Robert K Headley

Kylin Chhor

Kheng Lam

Lim Lim

Hak

b. Definition of Khmer 'cəәt'

Keywords: interest 3, n, preoccupation cət, cettaʔ :

About expressives or how to express emotional phenomena

2.1

What is an expressive ?

Many languages of the world have a lexical category referred to as expressives (Fudge 1970), phonoaesthetics (Henderson 1965 1 ) or ideophones to refer to noise, animal cries, mental states, physical states, and actions. Expressives may be divided in sub-categories. For instance Antilla (1977) distinguished three classes of words: 'onomatopoetic' for words describing animal cries and noise, 'descriptive' for those referring to physical states and actions, and 'affective' for mental states words; whereas Diffloth (1972, 1976 2 , 2001) defines ideophones and onomatopoetic as sub-classes of 'expressives'. Expressive is sometimes considered as a distinguished part-of-speech category. Most recently, Potts et. al (2009) have discussed expressives as a class of emotive morphemes, words, and constructions. However they are labelled, expressive words have a tendency in a wide range of languages to be associated with structural and phonological peculiarities, although these are not sufficient conditions for defining this category cross-linguistically. For instance, Henderson (1965: 460) evokes secondary phonological pattern of 'affective' language whereas Mithun (1982) 3 notices that expressives are "particularly resistant to regular phonetic change." As for the syntactic patterns exhibited by expressives, Clark (1996: 535) and Goddard (2008: 89) point out the non-standard or reverse order of components in expressive compounds. Jaisser (1990: 160) reports on syntactic device for differentiating the locus of 1 Henderson (1965) labeled 'phonaesthetic' words for descriptive noises and sudden darting movement (instead of onomatopoetic). 2 Diffloth (1976: 264): "Onomatopoetic forms are those displaying acoustic symbolism and having syntactic and morphological properties totally different from those of verbs and nouns. Ideophones are words displaying phonological symbolism of any kind (acoustic, articulatory, structural) and having distinct morphosyntactic properties; ideophones include onomatopoetic forms as a subclass. Expressives have the same morphosyntactic properties than ideophones, but their symbolism, if such exists, is not necessarily phonological; expressives contain ideophones as a subclass." 3 Expressive words found in related Iroquoian languages do not exhibit the expected sound correspondences for cognates. 'Once, he will begin to understand me.' Table 3: Inherited Tibeto-Burman terms (from Matisoff 2003) Burmese term Matisoff Transliteration < Proto-Tibeto-Burman term <heart> ôH lu .

Psycho-collocational expressives in Burmese

Alice Vittrant

Introduction

Burmese, as part of the Mainland Southeast Asia linguistic area shares many linguistic features with other related and unrelated-related languages of the area. Since [START_REF] Henderson | Final -k in Khasi: a secondary phonological pattern[END_REF] noticed striking similarities between Southeast Asian languages, Mainland Southeast Asia (henceforth MSEA) has been recognized as a Sprachbund (Migliazzia 1996;Matisoff 2001;[START_REF] Enfield | Areal linguistics and Mainland Southeast Asia[END_REF][START_REF] Vittrant | Sémantique et syntaxe des paires verbales en birman[END_REF]) or a 'zone of structural convergence' (Bisang 2006). The features shared belong to different domains (cf., [START_REF] Bisang | Verb serialization, grammaticalization and attractor positions in Chinese, Hmong, Vietnamese, Thai and Khmer[END_REF]Bisang , 1996;;[START_REF] Clark | Hmong and areal South-East Asia[END_REF]Matisoff 1986bMatisoff , 1991, for details), for details). 'Expressive' is one of these features, at the crossroad of the phonetic, morphosyntactic, and semantic domains. This feature also illustrates the aesthetic components of the grammar of MSEA languages, being a productive and significant device to express emotion, feelings, and mental states in these languages. Two kinds of expressive are found in MSEA languages: elaborate expressions and psycho-collocations. The purpose of this paper is to present Burmese psycho-collocations, focusing on their forms, their syntactic behaviours, their similarities and differences with psycho-collocations in other languages of the area.

emotion from a single organ in Hmong language, whereas [START_REF] Diffloth | Notes on expressive meaning[END_REF][START_REF] Diffloth | Notes on expressive meaning[END_REF] and Mithun (1982) noted unusual syntactic properties of these expressives 4 .

Expressives are regularly omitted in grammars, and generally neglected although they constitute a fundamental word class in many Asian languages. They are however extremely difficult to elicit in the field as noted by Diffloth (2001: 267) 5 . They indeed rarely appear in declarative and neutral speech as they represent an attempt by the speaker to transmit a sensation to the hearer as directly as language allows. This is why they may sometimes be considered interjections (see [START_REF] Headley | Cambodian-English dictionary[END_REF].

In this paper, expressives are considered to be idiomatic forms that display special phonological and structural properties with often a 'direct' or 'unmediated' relation to meaning.

Expressives and body-part terms

According to Wierzbicka (1999), who looks for universal parameters in the definition of emotions and their linguistics coding, all languages describe emotions, to a certain degree, via bodily symptoms (blush) or sensations (feeling hot as a reaction to an emotional situation).

Body is also central in decoding other people's emotions: there is a range of physiological characteristics such as smiles, eyebrow shapes by which we judge if a person is happy, sad, 4 Diffloth (1972: 445) noticed unusual negative properties in negative sentences containing ideophones, a "morphology that is semantically and formally unlike anything found in nouns and verbs" (1976: 251); whereas, Mithun (1982: 50) wrote about Iroquoian languages: "Expressive terms are characterized by special syntactic, morphological […] patterns. Their syntactic patterns are quite limited. They do not enter into the same kinds of grammatical constructions as other lexical items. Instead, they occur either as complete, independent utterances, or as the objects of a verb like say." 5 Diffloth (2001: 267): "De façon plus générale, comment faire pour récolter les expressifs? Il serait toujours possible de oser une question du genre: 'Y a-t-il un mot comme XXX? […] On pourra aussi pêcher au hasard et demander à satiété : 'Quel expressif, quel mot utiliseriez-vous si vous voulez transmettre la sensation x, l'impression y, z, etc.,' en suggérant peut-être divers contextes. L'interrogé restera en général perplexe. […] Il faut donc guetter les expressifs, les attraper au vol; mais dans le feu de l'action et de la discussion animée où ils naissent, qui aurait le culot d'interrompre tout le monde afin de pouvoir vérifier une voyelle, un sens, une intention?" etc. The human body is moreover frequently used as metaphorical source domain across languages [START_REF] Fedry | L'expérience du corps comme structure du langage -essai sur la langue Sàr̥ (tchad)[END_REF][START_REF] Vandeloise | L'espace en français[END_REF][START_REF] Sweetser | From etymology to pragmatics: the mind-as-body metaphor in semantic structure and semantic change[END_REF]. Therefore, body parts, either internal or external, may easily be conceptualised as the locus of emotions and mental states.

As such, they are regularly invoked in the description of these processes. This is particularly true for East and Southeast languages as noted by Matisoff (1986a), Clark (1996[START_REF] Ratree | Lao expressives[END_REF], [START_REF] Ning | Body and emotion: body parts in Chinese expression of emotion[END_REF], [START_REF] Simon | Complex emotion predicates in eastern Indonesia: evidence for language contact?[END_REF]Compton (2007 inter al.).

Example (1) contains an internal body part term and illustrates a mental state.

Emotions are expressed with internal body part terms in examples ( 2), [START_REF]SEALS XII Papers from the 12th Annual Meeting of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society 2002[END_REF], and (4b) and with external body part terms in (4a) and ( 5).

(

HMONG from Jaisser (1990: 167) a. nkag siab crawl liver 'to understand (lit. to crawl into the liver)' b. txiav siab cut liver 'to decide, make a decision'

(2) WOLOF from Becher (2003) [cited by Verhoeven (2007:92) Although elaborate quadrisyllabic expressions may be characteristic of formal speech in some languages such as Thai, they are part of everyday language in others such as Hmong languages (Jaisser 1990: 160) or Dong, a Tai-Kadai language spoken in China [START_REF] Gerner | Expressives in Kam (Dong): a study of sign typology (part I)[END_REF](Gerner , 2005)) 2 About psycho-collocations

Defining psycho-collocation

The 'psycho-collocation' areal feature, described for a number of MSEA languages (Matisoff 1986b;[START_REF] Jaisser | DeLIVERing an introduction to psycho-collocations with SIAB in Hmong[END_REF][START_REF] Oey | Psycho-collocations in Malay[END_REF]Clark 1996;VanBik 1997), refers to a collocation, i.e. a conventionalized combination of words that may become idiomatic to differing degrees.

These polymorphemic expressions make an explicit reference to body parts or organs as the locus of emotions or psychological states. The term 'psycho-collocation' was coined by Matisoff (1986a) to describe expressions that involve metaphorical uses of high frequency adjectives (or verbs) explicitly collocated with person part terms to refer to psychological phenomenon.

Psycho-collocation [is] a polymorphemic expression referring as a whole to a mental process, quality, or state, one of whose constituents is a psycho-noun, i.e. a noun with explicit psychological reference (translatable by English words like heart, mind, spirit, soul, temper, nature, disposition, mood). The rest of the psy[cho]-collocation contains morphemes (usually action verbs or adjectives) that complete the meaning. This element we call the psycho-mate (Matisoff, 1986a: 7).

Psycho-collocations may be classified from several points of view; (1) semantic, (2) morphological, or (3) syntactic. The following features may be used to distinguish different sub-types of psycho-collocations:

(1) -the particular kind of mental activity that the collocation refers to (cf. Matisoff 1986a: 7ff),

-the physical or metaphorical states (Clark 1990),

-the type of psycho-noun : body-part or abstract noun (VanBik 1997);

(2) -the part of speech of the psycho-noun, i.e. common noun or nominalized verb (VanBik 1997);

(3) -the syntactic status of the psycho-non, i.e. subject or object of the predicate (Matisoff 1986b: 11), (Goddard 2008: 89),

-the compositionality or non-compositionality of the expressions (Bickel 1997: 141ff),

-the status of the expression : compound or incorporation (Clark 1990).

Psycho-collocation in Asian languages

Metaphorical expressions involving body-part or organs are found in many of the world's languages. In the major European languages (French, English among others) typically treat the expression of mental activities or emotional states as a covert class: nothing in the words 'espérer'/hope, or 'furieux'/angry, or 'heureux'/happy tell us they refer to psychological or mental phenomenon (Eng.: 'Take heart; to one's heart's content; big-hearted, French: 'sans coeur' (heartless); écoeuré (be disgusted, be sicken); coeur d'artichaut (s.o. who falls in love with every girl/boy he/she meets); 'avoir les foies [liver]' (to be scared to death).

On the other hand, Asian and MSEA languages tend to treat the expression of emotional and mental states or processes much more like an overt class. When describing physical and emotional feelings, i.e. psychological phenomena, Southeast Asian languages (and to a certain extent East Asian languages 7 ) commonly use a distinctive construction consisting of a bodypart term and a stative/adjective verb; a construction that has been labelled a 'psychocollocation 8 ' by Matisoff (1986a). Although these 'body part-adjective' expressions may be seen as part of an universal metaphorical tendency -closely related to French expressions such as 'avoir le sang chaud'/'hot-blooded,' avoir le coeur gros/'fat-hearted' -, there seems to be a qualitative difference in the extremes to which MSEA 9 languages carry this tendency: (maumi kata: lit. maum goes): 'tend to be attracted'. 8 Psycho-collocations constructions are also known as 'experiential collocation' [START_REF] Verhoeven | Experiential constructions in Yucatec Maya: a typologically based analysis[END_REF], or compositional and non-compositional collocations [START_REF] Bickel | Tibeto-Burman languages of the Himalayas[END_REF]). 9 This is particularly true for languages of Mainland Southeast Asia, and under discussion for the insular languages, such as those of the Western Malayo-Polynesian grouping. While [START_REF] Oey | Psycho-collocations in Malay[END_REF] illustrates the phenomenon for Malay, Musgrave (2006) reports about two constructions types for emotions predicates in the area. According to the latter author, Western Malayo-Polynesian (Indonesian, Balinese) typically uses simple predicates to denote emotional states, whereas Eastern Indonesian languages use complex predicates involving body-part terms. However, Donahue (2004: 223) demonstrates the pervasiveness of the construction in Western Malayo-Polynesian languages. also known as one of the numerous features shared by languages of the MSEA Sprachbund.

However it does exist in SEA languages of the islands such as Bahasa Indonesia, Malay [START_REF] Oey | Psycho-collocations in Malay[END_REF][START_REF] Goddard | English heart and Malay hati[END_REF][START_REF] Siahaan | Did he break your heart or your liver? A contrastive study on metaphorical concepts from the source domain ORGAN in English and in Indonesian[END_REF] To sum up, whatever language is studied, psycho-collocation constructions are always peculiar in terms of their structure, conveying either figurative or metaphorical meanings.

However, studies of the phenomenon bring out two opposite properties of these psychocollocations: there is cross-cultural or universal status of the metaphors involved in these psycho-collocations while there are also culture-specific ways of combining psycho-nouns and psycho-mates, i.e. body-part terms and predicates.

The conceptualisation of body-parts or organs as the locus of emotional and mental activities reveals different cultural models, derived sometimes from cultural tradition or ethnic religious beliefs (Siahaan 2008: 48): every language has its favorite location for psychological states and feelings, either the heart as in English and Thai (see example 11a What about the syntactic behaviour of these polymorphemic expressions? These are all issues that will be addressed in next section.

Psycho-collocations in Burmese

Spoken in Burma by nearly 50 million speakers (Wheatley 2003: 195), Burmese is a member of the Sino-Tibetan linguistic family, but also clearly a Southeast Asian language, sharing many features with languages spoken in the MSEA area (Vittrant 2010): tonal system, tendency to monosyllabicity, classifier device, serial verbs constructions, etc… and of course expressives. Elaborate quadrisyllabic expressions and psycho-collocations are therefore found in Burmese, the latter type of expression being the only means expressing emotions, psychological states in this language, unlike what is found in Vietnamese (Clark 1990: 537) or Indonesian [START_REF] Simon | Complex emotion predicates in eastern Indonesia: evidence for language contact?[END_REF].

In this section, I will first present the body-terms used to express emotions and psychological states in Burmese within the context of what is found in other Asian languages.

Then, I will focus on the preferred body-part term of Burmese psycho-collocation, that is to say ci t= seiʔ, tracing back its origin and examining the predicates it combines with. Then I will end by observing some of the peculiarities of Burmese psycho-collocations.

The organs and body-part terms in expressive constructions

Looking at organs and body-terms in Burmese polymorphemic expressions reveals an impressive list, containing either elaborate and quadrisyllabic expressions and psychocollocations.

Body-parts terms in quadrisyllabic and elaborate expressive constructions

As seen in previous section §3.1, body-part terms may be used in Burmese elaborate expressions (cf. example 0 and 0). mind-similar-nature-similar in agreement (adv.)

Some of these elaborate expressions may be psycho-collocations. As noted by Matisoff (1986a), the structure of the psycho-collocation may be made complex by using compounding, reduplication of one component (either the psycho-noun or the psycho-mate) and elaborate couplets (with quasi-synonymous or related nouns).

• <Mind ~ heart>, ci t= ôH lu .

Body-part terms in Burmese psycho-collocations

A first study of Burmese psycho-collocations (Matisoff 1986a) lists the most common psychonouns used in this language, that is to say, some internal organs such as 'heart,' 'liver,' 'belly,' and some nouns with explicit psychological reference like 'mind,' 'nature/ disposition,' 'consciousness.' However, other organs and body-part terms may be part of a collocation with mental or emotional connotations, as shown by Table 2. As noted in Table 3, Tibeto-Burman terms found in psycho-collocations refer to body-parts and organs. On the other hand, abstract and psychological nouns used as psycho-nouns such as 'mind,' 'nature/ disposition' or 'attention/ consciousness' (sti θəәti 1 ), are not inherited; they are mainly loanwords from Pali as Table 4 demonstrates.

ci t= sɛiʔ and its psychomates

What about the psychomates, i.e. the predicates used with ci t= sɛiʔ ? We found stative verbs (equivalent to adjectives in other languages) and action verbs in equal proportion. Stative verbs are often high-frequency verbs, associated with physical properties (hot, cold, big, small, dirty, clean, etc.)

One sub-class of active verbs regularly found with psycho-nouns is motion verbs. Example (26) illustrates the combination of ci t= sɛiʔ 'mind' with the verb လည် lɛ 2 'to rotate, go around,' a verb that also combines with 'ear,' 'eye ' (cf. 19, 20, 23).

Indeed, the same psycho-mate may appear with different psycho-nouns, with relatively/quite distinct meanings. For instance, ci t= ဆိ ု း sɛiʔ sho 3 ('mind + be bad') and séB,Ci u : θəәbɔ 3 sho 3 ('nature + be bad') mean respectively "be angry" and "be bad natured.

Realize, comprehend

A last peculiarity about psycho-mates is the existence of psycho-collocations using both members of causative verb pairs. These pairs of verbs, realised with a consonantal or tonal alternation, reflect an earlier process of causativisation. Many Tibeto-Burman languages have preserved a few pairs of verbs, and Burmese still possesses a lot of them alongside a morphological process to form causatives. 14 cəәma 1 ʔəәθɛ 3 ko 2 məә k h wɛ 3 Pa 2 nɛ 1 1SG liver OBJ NEG be broken/split POL INJ '(Please), don' break my heart.' b. asv= :kW è tÚ c. asv= :KW è tÚ ʔəәθɛ 3 -kwɛ 3 Tɛ 2 ʔəәθɛ 3 -k h wɛ 3 Tɛ 2 '(I) am heart-broken.' '(I) broke (his) heart.'

Structure and properties of Burmese psycho-collocations

Several issues emerge as we examine utterances containing psycho-collocations: firstly, the number and nature of the arguments; secondly, the syntactic functions of these arguments, and the way the language expresses the grammatical roles they fulfill; and thirdly, the relationship between stative verb and body-part term, and the possibility of noun incorporation into the verb.

Nature and number of psycho-collocation's arguments

Arguments of an emotional predicate containing a psycho-noun are various: simple nominal phrase (NP) as in ( 22) where the NP marked for its syntactic/pragmatic function (cf.( 23 'He really wants to be a writer.'

Notice also that the number of arguments varies for these psycho-collocations; some are strictly intransitive where the expressive meaning 'to be mixed up, confused' ci t= Qùp= /sɛiʔ ʃoʔ/ ('mind + be complex) can occur with a unique argument marked as a topic or a subject (/ka 1 /) and will not permit a NP marked as an object with ကိ ု /ko 2 / -that is to say a second argument, as shown by the examples in (30).

θu 1 (Ka On the other hand, some expressives need two arguments, whether they are overt or not.

Sentences in (32) contain the expressive ci t= တိ ု /sɛiʔ to 2 / meaning 'to be short-tempered, lose one patience'. In (32a), one argument (the source of the irritation) appears in the sentence and it is marked as an object. In (32b), although two participants are needed to fulfil the process of irritating, none of them is expressed. Whereas in (32c), the sentence contains a unique argument marked as the topic or subject of the expressive predicate: the sentence is ungrammatical with a stative reading. As shown by (32d), the intransitive reading requires another structure, a topiccomment structure, which is very common in Asian and Southeast Asian languages (Goddard 2005: 126ff). This kind of information structure is indeed reported by Matisoff for Lahu, which language exhibits sequences containing a noun followed by a 'transhemistichial compound,' i.e. a noun and a verb semantically tight: some sequence that are clearly related to constructions of the type: 'NP TOPIC + N-V' (see 31).

(

Functions of the psycho-collocation's arguments

Psycho-collocation constructions raise two questions regarding grammatical relationships and functions among components of the sentences. One is the question of the relationship between the verb and the body-part term and the status of the latter as being incorporated into the verb. By incorporation we mean that the incorporated noun and the verb, which incorporates it, function as a single grammatical unit 15 . The second question deals with the relation of inalienability between the subject whole and the body part: what is the relationship between the body part used as a psycho-noun and the possessor of this body part?

Although psycho-nouns do not have argument status in sentences like (33) for instancethe two argument positions in (33) are already occupied by NPs marked syntactically as the main arguments by က /Ka 1 / and ကိ ု /Ko 2 /-, there are several reasons to hesitate considering psychocollocations as having incorporated nouns as noticed by Clark (1995) for other Southeast Asian languages. Among these reasons, the probability of incorporation is ruled out by the existence of sentences like (34) and ( 35). In the former, the psycho-noun is treated as an argument, being syntactically marked, and therefore separated from the psycho-mate, whereas in the latter example, psycho-noun and verb are separated by negation. Then the typological nature of Burmese also argues against incorporation since this language has no morphological indication and few phonetic clues for incorporation: sandhi will occur only in the case of tight relationship, and only under specific phonetic conditions.

As stated by Mithun (1984: 948ff) in her discussion of noun incorporation, different types of noun incorporation exist and represent historical development of incorporation, the first type being a sort of lexical compounding and the last one being distinguished by possessor promotion.

Different stages co-exist in Burmese. It should be noted, however that compounding is very productive in Burmese, and Type I of noun incorporation (defined as loose-bound simple juxtaposition type) in which the noun loses its syntactic status as an argument of the sentence, seems to be the most frequent. This peculiar syntactic behaviour is emphasised by Matisoff's (1973: 309ff)

Conclusion

This discussion of Burmese expressives aims to show the aesthetic qualities of constructions used to express emotional or mental process, trying also to reveal the place of aesthetics in Burmese grammar. Two kinds of expressives have been discussed and distinguished as for their functions, their forms and their semantics in this chapter. The first category of expressives, i.e. elaborate expressions, described more extensively by Wheatley in this volume, tend to be used as adverbial or sometimes nominal, whereas the second ones, psycho-collocations, are generally verbal predicates referring to mental and emotional process.

Regarding their forms, elaborate expressions and psycho-collocations differ in respect of their phonological pattern, their internal structure and number of syllables, although body-part terms are found in both categories of expressives. Elaborate expressions have a predilection for patterns involving rhyme, repetition and alliteration, which are not aspects of the construction of psycho-collocations.

As for their structure, elaborate expressions are generally four-syllables expressions, although three-syllable expressions do occur frequently in Burmese as also discussed by

Wheatley in his contribution to this volume. They are also polymorphemic expressions that often combine, in special patterns (ABAC, ABCB), semantically related morphemes (synonymous, antonymous, generic/ specific, etc.). On the other hand, psycho-collocations are mostly bisyllabic 16 Syntactic dependency is often marked in Burmese by a short-high and creaky tone (tone 1) that replaces the original lexical tone of the last syllable of the word. However, this tone is noticeable only on syllables which original tone is low (tone 2). In other terms, if the possessor is expressed with a high-falling tone (tone 3) or high-creaky tone (tone 1), the modifier status of the possessor won't be marked.

(and bi-morphemic) expressions formed with a body-part or organ term and a verbal lexeme, either static or dynamic. Semantically, elaborated expressions may create nuanced meanings, imitative or evocative sounds (onomatopoeic), whereas psycho-collocations describe emotions, feelings, mental states or processes.

Among these idiomatic expressions that display special structural and phonological properties, we focus on the ones containing body-part or organ terms and expressing mental and physical states. My study of Burmese psycho-collocations shows that these expressions are numerous and part of everyday language. A general picture of the terms used as psycho-noun in Burmese reveals that the most common and productive term found in psycho-collocations is the word meaning 'mind' (ci t= sɛiʔ) unlike what is frequently found in other Southeast Asian languages, such as Lai [START_REF] Kenneth | Lai psycho-collocation[END_REF] or Hmong [START_REF] Jaisser | DeLIVERing an introduction to psycho-collocations with SIAB in Hmong[END_REF]. In these two languages, the most frenquent psycho-noun is the term for 'liver'. However, as we examine the origin of the term ci t= sɛiʔ, I found the same etymon in Khmer and Mon psycho-collocations.

This study of a particular type of expressive in Burmese, i.e. psycho-collocations, leads us to the conclusion that the aesthetic component is clearly visible in the sonorous and rhythmic quality of elaborated expressions, but less obvious in psycho-collocations. However, shouldn't we consider either the poetic images generated by collocation of psycho-nouns and psychomates, as revealing the aesthetic of this language, as reflecting Burmese worldview?

  most of these languages cannot express mental activities, emotion, or character features without referring to a body part, as noted byVanBik (1998: 227) about Lai, a Tibeto-Burman language of Burma: "Psycho-collocations are essential in the daily use of Lai. It is impossible to discuss the life of the mind without them."This construction is widespread in all languages of the area whatever the linguistic family they belong to. It is therefore found in Sino-Tibetan languages (ST), Tai-Kadai languages (TK), Hmong-Mien languages (HM), Austro-Asiatic languages (AA) and Austronesian (AN) languages, as shown by examples (9) through (13). This construction is 7 See for instance Yoon 2003 on uses of maum ('heart, mind') in Korean as in 마음이 가다

  Bernot 's Burmese-French dictionary (1978[START_REF] Gyurme | Le clair miroir: ens eignement de la grammaire Tibetaine[END_REF] henceforth BFDic -gives around 15 quadrisyllabic constructions containing the couplet 'foot ~ hand' (and 4 with the reverse order 'hand ~ foot'), most of them referring to mental or psychological states. Although some of them exhibit the expected structure ABAC or ABCB (cf. 0), others are just quadrisyllabic expression containing a couplet of body-part terms (cf. 17a). Apart the couplet <foot ~ hand>, the following combinations <mind ~ belly>, <mind ~ heart>, <mind ~ hand>, <mind ~ body (corpse)> are also common in Burmese expressive.

  ci t= ôH lu . : /sɛiʔ-n̥ əәloN 3 of these expressions are listed in the BFDic, neither in the two dictionaries published in Yangon (Myanmar) by the Department of the Myanmar Language Commission. They have been elicitated by Burmese informants.

  ]

	Sama POSS.1.SG 'I am angry. (lit. : 'my heart is hot')' xol dafa heart SUBJ.3.SG KAMBERA from Klamer (2002: 369) mbaha -naya -ka na CHINESE from Yu (2002) hui -tou tu -lian gray/dusty -head earthy -face '(dial) dejected; despondent, depressed' tang be hot eti -na gan -chang yu -duan liver -intestines about.to split 'be heartbroken; be deeply grieved' BURMESE 6 éK® ni u x= lk= ni u x= < c h e 2 -naiN 2 -lɛʔ -naiN 2 foot CAN hand CAN 'within one's means or capacity' lk= lW Ú= < lɛʔ -lwɛ 2 hand free 'generous, open-handed' THAI from Matisoff (1986a: 41, 45) dii nýa dii caj good flesh good heart, breath 'glad, delighted' 6 About Burmese transcription: my phonemic transcription roughly follows Bernot's (1980) (3) na maramba (4) a. b. (5) a. b. (6) a. proposal, with some minor changes for tones and diphthongs. Tones are indicated by superscript numbers at the end of the syllable: [ 1 ] stands for brief, high and creaky tone; [ 2 ] caj hǎaj caj khwâm heart, breath vanish id. overturn 'get scared out of one's wits' 1.3 Expressives in Asia: elaborate expressions and psycho-collocations In many Asian languages, expressives appear with a specific form, intermediate in structure between ordinary compound and reduplication. Known as 'elaborate expressions,' a term coined by Mary Haas (1964) talking about Thai literary four-syllables expressions, this type The two non-reduplicated elements of the quadrisyllabic expression are usually referred to as an 'elaborate couplet,' i.e. pair of phonologically different but roughly synonymous or antonymic morphemes that conventionally appear together .The same couplet may appear in a large number of different expressives, simply by varying the reduplicated element. Examples (7) and (8) from Burmese provide illustrations. (7a) mnI : méw: < məә -ni 3 -məә -wɛ 3 NEG close NEG far 'not so far, (to be) at a good distance' (7b) aét,= atn= < ʔəә -tɔ 2 ʔəә -taN 2 NMLZ be sufficient, fit NMLZ be worth, fit 'fairly, moderately' (8a) éK® éKY,= lk= éKY,= < c h e 2 -C h ɔ 2 -lɛʔ -C h ɔ 2 foot miss hand miss 'accidentally, inadvertently' (8b) éK® clk= c < c h e 2 -Sa 1 -lɛʔ -Sa 1 foot begin hand begin stands for long, low and breathy tone; [ b. characteristically convey a rather formal or elegant impression." 'aptitude, qualification'
	be.wet -3SG.SUBJ -PERF	ART	liver -3SG.POSS

ART king 'The king is pleased.' (lit. : The king's liver is wet.) 3 ] stands for long, clear, high-falling tone. The fourth tone corresponds to a glottal stop. Atonal (and unmarked) syllables may appear in disyllabic words with

[əә]

as the main vowel. Capital letters stand for stops that can be realized as voiced or unvoiced depending on the phonological (and morphosyntactic) context. Most of the grammatical morphemes start with a capital letter, given that they are usually (but not always) syntactically closely related to the preceding morpheme. of construction is typical of East and Southeast Asian languages.

Matisoff (1973: 81)

describe them as a "compound containing four (usually monosyllabic) elements, of which either the first and third or the second and fourth are identical (A-B-A-C or A-B-C-B)

[and that]

  , and in languages belonging to the Papuan linguistic

	b. SHAN 10 (14) Austronesian
	a.	tʰuk 2 tsaɯ MALAY from Donahue (2004:223)
		be suitable -mind saya hati senang
	family (cf. Klamer 2002; Musgrave 2006; Gaby 2008). 'be pleased, be pleased with, like' 1SG liver content
	(12) Austro-Asiatic 'I am content'.
	a. MON (from Jenny to appear) b. NIAS from Laiya 1985 (cited by Donahue 2004)
	(10) Sino-Tibetan
		cɒt -klɛʔ a-fõkhõ	tõdõ nia	khõ-gu
	a.	LAI (VanBik 1998: 213)
		heart -short' STAT-sick	liver 3SG.GEN	DAT-1SG.GEN
		ka luŋ na tliŋ
		1SG.POSS-heart -3SG.OBJ-complete 'short tempered'
	'I am satisfied.' b. WA (from Watkins to appear)
	b.	BURMESE ʔa̤ t -rʰɔm
		wm= :s,tÚ < heart -salty
		waN 3 θa 2 -Tɛ 2 'angry'
	belly-pleasant-REAL (13) Hmong-Mien
	a.	'(I) am pleased.' HMONG from Jaisser (1990: 159, 163)
	c.	BELHARE (Bickel 1997: 143) tus kwv mas siab ncjag
		a-niũa ta-he CLF younger brother	top
		1SG.POSS-mind activate-PT 'Youngest brother, you are honest.' (lit.) : Younger brother, (your) liver is straight.
	b.	'I am pleased.' (lit.) : My heart is complete. siab -luv
	(11)	Tai-Kadai liver -straight
	a.	THAI (from Jenny to appear) 'impatient, short tempered'
		thuùk -cay
		correct -heart
		'please, satisfy'

10

From the online version of Dr. J.N. Cushing's Shan-English Dictionary (1881, Rangoon) http://sealang.net/shan/.

'He is jealous of me.'

Table 1

 1

	• < mind ~ hand>, ci t= lk= , sɛiʔ-lɛʔ
	(16a) ci t= p?lk= p? <
	sɛiʔ pa 2	lɛʔ	pa 2	sɛiʔ
	mind be with, accompany hand idem
	'willingly'
	(16b) ci t= pYk= lk= pYk= <
	sɛiʔ pyɛʔ	lɛʔ	pyɛʔ
	mind be destroyed hand idem
	'in disappointment, dejectedly'
	(17a) ci t= ép® lk= ép® ,k= <
	sɛiʔ	pye 2	lɛʔ	pyaɔʔ
	mind be relieved hand drop
	'for a change, a respite'
	(17b) ci t= li u lk= r<
	sɛiʔ lo 2	lɛʔ	ya 1
	mind be destroyed hand idem
	'willingly, voluntarily'

indicates the number of expressions found for each association in Bernot's Burmese-French dictionary 11 . 11 I do not claim that FBDic provides an exhausted list of this type of expressions. However, other dictionaries such as

Burmese -English (1993)

or Burmese-Burmese (1991) dictionaries published in Yangon (Myanmar) by the Department of the Myanmar Language Commission, give similar or shorter list of expressions for these couplets. Moreover, as shown by the couplet <mind/ heart>, some expressions are not listed at all in dictionaries. Therefore, the number of expressions given here for each couplet is only indicative.

Table 2 :

 2 List of Burmese psycho-nounsFor instance, the word 'ear' may be combined with motion verbs (i.e. 'enter, turn, drop') or stative verbs (i.e. 'be far, be good, be hot, be clear, be heavy') to convey psychological process as 'understand' or emotional state(cf. 19). As for the word 'eye,' its collocation with the verb 'turn'

	INTERNAL ORGANS

Origin of the most productive body-part term in Burmese psycho-collocations

	b. Burmese
	mép® ,KYx= BU : > dI ék,x= ôH lu . :n,lW n= :li u ^<
	məә pyɔ ChiN Pu	di	KaɔN 2 n̥ əәloN 3 na 2	lwaN 3	lo 1
	neg talk wish neg	dem guy	heart hurt	in excess SUB.BECAUSE
	'(I) don't want to talk (about that). Because (I) can't stand this guy.'
	(lit.) : I don't want to talk. Because, this guy, heart is hurting in excess.
	(23) a. Lai (from VanBik 1998:217)
	ka	hna	ʔa		ŋam
	1SG.POSS ear 3SG. təә-chɛiN 2 Ma 2 θu 2 cəәnɔ 2		Ko 2	na 3 -lɛ 2	la 2	m̥ a 2	Pa 2
	one-time	LOC 3SG 1SG (H.P) OBJ	understand (ear.turn) AUX:inchoat IRR	POL.
	(22) a. Lai (from VanBik 1998:217)
	na	niŋ	ʔa		hŋal
	2SG.POSS *heart 3SG. SUBJ know-I
	'You are presumptuous.'

3.2.1 Origin of the main psycho-nouns

Two origins could be reconstructed for Burmese nouns used in psycho-collocations. Most of them are inherited Tibeto-Burman terms as listed in Table

3

, with cognates in languages that also make use of psycho-collocations such as Lai (Haka Chin). Examples (

22

) and (

23

) show Lai and Burmese cognate psycho-nouns for 'heart' and 'ear'. SUBJ at home-I 'I am content/ I am not worried (lit. 'My ear is at home').' b. Burmese tc= KYi n= mH , sU k-n= ét,= ki u n,:lv= l,mH ,p? <

Table 4 :

 4 Loanwords from Pali used as psycho-nouns Burmese Dictionary gives nearly eighty psycho-collocations (sixty entries in Burmese-English Dictionary), whereas 'heart' ôH lu . : n̥ əәloN 3 is found in about thirty psycho-collocations and asv= : /ʔəәθɛ 3 / "liver" barely in about fifteen. Moreover, as seen in previous section, it combines with many other body-part terms to produce elaborate expressions.The word ci t= /sɛiʔ/ (transliterated cit) comes from Pali citta, via Mon. Burmese has also borrowed many religious and political words (and concepts) from these two languages during Pagan period (11 th -14 th centuries), with the influence of the Pali being more substantial than that of Mon.

	Burmese term	Transliteration <	Pali	Meaning in Pali
	< mind> ci t= /sɛiʔ/	Cit	citta	heart (psychologically), i. e.
				the centre & focus of man's
				emotional nature
	<nature/ disposition>	sabhô	sabhāva	State of mind, nature,
	séB, / θəәbɔ 3 /			condition; character,
				disposition; truth, reality
	<attention/ consciousness>	satí	sati	memory, recognition,
	sti /θəәTi 1 /			consciousness
	3.2.1 'Mind' versus 'liver': the Burmese choice
	Contrary to the Hmong languages (Jaisser 1990) and the Austronesian languages (Siahaan 2008),
	in the Tibeto-Burman languages (see VanBik 1998, 2010 about Lai) the most productive psycho-

noun used in psycho-collocations in Burmese is not 'liver' but the word ci t= /sɛiʔ/ that could be translated by 'mind, the seat of emotion or life'. ci t= /sɛiʔ/ is indeed very productive. The

French-13

Interestingly, the same etymon is found as a psycho-noun in other Southeast Asian languages, such as Mon or Khmer. However the meaning of the word is both perceptibly and noticeably different in the three languages. Whereas Burmese dictionaries give 'mind' as first meaning for ci t= /sɛiʔ/, both Mon /cɒt/, and Khmer /cəәt/ have 'heart' as main meaning (see definitions in (25).

Notice that Southeast Asian cultures differ from Western ones, which clearly distinguish heart and mind (spirit) as illustrated by this French maxim: "Le coeur a ses raisons que la raison ne connaît pas" ('The heart has reasons that reason does not comprehend.').

  " See alsoexample (27) where the stative verb ép?k= paɔʔ combines with ci t= sɛiʔ 'mind,' aU ʔu 2 'intestines' and séB, θəәbɔ 3 'nature.'

	(26) sU ^ci t= (p® n= )lv= l,pI ® > arx= li u mci m= :k,:ét,; BU : <
	θu 1	sɛiʔ-(pyaN 2 )-lɛ 2	la 2	Pi 2 ʔəәyiN 2 .lo 2 məә saiN 3 .Ka 3 Tɔ 1 Phu 3
	3sg.GEN mind (again) rotate INCHOAT CRS hurry NEG be distant ASP NEG
	'(He) reverts to a former opinion. He did not hurry to be distant yet ????'
	(27) a. mind + be broken,	ci t= ép?k=	Become angry, lose one's head
		explode	sɛiʔ paɔʔ
	b. intestines + be broken,	aU ép?k=	Digress, ramble
		explode	ʔu 2 paɔʔ
	c. nature + be broken,	séB, ép?k=
		explode	θəәbɔ 3 paɔʔ

  definition of transhemistichial compound that points out the existence of 'specifying nouns' (N spec ) that "are neither subjects nor objects, but simply limiters of the unspecified generality of the naked verb."Psycho-collocations involve also the relationship between the body part used as a psycho-noun and the possessor of this body part. In other Southeast Asian languages such as Vietnamese, a body-part term may be treated as being possessed (see example 36a), but the possessor might also be promoted from its position of modifier of the possessee (body-part) to first argument of the Although the two strategies coexist in Vietnamese where sentences with possessed body part or promoted subject (with body part compound with verb) are given as equivalent, it is not the case in Burmese. None of my examples contains a body part term marked for possession, although it is difficult sometimes to distinguish possessor due to specific phonetic rules.16

	(35)	éwéw; mH , étW :mi ti u x= ci t= mKYm= :s, …<
		we 2 we 1 m̥ a 2 twe 3 mi 1		TaiN 2 sɛiʔ-məә	-c h aN 3 θa 2
		Wewe LOC	consider NON-VOLITION each	mind NEG	be rich …
		'Each time WeWe thought about it, she was not in peace.'
	3.3.2.1 Possessor and body-part
	(33)	mi u :mi u :k sU ^ki u ci t= ku n= sW ,:p® I <
		mo 3 mo 3 Ka 1	θu 1	Ko 2	sɛiʔ -koN 2	θwa 3	Pi 2
	Moe Moe TOP/S. 3SG.GEN OBJ sentence (36b).	mind -run out ASP.PRF CRS
		'Moe Moe can't stand him any longer.'
	(34) a. ci t= ki u ti u sW ,:t,Bè < VIETNAMESE (from Clark 1995: 544)
	sɛiʔ-(36) a. bụng	Ko 2 tôi	-to 2 (ḅi) đau	θwa 3	Ta 2	bɛ 2
		mind OBJ/FOCUS be short ASP.PRF REAL DM stomach 1SG suffer sick
		'(He) REALLY gets on (my) nerves [when he says that].' 'My stomach aches'
		b. sU ^ki u lu p= KYx= t, asè ki u y,:ént,Bè < b. Tôi (ḅi) đau bụng
		θu 1 1SG	Ko 2 loʔ C h iN 2 Ta 2 suffer sick stomach	ʔəәθɛ 3 Ko 2	-ya 3 ne 2	Ta 2 bɛ 2
		3SG.GEN OBJ work wish NMZL.REAL liver OBJ/FOCUS itch PRF 'I ache/am sick in the stomach.' (< 'I stomach-ache').	REAL DM
		'(I) am dying to make something [hit] to him.'
		(lit.) : (My) liver is itching to the fact (I) wish to make [something] to him.

[START_REF] Vittrant | Sémantique et syntaxe des paires verbales en birman[END_REF] lists 83 pairs in Burmese, showing either aspiration or tonal alternations.Gyurme (1992: 258) gives a list of 96 pairs for literary Tibetan, specifying that it is not an exhaustive list.

On noun incorporation, see[START_REF] Mithun | The evolution of noun incorporation[END_REF] Clark (1995: 541ff).

/ʔəәθɛ 3 / ʔəәsâñ *m-sin <belly> wm= : /waN 3 / Wâm *p w am [stomach] <hand> lk= /lɛʔ/ Lak *lak <eye> mYk= /myɛʔ/ Myak *mik ~*myak <ear> n,: /na 3 / Nâ *g-na <nose> ôH , /n̥ a 2 / Hna *s-na 'Today, I'm very happy.'

13 On Mon and Pali loanwords in Burmese, see Hla Pe (1961, 1967). On Burmese political vocabulary see Kasevitch (1994). See also Yanson


observed within the Tm(Al) sample series: v linearly increases with increasing AlO 3/2 content, from 14 μs in pure silica to 50 μs in sample Tm(Al) containing 17.4 mol% of AlO 3/2 . The lifetime was increased about 3.6 times. The lifetime of the 20 mol% GeO 2 doped fiber Tm(Ge) was increased up to 28 μs whereas that of the 8 mol% PO 5/2 doped fiber Tm(P) was reduced down to 9 μs. Aluminum codoping seems the most interesting route among the three tested codopants. III. NON-EXPONENTIAL SHAPE OF THE 810-NM EMISSION DECAY CURVES In alumina-doped fibers, fluorescence decay curves from the 3

H 4 level were found to be non-exponential. It is thought that Tm 3+ ions are inserted in a glass which is characterized by a multitude of different sites available for the RE ion, leading to a multitude of decay constants. This phenomenological model was first proposed by Grinberg et al. and applied to Cr 3+ in glasses [START_REF] Grinberg | Continuous function decay analysis of a multisite impurity activated solid[END_REF]. This model was applied for the first time to Tm 3+ -doped glass fibers [START_REF] Blanc | Thulium environment in a silica doped optical fibre[END_REF]. In this method, the luminescence decay is given by:

It *+ A i i  exp /t / v i ] ̲ (2)
where A i and v i are discrete distributions of amplitudes and decay constants (lifetimes), respectively. For the fitting procedure on the A i series, 125 fixed values for v i were considered, logarithmically spaced from 1 to 1000 μs. For a given composition (Fig. 2a), we can notice two main distributions of the decay constant. With the alumina concentration, they increase from 6 to 15 μs and from 20 to 100 μs, respectively (Fig. 2b). From the histograms of the amplitude distributions obtained from the fittings, characteristic lifetimes were correlated with those expected for thulium located either in a pure silica or pure Al 2 O 3 environment. The 3 H 4 lifetime is calculating by using this equation:

1/ v = 1/ v rad +W 3 nr (3)
where v rad corresponds to the radiative lifetime which is given to be 670 μs in silica [START_REF] Walsh | Comparison of Tm:ZBLAN and Tm:silica fiber lasers: Spectroscopy and tunable pulsed laser operation around 1.9 μm[END_REF]. W 0 and c were estimated for different oxide glasses [START_REF] Van Dijk | On the nonradiative and radiative decay rates and a modified exponential energy gap law for 4f-4f transitions in rare-earth ions[END_REF], and [START_REF] Layne | Multiphonon relaxation of rare-earth ions in oxide glasses[END_REF]. The energy difference FE was estimated by measuring the absorption spectrum of the fibers. When Al concentration varies, this value is almost constant around 3700 cm -1 [START_REF] Van Dijk | On the nonradiative and radiative decay rates and a modified exponential energy gap law for 4f-4f transitions in rare-earth ions[END_REF]. With these considerations, the 3 H 4 expected lifetime can be calculated.

In the case of silica glass, v silica = 6 μs and for a pure Al 2 O 3 environment, v alumina = 110 μs. Both values agree with those obtained from the fitting procedure. The distribution of decay constant around 10 μs corresponds to Tm 3+ ions located in almost pure silica environment whereas the second distribution is attributed to Tm 3+ located in Al 2 O 3rich sites. This result shows that the global efficiency is increased by increasing the Al concentration in TDFAs. However concentrations above 20 at% would cause excess loss and glass stability problems in silica.

IV. MODELING OF TM-DOPED SILICA-FIBER DEVICES Numerical models are useful tools for investigating thuliumdoped fiber devices, predicting their performance and optimization of their parameters. We have developed comprehensive, spectrally and spatially resolved numerical model that is based on simultaneous solution of the laser rate equations and propagation equations that describe evolution of the optical power along the fiber. The rate equations for the relevant energy levels can be written according to the energy level diagram in Fig. 1 as follows:

), ( ) (

A A n W W W W n W W W W W n W W n dt dn - - - - - - - - - - - / - ? (4)
Õ Õ Ö Ô Ä Ä Å Ã - - - - / / - - - - - - ? Â ? j r j nr r r nr W W W W W n W W W n W W n W W n dt dn (5)
), ( while it holds that the sum of population n i on each respective level is equal to the total thulium ion concentration n t in the core. It is assumed that the thulium ions are homogenously distributed and excited in the doped section of radius b in the fiber core of radius a and it holds that b ≤a. The transition rates W ij accounts for the stimulated absorption and emission between the respective levels.

Spontaneous decay processes are described by W ij r and W i nr , the radiative and nonradiative decay rates, respectively. The formulae for the transition rates can be found in [START_REF] Peterka | Theoretical modelling of S-band thulium-doped silica fibre amplifiers[END_REF]. In steady state the rate equations become a set of four linear algebraic equations. The propagation of optical power at respective wavelength is governed by the following propagation equation:

*+ *+ ). ( ) ( ) ( 2 ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) (
P n h n n n n P n n P dz dP ij ij i ij ij ji j ij i (7)
where h is the Planck constant, P ± are the spectral power densities of the radiation propagating in both directions along the fiber axis and u ij is the respective transition cross section. The cross sections are shown in Fig. 3. The spectral dependence of the cross sections are approximated by a set of Gaussian functions, the respective coefficients can be found in [START_REF] Peterka | Theoretical modeling of fiber laser at 810 nm based on thuliumdoped silica fibers with enhanced 3 H4 level lifetime[END_REF]. The overlap factor I represents the fraction of the transversal field distribution that interacts with the RE ions. The first term in equation ( 7) describes the amplification and reabsorption of optical signals, the second term represents ground-state absorption and excited state absorption (ESA) in spectral bands with no significant emission, the third term accounts for spontaneous emission and the fourth term stands for background loss c of the fiber.

Evolution of optical power in each ASE spectral slot around a wavelength n (typical 1 nm wide slot is used) is governed by its respective propagation equation. The propagation equations together with the set of the rate equations under steady state conditions are solved simultaneously along the fiber using Runge-Kutta-Gill method of the fourth order. Since the boundary conditions for the counterpropagating partial waves P -are not known at the beginning of the fiber, an iterative solution is applied. The above described numerical model was verified by experimental comparisons, [START_REF] Blanc | Characterization of thuliumdoped silica-based optical fibre for S-band amplifier[END_REF] and [START_REF] Lüthi | Distributed gain in a Tm-doped silica fiber: experiment and modeling[END_REF]. Two main obstacles have to be solved in order to use the 3 H 4 3 F 4 transition in the TDFA. Firstly, the quantum conversion efficiency of the 3 H 4 thulium level should be increased, or in other words, the 3 H 4 fluorescence lifetime should be made longer. One possible solution of the first problem is described above. Secondly, the lifetime of the upper laser level 3 H 4 is shorter than that of the lower level 3 F 4 . Therefore, direct pumping of the 3 H 4 level will hardly constitute the necessary population inversion. The second problem can be solved by using more complex pumping scheme employing gradual upconversion of the thulium ion to the upper laser level. It can be done by a single laser source as shown in Fig. 5a. The disadvantage is the possibility of the ESA 3 H 4 1 G 4 that results in loosing pump photons. Many dual-wavelength pumping scheme have been also reported as reviewed in [START_REF] Peterka | Theoretical modelling of S-band thulium-doped silica fibre amplifiers[END_REF]. Several results of TDFA performance simulation and of optimization of the TDFA parameters are shown in Fig. 5 and Fig. 6.

The TDFA spectral gain is shown in Fig. 5b for different silica fiber hosts represented by the fluorescence lifetime of the 3 H 4 level: 14 os of the typical non-modified silica fiber and 45 os of the alumina-doped fiber developed by the authors and 55 os of the highly germanium-oxide-doped fiber [START_REF] Cole | S-band amplification in a thulium doped silicate fiber[END_REF]. Similar value of 58 os was also measured in highly alumina-doped fiber [START_REF] Peterka | Thulium-doped silica-based optical fibers for cladding-pumped fiber amplifiers[END_REF]. Codirectional pump of 1 W at 1064 nm is assumed. Unless otherwise stated, we consider the thulium concentration n t =1.56×10 25 m -3 , the core diameter 2.6 om, numerical aperture NA=0.3 and the radiative lifetimes of the levels 3 F 4 , 3 H 4 and 1 G 4 are 3500, 650 and 860 os, respectively. The fluorescence lifetimes of the levels 3 F 4 , 3 H 4 and 1 G 4 are 430, 45 and 784 os, respectively. For sake of comparisons we set the cross sections of the 3 F 4 and 1 G 4 levels the same for all fiber host types, although in real fibers they also depend on the host material. We have checked that their values have little effect on the calculated S-band gain compared to the effect of 3 H 4 lifetime. The relevant branching ratios were estimated using Judd-Ofelt theory and were evaluated as follows: d 54 =0.03, d 53 =0.11, d 52 =0.30, d 51 =0.06, d 50 =0.50, d 32 =0.03, d 31 =0.09, and"d 30 =0.88. Zero background loss is assumed. Signal power evolution along the thulium-doped fiber is shown in Fig. 5c for three input pump powers at 1064 nm. The available gain is significantly reduced by the presence of ASE, mainly around 800 nm. Suppression of the ASE, e.g., by cascaded inscription of long-period fiber gratings into the doped fiber or by using thulium-doped photonic crystal fiber with tailored band-gaps, would ameliorate the gain as shown also in Fig. 5. Optimization of the fiber waveguide parameters is shown in Fig. 6a. Similarly as in the case of the EDFA, the gain gets higher with increasing numerical aperture and narrower core diameter. The effect of distributed filtering out of the ASE around 800 nm is also shown in the graph. Optimization of the pump wavelength is calculated in Fig. 6b. The optimum pump wavelength shifts towards shorter wavelength with increasing power levels. Shorter wavelength's pump sees lower GSA but at the same time higher first step ESA and consequently the integral value of the population inversion along the fiber is higher.

VI. THULIUM-DOPED FIBER LASER AT 800 nm

The silica-based fiber lasers around 800 nm would extend the spectral range covered by high-power fiber lasers. The single-transversal mode, high-power laser source in the 800 nm spectral band is of interest for a variety of applications. The laser can be used for fiber sensors, instrument testing and for pumping of special types of lasers and amplifiers, e.g. the bismuth-doped lasers. Bismuth-doped fibers pumped around 800 nm may shift their gain to 1300 nm telecommunication band, where highly reliable silica-based fiber amplifiers are still unavailable. An efficient fiber laser in 800 nm spectral region could potentially be used as a replacement for titanium sapphire laser in some applications. A high-power amplifier in the 800 nm band would be useful in the optical fiber communications and short-haul free-space communications. Although the laser diodes at this wavelength have been available for a long time, to our knowledge, commercially available single-mode laser diodes are limited to about 200 mW of output power in diffraction limited beam. It should not be confused with, e.g., laser diode stacks of ~kW output power, that are highly multimode with very high M 2 >1000 factor and low brightness. The amplification and lasing at 800 nm band has been already investigated using fluoride-based TDFs and output power of up to 2 W and 37% slope efficiency was achieved [START_REF] Dennis | High power upconversion lasing at 810 nm in Tm:ZBLAN fibre[END_REF]. The output power was limited by the pump damage threshold of the fluoride fiber. Fiber-host reliability problems might be solved by using of silica-based fibers with enhanced 3 H 4 lifetime.

We proposed compact all-silica-fiber setup, example of which is shown in Fig. 7a. The proposed laser utilizes upconversion pumping scheme according to Fig. 7b. We have performed optimization of the waveguide parameters, namely the core radius and NA [START_REF] Peterka | Theoretical modeling of fiber laser at 810 nm based on thuliumdoped silica fibers with enhanced 3 H4 level lifetime[END_REF]. The optimum length of the TDF can be determined from the calculated dependence of the laser output on the TDF length as it is shown in Fig. 7c for the three laser hosts. It can be seen in Fig. 7c that lasing at 810 nm is hard to achieve with silica-based Tm-doped fiber in contrast to the fluoride host materials. However, the lasing might be possible even for silica-based fiber for specific short range of the fiber lengths. Especially when the 3 H 4 lifetime is enhanced, the laser output is very close to the one of ZBLAN host.

VII. CONCLUSIONS

Using a comprehensive numerical model we have shown the potential of the developed thulium-doped fibers for applications in fiber amplifiers for S-band telecommunication and for fiber lasers around 810 nm. The gain exceeding 20 dB of the S-band TDFA could be obtained with optimized fiber waveguiding parameters and optimized pump wavelength. Although the required pump power levels are relatively high, of the orders of Watts, thanks to the progress in ytterbium-doped fiber lasers even these pump powers can provide a cost effective solution. We have shown that efficient lasing at 810 nm can be achieved using silica-based Tm-doped fiber with enhanced 3 H 4 lifetime for specific ranges of the fiber and laser cavity parameters. Such a fiber laser would broaden the spectral range currently covered by silica-based fiber lasers and it may replace the conventional laser systems in numerous applications.

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 2. a) Histogram of the recovered amplitude distributions obtained for silica-based Tm 3+ -doped fibers. b) variations of the short (circle) and long (triangle) characteristic lifetimes vs. Al2O3 concentration.

Figure 3 .

 3 Figure 3. Absorption and emission cross section spectra of thulium.

Figure 4 .

 4 Figure 4. Typical layout of the TDFA.

Figure 5 .

 5 Figure 5. Upconversion pumping of TDFA at around 1050 nm (a). The effect of glass host composition, mainly manifested by the 3 H4 level lifetime, on the gain in S-band (b) and optimization of the TDFA length (c).

Figure 6 .

 6 Figure 6. Optimization of the waveguide parameters, namely the NA and core radius (a) and optimization of the pump wavelength (b).

Figure 7 .

 7 Figure 7. Fiber laser setup in compact all-fiber arrangement (a), single wavelength up-conversion pumping scheme (b), effect of the host material (c). The waveguide parameters used for the parts (c) are: the core diameter of 3.4 om and numerical aperture of 0.2.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

Authors acknowledge Michèle Ude and Stanislaw Trzesien (LPMC) for the preparation of the preforms and fiber samples.