits were the first source for the Enlightenment philosophers. What they wrote was difficult or even impossible to verify: as sinologist René Etiemble argues, 18th century writers such as Bayle, Montesquieu, Voltaire or Turgot were not very well informed about what happened in China. Nobody knew the Chinese language, and they all depended on the Dominicans, the Franciscans and especially on the translations, Letters and memories of the Jesuits. Virgile Pinot talked about a "monopole" of publications on China. 11 The European writers did not have the necessary skills and tools to help them critically analyse the information which came from the Middle Kingdom, and hence the Jesuits had a great influence on European thinkers. 12 According to Etiemble, "Allemands ou Français, les philosophes du XVIIIe siècle dépendaient des mêmes jésuites, seuls informateurs qui eussent alors du crédit, parce qu'ils n'étaient ni des sots, ni des ignorants de la Chine." 13 The Society of Jesus was created by Ignatius of Loyola (1491-1556), who considered "les forces et faiblesses de la chrétienté de son temps". 14 The papal bull which constituted the Society on September 17 th , 1540 is thus called Regimini militantis Ecclesiae. Indeed, the Society is composed of "guerriers intellectuels" (intellectual fighters) and was created to set Europe in order. Europe was considered disorganised, and the aim of this society was to restore the church's strength and influence. It was felt that this could help the Christians recover their unity through Catholicism, which bore the ideal of civilisation and a shared language in Latin. The Jesuits' philosophy was therefore "armer leurs hommes non d'épées mais de science; de leur imposer l'enseignement comme moyen principal d'influence." 15 The mission of the Society's Fathers seems to have been of a scientific nature. The historian Jean Lacouture argues that "l'accent est mis sur le savoir, l'intelligence, la connaissance, comme condition des progrès de la foi." 16 Matteo Ricci, (or Li Madou, ), described China as "un pays immensément grand, peuplé de gens très intelligents et par de nombreux savants. (…) Ils sont si adonnés au savoir que le plus instruit est le plus noble." 17 However, this scientific relationship was not driven by a pure will to exchange knowledge. Indeed, the historian Jean Chesneaux and the sinologist Joseph Needham argue in The Modern Science (1968), that "les missionnaires n'introduisent la science moderne de l'Occident que parce qu'ils espèrent pouvoir convertir plus facilement l'empereur et les dirigeants de l'Empire." 18 15 Georges Soulié de Morand, L'Épopée des Jésuites français en Chine (Paris: Plon, 1933), 13. English version (my translation): "to arm their soldiers not with swords but with science, and to impose instruction as the principal method of influence." 16 According to Étiemble, it was upon Ricci's arrival in China, and especially when he decided to use its philosophy to serve his religious intentions, that the communication of information about Chinese philosophy began. Ricci's initial strategy was to convert only Chinese high society, because of the immensity of the country and the few missionaries available. They had first to convert the Mandarins, because these men of letters were educated enough to understand the Christian religion and were influential enough to propagate it. For practical purposes, he decided to wear the robe of the Mandarins in order to gain their confidence and appear more credible. 19 If the Jesuits had started by converting the Chinese multitude and proselytised too widely, they would have run the risk of being driven out of the city of Zhaoqing and sent back to Macao, so they taught mathematics instead of arguing against Buddhism.

Ricci's method consisted of using science to convert the Chinese, and of seeking connection points between the Christian religion and ancient Chinese texts. The idea was to have science serving the faith, to prove the marvels of religion by the "miracles" of the technical. 20 Ricci had two men of letters as students. He told one of them that he would like to refute Buddhism, but the student, Kiu Tsai-sou, argued that it was not necessary to refute Buddhism, and urged him to carry on teaching mathematics. Kiu Tsai-sou believed that once the Chinese people understood the true laws governing the universe they would see the errors of this doctrine. 21 Using science to convert the Chinese led the Jesuits to discuss the supposed Chinese backwardness in sciences, as demonstrated by their lack of rationality and abstraction. These criteria were applied to Chinese philosophy and fuelled the argument that Chinese philosophy was not worthy of the name, because it was not rational and remained at the empirical and concrete level. Ricci's method was a special adaptation of the Christian religion for China; the Jesuit understood that the Christian religion in its European form would never triumph in the Middle Kingdom. Ricci had to adapt it to a civilisation which long predated the Christian religion. He translated Christian texts into Chinese: at the end of their first year of residence in China, Ricci and his companions undertook to translate the Ten Commandments, and by October they had a manuscript ready to print.

In order to disseminate the Christian faith, Ricci felt that he had to take Confucianism into account. Initially curious about this doctrine, he found it more and more interesting. Indeed, he sought in this system of social morality some traces of spirituality, or even a metaphysics related to the Christian religion. However, his exposition of Confucianism turned into an incorrect and skewed representation precisely because it was tainted by Christian religion. He argued that the ancient Chinese were guided by reason, which for the Jesuits was something granted to them by God. He tried to understand Chinese culture according to his language and his Western context. He presented to his French readership positive "images de la Chine et des Chinois en partie intentionnellement, en apologiste." 22 We can clearly see that for Ricci the purpose of writing about China was to present it positively in order to show a country which had connexion points with the Christian religion and which was easy to convert. Ricci's ideas were disseminated in France by Father Trigault, who edited and translated Father Ricci's Journal, De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas or L'Histoire de l'expédition chrétienne (1615), from Italian into Latin. 23 According to this book : 22 Zhan Shi, "L'image de la Chine dans la pensée européenne du XVIIIe siècle : de l'apologie à la philosophie pratique", Annales historiques de la Révolution française 347 ( 2007 la pensée chinoise comprend trois sectes, où l'on reconnaît les confucéens, les bouddhistes et les disciples de Lavzv, c'est-à-dire Laauzu (Lao-tseu). Les membres de cette doctrine perverse s'inspireraient d'un « magicien » qui vivait dans une caverne et seraient aussi « abjects » que les moines bouddhistes. Ce savant homme n'ignore point que les prélats du tao « sont tellement ignorants qu'ils n'entendent même pas leurs vers et cérémonies sacrilèges ». 24 We can clearly see the direction taken by the descriptions of Chinese philosophy in France, which helped French philosophers believe that they understood China and its philosophy. How could they not pursue an imaginary of this philosophy, a philosophy which was not really known and understood by the Jesuits themselves?

The Edifying and Curious Letters were initiated by the need for exchanges between the Superiors of the Order and their subjects. The first edition of the Letters was published in Paris in 1702, fifteen years after the arrival of the first Jesuits in China; the success of the volume was instant. Indeed, the educated readership of European scholars was full of appreciation for these stories from distant regions. But until this publication, these accounts were reserved for confidential circles. These Letters contain the Jesuits' descriptions of China, its culture and philosophy, and provided the Europeans with knowledge of the manners of these exotics. 25 These Letters are 1579-1724 (Cambridge: MA, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007). 24 René Etiemble, Connaissons-nous la Chine? (Paris: Gallimard, 1964), 87. English version (my translation): "Chinese thought comprises three sects, which we recognize as the Confucians, the Buddhists and Lavzv's disciples, that is to say Laauzu (Lao-tseu). The members of the latter perverse doctrine were inspired by a 'magician' who lived in a cave, and they were as 'abject' as Buddhist monks. This scholar [Father Trigault] does not ignore that the prelates of the tao 'are so ignorant that they do not even understand their sacrilegious verses and ceremonies'". 25 Jean-Marc Moura, Lire l'exotisme (Paris: Dunod, 1992), 53. See Virgile Pinot, La Chine et la formation de l'esprit philosophique en France: 1640-1740 (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1932), 141-185. 'Exotic fantasy' understood not as a representation of distant reality but as the sight of odd, comic and "curious" (that is to say strange and odd) due to the exoticism that they contain. They represent stories of travels and describe an unknown world with unfamiliar customs and people. The Jesuits present to European readers unusual and non-familiar manners. For instance, the Letter of Father Jartoux to the Procurator-general of the Missions of India and China, of 11 th April 1711, introduces a wondrous plant, the Ginseng. 26 This letter describes the fabulous effects of this miraculous plant, which fed the Chinese myth and emphasised the status of China as a political paradise as well as a country of miraculous treatments. But the descriptions of the Middle Kingdom contained in the Letters are skewed, and could be considered as representations. For instance, the Jesuits were in contact with just one "social class" of the Chinese population, the Mandarins. Jean-François Billeter argues that the "Jésuites n'ont rien inventé, ils se sont contenté d'adapter à leur propre fin une vision de la Chine, de ses institutions et de son histoire qui existait en Chine même" 27 The Jesuits' informants were highly-placed and were educated persons, or even scholars, but they also were Mandarins. It is their vision of the world that the Jesuits interpreted and adapted to the European readership: the Jesuits became the relaters of China as seen by the Mandarins. 28 This vision was hardly valid for all China.

In discussions about China and the Jesuit missionaries of the 18th century, Father du Halde is the first name which comes to mind, but he never went to China. All his knowledge was second hand, but his name is linked to a huge volume, Description de l'Empire de la Chine et de la Tartarie chinoise (1735), which represents the sum of all the knowledge of China in the 18th century. In this book, a compilation of works and letters of the Jesuits in China, attractive aspects in order to entertain or learn from self (Jean-Marc Moura, Lire l'exotisme (Paris: Dunod, 1992), 26). 26 In Charles Le Gobien, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangères, Tome 10 (Lyon: J. Vernarel, 1819), 71-82. 27 Jean-François Billeter, Contre François Jullien (Paris: Allia, 2006), 14. English version (my translation): "the Jesuits did not invent anything; they just adapted to their own design one particular vision of China, its institutions and its history, which already existed in China itself." 28 Jean-François Billeter, Contre François Jullien (Paris: Allia, 2006), 14.

Father du Halde aimed to show the public the importance of the mission and the good results that the Jesuits would obtain because "les Chinois qui ne sont ni superstitieux, ni idolâtres, semblent être tout prêts pour qu'on leur prêche l'évangile." 29 This book demonstrates that the Jesuits felt the need to justify these missions to Rome, and they did so by presenting China in a positive light. That is why the Letters are "edifying", regarding the propaganda that they contain.

They aim to elevate the mission by demonstrating the daily heroism of the missionaries, and were intended to promote the Jesuits' mission, which had come in for fierce criticism from some quarters due to its high cost as well as jealousy from other Orders. It is thus possible to understand the politics of writing on the Middle Kingdom. Du Halde censored some parts of the letters and writing of the Jesuits in China by eliminating all that was too scientific, too complicated, or related to prodigies or superstition. As a result, Pinot argued that "les Jésuites ont systématiquement exclu de l'esprit chinois cette croyance aux esprits, aux forces naturelles, aux monstres fantastiques qui, selon les croyances populaires des Chinois, peuplent la nature entière", and that du Halde "excluait d'ailleurs soigneusement tout ce qui aurait pu paraître trop ardu ou trop violent pour le goût du temps."30

China as Described by the Jesuits

China is first described as a distant planet, full of oddness, with hieroglyphic writing. Louis Le Comte, in his Nouveaux Mémoires sur l'état présent de la Chine (1696), evoked Chinese writing in terms of "une affreuse multitude de figures" and of "hiéroglyphes imparfaits." 31 This absolute strangeness will provide exoticism in the Letters. To talk about China in the Jesuits' time was to talk about a mysterious country. This mysterious character has endured for centuries, evoking a hidden sense which implies an interpretation. China was understood as a country that was hard to know. The historian Vincent Cronin uses several adjectives similar to "mysterious" to evoke China.

Il [Ricci] quittait Macao, prison plutôt que forteresse, pour pénétrer, sans précédent ni exemple, dans le pays le plus mystérieux du monde, fermé, semblait-il, depuis toujours à la parole de Dieu; le champ de mission le plus éloigné depuis l'époque de saint Paul, cet empire qui figurait en blanc sur les cartes, dont les frontières étaient incertaines, dont le lieu de la capitale, inconnue (my emphasis). 32 The taste for "chinoiserie" developed by the Jesuits also comes from the sensation of China's strangeness and otherness that they disseminated. For the Jesuits, chinoiseries meant Chinese art and handicrafts. But it is interesting to remark that, according to Donald Lach, in modern French chinoiserie means "knick-knacks or bizarre tricks". 33 This shows that the association between China and 31 Louis Le Comte, Nouveaux Mémoires sur l'état présent de la Chine Tome 2 (Paris: Chez Jean Anisson, 1696), 309. English version: "a horrible multitude of figures" and "imperfect hieroglyphics", Louis Le Comte, Memoirs and Observations Topographical, Physical, Mathematical, Mechanical, Natural, Civil and Ecclesiastical Made in a Late Journey through the Empire of China and Published in several Letters… (London: Printed for Benjamin Tooke, 1697), 188. 32 Vincent Cronin, Le sage venu de l'Occident (Paris: Albin Michel, 1957), 42. English version (my translation): "He [Ricci] was leaving Macao in order to penetrate, without precedent or example, into the most mysterious country of the world, which seemed to have always been closed to God's words; the most distant mission since Saint Paul, this empire which was in white on the maps, with uncertain borders and a capital whose location was unknown." 33 Donald Lach, Asia in the Eyes of Europe: Sixteenth trough Eighteenth Centuries (Chicago: The University of Chicago Library, 1991), 43. On strangeness still persists. The image of China as strange, odd and distant helped to develop a European image of China as other, and this in turn fed Orientalism. Nowadays, this picture of China as an alter ego is still present in François Jullien's writings, for instance. China and Chinese philosophy are used in order to help French philosophy to think and understand itself, but China and Chinese philosophy do not think. 34 This picture of China, as strange and other, plays a role in the lack of recognition of Chinese philosophy in France.

Many of the Jesuit's descriptions have become representations and clichés of China. The Jesuits disseminated stereotypes, such as that of the Chinese wise man. This figure was initiated by Montaigne in book 3 of his Essais-Montaigne had read the History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of China (1575), written by Gonzalez de Mendoza-but the Jesuits elaborated it significantly. This myth was constructed parallel to that of the "noble savage". According to René Etiemble, the stories of the Missionaries compare the noble savage with "un autre type humain, non moins dangereux pour l'ordre politique et religieux de l'Europe, celui du sage chinois. (…), il offre à la fois le modèle du parfait sujet, et celui d'un prince ideal." 35 The figure of the Chinese wise man, embodied for the Jesuits by Confucius, became a religious figure with them; Confucius represented the precursor of the Christian religion.

In the Confucius Sinarum Philosophus (1687), compiled by Father Couplet, Confucius is represented as a pre-Christian moralist who preached the virtues of the Decalogue and the Gospels before chinoiseries see also Hugh Honour, Chinoiserie: The Vision of Cathay (New York: Dutton & Co., 1962). 34 See how China is used by François Jullien as a "mental prosthesis" in Thierry Marchaisse (Dir.), Dépayser la pensée : Dialogues hétérotopiques avec François Jullien sur son usage philosophique de la Chine (Paris, Seuil, 2003), 82. 35 René Étiemble, L'Europe chinoise (Paris: Gallimard, 1988), 227. English version (my translation): "another human type, no less dangerous for the political and religious order in Europe, the Chinese wise man. (…) he offers both the model of a perfect subject and that of the ideal prince."

Moses, Jesus Christ and the apostles. 36 Father Couplet took up and developed the idea, proposed by Matteo Ricci, that Confucius had prepared pagan spirits to receive Jesus Christ's doctrine. 37 We are thus faced with another need to create images of China in order to facilitate the spread of the Christian religion in China, and to show an image of a positive enterprise which European sponsors would continue to support. 38 In particular, it seems that the Jesuits read the Confucian canon without taking into account its historical context. In order to further their goal of converting the Chinese, they constructed Confucius as a monotheist who believed in God through the concepts of tian and Shangdi . 39 Thus, for Marian Skrzypek, Confucian and Chinese deism is a mental construction which seems to derive from two principles: "la certitude historique de l'antériorité de la civilisation chinoise par rapport à la civilisation des Hébreux bibliques; la certitude théorique sur l'antériorité du déisme, en tant que religion parfait." 40 36 Marian Skrzypek, "Les visages de Confucius dans les Lumières européennes" in L'image de l'autre vue d'Asie et d'Europe, ed. Hisayasu Nakagawa & Johen Schlobach (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2007), 219. 37 The Belgian Jesuit Phillipe Couplet (1623-1693) was a linguist, historian and philosopher sent to China. 38 Indeed, the Society of Jesus depended upon the Pope, who decided to send these Missionaries where he judged their help useful. The "patronage" system, instituted by Pope Alexander VI at the end of the 15th century, divided the world between the Spanish and the Portuguese. The kings of these countries received a spiritual mission from the Pope and were responsible for the Catholic missions to the portions of the world assigned to them. But Portugal became unable to sustain the necessary missionary effort in Brazil, Asia and Africa. In 1539, King Jean III of Portugal asked Pope Paul III and Ignatius of Loyola for more missionaries. France, the largest Catholic country at that time, seized this opportunity to use the Jesuits for its own benefit, and Louis XIV sent a group of French Jesuits, "Les mathématiciens du roi", in order to establish a French presence in China. 39 According to him, Father Ricci also disseminated a false idea of the antiquity and philosophy of China. Indeed, all his politics were founded "sur la ressemblance existant entre les préceptes de la morale antique chinoise et les enseignements du christianisme, sur l'analogie du souverain d'en haut avec le Dieu chrétien Maître du Ciel." 41 The missionaries who followed continued to compare "a real Confucianism of antiquity". This Confucianism was in line with the "natural religion", or the Bible.

This presentation and construction of Confucian philosophy was strategically developed in order to show a link between ancient Chinese culture and the Christian religion, a link that presented both a strong argument for conversion to potential neophytes in China and a positive image of the mission back in Europe. A number of Missionaries naïvely believed in a strong similarity between ancient Chinese conceptions and those of the Bible. According to the historian Yu Shuo, Ricci "a ainsi élaboré un concept syncrétique dans lequel la science pure, la technologie, la philosophie, l'éthique et la religion sont unies, liées et confondues." 42 Despite this, the positive point established by the Jesuits is that when they talk about Chinese philosophy or philosophers, they present them as such. This use was continued by the philosophers of the Enlightenment, but was later lost with the rise of western colonialism and scientific racism in 19th century Europe.

The other important figure developed by the Jesuits was that of the "enlightened despot". Ricci, in describing the imperial system of examinations, helped to develop a picture of a China governed by a "philosopher king". Indeed, Zhan Shi argues that Ricci emphasised the fact that all the empire's officials were selected by these examinations, in which the Confucian Classics were important elements. This institution served to entrench Confucianism as the moral standard across the whole Empire. 43 This image of the "enlightened despot" was further developed by Father Contancin who, under the reign of Yongzheng, (1678-1735), admired the perfection of the Chinese government. 44 He wrote several letters which contributed to the dissemination of the enlightened despot myth throughout Europe.

The Gazette, a kind of official journal, was his principal source of information. This journal recorded the edicts and acts of the emperor, presenting him in a positive light; this explains why the tone of Father Contancin's first letter is so enthusiastic. Writing to Father Etienne Souciet, he describes the emperor as "infatigable dans le travail ; il pense nuit et jour à établir la forme d'un sage gouvernement, et à procurer le bonheur de ses sujets." 45 Contancin refers to him as the "empereur laboureur" (ploughman emperor) because, despite his responsibilities and his dignity, he demeans himself by doing farm work in order to provide an example to his people, whilst even his wife, the empress, joins in the exercise by spinning. 46 This is an example, Contancin suggests, that several 43 Zhan Shi, "L'image de la Chine dans la pensée européenne du XVIIIe siècle : de l'apologie à la philosophie pratique", Annales historiques de la Révolution française 347 (2007): 4. 44 Another persistent European image of China portrays the country as being deeply "backward" in the sciences. The emergence of this picture of China appears in the 18 th -century scientific collaboration between the Académie des Sciences de Paris and the Jesuit Mission of Beijing. Father Parrenin often wrote to Jean-Jacques Dortous de Mairan, director of the Académie des Sciences. His letter dated August 11 th , 1730 evokes China's strange "backwardness" in the sciences. According to him, Europeans seem to be naturally anxious, which pushes them to pursue innovation and experimentation. On the contrary, the Chinese seem to be apathetic, prosaic and pragmatic. This description came to play a role in the perception of Chinese philosophy in France. How could the Chinese philosophise if they are solely practical and if they ignore the theoretical and the abstract? Parrenin thus quotes Dortous de Mairan: "c'est cela même, Monsieur, qui vous paroît étrange, que les Chinois ayant cultivé depuis si longtemps ce qu'on appelle les sciences spéculatives ; ils ne se soient pas trouvé un homme qui les ait médiocrement approfondies." (emphasis by Parrenin quoting Mairan in his Letter). 47 Mairan was surprised that the "génie des version (my translation): "[the emperor provides] an example himself to the men so nobody will denigrate agriculture; the empress provides it to women in order to show manual work as an ordinary thing." 47 Lettre du Père Parrenin à Mr Dortous de Mairan du 11 août 1730, in Charles Le Gobien, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangères, Tome 12 (Lyon: J. Vernarel, 1819), 52. English version (my translation): "it is this, sir, that strikes you as strange, that the Chinese have cultivated speculative sciences for a long time, and yet they have not managed to find a man who could go into even the slightest depth." Dominique Parrenin (1665-1741) was a French Jesuit who was sent to China in the same period as Louis XIV's "Mathématiciens du roi" (Mathematicians of the King). From 1699 to 1722 he served as a teacher and then counsellor to the fourth emperor of the Qing Dynasty (Qing Chao, , 1644-1912), Kangxi (1654-1722). He corresponded with Dortous de Mairan (1678-1771), French mathematician, astronomer and geophysicist, and director of the Académie des Sciences. See Dortous de Mairan, Lettres au R. P. Parrenin, Jésuite, missionnaire à Pékin, (Paris: Imprimerie Royale, 1770).

Chinois, d'ailleurs très estimable, nous soit si inférieurs sur ce qu'on appelle les sciences speculative." 48

Father Parrenin enumerates two reasons for the lack of Chinese improvement in the sciences. The first is that the Chinese "n'ont point de récompense à attendre." 49 The second is that "il n'y a rien ni au-dehors, ni au-dedans qui pique et entretienne l'émulation." 50 The Chinese ceased their scientific investigations not only because nothing pushed them to continue, but also because there was no competition in their research from within or without China. According to the Jesuit, in order to "faire fleurir ces sciences à la Chine, ce serait que non seulement un empereur, mais que plusieurs empereurs de suite favorisassent ceux qui par leur étude et par leur application parviennent à faire de nouvelles découvertes; qu'ils établissent des fonds solides pour récompenser le mérite, et pour fournir aux frais des voyages et instruments nécessaires. "there is nothing, inside or outside China, which could arouse and maintain the competitive spirit". 51 Lettre du Père Parrenin à M. Dortous de Mairan du 11 août 1730, in Charles Le Gobien, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangères, Tome 12 (Lyon: J. Vernarel, 1819), 54. English version (my translation): "to develop Sciences in China, not just one emperor but several in succession should encourage people who by their studies and their efforts are making discoveries. He has to establish solid funds to reward merit, and pay for necessary travel and instruments."

Mairan found in Parrenin's descriptions the perfect incompetence of China in the sciences: "la superstition du pays, le peu de talents des habitants pour les calculs et la spéculation, et l'entêtement bien ou mal fondé de ne rien ajouter aux connaissances de leurs prédécesseurs fait un ensemble qui caractérise parfaitement la nation." [START_REF]Jésuite, missionnaire à Pékin, contenant diverses questions sur la Chine[END_REF] The Jesuit proposed a solution which could help the Chinese to develop in the sciences. If there was an independent neighbouring kingdom which had developed in the field, "peutêtre qu'ils se réveilleraient de leur assoupissement, et que les empereurs deviendraient plus attentifs à avancer le progrès de cette science." [START_REF]Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangères[END_REF] Finally, these descriptions of the Chinese support the idea that they are not scientists and philosophers; that they promote concrete sensory experience over abstract theorising and conduct research because it is useful, not because they harbour a love of knowledge.

Les Chinois (…) iront toujours terre à terre, (…) ils n'ont pas, comme vous l'avez fort bien remarqué, cette sagacité, cette inquiétude qui sert à avancer dans les sciences, mais encore parce qu'ils se bornent à ce qui est purement nécessaire ; …. 54 Le Gobien, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangères, Tome 12 (Lyon: J. Vernarel, 1819), 58. English version (my translation): "the Chinese (…) will ever be prosaic; (…) they do not have, as you have well remarked, this sagacity, this concern to go further in then sciences, but also because they limit their research to what is necessary to them."

The Jesuit Parrenin cited the example of medicine to show that the ancient Chinese possessed both the theory and the practice, but that contemporary Chinese only employed the practice. He claimed that their medicine always had beneficial effects, which is why he believed that "ceux qui ont laissé à postérité ces recettes, joignaient la théorie à la pratique, et avaient une connaissance particulière du mouvement du sang et des humeurs dans le corps humain, et que leurs neveux n'ont conservé que la mécanique." 55 The reason for the "backwardness" of China in the speculative sciences is thus supposedly proved. But Parrenin also defends the innovative spirit of the Chinese and their intelligence. He tells Mairan of the compass, and the discovery of the rectangle. However, he maintains that Chinese science in his time had become stagnant and had not developed any further. Since China suffers "backwardness" in the sciences (where Europe is at the forefront), he argues, the country required European knowledge. Parrenin thought that China needed educated European travellers, and its misfortune was "de n'avoir point encore été le terme de nos doctes voyageurs." 56

Impact of the Jesuits' China

Due to the diffusion of the Edifying and Curious Letters and their exchanges with contemporary scholars, the Jesuit missionaries had a profound influence not only on French scholars of the time, but 55 Lettre du Père Parrenin à Mr Dortous de Mairan du 11 août 1730, in Charles Le Gobien, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangères, Tome 12 (Lyon: J. Vernarel, 1819), 70. English version (my translation): "The persons who have left these formulae to posterity joined theory to practice, and had a special knowledge of the blood's movement and of the humours in the human body; and their nephews [that is to say the contemporary Chinese] have merely conserved the mechanics." 56 Lettre du Père Parrenin à Mr Dortous de Mairan du 20 septembre 1740, in Charles Le Gobien, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangères, Tome 12 (Lyon: J. Vernarel, 1819), 279. English version (my translation): "that China has not until now been the destination of our learned travellers." also on those of later periods. 57 Sino-enthusiasm was a component of Enlightenment thought, and Voltaire, himself educated at a Jesuit college, was the greatest admirer of China. He read the Letters and used them in order to write his literary and critical works, in which he often promoted China. He argued that the Chinese are more advanced than the other people of the world due to their antiquity and their intellectual and moral superiority. He admired the form of constitutional monarchy in the Middle Kingdom; the cliché of the Chinese despot, offered by the Jesuits to the European readership, gained him notable success in Europe. Voltaire attentively read the letters of Father Contancin, and his portrait of Yong-tcheng in the Siècle de Louis XIV (1752) was written after reading the first of these. [START_REF] Vissière | Lettres édifiantes et curieuses des Jésuites de Chine (1702-1776[END_REF] He described him as the "monarque de la terre le plus juste, le plus poli, & le plus sage. Ce fut lui qui le premier laboura un petit champ de ses mains impériales, pour rendre l'agriculture respectable à son people." [START_REF] Voltaire | La princesse de Babylone[END_REF] This description echoes that given by Contancin, of the ploughman emperor who is also wise and tolerant. China represented for Voltaire a political solution to the problems of a Europe torn apart by religious wars, because it offered a model of religious tolerance. Voltaire was also influenced by the writings of les devoirs en étiquette, toute la morale en simagrées et ne connaît d'autre humanité que les salutations et les références." 63 But in his Discourse on Political Economy (1756), he praised China for its implementation of the general will in the absence of assemblies of the people. Rousseau stressed that the emperor of China managed to maintain the common good despite China's huge size and lack of popular assemblies.

Whether French writers were enthusiastic about China or not, they had to read the writings of the Jesuits as a foundation. According to Jean-François Billeter : "tous ont raisonné sur la Chine telle que la pressentait les Jésuites. Les pères jésuites sont les auteurs de cette Chine « autre », faite pour « donner à penser », dont François Jullien nous a donné l'avatar." 64 It seems that the images and representations the Jesuits created influenced the scholars of their time, and Enlightenment thinkers, but it also appears that they remain relevant today. For instance, the French philosopher François Jullien uses Chinese philosophy in order to understand the "unthought of" in Western thought, and employs China as the "other" in order to provoke thought in Western philosophy. He also promotes the use of the image of the Chinese wise man, who he strongly differentiates from the Greek philosopher. 65 He argues that "quand on me dit : « La pensée chinoise n'est pas philosophique », je réponds : « C'est vrai, la pensée chinoise aurait pu se développer en ce sens, mais elle n'a 63 Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Julie ou la Nouvelle Héloïse (Paris: Bordas, 1988), 396. English version (my translation): "educated, cowardly, hypocrites and charlatans; talking a lot without saying anything, full of spirit without any genius, abundant in sterile signs and without ideas; polite, complimentary, adroit, dishonest and mischievous; they put all their effort into etiquette, all their morality into pomp, and do not know any humanity other than correct greetings and forms of address." 64 Jean-François Billeter, Contre François Jullien (Paris: Allia, 2006), 14. English version (my translation): "all have thought about China as it described by the Jesuits. The Jesuit Fathers are the authors of this 'other' China made in order to provoke thought amongst Western scholars, of which François Jullien gave us the avatar." 65 François Jullien, Un sage est sans idée ou l'autre de la philosophie (Paris: Seuil, 1998).

pas fait ce choix-là. »" 66 Alain Badiou praises Jullien for providing structure to Chinese thought, because when he read Chinese thought without preparation or work on concepts he dismissed it as "small talk", as did Hegel many years prior. 67 It is also thanks to the Jesuits that the two powers, Europe and China, each became aware that they were not the centre of the world: the first moment of mutual relativism. The encounter with China and its ancient culture led Europe of the 17th and 18th centuries to become aware of the relativity of its own culture and to be open to other forms of thought. 68 Europe realised that it was not the centre of the world: it had sought to define itself by establishing criterions and comparison points, such as travel stories, and the Jesuits' Letters broadly contributed to the disruption of ancient structures. To the European conscience, in crisis at this time, these writings developed a sense of relativity. 69 For instance, Father de Chavagnac's letter to Father Le Gobien of 10 th February 1703 contains a description of a scene where the Chinese men of letters had asked de Chavagnac to show them a globe: "Ils cherchèrent long-temps la Chine ; enfin ils prirent pour leur pays un des deux hémisphères qui contient l'Europe, l'Asie et l'Afrique : l'Amérique leur paroissait encore trop grande pour le reste de l'univers. (…) Où est donc la Chine, s'écrièrent-ils tous ? C'est dans ce tout petit coin de terre, leur répondis-je, et en voici les limites. Je ne saurois vous exprimer quel fut leur étonnement : ils se 66 Another example is the scene where Mateo Ricci showed "une carte récente de Flandres, où on y voyait l'Europe, les côtes orientales et occidentales de l'Amérique du nord, l'Amérique du Sud dans son entier, le contour de l'Afrique, de l'Inde, de l'Indonésie… ils ne le crurent pas et pensèrent à une erreur." 71 For their part, the European Jesuits realised the scale of the Middle Kingdom. Another letter relates a scene where the Chinese scholars displayed a map of China showing its fifteen provinces. The Jesuits recognised Japan, Korea, Cambodia, Sumatra, Java on the periphery and to the West, India and Arabia. The Jesuits realised that "les pays étrangers mis ensemble couvraient à peine la superficie d'une des moindres provinces de l'Empire du Milieu." 72 70 Lettre du Père de Chavagnac au Père le Gobien du 10 février 1703, in Charles Le Gobien, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangères, Tome 9 (Lyon: J. Vernarel, 1819), 377. English version (my translation): "They searched for China for a long time, then they took their country for one of the two hemispheres which contains Europe, Asia and Africa. The Americas still seemed to them too large to contain the rest of the universe. (…) 'Where is China?', they asked. 'It is in a small corner of the world', I answered them; 'and these are the limits of it'. I cannot express their surprise: they looked at each other and said these Chinese words: Chiao te kin, that is to say: It is very small." With the words Chiao te kin, Father de Chavagnac evokes the Daodejing, , the book attributed to Laozi, .

According to the historian Sima Qian, (who lived around 100 BCE), in the Shiji, or Historical Memory, Laozi lived during the Zhou dynasty, (1046-256 BCE). 71 Vincent Cronin, Le sage venu de l'Occident (Paris: Albin Michel, 1957), 79. English version (my translation): "a recent map of Flanders, where one could see Europe, the western and eastern coast of North America, South America in its entirety, the outline of Africa, India, and Indonesia... They did not believe it and thought it a mistake." 72 Vincent Cronin, Le sage venu de l'Occident (Paris: Albin Michel, 1957), 81. English version (my translation): "the foreign countries, together, barely cover the area of one of the least provinces of the Middle Kingdom." King of the Xia dynasty (2070-ca. 1600 BC). [START_REF]Lettre du Père Parrenin à Mr Dortous de Mairan du 20 septembre 1740[END_REF] Indeed, at a time when it was taught that the Bible recounted the "history of the whole of humanity, China appears as an aberrant phenomenon. China is not only highly ancient, but this antiquity can also be proved by writings and astronomic observations." [START_REF] Vissière | Lettres édifiantes et curieuses des Jésuites de Chine (1702-1776[END_REF] The Chinese annals date back to the year 2952 before Jesus Christ-that is to say 600 years before the Flood. The consequences of this discovery were felt both in Europe and China. [START_REF]Pascal in his Pensées will brush this question aside by asking : "Lequel est le plus croyable des deux, Moïse ou la Chine ?[END_REF] Indeed, in Europe, the Christian history of the world was fundamentally called into question by the history of China; the timeline lost its credibility. In Asia, the religious conversion of the Chinese was weakened because they were aware of the contradictions between their writings and the Bible.

Conclusion

Ultimately, the Jesuits portrayed China as a strange, exotic and curious world. They are at the origin of the clichés of the "despotic emperor" and the "Chinese wise man" which persist in our minds today. They disseminated a skewed idea of China, of its culture and its philosophy. For instance, Ricci developed a picture of China in a positive but idealised light. Indeed, the China that he represented was distorted, designed to seduce Europe in order to justify the expense of the Jesuits' missions. To this end, Confucius was presented as a pre-Christian moralist who believed in the Christian God. This presentation and construction of Confucian philosophy was strategically developed in order to show a link between ancient Chinese culture and the Christian religion, a link that offered a strong argument for conversion. The Jesuits had to convince future neophytes in China as well as promote a positive image of the mission in Europe. They did present Chinese philosophy as such, but they seem to be at the origin of a portion of the inherited imaginary of Chinese philosophy in France.

The descriptions disseminated by the Jesuits had a serious impact on the representations of Chinese philosophy in France, influencing French scholars of the Enlightenment both positively and negatively. These scholars leaned on the Jesuits' writings, which were the only source of knowledge about China. The Jesuits were the first to put forth the thesis of China's "backwardness" in the sciences, which has had such a negative influence on the representation of the country over the centuries. Supposedly, China could not philosophise because the Chinese were more practical than theoretical. If French scholars and philosophers represent and imagine Chinese philosophy as wisdom and thought instead of as philosophy, it might be because they are the heirs of what their predecessors thought about China. This illustrates well Anne Cheng's argument, that we still bear an image of China based on a "conception formed three centuries ago during the Enlightenment period, which is no longer either illuminated or illuminating." 77 77 Anne Cheng, La Chine pense-t-elle ? (Paris: Fayard, 2009), 25.

(

  Indianapolis: Hackett Pub., 2001); Burton Watson, trans. Zhuangzi: Basic writings (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003); Jean-François Billeter, Leçons sur Tchouang-tseu (Paris: Allia, 2002) and Études sur Tchouang-tseu (Paris: Allia, 2004); Angus Graham, Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China (La Salle: Open Court, 1989); Herrlee Glessner Creel, What is Taoism?: and Other Studies in Chinese Cultural History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982); and Anne Cheng, Histoire de la pensée chinoise (Paris: Seuil, 1997), 113-142. 6 Edward W. Saïd, Orientalism (London: Penguin, 2003). 7 Cornelius Castoriadis, L'Institution imaginaire de la société (Paris: Seuil, 1975), 190. 8 Prior to the Jesuit missions, the missions of the Italian Franciscan historian Jean de Plan Carpin (1182-1252), the Flemish Franciscan Guillaume de Rubrouck (1215-1295) and the Venetian merchant Marco Polo (1254-1324) represent the beginning of the representations of China in the European imaginary. However, these did not constitute a real exchange and knowledge of philosophy. See Jean-Pierre Duteil, Le Mandat du ciel: Le rôle des jésuites en Chine, de la mort de François-Xavier à la dissolution de la Compagnie de Jésus (1552-1774) (Paris: Arguments, 1994) ; and Liam M. Brockey, Journey to the East: The Jesuit Mission to China, 1579-1724 (Cambridge: MA, The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2007).

  English version (my translation): "the missionaries introduced Western modern science only because they hoped to convert the Emperor and the Empire's leadership more easily."19 Vincent Cronin, Le sage venu de l'Occident (Paris: Albin Michel, 1957), 113. 20 Isabelle Vissière & Jean-Louis Vissière, Lettres édifiantes et curieuses des Jésuites de Chine (1702-1776) (Paris : Desjonquères, 2001), 189. 21 Vincent Cronin, Le sage venu de l'Occident (Paris: Albin Michel, 1957), 154.

  ): 4. English version (my translation): "pictures of China and the Chinese in part intentionally, as an apologist." 23 Father Nicolas Trigault (1577-1628) was a French Jesuit who worked on the Romanisation of Chinese writing. He published De Christiana expeditione apud Sinas suscepta ab Societate Jesu (About Christian expeditions to China undertaken by the Society of Jesus) for the first time in 1615 in Augsburg. See Chrétien Dehaisnes, Vie du Père Nicolas Trigault (Tournai, 1861); and Liam M. Brockey, Journey to the East: The Jesuit Mission to China,

  Chinese civilisation compared to Hebrew civilisation; and the theoretical conviction of the precedence of the deism as a perfect religion." 41 Yu Shuo, Chine et Occident : Une relation à réinventer (Paris: Charles Léopold Mayer, 2000), 28. English version (my translation): "the similarity between the moral precepts of the ancient Chinese and the teachings of the Christian religion, on the analogy of the sovereign from above with the Christian God, Lord of Heaven". 42 Yu Shuo, Chine et Occident : Une relation à réinventer (Paris: Charles Léopold Mayer, 2000), 28. English version (my translation): "[Ricci] thus elaborated a syncretic concept in which pure science, technology, philosophy, ethics and religion were united, linked and mixed up."

" 51 48

 51 Lettre du Père Parrenin à M. Dortous de Mairan du 11 août 1730, in Charles Le Gobien, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangères, Tome 12 (Lyon: J. Vernarel, 1819), 49. English version (my translation): "[the] genius of the Chinese, otherwise worthy of esteem, is really below us in the speculative sciences." 49 Lettre du Père Parrenin à M. Dortous de Mairan du 11 août 1730, in Charles Le Gobien, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangères, Tome 12 (Lyon: J. Vernarel, 1819), 53. English version (my translation): "do not have any reward to win". 50 Lettre du Père Parrenin à M. Dortous de Mairan du 11 août 1730, in Charles Le Gobien, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangères, Tome 12 (Lyon: J. Vernarel, 1819), 55. English version (my translation):

  Franklin Perkins, Leibniz and China: A Commerce of Light (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004), 19.

40 Marian Skrzypek, "Les visages de Confucius dans les Lumières européennes" in L'image de l'autre vue d'Asie et d'Europe, ed. Hisayasu Nakagawa & Johen Schlobach (Paris: Honoré Champion, 2007), 219. English version (my translation): "the historical conviction of the precedence of

  Yongzheng, , was the fifth Emperor of the Qing dynasty, , reigning from 1723 to 1735. He was the son of Kangxi, , (1654-1722) who reigned from 1661 to 1722, the longest of any Emperor of China. 45 Lettre du Père Contancin au Père Étienne Souciet du 2 décembre 1725, in Charles Le Gobien, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangères, Tome 11 (Lyon: J. Vernarel, 1819), 308. English version (my translation): "tireless in his work, he thinks night and day about how to establish a wise government and provide happiness to his subjects." 46 Lettre du Père Contancin au Père Étienne Souciet du 15 décembre 1727, in Charles Le Gobien, ed., Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, écrites des missions étrangères, Tome 11 (Lyon: J. Vernarel, 1819), 440. French version: "[l'empereur donne] lui-même cet exemple aux hommes, afin qu'il n'y ait personne qui n'estime l'agriculture ; l'Impératrice le donne aux femmes, pour rendre parmi elles le travail des mains plus ordinaire". English rulers in Europe would do well to follow. Father Contancin read these sources without questioning the nature of what was written.

  Wolfang Kubin, "Comme une poussière dans l'oeil du politiquement correct", in Chine/Europe. Percussions dans la pensée. À partir du travail de François Jullien, ed. Pierre Chartier and Thierry Marchaisse (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2005), 246. English version (my translation): "when somebody tells me that 'Chinese thought is not a philosophy' I answer that 'it is true, Chinese thought could develop itself in that sense, but it has not made this choice.'" 67 Alain Badiou, « Jullien l'apostat », in Oser construire : Pour François Jullien (Paris: Seuil, 2007), 140. 68 Muriel Détrie, « Où en est le dialogue entre l'Occident et l'Extrême-Orient ? », Revue de littérature comparée 1, 297 (2001): 156. 69 Isabelle Vissière & Jean-Louis Vissière, Lettres édifiantes et curieuses des Jésuites de Chine (1702-1776) (Paris : Desjonquères, 2001), 18. regardoient les uns les autres, et se disaient ces mots chinois : Chiao te kin, c'est-à-dire : elle est bien petite." 70

Virgile Pinot, La Chine et la formation de l'esprit philosophique en France: 1640-1740 (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1932), 141.

René Etiemble, Connaissons-nous la Chine? (Paris: Gallimard, 1964), 203-204.

 13 Ibid., 87. English version (my translation): "German or French, the eighteenth-century philosophers depended upon the Jesuits, the unique informants who had credibility because they were neither fools nor ignorant about China

."14 Philippe Lecrivain, Pour une plus grande gloire de Dieu : les missions jésuites (Paris: Gallimard, 1991), 14. English version (my translation): "strengths and weaknesses of the Christianity of his time".

Virgile Pinot, La Chine et la formation de l'esprit philosophique en France: 1640-1740 (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1932), 167. English version (my translation): "the Chinese, who are not superstitious, nor idolaters, seem to be ready to hear the preaching of the Gospel."

Virgile Pinot, La Chine et la formation de l'esprit philosophique en France: 1640-1740 (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1932), 183-145. English version (my translation): "the Jesuits have systematically excluded from the Chinese mind this belief in spirits, in natural forces, in fantastic monsters which, according to popular beliefs of the Chinese, were living in the whole of nature", and that du Halde "also carefully excluded everything that might have seemed too difficult or too violent for the taste of the time."

the Jesuits on Confucius, who for him represented the perfection of the wise man, writing that he offered "la morale la plus pure, sans aucune teinture de charlatanisme". 60 Voltaire used the Jesuits' China as a counterpoint in his criticisms of the excesses of his time, notably religious strife. From the Jesuits' positive analyses of China in a religious context, he deduced that the presence of such morality in China proved the relativity of morality, concluding that it was possible to develop morals without the Christian religion. That this conclusion was enabled by the religious missions of the Jesuits is rather ironic.

However, not all Enlightenment writers were so taken by the China of the Jesuits: Montesquieu (1689-1755), another attentive reader of the Letters, expressed serious reservations about the country. 61 Although initially attracted to the patriarchal regime, he ultimately perceived an odious despotism in China. Montesquieu quoted Du Halde and suggested that "C'est le bâton qui gouverne la Chine." 62 He accused the Jesuits of disseminating an idealised picture of China, one which was false because it didn't conform to his theories on government.

Rousseau's views of China were mixed. In his Julie ou la Nouvelle Héloïse (1761), he argued that the Chinese people are characterised by the corruption and hypocrisy of advanced civilisations. He described them as "lettré, lâche, hypocrite et charlatan; parlant beaucoup sans rien dire, plein d'esprit sans aucun génie, abondant en signes stériles et sans idées; poli, complimenteur, adroit, fourbe et fripon, met tous 60 Voltaire, Dictionnaire philosophique. In OEuvres complètes Tome 38 (Paris: Imprimerie de la société littéraire typographique, 1784), 482. English version: "nothing but the purest morality, without the slightest tinge of charlatanism". Voltaire, A Philosophical Dictionary Vol. 2 (London: John and H. L. Hunt, 1824) 142. 61 Finally, the polemic between theologians and philosophers questioned the human history of the Bible as a result of China's antiquity. This question was raised in the letter of Father Parrenin to Dortous de Mairan of 20th September 1740. Father Parrenin offered proof of the antiquity of China, asserting that in these terms Egypt had nothing for China to envy. As an example, he mentioned the knowledge of the fact that Mercury and Venus turn around the Sun, as mentioned by Father Gaubil in his work on the astronomy of the Han dynasty (206 BC-220 AD). 73 Parrenin also describes the right-angled triangle known to Yu the Great, first 73 See Antoine Gaubil, Histoire de l'astronomie chinoise, and Traité de l'astronomie chinoise, in Observations mathématiques, astronomiques, géographiques, chronologiques et physiques tirées des anciens livres chinois ; ou faites nouvellement aux Indes et à la Chine, Tome 2 and Tome 3, ed. Souciet Etienne (Paris: Rollin, 1729-1732). Father Antoine Gaubil (1689-1759) was a French astronomer and historian with the French Jesuit mission in China.