Géraldine Walther
email: geraldine.walther@linguist.jussieu.fr

Benoît Sagot
email: benoit.sagot@inria.fr

Developing a Large-Scale Lexicon for a Less-Resourced Language: General Methodology and Preliminary Experiments on Sorani Kurdish

In this paper, we describe a general methodology for developing a large-scale lexicon for a less-resourced language, i.e., a language for which raw internet-based corpora and general-purpose grammars are virtually the only existing resources. We apply this methodology to the development of a morphological lexicon for Sorani Kurdish, an Iranian language mostly spoken in northern Iraq and north-western Iran. Although preliminary, our results demonstrate the relevance of this methodology.

Introduction

Building large scale language resources for languages where there are only few linguistic resources and even less, if any, NLP resources available constitutes a challenge for NLP resource development. In this work, we aim at building a methodology which will allow us to develop new language resources for less-resourced languages from scratch. We will especially concentrate on the development of lexical resources, for the benefit they offer as such and as a starting point in the development other NLP resources and tools. We first describe our methodology for building new language resources for resource-scarce languages (Section 3.). It uses solely raw on-line corpora and a few (basic) linguistic sources, such as simple reference grammars. In section 4., we illustrate this methodology with the description of SoraLex, a new, if preliminary, morphological lexicon for Sorani Kurdish destined to be enriched and completed with further syntactic information. 1

Related work

In the past years, a large variety of approaches have been described aiming at developing morphological linguistic resources, in particular for less-resources languages. All of them try to benefit as much as possible from the limited amount of available data and information. Some approaches do not even rely on any prior linguistic knowledge, and fall in the paradigm of the unsupervised learning of a language's morphology (Goldsmith, 2001; Baroni, 2003; Creutz and Lagus, 2005).

In such approaches, a raw corpus (usually in the form of a list of words) serves as the only input of the system, which automatically produces either a segmentation for each word into its morphemes, or even a full set of inflectional paradigms, associated with a set of lemmas (Snover and Brent, 2001). These techniques are useful for various purposes, including providing linguistic insights which 1 As we shall explain below, we call a morphological lexicon a set of entries of the form (lemma,inflection class) and the associated formalised description of the inflection classes. This allows for building, e.g., inflection and lemmatisation tools and a full-form lexicon (see below).

are independent from the grammatical tradition of the considered language, if any. However, given the complexity and richness of morphological studies accessible for a very large range of languages, we agree with Forsberg et al. (2006) that it is time-and precision-wise counterproductive to try and automatically reproduce all this complexity instead of formalising morphological analyses available through linguistic literature.

In that regard, our approach is closer to most largescale morphological resource development efforts (Ide and Véronis, 1994; Zanchetta and Baroni, 2005; Sagot, 2010), that also rely on explicit or implicit formalised morphological descriptions embedded in or compiled into part-of-speech (POS) taggers, lemmatisers and/or morphological analysers. However, we do not want to mandatorily rely on a lemmatiser or even on a POS tagger, as we aim at dealing with languages for which such tools do not yet exist. In further stages of the lexicon development, it shall of course become possible to POS-annotate a corpus of increasing size and therefore to train a POS-tagger, that shall give us access to acquisition techniques such as described by Molinero et al. (2009). However, we first need techniques that are able to automatically extract new lexical entries (i.e., lemmas and their associated inflection class), starting from a raw corpus and a formalised morphological description. Several algorithms have been designed to extract new lemmas from such a limited amount of information. They have been applied to several languages such as Russian (Oliver et al., 2003), French verbs (Clément et al., 2004), German nouns (Perera and Witte, 2005), Slovak (Sagot, 2005), French verbs, nouns and adjectives (Forsberg et al., 2006) and Polish (Sagot, 2007). These techniques differ from one another in various aspects, such as the soundness of the underlying probabilistic model and/or heuristics, the richness of the manually described linguistic clues that are exploited (constraints on possible stems for each inflectional class, derivation patterns. . . ), the use of Google for checking the "existence" of a form, or the possibility to benefit from (probabilised since uncertain) part-of-speech information when it becomes available. In this work, we try to combine some of these ideas and techniques so as to define an efficient methodology for the development of a morphological lexicon for resourcescarce languages, and apply it to Sorani Kurdish.

A methodology for developing basic

language resources from scratch

Constructing the morphological architecture

The most basic and yet most needed step in our language resource development is the construction of a morphological lexicon.

A morphological lexicon associates a lemma and a morphosyntactic tag with each known wordform (form, in short). 2 However, building a morphological lexicon of a given language cannot be efficiently done without sufficient insight into this language's morphology. One needs to have at least access to a basic set of lexical entries and their morphosyntactic features in order to define the lemmas and the possible morphosyntactic tags of a given form. Our methodology therefore requests a preliminary study of the language's morphological specificities. These can however be extracted quite easily from simple linguistic descriptions of the language. A summary linguistic study of the language's morphology should allow for the definition of a list of parts-of-speech together with their inflectional properties. From there, the linguistic descriptive features can be converted into an NLP tool-accessible language. We chose to use the Alexina framework (Sagot, 2010) as a baseline for our lexical resource development. One asset of this framework lies in covering both the morphological and the syntactic level (e.g., valency) of a given lexicon -which shall be useful in further stages of the lexical resource development. Alexina offers an opportunity for representing lexical information in a complete, efficient and readable way (Sagot, 2005; Sagot, 2007; Sagot, 2010). Moreover it is compatible with the LMF standard3 (Francopoulo et al., 2006). 4 The Alexina model is based on a representation that separates the description of a lexicon from its use:

• The intensional lexicon factorises the lexical information by associating each lemma with a morphological class (previously defined in a formalised morphological description) and deep syntactic information; it is used for lexical resource development;

• The extensional lexicon, which is generated automatically by compiling the intensional lexicon, associates each inflected form with a detailed structure that represents all its morphological and syntactic information; it is directly used by NLP tools such as parsers.

Within this model, the necessary tasks for developing an intended new resource therefore consist in elaborating a formalised description of the targeted language's morphology, converting this description into the Alexina morphological language (Sagot, 2007) and finding possible lexical entries that can be associated with the inflection tables defined within the chosen Alexina model. In the Alexina formalism, inflection is modelled as the affixation of a prefix and a suffix around a stem, while sandhi phenomena may occur at morpheme boundaries, sometimes conditioned by stem properties. 5 The formalism, which shares some widespread ideas with the DATR formalism (Evans and Gazdar, 1990) , relies on the following scheme:

• The core of a morphological description is a set of inflection classes which can (partly or completely) inherit from one another,

• Each inflection class defines a set of forms, each one of them being defined by a morphological tag and by a prefix and a suffix that, together with the stem, constitute the morpheme-like sequence prefix stem suffix;

• Sandhi phenomena allow to link the surface form to the underlying prefix stem and stem suffix sequences by applying regular transformations;

• Forms can be controlled by tests over the stem (e.g., a given rule can apply only if a given regular expression matches the stem and/or if another one does not match the stem);

• Forms can be controlled by "variants" of the inflection classes (e.g., forms can be selected by one or more flags which complement the name of the class).

Tables 2 and1 in Section 4.3. illustrate this model by showing respectively a few sandhi rules and an excerpt of a verbal inflection class.

Translating a morphological description into the Alexina morphological language requires making choices about what will have to be treated as a dependent affix (prefixed or suffixed to the to-be-determined stems), an independent though typographically joined form or a typographically autonomous form. For that reason, the first descriptive task of the resource development consists in identifying the different affixes that can combine with possible stems. These identified affixes are used for constructing the inflectional tables associated with each of the previously defined inflectable parts-of-speech.

The second task consists in somehow gathering possible lexical entries for each part-of-speech (see Section 3.2.).

Initialisation step: building a seed lexicon

Since an Alexina morphological lexicon consists of both a morphological description of a language and a set of lexical entries sorted according to their parts-of-speech, the next step in the development of the intended new lexical resource consists in finding possible candidates for the different word classes. This corresponds to the "initialisation step" in Figure 1.

To do so, one can either manually list a certain amount of lemmas associated with their inflectional class -that is, if there exists a resource listing such candidates -or, if such resources fail to be available, use the previously elaborated morphological description to infer the possible entries from obvious stems having combined with the identified affixes. All that is needed with this second method is a relatively large raw First we have to tokenise the raw corpus in order to extract a list of possible combinations of stems and affixes. [START_REF] Marco | Distribution-driven morpheme discovery: A computational/experimental study[END_REF] The types of possible combinations offer relatively accurate evidence for the classification of the inflectable words. This however only works with languages that display sufficiently rich inflectional classes and with those words which in fact combine with established affixes. For other cases, manual listing seems unavoidable. After listing the lexical entries, we should be in possession of a small seed lexicon which will constitute the baseline for the development of all further large-scale resources.

Iterative step: enriching the lexicon and developing further resources

The "iterative step" of our methodology consists in using the newly built morphological seed lexicon to create other NLP tools which conversely allow to further develop the lexicon. The lexicon and these tools therefore benefit from each others' improvement.

Together with a limited-size manually POS-annotated corpus,7 the information within the seed lexicon allows for building a specific lexicon-aware POS-tagger such as MElt (Denis and Sagot, 2009) for the newly-to-be-endued language. Once trained, MElt will be able to generate POStagged corpora for the targeted language, hence paving the way for the automatic extraction of candidate lexical entries thanks to simple techniques such as those described by Molinero et al. (2009). Of course, the newly suggested entries will require some (partial) manual validation, yet, since validating lexical entries is much less time-consuming than validating tagged corpora (Denis and Sagot, 2009) or, even more so, manually annotating raw corpora, this method does undoubtedly provide a much faster means for developing large-scale lexical resources from scratch.

A further expansion of the obtained resource would be the addition of the syntactic level of the lexicon, for which Alexina is already fully equipped. This step will require some more specific linguistic analysis and formalisation of the language's syntactic features, yet the necessary study of those features will conversely benefit from the existence of new POS-tagged corpora. Once the syntactic module of the new lexicon completed, it will also become possible to develop other NLP tools, such as parsers, for this language. In brief, using the newly trained MElt-based POStagger will rapidly provide us with vast POS-tagged and morphologically annotated corpora, which will help improving the morphosyntactic lexicon, the underlying linguistic descriptions, and all other derived NLP tools. Thus, at any stage of our resource development, the interplay of the different modules enables an automatic iterative enrichment of each one of them.

A real case-study: SoraLex

We tested the above described methodology by building SoraLex, a morphological lexicon for Sorani Kurdish. For now, SoraLex only takes into account the morphological level of the intended lexicon, but it is destined to later be completed for syntactic information as well. Sorani Kurdish is a resource-scarce language for which the only NLP resource available on the Internet seems to be raw text; as opposed to numerous other languages, there appear to be no usable on-line NLP tools accessible. We were therefore forced to build the whole development of our resource solely on some raw on-line corpora and the few existing linguistic descriptions of the language.8 Since the first known description of the Kurdish language by Maurizio Garzoni (1787), only few other grammars have been published, none of them adopting a contemporarily formalised approach. For our description, we have been relying mainly on the descriptions of (McCarus, 1958; MacKenzie, 1961; Blau, 2000; Thackston, 2006).

Using solely those sources, we were yet able to build a preliminary version of the SoraLex morphological lexicon.

Sorani Kurdish language in brief

The Kurdish languages belong to the western branch of the Indo-Iranian languages. Kurdish speakers are mostly to be found in central and eastern Turkey, northern Iraq and Syria and western Iran. Yet a great number of Kurdish speakers also dwell in the neighbouring territories as well as spread all over the globe wherever the Kurdish diaspora has fancied to scatter them. 9 Kurdish is composed of several dialects, of which the two major groups are the northern Kurmanji 10 written with extended Latin characters and the central/southern Sorani 11 written within a modified version of the Arabic script. Kurmanji and Sorani both possess a standardised form, 12 which, in the case of Sorani, has been largely shaped through the influence of the Kurdish Academy in Baghdad in the 1970s.

Standard Sorani Kurdish tends towards the Sulaymaniyah dialect of the north-eastern Iraqi province of As-Sulaymaniyah counting about one million Kurdish speakers.

Both in the remainder of this paper and in the SoraLex lexicon, we use an extension of the bijective transliteration employed for developing the PerLex lexicon for the Persian language (Sagot and Walther, 2010). 13

The major morphological features

Sorani grammars (like those of the employed reference grammars) generally list the following parts-of-speech: nouns, verbs, pronouns and several particles. 14 In our morphological description, we distinguish proper nouns, determiners, conjunctions, complementisers and prepositions in addition to the above mentioned classes.

Though not yet explicitely linguistically motivated, our choices are preliminarily derived from usual classes within typological approaches. While most of these parts-ofspeech correspond to their usual definition, the particleclass requires a closer look. Among the particles, we have counted the several pre-and postverbs (MacKenzie, 1961), adverbial suffixes and the second elements of Sorani circumpositions (-ewe and -da) (Thackston, 2006). Concerning inflectional morphology, Sorani Kurdish, like most Indo-European languages, displays two major inflectional classes, the nominal class (including nouns, proper nouns, pronouns and adjectives) and the verbal class.

In our approach towards the construction of a new lexical resource for Sorani Kurdish, those two 9 In Europe, for example, a significant part of the important Turkish community is in fact of Kurdish origin.

10 About 50% of the Kurdish speakers.

11 About 25% of the Kurdish speakers.

12 Established orthographic rules, standard uses, available normalised on-line corpora like newspapers and other websites. 13 The use of a transliteration has at least two motivations. First, it allows for an easier development (e.g., text editors are not always very left-to-right-script-friendly, and lexicographers are not always familiar with the arabic script). Second, we use a latin-2 transliteration, which is compatible with NLP tools that require 8-bit encodings.

14 Yet those lists appear to be incomplete and do not make the linguistic choices underlying the classification explicit. This part of Sorani linguistic description yet needs to be done.

classes have been endowed with a complete morphological description which has afterwards been adapted to the Alexina morphological language. Concerning nominal inflection, the following elements have been included as affixal elements: the indefinite marker -ěk, the singular and plural definite marker -eke, and -ekan, the enclitic particle -y for marking modified nouns, called Ezafe, the enclitic pronominal person markers -m, -t, -y, -man, -tan and -yan, the demonstrative circumfixal demonstratives (Thackston, 2006) composed of the close em-and distant ew-respectively combined with the suffixe and the focus particle -yš. As opposed to a certain amount of other Kurdish languages, Sorani Kurdish has lost any kind of case opposition between direct and oblique nominal forms, nor does it display any inflection for gender. Other affixal elements linked to the nominal part of the Sorani Kurdish inflectional system are the comparative -tar and superlative -taryn attaching to adjectives only. These different affixal markers can combine with each other, thereby creating rather complex morphological inflection pattern. Still, future work shall aim at further defining the status of the Ezafe, the indefinite and definite markers and the enclitic personal suffixes, since their morphosyntactic properties clearly indicate a rather ambiguous status of these elements. Concerning the verbal class, Sorani Kurdish resembles most Iranian languages in the fact that it possesses only a very limited amount of verbal lexemes (around 300). Most verbal meanings known from the more extensively described Indo-European languages are expressed through complex verbal predicates build from a light verbal head and a predicative element which can be either a noun or an adjective, or even an adposition or a pre-or postverb (MacKenzie, 1961; Blau, 2000). The construction of Sorani verb forms obeys the following rules. Most descriptions concur in stating the existence of two distinct verbal stems, one (SI) for the present tense forms, one (SII) for the past tense forms. 15 For now, we also adopt this approach to Sorani verb morphology. Sorani verb forms consist of the combination of a given stem with a set of pre-and suffixes, such as in the following representation: Modal/Temporal Prefix(es) -Stem -Personal Suffix(es). However, number of other elements may be inserted between the affixes and the stem. Enclitic pronominal person markers, for example, often appear between the modal prefix and the stem. Those specific difficulties yet have to be taken into account for SoraLex. Sorani Kurdish also displays three sets of personal suffixes, the first being used with present verb forms derived from SI, the second with most past tense verb forms from SII and the third, being identical to the enclitic present forms of the verb bwwn 'to be', with the remaining verb forms. Yet the above-mentioned enclitic pronominal person markers may also function as agent-verb agreement markers for transitive verbs in the past tense. For those verbs, the normal personal suffixes function as patient markers. The interplay between the normal personal suffixes and the patient markers being a particularly complex phenomenon in Sorani Kurdish, we decided not to take into account the role of the pronominal person markers within the inflectional verb paradigm at this stage of our resource development and to wait for further linguistic insight. Concerning the pronominal person markers, linguistic motivation for treating them either within the morphological or the syntactic level of our Alexina lexicon might result in a substantial modifications in our morphological formalisation. Having in mind the above sketched linguistically motivated morphological description, we have built a preliminary version of the morphological module of SoraLex.

An Alexina morphological description of Sorani Kurdish

As explained above, the first step of the development of the morphological module of SoraLex consisted in converting our morphological description gathered within the reference grammars of Sorani Kurdish so as to make them usable within the Alexina framework. Examples thereof are illustrated by the intransitive verb inflection class shown in Table 1 and in the noun inflection class shown in Table 5 together with a few sandhi rules in Table 2. 16 <table name="v1intrans" canonical tag="Inf" stems="..*[aywdt]"> <form suffix="n" tag="Inf"/> <alt> <form suffix="ww" tag="PastPart" var="c"/> <form suffix="w" tag="PastPart" var="v"/> </alt> . . . <form prefix="de" suffix="xm" tag="1sgPreInd"/> <form prefix="de" suffix="xy" tag="2sgPreInd"/> <form prefix="de" suffix="xě" tag="3sgPreInd"/> <form prefix="de" suffix="xyn" tag="1plPreInd"/> <form prefix="de" suffix="xn" tag="2plPreInd"/> <form prefix="de" suffix="xn" tag="3plPreInd"/> . . . Let us take the examples of the verbs čwwn 'to go' and parastn 'to protect'. Čwwn belongs to the so called regular intransitive verbs shown in Table 1 which form their present stems by simply dropping their final vowel, whereas parastn counts as an irregular (transitive) verb, showing notably a case of vowel alternation between SI and 16 These tables are of course only excerpts of the full inflection tables contained within our Alexina description. <sandhi source="ww x" target=" "/> <sandhi source="parast x" target="parěz "/> 3.

Table 1 shows how the canonical form for intransitive verbs, the infinitive, is formed by adding the suffix -n (suffix="n") to the default stem SII. In fact, this also applies to transitive verbs. The past participle forms are similarly formed by adding either -ww or -w, depending on whether the stem ends respectively in a consonant (var="c") or a vowel (var="v"), which is specified as a variant of the inflection class ("v1intrans:v" in the case of čww-, "v2trans:c" in the case of parast-). The present indicative forms make use of the sandhi phenomena shown in Table 2. Whenever the default stem (i.e., SII) encounters the symbol x in an inflection table, the appropriate sandhi is triggered and the corresponding SI is generated. This results in the inflected forms shown in Table 4. The case of nouns, illustrated in Table 6, is simpler, since nouns do not show stem alternations. Depending on the ending of their stems, they may only take certain forms of the following suffixes. As above, this constraint is modelled as inflection class variants (var="c" for stems ending in consonants and var="v" for stems ending in vowels). Moreover, the "rads" and "except" constraints allow for further constraining the possible stems on which a suffix may attach: rads=".*[eěao]" allows for the suffix to attach on any stem ending in e, ě, a or o, while except=".*[eěao]" allows for the attaching of a given suffix to any stem except those ending in e, ě, a or o. Table 6 shows an excerpt of the inflected forms for the nouns dost 'friend' and dě 'village', ending respectively in a consonant and in a vowel, as generated by the inflection class shown in Table 5.

Creation of a raw corpus and a seed lexicon

As mentioned above, the only other source of information we exploited is a raw corpus of Sorani Kurdish. We extracted such a corpus from the blog 17 of the programme Ruwange broadcasted by the Belgium-based Kurdish channel Roj TV. This blog allows for the automatic recursive retrieval of its pages, which we performed with the standard tool wget. We extracted all textual sections from the HTML files, removed all markup, filtered out lines that did not have the appearance of valid Sorani text (character set, spacing characteristics. . . ) and segmented 3 it automatically into sentences based on final punctuation marks.

Then we normalised 18 and transliterated all characters. We tokenised the corpus, 19 resulting in 590,568 token occurrences and 62,993 unique tokens. The most frequent tokens are the preposition le, the conjunction w and the preposition be.

With the help of this frequency list and the grammars listed above, we manually created a set of closed-class entries (29 conjunctions and complementisers, 22 punctuation marks, 10 determiners, 49 prepositions, 26 pronouns, 38 numerals, 10 particles). We also built a lexicon of 68 verb lemmas, which already covers almost 25% of the full set of Sorani Kurdish verbs. In order to extract nouns, adjectives and adverbs from our corpus in a more systematic way, we decided to start with a simple technique, based on our knowledge of Sorani Kurdish morphology. We designed a regular expression 20 covering a large range of possible nominal and adjectival suffixes, such that the removal of these suffixes provides a nominal or adjectival candidate stem, i.e., in Sorani Kurdish, a lemma. In order to rank the obtained lemmas, we take advantage of the following hypotheses. First, the longer a suffix, the more probable it is correctly identified, and therefore its removal provides a valid nominal or adjectival lemma. Second, the more different suffixes have been identified on a given stem/lemma, the more confident we are in its correctness. Therefore, we assigned to each suffix a weight equal to its length, and weighted each candidate lemma by the sum of the weights of all (unique) suffixes it has been encountered with. This resulted in a list of 1,009 candidate lemmas with a weight of 10 or more, for 18 Sorani Kurdish, as Urdu, has the following property. The isolated and final forms of the Arabic letter hâ constitute one letter (pronounced e), whereas the initial and medial forms of the same Arabic letter constitute another letter (pronounced h), for which a different Unicode encoding is available. In many electronic texts, such as the blog we used as a corpus, these letters are written using only the hâ, and differentiate both letters using the zero-width non joiner character that prevents a character from being joined to its follower. We had to normalise this in order to get two different Unicode encodings for these two different letters. 19 For this task we used a simple tokeniser, that only recognises numbers, URLs, email addresses and a few other very surfacic phenomena. It then identifies all punctuation marks as individual tokens, as well as all remaining sequences of non-whitespace characters.

20 ((y[eě]|ě)(k(an|e)?)?)?(y?š)?([mty](an)?)?y?$ <table name="N1" rads="..*"> <form suffix="" tag="Abs"/> <alt> <form suffix="ěk" tag="SingIndef" rads=".*" var="c"/> <form suffix="ě" tag="SingIndefFam" rads=".*" var="c"/> <form suffix="yěk" tag="SingIndef" rads=".*" var="v"/> <form suffix="yě" tag="SingIndefFam" rads=".*" var="v"/> <form suffix="yek" tag="SingIndefFam" rads=".*" var="v"/> <form suffix="ye" tag="SingIndefFam" rads=".*" var="v"/> </alt> . . . <alt> <form suffix="an" tag="PlIndef" rads=".*" var="c"/> <form suffix="yan" tag="PlIndef" rads=".*" var="v"/> </alt> . . . </alt> <form suffix="eke" tag="SingDef" except=".*[eěao]" var="c"/> <form suffix="eke" tag="SingDef" except=".*[eěao]" var="v"/> <form suffix="ke" tag="SingDef" rads=".*[eěao]" var="v"/> </alt> . . . <alt> <form suffix="ekan" tag="PlDef" except=".*[eěao]" var="c"/> <form suffix="ekan" tag="PlDef" except=".*[eěao]" var="v"/> <form suffix="kan" tag="PlDef" rads=".*[eěao]" var="v"/> </alt> . . . which we performed a partial manual validation.

In order to build additional open-class candidates, we also applied our implementation of the algorithm described in (Sagot, 2005). This algorithm is based on the list of unknown and open-class tokens associated with their frequencies. On our corpus, and taking into account the already existing entries, we obtained 4,104 candidate lemmas, ordered according to a weight that takes into account both the likelihood of each lemma as computed by the algorithm and the number of occurrences of its inflected forms. We manually validated a limited amount of these candidates. A web-based interface already developed and used for other lexical development projects shall allow for an efficient large-scale manual validation of these candidate entries, and therefore improve the coverage of SoraLex in the near future. Finally, we used the Sorani Kurdish Wikipedia21 for collecting proper nouns. Those were found through the titles of Wikipedia articles indicating either a city, a country or a person category. We collected and normalised the titles of these articles as well as those of all the articles redirecting towards them. We were thereby able to build a lexicon for proper nouns consisting in person, country and city names. These tasks resulted in a set of (only) 131 proper noun lemmas. Person names have been assigned the class of invariable lemmas, whereas countries and cities received an inflectional noun class that doesn't allow for the formation of plural forms. Using these manual and semi-automatic techniques, we obtained a seed lexicon for Sorani Kurdish. This lexicon contains 17,600 extensional (form-level) entries corresponding to 13,315 different forms from 468 intensional (lemma-level) entries. This lexicon covers 48.4% of all token occurrences in our raw corpus.

Conclusion

In this paper, we introduced a three-step methodology for developing morphological lexicons for resource-scarce languages, i.e., languages for which raw corpora and linguistic studies are basically the only available sources of information. First, we argued for the relevance of a careful linguistic study allowing for the manual development of a formalised description of the language's morphology. In a second step, the initialisation step, we suggest employing both existing and novel techniques that use such a description for constructing semi-automatically a seed lexicon from a raw corpus of the language. Coupled with a (small) manually annotated corpus, this seed lexicon helps training a preliminary version of a lexicon-aware partof-speech tagger such as MElt (Denis and Sagot, 2009), which enables to generate a large POS-tagged corpus. Such a corpus is in turn useful for efficiently improving the coverage of the lexicon (Molinero et al., 2009), and therefore the quality of the tagger, thus defining a virtuous iterative process. We illustrate this methodology by reporting the first steps towards the development of a large-scale morphological lexicon for Sorani Kurdish within the Alexina framework. We are currently about to move from the initialisation step to the iterative step. Apart from following our methodology, we aim at exploring other complementary approaches. In particular, we plan to develop techniques for extracting relevant information from existing lexical

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure1: Overview of our lexical resource development methodology (dashed lines denote manual or semiautomatic steps, plain lines automatic steps)

Table 1 :

 1 Excerpts of the inflection class for Sorani Kurdish regular intransitive verbs in our Alexina morphological description.

Table 2 :

 2 A few sandhi rules from our Alexina description of Sorani Kurdish morphology, used to model the alternations between stems (the " " models a morpheme boundary)

	Canonical form Inflection class SI	SII
	čwwn	v1intrans	č-	čww-
	parastn	v2trans	parěz-parast-

Table 3 :

 3 Two verbal entries with their corresponding stems SII. Their respective present and past stems are shown in Table

Table 4 :

 4 Several inflected forms for the verbal entries in Table

	Inflected form čwwn	parastn
	Inf	čww n	parast n
	PastPart	čww w parast ww
	1sgPreInd	č m	parěz m
	2sgPreInd	č y	parěz y
	3sgPreInd	č ě	parěz	ě
	1plPreInd	č yn	parěz yn
	2plPreInd	č n	parěz n
	3plPreInd	č n	parěz n

Table 5 :

 5 Excerpts of the inflection class for Sorani Kurdish nouns in our Alexina morphological description

	Inflected form dost	dě
	SingIndef	dost ěk	dě yěk
		dost ě	dě yě
	SingIndefFam		dě yek
			dě ye
	PlIndef	dost an	dě yan
	SingDef	dost ke	dě ke
	PlDef	dost ekan dě kan

Table 6 :

 6 Several inflected forms for the nouns dě 'village' and dost 'friend'

Of course, a same form may receive more than one (lemma,morphosyntactic tag) pair.

The Lexical Markup Framework ISO/TC37 standard.

A fair number of lexical resources are already being developed within the Alexina framework, such as the Lefff for French[START_REF] Sagot | The Lefff , a freely available, accurate and large-coverage lexicon for French[END_REF], the Leffe for Spanish and other resources for Galician, Polish, Slovak, Persian and English. This fact should ensure the workability of new Alexina lexicons. It may also pave the way for future cross-language NLP applications.

A sandhi -the term comes from traditional Sanskrit grammars -is a transformation of a given phonological/typographic sequence due to its encountering another specific sequence. The term sandhi is however nowadays used mainly although not always in order to refer to transformations occurring at morpheme boundaries. For example, in French, when the suffix -ons (1st person plural) is juxtaposed to the stem mang-(to eat), a sandhi phenomenon occurs that causes the insertion of a e, thus producing the form mangeons ((we) eat).

We shall see in section 4. that the definition of the tokens sometimes requires a set of preliminary word vs. affix definitions.

Say, a few hundreds of sentences.

Although most of these descriptions are available on-line in the form of PDF documents, they can obviously not be considered as NLP resources and be used as such.

However this statement is not followed by[START_REF] Bonami | Sorani kurdish person markers and the typology of agreement[END_REF] who suggest the existence of three distinct stems, one for the present tenses, one for the past tenses and one for the passive forms. Our reading of the data contained within the reference grammars also gave us the impression that the question of the number of stems still needs to be solved. Depending on the question's outcome, the here presented morphological lexicon might yet expect some substantial changes.

Available at the following address: http://ckb. wikipedia.org. We used the dump of March 26th, 2010.

This idea could also be used in order to develop a lexicon for Kurmanji Kurdish from SoraLex, and/or to benefit from existing limited-size lexical resources for this language.

http://alexina.gforge.inria.fr/

resources available for closely related languages. Ongoing work in this direction has given satisfying results for the Galician language starting from resources for Spanish, and we intend to benefit from the ongoing initiative around the PerLex lexicon for Persian (Sagot and Walther, 2010) so as to try and gather complementary information. 22 On the longer term, we intend to develop a first set of NLP tools for Sorani Kurdish based on SoraLex and existing technologies already adapted to Persian language based on PerLex. This includes, among others, advanced tokenisation and segmentation modules, named entity recognisers and spelling correctors. SoraLex, as all Alexina lexicons, is available under a free software license (LGPL-LR) on the web-page of the Alexina project. 23


Géraldine Walther
email: geraldine.walther@linguist.jussieu.fr

A Derivational Account for Sorani Kurdish Passives

In this paper we propose a new analysis for Sorani Kurdish passive formation. We argue that passivisation in Sorani Kurdish actually is a derivational process and propose four arguments supporting this claim.

Within lexicalist approaches to morphosyntax, the question whether to treat passivisation as an inflectional or a derivational process has often been raised. The traditional treatment of passive considers it to be an inflectional process. This traditional view is followed by certain number of recent studies [START_REF] Stump | Heteroclisis and paradigm linkage[END_REF][START_REF] Hippisley | Declarative Deponency: A Network Morphology Account of Morphological Mismatches[END_REF] that presuppose the existence of one single paradigm for both the active and the passive verb forms of a given lexeme. On the other hand, [START_REF] Sadler | Argument structure and morphology[END_REF] claim a derivational analysis of passives while [START_REF] Bresnan | The Mental Representation of Grammatical Relations[END_REF] states that passives may serve as an input for derivational processes. If one accepts that inflected forms cannot function as an input for derivational processes, [START_REF] Bresnan | The Mental Representation of Grammatical Relations[END_REF] inevitably entails a derivational treatment of passivisation. [START_REF] Blevins | Passives and impersonals[END_REF] proposes a treatment for passives as a morphological process called Passive Lexical Rule (PLR) applicable to a whole series of languages. [START_REF] Sag | Syntactic Theory: a Formal Introduction[END_REF] argue that the argument-structure-changing operation triggered by passivisation are evidence for a derivational analysis for passives.

Others, like [START_REF] Kiparsky | Blocking and periphrasis in inflectional paradigms[END_REF] do not explicitly choose between the two approaches. Yet the data Kiparsky presents for Latin rather favours a derivational analysis. Usually, derivation is said to operate semantic change in an unpredictable way: as opposed to inflectional processes, given one derivational process, there is not necessarily one unique predictable semantic change that systematically occurs. Based on data from Latin, [START_REF] Kiparsky | Blocking and periphrasis in inflectional paradigms[END_REF] shows that morphological passive forms may have several distinct values, not only syntactic passive value. These values are lexically specified, i.e. not directly predictable.

In this paper we analyse the morphological passive of the Western Iranian language Sorani Kurdish. We use the more common name Sorani to refer to its standardised dialect, corresponding to what [START_REF] Haig | Alignment change in Iranian languages: a construction grammar approach[END_REF] refers to as Suleimani. Sorani mainly distinguishes itself through its verbal morphology and its intricate system of "endoclitic" person markers [START_REF] Samvelian | What Sorani Kurdish absolute prepositions tell us about cliticization[END_REF]. Sorani verb forms roughly consist of a set of prefixes and suffixes clustered around a given stem (cf. Table 2). Most traditional descriptions of Sorani morphology concur in stating the existence of two distinct verbal stems: one for the present tense forms and one for the past and non-finite forms. Clustered around these stems, prefixes mostly convey tense, aspect and mood (TAM) and polarity features, whereas suffixes may encode TAM and person information. Sorani also displays three sets of personal endings (Table 1): PE1 for the present verb and the perfect subjunctive , PE2 for imperfective, preterite and past perfect forms and PE3 for the remaining perfect forms. In past tenses, Sorani verbs display remnant features of split ergativity [START_REF] Haig | Alignment change in Iranian languages: a construction grammar approach[END_REF]: if a verb is transitive, the normal person markers are replaced with the endoclitic person markers as subject-verb agreement markers in the past tenses. They are inserted in verb-internal second position [START_REF] Samvelian | What Sorani Kurdish absolute prepositions tell us about cliticization[END_REF].

Passives are formed by inserting the sequence -rê/-râ between the stem and the other suffixes (shaded column in Table 2). Descriptive grammars implicitly present -rê/-râ as just another set of inflectional suffixes for transitive verbs [START_REF] Mccarus | A Kurdish Grammar: descriptive analysis of the Kurdish of Sulaimaniya, Iraq[END_REF][START_REF] Mackenzie | Kurdish dialect studies[END_REF][START_REF] Blau | Méthode de kurde sorani[END_REF][START_REF] Thackston | Sorani Kurdish: A reference grammar with selected readings[END_REF].

In order to get a more precise view of Sorani passive, we have developed a full Paradigm Function Morphology (PFM, [START_REF] Stump | Inflectional Morphology. A Theory of Paradigm Structure[END_REF]) account for both possible analyses of Sorani passivisation -inflection or derivation. We argue that passivisation in Sorani Kurdish is a derivational process and propose four arguments supporting this claim.

   lexeme PRES-STEM x PAST-STEM y   -→           word PERSON 3 NUMBER sg TENSE past VOICE active FORM x           ∨           word PERSON 3 NUMBER sg TENSE past VOICE passive FORM x+rê           ∨...    active lexeme PRES-STEM x PAST STEM y   -→    passive lexeme PRES-STEM x+rê PAST-STEM x+râ   
1. According to [START_REF] Mccarus | A Kurdish Grammar: descriptive analysis of the Kurdish of Sulaimaniya, Iraq[END_REF] voice change does not trigger a unique semantic change in Sorani. In (1), two semantic changes triggered by morphological passive compete with each other: syntactic passive value and a potential meaning. In (2), the only available semantic change is the potential meaning. However, this data still requires a more thorough investigation. If the semantic irregularity triggered by morphological passive is confirmed, the data will semantically support a derivational analysis of Sorani passives.

(

2.

Treating voice change as a derivational operation also significantly simplifies the morphology-argument-structure interface. Lexically specified voice allows for lexically specified argument structures [START_REF] Sag | Syntactic Theory: a Formal Introduction[END_REF]. Passivisation thus appears as a derivational operation capable of changing a lexeme's argument structure. No separate mechanism is needed to account for the differences in the derived lexeme's argument structure [START_REF] Blevins | Passives and impersonals[END_REF].

3. Within Sorani verb paradigms, the passive (sub-)paradigm exactly matches the intransitive paradigm using the same prefixes and suffixes, except for the presence of -rê/-râ.

Active transitives differ from them through their use of endoclitic person markers as subjectverb agreement. The fact that the intransitive and passive endings completely match is a new element to the understanding of Sorani passives, since, to our best knowledge, none of the reference grammars [START_REF] Mccarus | A Kurdish Grammar: descriptive analysis of the Kurdish of Sulaimaniya, Iraq[END_REF][START_REF] Mackenzie | Kurdish dialect studies[END_REF][START_REF] Blau | Méthode de kurde sorani[END_REF][START_REF] Thackston | Sorani Kurdish: A reference grammar with selected readings[END_REF]) mention the complete paradigm of Sorani passives: in spite of their existence, passive subjunctives for perfect tenses seem nowhere described. This exact correspondence between passive and intransitive paradigms argues towards the existence of a specific inflection class common to these two types of verbs and thus to the existence of separate passive lexemes that possess this precise inflection class. Hence, passives of transitives should be obtained through the derivation of active transitive lexemes. Moreover, our PFM models also show that there are no further inflectional endings sharing the position class available to -rê/-râ (Table 2).

The suffix -rê/-râ linearly directly follows the stem and hence requires adding before any further inflection, which would also be expected from derivational affixes. Moreover, the fact that the -rê and -râ. appear in their very own distinct position class tends to argue towards morphological independence of passive from the inflectional system.

4. Our PFM implementations also highlight an additional, although more technical, argument for preferring a derivational approach to Sorani passivisation: it concerns stem selection rules. Indeed, Sorani Kurdish shows a non-predictable morphomic [START_REF] Aronoff | Morphology by Itself[END_REF] stem alternation for present and past tense forms. In addition to these two traditional stems, [START_REF] Bonami | Sorani Kurdish person markers and the typology of agreement[END_REF] suggest the existence of a third stem for the passive forms. The passive stems are usually built on the present stem, yet for some verbs, the selection of the passive stem is irregular: it may be based on the past stem or even display more unexpected changes in form. These stem alternations have to be treated previous to the PFM rules generating the verb paradigms, which requires specific stem selection principles for each given lexeme X.

The derivation hypothesis allows for treating the passive stem independently of the other two stems and hence simplifies the stem selection rules. Moreover, this makes for a description that is closer to the traditional ones stating two stems.

Inflectional analysis

Derivational analysis X,σ: {VOICE active, TENSE present} → PRES-STEM(X) X (default) → PAST-STEM(X) X,σ: {VOICE active, TENSE past} → PAST-STEM(X) X,σ: { TENSE present} → PRES-STEM(X) X,σ: {VOICE passive} → PASS-STEM(X)

Table 2 .

 2 Instead of inflectional Voice Realisation Rules, we propose a Lexical Passive Derivation Rule. Sorani Kurdish verbal position classes within a PFM analysis

	Personal Endings	PE3 Enclitic endings	-2 -1	0	P 1 2 3
	PE1 Present personal endings	-m	-în	ma da STEM râ û im aja
	-m	-în	-î(t)	-n	na bi (1, 2, 3, 4) rê bû î(t) a
	-î(t)	-n	-a	-n	nâ		b ê(t)
	-ê(t)	-n	Endoclitic person markers			a
	PE2 Past personal endings	EPM Endoclitic person markers			în
	-m	-în	-m	-mân			in
	-î(t)	-n	-t	-tân			ø
	-ø	-n	-î	-yân			n
		Table 1. Person marking
	Voice Realisation Rules:			Lexical Passive Derivation Rule (LPD):