Françoise Rose

Chapter 38. Word classes in Maweti-Guaraní languages

Keywords: Noun/verb distinction, Non-verbal predication, Adjectives, Postpositions, Ideophones

This chapter discusses how Maweti-Guarani languages challenge the definition of major word classes. The relation between major word classes and syntactic/discourse functions is rather flexible throughout this group of languages. The first issue is the blurred distinction between nouns and verbs, as many nouns can function as predicates without any derivational morphology and with almost all the "verbal" morphology. The second issue is the classification of descriptive roots (expressing qualities, i.e. with 'adjectival' meaning) as either nouns, verbs or adjectives. Once we apply clear syntactic and morphological criteria to classify parts of speech, it becomes clear that most Maweti-Guarani languages have three major lexical word classes, i.e. nouns, verbs and postpositions, and that these share some morphological and structural properties, involving a much debated 'relational prefix'. Minor word classes that are often discussed in grammars of Maweti-Guarani languages are adverbs, ideophones, interjections, and particles.

Introduction

The identification of word classes is one of the two central issues in Maweti-Guarani studies, along with the nature of their person indexation system on predicates. This question can be decomposed in two major issues: first, the distinction between nouns and verbs that is blurred by the fact that a large proportion of prototypical nouns can function as predicates without any derivational morphology, while sharing almost all the "verbal" morphology; second, and related to the first issue, the identification of a class of lexemes with adjectival meaning as either verbal (as they most commonly occur as predicates in discourse), nominal (on the basis of their combination with person indexes which are also found on nouns) or adjectival (on the basis that they are neither prototypical nouns nor verbs). A third matter at hand is the fact that the three inflecting word classes (nouns, verbs and postpositions) enter a similar construction with identical marking of their possessor/object/complement, in which a much debated 'relational' prefix plays a role. These issues in Maweti-Guarani linguistics essentially concern theoretical questions regarding the "value" of various criteria used for determining word classes, rather than comparative issues that would be based on internal variation within the family. This group of languages is in general rather homogenous for their word classes, but different authors of grammars answer these questions in diverging ways for similar datasets. This is not to deny any variation among those languages regarding word classes, but this variation is not central to the issues discussed in this paper.

There is presently no consensus among specialists, on what the word classes of Maweti-Guarani languages are. Pioneer work on the question is that of [START_REF] Dietrich | Las categorías verbales (partes de la oración) en tupí-guaraní[END_REF][START_REF] Dietrich | Problema de la categoría del adjetivo en las lenguas tupí-guaraníes[END_REF]. The identification of word classes in Maweti-Guarani languages became a research question essentially after the publication of a volume on nouns and verbs in Tupi-Guarani languages [START_REF] Queixalós | Des noms et des verbes en tupi-guarani: état de la question[END_REF]. 1 It is noteworthy that all grammars published after that date devote some discussion to the criteria used to define word classes, and most have a very lengthy chapter on word classes. However, this topic has not often been dealt with at the level of the Tupi-Guarani sub-group or the Maweti-Guarani group: for example, it is not addressed in comparative works, such as [START_REF] Jensen | Comparative Tupí-Guaraní Morpho-syntax[END_REF] or Corrêa-da-Silva (2010: 175). This paper aims to account for the existing literature as neutrally as possible, rather than offer its own analysis of the data, essentially because there is no consensus regarding Maweti-Guarani word classes. The theoretical approach will be kept to the essential. First, it is important to specify that the discussion on so-called "word classes" actually deals with the categories of lexical roots, rather than words per se (that can be derived from roots). Criteria for word classes in the theoretical literature pertain to four levels of linguistic analysis [START_REF] Croft | Syntactic categories and grammatical relations: the cognitive organization of information[END_REF][START_REF] Hengeveld | Parts of Speech[END_REF]: semantics, morphology, syntax and discourse. For example, prototypical nouns and verbs can be defined very schematically on the level of semantics as items expressing objects vs. actions; on the morphological level as taking for example determiners vs. tense morphology; on the syntactic level as being the head of nominal phrases used as arguments in the clause vs. the head of predicate phrases; and on the discourse level as being used for reference vs. predication. The literature on Maweti-Guarani languages essentially uses criteria at two levels: the morphological one, and the syntactic/discourse one.

In fact, these two criteria generally coincide, except for 'adjectives'. This paper will start with a short introduction to the language group (Section 2). Before describing the characteristics of each word class, this paper will first discuss at length three crucial problems regarding the identification of word classes in Maweti-Guarani that descriptivists face and may be of interest to both typologists and theoreticians working on word classes: the noun/verb distinction (Section 3), the categorization of words with adjectival meaning (Section 4), and the constructional parallelism between nouns, verbs and postpositions with the so-called 'relational prefix' (Section 5). Once the identification of major word classes is settled, Section 6 will describe each lexical word class with their major characteristics (not only those critical to word class identification), with a focus on what may be typologically remarkable. It will start with the major word classes: verbs (Section 6.1), nouns (Section 6.2) and postpositions (Section 6.3). It will then proceed to minor word classes such as adverbs (Section 6.4), ideophones and interjections (Section 6.5), and particles (Section 6.6). Examples are taken from a large array of descriptions of Maweti-Guarani languages.

The language group

Maweti-Guarani is one of the seven branches of the Tupi family. It is the largest and bestdescribed branch of the family, with fifty languages [START_REF] Hammarström | Glottolog 4.0. Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History[END_REF]. The Maweti-Guarani branch itself has been established relatively recently and includes Mawé, Awetí and the large Tupi-Guarani subgroup [START_REF] Universitária | On the position of the Awetí language in the Tupí family[END_REF][START_REF] Rodrigues | On the linguistic relationship between Mawé and Tupí-Guaraní[END_REF]. The Tupi-Guarani subgroup has traditionally been separated in 8 branches [START_REF] Rodrigues | Relações internas na família linguïstica Tupí-Guaraní[END_REF][START_REF] Rodrigues | Revendo a classificação interna da família Tupí-Guaraní[END_REF], while more recent lexical phylogenetic research has resulted in a more resolved internal structure [START_REF] Michael | A Bayesian phylogenetic internal classification of the Tupí-Guaraní family[END_REF]. The Tupi family with its major subgroups is shown in Figure 1, with Tupi-Guarani language names in italics, and other Maweti-Guarani language names in bold. 2Figure 1. Tree of the Tupi language family insert tree here Some comparative work has been published on Maweti-Guarani: [START_REF] Meira | A Summary Reconstruction of Proto-Maweti-Guarani Segmental Phonology. Boletim Do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi[END_REF] on phonology, Corrêa-da-Silva (2010) on phonology, morphology and syntax, and Corrêa-da-Silva (2013) on lexicon. Jensen (1998)'s comparative work on Tupi-Guarani has been for long a major source of information. The field has been greatly influenced by the Tupi specialist Aryon Rodrigues and his work on Tupinambá [START_REF] Rodrigues | Morfologia do verbo Tupi[END_REF](Rodrigues, , 1996 among others) among others).

Maweti-Guarani languages, and especially Tupi-Guarani languages, are "noted for a high degree of lexical and morphological similarity in spite of their extensive geographical separation" (Jensen, 1999: 128). They are agglutinating (i.e. concatenative and monoexponential), with usually basic SVO or SOV order. Typologically salient features are the following: i) nasality spreading at the word level [START_REF] Drude | Nasal harmony in Awetí and the Mawetí-Guarani family (Tupí)[END_REF][START_REF] Michael | Nasal Harmony in Tupí-Guaraní: A comparative synthesis[END_REF]; ii) a hierarchical indexation system, whereby the person of both A and P counts in determining which argument is indexed on the verb [START_REF] Birchall | A comparison of verbal person marking across Tupían languages. Boletim Do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi[END_REF]Jensen, 1998:562-576;[START_REF] Rose | A hierarchical indexation system: the example of Emerillon (Teko)[END_REF]Rose, , 2015b[START_REF] Rose | Are the Tupi-Guarani hierarchical indexing systems really motivated by the person hierarchy[END_REF], once described as an inverse system [START_REF] Payne | The Tupi-Guarani inverse[END_REF]); 3 iii) temporal modification of nouns (see section 6.2); and iv) some genderlect distinctions [START_REF] Drude | Fala masculina e feminina em Awetí[END_REF][START_REF] Pottier | Langage des hommes et langage des femmes en cocama (tupi)[END_REF][START_REF] Rose | A comparative study of genderlects in the Tupi family[END_REF][START_REF] Vallejos | La indexicalidad de género en kukama-kukamiria desde una perspectiva tipológica[END_REF].

The noun/verb distinction

All grammars of Maweti-Guarani include nouns and verbs as major word classes, but they do so on the basis of different criteria. As a result, the extension of these two classes differ depending on the analysis, and this concerns in particular roots with adjectival meaning (note that these are disregarded in this section, as they are the focus of Section 4). The present section will focus on other aspects of these languages that are blurring the noun/verb distinction. The description of the form and function of nouns and verbs is summarized at the end of the section in Table 1.

According to the morphological criterion, only verbs combine with a particular set of person prefixes to mark the subject of transitive and intransitive verbs (A and Sa) in independent clauses (Corrêa-da-Silva, 2010: 223), as exemplified in (1) and ( 2). Sp will be discussed in Section 4. The indexes that some nouns can take for their possessor belong to another set of person indexes [START_REF] Rodrigues | 1) states that "most languages of the Tupi-Guarani family mark dependent nouns with [case] suffixes as well as postpositions." 17 In practice, it seems there is[END_REF]. Because the various sets of person indexes are described in 3 There is in fact no inverse marker in Maweti-Guaraní verbs. The marker considered as an inverse marker by [START_REF] Payne | The Tupi-Guarani inverse[END_REF] is actually also found on nouns and postpositions. It is the so-called relational prefix r-discussed in Section 5 [START_REF] Rose | A hierarchical indexation system: the example of Emerillon (Teko)[END_REF]. different manners (as prefixes, clitics or free pronouns),4 I will refer to them as Set I and Set II person indexes [START_REF] Jensen | Comparative Tupí-Guaraní Morpho-syntax[END_REF].

Tupinambá (Jensen, 1990: 117;Rodrigues, 2001: 110) ( It does not seem to matter that Set II, used on nouns for their possessors, is also found on verbs to refer to P as in (4) (see also Section 6.1), even to A/SA in some dependent clauses, and on words with 'adjectival' meaning when they predicate. What is generally taken as a crucial fact is that nouns can never take a Set I index.

Tupinambá (Jensen, 1990: 117) (4) syé=nupẽ Set II for P 1SG.II=hit 'He/she/they/you hit me.' According to the syntactic/discourse criterion, the class of nouns comprises those items that are most often used as arguments in discourse, and that of verbs those most often used as predicates (along the lines of [START_REF] Hopper | The discourse basis for lexical categories in universal grammar[END_REF]). This criterion has been considered necessary in Maweti-Guarani research due to the fact that "there is no perfect superposition in these languages between nouns and arguments and verbs and predicates, i.e. between lexical categories and functional or syntactic categories."5 (Corrêa-da-Silva, 2010: 223). This situation is primarily based on the fact that even though nouns are most often used as arguments, they can be used as predicates without being first derived into verbs, a fact already discussed in [START_REF] Dietrich | Las categorías verbales (partes de la oración) en tupí-guaraní[END_REF]. The type of nominal predication that is most often put forward is a construction within which possessible nouns can be used as possessive predicates, simply with a Set II marker for the possessor, just as in a noun phrase (see for example [START_REF] Rose | My hammock = I have a hammock. Possessed nouns constituting possessive clauses in Emérillon (Tupi-Guarani)[END_REF][START_REF] Vieira | As sentenças possessivas em Mbyá-Guarani : evidência para a distinção nome e verbo[END_REF]. In this possessive predicative construction, nouns can take the whole array of morphology used by verbs when they predicate (negation, TAM, causative, plural, see for example [START_REF] Rose | My hammock = I have a hammock. Possessed nouns constituting possessive clauses in Emérillon (Tupi-Guarani)[END_REF][START_REF] Vieira | As sentenças possessivas em Mbyá-Guarani : evidência para a distinção nome e verbo[END_REF], with the exception of Set I prefixes. Examples (5) illustrate this with negation. This construction has often been analyzed as an existential construction [START_REF] Dietrich | Categorias lexicais nas línguas tupi-guarani (visão comparativa)[END_REF][START_REF] Rodrigues | Sobre a natureza do caso argumentativo[END_REF][START_REF] Rose | My hammock = I have a hammock. Possessed nouns constituting possessive clauses in Emérillon (Tupi-Guarani)[END_REF], 6 parallel to that involving non-possessible nouns like [START_REF]Adverbs Central pieces of comparative work[END_REF]. 7Teko (Rose, 2008: 449) (5) a-d-e-sapato-ʤi-ãhã. Tapirapé (Praça, 2007: 193, 195) [START_REF]Adverbs Central pieces of comparative work[END_REF] xãwãr tãj-pe dog village-LOC 'There are dogs in the village' Another aspect of Tupi-Guarani morphosyntax that blurs the distinction between nouns and verbs in discourse is the curious -a suffix (not attested in Awetí and Mawé (Corrêa-da-Silva, 2010: 203)). This suffix can be said to mark a referential expression [START_REF] Queixalós | Le suffixe référentiant en émérillon[END_REF]. 8 Cabral (2001) draws a panorama of the use of -a in the Tupi-Guarani branch: it usually does not occur after a vowel, but has also been lost in many more contexts in various languages [START_REF] Queixalós | The primacy and fate of predicativity in Tupi-Guarani[END_REF]. Across the Tupi-Guarani languages, its maximal distribution comprises nouns when used as arguments, possessors in adnominal possessive constructions and objects of postpositions (see example [START_REF] Corrêa-Da-Silva | Mawé/Awetí/Tupí-Guaraní: Relações Linguísticas e Implicações Históricas[END_REF]), but not when they are used as vocative, citation form, in dislocated NPs, or as a predicate such as (8) (except for equative predication such as ( 9)). As a consequence, this -a suffix has been considered crucial in the distinction, not between nouns and verbs, but between the syntactic positions of argument and predicate. This distribution blurs the noun/verb distinction in two ways. First, as expected, nominal predicates do not carry this -a suffix. Its absence is an additional common feature of verbs and nouns (when used as predicates). Second, there is in many Tupi-Guarani languages a nominalizer -a as in (10), which is usually described as a morpheme distinct from the suffix found on nouns (except notably in [START_REF] Praça | Orações independentes com núcleos verbais e nominais em Tapirapé[END_REF][START_REF] Rodrigues | Sobre a natureza do caso argumentativo[END_REF]. In the literature, verbs are usually judged as being able to be used as arguments with particular morphology only, i.e. with nominalizers, as in (11). If one considers this -a on a verb to be marking a referential argument, just as when found on a noun, then nouns and verbs can both fill in NP positions with the same -a morphology. By marking the syntactic/discourse functions of arguments and predicates, the -a suffix makes the distinction between nouns and verbs secondary.

Kamaiurá (Seki, 2001: 56, 161, 162) [START_REF] Corrêa-Da-Silva | Mawé/Awetí/Tupí-Guaraní: Relações Linguísticas e Implicações Históricas[END_REF] kunu'um-a ka'i-a r-uwaj-a w-ekyj boy-a monkey-a REL-tail-a 3.I-pull 'the boy is pulling the monkey's tail'

(8) je=tutyr-a morerekwat lSG=uncle-a chief 'My uncle is (a) chief.' (9)
je=tutyr-a morerekwar-a lSG=uncle-a chief-a 'My uncle is the chief.' Tupinambá (Rodrigues, 2001: 108) (10) né kér-a a-j-potár 2SG.II sleep-a 1SGI-3SG.II-want 'I want you to sleep' Teko (Rose, 2008: 450) (11) o-kuwa-pa o-manõ-maʔẽ 3.I-know-COMPL 3.I-die-NZR 'He (God) knows all the dead ones.' On this basis, Queixalos (2001bQueixalos ( , 2006) ) suggested that the Tupi-Guarani languages may have originated from an omnipredicative language (on omnipredicativity, see [START_REF] Launey | Une grammaire omniprédicative : essai sur la morphosyntaxe du nahuatl classique[END_REF], in which all lexical word classes were predicative, and referring expressions are all derived from the predicates with the help of the -a suffix. 9 Interestingly, in the present state of these languages, there are many other morphological devices to derive arguments from verbs (Jensen (1998: 539-544) reconstructs 7 nominalizers), while no verbalizer is ever mentioned.

As a conclusion, there is no one-to-one relation between the word classes and the syntactic/discourse functions. There are two major positions on the flexibility of nouns and verbs in Maweti-Guarani languages. 10

• total flexibility of both nouns and verbs

In this view, both nouns and verbs are flexible and can be used as referential phrases (with -a) or predicates (with 'verbal' morphology). They are nevertheless distinguished on the basis of their prime function (higher frequency of use in discourse).

• (partial) flexibility of nouns only

In this view, verbs are not flexible because they need to be nominalized to be used as arguments. A (large) class of nouns (possessible ones) are flexible, and can be used both as referential phrases and as predicates. Nouns can be distinguished from verbs on the basis of two criteria 1) predication is not their prime function, if frequency in discourse is taken into account 2) there are (non-possessible) nouns that are not used as predicates with 'verbal' morphology.

In the end, all authors converge in distinguishing nouns and verbs, because the morphological and syntactic/discourse criteria converge. Crucial facts for a distinction between nouns and verbs are summarized in Table 1. Sections 6.1 and 6.2 will present additional characteristics of verbs and nouns.

Table 1. Function and morphology of verbs and nouns in Maweti-Guarani (generalization) 9 The languages show different stages of erosion of this initial stage, with a gradual loss of phonological and grammatical contexts associated with the appearance of -a. 10 These two positions have been reconciled by [START_REF] Queixalós | Le suffixe référentiant en émérillon[END_REF][START_REF] Queixalós | The primacy and fate of predicativity in Tupi-Guarani[END_REF] historical hypothesis for Tupi-Guaraní languages, given that Tupinambá, where flexibility of both nouns and verbs is most visible, is considered a 'conservative' Tupi-Guaraní language. There would be a historical trend from a more to less flexible parts-ofspeech system. Another ongoing debate among specialists of Maweti-Guaraní concerns the issue of which part of speech "descriptive" roots belong to [START_REF] Dietrich | Problema de la categoría del adjetivo en las lenguas tupí-guaraníes[END_REF][START_REF] Meira | Mawé Stative Verbs and Predicate Possession[END_REF][START_REF] Queixalós | Des noms et des verbes en tupi-guarani: état de la question[END_REF]Queixalós, , 2006 inter alia) inter alia). This class of words with prototypical 'adjectival' meanings has often been described as stative verbs [START_REF] Jensen | Comparative Tupí-Guaraní Morpho-syntax[END_REF][START_REF] Seki | Gramática do Kamaiurá[END_REF]. Nevertheless, some authors analyze them as nouns (Corrêa-da-Silva, 2010;[START_REF] Couchili | Classes de lexèmes en émérillon[END_REF][START_REF] Dietrich | Las categorías verbales (partes de la oración) en tupí-guaraní[END_REF]. It is noticeable that frequently, authors working on the same language are on opposite sides of the debate as is the case with Ka'apor [START_REF] Caldas | Verbos de actividades mentais em Ka'apór e outras línguas da família Tupí-Guaraní[END_REF][START_REF] Kakumasu | Urubu-Kaapor[END_REF], Mawé [START_REF] Franceschini | La Langue Sateré-Mawé: Description et Analyse Morphosyntaxique[END_REF][START_REF] Meira | Mawé Stative Verbs and Predicate Possession[END_REF], Tupinambá [START_REF] Barbosa | Curso de Tupi Antigo: Gramática, Exercícios[END_REF][START_REF] Rodrigues | Argumento e predicado em Tupinambá[END_REF], and Tapirapé [START_REF] Leite | Para uma tipologia ativa do Tapirapé. Os clíticos referenciais de pessoa[END_REF][START_REF] Praça | Morfossintaxe da língua Tapirapé [Tese de Doutorado[END_REF]. We are basically facing a problem of analysis, for which no consensus has been reached. For this reason, the semantic label "descriptive roots" is commonly used in the Maweti-Guaraní literature.

The class of descriptive roots is relatively stable semantically throughout the family, expressing physical states (permanent or temporary), and internal states (such as feelings).

They take Set II indexes (12), like nouns do ( 13), but are typically used as predicates, as in ( 14) and ( 15). They can also modify a noun in their bare form as in (16) or after having been nominalized as in (17). 11 They are very rarely used as arguments, and then take the -a suffix as in [START_REF]É possivel que algumas dessas línguas tenham perdido a marcação por sufixos casuais e a tenham substituído inteiramente pelo uso de posposições[END_REF] (in languages where it is used on arguments). One should nevertheless keep in mind that there are also real differences in the behavior of the descriptive roots from one language to the other. Meira (2006: 200, 204) compares Kamaiurá descriptive roots that take the same nominalizer -(t)ap as verbs (but not as nouns) with Mawé descriptive roots that are nominalized with -hap, that nominalizes either nouns or verbs. This criterion shows the verbal 11 Seki (2000: 70) indicates that in Kamaiurá descriptive roots modify a noun more frequently through compounding or nominalization than as a bare form. There is no discussion about a difference in meaning between these modifying constructions.

characteristics of Kamaiurá descriptive roots but does not discriminate parts of speech in Mawé.

Mawé [START_REF] Meira | Mawé Stative Verbs and Predicate Possession[END_REF] The two major alternative analyses of descriptive roots as nouns or verbs rely on different criteria. 12 On the basis of the syntax/discourse criterion, descriptive roots should be described as a sub-class of verbs because they are most frequently used as predicates. On the basis of the morphological criterion, they should be considered a sub-class of nouns, because they are preceded by Set II indexes only. They function as predicates, in an existential construction, like possessible nouns do. In contrast to what has been discussed for nouns and verbs in the preceding section, here the two criteria do not coincide. Depending on the criteria used, descriptive roots are therefore considered as verbs (syntax/discourse criterion) or as nouns (morphological criterion). Other authors favor an analysis with a separate class of adjectives [START_REF] Magalhães | Sobre a morfologia e a sintaxe da língua Guajá (família Tupí-Guaraní)[END_REF]Villafañe, 2004), 13 on the basis that these show simultaneously both verbal and nominal properties (on the syntactic and morphological levels, respectively). The crucial facts used for determining the part of speech of descriptive roots are summarized in Table 2.

Interestingly, this table shows that no word class is primarily used for modification in Maweti-Guarani languages. In the absence of a word class devoted to noun modification, a noun can be semantically specified by another noun used in apposition without particular morphology (Jensen, 1998: 513), or by a nominalized verb (Rose, 2011: 343-350). ." There is actually one language with two clearly distinct classes of descriptive roots, Teko, a.k.a. Emerillon [START_REF] Couchili | Classes de lexèmes en émérillon[END_REF]. 14 This section can be concluded with typological remarks regarding part of speech systems, and their interaction with syntax. First, the absence of adjectives in the presence of adverbs, at least in some Maweti-Guarani languages (see Section 6.4), does not respect the parts-ofspeech hierarchy given in [START_REF] Hengeveld | Parts of Speech[END_REF], that has been later updated to account for similar counterexamples [START_REF] Hengeveld | An implicational map of parts of speech[END_REF]. Second, the flexibility of descriptive roots 13 Reiter (2011) also considers that there is an adjective class in Awetí, but it includes only two items. 14 One of the descriptive root classes is comparable to the class of words discussed in this section, while the other includes roots that need additional morphology (specific to this class) to function as predicates and to be additionally nominalized to be used as modifiers or arguments.

varies depending on their analysis. If descriptive roots are considered a sub-class of verbs, word class flexibility is then just partial: some verbs only (descriptive ones) can be used as noun modifiers without additional morphology. If descriptive roots are considered a sub-class of nouns, word class flexibility is again partial: many nouns (including descriptive ones), but not all, can be used as predicates without additional morphology. If descriptive roots are considered as a separate word class, its flexibility is not bi-directional: they can be used as predicates and (sometimes) noun modifiers without additional morphology, while verbs cannot be used as noun modifiers without additional morphology.

Another interesting typological remark is that noun modification using a lexical modifier is not very frequent in Maweti-Guarani languages. Published descriptions of noun phrases with descriptive modifiers are short and examples scarce. Other morphosyntactic means to modify nouns are sometimes mentioned, such as the use of augmentative and diminutive morphology (Dietrich, 2000: 256), or noun+noun and noun+verb compounding to create semantically more specific nouns (Jensen, 1998: 511-512;[START_REF] Rodrigues | A composição em Tupi[END_REF]Rodrigues, , 1996: 63-64): 63-64).

A final typological remark is that the analysis of descriptive roots has a strong effect on the description of major aspects of the syntax of Maweti-Guarani languages. Most remarkably, it has an impact on the description of its alignment system (Corrêa-da-Silva, 2010: 224). If descriptive roots are analyzed as verbs, there is a split-intransitivity system between two classes of verbs, the active class taking Set I indexes and the descriptive class taking Set II indexes. If descriptive roots are analyzed as nouns, verbs show a nominative-accusative system, with Set I for Sa and A, and Set II for P. Split-intransitivity can then only be described at the level of predicates: verbal predicates take Set I indexes, while non-verbal predicates (i.e. nouns, including descriptive roots) take Set II indexes (Rose, 2008: 453).

Construction parallelism with verbs, nouns and postpostions as heads, and relational morphology

This section discusses how Maweti-Guarani postpositions share syntactic, morphological and lexical behavior with both nouns and verbs. Verbs, nouns and postpositions are often described as 'the three major lexical classes' or 'the three inflected parts of speech' (Corrêada-Silva, 2010: 223). This section will also deal with 'relational prefixes', a topic of much debate.

Adpositions are treated in the typological literature as being syntactically more similar with verbs than with nouns [START_REF] Jaworska | Prepositions and Prepositional Phrases[END_REF]. 15 The literature on Maweti-Guarani instead regularly highlights some similarities between postpositions, verbs and nouns, in sharp contrast with adverbs, particles and conjunctions. Below is a list of three features shared by these three word classes. In fact, the comparison targets all postpositions, but among verbs transitive verbs only and among nouns obligatorily possessed nouns only.

i)

The dependent of the three word classes is obligatory, although the object of transitive verbs is not always overtly expressed, but it is always semantically present (the referent is always recoverable), and is often inferred from the hierarchical indexation pattern on the verb, as in (34) (see section 6.1). It is then interpretable anaphorically.

ii)

The dependent of the three word classes is either expressed by a noun phrase as in ( 19) and ( 20) or a Set II index as in ( 21) to ( 23), and immediately precedes the head. This means that postpositions are inflected, as visible in ( 22) (see Jaworska, 1999: 304, on the notion of inflected adposition). It is cross-linguistically common that possessed nouns, postpositions, and verbs mark their dependent element similarly [START_REF] Bakker | Person Marking on Adpositions[END_REF].

Teko (Rose, 2011: 162, 123 The situation with verbs is slightly different, with third person objects. Nouns and third person Set II index for objects may immediately precede the verb in some dependent clauses only, like ( 24) and ( 25). In independent clauses, verbs obligatorily take either a subject or an object index, within a so-called hierarchical indexation system (see Section 6.1). This verbal morphosyntax differs from that of postpositions and nouns.

Teko (Rose, 2011: 331) (24) o-zoka bokal-iʧɨg. NP + V 3.I-break jar-drop 'He broke the jar when dropping it'

(25) o-(w)eraho ʔɨ-b i-mõbo. SetII-V 3.I-carry
water-in 3.II-throw 'She carries (it) and throws it in the water.'.

iii) Some items within these three classes of words are said to take a 'relational prefix' when immediately preceded by their dependent (either a noun phrase, or a first or second person index, but not when a third person index).

Teko (Rose, 2011: 93, 95, 90) (26) teko-r-apɨʤ-a-te.

NP+r-N Teko-REL-house-a-FOC 'It is the house of Teko' (27) nõde-r-apɨʤ-am

SetII-r-N 2.II-REL-house-TRANSL 'for our houses' The subset of lexical items taking the relational prefix cannot be predicted on a semantic or a phonological basis, though all of the items taking it start with a vowel. This prefix has been reconstructed for Proto-Tupi (Corrêa-da-Silva, 2010; [START_REF] Universitária | Tupían[END_REF][START_REF] Rodrigues | On the linguistic relationship between Mawé and Tupí-Guaraní[END_REF]. It has been much discussed [START_REF] Cabral | Flexão relacional na família tupi-guarani. ABRALIN[END_REF]Jensen, 1998: 498-502, 557-562;[START_REF] Payne | The Tupi-Guarani inverse[END_REF] because its function is difficult to define: it is usually defined by its distribution, and is thus said to be marking the head-dependent relationship. There are two other analyses of the relational morpheme. [START_REF] Payne | The Tupi-Guarani inverse[END_REF] analyses it as a marker of inverse (see section 6.1), but this analysis does not account for its use on nouns and postpositions. [START_REF] Meira | Sobre a origem histórica dos "prefixos relacionais" das línguas Tupí-Guaraní[END_REF] argue that it results from historical morphophonological changes undergone by the initial consonant of the root, conditioned by both the phonological context and the morphosyntactic structure. In their view, the relational morpheme should therefore not be reconstructed, since it is not a morpheme.

The three word classes are split in several inflectional classes depending on the allomorphs of the relational morpheme that they take (the distribution is only partly predictable on the basis of phonology). Because the same inflectional classes also seem to predict the form of the third person index for possessor, object and object of postposition, most authors consider that third person indexes belong to a paradigm of four different relational prefixes (see for example [START_REF] Cabral | Flexão relacional na família tupi-guarani. ABRALIN[END_REF]and Rose, 2011: 97-103 for alternative analyses).

i) r-(or allomorphs) when the dependent (noun or first or second person index) immediately precedes the head;

ii) i-(or allomorphs) when the dependent does not immediately precede the head.

Elsewhere it is simply analyzed as a Set II index.

iii) o-when the dependent is coreferential with the subject. Elsewhere it is analyzed as a person index. iv) t-when the dependent is a non-specific human being. Elsewhere it is analyzed as a dummy marker when an obligatorily possessed noun has no specific possessor.

The different constructions are illustrated in Table 3 with nouns of two different classes in Teko, owa 'face' that takes the relational prefix and kija 'hammock' that does not. The common behavior of nouns, verbs and postpositions is summarized in Table 4.

Postpositions share with some sub-classes of nouns and verbs their syntax (they all enter a similar construction where they head a dependent), their morphology (set II indexes, and relational prefixes for some), and their inflectional classes (determining which allomorph of the relational prefix they take). Additional information on postpositions will be given in Section 6.3.

Major features of lexical word classes 6.1. Verbs

As discussed in Section 3, verbs in Maweti-Guarani are defined either as the class of roots that is most often used as predicates, or as the class of roots that can combine with Set I indexes. This section will discuss reduplication (a typical feature of Maweti-Guarani verbs), the hierarchical indexation system (a typologically remarkable characteristic of verb morphology), and finally the syntactic sub-classes of verbs.

First, the process of reduplication expressing aspect has frequently been put forward as specific to verbs [START_REF] Cruz | Reduplication in Nheengatu[END_REF][START_REF] Dietrich | Forms and Functions of Reduplication in Tupian Languages[END_REF][START_REF] Drude | Reduplication as a tool for morphological and phonological analysis in Awetí[END_REF][START_REF] Everett | Reduplication and CV Skeleta in Kamaiurá[END_REF][START_REF] Lima | Duplicação, Supleção, Afixação e Alternância Verbal em línguas Tupi: pluralidade de sintagmas nominais ou de eventos? IX ENAPOL (Encontro dos Alunos de Pós-Graduação em Lingüística da Universidade de São Paulo)[END_REF][START_REF] Rose | Reduplication in Tupi-Guarani languages: going into opposite directions[END_REF][START_REF] Rose | Action répétitive et action répétée : aspect et pluralité verbale dans la réduplication en émérillon[END_REF]. Jensen (1998: 538) reconstructs for Proto-Tupi-Guarani a distinction between monosyllabic reduplication, expressing event-internal plurality as in (32), and disyllabic reduplication, expressing event-external plurality as in (33), using here [START_REF] Cusic | Verbal plurality and aspect[END_REF] terminology, distinguishing repetition within the limits of the event vs. repetition of the event itself (see more details in Rose ( 2007)). However, most modern Tupi (including Maweti-Guarani) languages do not clearly show this semantic distinction [START_REF] Dietrich | Forms and Functions of Reduplication in Tupian Languages[END_REF][START_REF] Rose | Action répétitive et action répétée : aspect et pluralité verbale dans la réduplication en émérillon[END_REF].

Tupinambá (Jensen, 1990: 128-129) (32) oro-pópór 1EXCL.I-jump.RED1 'We jumped, one after the other.'

(33) oro-poropór 1EXCL.I-jump.RED2 'We jumped frequently.'

Second, a feature of Maweti-Guarani verbs that is typological important (though not used in the definition of verbs) and plays a central role in the literature since [START_REF] Monserrat | Hierarquia referencial em línguas Tupi[END_REF] is the hierarchical person indexation system on transitive verbs. A first explicit definition of hierarchical indexing systems is found in Nichols (1992: 66): "Access to inflectional slots for subject and/or object is based on person, number, and/or animacy rather than (or no less than) on syntactic relations." In practice, this means that the participant that is higher on the hierarchy is favored over the one that ranks lower. Inverse systems (a special case of hierarchical systems) indicate specifically whether the direction of the action respects the hierarchy or not. Maweti-Guarani languages are said to follow a person hierarchy, often 1>2>3, determining which of the two arguments of a transitive predicate is to be represented in the unique index slot of the predicate. There are two sets of person markers that qualify for this slot, Set I for A and Set II for P. When the A argument is the highest on the hierarchy, it is indexed on the verb with Set I. This is illustrated in (34) for 1 → 3 (X → Y stands for 'X is acting on Y'). When the P argument is highest on the hierarchy, it is indexed on the verb with Set II. This is illustrated in (35) for 3 → 1. When two third persons interact, only the thirdperson A argument is indexed on the verb (36).

Avá-Canoeiro (Borges, 2006: 158-160)

(34) a-pitɨm 1 → 3 1SG.I-pinch 'I pinched him.' (35) juati-∅ tʃi=kutuk 3 → 1 thorn-a 1SG.II=pierce 'The thorn pierced me.' (36) o-apɨk 3 → 3 3.I-braid '(S)he braided (her hair).'
The hierarchical indexing system is summarized in Table 5. Arguments against an analysis of this system as an inverse system [START_REF] Payne | The Tupi-Guarani inverse[END_REF] have been given in [START_REF] Rose | A hierarchical indexation system: the example of Emerillon (Teko)[END_REF]. A survey of Tupi-Guarani languages (Rose, 2015b) shows that only two languages out of twenty-eight exemplify this canonical system, Avá-Canoeiro [START_REF] Borges | Aspectos fonológicos e morfossintáticos do Avá-Canoeiro (Tupi-Guarani)[END_REF] and Kayabí [START_REF] Dobson | Gramática Prática Com Exercícios da Língua Kayabi[END_REF]. The great majority of languages support a 1/2 > 3 hierarchy, but with a more complex encoding of configurations involving two speech act participants, that do not clearly support a robust 1>2 hierarchy. This can be seen, for example, in the detailed description of the Teko indexation system [START_REF] Rose | A hierarchical indexation system: the example of Emerillon (Teko)[END_REF]. The hierarchy between the two speech act participants is in fact cross-linguistically debatable [START_REF] Zúñiga | Deixis and Alignment. Inverse systems in indigenous languages of the Americas[END_REF]. It has also been argued that the person hierarchy has not been the functional motivation responsible for the creation of hierarchical systems, but that the latter basically result from independent historical morphological processes [START_REF] Rose | Are the Tupi-Guarani hierarchical indexing systems really motivated by the person hierarchy[END_REF]. It is suggested that these systems originate from the absence of third-person forms in the pronominal paradigms.

Finally, sub-classes of verbs in Maweti-Guarani languages are not much discussed beyond the questions already presented above, i.e. the distinction between intransitive (37) and transitive (38) verbs, and that between two classes of intransitive verbs (cf. "descriptive roots" in Section 4). Two additional sub-classes are sometimes discussed: first, extended intransitive verbs (39), which mark their subject with Set I and have a second obligatory argument marked with a postposition; second, ditransitive verbs (40), with a third obligatory argument, introduced by a postposition.

Araweté (Solano, 2009: 184, 187, 186, 189) 'He gives us coffee.'

(

Nouns

Beyond the issue of distinguishing nouns from verbs (and possibly adjectives), grammars of Maweti-Guarani languages usually discuss two issues concerning nouns: first, the scarce morphology that is specific to nouns, and second, the sub-classes of nouns depending on possessibility.

As far as morphology is concerned, we have already seen that nouns can be distinguished from (most) verbs in that they do not take the « subject person prefixes » (Set I indexes). They instead take Set II indexes for their possessor but these are also found on verbs, either for the object of transitive verbs or for the subject of stative intransitive verbs (often called descriptive). 16 Another type of morphology that distinguishes nouns and verbs, or rather nominal phrases and predicates, is negation (Chousou-Polydouri et al., 2016;[START_REF] Dietrich | Tipologia morfossintática da negação nas línguas do tronco Tupi[END_REF], but it is actually extremely rarely invoked for distinguishing word classes [START_REF] Reiter | Ideophones in Awetí[END_REF] is an exception). Also, number marking is rarely invoked, probably because it varies a lot within the family [START_REF] Gasparini | L'expression du nombre dans les langues tupí-guaraní[END_REF].

When considering the morphology specific to nouns, authors describing Tupi-Guarani usually discuss the -a suffix, cases and the so-called "nominal tenses". The -a suffix that has already been discussed in Section 3 is sometimes described as a case ("argumentative case" or "nuclear case", etc.). As mentioned before, the -a suffix is not really specific to nouns, since it is also used on verbs when they serve as arguments. There are four other case suffixes, three locative ones like -pe in (41), and a "translative" one, expressing temporary qualities as in (42). Nouns in Maweti-Guarani languages are supposed to be devoid of case suffixes only when used as vocative, in compounds and as predicates, except that most languages are in the process of losing these suffixes, at least in some contexts (Rodrigues, 2000). Only two of the locative cases are found in Mawé and Awetí, while the -a, the translative suffix and the third locative case are absent (Corrêa-da-Silva, 2010: 203-207).

Asuriní do Tocantins (Cabral, 2000a: 10, 13) (41) más-a kaʔá-pe snake-a forest-LOC.PUNCT 'There are snakes in the forest.' (42) sahý-a sekwehé akoma'é-ramo pané moon-a in_the_old_days man-TRANSL FRUSTR 'In the old days, the moon had been a man.'

Most Maweti-Guarani languages also show two nominal suffixes that are usually glossed 'past' and 'future' but are importantly never found on verbs. [START_REF] Tonhauser | The Temporal Semantics of Noun Phrases: Evidence from Guaraní[END_REF][START_REF] Tonhauser | Nominal tense? The meaning of Guaraní nominal temporal markers[END_REF] has studied this phenomenon in detail in Paraguayan Guarani. She argues that Guarani -kue andrã do not locate the noun phrase in time like tense markers locate the state-of-affairs in time, 16 This parallelism between transitive verb roots and their object and nouns and their possessor drove [START_REF] Dietrich | Categorias lexicais nas línguas tupi-guarani (visão comparativa)[END_REF] as well as Cabral (2007a) to consider 'verbal roots' with a Set II index as forming a nominal phrase. According to them, the translation of '(s)he hits me' should in fact be analyzed as '(there is) my action of hitting (= hitting that concerns me)'.

but instead « express a temporal precedence relation: they specify that the property (or relation) denoted by the nominal predicate is true of the individuals denoted by the noun phrase prior and subsequent to another time, respectively. » In (43), the woman whose existence is expressed in the noun phrase will be a wife in the future, while in (44), the possessive relation precedes the time at which the whole noun phrase is interpreted.

Paraguayan Guarani (Tonhauser, 2007: 833 All grammars similarly describe three classes of nouns, based on their behavior in regard to adnominal possession. The relational nouns (also called obligatorily possessed, dependent or inalienable) are those that cannot appear without a possessor being expressed. In Wayampi, for example, relational nouns comprise parts of a whole (body or not) and bodily excretions, and kinship terms (Copin, 2012: 37-38). The autonomous nouns (also called optionally possessed, possessible or alienable) may appear with or without a possessor. In Wayampi, autonomous nouns comprise artefacts, social status, cyclic times of day or year, properties, natural phenomena, and food and drinks (Copin, 2012:41-42). Avalent nouns (also called nonpossessible or absolute) cannot be expressed with a possessor. In Wayampi, these include human beings, ethnic names and animals (Copin, 2012:44-45). The adnominal possession construction does not differ for those nouns that can or must be possessed, but the avalent nouns referring to animals can sometimes enter a different possessive construction, where they are possessed with the help of a relational noun for 'catch' or 'pet' in a construction reminiscent of possessive classifiers (Copin, 2012:45;Rose, 2011: 163-166).

Wayampi (Copin, 2012:45) (45) e=lemija ka'i o-mo-kã'ẽ=ta 1SG.II=catch monkey.sp 3.I-CAUS-be_smoked=FUT 'She will smoke my brown capuchin monkey.' (lit. She will smoke my catch brown capuchin monkey) Maweti-Guarani languages do include a category of adverbs. These are described as noninflected words, mainly used as modifiers of the predicate. They are easily distinguished from nouns, verbs and postpositions by not taking person indexes. Two properties of adverbs are often put forward: i) they can be nominalized with a specific de-adverbial nominalizer as in (46) (this also applies to postpositional phrases) and ii) when in clause-initial position, they trigger a special form of the verb, differing from that of regular main verbs by taking a suffix and following a different person indexation pattern as in (47). 19Asuriní do Xingu (Pereira, 2009: 163) (46) karukame-war-a yesterday-NZR-a 'the one of yesterday' Kamaiurá (Seki, 2000: 76) (47) ikue rak i-ker-i yesterday AT 3.II-sleep-CIRC 'Yesterday he slept.'

The usual sub-classes of adverbs are temporal, locative, and manner adverbs. Note that in several grammars, numerals (often only three items) are considered adverbs, on the basis that they are often used to modify a predicate, can be nominalized with the de-adverbial nominalizer (48) and trigger the special (oblique-topicalized) verb form (49). In other languages, numerals are considered a separate word class, on the basis that they are generally used either as modifiers of a noun or as predicates; or they are considered as adjectives or nouns.

Asuriní do Xingu (Pereira, 2009: 167) (48) mukuj-war-a two-NZR-a 'the two' Kamaiurá (Seki, 2000: 78) (49) mojepete i-ker-i one 3.II-sleep-CIRC 'One (day) he slept.'

Ideophones and interjections

According to [START_REF] Dingemanse | Ideophone" as a comparative concept[END_REF]this volume), "a canonical ideophone is a member of an open lexical class of marked words that depict sensory imagery". A class of ideophones has been identified in many Maweti-Guarani languages. They are often only briefly mentioned, but there are a few more detailed studies [START_REF] Langdon | Noise words in Guaraní[END_REF]Rose, 2011: 400-409;[START_REF] Rose | The prosodic features of Teko ideophones[END_REF] and an extraordinarily comprehensive and detailed investigation of ideophones in Awetí [START_REF] Reiter | Ideophones in Awetí[END_REF].

Leaving aside the phonosemantic and prosodic properties of ideophones, these can be distinguished from other parts of speech by their usual absence of morphological combinatorics except reduplication, and their variable syntactic integration. They can indeed be extra-clausal (50), introduced by a light verb (the same that introduces direct speech, e'i in ( 51)) or the sole predicate of a clause with its own arguments (52). They are often repeated in discourse, as in (51).

Awetí (Reiter, 2011:338, 346 In Yuki (Villafañe, 2004: 101-102) and Siriono (Schermair, 1949: 252), it is explicitly said that ideophones do not form a separate word class but are instead a subclass of verbs distinguished by their taking subject person suffixes. However, given that these "suffixes" have a form similar to the conjugated verb 'say', it is at least reasonable to suggest that what 20 a'yn is a sentence-final particle.

has been analyzed as verbal suffixes is at least historically the 'say' verb, postposed to ideophones in a light verb construction (Dahl, 2014: 107, 114). The close study of Awetí lexicon also shows that some verbs may have been historically derived from ideophones (Reiter, 2011: 454-455, 488-495). Also, Reiter (2011: 459) points to non-random correspondences between Awetí and Teko ideophones, hinting at the reconstructability of some ideophones at the Proto-Maweti-Guarani stage.

Interjections are not often described in grammars as a separate word class, except for Awetí, where Reiter specifies how they differ from ideophones (Reiter, 2011: 161-163).

Interestingly, they can occur in this language with morphology and be used as a predicate with their own arguments. In many grammars, interjections are instead mentioned as a subclass of particles (see below). An interesting fact is that interjections are specified as being specific to men's and women's speech in several languages: Old Guarani (Ruiz de Montoya, 1640), Guarayu [START_REF] Höller | Guarayo-Deutsches Wörterbuch[END_REF], Tupinambá [START_REF] Barbosa | Nova categoria gramatical tupi: a visibilidade e a invisibilidade nos demonstrativos[END_REF] and Bolivian Guarani [START_REF] Ortiz | Diccionario etimológico y etnográfico de la lengua guaraní hablada en Bolivia[END_REF]. In South American languages in general (Rose, 2015a) and Tupi languages in particular [START_REF] Rose | A comparative study of genderlects in the Tupi family[END_REF], a genderlect distinction is in fact often observed in various types of discourse markers (interjections or particles).

Particles

The term "particle" is mentioned in most descriptions of Maweti-Guarani languages, with detailed accounts of the use and behavior of this class of words in most grammars. Particles are defined as uninflected independent words. They are usually classified depending on their position: fixed in the clause, either in second (53) or final (54) position; or variable, following the constituent they have scope over (55). They cover a wide range of functions, with major functions being epistemicity/evidentiality as with the inferential in (53) (see the comparative study by [START_REF] Cabral | L'expression des notions de l'épistémique et de l'aléthique dans la famille tupi-guarani[END_REF], information structure as with the restrictive in (55), TAM as with rã'ẽ in (54), negation, interrogation as with tã in (54) and deixis. As the term "particle" became associated with these functions and distribution, other authors call "particles" items with similar functions, even though these are not considered words, but suffixes (as in Tapieté [START_REF] González | A grammar of Tapiete (Tupi-Guarani)[END_REF]), clitics (as in Teko [START_REF] Rose | Grammaire de l'émérillon teko, une langue tupi-guarani de Guyane française[END_REF] or forms belonging to the same phonological word than the preceding element (as in Avá-Canoeiro (Borges, 2006: 202)).

Tapirapé (Praça, 2007: 163, 173 (55) shows five particles in one clause: xe with variable position, the second position particles rõ'õ, ke and ãkaj, and clause-final rã'ẽ. They contribute to the expression of information structure (xe 'only'), tense (rã'ẽ 'past') and epistemicity (rõ'õ, ke and ãkaj encode that the informational content of the clause is shared by the speaker and the addressee but non-asserted by the speaker that expresses some doubts towards it). Particles are in fact really frequent in spontaneous discourse, even though they are not obligatory (Borges, 2006: 202). They are thus markers of native identity. In some languages, particles additionally show a genderlect distinction [START_REF] Rose | A comparative study of genderlects in the Tupi family[END_REF]. For example, the affirmative particle of Mawé is ta'i for men and hẽ for women (da Silva, 2010: 241).

Conclusion

This paper has presented the major parts of speech of Maweti-Guarani languages. The central issue concerns the noun/verb distinction, a question that also concerns words with adjectival meaning. The noun/verb distinction in Maweti-Guarani is blurred by several facts: i) the items that are most often used as arguments (i.e. nouns) can function as predicates without any additional morphology; ii) verbs in some languages can function as arguments without any additional morphology (i.e. with the referential -a suffix only); iii) transitive verbs, possessible nouns, postpositions and descriptive roots (candidates for either the noun or verb class) share most of their morphology and syntax. Besides the issue of the noun/verb distinction, this paper also presents the main characteristics of all major word classes: nouns, verbs, postpositions, adverbs, ideophones and interjections, and particles. It presents not only the features that are crucial in identifying these word classes, but also their sub-classes and typical features, some of which are also typologically remarkable (such as the hierarchical indexation system on transitive verbs, or tense marking on nouns).

  NEG-1SG.II-shoe-NEG-only'I don't have any shoes.' b-d-o-ʔu-ʤisautu.

NEG 3 -

 3 be.big NEG 'The dog isn't big.' Kamaiurá(Seki, 2000: 70) (16) y'yw-a katu n=o-mopen -ite arrow-a good NEG=3-break-NEG 'He did not break the good/straight arrow.' (17) y'yw-a i-katu-ma'e-a n=o-mopen -ite arrow-a 3-good-NZR-a NEG=3-break-NEG 'He did not break the good/straight arrow.'[START_REF]É possivel que algumas dessas línguas tenham perdido a marcação por sufixos casuais e a tenham substituído inteiramente pelo uso de posposições[END_REF] awujete i-powyj-a ore-raha ko=wa luckily 3-heavy-a lEXCL-carry PART=MS 'luckily we carried her heavy (load)'

  3.COREF-sister-a-REL-POSTP 'with his (own) sister' (29) de-r-ehe SetII-r-Postp 2SG.II-REL-POSTP 'at/with you' go-FUT toad-REL-look_for 'He is going to look for the toad.' (31) d-e-r-aɨhɨ-ʤi. SetII-r-V NEG-1SG.II-REL-like-NEG 'He does not like me'

Where have all the adjectives gone?

		Referential use	Predicative use
	Verbs	Set I for S/A	Set I for S/A, Set II for P
		with -a or with nominalizers	negation, TAME
	Nouns	Set II for Poss	Set II for S
		with -a	negation, TAME
	4.

Table 2 .

 2 Comparison of Maweti-Guarani descriptive roots with nouns and verbs

		Morphology	Main syntactic/discourse function
	Verbs	Set I for S/A	predication
	Nouns	Set II for Poss	argument
	Descriptive roots	Set II for S	predication

As a follow up of his hypothesis of a former omnipredicative stage (see Section 3),

Queixalós (2006: 282)

suggests that after the decline of omnipredicativity, "it was the conservation, in this later stage, of its functional indistinction that allowed the class of states [FR: descriptive roots] to lean, in subsequent stages, either towards nouns […], or towards verbs

[…]

Table 3 .

 3 Teko possessive constructions of nouns with or without the relational prefix

	e-r-owa	e-kija	1st person
	X-(a)-r-owa	X-(a)-kija	noun phrase
	Ø-owa	i-kija	3rd person
	o-owa	o-kija	3rd person coreferential
	t-owa	kija	non-specific possessor

Table 4 .

 4 Comparison of Maweti-Guarani postpositions with subclasses of nouns and verbs

		Morphology	Inflectional classes	Syntactic
			taking different	construction with
			allomorphs of the	dependent
			relational prefix	expressed as an N
	Transitive verbs	Set I for S/A,	yes	N(-a-REL)-V
		Set II for P		in dependent
				clauses
	Possessible nouns Set II for Poss	yes	N(-a-REL)-N
	Postpositions	Set II for Object yes	N(-a-REL)-POSTP

Table 5 .

 5 The 'canonical' hierarchical indexing system of Maweti-Guarani languages

		1P	2P	3P
	1A		A	A
	2A	P		A
	3A	P	P	A

  INFERDEM-LOC 3.I-be 'The cows are around (hearing the bellow of the cattle).'

	cow-refer (54) mayn	tã	ãkaj		ere-a	ãxe'i	rã'ẽ
	why	INTER	C.I.COM	2SG.I-go yesterday PST
	'Why did you go yesterday?'
	(55) kotãtãi-wer-a	xe	rõ'õ	ke	ãkaj	'ã-wo	a-a	rã'ẽ
	girl-PL-a		REST N.ASS	DUB	C.I.COM DEM-LOC 3.I-go PST
	'I think that only the girls went there.'
	Example
				, 177)
	(53) marare-ø pa	'ã-wo	a-ka

This volume collects proceedings from a conference on nouns and verbs in Tupi-Guaraní languages organized in Cayenne (French Guiana) by the program Langues de Guyane of the Institut de Recherche pour le Développement.

This tree, kindly provided by Natalia Chousou-Polydouri, combines two trees resulting from phylogenetic analyses of lexicon, one for the whole Tupi family[START_REF] Galucio | Genealogical relations and lexical distances within the Tupian linguistic family. Boletim Do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi[END_REF] and a more specific one for the Tupi-Guaraní branch[START_REF] Michael | A Bayesian phylogenetic internal classification of the Tupí-Guaraní family[END_REF]. Nheengatu and Old Guaraní have been added manually.

This is so maybe partly because of differences in behavior in different languages, but mostly because of authors' divergences in the criteria used to distinguish affixes, clitics and words.

My translation for: « não ocorre nessas línguas uma superposição exata entre nome e argumento e verbo e predicado, ou seja, entre categoria lexical e categoria funcional ou sintática. »

[START_REF] Gerasimov | Predicative Possession in Paraguayan Guaraní: Against the Zero Copula Hypothesis[END_REF] argues against the hypothesis of a zero-copula in Paraguaian Guaraní.[START_REF] Vieira | As sentenças possessivas em Mbyá-Guarani : evidência para a distinção nome e verbo[END_REF] offers another analysis of these possessive clauses in Mbyá Guaraní as transitive, postulating a zero 'have'-verb.

Note that no existential copula has been reconstructed for the whole language group (various languages have innovated different copulas), so that the noun is also the predicate in[START_REF]Adverbs Central pieces of comparative work[END_REF]. It is not clear from the literature whether non-possessed nouns used as (copula-less) existential predicates share their morphology with verbs.

It is called argumentative case[START_REF] Rodrigues | Sobre a natureza do caso argumentativo[END_REF] see for example), nominal case[START_REF] Jensen | Comparative Tupí-Guaraní Morpho-syntax[END_REF], or referencing suffix[START_REF] Queixalós | Le suffixe référentiant en émérillon[END_REF] among other terms. Examples show that the referential expressions can be semantically either definite or indefinite, even though this is not discussed explicitly in the literature.

There is at least one author[START_REF] Copin | Grammaire wayampi[END_REF] that splits this class of descriptive roots as descriptive verbs and descriptive nouns, the latter being those that can function as heads of an NP.

[START_REF] Jaworska | Prepositions and Prepositional Phrases[END_REF] notes that, in English for example, verbs and prepositions take an object noun phrase, while complements of nouns are introduced with "of". In Polish, only verbs and prepositions take accusative complements. This assertion is not explicitly dependent from the lexical origin of adpositions in serial verbs or relator nouns (see[START_REF] Delancey | Adpositions as a non-universal category[END_REF] on the sources af adpositions).

This is called either Indicative 2 (followingRodrigues, 1953: 132), circumstantial mood (see for examplePereira,

2009: 162) or oblique-topicalized verb form(Jensen, 1998: 526).

This paper also gives an image of issues concerning word classes in South America in general, and Amazonia in particular. To start with, in many Amazonian languages various word classes can be used as predicates without additional morphology (Aikhenvald, 2012: 136-137). A set of person indexes shared by nouns and verbs is also one of the features proposed in Dixon & Aikhenvald (1999: 9) for an "Amazonian" profile, in contrast to an "Andean" one. And the term "particle" is part of the descriptive tradition of lowland South American languages [START_REF] Dooley | The positioning of non-pronominal clitics and particles in Lowland South American Languages[END_REF]. Also, South American languages rarely show an independent status of adjectives (Aikhenvald, 2012: 139;Krasnoukhova, 2012: 140). The function of words with adjectival meaning is noteworthy: few South American languages have a possibility of attributive modification by adjectives, whereas predicative use is always available (Krasnoukhova, in preparation, 2012: 158, 184). Many Maweti-Guaraní languages adhere to this general South American profile. Finally, the parallel construction of possessible nouns, transitive verbs and postpositions with their arguments, including the use of a relational prefix, is one of the features for positing the historical relationship between the Tupi, Carib and Macro-Jê families of Amazonia [START_REF] Rodrigues | A Case of Affinity Among Tupí, Karíb, and Macro-Jê[END_REF].

Abbreviations (differing from the Leipzig Glossing rules)

AT attested;


Romain Sallio

Stephane Lebrun

Frederic Capet

Francine Agbossou-Niedercorn

Christophe Michon

Eric Deniau

Sallio Romain

Lebrun Stéphane

Capet Frédéric

Agbossou-Niedercorn Francine

Michon Christophe

a new pazinaclone analogue