Anton A

Verbal allocutivity in a crosslinguistic perspective

Keywords: allocutivity, non-argumental addressee, gender indexicality, non-selected datives (), ethical dative, grammaticalisation

Allocutivity is a term coined to describe a phenomenon in Basque whereby, in certain pragmatic (and syntactic) circumstances, an addressee who is not an argument of the verb is systematically encoded in all declarative main clause conjugated verb forms. Although the term is applied exclusively to Basque, similar phenomena are found in other languages as well. Indeed, despite certain differences in the degree of grammaticalisation and usage, allocutive verb forms are aested in at least Pumé (isolate; Venezuela), Nambikwara (isolate; Brazil), Mandan (Siouan; North America) and Beja (Cushitic; NE Africa). e aim of this article is to propose a typology of verbal allocutivity in a crosslinguistic perspective, taking into consideration the locus of encoding, the manner in which it is encoded, the information concerning the addressee which is encoded and the syntactic environments in which it can appear.

Introduction

is paper deals with a phenomenon aested in a number of unrelated languages where it is known under different names but which can be described as the linguistic encoding (in certain socio-pragmatic and syntactic circumstances) of a non-argumental addressee in some or all main clause predicates. is phenomenon has been recognized in its own right and fully described as such only in Basque, where it has been known under the term 'allocutivity' since the 19th century. Despite individual differences in use and degree of grammaticalisation, similar phenomena in several unrelated languages appear to share common features both from the point of view of their morphology and the syntactic constraints governing their use. e aim of this paper is to examine data from these languages in some detail and then propose a tentative typology of this type of allocutivity, which I shall call 'verbal' allocutivity. It is organized as follows: Sections 1.1 and 1.2 give a definition of what is (and isn't) allocutivity, and in particular verbal allocutivity which is at the centre of this paper. Section 1.3 offers a synthetic overview of different ways of encoding allocutivity in the world's languages. Section 2 presents relevant data from Basque, while sections 3, 4, 5 and 6 examine data illustrating similar phenomena in several unrelated languages 1 spoken in widely separated areas of the world. Finally, section 7 offers a tentative typology of verbal allocutivity in the world's languages with special focus on where, how and what is encoded as well as the syntactic constraints governing the use of (verbal) allocutive forms.

What is allocutivity?

Allocutivity is a term coined by Louis-Lucien Bonaparte (Bonaparte 1862:19-21). It is used to describe the following phenomenon which exists in virtually all Basque dialects: the addressee is systematically encoded in all declarative finite verb forms even when s/he is not an argument of the verb¹ if (and only i) in the given context the speaker uses the familiar second person singular pronoun hi when talking to the addressee, i.e. if the addressee 'is given familiar treatment'. Eastern Basque dialects show in addition to this 'familiar'-type allocutivity a second type of 'polite' allocutivity triggered by the use of the second person singular 'polite' pronoun zu. e corresponding forms thus express the 'respect' the speaker has for the addressee. All of these forms are accordingly called 'allocutive' (cf. Hualde and Ortiz de Urbina 2003:242).

It is important to highlight the fact that in Basque the non-argumental addressee encoded by an allocutive verb form cannot possibly be construed as a participant in the event or action described by the corresponding verb² or even as a possessor, contrary to most cases of non-argumental, or nonselected (traditionally called 'ethical') datives (on which see Bosse et al. 2012 and below).

Examples in (1) (Standard Basque, personal knowledge) and (2) (Souletin; Eastern Basque, aer Coyos 1999:173,234) where an intransitive verb has a first-person singular unique argument are an illustration of the phenomenon. While (1a) and (2a) represent a neutral statement used in a situation where the speaker is not otherwise using the second person singular familiar pronoun hi when talking to the addressee, (1b) and (2b), (1c) and (2c) illustrate allocutive equivalents used in a situation where the addressee is a man or a woman, and is being given familiar treatment. Note that in neither case is the addressee an argument of the (synthetic³) verb. Example (2d) illustrates the 'polite' type of allocutivity present in some Eastern dialects.

(1) a. Bilbo-ra Bilbao- n-oa 1-go 1 'I am going to Bilbao. ' ¹When the addressee is an argument of the verb, s/he is of course encoded in the verb form as well, but these forms are not called 'allocutive' mainly because a non-argumental addressee is not encoded in exactly the same way as an argumental one.

²is is true overall, but exceptions are aested with first person inclusive plural arguments (e.g. subjects), where the addressee is arguably argumental but the verb form is nevertheless allocutive, cf. section 2.

³Basque verbs fall into two classes according to their conjugation type: synthetic (no auxiliary in most forms) and analytic (auxiliary-based forms only). Analytic verbs make use of one of two auxiliaries in order to inflect for different TAM categories, izan 'be' with intransitives and *edun 'have' with transitives, each of which normally follows the participle form of the main verb. e vast majority of Modern Basque verbs are analytic ones and so their allocutive forms are those of these two auxiliaries for the corresponding TAM category.

b. Bilbo-ra

Bilbao- Given that in Basque we are dealing with the encoding of a non-argumental addressee in the verb form, I propose to call this type of allocutivity 'verbal allocutivity' (cf. also 1.3 and Fig. 1).

Although the term 'allocutivity' has been applied (almost) exclusively to Basque, the phenomenon does not seem to be limited to this language (cf. also [START_REF] Adaskina | Синтаксис аллокутивных форм глагола в баскском языке с типологическими параллелями (e syntax of Basque allocutive forms with typological parallels)[END_REF]. Indeed, Basque allocutivity is nothing more than a grammaticalised encoding on the verb of the type of relationship the speaker has vis-à-vis the addressee, specifically a 'familiar' one, or rather one of solidarity (following de Rijk 1998), and a more 'formal' or 'polite' one for the corresponding polite allocutive forms in Eastern dialects.

In this sense, it is important to stress that while in Basque allocutivity is blocked in the case of an argumental addressee, there is in fact no a priori reason why this should be the case in general. Indeed, in all the other languages surveyed in this paper, the markers indexing a non-argumental addressee can also appear with an argumental one. Other than the fact that what is really encoded is the presence of an addressee, whether argumental or not, and a certain type of speaker-addressee relationship, this is most probably due to two interconnected reasons. First, allocutive marking in Basque is by and large realized through affixes elsewhere used to index a second-person (ergative or dative) argument, whereas this is not the case in the other languages, where allocutive affixes are altogether different from second person ones. And, second, the morphological template of the Basque verb blocks the indexing of two coreferent participants,⁴ which would be the case with hypothetical allocutive verb forms with second person arguments.

us, despite differences in the degree of grammaticalisation, morphological makeup and usage, we find that phenomena similar to Basque allocutivity ⁴is, incidentally, is one reason why there are no morphological reflexives or reciprocals in the language. are aested in Pumé (isolate; Venezuela), Nambikwara (isolate; Brazil), Mandan (Siouan; North America) and Beja (Cushitic; NE Africa). In all of these languages the gender of the addressee is, or can be, encoded on the verb, but contrary to Basque where allocutive forms are only used in case of a nonargumental addressee who is given 'familiar treatment' by the use of the second person singular familiar pronoun, Pumé (cf. section 3), Nambikwara (cf. section 4) and Mandan (cf. section 5) main clause verbs index the gender of the addressee obligatorily, whether argumental or not, while Beja (cf. section 6) verbs only do so sporadically. To the extent that this is true then, the term 'gender indexicality', which has been introduced to account mainly for cases, where it is the gender of the speaker which is encoded (cf. Fleming 2012 on the languages of the Americas and more recently Rose 2013 and Rose submitted), could also be used in these particular cases where we would thus have different types of addressee gender indexicality.

Allocutivity, however, once the term has been stripped of the narrow definition it is given in Basque linguistics, has the advantage of being able to cover cases where it is not the gender, but some other feature of the addressee, or the speaker's aitude towards the addressee which is encoded. Indeed, we have already seen that in Basque, in the type of allocutivity aested in most dialects, the gender of the addressee is explicitly encoded alongside an aitude of solidarity obtaining between speaker and addressee. Yet, in the case of the 'polite' allocutive forms of Eastern Basque dialects, it is only the aitude of the speaker which is encoded, one of respect in this case, and it would thus be improper to speak of addressee gender indexicality in this case, although we are clearly dealing with the same phenomenon. From a typological point of view, it is thus preferable to use the term allocutivity in order to be able to account for cases where something similar to what happens in these Eastern Basque dialects is found in other languages, i.e. when we have forms encoding something other than the gender of a non-argumental addressee.

If we do this, then we can go one step further and consider addressee honorifics in languages such as Japanese (cf. Ex. (3)) and Korean as being another case of allocutivity.

(3) Japanese a. itta go. 1/3 'I/(S)He went. ' (neutral verb, no allocutive ending; non-addresseehonorific)

b. ik-imasi-ta go-- 1/3 ()

'I/(S)He went. ' (neutral verb, allocutive ending; addresee-honorific)

Even if they have traditionally been considered a subtype of honorifics and been treated as an integral part of complex honorific systems, they actually encode the status (rather than gender, as in the languages studied in this article) and the relation between the speaker and the (argumental or not) addressee, and could thus be considered as pertaining to allocutivity (cf. 1.2). Interestingly, Eastern Basque varieties which have 'polite' allocutive verb forms have never been described as showing some type of honorificity no doubt because of the absence of such a system (of, say, referent honorifics) elsewhere in their grammar. e fact that Javanese, Japanese and Korean do have such complex honorific systems should therefore not prevent us from seeing that their addressee honorifics, especially those whose exponents are verbal, have a lot in common with allocutivity as it has been described for Basque, and thus should be regarded as another instance of the same phenomenon⁵. And once we do that, we would also want to consider cases where the aitude of the speaker towards the addressee is encoded on other parts of speech as well, such as adjectives (or stative verbs), nouns, adverbs, and also at the sentencelevel by the use of sentence-final particles (cf. 1.3).

Farther afield, though geographically closer from the point of view of Basque, some types of 'non-selected datives' (s) of the kind found in wellknown European languages⁶ and traditionally subsumed under the cover term 'ethical datives' could be analysed as an instance of the same phenomenon. s are a quite heterogeneous category, recently analysed from a typological viewpoint by [START_REF] Bosse | Affected Experiencers[END_REF]. ose of them in which the dative clitic pronoun has as its referent a non-argumental addressee can be termed aitude holder ( as per [START_REF] Bosse | Affected Experiencers[END_REF] or interested hearer ( as per Al-Zahre and Boneh 2010) datives and bear a certain resemblance to Basque allocutive forms in spite of the fact that they clearly have not yet grammaticalised in a similar way (and may well never do).⁷ Indeed, according to some researchers, allocutive forms in Basque may go back to just such a kind of initially optional use of a non-selected dative [START_REF] Alberdi | e develoment of the Basque system of terms of address and the allocutive conjugation[END_REF].

What isn't verbal allocutivity?

Verbal allocutivity does not include non-verbal encoding of (typically, respect towards) a non-argumental addressee, the expression of respect towards an addressee by means of a special verb (form) which can be used only when the addressee is argumental, as in the case of honorific systems comprising subject-and object-exalting verbs (referent honorifics), the encoding of (the gender o) the addressee in imperatives and commands, or the quite rare symmetric phenomenon of encoding on the verb of the (gender of the) speaker.

Indeed, first of all, verbal allocutivity obviously does not apply to the similar encoding of respect (or the lack thereo) towards a non-argumental addressee in non-verbal forms, i.e. in nouns, adjectives, adverbs, etc., as in the ⁵For a detailed study of verbal allocutivity in synchrony and diachrony in Japanese and Korean and its pathways of grammaticalisation cf. [START_REF] Antonov | Grammaticalization of allocutivity markers in Japanese and Korean in a crosslinguistic perspective. In Shared Grammaticalization. With special focus on the Transeurasian languages[END_REF].

⁶Similar phenomena are aested in Semitic (Al-Zahre and Boneh 2010, Camilleri and Sadler 2012), Caucasian [START_REF] Molochieva | Tense, aspect, and mood in Chechen[END_REF]:245, Nichols 2011:280-83) and Indo-Aryan languages [START_REF] Bickel | Face vs. empathy: the social foundation of Maithili verb agreement[END_REF], though the details and the identification of a 'dative' clitic referring to the 'affected experiencer' [START_REF] Bosse | Affected Experiencers[END_REF]) may differ from one language to the other. ⁷e case of (Standard) Galician is particularly interesting in this respect as it is the only European language in which this type of dative use of the second person pronouns has become part of the grammar of the standard(ized variety of the) language. As in Basque viewed as a whole, Galician so-called 'solidarity pronouns' are used exclusively in non-formal communicative situations and distinguish between an aitude of 'solidarity' and 'respect'. Contrary to Basque they are not obligatory (but are almost automatically used in the appropriate situations) and they do not encode the addressee's gender but their number. [START_REF] Calero | Gramática elemental del gallego común[END_REF]:275, González 2006:XXXII, Kabatek 2004:385). What is particularly noteworthy is that these two languages have never been in contact.

case of speech level systems in a number of Malayo-Polynesian languages such as, perhaps most famously, Javanese [START_REF] Poedjosoedarmo | Javanese Speech Levels[END_REF][START_REF] Poedjosoedarmo | Wordlist of Javanese Non-Ngoko Vocabularies[END_REF][START_REF] Geertz | e Religion of Java, chapter 17. e Background and General Dimensions of Prijaji Belief and Etiquee[END_REF][START_REF] Wolff | Communicative Codes in Central Java[END_REF], Sundanese, Madurese [START_REF] Stevens | Language Levels in Madurese[END_REF], Balinese or even, though to a lesser extent, in Japanese and Korean. In Javanese, for instance, there are three different ways of saying 'here' according to the speech level (and thus the type of relationship between speaker and addressee): menikô, niki, iki (Poedjosoedarmo 1968:62).

Furthermore, verbal allocutivity as defined here does not include those forms which only encode an argumental addressee. It is therefore important to distinguish this phenomenon from other kinds of phenomena in which verb forms encode the addressee in one way or another only when s/he is argumental. is is, for instance, the case of subject-and object-exalting verb forms in referent honorific systems found in the previously mentioned (South) East Asian languages, as well as in Korean (Sohn 1999:407) and Tibetan (Tournadre and Dorje 1998:439-43). Indeed, in these cases the addressee is typically encoded in the (subject-or object-honorific) verb form by means of a special suffix and/or a suppletive form, either because s/he is the subject, the possessor of the subject or the object (direct or indirect) of the action described by the verb (cf. Ex. ( 4 :-wait.-do.-- 'I am waiting for the teacher. ' (object-honorific verb, addresseehonorific: respect towards both the addressee and the object) is kind of system is not restricted to Asia, as shown by the existence of honorific speech in Ponapean (Rehg and Sohl 1981:359). is laer system also has a set of special honorific vs. humiliative classifiers which are thus neither an instance of verbal nor of non-verbal allocutivity.

In the third place, verbal allocutivity does not cover cases where the gender of the addressee is encoded in imperatives [START_REF] Aikhenvald | Imperatives and Commands[END_REF]). Indeed, ⁸Although not exemplified for reasons of space, the subject-and object-honorific verbs do not by any means have to co-occur with the allocutive suffix -(i)maseven if in actual use they frequently do due to the fact that when addressing close friends there is a tendency in Contemporary Colloquial Japanese (but not in Korean) not to use the subject-or object-honorific verb (or construction).

even if not overtly present, the subject of imperatives in a narrow definition (i.e. excluding optatives and hortatives) is always the addressee, and so although in some languages imperatives may encode gender, we do not have a case of verbal allocutivity here either, because the addressee whose gender can be encoded in the imperative is always an argument of the verb in question. Indeed, Basque also encodes the gender of the addressee in familiar second-person imperatives of transitive verbs but this is done in the same way as when the addressee is encoded as the agent of a transitive verb with a third-person patient. e following is an illustration with a synthetic verb:

(5) Basque

a. Zer what da-gi-k/n? :3-do-2:/: 'What are you doing?' b. Egi-k/n do.-2:/: (heu-k)! 2:- 'Do it (yoursel)!'
Finally, verbal allocutivity does not include what appears to be a phenomenon which is the mirror-image of allocutivity, and which we may tentatively call anti-allocutivity. ere are languages which encode the speaker, either optionally or obligatorily, most oen giving us information on his or her gender. is is clearest in the case of Lakhota (Trechter 1995[START_REF] Mithun | e Languages of Native North America[END_REF], where it is only the gender (real or assumed) of the speaker, whether or not an argument of the verb, which is encoded in all uerances by means of sentence-final particles. For instance, the particle ye, which marks the mild assertion of a generally recognized fact, has two variant forms based upon the gender of the speaker: yeló(men) and yelé (obsolescent, women). Other particles only have two gender-based forms and no default one: ksť (men), kisťo( women) are comparable to, but slightly stronger than, ye(lo); wą (men) and ma (women) mark a mild opinion and yewą́and yemáare stronger.

In other languages-Burmese (Wheatley 2003:202) and ai (Diller 2008:47), for instance-the gender of the speaker is optionally (but frequently) encoded by sentence-final particles (s) such as the Burmese 'polite tags' kʰɪ ̀mbjá ခင် ဗျား (male speaker) and ʃɪ ̀ɴ ရှ င် (female speaker), also used as second-person pronouns. eir primary function is to convey 'politeness', which, as we have seen, is a kind of allocutivity, albeit not a verbal one in this case. Inasmuch as it is always the gender of the speaker which is encoded it is possible to consider the term gender indexicality appropriate here (as does Fleming 2012), although it is worth noting that this term implies a binary opposition between male and female speaker, and has nothing to say about the speaker's aitude towards the addressee construed outside of any gender-based analysis. It thus seems preferable to maintain the (mirror) relationship visible with allocutivity by using the term anti-allocutivity, although, as one reviewer suggested, the term 'interlocutive/interlocutivity' might be a beer one for cases where what we have is information both on the speaker (such as their gender, but not exclusively) and their relation to the addressee.

Encoding allocutivity

is paper deals with word-level allocutivity, and more precisely with affixal verbal allocutivity in the world's languages.

Indeed, allocutivity-whether encoding an aitude of 'familiarity' or 'respect' towards a non-argumental addressee-while obviously a phenomenon which operates on the pragmatic level, can be subcategorized into various types according to the level and the manner in which it is encoded (Fig. 1.3.1 and 1.3.2). We can further distinguish different types of information about the addressee which are encoded (1.3.3).

Locus of encoding

Judging from the data surveyed, we can distinguish between word-level allocutivity and sentence-level allocutivity. In the former, allocutivity is conveyed by individual lexemes (such as verbs, adjectives, nouns, adverbs, etc.), whereas in the laer it is the uerance as a whole which carries an allocutive marker.

Manner of encoding

Word-level allocutivity can be affixal (and thus pertain to morphology) as in Basque, Pumé, Nambikwara, Mandan, Beja, Japanese and Korean productive verbal and nominal allocutive forms, and/or suppletive (and thus more properly lexical) as in Japanese primary allocutive verbs (which also carry obligatorily the productive allocutive affix but are not productively derived in the modern language, cf. Table 1) or Javanese speech-register specific allocutive noun forms encoding different levels of respect for a non-argumental addressee (cf. 1.2).

Sentence-level allocutivity, on the other hand, can be expressed by a noun or a verb phrase, as in familiar European languages where it is clearly optional, has a distinct emotional connotation and is clearly far from being on its way to being grammaticalised in any way⁹, but is still an instance of what may have ⁹e former, i.e. the noun phrase type sentence-level allocutivity, can be illustrated by the use of man in American English. As for the laer, the verb phrase type sentence-level allocutivity, the use of tu sais [tse] (='you know') in Parisian Colloquial French (PCF) seems to be a case in given birth to the other type of sentence-level allocutivity which is realized through the use of sentence-final particles (s) as in Burmese (Wheatley 2003:202), ai (Diller 2008:47) and Vietnamese [START_REF] ompson | A Vietnamese Reference Grammar[END_REF](ompson :260, Panfilov 1993:264-287)¹⁰.

Information encoded

Based upon the data surveyed, allocutivity can encode one or more of the following pieces of information about the addressee: their gender, their number and the aitude (familiar or respectful) of the speaker towards them. Indeed, as we have seen, allocutivity in Basque encodes the speaker's attitude of 'familiarity' or 'respect' towards the addressee: Either one can be encoded in Eastern varieties, whereas only the former is encoded in Western ones. In the case of familiar type allocutivity, the addressee's gender is also encoded. Furthermore, there can only be one addressee in each type of allocutive forms and it can thus be argued that regardless of whether we are dealing with the 'familiar' or the 'polite' type of allocutivity, allocutive markers in all Basque varieties which have them also encode the number (always singular) of the addressee (but see end of section 2). In the other languages surveyed in this paper, allocutive verb forms or markers cliticized on the verb seem to encode exclusively the addressee's gender, whereas languages such as Javanese, Japanese or Korean (cf. 1.2 and 1.3.2) encode only the respectful aitude of the speaker very much like Eastern Basque varieties.

On the other hand, although they have not been included in the present paper, it is important to note that s can encode the addressee's number in addition to one of these two types of speaker aitude, as exemplified by the Galician so-called 'solidarity pronouns' (cf. 1.1).

Allocutivity in Basque

Allocutivity is aested since the first texts dating back to the 16th century. Its origin is subject to some debate (cf. Alberdi 1995) but it is present in virtually all varieties of Basque, even though its vitality varies from one dialect to another, mainly because of different sociolinguistic rules for its use (cf. [START_REF] Alberdi | Euskararen tratamenduak, erabilera (Basque terms of address and their use)[END_REF][START_REF] Amorrotu | Basque Sociolinguistics. Language, society and culture[END_REF] and the complexity of the forms themselves. e point, although in this case the phonetic reduction and accompanying vowel quality change plus the complete semantic bleaching would suggest a possible ongoing grammaticalisation in the speech of at least some speakers.

¹⁰Cf. also the use of yo in American English. Interestingly, in (urban) substandard varieties of French there is also a verb phrase vas-y [vazi] ('come on') which seems to be developing as a marker aiming at either asserting one's solidarity with the addressee or else one's strong disagreement with them, which is sentence-initial (and which also has the syllable-switched slang form [ziva]).

boomline of the use of the so-called hika (lit. 'using of hi') forms is that both the speaker and the addressee must share a significant common background, and is thus very different from 'familiar' treatment in European languages. It is virtually impossible for any two people who have not grown up together, or have never spent a considerable part of their (work) lives together to use hika. e syntactic rules for its use also show some variation, which some attribute to influence from Spanish given the prevailing bilingualism of modern Basque speakers (cf. Adaskina and Grashchenkov 2009), but the issue is far from clear (cf. 7.4).

As previously noted, allocutive forms are obligatorily used on all main clause declarative predicates which do not have the addressee as one of their arguments whenever the speaker uses the second person singular familiar pronoun when talking to the addressee. Allocutive forms are not allowed in dependent clauses, or in interrogative and exclamative sentences (but see de Rijk 2008, Adaskina andGrashchenkov 2009).

Table 2 gives an overview of present tense affixes for synthetic verbs, which constitute a closed class of (at most) some ten verbs in Modern Basque, but which illustrate the phenomenon beer than analytic verbs.¹¹ Synthetic verbs can index up to three arguments and one non-argument in their allocutive forms. Here are some more examples¹² of allocutive forms in synthetic verbs in Standard Basque illustrating different person combinations, excluding those where the addressee is an actual argument of the verb and is thus automatically cross-referenced on the verb. In (6) we have an intransitive verb. We notice that the allocutive suffixes have the same shape as the corresponding suffixes which encode a second person singular (familiar) agent, except for the fact that in Standard Basque they obligatorily prefix e-contrary to the laer-if the verb stem ends in a consonant (compare example 7). At ¹¹Indeed, as stated previously, analytic verbs use one of two auxiliaries which in the case of an allocutive form is the locus of its encoding. is, however, is done in a slightly counter-intuitive way, where intransitive verbs which use the intransitive auxiliary izan 'to be' have it replaced by the transitive auxiliary *edun 'to have' with a second person singular familiar agent and the original subject as patient, and transitive verbs which use the transitive auxiliary *edun have it replaced by this same auxiliary's ditransitive forms with a second person singular familiar recipient while keeping intact the original agent. Ditransitives, finally, resemble synthetic verbs in that they receive the allocutive suffix immediately before any agent suffix and furthermore undergo obligatory assibilation, most probably due to ancient palatalization.

¹²Unless stated otherwise, all Basque examples are from personal knowledge. Example 9 with a first person agent shows that whenever the agent has an overt marking it occupies the final slot with the allocutive suffix preceding. is suffix in turn reveals its underlying shape, which is -ga-(the velar gets elided in intervocalic position) for a male addressee and -na-for a female one. ¹³Ditransitives have been excluded for ease of presentation.

singular plural /   /   1 n(a)-Σ -Σ-ki-t/ Σ-ki-da- -Σ-t g(a)-Σ-z -Σ-ki-gu(-) -Σ-gu 2 fam h(a)-Σ -Σ-ki-k/Σ-ki-a-|Σ-ki-n/Σ-ki-na- -Σ-k/-n 2 z(a)-Σ-(t)z(a) -Σ-ki-zu(-) -Σ-zu z(a)-Σ-(t)z(a)te -Σ-ki-zue(-) -Σ-zue 3 d(a)-Σ -Σ-ki-o(-) -Σ-∅ d(a)-Σ-(t)z(a) -Σ-ki-e(-) -Σ-te
'I am bringing the money. ' (said to a woman) e allocutive suffixes in Standard Basque can thus be presented as having the underlying shape -(e)g(a-) (male addressee) versus -(e)n(a-) (female addressee). What distinguishes them from a second person singular familiar agent form is the fact that they are usually accompanied by assibilation of the verb form initial consonant and preceded by a linking vowel whenever the stem ends in a consonant.

Eastern Basque varieties apply basically the same principle in creating their 'polite' allocutive forms, except that in this case, there is no gender distinction possible and except for some idiolectal plural forms of this marker (see below), no number distinction either. Furthermore, the allocutive marker coincides with the polite second person singular pronoun (in the absolutive), which is also used to encode a (respected) second person singular agent or goal (with the dative flag present) on a verb form. Ex. ( 2d) is repeated here for convenience. Generally, allocutive forms are singular, i.e., they can only index the gender of a singular addressee in the familiar type of allocutivity in Western Basque, or the respectful aitude of the speaker in the case of the polite type of allocutivity in Eastern Basque, but never the number (if more than one) of the addressee (cf. section 1.3.3). Exceptions are nevertheless aested in this laer case with Coyos 1999:234 reporting that the polite allocutive plural forms produced by some speakers could be a possible retention from an earlier more fully developed system.¹⁴ It is important to note that even if allocutive forms in Basque are by and large banned when the addressee is an argument of the verb form, this rule has some known exceptions in cases where the verb form indexes an argumental first person (inclusive) plural, which automatically makes the addressee argumental, and yet an allocutive form is used, as in the following folk song (see also Adaskina no_one- 'e blacksmith told his wife: 'Bring me that saint, we have to melt him!' [wife] 'Hey! Where are you going? It's a sin. ' [blacksmith] "We'll never tell anyone!"' (folk song) ¹⁴It is certainly more plausible that we are dealing with analogical extension here. two allomorphs each according to the gender of the addressee: -wa 2 /-la 2 for a male addressee and -ʔa 2 /-na 2 for a female addressee (Kroeker 2001:65-66)

Allocutivity in Mandan

Mandan is a moribund Siouan language. It has a fully grammaticalised marking of the gender of the addressee on all main clause predicates as well as in the imperative, optative and interrogative. In all tenses of the indicative mode, the final element of the morpheme is -(o)ˀš (=[-(o)ʔʃ]) in speech addressed to men, and -(o)ˀre in speech addressed to women. e masculine forms are used in addressing men, male animals, mixed groups, tobacco plants, rocks and the Deity, whereas the feminine forms are used in addressing women, female animals and all plants except tobacco [START_REF] Kennard | [END_REF]:16, Hollow 1970:456).

Allocutivity in Beja

Beja is a Cushitic language (possibly the earliest off-shoot of the family according to Appleyard 2004:192) spoken on the southern coast of the Red Sea by less than two million people in parts of Sudan (1,1 million), Eritrea (several thousand) and practically none in Egypt (Martine Vanhove, p. c.). Beja is presented as having a distinction at first glance quite similar to the one found in Basque between two allocutive 'clitics' signalling the gender of the addressee [START_REF] Reinisch | Die Bedauye Sprache in Nordost Afrika[END_REF]:103, Roper 1928:29, Appleyard 2004:185, Appleyard 2007:459). According to these, the suffixal first person (singular and plural) object pronouns, as well as the second person singular ones, may optionally ('oen' according to Roper) appear with an extra -a or -i, which indicate the sex of the addressee. Now, Beja has gender both in its nouns and its independent pronouns, but not in its dependent ones, and so this creates a gender disctinction in the second person when it is the object of a transitive verb. is is also the case when the second person is in subject function since these clitics can also be added to a second person singular verb form whenever there is no object pronoun suffixed (Appleyard 2004:185, Martine Vanhove [p. c.]). From the point of view of allocutivity of course only the first case (i.e. the use of these clitics with a first person object pronoun) is interesting, as only then is the addressee not a participant of the verb.

Here are the examples cited in the above references.¹⁶ Examples ( 25) and ( 26) show the use of these clitics following a second person singular object pronoun, and examples ( 27) and ( 28) aer a second person singular verb form with no object pronoun suffix aached (thus either an intransitively used transitive verb or a transitive verb with a third person singular object which is not indexed on the verb).

A search in Martine Vanhove's Beja corpus [START_REF] Vanhove | e Beja Corpus[END_REF], encompassing eight years of fieldwork on different dialects) turned up only three instances (out of a total of around 700) of the first person object pronoun followed by one of the allocutive clitics. Examples (33) and ( 34) are taken from a story in which a jinn is talking to his sister who has just become the wife of his best friend who in turn does not know their true identity. e first one illustrates the non-allocutive use with a second person singular object pronoun, while the second one is an instance of the allocutive use with a first person object pronoun.

( Examples ( 35) and ( 36) are the other two instances of the use of the allocutive clitics, although in this case the verb form is an imperative one, and so the addressee is naturally an argument. In summary, the use of these allocutive clitics is not well-documented and might be restricted to spontaneous conversations of the kind not usually represented in collected corpora of the language (Martine Vanhove, p. c.).¹⁷ Consequently, the exact socio-pragmatic circumstances in which they are used are difficult to ascertain, and the precise syntactic restrictions governing their use remain unclear. ey may nevertheless be similar to the ones found in the case of allocutivity in Basque or the use of the so-called 'ethical dative' in Indo-European languages. It is important to keep in mind the fact that the use of Basque allocutives is governed by intricate and dialectally differing sociolinguistic rules and thus the use of the Beja allocutive clitics may be restricted in similar ways. As far as the origin of these clitics is concerned, just as in the case of allocutivity in Basque, their origin is subject to debate (Appleyard 2004:192 and references therein).

Typology of allocutive systems

I will now summarize the data presented in this paper and offer a tentative typology of verbal allocutivity in a crosslinguistic perspective from a synchronic point of view. e data come from only five languages in which verbal allocutivity has been found, and while this is hardly enough to make crosslinguistic generalizations, the fact that the languages are spoken in widely separated geographical areas and do not belong to the same language families makes the sample less biased. Indeed, three out of these five are isolates (Basque, Pumé and Nambikwara), Mandan is the only Siouan language in which allocutivity takes the form of addressee gender indexicality (other Siouan languages have speaker gender indexicality), and Beja is considered to be an outlier in Cushitic.

In order to give a more comprehensive overview of the phenomenon of verbal allocutivity and its charateristic crosslinguistic features, the data from Japanese and Korean (for which see Antonov 2013) have also been added in the following tables.

Section 7.1 will offer a summary of the morphological makeup of verbal allocutivity in these five languages (plus Japanese and Korean) while section 7.2 considers what information about the non-argumental addressee it conveys. Section 7.3 will then present the compatibility of allocutivity and grammatical person, whereas section 7.4 will discuss the syntactic constraints on its use in the languages under study.¹⁸

Morphology of allocutivity encoding

is section gives an overview of the morphological makeup of the coding for verbal allocutivity found in the languages I have studied. Table 4 summarizes the type of affix used to encode it.

Table 4: Type of allocutive affixation

As we can see from table 4, verbal allocutivity is predominantly if not exclusively encoded by means of a suffix appearing on the verb. While no prefixal encoding has been found, synthetic verbs in Basque (as opposed to analytic ones) could tentatively be analysed as having a kind of 'circumfixal' marking, inasmuch as the allocutive suffix which follows the verb stem (or the verb stem followed by the recipient encoding if there is one) is accompanied by assibilation (or palatalization) of the initial consonant of the verb form.

As for the analysability of the makeup of allocutive markers, it seems they are completely opaque from a synchronic point of view in all of the languages presented here. For a diachronic account, see [START_REF] Antonov | Grammaticalization of allocutivity markers in Japanese and Korean in a crosslinguistic perspective. In Shared Grammaticalization. With special focus on the Transeurasian languages[END_REF].

Information encoded

Table 5 is a summary of the type of information about the addressee conveyed by verbal allocutive markers in the languages studied.

Table 5: Information encoded

No language from those I have examined indicates explicitly via its allocutive marking on the verb a number distinction between  vs  allocutive forms corresponding to the presence of one vs multiple addressees (except, as mentioned previously at the end of section 2, in some Basque idiolects as reported in Coyos 1999:234), unlike what can be observed in the case of the Galician 'solidarity pronoun' (cf. section 1.1). Furthermore, gender seems to be incompatible with the simultaneous expression of 'respect', as shown by Eastern Basque varieties with 'polite' second person singular allocutivity but no gender distinction, as well as by Korean¹⁹ and Japanese.²⁰

Allocutivity and grammatical person

Table 6 on the following page presents the compatibility between allocutive markers and grammatical person in the case of an intransitive and transitive verb.

Substantial data is lacking only in the case of Beja which makes it impossible to reach any firm conclusions concerning its use, apart from the hypothesis that either the corpus available does not cover situations in which allocutive clitics are normally used (such as spontaneous conversations), or else its use has declined in the dialects represented in this corpus. From the data available it would seem that the allocutive 'clitics' in Beja are used to encode a non-argumental addressee only in the case of a transitive verb with a third person agent and a first person patient. eir other (and by far more common) use is aer either a second person singular subject or object suffix.

¹⁹It is noteworthy that in Korean, contrary to Japanese, different speech registers allow the speaker to index different types of solidarity with the addressee as well.

²⁰Of course, this may also be a case of chance coincidence in view of the size of the sample under study. As already mentioned, it is noteworthy that Basque is the only language which does not allow allocutive marking of argumental addressees (see section 1.1 for the reasons why). All other languages allow allocutive markers to appear also in cases where the addressee is a participant in the event or action described by the verb.

Basque

Allocutivity and clause type

Table 7 on the next page presents the compatibility between allocutive markers and different clause types. While it suffers from lack of data on some of the languages surveyed, allocutive forms seem either to be confined to main declarative clauses as in traditional (and now normative) Basque usage, or else appear in almost all types of independent clauses.

It is interesting to note that dependent clauses seem to be generally unable to carry such an overt allocutive marker on their predicate, especially when such markers are highly grammaticalised as in Basque, Mandan, Japanese or Korean, unlike non-selected (or ethical) datives, which do not seem to show such a constraint on their usage. Now this is not an exceptionless rule, as the Guipuzcoan and Biscayan dialects of Basque seem to allow allocutive marking not only in main declarative clauses, but also in interrogative ones (cf. de Rijk 1998:810) and even in dependent ones (especially in Guipuzcoan, cf. de Rijk 1998:810, Adaskina andGrashchenkov 2009). is may be due to influence from Spanish, as all (Southern) Basque speakers are nowadays bilingual and fluent in that language, but in view of the data presented by de Rijk (1998:810) and the map on allocutive forms in dependent and interrogative clauses in [START_REF] Alberdi | Euskararen tratamenduak, erabilera (Basque terms of address and their use)[END_REF], the extent to which this is the only factor and Spanish the only contact language responsible for this 'extended' use of allocutive forms remains unclear.

In this context, it is interesting to note that Contemporary Japanese exceptionally allows polite allocutives in adnominal (i.e. relative) and even complement clauses in a somewhat exaggeratedly (from a mainstream point of view) 'polite' style of speech, but usually when the addressee is felt to be a participant in the event described by the predicate. I have tried to make a case for treating several core or peripheral verbal affixes in different and unrelated languages, variously described as used to convey politeness or familiarity towards the addressee, as instances of the same morphosyntactic process. I propose to call it '(verbal) allocutivity', a term used up to now to describe the allocutive conjugation found in Basque. It seems to me that there is more to gain in grouping them all together under the heading 'allocutivity' and then placing them on a continuum from less grammaticalised to more grammaticalised than in treating them separately and insisting upon their differences.

Concerning the first point, there are at least two reasons for which I find the study of allocutive forms in a crosslinguistic perspective useful. First, introducing the term allocutivity to cover all instances of the phenomenon of the encoding of a non-argumental addressee allows us to take a broader morphologically and syntactically defined (and not purely sociolinguistic) perspective on such phenomena in the world's languages. From the study presented in this paper, the phenomenon of encoding a non-argumental addressee on the verb form (and a concomitant speaker aitude towards them) appears clearly not to be limited to Basque even if this is the only language for which we have a detailed description of the facts. Even so, the extension of this phenomenon seems to be rather limited (and mostly present in isolates).²¹ Nevertheless, it does not qualify as a 'rarum' (in the sense of Cysouw and Wohlgemuth 2010) unless we are keen on finding exactly the same constraints as in Basque in all of the other languages which show similar phenomena. From a typological viewpoint, this would not make a lot of sense but certainly does bring to mind the debate on the existence of 'inverse' in languages other than the Algonquian ones (cf. [START_REF] Jacques | Direct/Inverse Systems[END_REF]. At the same time, this example constitutes a warning against the opposite extreme as well, which would consist in positing the existence of allocutivity in all languages (as some researchers have done in the case of 'inverse'). e true 'rarum' then is Basque allocutivity as it is the only language where allocutive marking is blocked in the case of an argumental addressee.

Second, once we adopt the term and a definition of allocutivity which allows for allocutive marking to be present also in cases where the addressee is a participant of the verb (and in fact such cases exist also in Basque, as discussed in section 2), as long as it can index non-argumental addressees, it becomes possible to systematically report the presence or absence of such markers in ²¹is of course may be due to its non-inclusion in extant language-specific descriptions.

the grammar of any given language, helping us develop a unified account of such phenomena and avoid the oen encountered confusion between allocutivity and (referent) honorifics. is in turn will allow us to enrich the description of the world's languages, both those hitherto undescribed as well as the poorly or even (relatively) well-described ones. It will furthermore enable us to research the diachrony of these phenomena and propose possible paths of grammaticalisation for such markers.

On the second point (pertaining to their degree of grammaticalisation in individual languages), since grammaticalised items are expected to be overall more general than less grammaticalised ones, i.e. less optional and more obligatory (Heine and Kuteva 2002), a case could be made for treating allocutive markers in languages such as Mandan, Japanese and Korean as being more grammaticalised than their Basque counterparts. is is due to the fact that contrary to these languages (in some or all of the following features), allocutive forms in Basque are (generally) blocked in cases where the second person is argumental, as well as in interrogative, exclamative and even subordinate clauses, which may be interpreted as indicating a lower degree of grammaticalisation in that language.

Finally, the fact that the grammaticalisation of this phenomenon seems to be crosslinguistically rare even if its sources are quite various (cf. Antonov 2013) could be accounted for at least in part by hypothesizing on the one hand the necessity of a closely-knit society with minimal dialectal diversity and no outside influence leading to generalized bilingualism, and on the other, the intricate sociolinguistic circumstances to which allocutivity seems to be subject and its consequent non-appearance in corpora which do not include spontaneous conversations. Indeed, the fact that allocutivity has been declining in Basque is certainly not unrelated to bilingualism with either Spanish, French or both, as well as to the complex conditions which trigger it in most dialects that still have it.

Needless to say, there are differences both in the way the allocutive markers surveyed here are used in each language, and the precise import they have. ese are certainly a by-product of the different origins which these markers have in each of the languages under study, a topic which falls outside of the scope of the present article (but see [START_REF] Antonov | Grammaticalization of allocutivity markers in Japanese and Korean in a crosslinguistic perspective. In Shared Grammaticalization. With special focus on the Transeurasian languages[END_REF].

e similarities on the other hand are more numerous and I hope I have been able to show that they are worthy of further study.

Correspondence address: INALCO-CRLAO, 2 rue de Lille, 75007 Paris (France); e-mail: anton.antonov@inalco.fr Acknowledgements: I am grateful to Gilles Authier, Balthasar Bickel, Walter Bisang, Hilary Chappell, Denis Creissels, Guillaume Jacques, Enrique Palancar, omas Pellard, Françoise Rose and Dan Tro, as well as the audiences at Sedyl (Paris), ALT 10 (Leipzig) and the members of the Surrey Morphology Group (University of Surrey), for useful comments and corrections on previous versions of this paper. I would also like to thank Frans Plank and three anonymous reviewers who have greatly contributed to improving it. All remaining errors are my own.

Abbreviations

  came. ' (neutral verb, addressee-honorific: respect towards the addressee, but not towards the subject) b. sensei=ga teacher= irassha-imasi-ta go/come:-:- 'e teacher came. ' (subject-honorific verb, addressee-honorific: respect towards both the addressee and the subject) c. sensei=wo teacher= mattei-mas-u wait.-- 1>3 () 'I am waiting for the teacher. ' (neutral verb, addressee-honorific: respect towards the addressee but not towards the object) d. sensei=wo teacher= o-mati-sitei-mas-u

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1: Types of allocutivity

  He is coming from Bilbao. ' (said to a woman)

  going to the house. ' (respected addressee)

'

  Give me this book!' (said to a man) (Ten camels for a book) (36) umbaruːk 1. am=heːb-a mount:..=1.-: 3>1 (:) 'Mount me!' (said to a man) (e coalman whose wife was stolen by the king)

Table 1 :

 1 Primary allocutive verbs in Standard Japanese

	-(de) goza-imas-	be; exist
	-(de) or-imas-	be; exist
	moos-imas-	say
	itas-imas-	do
	mair-imas-	come; go

Table 2 :

 2 Basque present tense synthetic verb affixes

	the same time, assibilation (in case of a third-person S/O, palatalization else-
	where) of the initial consonant of the verb form is quite common (cf. also
	examples 8 and 9), even if not mandatory (cf. examples in section 1.1 and
	example 7).
	In (7), (9) and (8) the verb is transitive¹³.
	(7) a. Bilbo-ra Bilbao-	1-take-3 n-arama-∅	3>1
	'S/He is taking me to Bilbao. '
	b. Bilbo-ra Bilbao-	1-take-3-: n-arama-∅-k	3>1 (:)
	'S/He is taking me to Bilbao. ' (said to a man)
	c. Bilbo-ra Bilbao-	1-take-3-: n-arama-∅-n	3>1 (:)
	'S/He is taking me to Bilbao. ' (said to a woman)
	(8) a. Euskara basque_language	:3-use-3 da-rabil-∅	3>3
	'S/He is using Basque. '
	b. Euskara basque_language	:3-use-3-: za-rabil-∅-ek	3>3 (:)
	'S/He is using Basque. ' (said to a man)
	c. Euskara basque_language	:3-use-3-: za-rabil-∅-en	3>3 (:)

'S/He is using Basque. ' (said to a woman)

  Table 5 gives an overview of the forms.

		male addressee female addressee
	declarative	Σ-(o)ˀš	Σ-(o)ˀre
	interrogative	Σ-(o)ˀša	Σ-(o)ˀra
	imperative	Σ-ta	Σ-rą

Table 3 :

 3 Mandan allocutive suffixes according to sentence type e following are some original examples culled from published spontaneous Mandan narratives which illustrate the use of the allocutive suffixes in that language.

	1(:)	(19) nųmąḱ man	mąx ͣ ną one ókapąte 3.origin	-1-talk--:: í-wa-ror-ox ͤ re-ˀš
		¹⁵e superscript numbers indicate tones.

'I told you my name. ' (Old Man Coyote and the Wild Potato in Carter (1991:p. 39, l. 67)) (23) warúte-xta-nį be_hungry-very- sí-mį(r)-omˀąk-oˀš travel---:: 3 (:) 'He was very hungry, so he was travelling. ' (Old Man Coyote and the Wild Potato in Carter (1991:p. 29)) 'And when I fell back down, it (the tree) hurt me. ' (Old Man Coyote and the Wild Potato in Carter (1991:p. 39, l. 72))

Pumé Nambikwara Mandan Beja Japanese Korean

	1	yes	yes	yes	yes	no?	yes	yes
	2	no	yes	yes	yes	yes	yes	yes
	3	yes	yes	yes	yes	no?	yes	yes
	1>2	no	yes	yes	yes	yes	yes	yes
	2>1	no	yes	yes	yes	no?	yes	yes
	1>3	yes	yes	yes	yes	no?	yes	yes
	3>1	yes	yes	yes	yes	yes	yes	yes
	2>3	no	yes	yes	yes	yes	yes	yes
	3>2	no	yes	yes	yes	yes?	yes	yes
	3>3	yes	yes	yes	yes	?	yes	yes

Table 6 :

 6 Co-occurrence of allocutive forms with different grammatical persons

Table 7 :

 7 Occurrence of allocutive forms in different clause types

	8 Discussion and concluding remarks

  :  agent;  ablative;  absolutive;  accusative;  allative;  allocutive;  aspectual marker;  auxiliary;  declarative;  converb;  conditional;  copula;  dative;  declarative;  definite;  determiner;  distal;  emphatic;  equative;  ergative;  evidential;  feminine;  familiar;  focus;  future;  genitive;  honorific;  imperative;  imperfective;  inchoative;  interrogative;  locative;  masculine;  negative;  nominalizer;  nominative;  optative;  patient;  plural;  possessive;  potential;  prefix;  preverb;  perfect;  progressive;  proximate;  present;  particle;  perfective;  past;  quotative;  recipient;  reflexive;  relator;  respect;  sequential;  singular;  topic;  transitivizer,  intransitive subject.

¹⁷e non-occurrence in wrien or narrative corpora is also a feature of 'ethical' or aitude holder s.

¹⁸e sociolinguistic side of their use, while certainly a very interesting and complex maer, will not be dealt with in any depth here, on the one hand for lack of sufficient data on most languages and, on the other, since I think it is a topic worthy of separate consideration.

Allocutivity in Pumé

Pumé, previously called Yaruro, is an isolate spoken in Venezuela. e nonargumental addressee is encoded in all finite verb forms. As in Basque, the Pumé verb can index up to three participants plus a non-argumental addressee [START_REF] Mosonyi | Morfología del verbo yaruro : estudio de los sufijos personales, trabajo de investigación lingüística[END_REF]Mosonyi and[START_REF] Mosonyi | Yaruro (Pumé). In Manual de lenguas indígenas de Venezuela[END_REF]. e forms are not synchronically transparent and their diachronic analysis has not yet been carried out (Françoise Rose, p. c.) 1>3 (:) 'I don't know that man. ' e following example illustrates the existence of something presented as equivalent to the dativus ethicus (Mosonyi 1966:50-56). is is all the more interesting since Basque, traditionally considered as the paragon of allocutivity, as well as the other languages presented here, do not have anything similar. ese forms always have a first-person 'affected experiencer' and a third-person object. 'is woman asked him for money (and this affected me, as I am his friend). '

Allocutivity in Nambikwara

In Nambikwara, an isolate spoken in West Central Brazil [START_REF] Kroeker | A Descriptive Grammar of Nambikuara[END_REF]:1), while verb participants do not trigger gender marking, the gender of the addressee is obligatorily indicated by the consonant of the aspect marker suffix which appears on the main verb. e imperfective/perfective markers have


Mehmet Yalcinkaya
email: mehmet.yalcinkaya@aalto.fi

Vishal Singh
email: vishal.singh@aalto.fi

BUILDING INFORMATION MODELING (BIM) FOR FACILITIES MANAGEMENT -LITERATURE REVIEW AND FUTURE NEEDS

Keywords: Building information modeling (BIM), facilities management (FM), asset management (AM)

Facilities management (FM) is a discipline comprising of various operations, activities and maintenance services to support the main functions of an inuse building or facility. It demands comprehensive sets of information about the facility. While various FM information systems are currently being used to manage such information, the multifarious graphical and non-graphical information stored in Building Information Models (BIM) from the pre-use phase have not been sufficiently integrated in existing FM systems. BIM, with its visualization, interoperability and information exchange capabilities, can streamline FM activities. Hence, use of BIM for FM has gained global research interest. This paper analyzes this trend based on qualitative analysis of the state-of-art literature on the topic. In particular, this paper scrutinizes the nature of BIM and FM within their variety of functions and interactions. The analysis concentrates on the valueadding potential of BIM and reports the findings to designate the benefits of BIM for FM, and assess potential challenges that are hindering the effective use of BIM in FM.

Introduction and Background

The operation and maintenance phase of a construction project is the main trigger that increases the total life-cycle cost. Studies show that the total life-cycle cost of a project is five to seven times higher than the initial investment costs [START_REF] Lee | An Extension of the Technology Acceptance Model for BIM-based FM[END_REF] and three times higher than the construction cost [START_REF]The Government Soft Landings Policy[END_REF]. According to National Institute of Standards and Technology (NIST), the lack of interoperability among various model-based applications cost $15.8 billion, of which, $10.6 billion (two-thirds) of this cost is attributed to O&M phase [START_REF] Gcr | Cost analysis of inadequate interoperability in the US capital facilities industry[END_REF]. The majority of building information traditionally comes from paper based documents. The handover of information takes several weeks for collection of relevant and up-to-date information [START_REF] Teicholz | BIM for Facility Managers[END_REF]. Another NIST report states that "an inordinate amount of time is spent locating and verifying specific facility and project information from previous activities. Much valuable data associated with the design, construction, and operation of a facility is lost during its life span" [START_REF] Teicholz | Cost analysis of inadequate interoperability in the U.S capital and facilities industry[END_REF]. Therefore, information is the most emerging necessity for FM [START_REF] Atkin | Total facilities management[END_REF], since it requires tremendous amount of information for efficient O&M of the facilities [START_REF] Teicholz | BIM for Facility Managers[END_REF][START_REF] Wang | Engagement of Facilities Management in Design Stage through BIM: Framework and a Case Study[END_REF][START_REF] Janus | The Facility Managers Guide to Information Technology[END_REF]. Further, facility managers encounter the issue of quality and timely-access to information for O&M activities [START_REF] Sabol | BIM Technology for FM[END_REF], and the need for more efficient methods to manage the information [START_REF] Teicholz | BIM for Facility Managers[END_REF].

In BIM a digital representation of the building process can be used to facilitate the exchange and interoperability of information in digital format [START_REF] Eastman | BIM handbook: A guide to building information modeling for owners, managers, designers, engineers and contractors[END_REF]. It is expected that the BIM data is captured and used across the entire project life-cycle. While BIM has been predominantly used in design and construction purposes for many years due to its visualization and coordination capabilities, there is an ascending interest in professionals to use BIM in FM activities. Whatever graphical and nongraphical data of the facility is collected in BIM during the project life-cycle can be used for various FM activities such as commissioning and close out, quality control, energy management, and maintenance and repair [START_REF] Becerik-Gerber | Application areas and data requirements for BIM-enabled facilities management[END_REF]. While there are other computer aided facilities management (CAFM) applications in which various data related with space management, assets, move management, O&M is created, updated, and pushed for FM activities, the sources of information in these systems vary during the project life-cycle, leaving information handover processes inefficient [START_REF] Becerik-Gerber | Application areas and data requirements for BIM-enabled facilities management[END_REF]. BIM, in that case, has the potential to be a catalyst to improve efficiency by establishing the relationships between FM and other disciplines.

Although BIM is emerging and gaining acceptance in design and construction phases [START_REF] Becerik-Gerber | Application areas and data requirements for BIM-enabled facilities management[END_REF][START_REF] Sabol | Building Information Modelling and Facility Management, Design and Construction Strategies[END_REF], a recent survey of UK construction industry [13] suggests that only 39% of construction professionals are using BIM, only 54% are aware of BIM, three quarters of people believe that industry is not clear enough about BIM, and only 27% of people trust BIM. Moreover, a recent global market research shows that 36% of the BIM-using contractors are currently in the low and medium level BIM engagement whilst 11% are at a very high BIM engagement level [14]. There are some pioneering organizations that push the usage of BIM for FM. However, people still have been unable to recognize and quantify the benefits of BIM for FM [13]. The requirements for successfully utilizing BIM for FM are not clearly understood [START_REF] Becerik-Gerber | Application areas and data requirements for BIM-enabled facilities management[END_REF] in terms of interactions and interrelations between BIM and FM. This paper reviews BIM and FM literature to understand their functions, interrelations and interactions. The review focuses on identifying the gaps, and assessing the value adding potential and potential challenges in using of BIM for FM.

Data Collection and Research Methodology

The source of research data is the collection of academic papers from various construction science, information technologies, and facilities management journals; technical reports from research institutes; book chapters; theses and dissertation studies; conference proceedings, and; white papers and newsletters from leading BIM software companies. These papers and articles were classified in terms of BIM, FM and BIM based FM (BIM&FM) literature. Therefore the interactions of the papers from different backgrounds were identified during the qualitative anal-ysis. A sample tabular representation of literature tracking is presented in Table .1. The findings reported in this paper are based on qualitative analysis. Keywords were assigned to the reviewed papers based on their focus and main contents. The analysis should highlight which BIM issues come more often for FM? What are the gaps? And, what are the key concepts and potential research areas? The second step of the analysis is classification of the keywords with respect to the assigned paper's discipline (BIM, FM or BIM&FM), Table 2. Therefore, the frequency of each assigned keywords is distributed for each discipline. This step of the analysis would show the associated subjects of papers and missing gaps of BIM implementation in FM.

Results from the analysis

Initially 98 documents were reviewed under disciplines of BIM, FM and BIM&FM. After the completion of review, the documents were re-evaluated and 11 of them were eliminated as they contributed very little to the topic. Thus the content analysis was performed on 87 papers. During the review, 57 keywords were identified and assigned to the papers.

Distribution of keywords based on Table 1:

Figure 1 shows the frequency of occurrence of keywords across all disciplines. As shown in Figure 1, information exchange/sharing, life-cycle, data integration/interoperability, maintenance practices, early integration to facility design and decision support are the most frequently discussed keywords in the reviewed literature. Most frequent keywords were determined by percentile assessment, and the keywords with less than 50 percentile were not considered for discussion in this paper.

Keywords vs. Discipline based on Table 2:

Based on the analysis using Table 2, the frequency of assigned keywords and interrelations between each discipline is presented in Figure 2.

Frequency of keywords by discipline

Total BIM FM BIM&FM Table 3 shows the overlap of keywords across these disciplines. The numbers shown in parentheses represent the frequency of the keywords. For example "Data Integration/Interoperability (4-2)" in row two, column three, indicates that the keyword "Data Integration/Interoperability" was assigned four times to BIM based papers, and two times to FM based paper. As shown in Table 3 when BIM and FM literature is compared, the keywords "data integration/interoperability" (4) in BIM; and "decision support" [START_REF] Janus | The Facility Managers Guide to Information Technology[END_REF] in FM are the most frequent ones. When BIM and BIM&FM literature is compared, the keywords "data integration/interoperability" (4) in BIM; and "information exchange/sharing" [START_REF] Motawa | A knowledge-based BIM system for building maintenance[END_REF] in BIM&FM are the most frequent ones. Finally when FM and BIM&FM literature is compared, the keywords "early integration to facility design" [START_REF] Teicholz | Cost analysis of inadequate interoperability in the U.S capital and facilities industry[END_REF] in FM; and "information exchange/sharing" [START_REF] Motawa | A knowledge-based BIM system for building maintenance[END_REF] in BIM&FM are the most frequent ones.

Keywords and the reported issues

Information exchange and transfer: interoperability and decision making BIM can be considered as a product, a process and a FM life-cycle management tool. Therefore, it is important for organizations to look at what they want out from BIM, and how. For an organization that implements FM functions and wants to use BIM in FM practices, it needs to consider several aspects connected to processes and usage of BIM prior to implementation. The findings of this review are directed towards identifying the basic minimum requirements to facilitate BIM for FM.

The data integration and information exchange for FM is mostly based on the integration of different IT tools. CAFM systems commonly use and integrate various building information. However, the re-usability of data in CAFM systems and the fragmented nature of construction industry make the information transfer challenging [START_REF] Motawa | A knowledge-based BIM system for building maintenance[END_REF]. To overcome this problem, such systems which can integrate 3D BIM models and FM information in a database are being developed [START_REF] Motawa | A knowledge-based BIM system for building maintenance[END_REF] as a knowledge-based BIM system [START_REF] Wang | Integrating Building Management System and facilities management on the Internet[END_REF] that enables better decision making. Since existing CAFM systems have inadequate capabilities and functions for collecting the building information pushed from various stakeholders and different phases of the project life-cycle, BIM based applications are being developed to simultaneously collect the data from different stakeholders and transfer this information to the facility manager in a cloud environment [START_REF] Jiao | A cloud approach to unified lifecycle data management in architecture, engineering, construction and facilities management: Integrating BIMs and SNS[END_REF] to enable the mobility of facility manager during the FM activities. For such FM functions, BIM can act as a virtual database application. However, BIM is not enough by itself to collect and transfer the facility data simultaneously. To overcome this BIM systems need to integrate and communicate with technologies such as radio frequency identification (RFID). RFID provides wireless sensor technology to track and monitor the assets and building environment. The integration of RFID systems with BIM applications [START_REF] Shen | A loosely coupled system integration approach for decision support in facility management and maintenance[END_REF] through database servers and cloud services [START_REF] Ko | RFID-based building maintenance system[END_REF] provides access to the runtime data of the assets in a facility via either desktop or mobile devices.

A construction project involves different applications for various tasks such as architectural modeling, engineering analysis, and construction management. Despite technological advancements, the existing BIM systems or other IT based software applications are mostly implemented in isolation. There is also a lack of interoperability between systems. Therefore, sharing the data in such a heterogeneous environment becomes complicated. In addition, it is still not clear which facility data should be transferred by whom, when the related data should be transferred, and how [START_REF] Becerik-Gerber | Application areas and data requirements for BIM-enabled facilities management[END_REF]. To overcome this problem in terms of technology and strategy, several studies have been reported in the literature. A common interoperable computational environment such as extensible markup language (XML) has been proposed to facilitate the exchange, transfer, archival and re-usability of facility data through different database and software systems, and web-based environments [START_REF] Teague | XML for Capital Facilities[END_REF]. However, XML may not be adequate for the all practices of construction industry which rely on several processes, people and products. The development of industry foundation classes (IFC) began in 1990s and it is still on going. IFC provides a framework for the digital representation of building design, engineering, construction, and operation data to facilitate information exchange between different BIM software. However, the information that is transferred with IFC contains lots of other information which are not needed for FM activities. Therefore, it should be filtered and modified for FM purposes. In response to this need to filter the information, the COBie (construction buildings information exchange) specification was developed to provide a structure for the lifecycle capture and delivery of facility information needed for FM purposes [START_REF] East | Analysis of life-cycle information exchange[END_REF].

COBie is a simplified non-geometric subset of IFC [14] and can be created in IFC format or Excel [START_REF] Sabol | BIM Technology for FM[END_REF]. COBie data includes rooms (spaces) and zones of the facility, equipment and its location, submittals, instructions, tests, certificates, maintenance, safety and emergency plans, start-up and shut-down procedure and resource data for the related activities [START_REF] Becerik-Gerber | Application areas and data requirements for BIM-enabled facilities management[END_REF]. Although there is an agreement about the requirement of COBie for structuring the facility data [START_REF] Teicholz | Open BIM focus[END_REF], COBie does not provide details on what information is to be provided, when, and by whom [START_REF] East | The COBie Guide: a commentary to the NBIMS-US COBie standard[END_REF], and it has been found to be complex and unclear to use [START_REF] Anderson | Construction to Operations Exchange: Challenges of Implementing COBie and BIM in a Large Owner Organization[END_REF][START_REF] Gnanaredham | Ability of BIM to satisfy CAFM information requirement[END_REF]. At the same time, FMie (facility management information exchange) specifications are being developed by buildingSMART to link and exchange facility information more efficiently with the latest version of IFC [30].

Traditionally, the focus has been on the data that is created or updated during design and construction phases, but for effective FM practices, as-built data is needed. An accurate as-built model of the existing facility meets the owner's requirements and provides the best value [START_REF] Woo | Use of as-built building information modeling[END_REF]. The technology to produce as-built data (e.g. 3D laser scanning) needs to be integrated with other FM technologies and transferred through BIM process. Most existing technologies are not able to satisfy the integration and interoperability requirements between different systems.

Early integration to facilities design

Successful implementation of FM functions depends on the identification of major requirements, functions and communications of the development at the earliest possible time [START_REF] Edum-Fotwe | Designing facilities management needs into infrastructure projects: case from a major hospital[END_REF]. Facilities design comprises the details of structural, architectural and MEP disciplines which elicit graphical and non-graphical information about the related facility. Considering the principle "begin with the final process in mind"; and FM needs and integration of owner/end-user and facility manager at the early design could potentially be worthwhile for the FM activities [START_REF] Kasprzak | Developing Standards to Assess the Quality of BIM Criteria for Facilities Management[END_REF].

Another common subject mentioned in literature is the early integration of FM process to facilities design. Early engagement of FM could potentially reduce the needs for major repairs and alterations that will otherwise occur at the operational phase [START_REF] Jaunzens | Adding value through facilities management[END_REF][START_REF] Nutt | Facility management: risks and opportunities[END_REF]. Facility managers have to identify the components' location and get access to the relevant documents and maintenance information. However, due to difficulty of altering the main structure and core service areas in the operational phase, it is hard to implement design process by considering operational conditions; and also most of the time designers do not care much about the factors in building maintenance [START_REF] Arditi | Designing buildings for maintenance: designers' perspective[END_REF]. Facility managers should also provide past maintenance information of facilities for the design team as a feedback. Since facility managers have a daily contact with users and obtain in-depth knowledge about the special needs for the facility, a knowledge transfer framework should be developed based on a combination of knowledge push from building operation, knowledge pull from building design [START_REF] Jensen | Design interaction of facilities management: a challenge of knowledge transfer[END_REF]; and assumptions and specific facility requirements that are used as the input of design process [START_REF] Erdener | Linking programming and design with facilities management[END_REF]. BIM can be used as a potential tool. Implementation of BIM throughout design and construction stages, with the owners' and facility managers' data requirements in mind could provide an opportunity for facility managers [START_REF] Becerik-Gerber | Application areas and data requirements for BIM-enabled facilities management[END_REF]. However, one of the biggest challenges for BIM enabled FM practices is to define these data requirements, and to identify by whom and when the data should be provided through the project lifecycle. Although the data requirements are defined in the early phases, it is hard to follow these requirements due to dynamic and fragmented nature of a construction project. In addition to data requirements, interoperability and automated electronic data delivery are important for leveraging BIM in FM. Recent studies have attempted to clarify the information requirements and information transfer frame-works for facilities and asset management [START_REF]Employer's information requirements core content and guidance notes[END_REF][START_REF]Specification for information management for the operational phase of assets using building information modelling[END_REF]. However, the companies should configure and adopt their existing management strategies with respect to these frameworks for the individual projects. Recent developments such as COBie [START_REF] Teicholz | Open BIM focus[END_REF] and FMie [30] facilitate and provide solutions to transfer up-to-date facility information from different phases of the project lifecycle. Apart from them, CAD technologies, building automation systems (BAS) and CAFM tools are other potential systems to collect and transfer the required FM information between maintenance and operation, and design phases [START_REF] Bröchner | Integrated development of facilities design and services[END_REF].

Conclusion

BIM practices for planning, design and construction phases have been discussed and researched in the literature. Understanding the existing status of BIM for FM with the challenges and value-adding potential is fundamental at the early stage of a project. In this paper, the challenges and important aspects of BIM for FM are analyzed through a literature review. The findings from the review provide evidence that there is an agreement about the value and potential of BIM in FM. This research shows that the value of BIM in FM practices are mainly for:

 Automated data process and information transfer from the early stages of the project to the operation and maintenance phases,  Increasing the efficiency of work orders and decision making process by access to real-time as well as previously stored graphical and nongraphical data.

However, there are several challenges that are hindering the effective use of BIM in FM. These include:

 The interoperability between BIM and different FM (CAFM, BAS, etc.) technologies  The lack of clear requirements for the implementation of BIM in FM through early stages of the project  Despite the documentation in [START_REF]Employer's information requirements core content and guidance notes[END_REF] and [START_REF]Specification for information management for the operational phase of assets using building information modelling[END_REF], challenges exist in identifying clear roles, responsibilities and collaboration requirements of project team to provide and exchange the necessary information due to the traditional implementation practices and the adoption process  Integration of as-built information with BIM and FM technologies  Complexity and limitations of information exchange frameworks such as COBie that need to be clearer and more usable. Among the other issues, due to the evolving nature of the BIM for FM field, and the different structures in the existing FM technologies, organizations should not fit their FM processes to suit a particular technology for decision making which would otherwise result in a continuous effort of adaptation. Instead, they should define the dynamics of their FM strategies and adapt the related specifications of BIM aspects, which suit their individual organizational and operational strategies.

Fig. 1 .

 1 Fig. 1. Frequency of assigned keywords to the documents

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 2. Keywords and interrelations with each discipline

Table 1 .

 1 Sample tabular representation of literature tracking and review

	Number	Document	Keywords	BIM	FM	BIM&FM
		Type
	1	Journal Pa-per	Lifecycle, Benefits of BIM, Building Design, etc.			•
	2	Book Chapter	Early Integration, FM Prac-tices. etc.		•
	…	…	…

Table 2 .

 2 Distribution of keywords across different subjects.

	Keywords/Frequency	Total BIM FM BIM&FM
	Information Exchange/Sharing	23	3	2	18
	Lifecycle	14	2	2	10
	…	…	…	…	…

Table 3 .

 3 Interrelations of different disciplines for assigned keywords

	BIM	FM	BIM & FM
		Data Integration/Interoperability (4-2)	Data Integration/Interoperability (4-8)
	BIM	Decision Support (1-7) Information Exchange/Sharing (3-2)	Decision Support (1-4) Information Exchange/Sharing (3-18)
		Life-Cycle (2-2)	Life-Cycle (2-10)
			Data Integration/Interoperability (2-8)
			Decision Support (5-4)
	FM		Early Integration to Facility Design (9-3) Information Exchange/Sharing (1-18)
			Life-Cycle (2-10)
			Maintenance Practices (6-6)
		BIM&FM