Lingling

Yi ' Yuge

Jingjing, Wuchen, Xiaoqing Ou

Nicoleta Wei Yanping

Marie Patrick

Jeanne Bernard

Keywords: (a)symmetry, coding strategy, descriptive data, dialogical data, Dynamic Deixis, Path, pattern of distribution, Standard Chinese

pandemic, to my dear compatriot Nargil for the happy chatting moments, and for her help in arranging my Appendix, to Yan Hou, Na Song, Yaqiu Liu for hosting me each time I visit Paris and sharing good times, to Clément Voirin

This dissertation would not have been possible without the support and encouragement of many people.

I am grateful and indebted to my supervisors for many constructive discussions, insightful advice, and valuable mentorship regarding all aspects of the achievement of the present dissertation. I am fortunate to have worked with two such exceptional people from whom I still have so much to learn.

Words cannot express my deepest gratitude to my co-supervisor Anetta

Kopecka, for her guidance through every step from my Master to PhD years. Her wide-ranging expertise in the domain of space, as well as her patience, kindness, and consideration, would not have been more helpful in saving me from many difficulties and hard times on both a professional and a personal level.

I would like to express my profound appreciation to my co-supervisor Christine Lamarre. Her rich knowledge and expertise in Chinese and

Sinitic languages, as well as her calmness, seriousness, and humbleness, have influenced me deeply as a competent linguist. I could not have undertaken this journey without my defense committee, Walter Bisang, Yo Matsumoto, Arnaud Aslangul, and Dorota Sikora. Special thanks to Walter Bisang for hosting me as a visiting researcher at Johannes Gutenberg University Mainz in 2018. I benefited a lot from his erudition, especially in Asian languages. The six months of visiting makes my academic research an unforgettable moment. I would like to extend my sincere thanks to Yo Matsumoto and Arnaud Arslangul, whose articles and reports have been extremely inspiring and helpful in building the present research. I would also like to thank Dorota Sikora for kindly accepting to be part of my PhD defense committee and the president of the jury. This endeavor would not have been possible without the help of the members of the DYNAMIC DEIXIS and the SALTA projects, especially Laure Sarda, Benjamin Fagard, Alice Vittrant, Noëllie Bon, Clément Voirin, Adeline Tan, Nichuta Bunkham, Léa Mouton, Karl Seifen, as well as our 'motion team' members Noemi De Pasquale and Krishna Parajuli.

The dissertation would not have been possible without the help of the native speakers of Standard Chinese during my data collection in

France (Lyon) and in China (Beijing and Baoding).

LIST OF TABLES

Table 1. Fijian subject pronouns (Anderson & Keenan 1985: 263) 7. Localizers (adapted from [START_REF] Peyraube | Les constructions locatives en chinois moderne[END_REF]Peyraube : 18, 2003: 183-184) : 183-184)

INTRODUCTION

Deixis, which is derived from the Greek word δεῖξις, means 'pointing' via language. It is one of the most basic things speakers of all languages do with utterances. Given the great importance of the use of deictic expressions in everyday language, this dissertation intends to examine the expression of one type of Deixis, so-called Dynamic Deixis, in the expression of motion events in Standard Chinese.

Although a considerable amount of research on Deixis, especially Static Deixis (i.e., pronouns, demonstratives) has been carried out within the framework of semantics and pragmatics, Deixis has received relatively less attention within the typological framework of motion events. In previous literature, the majority of studies focus on Path and Manner of motion. Studies that are relevant to Dynamic Deixis usually adopt the semasiological approach and look at different meanings and functions of COME and GO forms in various languages. Hardly any research has taken the notion 'Dynamic Deixis' to be prior to explore the diversity of forms INTRODUCTION 2 different forms in motion events in order to provide a better understanding of how this notion is conceptualized linguistically by speakers of Standard Chinese. Along with the investigation of Dynamic Deixis, which is the central topic of this study, Path, another important semantic element that is in close relation to Dynamic Deixis, is also examined in order to elucidate the relationship between the two concepts.

In this dissertation, we adopt the working definition of Dynamic Deixis proposed within the DEIXIS DYNAMIQUE project (2015)(2016)(2017)(2018) in which Dynamic Deixis is understood as a direction along an axis defined by its relation to the deictic center (or viewpoint).

In what follows, we first present the aims of the present study and its empirical background, and then we outline the structure of the dissertation.

Aims and the typological and empirical approach

By adopting the functional-typological approach the aim of which is to examine the relation between form and meaning and/or function, and cross-linguistic variation in different domains of expression, the primary goal of this dissertation is to provide a description of Dynamic Deixis in Standard Chinese. More specifically, the present work seeks to address two main research questions:

(1) How Dynamic Deixis is expressed by speakers of Standard

Chinese and what are the similarities and differences in its expression within the language in the descriptive and the dialogical data regarding the use of various linguistic devices such as verbs, satellites, and associated motion markers that convey Dynamic Deixis?

(2) How do Dynamic Deixis and Path relate to each other and what are formal and functional features that are specific to each of these semantic elements and features that distinguish them?

In order to answer these questions, we carry out the present study by adopting several theoretical and empirical approaches.

Medium + Goal, Source + Goal, Source + Medium + Goal, centripetal direction, centrifugal direction, centripetal + centrifugal directions) is distributed in Standard Chinese and investigates various patterns of distribution.

In a study on the asymmetry between Source and Goal of motion, [START_REF] Ikegami | Source' vs. 'Goal' : A Case of Linguistic Dissymmetry[END_REF] postulates that the goal-over-source principle represents a very pervasive trend in human language. That is, when expressing Path of motion, speakers of different languages tend to favor the encoding of Goal over the Source. In other studies, the Source-Goal asymmetry has also been observed at different levels, e.g., discourse frequency, as well as morphosyntactic and semantic levels [START_REF] Bourdin | On Goal-bias across languages : Modal, configurational and orientational parameters[END_REF][START_REF] Ishibashi | The expression of 'putting' and 'taking' events in Japanese-The asymmetry of Source and Goal revisited[END_REF]; inter alia; reviewed in Kopecka & Vuillermet 2021). Research on spatial asymmetries mainly focus on the two portions of Path, Source and Goal, and such asymmetrical phenomenon has rarely been investigated for Dynamic Deixis. In the light of previous research, in this dissertation we investigate both Source and Goal of motion as well as the centripetal and centrifugal directions, in order to uncover various (a)symmetrical phenomena in Standard Chinese.

As regards the methodology, this dissertation combines two approaches: the stimulus-based approach and the TV series-based approach. Using two visual stimulus sets -Trajectoire [START_REF] Ishibashi | Trajectoire : Matériel visuel pour élicitation des données linguistiques[END_REF] and Put & Take [START_REF] Bowerman | Put project : The cross-linguistic encoding of placement events[END_REF]) -and two TV series -Married for Ten Years (released in 2003) and Loquacious Zhang Damin's Happy Life (broadcast in 2000) -, we have collected descriptive and dialogical data to constitute the working corpora which include 3506 clauses in total.

The choice of comparing two types of data was motivated by different linguistic strategies manifested in the expression of motion events within the same language. In Lamarre (2008a[START_REF] Lamarre | Le déplacement en chinois au coeur des débats typologiques[END_REF], the author compares two types and two styles of data in Chinese examining dialogues extracted from TV series (spoken) and literary texts including descriptions (written). The author finds that the use of deictic satellites is widespread in dialogues and this differs greatly from descriptions. Since each of the styles (written vs. spoken) has its own specificities, the use of descriptions (stimulus sets) and dialogues (TV series) in spoken modality in the present study can enrich the variety of previous studies and, as a matter of fact, uncover the variety of linguistic strategies used by the speakers. In addition, chosing these two data types enables us to carry out a comparative analysis and can allow us to investigate the similarities and differences in the way Dynamic Deixis and Path are expressed in the language under study.

Structure of the dissertation

This dissertation is organized in two parts. The first part provides the theoretical and methodological framework. In particular, in Part I, we introduce the notion of Dynamic Deixis (chapter 1), some basic characteristics of Standard Chinese related to motion events (chapter 2), and the methodology used to carry out the study (chapter 3). The second part presents the results of data analyses. In Part II, we examine the expression of Dynamic Deixis with reference to Path from three angles, namely the coding strategies (chapter 4), the patterns of distribution (chapter 5), and the spatial (a)symmetries (chapter 6).

We briefly introduce each chapter below.

Chapter 1 reviews the literature on the topic of Deixis within the frameworks of semantics/pragmatics and motion events. In particular, we introduce the typology proposed by [START_REF] Talmy | Lexicalization patterns : Semantic structure in lexical forms[END_REF][START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] and present some revisions put forword by other scholars [START_REF] Wälchli | A typology of displacement (with special reference to Latvian)[END_REF][START_REF] Matsumoto | Typologies of lexicalization patterns and event integration : Clarifications and reformulations[END_REF]Slobin 2004;Croft, Barðdal, Hollmann, Sotirova, & Taoka 2010;Fortis, Grinevald, Kopecka, & Vittrant 2011;inter alia). Moreover, this chapter discusses the debatable issue of the status of Deixis, that is, whether Deixis is a component of Path as postulated by [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] or whether the two semantic elements should be treated separately as suggested in other studies [START_REF] Koga | Typological Studies of the Linguistic Expression of Motion Events, Volume II: The Linguistic Expression of Autonomous Motion in Murakami Haruki's Norwegian Wood --A Contrastive study of Japanese[END_REF][START_REF] Lamarre | The Linguistic Categorization of Deictic Direction in Chinese : With Reference to Japanese[END_REF]Morita 2011;[START_REF] Matsumoto | The functional nature of deictic verbs and the coding patterns of Deixis : An experimental study in English, Japanese, and Thai[END_REF]. Chapter 3 presents the methodological approaches adopted in this study: the stimulus-based approach and the TV series-based approach. More specifically, the corpora are composed of the descriptive data elicited from two visual stimulus sets (i.e., Trajectoire and Put & Take) and the dialogical data consisting of data extracted from two TV series (i.e., Married for Ten Years, Loquacious Zhang Damin's Happy Life). In addition, this chapter also presentes the coding and glossing systems used to treat and present the data.

Chapter 4 examines the encoding of Dynamic Deixis and Path in the Standard Chinese data following [START_REF] Wälchli | A typology of displacement (with special reference to Latvian)[END_REF] typology of spatial encoding, verbal, adnominal, and adverbal. We look at the coding strategies used to express Dynamic Deixis and Path in both data types (i.e., descriptive data and dialogical data) and different event types (i.e., spontaneous motion and caused motion).

Chapter 5 explores the distribution of Dynamic Deixis and Path information within a clause by applying [START_REF] Sinha | Distributed Spatial Semantics[END_REF] distributed spatial semantics approach. Specifically, the analyses focus on the distribution of semantic information related to different direction(s) of Dynamic Deixis (i.e., centripetal direction, centrifugal direction, and centripetal + centrifugal directions) and different portion(s) of Path (i.e., Source, Medium, Goal, Source + Medium, Medium + Goal, Source + Goal, and Source + Medium + Goal). The term Deixis, which is derived from the Greek word δεῖξις, means 'pointing', 'indicating' or 'showing' via language (Lyons 1977: 636;Yule 1996: 9;Y. Huang 2007: 132). It is also sometimes called indexicals. 2 In linguistics, any form used to accomplish the above meanings is called a deictic expression. 3 Deixis is found to be one of the most basic things speakers of all languages do with utterances, and deictic expressions are among the first forms to be acquired by very young children [START_REF] Lyons | Semantics[END_REF][START_REF] Levinson | Pragmatics[END_REF][START_REF] Yule | Pragmatics[END_REF].

Evidence from studies in language acquisition reveals an increase in the activity of the right hand in infants as early as six months [START_REF] Ramsay | Fluctuations in unimanual hand preference in infants following the onset of duplicated syllable babbling[END_REF]. Later, gestures in general and pointing, in particular, appear for communicative purposes before language [START_REF] Bates | The acquisition of performatives prior to speech[END_REF]quoted in Fortis & Fagard 2010). As stated by Huang (2007: 132), "Deixis is a universal linguistic phenomenon, that is, all human languages contain deictic terms".

Therefore, it owns our particular attention.

In general, Deixis designates referring expressions such as 'this', 'that', 'here ', 'there', 'now', 'then', 'I', 'we', and 'you', joined, where appropriate, to bodily postures, gestures, and gaze (Hanks 2005: 191). Over the last few decades, the field of Deixis has been the subject of numerous studies, with a focus mainly on deictic pronouns and demonstratives [START_REF] Jarvella | Speech, place, and action : Studies in deixis and related topics[END_REF][START_REF] Weissenborn | Here and There : Crosslinguistic Studies on Deixis and Demonstration[END_REF][START_REF] Rauh | Essays on Deixis[END_REF][START_REF] Anderson | Deixis[END_REF][START_REF] Morel | La deixis : Colloque en Sorbonne (8-9 juin 1990)[END_REF][START_REF] Diessel | Demonstratives : Form, function, and grammaticalization[END_REF][START_REF] Imai | Spatial Deixis[END_REF][START_REF] Lenz | Deictic Conceptualisation of Space, Time, and Person[END_REF][START_REF] Jungbluth | Manual of Deixis in Romance Languages[END_REF]inter alia). Among these studies, Deixis expressed by means of verbs (e.g., 'come' and 'go') has not been much explored. Nevertheless, within the domain of motion, we can find some related research focusing on deictic verbs [START_REF] Fillmore | Deictic Categories in the Semantics of "come[END_REF](Fillmore , 1971[START_REF] Fillmore | Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971[END_REF][START_REF] Clark | Is He Coming or Going ? On the Acquisition of Deictic Verbs[END_REF][START_REF] Clark | Is He Coming or Going ? On the Acquisition of Deictic Verbs[END_REF]Groussier 1978a[START_REF] Groussier | Sur les verbes come et go en anglais contemporain. 2ème partie[END_REF][START_REF] Ricca | Go" and "Come" in the Romance and Germanic Languages : From Aktionsart to Deixis[END_REF][START_REF] Ricca | Le couple de verbes déictiques "andare"/"venire" en italien : Conditions d'emploi et variabilités[END_REF][START_REF] Ricca | I verbi deittici di movimento in Europa : Una ricerca interlinguistica[END_REF][START_REF] Wilkins | When "go" means "come" : Questioning the basicness of basic motion verbs[END_REF][START_REF] Goddard | The Semantics of Coming and Going[END_REF][START_REF] Nakazawa | Motion Event and Deictic Motion Verbs as Path-Conflating Verbs[END_REF][START_REF] Nakazawa | A Typology of the Ground of Deictic Motion Verbs as Path-Conflating Verbs : The Speaker, the Addressee, and Beyond[END_REF][START_REF] Nakazawa | A Typology of the Path of Deictic Motion Verbs as Path-Conflating Verbs : The Entailment of Arrival and the Deictic Center[END_REF][START_REF] Matsumoto | The functional nature of deictic verbs and the coding patterns of Deixis : An experimental study in English, Japanese, and Thai[END_REF]inter alia).

Regarding the role of Deixis in a motion event, Talmy (2000: 53) considers it as one of the three main components of Path, together with the Vector and the Conformation. 4 However, recent studies [START_REF] Koga | Typological Studies of the Linguistic Expression of Motion Events, Volume II: The Linguistic Expression of Autonomous Motion in Murakami Haruki's Norwegian Wood --A Contrastive study of Japanese[END_REF]Morita 2011;[START_REF] Matsumoto | The functional nature of deictic verbs and the coding patterns of Deixis : An experimental study in English, Japanese, and Thai[END_REF]) have shown that Deixis (e.g., 'hither', 'thither') and Path (e.g., 'into', 'up', and 'across'), exhibiting differences in their coding positions, should be distinguished. These studies, which challenged Talmy's statement, serve as one of the primary sources of inspiration for the present dissertation and help us better reconsider the status of Deixis in motion events.

Chapter 1 aims (1) to review previous research on different types of Deixis within the framework of semantics and pragmatics; [START_REF] Ricca | I verbi deittici di movimento in Europa : Una ricerca interlinguistica[END_REF] to discuss studies on Deixis within the framework of motion events; and (3) to reconsider the status of Deixis, especially focusing on its relation to Path.

We structure this chapter as follows: section 1.2 briefly introduces the notion of Deixis, including Person Deixis, Place Deixis, and Time Deixis; section 1.3 presents Deixis as a component of Path in motion events; section 1.4 addresses the debatable issue 4 Talmy uses the term 'Deictic' to refer to Deixis.

regarding the status of Deixis with regard to Path; and section 1.5 summarizes the contribution and limitations of previous research.

Deixis: studies within the framework of semantics and pragmatics

In his monograph Semantics (Volume 2), Lyons (1977: 637) gives the following well-known definition of Deixis:

By deixis is meant the location and identification of persons, objects, events, processes and activities being talked about, or referred to, in relation to the spatiotemporal context created and sustained by the act of utterance ansd the participation in it, typically, of a single speaker and at least one addressee.

Anchoring of person, place, and time

As a conceptual notion, Deixis is a general term that refers to a specific person, place, or time in context. In his book Sprachtheorie, [START_REF] Bühler | Sprachtheorie : Die Darstellungsfunktion der Sprache[END_REF] introduces the term origo that he calls 'das Koordinatensystem der subjektiven Orientierung' [the coordinate system of subjective orientation], which is used to organize the personal, spatial, and temporal structure of utterances (cited in Fricke 2003: 71). Deixis is often used to indicate people through Person Deixis (e.g., 'I', 'you'), location through Place Deixis (e.g., 'here', 'there', 'come', and 'go'), time through Time Deixis (e.g., 'now', 'then'), the preceding and following parts of the discourse through Discourse Deixis, and the social relationships on the part of the participants in the conversation through Social Deixis. 5 Person, place, and time are generally considered the three fundamental dimensions of Deixis. They are interrelated and interdependent. The 5 We use the terms (i.e., Person Deixis, Place Deixis, Time Deixis, Discourse Deixis, and Social Deixis) following Fillmore (1971) and [START_REF] Levinson | Pragmatics[END_REF]. Place Deixis and Time Deixis are also called Spatial Deixis and Temporal Deixis in other studies [START_REF] Anderson | Deixis[END_REF][START_REF] Yule | Pragmatics[END_REF]. examination of one type of Deixis usually asks for references to other kinds of Deixis. As stated by Fillmore (1966: 220):

Deixis is the name given to those aspects of language whose interpretation is relative to the occasion of utterance: to the time of utterance, and to times before and after the time of utterance; to the location of the speaker at the time of utterance; and to the identity of the speaker and the intended audience.

The underlying structure provides a brief review of the three types of Deixis.

Person Deixis

At the grammatical level, Person Deixis is usually expressed by personal pronouns: I for the first person, you for the second person, and he for the third person, etc., in English, for instance. At the semantic level, Person Deixis refers to the speaker, the addressee, and the other(s) [START_REF] Lyons | Semantics[END_REF][START_REF] Levinson | Pragmatics[END_REF][START_REF] Levinson | Deixis[END_REF][START_REF] Anderson | Deixis[END_REF]. 6 Lyons (1977: 638) points out that: "The grammatical category of person depends upon the notion of participant-roles and upon their grammaticalization in particular languages". The pronominal systems show different features by combining grammatical and semantic levels. For first person, the speaker is included (+S). For second person, the addressee is included (+A).

For third person, both the speaker and the addressee are excluded (-S, -A). 7 It is important to distinguish different roles that individuals play in a speech event since they shift in the course of conversational turn-taking, and this can be seen in the example given by Levinson (2004: 112): A's 'I' becomes B's 'you', A's 'here' becomes B's 'there'.

Place Deixis

Place Deixis (or Space Deixis) concerns "the specification of locations relative to anchorage points in the speech event" (Levinson 1983: 79). The most well-known place-deictic words are adverbs and demonstratives, such as the two-term system here vs.

there, this vs. that in English. In Standard Chinese, the demonstratives (i.e., 这 zhè 'this' vs. 那 nà 'that') and the adverbs (i.e., 这儿 zhèr / 这里 zhèlĭ 'here' vs. 那儿 nàr / 那里 nàlĭ 'there') present precisely this proximal-distal contrast. However, there are also languages (e.g., Japanese, Latin, Spanish, Turkish, and some varieties of Sinitic languages) that have a three-term system. This system is in relation to the distance of the items with respect to the speaker/addressee, as shown in Table 2 from Spanish. Speaker and Addressee items than items marked with ese Table 2. Three demonstrative adjectives/pronouns in Spanish (adapted from Anderson & Keenan 1985: 282) Apart from adverbs and demonstratives, motion verbs, which have built-in deictic components, may also express Space Deixis. Let us look at deictic verbs in particular. The following conditions are identified by [START_REF] Fillmore | Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971[END_REF]Fillmore ( [1971]]) for the use of deictic motion verbs:

• Reference time: the time or a time period that is taken as the background or setting for time indications in the clause.

• Coding time comprises encoding time (the time at which the message is sent) and decoding time (the time at which the message is received).

• Reference place: the location or the object that is taken as the framework or spatial reference point for what is mentioned in the clause.

• Coding place consists of encoding place (the encoder's location) and decoding place (the decoder's location).

According to Fillmore, English deictic verbs come and go in ( 3) and ( 4), interpreted by [START_REF] Levinson | Pragmatics[END_REF], involve both the time and place axis. Example (3) can be understood as 'he is moving towards the speaker's location at coding time' and (4) as 'he is moving away from the speaker's location at coding time'. However, when the subject changes to first person singular pronoun as in ( 5), it would be strange to understand the sentence like 'the speaker is moving towards the location of the speaker at coding time'. Instead, it's more logical to interpret it as 'the speaker is moving towards the location of the addressee at coding time'. The author explains that this usage may have diachronically arisen from a polite deictic shift to the addressee's point of view. Yule (1996: 12-13) also notices the same phenomenon and describes it as deictic projection. He explains that speakers seem to be able to project themselves into other locations before actually being in those locations since the location from the speaker's perspective can be fixed mentally and physically.

(3) He's coming. (Levinson 1983: 83) (4) He's going. (ibid.)

(5) I'm coming. (ibid.)

Time Deixis

Time is generally thought of as a one-dimensional and unidirectional stream [START_REF] Fillmore | Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971[END_REF](Fillmore [1971]]; [START_REF] Anderson | Deixis[END_REF]. Moreover, in many instances, the dimension of time is conceptualized as analogous to the spatial one. Thus, most languages directly import the spatial expressions (e.g., spatial demonstratives this, that) into the temporal domain by means of the metaphorical expression of time as a spatial dimension (e.g., this week, that evening).

Generally speaking, there are two distinct ways of representing the passage of time (i.e., the relation between events differing in time), as noted in previous studies [START_REF] Anderson | Deixis[END_REF][START_REF] Yule | Pragmatics[END_REF][START_REF] Huang | Pragmatics[END_REF]. One may consider time as constant and the world (events) as variables that pass through it from the past into the future (e.g., the week ahead as opposed to the week behind). One may also think of the world (events) as constant and of time as flowing past it from the future to the past (e.g., the coming week, the week gone by).

Time Deixis can be realized mainly in three distinct ways. The first way is in terms of a demonstrative system similar to that found in most languages for Place Deixis (e.g., this and that, as mentioned earlier in this section). In addition, languages also distinguish temporal adverbs now (proximal time) and then (distal time). The second way refers to the category of tense among the present, the past, and the future (e.g., go, went, and will go in English). The third way is demonstrated in the lexicon (e.g., today, yesterday, and tomorrow), in which the reference is incorporated in the lexical items.

Regarding Standard Chinese, the expressions of time in this language form a very rich and intricate system [START_REF] Yu | The Contemporary Theory of Metaphor : A Perspective from Chinese[END_REF]. Basically, Chinese can use the spatial demonstratives 这 zhè 'this' and 那 nà 'that' to express time (e.g., 这天 zhètiān 'this day',那年 nànián 'that year'). What's more, "the lexical items in the domain are systematically structured via metaphorical transfer from the space domain" (Yu 1998: 92) 'next week') [START_REF] Yu | The Contemporary Theory of Metaphor : A Perspective from Chinese[END_REF](Yu : 107-112, 2012(Yu : 1351)). Besides, there are a number of words in which the spatial deixis 去 qù 'go' and 来 lái 'come' are usually used to refer to a period of time in the past and in the future, respectively (e.g., 去年 qùnián [gone.year] 'last year',

来日 láirì [coming.day] 'days to come; future') (Yu 1998: 94-98).

A context-dependent concept

Deixis is closely linked to the language system in use as much as it is intrinsically context-dependent. By examining Deixis within the pragmatic framework, [START_REF] Levinson | Pragmatics[END_REF] emphasizes the critical relationship between language and context in the interpretation of Deixis. A context, in his understanding, refers to "a set of pragmatic indices, co-ordinates or reference points for speakers, addressees, times of utterance, places of utterance, indicated objects, and whatever else is neede". We can find some piece of evidence in his chapter devoted to Deixis.

The single most obvious way in which the relationship between language and context is reflected in the structures of languages themselves, is through the phenomenon of deixis. (Levinson 1983: 54) in Chinese grammar (see [START_REF] Chao | A Grammar of Spoken Chinese[END_REF][START_REF] Li | Mandarin Chinese : A Functional Reference Grammar[END_REF], a term in which itself suggests that they are primarily spatial". A more detailed introduction of 'localizers' is provided in Chapter 2 ( § 2.2.2 and § 2.3.3).

Essentially, deixis concerns the ways in which languages encode or grammaticalize features of the context of utterance or speech event, and thus also concerns ways in which the interpretation of utterances depends on the analysis of that context of utterance.

(ibid.) [START_REF] Anderson | Deixis[END_REF], [START_REF] Yule | Pragmatics[END_REF], and [START_REF] Huang | Pragmatics[END_REF] also make the connection between the use of deictic expressions and the contextual level.

We consider as deictic expressions (or deictics for short) those linguistic elements whose interpretation in simple sentences makes essential reference to properties of the extralinguistic context of the utterance in which they occur. (Anderson & Keenan 1985: 259) Deictic expressions depend, for their interpretation, on the speaker and hearer sharing the same context. (Yule 1996: 9) Deixis can be defined as the phenomenon whereby features of context of utterance or speech event are encoded by lexical and/or grammatical means in a language.

(Huang 2007: 132) [START_REF] Levinson | Deixis[END_REF] further explains why the pragmatic level plays an important role in the use of Deixis, which is probably due to its semantic insufficiency.

It is normally associated with linguistic expressions that are semantically insufficient to achieve reference without contextual support. That support is provided by the mutual attention of the interlocutors and their ability to reconstruct the speaker's referential intentions given clues in the environment. (Levinson 2004: 103)

Deixis: studies within the framework of motion events

Motion, which is pervasive in our daily lives, is central to human experience. Based on the fundamental and influential work pioneered by Leonard Talmy (1972a[START_REF] Talmy | The Basis for a Crosslinguistic Typology of Motion/Location, Part I[END_REF][START_REF] Talmy | Lexicalization patterns : Semantic structure in lexical forms[END_REF][START_REF] Talmy | Path to Realization : A Typology of Event Conflation[END_REF][START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF], numerous crosslinguistic studies on motion events have been carried out over the last decades. Before giving a detailed presentation of Deixis in previous studies, we will briefly outline the framework.

The typology of motion events and its revisions

In Talmy's book Toward a Cognitive Semantics (Volume 2), the author (2000: 25) defines a Motion event as "a situation containing motion and the continuation of a stationary location". He analyzes it as having four internal components: 11

11 According to various linguists, these components are labeled differently. For example, [START_REF] Gruber | Studies in lexical relations[END_REF] and [START_REF] Jackendoff | Semantic Structures[END_REF] use Theme to refer to the object in motion or being located; Langacker (1987: 231) uses Trajector to refer to the figure in a relational profile and Landmark to other salient entities. In this dissertation, we adopt the terminology Figure, Ground, Path, and Motion, following [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF].

• Figure: one object moving or located with respect to another object;

• Ground: the reference object with respect to which the Figure moves or is located;

• Path: the path followed or site occupied by the Figure object with respect to the Ground object;

• Motion: the presence per se of motion or locatedness in the event. 12In addition to these essential components, a Motion event can be associated with an external Co-event, which usually indicates Manner or Cause of the motion. Examples ( 6) and ( 7) illustrate how the essential semantic elements are distributed and how Manner and Cause can integrate the internal components in a motion event.

( The relation borne by the Co-event to the Motion event with which it conflates is not limited to either Manner or Cause, but can range over a considerable set of alternatives (Talmy 2000: 42). Below we briefly presented some of these relations.

• Precursion

In the relation of Precursion, "the Co-event precedes the main Motion event but does not cause or assist its occurrence" (ibid.). As explained by Talmy,in (8), some glass could have fallen over the carpet without having first splintered. The splintering of the glass preceded but did not cause the motion of the glass onto the carpet.

(8) Glass splintered onto the carpet. (ibid.)

• Enablement

In the relation of Enablement, "the Co-event directly precedes the main Motion event and enables the occurrence of an event that causes the Motion but does not itself cause this Motion" (ibid.: 43).

Talmy claims that example (9) demonstrates that the fact of reaching to or grabbing the bottle does not cause the bottle to move off the shelf. Instead, it enables the person to hold the bottle in his or her hand as the person moves his or her arm back from the shelf, which actually causes the bottle's motion.

(9) Could you reach/grab that bottle down off the shelf? (ibid.: 44)

• Concomitance

The relation of Concomitance is "like Manner in that in it, the Co-event co-occurs with the main Motion event and is an activity that the Figure of the Motion event additionally exhibits" (ibid.: 46).

For instance, the woman in (10) could wear a green dress whether or not she goes to a party, and the fact of wearing a green dress has no effect on her path to the party.

(10) She wore a green dress to the party. (ibid.)

• Concurrent Result

In the relation of Concurrent Result, "the Co-event results from that is, is caused bythe main Motion event, and would not otherwise occur. It takes place concurrently with, or during some portion of, the Motion event" (ibid.: 46-47). Example (11) illustrates that the water splashes concurrently with and as a result of the rocket's motion into it.

(11) The rocket splashed into the water.

(ibid. :47

• Subsequence

In the relation of Subsequence, "the Co-event takes place directly after the main Motion event, and is enabled by, is caused by, or is the purpose of that Motion event" (ibid.: 47). 13 As we can see in ( 12), the prisoner should first be into his cell so that they could execute the action of locking.

(12) They locked the prisoner into his cell.

(ibid.)

Besides the above characteristic of a motion event, Talmy (2000: 35) furthermore distinguishes two types of motion:

• Translational motion: in which "an object's basic location shifts from one point to another in space";

• Self-contained motion: in which "an object keeps its same basic, or 'average' location, such as oscillation, rotation, dilation, etc."

These two types of motion are exemplified in ( 13) and ( 14), respectively. In (13), the Figure (i.e., the ball) moves down the hall with the Manner 'bounce' by changing its location, while in (14), the Figure (i.e., the ball) always moves within the same area (i.e., floor tile) with the Manner 'bounce up and down' without changing its location.

(13) The ball bounced down the hall. (Talmy 2000: 36) (14) The ball bounced up and down on the same floor tile.

(ibid.)

According to Talmy (2000: 25-26), in translational motion, the motion component refers to the occurrence (MOVE) or nonoccurrence (BELOC) specifically of translational motion, as shown in ( 15) and ( 16). In the present dissertation, we focus exclusively on 13 Talmy (2000: 47) adds that: "Subsequence may better be considered a cover term for a small set of such finer relations that will need to be structurally distinguished".

translational motion and the phenomenon of the occurrence (MOVE) that concerns motion in which the location of the Figure changes in the time period.

(15) The pencil rolled off the table. (Talmy 2000: 26) (16) The pencil lay on the table.

(ibid.)

More precisely, what we examine as a translational motion here involves two types of event, namely spontaneous motion and caused motion [START_REF] Choi | Learning to express motion events in English and Korean : The influence of language-specific lexicalization patterns[END_REF]). 14 Ishibashi (2010: 515), who employs these two terms in her study, explains that the type of spontaneous motion typically represents an animate entity moving on his/her own, and being linguistically expressed by an intransitive construction, such as John ran to the station; the type of caused motion represents an animate entity carrying an (in)animate entity, and is typically expressed by a transitive construction, such as Mary brought a fruitcake to her mother.

In Talmy's approach, Path is considered the core schema among the semantic components of a motion event. The author (2000: 53) considers that: "although Path has so far been treated as a simplex constituent, it is better understood as comprising several structurally distinct components". Therefore, Talmy (2000: 53, 54, 56) proposes to decompose Path into three main components, as follows:

• Vector: the direction of the Figure's movement with respect to the Ground, comprising the basic types of arrival, traversal, and departure;

14 Spontaneous motion corresponds to Talmy's (2000: 28) self-agentive motion and nonagentive motion (which is excluded in our examination), and is also called autonomous motion (Lamarre 2007a(Lamarre , 2008a)). Caused motion corresponds to Talmy's (2000: 28) agentive motion. In English, the Vector can be realized by prepositions at, to, from, via, along, etc. The Conformation can be illustrated by 'the inside of [an enclosure]' or 'the surface of [a volume] of the Ground.

The Deictic typically has two member notions 'toward the speaker' and 'in a direction other than toward the speaker' and can be exemplified by the English deictic verbs come and go.

Based on how languages characteristically map the core schema (i.e., the syntactic realizations of Path) into the verb or the satellite, [START_REF] Talmy | Path to Realization : A Typology of Event Conflation[END_REF]Talmy ( : 486, 2000: 222) : 222) categorizes the world's languages generally into two types: verb-framed languages and satellite-framed languages. 15 Besides, the author (2000: 64) also mentions a split (or complementary) system of conflation in which "a language can characteristically employ one conflation type for one type of Motion event, and characteristically employ a different conflation type for another type of Motion event".

According to [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF], languages belonging to the first type (i.e., verb-framed languages) include Romance, Semitic, Japanese, Tamil, Polynesian, Bantu languages, etc. Languages of the second type (i.e., satellite-framed languages) comprise Germanic, Finno-Ugric, Chinese, Ojibwa, and Warlpiri languages, etc. Example (17) from Spanish, a typical verb-framed language, illustrates the encoding of Path by the verb entró 'enter'. By contrast, example (18) 15 According to Talmy, the typology he proposed is based on "a language's most characteristic expression of motion". By 'characteristic', it means that: "(1) it is colloquial in style, rather than literary, stilted, and so on; [START_REF] Ricca | I verbi deittici di movimento in Europa : Una ricerca interlinguistica[END_REF] it is frequent in occurrence in speech, rather than only occasional; (3) it is pervasive, rather than limited -that is, a wide range of semantic notions are expressed in this type" (Talmy 2000: 27).

from English, a representative of satellite-framed language, shows the encoding of Path by the satellite out.

(17) Verb-framed language (Spanish) [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] By satellite, Talmy (2000: 102) defines it as "the grammatical category of any constituent other than a noun-phrase or prepositional-phrase complement that is in a sister relation to the verb root. It relates the verb root as a dependent to a head". A set of forms can function as satellites in a language, for instance, English verb particles, German separable and inseparable verb prefixes, Latin or Russian verb prefixes, Chinese verb complements, etc. These forms often partially overlap with the category of prepositions, verbs, or nouns.

As a pioneering study, Talmy's typology has influenced and inspired many researchers who work on the domain of motion events. However, this typology still remains to be improved. Talmy's work has not only been reformulated and refined by the author himself (1985,1991,2000), but has also received other criticism and revisions [START_REF] Wälchli | A typology of displacement (with special reference to Latvian)[END_REF][START_REF] Matsumoto | Typologies of lexicalization patterns and event integration : Clarifications and reformulations[END_REF][START_REF] Berthele | The typology of motion and posture verbs : A variationist account[END_REF]Slobin 2004;[START_REF] Kopecka | The semantic structure of motion verbs in French : Typological perspectives[END_REF][START_REF] Beavers | The typology of motion expressions revisited[END_REF]Croft, Barðdal, Hollmann, Sotirova, & Taoka 2010;Fortis, Grinevald, Kopecka, & Vittrant 2011;Fortis & Vittrant 2011, 2016;[START_REF] Imbert | Pour une catégorie de "satellite" de Trajectoire dans une approche fonctionnelletypologique[END_REF]inter alia), in particular, regarding the binary classification of languages into the verb-framed languages vs. satellite-framed languages.

Our review, far from being exhaustive, aims to provide succinctly different major criticism and revisions of the typology of motion events. In previous literature, three main issues were highly debated regarding Talmy's typology: the first concerns the fact that Path is encoded either in a verb or in a satellite, leaving out other encoding possibilities, such as prepositions, postpositions, and case markers. The second is about how to classify languages with serial verb constructions. Such languages usually have a special kind of construction in which Manner and Path are both expressed in verbs.

The last one is that the typology based on classifying languages (i.e., verb-framed language and satellite-framed language) is problematic, since there are some putative satellite-framed languages showing verb-framed behavior and some putative verbframed languages showing satellite-framed behavior. In the following part, we attempt to present the three main problems in detail and look at different suggestions.

As far as the first issue is concerned, that is encoding Path in either a verb or a satellite, such typology cannot take into consideration languages such as Russian and spoken Indonesian, as noticed by Fortis & Vittrant (2016: 8-9) In their papers, [START_REF] Wälchli | A typology of displacement (with special reference to Latvian)[END_REF] and [START_REF] Matsumoto | Typologies of lexicalization patterns and event integration : Clarifications and reformulations[END_REF] try to provide different solutions to the above problem. [START_REF] Wälchli | A typology of displacement (with special reference to Latvian)[END_REF] points out that Talmy's typology with three lexicalization types (i. By 'displacement' ('déplacement'), [START_REF] Wälchli | A typology of displacement (with special reference to Latvian)[END_REF] distinguishes its semantics from 'movement' ('mouvement'), following Tesnière (1959: 307-310), see also [START_REF] Boons | La notion sémantique de déplacement dans une classification syntaxique des verbes locatifs[END_REF] and [START_REF] Borillo | L'espace et son expression en français[END_REF]. Tesnière (1959: 308) points out that the movement is intrinsic, whereas the displacement is extrinsic. 19 Wälchli (2001: 298) reformulates their distinction as follows: "Movement is 'inner' motion describing the kind of activity involved in motion (e.g., run, walk, jump, fly, and swim). Displacement is 'outer' motion and is concerned with how somebody or something changes its location in space, notably with respect to a given local point of reference (e.g., enter, quit, descend, and pass)".

By 'basic', [START_REF] Wälchli | A typology of displacement (with special reference to Latvian)[END_REF] means "the kind of movement involved is prototypically the normal motion of humans (not animals or objects) moving without special haste and without vehicles". It concerns the cases as shown in (21) but not ( 22) and ( 23). The basic intransitive motion comprises six kinds of displacement, which [START_REF] Wälchli | A typology of displacement (with special reference to Latvian)[END_REF] German, and French, as shown in Table 4. Firstly, [START_REF] Berthele | The typology of motion and posture verbs : A variationist account[END_REF] proposes to categorize the cardinal displacement in a more general manner, not specifying for source or goal in the vertical dimension.

As can be seen from the table below, in Wälchli's list, displacement along the vertical axis is conflated with a specified motion away or towards a Ground; while in Berthele's list, no Ground element is mentioned with regard to vertical direction (upwards and downwards). Berthele explains that a motion verb, for example, tomber 'fall', which encodes a downward, can open a slot for either the source (tomber de l'arbre 'falls from the tree') or goal (tomber sur le sol 'falls onto the ground'). Therefore, the association of the vertical axis and the Ground is an unnecessary constraint for the data analysis. Secondly, Wälchli associates deixis and displacement by using the deictic verbs 'come' and 'go'. However, Berthele disregards deixis and uses the verb 'displace' instead. The author (2004: 100) argues that "the deictic center taken depends on the deictic stance taken in a particular narrative" and "it is perfectly possible to have a path such as 'F come into G'".

Latin preposition

Illustration [START_REF] Berthele | The typology of motion and posture verbs : A variationist account[END_REF] Illustration Wälchli ( 2001) As presented earlier, Talmy's typology focuses on two main categories, namely the verb and the satellite, whereas Wälchli's typology involves verbal, adnominal, and adverbal elements.

AD F displace to G F go to G IN F displace into G F enter/go into G SUPER F displace up F go onto G AB F displace away from G F come from G EX F displace out of G F come out of G DE F displace down F come down from G
According to the locus of highest differentiation of displacement, Wälchli (2001: 301) The author (2001: 301) specifies that:

The terms verbal, adnominal, and adverbal indicate nothing else than the syntactic position (slots) of non-verbal markers. There may be more than one verbal or adnominal or adverbal slot in a language (e.g., two verbal slots in verb serializing languages, or both case and preposition, or both preverbs and verb particles).

We may speak therefore of the verbal, adnominal or adverbal macro-slots to unite several slots of the same type.

His statements are exemplified in ( 24)-( 26), illustrating the three gross types in Mapudungun, Icelandic, and Ossete. 20 In Mapudungun, displacement is encoded predominantly verbally by the two verbs tripa-'go.out' and amu-'go.to'. Although there are also adnominal markers mew 'INS', this instrumental case is invariable for source and goal in the noun phrases sinagoga mew [synagogue instrumental case] 'synagogue' and ruka mew [house instrumental case] 'house'. In Icelandic, displacement is encoded predominantly adnominally by the two prepositions úr 'out of' and í 'into'. In addition, one can also find the verb fara 'go', but it happens to be the same for both displacement 'go out of' and 'go into'. 21 In Ossete, displacement is encoded predominantly adverbally by the two preverbs ra-'out' and ba-'in'. Though there also involve verbs and case makers, the same verb cäwyn 'go/come' is used, and case makes only two distinctions: source -äj 'ablative' and goal -mä 'dative'. 20 Elements in boldface illustrate verbal encoding, underlined elements adnominal encoding, and double underlined elements adverbal encoding. 21 Wälchli (2001: 302) notices that "The adnominal type is always defective because, in clauses without overt local nominal expressions, displacement cannot be encoded adnominally. Thus adnominal marking implies adverbal marking to some extent".

(24) Mapudungun (Chile) 22(predominantly verbal encoding) (Wälchli 2001: 301) Simon:GEN and Andrew:GEN house-DAT James-DAT and John-DAT 'And forthwith, when they were come out of the synagogue, they entered into the house of Simon and Andrew, with James and John.' Besides Wälchli's proposal, which focuses on the loci of displacement encoding, another important revision of Talmy's typology is Matsumoto's head-framed and non-head-framed languages. Matsumoto (2003: 408) points out that: "Talmy's typology of verb vs. satellite-framed languages suffers from the misleading use of the term 'verb'. What is meant by the term verb is in fact the head of a clause". He argues that satellites can also be a verb, as evidenced by flotando 'floating' from Spanish and aruite 'walk' from Japanese in ( 27) and ( 28).

(27) Spanish [START_REF] Matsumoto | Typologies of lexicalization patterns and event integration : Clarifications and reformulations[END_REF] Furthermore, [START_REF] Matsumoto | Typologies of lexicalization patterns and event integration : Clarifications and reformulations[END_REF] argues that 'satellite' does not include prepositions or case markers. He proposes using a broader term 'head' instead of 'verb'. 'Head' is determined by "1) grammatical marking such as tense and agreement, and 2) the determinant of the argument structure of a sentence" [START_REF] Matsumoto | Motion event descriptions across languages[END_REF]. In his 2003 paper, Matsumoto suggests the reformulation of 'verb-framed languages' into 'head-framed languages' and of 'satellite-frame languages' into 'non-head framed languages'. 25 The author claims that his proposal captures more accurately what Talmy has intended to capture and that the head and non-head notions can cover cases in which neither verb nor satellite frame can explain, such as sentences like (29).

(29) John walked through the building. (Matsumoto 2003: 408) Besides, Matsumoto also argues that Talmy's terminology can only be applied to a Macro-event, which is unfortunate. The terms that he and his colleagues put forward in their recent publications and talks [START_REF] Matsumoto | Motion event descriptions in Japanese from typological perspectives[END_REF][START_REF] Matsumoto | Motion event descriptions across languages[END_REF][START_REF] Matsumoto | Motion event descriptions in broader perspective[END_REF]) deal with the issue of motion events with a broader perspective and are not limited to Macro-events. Their classification includes three coding types, namely 26 : 25 Matsumoto (2003: 408) specifies that "[…] satellites and non-heads are slightly different notions: all satellites are nonheads by definition, but not all nonheads are satellites. Satellites as defined above do not include prepositions, since they are not a sister of a verb". For instance, example (29) is not satellite-framed but non-head framed. 26 In a previous publication, Matsumoto (2017) "calls the contrast the head Path coding vs. the head-external Path coding" (Matsumoto 2018: 275).

• Head (H) path-coding: Path is coded in the head (=main verb) of a sentence;

• Head-external (HE) path-coding: Path is coded in an element other than the head of a sentence;

• Co-Head (CoH) path-coding: Path is coded in one of the 'co-heads' of a sentence (one of the symmetrical serial verbs).

Examples ( 30)-( 32) provide each type an example in a typical language. In (30), the example is classified as a Head path-coding language. In Yupik, Path is expressed by the head verb iter 'enter'.

As for German, (31) can be a good example that represents Headexternal path-coding language. In this type, Path is encoded by an element (i.e., in 'into') other than the head verb (i.e., läuft 'ran'). Thai, a language which usually uses a serial verb construction to describe a motion event, corresponds very well to the type of Co-Head path coding language, as shown in (32 (Slobin 2004: 228). Below are the criteria that Slobin cited from Ameka & Essegbey:

When the properties are tallied, we find that serialising languages share more properties with S-languages than the Vlanguages to which they are supposed to belong while still possessing a unique property. What this shows is that they cannot be said to belong to either type. Instead, they appear to belong to a class of their own. (Ameka & Essegbey 2013: 36) More precisely, 'equipollent elements' refers to "elements that are equal in formal linguistic terms, and appear to be equal in force or significance" (Slobin 2004: 228) Therefore, păo 'run' (a Manner verb) and chū 'exit' (a Path verb) are of equal status in (34), which form a serial verb construction. And this can be evidence for Chinese as being an equipollently-framed language. However, the typological classification of Chinese depends crucially on whether the combination of păo 'run ' and chū 'exit' in (34) should be analyzed as a compound verb or as a syntactic construction.

According to some linguists (Chao 1968: 458-480;C. N. Li & Thompson 1981: 54-65;Packard 2000: 95-100;Lamarre 2007a: 9-16;D. 刘丹青 Liú 2017: 10-14), cases as in (34) must be treated as a compound verb rather than a serial verb construction, due to the grammaticalization of Path verbs. One of the various kinds of evidence which support the above statement is the phonetic evidence. As pointed out by Lamarre(2007a: 9), when Path verbs appear after a co-event verb, they "loose their tonal contrast and become unstressed syllables, pronounced in the same prosodic unit as the co-event verb. Neutralization of tonal contrast is a feature regularly linked with grammaticalization in Mandarin Chinese (e.g., 拉出来 lā-chu-lai (not lā-chū-lái)". 27Slobin's third type, although renovates Talmy's typology and can be applied to certain languages such as Thai, might not be an ideal solution for languages like Chinese in which the status of Path verbs is problematic. (36) Satellite-framed pattern (ibid.) Pierre s'est enfui de l'école.

Pierre ran away (escaped) from school.

Evidence from Italian, documented in [START_REF] Iacobini | The emergence of verb-particle constructions in Italian : Locative and actional meanings[END_REF], also confirms Kopecka's observations as far as other Romance languages are concerned. Italian is considered as a verb-framed language following Talmy's classification. Nevertheless, Path can also be found to be encoded in a particle, as exemplified by fuori 'out' in (2000) as satellite-framed languages, can also show verb-framed behavior (Lamarre 2003: 6-8; see also Beavers et al. 2010: 350). Lamarre (2003b: 6) put forward that Modern Chinese should rather be classed as what [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] called a 'split system', since the strategy depends on event types. As shown by the author, to encode spontaneous motion events, both Path verbs (e.g., huí in (38)) and Path satellites (e.g., -jin 'into' in (39)) are frequently used. By contrast, to encode caused motion events, only Path satellites can be used (e.g., -jin 'into' in (40) [START_REF] Kopecka | The semantic structure of motion verbs in French : Typological perspectives[END_REF] and [START_REF] Beavers | The typology of motion expressions revisited[END_REF] use pattern instead of language when referring to the type of different coding strategies.

A similar approach can be found in Croft et al. (2010), who carry out a constructional analysis to revise Talmy's typological classification.

In his book Typology and Universals, Croft (2003: 42) distinguishes what he calls 'a classification of language types' and 'a classification of linguistic types':

• A classification of language types: typology, in the sense of a cross-linguistic classification of types, is often considered to be a classification of whole languages into types, that is, a classification of language types;

• A classification of linguistic types: a structural type is represented by a particular construction in a particular language, that is, a classification of linguistic types.

Croft (ibid.) further points out: "A language may have more than one construction representing more than one linguistic type".

In their 2010 paper, Croft et al. criticize that "Talmy's typological classification applies to individual complex event types within a language, not to languages as a whole" (2010: 202). Thus, the authors suggest elaborating Talmy's typology as follows: As to the double-framing construction, Croft et al. (2010: 208) observe a phenomenon "in which the path or framing expression is expressed twice, once as a detached satellite and once as part of the verb", as shown in (43) from French.

(43) French (Aske 1989: 14, from Eve Sweetser;cited in Croft et al. 2010: 208) monter en haut/ descendre en bas go.up above/ descend below 'go up (above)/ go down (below)' Symmetric construction comprises three strategies, namely, serialization, compounding, and coordination.

As for the first strategy (i.e., serialization), "languages use serial verb constructions in which both event and frame are expressed in forms that may occur as predicates on their own" (Croft et al. 2010: 207). Example ( 44) is provided as an illustration of this type by Croft et al (ibid.) where each component (i.e., Manner, Path, and Deixis) is considered to be expressed symmetrically in the three verbs păo 'run ', chū 'exit', and lái 'come'. 31 (44) Mandarin Chinese 32 (Li & Thompson 1981: 58;cited in Croft et al. 2010 With regard to the third strategy (i.e., coordination), the combination of two components in a motion event can be expressed by a coordination construction. In the case of Amele in (46), such a combination is realized by a path component (cesel 'return') and a deictic component (nu 'go').

(46) Amele 34 (Roberts 1987: 102;cited Besides the above criticism and revisions of Talmy's typology presented above, one cannot ignore the fruitful achievements made within the project entitled Typologie de la Trajectoire -Complexité 32 The abbreviations used in Mandarin Chinese are as follows: 3 3 rd person, PF perfective, and PL plural. 33 The abbreviations used in Kiowa are as follows: df different subject and pf perfective. 34 The abbreviations used in Amele are as follows: 2 2nd person, IMP imperative, PRED (SS) predicate marker (same subject), and SG singular.

et Changements des Systèmes Typologiques. 35 Among their many contributions, three important ones are worth mentioning, which are the elaborated definition of Path (Fortis et al. 2011), the refined definition of satellite [START_REF] Imbert | Pour une catégorie de "satellite" de Trajectoire dans une approche fonctionnelletypologique[END_REF], and the coding grid of path-expressing constructions proposed by Fortis & Vittrant (2011, 2016).

Firstly, in the light of [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF], Fortis, Grinevald, Kopecka & Vittrant (2011: 34) • Différents repères (source, espace médian, but) ordonnés à différentes phases du déplacement (initiale, médiane, finale) ;

• Ligne ou ensemble de points qui sont situés par rapport à un point de vue, i.e., un centre déictique ou point d'ancrage choisi par le locuteur. 37

35 More details about the project TRAJECTOIRE can be find at: http://www.ddl.ishlyon.cnrs.fr/trajectoire/. 36 See the English translation below: Path is a concept to be distinguished from movement, and a complex notion. By Path, we mean the set of points that a mobile entity moving in space, or the mental schema of an oriented relation imposed on entities in space. 37 See the English translation below:

• A line or set of points with a certain contour (straight, curved, sinuous…) and a certain orientation (horizontal, vertical…), bounded or not;

Secondly, based on Talmy's previous works, Imbert, Grinevald & Sörés (2011) make an improvement in refining the definition of 'satellite'. With a functional-typological approach, they propose a multidimensional definition of 'satellite' which takes into account the following three criteria (ibid.: 103-104):

• Syntactic criteria: satellite is an element depending on the verb. In addition, satellite does not introduce any syntactic argument; 38

• Semantic criteria: satellite is an element that encodes the Path components in a motion event;

• Lexical criteria: satellite is an element of lexical origin which was gradually grammaticalized as a dependent of the verb.

Last but not least, Fortis & Vittrant (2011, 2016) propose a coding grid in which a path encoding construction is labeled according to the locus or loci where Path is encoded. Within the project, this coding grid is applied to a number of 30 languages belonging to about ten language families. Examples (47)-( 49) illustrate constructions with one, two, and three path encoding loci, respectively. In their paper, H stands for Head, S satellite, and R relator. 39

• Different reference points (source, medium space, goal) ordered at different portions of the movement (initial, intermediate, final); • Line or set of points which are located in relation to a point of view, i.e., a deictic center or anchor point chosen by the speaker. 38 That is to say, satellite is not linked syntactically to an adpositional or nominal phrase which express the Ground. 39 According to Fortis & Alice (2016: 19), "[…] elements which specify a relation between an argument and a head are said to have the function of relator".

(47) H-framed (Fortis & Vittrant 2016: 20) She left the hotel.

(48) SR-framed 40 (Polish, Kopecka, p.c., cited in Fortis & Vittrant 2016: 20) Chłopiec wy-biegł z morza na plażę. boy.NOM.MASC out-run.PFV from sea.GEN.N on beach.ACC.FEM (litt.) 'The boy ran out of the sea onto the beach.' [Polish, Kopecka, p.c.] (49) HSR-framed 41 (Japanese, Ishibashi, p.c., cited in Fortis & Vittrant 2016: 20) onnanohito-ga dookutu-no naka-kara de-te iki-masi-ta. woman-NOM cave-GEN inside-ABL exit-CVB go-HON-PST 'The woman exited from the inside of the cave away from me.'p.c.]

In this section, we have reviewed [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] motion event typology and discussed some major revisions. Chinese has been mainly considered as a satellite-framed language [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF], an equipollently-framed language (Slobin 2004;[START_REF] Chen | Motion events in Chinese novels : Evidence for an equipollently-framed language[END_REF], and a language showing symmetric constructions (Croft et al. 2010).

In Chapter 4 ( §4.3), the issue of the encoding of Path in Standard Chinese will be further discussed.

Deixis: terminological clarification

In this section, we try to sketch the state of the art on Deixis within the framework of studies devoted to motion events. We attempt to clarify various terms employed by different linguists when working on different languages. The term Deixis that we are interested in can be mainly found in studies that typically use the following terms: deictic verbs (deictic motion verbs), directionals (deictic directionals or dynamic directionals), associated motion, and Dynamic Deixis. Let us examine each of these terms and some related works. 40 The abbreviations used in Polish are as follows: ACC accusative, FEM feminine, GEN genitive, MASC masculine, N neuter, NOM nominative, and PFV perfective. 41 The abbreviations used in Japanese are as follows: ABL ablative, CVB converb, GEN genitive, HON honorific, NOM nominative, and PST past.

Deictic verbs

Over the past decades, deictic verbs (or deictic motion verbs, or 'come' and 'go') have been the interest of researchers working on either a particular language [START_REF] Fillmore | Deictic Categories in the Semantics of "come[END_REF][START_REF] Fillmore | Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971[END_REF](Fillmore [1971[START_REF] Fillmore | How to Know Whether You're Coming or Going[END_REF][START_REF] Sinha | On the Deictic Use of "Coming" and "Going[END_REF][START_REF] Gandour | On the Deictic Use of Verbs of Motion Come and Go in Thai[END_REF][START_REF] Pryor | Botin Deictics : Go and Come[END_REF][START_REF] Ricca | Le couple de verbes déictiques "andare"/"venire" en italien : Conditions d'emploi et variabilités[END_REF][START_REF] Senft | Come" and "go[END_REF][START_REF] Antonopoulou | Deictic motion and the adoption of perspective in Greek[END_REF][START_REF] Pate | Deictic motion verbs in Pashto : To whom shall we come?[END_REF] or a comparison of several languages [START_REF] Gathercole | A Study of the Comings and Goings of the Speakers of Four Languages : Spanish, Japanese, English, and Turkish[END_REF][START_REF] Nakazawa | A pragmatic account of the distribution of come and go in English, Japanese and Korean[END_REF][START_REF] Ricca | Go" and "Come" in the Romance and Germanic Languages : From Aktionsart to Deixis[END_REF][START_REF] Ricca | I verbi deittici di movimento in Europa : Una ricerca interlinguistica[END_REF][START_REF] Lewandowski | Toward a comparative analysis of coming and going verbs in Spanish[END_REF][START_REF] Matsumoto | The functional nature of deictic verbs and the coding patterns of Deixis : An experimental study in English, Japanese, and Thai[END_REF]). Among these studies, [START_REF] Fillmore | Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971[END_REF]Fillmore's ( [1971]]) work on English coming and going and [START_REF] Ricca | I verbi deittici di movimento in Europa : Una ricerca interlinguistica[END_REF] cross-linguistic empirical study are worth our great attention. 42 Fillmore (1975 [1971]), in his 1971 Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis cites the definitions of come and go respectively from the Oxford English Dictionary (OED):

come: An elementary intransitive verb of motion expressing movement towards or so as to reach the speaker, or the person spoken to, or towards a point where the speaker in thought or imagination places himself, or (when he himself is not in question) towards the person who forms the subject of his narrative. [START_REF] Fillmore | Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971[END_REF](Fillmore [1971]: 51) ]: 51) go: (Where) the prominent notion is that of destination or direction… the verb is distinguished from COME by the implication that the movement is not towards the speaker, or the person whose point of view he for the moment assumes. 43 (ibid.)

The author presents the use of deictic motion verbs in relation with time and space and formulates a set of hypotheses that 42 In this dissertation, the presentation of [START_REF] Ricca | I verbi deittici di movimento in Europa : Una ricerca interlinguistica[END_REF] study, originally written in Italian, is based mainly on the reviews given by [START_REF] Fortis | Compte rendu de Davida Ricca, I Verbi Deittici di Movimento in Europa : Una Ricerca Interlinguistica[END_REF] and [START_REF] Fortis | Space in language[END_REF]. 43 Fillmore adds that go is seen as paired with come. condition the use of deictic motion verbs, as summarized by Lewandowski (2007: 15) 51) and ( 52). When motion is directed toward the location of the addressee at either coding time or reference time, both come and go are acceptable in ( 53) and ( 54).

(50) He came here two hours before I arrived. [START_REF] Fillmore | Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971[END_REF](Fillmore [1971]]: 55) [START_REF] O'connor | Going getting tired : Associated motion through space and time in Lowland Chontal[END_REF] He'll come to the office tomorrow to pick me up. [START_REF] Fillmore | Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971[END_REF](Fillmore [1971]] They are concerned with the notion home base, a term to which Fillmore didn't give a clear definition. The author (1975 [1971]: 60) considers that: "…the destination of 'come' is not a place where either participant is at coding time or was at reference time, but is understood as the home base of one of them". Based on [START_REF] Winston | Deictic verbs : Use and acquisition[END_REF][START_REF] Di Meola | Kommen und gehen : Eine kognitiv-linguistische Untersuchung der Polysemie deiktischer Bewegungsverben[END_REF], Lewandowski (2007: 13) suggests that: "home base does not only refer to the speaker's or addressee's residence, but it might also be extended to the speaker's or addressee's usual work place or any other place with which he is strongly identified".

(55) He came over to my place last night, but I wasn't home. [START_REF] Fillmore | Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971[END_REF](Fillmore [1971]] 57), ( 58), (59), and (60) illustrate.

(57) Would you like to come (along)? [START_REF] Fillmore | Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971[END_REF](Fillmore [1971]]: 66) (58) Would you like to go (along)? (ibid.) (59) Can I come along? (ibid.)

(60) Can I go along? (ibid.)

Condition 9 deals with the cases in which the deictic center is in a third-person discourse. When come and go are used in a thirdperson narrative, the deictic center is anchored in the central character. [START_REF] Fillmore | Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971[END_REF]Fillmore ( [1971]]: 67) points out that it would be strange to say a sentence like (61), and he stresses that only one person at a time can be referred to as the central character. In (61), the use of come twice reflects that both Fred and Bill are considered as the central character, which violates Fillmore's statement. We suggest that (62), (63), and (64) would be acceptable, following Fillmore's argument.

(61) After John came to Fred's house, John and Fred together came over to Bill's house. [START_REF] Fillmore | Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971[END_REF](Fillmore [1971]]: 67) (62) After John came to Fred's house, John and Fred together went over to Bill's house.

(63) After John went to Fred's house, John and Fred together came over to Bill's house.

(64) After John went to Fred's house, John and Fred together went over to Bill's house.

Deictic motion verbs, such as come, go, bring, and take, though constituting a small set, are among the most frequently used in common speech. We only concentrate on come and go, since bring and take can be paraphrased as 'cause to come' and 'cause to go,'

according to Miller & Johnson-Laird (1976: 539).

Besides the use of come and go examined by [START_REF] Fillmore | Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971[END_REF]Fillmore ( [1971]]), another important issue concerning deictic verbs discussed in previous studies is also worth noting. Are COME and GO lexically universal and deictically opposite?

We have presented earlier in this section the definitions of come and go in English, cited by [START_REF] Fillmore | Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971[END_REF]Fillmore ( [1971]]), which are seen as a paired notion. In these definitions, what differs come and go the most is the perspective with respect to the speaker. In addition, [START_REF] Fillmore | Santa Cruz Lectures on Deixis 1971[END_REF]Fillmore ( [1971Fillmore ( ]: 52, 1983: 220: 220) also observes that come and go differ in relation to what he calls 'reference place': "come has many uses in which it functions as a Goal-oriented verb, while go functions both as a Source-oriented verb and as a verb which is neutral with respect to these two possible orientations".44

In (65), the reference time at midnight implies the arrival time which means that he should reach the Goal (i.e., arrive at home) at midnight. By contrast, in (66), the reference time at midnight implies the departure time which means that he should leave the Source (i.e., a place other than the home) at midnight. The neutral use of go is exemplified in (67), which involves both the Source (i.e., Vancouver)

and the Goal (i.e., Hawaii).

(65) He came home at midnight. (Fillmore 1983: 220) (66) He went home at midnight. (ibid.)

(67) He went from Vancouver to Hawaii last week. (ibid.)

A similar observation has also been found in Miller & Johnson-Laird (1976: 531):

'Come' entails a change of location, but it also entails a destinationsomeone who is coming will not have come until he has reached the destination (although someone who is going will have gone before he gets there.

We can see that come and go do not always behave oppositely.

Go can sometimes be used in a situation when it is irrelevant to the speaker.

With regard to the deictic opposition between 'come' and 'go', Wilkins & Hills (1995) wrote an article entitled When 'go' means 'come': Questioning the basicness of basic motion verbs. In their paper, they question some of the basic assumptions concerning motion verbs, especially regarding the lexical universals of 'come' and 'go' and the universal deictic opposition manifested by the two verbs. They observe that (1995: 209-210):

It is commonly assumed that all languages have a class of motion verbs and that this class will minimally include two forms which correspond to English 'come' and 'go'. It is also usual to presume that these two verb forms manifest a universal deictic opposition which is frequently characterized as 'motiontowards-speaker' for the 'come' form and 'motion-away-fromspeaker' (or 'motion-not-towards-speaker') for the 'go' form. In short, 'come' and 'go' tend to be treated as lexical universals, belonging to a notionally coherent class of motion verbs, and both encoding deictic information.

In order to investigate the universality of 'come' and 'go', Wilkins & Hills (1995) examine two genetically unrelated and geographically remote languages, Mparntwe Arrernte (Pama-Nyungan, Australian) and Longgu (Oceanic, Austronesian). The authors suggest that: "If lexical universal is understood in the strictest sense as meaning that all natural languages possess a monomorphemic root which codes the same conceptual content, then it is possible to state with confidence that COME is not a lexical universal". Both Arrernte and Longgu confirm this statement. In Arrernte, the authors identify a basic set of four general motion roots (i.e., lhe-'go', unte-'hurry along', knge-'carry along', and alpe-'go back') which does contain the GO form but not the COME form.

The COME form is encoded in a derived verb stem which is composed of a basic motion root and a bound deictic morpheme (i.e., petye-'come', utne-type-'hurry hither', and knge-tye 'bring'). In Longgu, as observed by the authors (1995: 231): "the expression that unambiguously corresponds to COME is the phrasally complex la mai 'come', consisting of the verb la 'go, travel, move along a path' and a directional particle mai 'hither, direction towards speaker or deictic center'. […] The expression which occurs in immediate opposition to la mai 'come' is la hou 'go (from here)'". Hence, Longgu has a way of indicating the deictic sense of motion. However, both COME and GO expressions in this language are phrasally complex, being headed by the same generic motion verb root la 'go, travel, move along a path'. The corresponding COME and GO expressions in different languages show not only the diversity of deictic coding systems but also its complexity.

In the following paragraphs, we shift our view from individual languages to a larger scope of languages and take a look at Ricca's empirical study. In his book, [START_REF] Ricca | I verbi deittici di movimento in Europa : Una ricerca interlinguistica[END_REF] examines the use of deictic verbs in 20 languages spoken in Europe. 45 By deictic verbs, the author refers to the morphemes expressing movement either towards (ventive) or away from (itive) the origo. 46 The study presented in his book was conducted with the help of a (69) M: -Come, dinner is ready! S: -OK, I am coming immediately.

The results of Ricca's study suggest that three groups of languages should be set apart, as summarized in [START_REF] Lewandowski | Toward a comparative analysis of coming and going verbs in Spanish[END_REF] and [START_REF] Fortis | Space in language[END_REF]:

• Fully deictic languages (Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, Hungarian, Modern Greek, Albanian, and Finnish);

• Predominantly deictic languages (Swedish, Danish, German, Dutch, Slovene, Serbo-Croatian, and to a lesser degree, English and French);

• Non-deictic languages (Eastern and North-Eastern Europe).

In fully deictic languages, the coming and going verbs display strictly a deictic behavior and code systematically a centripetal movement with ventive and a centrifugal movement with itive.

46

Ventive and itive are used based on their Latin origin. Other terms sometimes seen are venitive and andative [START_REF] Bourdin | Constance et inconstances de la déicticité : La resémantisation des marqueurs andatifs et ventifs[END_REF] or centripetal and centrifugal [START_REF] Fortis | Space in language[END_REF]. 47 Sentences are tested in different contexts, such as in imperative and interrogative sentences, in telic and atelic events, etc.

Concerning predominantly deictic languages, the deictic dimension is decisive in these languages and the use of ventive and itive competes with each other and is conditioned by several factors. As for non-deictic languages, they use the same verb for both centripetal and centrifugal movement, and the verb does not involve deixis in the interpretation of the utterance it appears in (Lewandowski 2007: 16;Fortis & Fagard 2010: 31).

By exploring the use of deictic motion verbs in a crosslinguistic perspective, [START_REF] Ricca | I verbi deittici di movimento in Europa : Una ricerca interlinguistica[END_REF] work contributes significantly to the research domain on Deixis. However, it also has some limitations. Coming and going verbs are not the only way to express spatial deixis that involves movement towards or away from the origio. Other realizations can also express centripetal and centrifugal directions, such as prefixes hin-and her-in German, poand przy-in Polish. Therefore, the neglect of these devices does not allow the author to establish an adequate classification that can also apply to other languages not mentioned in this study. The classification of twenty languages in three groups merely based on deictic verbs seems to be unsatisfying for the examination of deictic system. It is important indeed to take account of other morphological, syntactical, and lexical devices which encode Deixis as deictic verbs do.

Directionals

As pointed out by Guillaume (2000: 150), the term directionals "comes from descriptions of Mayan languages [START_REF] Robertson | The structure of pronoun incorporation in the Mayan verbal complex[END_REF][START_REF] Haviland | The grammaticalization of motion (and time) in Tzotzil[END_REF][START_REF] Haviland | The syntax of Tzotzil auxiliaries and directionals : The grammaticalization of 'motion[END_REF][START_REF] Craig | Jacaltec Directionals : Their Meaning and Their Function[END_REF][START_REF] Zavala | Clause integration with verbs of motion in Mayan languages[END_REF] and Papua New Guinea languages [START_REF] Foley | The Papuan languages of New Guinea[END_REF]) which have extensive system of this type of category". It was not until the development of discussion on grammaticalization in the late 80s' that directionals became of particular interest because of the fact that they were resulting from the grammaticalization of lexical verbs of motion (Craig 1993: 62). 48 Since then, this term was widely used in languages belonging to different language families (Awakatek, a Mayan language, Larsen 1994; Mwotlap, an Oceanic language, François 2003; Chinese, a Sino-Tibetan language, Lamarre 2007[START_REF] Lamarre | The Linguistic Categorization of Deictic Direction in Chinese : With Reference to Japanese[END_REF]Polynesian languages, Moyse-Faurie 2016;inter alia). In previous literature published on associated motion markers, directionals are more and more used as a cover term for grammaticalized morphemes which share specific functions, as opposed to associated motion markers that will be discussed later.

Among the above studies, we will mainly look at (Craig) Grinevald's work (1993;2011) on Jakaltek's directionals. The term directionals is usually used in studies concerning motion event descriptions. Grinevald's (2011: 50) explains it as follows: "In the case of the expression of Path, […], besides the lexical verbal inventories, one checks for the existence of morphosyntactic systems, such as adpositional and case systems, as well as path satellite systems (known under labels such as 'directionals' or 'preverbs' etc.)".

In her 1993 paper, Craig discusses the directionals, their meaning, and discourse function of Jakaltek, a Mayan language. Craig (1993: 24) observes that: "One of the characteristics of the Jakaltek directional system is the frequent combination of directionals. It is very common for verbs to bear two directionals, and occasionally three". This can be schematized as VERB -DIR1 -DIR2 -DIR3. 49 It is important to give a brief explanation of which kind of element can be assigned to the three slots, for DIR1, DIR2, and DIR3, 48 Craig Grinevald Colette = Grinevald Colette. 49 DIR stands for directional, and the numbers indicate their position. The inventory given by Craig (1993: 24) is as follows: (71), respectively. In the description of other languages, we find the terms deictic and non-deictic directionals when only two slots are available, such as Awakatek (a Mayan language spoken in Guatemala) [START_REF] Larsen | Deictic and Non-Deictic Directionals in Awakatek[END_REF] and Chinese (Lamarre 2007a(Lamarre , 2008a)).

VERB - 1 - 2 - 3 pax (v)h toj kan (v)y tij kanh (v)k (v)l (v)k'
(70) Jakaltek (Craig 1993: 24) 1 2 3 'They buried him (once and for all-down-away).' Besides (Craig) Grinevald's work (1993;2011), another study which is also worth mentioning is [START_REF] Fortis | Space in language[END_REF]. The authors gave a series of lectures on Space and language at the Leipzig summer school in typology and present three directions that dynamic directionals encode. In their lectures, Deixis is introduced in a broad perspective that comprises verbal and non-verbal deixis.

Verbal deixis, especially deictic verbs, has already been presented above when reviewing [START_REF] Ricca | I verbi deittici di movimento in Europa : Una ricerca interlinguistica[END_REF] work. We now look at nonverbal deixis.

In [START_REF] Fortis | Space in language[END_REF] work, deictic motion is treated as a speaker-centered motion. Many languages make a two-way distinction between the centripetal and centrifugal directions.

However, some languages have a three-way distinction, which is centripetal, centrifugal, and transverse. According to Fortis & Fagard (2010: 16), "many languages have dynamic directionals that encode direction toward (centripetal) or away (centrifugal) from a deictic center". To illustrate this point, the authors propose the following schematic representation for the centripetal direction in Figure 1 and centrifugal direction in Figure 2 As for the transverse direction, it indicates that a referent moves across the field of vision of a deictic center (Diessel 1999: 46;cited in Fortis & Fagard 2010) or in an ambidistal area [START_REF] Fortis | Space in language[END_REF]. This can be illustrated in Figure 3. (Heath 1980: 152;cited in Fortis & Fagard 2010: 18) YUWA:-GI-YAJ.

DIST-CL-TRANSV [CL is a nominal classifier]

'There s/he goes across [from us].'

Associated motion

The term 'associated motion' is a relatively newly identified concept that was initially proposed by [START_REF] Koch | The category of "associated motion" in Kaytej[END_REF] for a verbal category of the Australian Aboriginal language Kaytej. According to Koch, the function of this category is to "SPECIF[Y] VARIOUS KINDS OF MOTION associated with the activity [of the verb] and to distinguish the time of the motion relative to the main activitywhether the motion is PRIOR TO, SUBSEQUENT TO, or CONCURRENT WITH the time of the main activity", as summarized and emphasized in Guillaume (2016: 84).

Examples (75), (76), and (77) illustrate respectively the three 51 The abbreviations used in East Uvean are as follows: DEIC deictic, NPAST non past, PRED predicative marker, SPEC specific article, and TRANSV transverse directional. 52 The abbreviations used in Nunggubuyu are as follows: CL classifier, DIST distal, and TRANSV transverse directional.

temporal relations (i.e., prior to, subsequent to, and concurrent with)

and different direction of the motion (i.e., away, back, and towards the speaker). In a recently published volume dedicated to the phenomenon of 'associated motion', Guillaume & Koch (2021b: 3) reformulate the definition of 'associated motion' and define it as "a As stated in the introduction of the book Associated Motion edited by [START_REF] Guillaume | Introduction : Associated motion as a grammatical category in linguistic typology[END_REF], the phenomenon of associated motion was initially recognized in Aboriginal languages of Central Australia in the 1980s (starting with [START_REF] Koch | The category of "associated motion" in Kaytej[END_REF][START_REF] Tunbridge | Affixes of Motion and Direction in Adnyamathanha[END_REF][START_REF] Wilkins | Mparntwe Arrernte (Aranda). Studies in the structure and semantics of grammar[END_REF][START_REF] Wilkins | The semantics, pragmatics, and diachronic development of "associated motion" in Mparntwe Arrernte[END_REF]. Then many examples from other languages have subsequently been identified in the regions below; but, conspicuously, not (yet) in Europe. 54 53 The abbreviations used in Kaytej are as follows: ERG ergative, IMP imperative, PAST past, and PROG progressive. 54 Detailed descriptions of associated motion in a wide range of the world's languages can be found in the collective volume Associated Motion, edited by Guillaume & Koch (2021a). One exception is found in a European language,

• Western Amazonia (starting with [START_REF] Guillaume | Directionals versus associated motions in Cavineña[END_REF][START_REF] Guillaume | La catégorie du « mouvement associé » en cavineña : Apport à une typologie de l'encodage du mouvement et de la trajectoire[END_REF][START_REF] Guillaume | A Grammar of Cavineña (Mouton Grammar Library 44[END_REF][START_REF] Guillaume | Les suffixes verbaux de mouvement associé en cavineña[END_REF][START_REF] Sakel | A Grammar of Mosetén (Mouton Grammar Library 33[END_REF] • Papua New Guinea (M. S. [START_REF] Dryer | A grammatical description of Kara-Lemakot (Studies in the Languages of Island Melanesia 2)[END_REF][START_REF] Cleary-Kemp | Serial verb constructions revisited : A case study from Koro[END_REF].

The number of associated motion systems can range from one (e.g., Tungusic languages) or two members (e.g., two-way systems in Gyalrongic, a Sino-Tibetan language) to up to fifteen contrasting associated motion values (e.g., the most elaborated associated motion systems are found in the Arandic languages of Central Australia and the Takanan languages of Western Amazonia). As pointed out in Guillaume and Koch (2021b: 4), associated motion can be expressed by various forms (i.e., verbal affixes, clitics, and particles or auxiliaries), and in different linguistic tradition, these forms receive a wide range of descriptive labels, such as "'motion / motion-cum-purpose / purposive / intentional', '(deictic) directional / directive', 'ven(i)tive / andative / itive', 'hither / thither', 'centrifugal / centripetal', '(cis-/ trans-/ dis-/ re-) locative', 'displacement', '(secondary / locative) aspect', etc.".

Dynamic Deixis

The term Dynamic Deixis is used within the DEIXIS DYNAMIQUE project (2015)(2016)(2017)(2018) in order to make a distinction from Static Deixis (i.e., pronouns, demonstratives). 55 Based on the work of [START_REF] Fortis | Space in language[END_REF], [START_REF] Lamarre | Deictic directionals revisited in the light of advances in typology[END_REF] propose the definition of Dynamic Deixis as follows:

The notion of 'dynamic deixis' is understood as the variation in time of the distance to a viewpoint. This implies a direction along an axis defined by its relation to the deictic center (or viewpoint).

Regarding the deictic center, 'toward the deictic center' and 'away from the deictic center' expressions are typically interpreted in terms of the speaker's location since the speaker is usually understood as the deictic center by default. Lyons (1977: 638) makes a similar statement using the term 'viewpoint':

The canonical situation-of-utterance is egocentric in the sense that the speaker, by virtue of being the speaker, casts himself in the role of ego and relates everything to his viewpoint. He is at the zero-point of the spatiotemporal co-ordinates of what we will refer to as the deictic context.

However, deictic center (or viewpoint) can also be shifted to some other entity than the speaker. As presented earlier in this chapter, two distinct centers (i.e., the speaker and the addressee) are distinguished, and languages can differ in the extent to which they allow a shift of the deictic center to a place other than that of the speaker. Let us look at some related phenomena observed in [START_REF] Gathercole | Towards a Universal for Deictic Verbs of Motion[END_REF], summarized by Hijazo-Gascón (2017: 308-309).

Based on the works of [START_REF] Fillmore | Deictic Categories in the Semantics of "come[END_REF] and [START_REF] Talmy | Semantics and Syntax of Motion[END_REF], Gathercole (1978: 74-75) proposes the term 'immediate deixis' in which "the relevant potential presuppositions involve the presence (or absence) of the speaker or hearer at the goal at the time of utterance". 56 In this context, there are three different cases for the languages (Gathercole 1978: 75-76; see also Hijazo-Gascón 2017: 309):

• Use of COME with either the speaker or the addressee at the point of reference at the utterance time;

• Use of COME only if the deictic center is the speaker, present at the goal of movement at the utterance time;

• Use of COME and GO without any presuppositional content.

The following languages belong to the first case: English, Turkish, German, Nepali, Tamil, and in general Croatian. This is shown in English (e.g., ( 78) and ( 79)) and confirmed by a native speaker of Nepali (e.g., (80) and ( 81)). In these languages, both the speaker and the addressee can be the deictic center. Languages of the second case are Spanish, Japanese, Thai, and possibly Chinese. 58 In this case, the deictic center can only be the speaker, as illustrated in Spanish (e.g., (82)) and in Chinese (e.g., (85)).

English

The deictic center cannot be the addressee in these languages, as shown in ( 83) and ( 86), which are unacceptable. Otherwise, the GO should be used, as in ( 84) and (87). 59 57 The abbreviations used in Nepali are as follows: GEN genitive, H honorifics, INF infinitive, PRES present, and SG singular. 58 Gathercole (1978: 76) points out that one speaker places Chinese belonging to the first case. 59 Gathercole (1978: 76) notes one exception for Thai that allows mah 'come' to be used for motion towards the addressee if the particular lexical item has been used previously in the discourse. Hijazo-Gascón (2017: 309) also notes that in Spanish, venir 'come' can be used for motion towards the deictic center unless the speaker is at the addressee's house at the utterance time. Lewandowski The deictic center can not only be based on the speaker's, the addressee's, and other participants' perspectives but can also be shifted from the speaker's location to the addressee's location or from the speaker's physical location to his/her psychological location. This phenomenon is described as deictic projection by Lyons (1977: 579) and Yule (1996: 13). 61 As stated by Yule (1996: 12): "It is important to remember that location from the speaker's perspective can be fixed mentally as well as physically". He (ibid.) further explains his statement as follows:

Speakers temporarily away from home location will often continue to use 'here' to mean the (physically distant) home location, as if they were still in that location. Speakers also seem to be able to project themselves into other locations prior to actually being in those locations, as when they say 'I'll come later' (= movement to addressee's location). This is sometimes described as deictic projection.

Recall that (86) in Chinese is not acceptable since the deictic center cannot be the addressee, according to [START_REF] Gathercole | Towards a Universal for Deictic Verbs of Motion[END_REF].

However, in certain contexts, for instance, out of politeness, 来 lái 'come' can be used when the deictic center is projected to the addressee or another person related to the topic; also noted by Wen (2007). Imagine a situation in which the speaker hears someone knocking on the door outside his/her house. In approaching the door, the speaker usually uses the utterance in example (90) in which the deictic center is projected to the person outside the house.

(90) Chinese 马上就来! măshàng jiù lái! immediately at.once come '(I) will come immediately!'

Besides deictic center and viewpoint, there are other linguists, such as [START_REF] Oshima | GO and COME Revisited : What Serves as a Reference Point?[END_REF] who distinguishes between deictic center and what he calls reference point. The author (2006: 287) argues that: "COME/GO (English come/go and their counterparts in other languages) refer to a contextually provided set of individuals (i.e., reference point), rather than to a specific entity that serves as the 'deictic center'.

Rethinking the status of Deixis

As research on motion events has progressed, different opinions in regard to the status of Deixis have been put forward. In §1.3.1, we have introduced [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] position who considers Deixis one of the main components of Path, together with Vector and Conformation. However, in more recent studies [START_REF] Koga | Typological Studies of the Linguistic Expression of Motion Events, Volume II: The Linguistic Expression of Autonomous Motion in Murakami Haruki's Norwegian Wood --A Contrastive study of Japanese[END_REF][START_REF] Lamarre | The Linguistic Categorization of Deictic Direction in Chinese : With Reference to Japanese[END_REF]Morita 2011;[START_REF] Matsumoto | The functional nature of deictic verbs and the coding patterns of Deixis : An experimental study in English, Japanese, and Thai[END_REF], the status of Deixis has been questioned and challenged. In contrast to Talmy's point of view, it has been proposed that Deixis should be distinguished and treated separately from Path. Although [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] Lamarre (2008a: 74) also points out that Japanese behave very similarly to Korean in that it frequently expresses deictic and nondeictic motion together in spotanenous motion, for example deteike 'go out' and oritekita '[she/he] came down'.

In Talmy's (2000: 60) typology, both Korean and Japanese are categorized as V-framed languages. Evidence of the specificity of Dynamic Deixis can also be found in the way that some S-framed languages encode this notion distinctively from other languages belonging to the same language type. In S-framed languages, Path is usually encoded in satellites rather than in verbs. This is the case for Russian and Polish since they lack synthetic deictic motion verbs which correspond to English come and go (Lamarre 2008a: 75). In both languages, Dynamic Deixis is encoded by satellites (i.e., verb prefixes) and is usually combined with a manner of motion verb.

Such satellites are pri-'centripetal direction' and u-'centrifugal direction' in Russian when the ground object is not explicitly expressed (Koga et al. 2008: 16) and przy-'centripetal direction' and po-'centrifugal direction' in Polish (Kopecka 2004: 131). However, Dynamic Deixis can not only be encoded in satellites, but also in verbs in some other S-framed languages. Taking English and German as an example, both languages can encode Dynamic Deixis in satellites (i.e., hither and thither in English and her 'hither' and hin 'thither' in German) and in verbs (i.e., come and go in English and kommen 'come' and gehen 'go' in German). It is worth noting that some morphemes mentioned above are not strictly deictic. As explained by [START_REF] Koga | Typological Studies of the Linguistic Expression of Motion Events, Volume II: The Linguistic Expression of Autonomous Motion in Murakami Haruki's Norwegian Wood --A Contrastive study of Japanese[END_REF], gehen in German can specify manner of motion and can be combined with the venitive her-although such combination is quite strict (e.g., her-gehen 'follow'). In Russian, pri-and u-are often used to describe source-oriented ('away from') and goal-oriented ('to/towards') motion. [START_REF] Slobin | Coding of Motion Events in Texts[END_REF] and Levinson's (2008) works by listing the constitutive elements of motion events. 62 [START_REF] Slobin | Coding of Motion Events in Texts[END_REF] identifies seven elements constituting a motion event:

Grinevald (2011) mentions

(1) Figure, [START_REF] Ricca | I verbi deittici di movimento in Europa : Una ricerca interlinguistica[END_REF] Path; (3) Deixis; (4) Contour; (5) Extent; (6) Manner; (7) Ground. Levinson (2008) includes more items in his list: As we can see from the lists mentioned above, Deixis is presented on an equal footing with other elements as a constitutive element of a motion event.

We shall now take a closer look at the works of Morita (2011) and [START_REF] Matsumoto | The functional nature of deictic verbs and the coding patterns of Deixis : An experimental study in English, Japanese, and Thai[END_REF]. Both of them question the relationship between Deixis and Path by examining the function of deictic verbs across different languages.

62 Both [START_REF] Slobin | Coding of Motion Events in Texts[END_REF] and Levinson's (2008) listings are taken from the handout and the references are not specified in Grinvevald (2011). Morita's (2011) work focuses on deictic and path verbs in Japanese and French. He suggests that deictic verbs have a double function which is observed in both languages:

Deixis as a distinct semantic component: aspectual and pragmatic evidence

• First function: deictic verbs orient motion events from the perspective of the speaker; Regarding the second function of deictic verbs, Morita (2011: §62) believes that as long as deictic verbs exhibit the same aspectual property (i.e., telicity) as the other path verbs, they can be considered as path verbs. 64 However, Morita further claims that there is a loss of the path verb property of Japanese deictic verbs.

Example (97) shows that the event remains atelic in spite of the presence of the deictic verb. The author explains that in Japanese, as long as the scene is described from the perspective of wareware 'us', the use of kuru 'come' is obligatory. If the motion is described by the viewpoint of inu 'dog' or neutral perspective, tsui-te iku 'follow-CVB go' is to be used. The verb tsuku 'follow' cannot be used autonomously and is always followed by the two deictic verbs. It is important to note that whether iku 'go' or kuru 'come' is used, the physical relation between the follower and one being followed is the same, and the telicity remains invariant: atelic. 64 In previous part of the article, Morita (2011: §19) states that: "the lexical aspect in terms of telicity correlates with the absence/presence of a boundary in motion events. For example, in the use of telic verbs such as entrer (enter), sortir (exit), partir (leave), or arriver (arrive), a boundary such as a source or goal is obligatory". The telic verbs mentioned by Morita are typical path verbs. exemplified in (98). By contrast, this combination is completely absent from the French data. Both (99) and (100) are not acceptable.

He (2011: §72) explains that "the difference can be attributed to the varying degree of grammaticalization of deictic verbs in the two languages". Japanese deictic verbs show a diverse degree of grammaticalization in accordance with verbs that precede them.

When deictic verbs follow other motion verbs, they are more grammaticalized than when combined with manner of motion verbs.

In the latter case, deictic verbs retain spatial meaning (as explained by Morita, according to Shibatani 2007). As for French deictic verbs, they are also grammaticalized to express near future/past or intention, but they are not pure indicators of deictic direction as for the expressions of motion events. Morita's cross-linguistic comparative study shows that deictic verbs can be treated as path verbs as long as they express direction and introduce telicity in motion events as path verbs do. However, deictic verbs should be distinguished from path verbs as long as Japanese deictic verbs lose the telicity property when combined with telic or directional path verbs, knowing that this combination is impossible in French. In addition, the fact that Deixis and Path exhibiting their own property (i.e., point of view for Deixis and conformation for Path) is also in favor of treating the two semantic elements separately. [START_REF] Matsumoto | The functional nature of deictic verbs and the coding patterns of Deixis : An experimental study in English, Japanese, and Thai[END_REF]forthcoming) have conducted an experimental study that aims to examine the nature of linguistic expressions of Deixis. By looking at the use of deictic verbs, especially venitive verbs, they argue that deictic verbs are not merely spatial in meaning but also functional. Evidence from English, Japanese, and Thai reveals that this functional nature of deictic verbs can account for the reason why Deixis is often coded differently from other components of Path and should be treated separately from Path.

Japanese

Morphosyntactic and functional evidence

Before presenting the functional nature of deictic verbs, it is important to note that Deixis has its own morphosyntactic slot in some languages distinct from non-deictic Path, for example, Chinese, as observed in Lamarre (2008a: 71). Examples (101) and (102) from Japanese and Thai illustrate this view. As explained by Matsumoto at al., in Japanese, deictic verbs (e.g., ku 'come') always occur as the final verb of multi-verb complexes, with manner (e.g., arui 'walk') and path verbs (e.g., de 'exit') preceding them. In Thai, deictic verbs (e.g., maa 'come') occupy a position after Manner verbs (e.g., dəәn 'walk') and most path verbs (e.g., ɂɔ ɔk 'exit') but before arrival verbs (e.g., hǎa 'approach') in a serial verb construction.

(101) Japanese 65 [START_REF] Matsumoto | The functional nature of deictic verbs and the coding patterns of Deixis : An experimental study in English, Japanese, and Thai[END_REF] [START_REF] Matsumoto | The functional nature of deictic verbs and the coding patterns of Deixis : An experimental study in English, Japanese, and Thai[END_REF] add that the fact that a slot is allocated to Deixis has also been observed in other languages, such as German (e.g., hin-aus-laufen [thither-out-run]), Jakaltek [START_REF] Craig | Jacaltec Directionals : Their Meaning and Their Function[END_REF], and Kupsapiny [START_REF] Kawachi | Patterns of expressing motion events in Kupsapiny[END_REF].

Besides, [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] also notices a similar phenomenon in Korean. He (2000: 56-57) mentions that Korean is a language that structurally distinguishes the Deictic component from the Conformation component of Path and accords Deixis higher priority when both components are present. Example (103) extracted from [START_REF] Choi | Learning to express motion events in English and Korean : The influence of language-specific lexicalization patterns[END_REF] shows an expression of spontaneous motion in Korean. 67 The authors explain that the main (rightmost) verb is usually kata 'go' or ota 'come', in which motion is conflated with Deixis. The deictic verb is preceded by a Path verb, which in turn may be preceded by a Manner verb. And it forms the following pattern: [Manner] [Path] [Motion + Deixis]. 65 The abbreviations used in Japanese are as follows: CONJ conjunctive, NOM nominative, and NPST nonpast. 66 The abbreviation used in Thai is as follows: 1SG first person singular. 67 It is important to note that expressions for caused motion differ from those for spontaneous motion with respect to Deixis.

(103) Korean 68 [START_REF] Choi | Learning to express motion events in English and Korean : The influence of language-specific lexicalization patterns[END_REF] Now we shall move to the functional nature of deictic verbs, an important finding observed by [START_REF] Matsumoto | The functional nature of deictic verbs and the coding patterns of Deixis : An experimental study in English, Japanese, and Thai[END_REF]. By conducting a video-based speech elicitation, their study mainly focuses on the use of venitive verbs in English, Japanese, and Thai.

These three languages are tested in different scenes (e.g., open space, classroom, and staircase), which differ not only in terms of the direction of the motion but also in terms of two functional factors. As explained by the authors, one factor involves the speaker's space; that is to say, whether the goal of the motion is within the speaker's space or not. 69 The other factor is interactional behavior; in other words, whether the moving person moves to the speaker with or without greeting and smiling. The results of this study reveal that the effects of these two factors show up in different ways in the three languages reflecting typological differences among them. In general, the use of deictic verbs in English is infrequent compared to their use in Japanese and Thai. This is probably due to the competition between Manner and Deixis as to the main verb slot in English and the absence of this competition in the other two languages. Although the effects of these factors show up differently in the three languages, both speaker's functional space and the interactional behavior trigger the use of deictic verbs in the three languages under study. To conclude, Matsumoto et al. (2017: 119) suggest that: "the functional nature of deictic verbs, which is not shared by other path verbs, is a crucial factor 68 The abbreviations used in Korean are as follows: CAUS causative suffix, CONN connecting suffix, DECL declarative ending, LOC locative marker, OBJ object marker, PST past tense marker, and SUBJ subject marker. 69 The speaker's space refers to room, floor, and visible space in the elicitation.

accounting for why Deixis is often coded differently from other components of Path".

Summary

Deixis is at the interface of semantics and pragmatics, and it is an important concept in the domain of space. In this chapter, we have reviewed previous main research on Deixis within the framework of semantics/pragmatics and the framework of motion events. Deixis is a context-dependent notion comprising mainly Person Deixis, Place Deixis, and Time Deixis within the framework of semantics and pragmatics. (Dynamic) Deixis can be expressed using verbs, directionals, and associated motion markers within the framework of motion events. Besides, we have outlined [START_REF] Talmy | Lexicalization patterns : Semantic structure in lexical forms[END_REF][START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] typology and some major revisions in regard to the classification of languages in the world within the framework of motion events [START_REF] Wälchli | A typology of displacement (with special reference to Latvian)[END_REF][START_REF] Matsumoto | Typologies of lexicalization patterns and event integration : Clarifications and reformulations[END_REF]Slobin 2004;[START_REF] Beavers | The typology of motion expressions revisited[END_REF]Croft, Barðdal, Hollmann, Sotirova, & Taoka 2010;inter alia). In addition, we have also discussed the status of Deixis with regard to Path (i.e., either as a component of Path or as an independent component from Path). Before examining the encoding of each component in a motion event in Standard Chinese, a terminological clarification is needed for the language under examination in this dissertation. "In common English usage today, […] Mandarin and Chinese are used interchangeably and loosely to refer to Standard Chinese" (Huang & Shi 2016: 2). However, it is important to distinguish the following two terms (i.e., Chinese vs. Mandarin).

As stated by Halliday & McDonald (2004: 305):

Chinese is the name given to a group of languages, now referred to as the Sinitic languages. […] The whole Sinitic group is referred to by its speakers as one language, Chinese (中国话 zhōngguóhuà, more formally 汉语 hànyǔ), and the varieties are referred to as dialects (方言 fāngyán). […] Mandarin, the major dialect, referred to in Chinese as 北方话 Bĕifānghuà ('northern speech'), is the basis for the standard language; it is spoken roughly north of the Yangtse river, and in the west and southwest regions of China.

A similar definition can also be found in [START_REF] Wiedenhof | Names for the Chinese Language[END_REF]:

Chinese is by far the most common term in popular usage, denoting any or all of the Sinitic languages and dialects, past and present.

[…] The English name Mandarin, or Mandarin Chinese, denotes the Sinitic varieties distributed across the North China Plain and beyond, where the educated speech of Bĕijīng functions as prestige dialect. 70 The Chinese language described in our study refers to Standard Chinese (or standard Mandarin), a term that refers to Bĕijīng Mandarin as a standard language. This standard language is called Pŭtōnghuà 普通话 'common speech or ordinary talk' in Mainland China, Guóyŭ 国语 'national language' in Taiwan, and Huáyŭ 华语 'Mandarin' in Singapore [START_REF] Anderson | Notions of "Chinese[END_REF][START_REF] Wiedenhof | Names for the Chinese Language[END_REF]. For the sake of precision and consistency, we use the term 'Standard Chinese' to refer to the language we work on in this dissertation.

It is known that "the basic units to write Chinese are not letters, as in an alphabetical system, but characters. In modern Standard Mandarin Chinese (Pŭtōnghuà 普通话), a character typically represents a whole syllable of the spoken language with a tone" [START_REF] Bottéro | Chinese writting[END_REF]). 71 For each example in Standard Chinese, we provide 70 According to [START_REF] Wiedenhof | Names for the Chinese Language[END_REF]: "The English term Mandarin was borrowed from Portuguese mandarim 'high-ranking official', matching the Chinese term Guānhuà 官话, i.e., literally the huà 'talk' of guān 'officials'".

71 Characters (or Chinese characters 汉字 hànzì) are logographic symbols encoding both phonetic and semantic information (Huang & Shi 2016: 7).

both Chinese characters and their phonetic transcriptions in pinyin (i.e., the romanization system).

The term Deixis in Talmy's (2000: 161) work can refer to Path Deixis (deictic spatial direction) and Site Deixis (deictic spatial location). The former one is found usually incorporated in verb roots (e.g., come/go in English) or marked by satellites, and the latter one by adverbs or particles (e.g., here/there in English). In this disseration, we don't use the term Path Deixis since the relationship between Path and Deixis is more complex than it seems to be, as discussed in Chapter 1, §1.4. For this reason, we choose the term Dynamic Deixis based on the definition proposed within the DEIXIS DYNAMIQUE project (2015)(2016)(2017)(2018). This term corresponds to Talmy's Path Deixis and is distinct from Static Deixis (i.e., pronouns, demonstratives).

Chapter 2 does not aim to give a full description of Standard Chinese, but to select only some aspects of this language that are tightly relevant to the study of motion events. By adopting a functional-typological approach, this chapter is organized as follows:

Linguistic encoding of Figure, Ground, and Co-event

As reviewed in [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] theoretical framework of motion events (see §1.

Figure

In Standard Chinese, Figure is expressed by noun phrases (henceforth NPs) and can refer to an animate entity in spontaneous motion events and an animate or inanimate entity in caused motion events. Lamarre (2007: 6; see also [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF] presentative sentence is defined by Li & Thompson (1981: 509) as performing "the function of introducing into a discourse a noun phrase naming an entity". Moreover, the authors (ibid.) also point out that: "In most languages of the world, the noun phrase naming the entity being presented in a presentative sentence is indefinite.

It represents new information, information that the speaker assumes the hearer does not have at the time, and it typically occurs after the main verb of the presentative sentence". In caused motion events, the Figure NP can appear either as the subject or the object in a sentence. When appearing as the subject, it precedes the verb in passive sentences, as 她 tā 'she' illustrated in (106). When appearing as the object in a sentence, it can either precede the verb or follow the verb. The Figure NP preceding the verb is usually introduced by the object marker 把 bă, as 裤子 kùzi 'pants' in (107). According to Xu (1996: 148), 把 bă tends to be used in the context when two conditions are fulfilled: at the semantic level, 把 bă is used to express a change, a result, or a purpose of someone or something that the speaker already knows.

At the pragmatic and syntactic levels, 把 bă is used when the direct object is definite or referential, and when the verb is transitive (or is used transitively) (see also Li & Thompson 1981: 482-487). Xu (ibid.) also explains that in Chinese there are no (in)definite articles. In general, a noun phrase under the form 'NUM (numeral) + CL (classifier) + N (noun)' is considered as indefinite (e.g., 一个箱子 yí gè xiāngzi 'a suitcase' in (108)) and a bare noun without a numeral and classifier preceding the verb is considered as definite (e.g., 裤子 kùzi 'pants' in (107)). 73 The respective order of deictic verbs / deictic satellites and Figure NPs will be discussed in detail in §2.4.1 and §2.4.2.1.

(106) 当她被缠上绷带推出手术室时,… (adapted from Lamarre 2007: 6) Dāng tā bèi chánshang bēngdài tuī-chu shŏushùshì shí… at 3SG PASS wind bandage push-out operating.room time 'When she had been bandaged all over and was pushed out [on a wheelchair] of the operating room,…' 73 In addition to 把 bă, 将 jiāng is also used as object maker. The main difference between the two object markers is that the former one is widely used in spoken language whereas the latter one in formal writings.

Ground

In Standard Chinese, Ground is also expressed by NPs and can refer to an (in)animate entity indicating the location of the Figure in both spontaneous and caused motion events. An NP expressing Ground may either behave like a common noun or a place word (Lamarre 2007a: 2). 74 An NP expressing Ground (henceforth Ground NP) may behave like a common noun, as is the case when it acts as the object of a Path verb, for instance, 桥 qiáo 'bridge' in 过桥 guò qiáo 'cross the bridge'. In some syntactic environments, a Ground NP is required to be a place word. Chao (1968: 519) According to Chao (1968: 520-533), (see also [START_REF] Peyraube | On the history of place words and localizers in Chinese : A cognitive approach[END_REF] and Chappell & Peyraube (2008: 16)), place words can be:

(i) Place names or geographical locations that usually designate countries, cities, towns, etc., such as 法国 Făguó 'France', 上 海 Shànghăi 'Shanghai';

(ii) Nouns with an inherently locative value and used to refer to specific place, such as 学校 xuéxiào 'school', 教堂 jiàotáng 'church', and 飞机场 fēijīchăng 'airport ', etc. Chao (1968: 531 -532) notes that most of these words take the definite article in English, for instance, 在飞机场见!Zài fēijīchăng jiàn! 'See you at the airport!';

(iii) Dissylabic localizers such as 里头 lĭtou 'inside', 右边儿 yòubiānr 'the right side', 南边儿 nánbianr 'the south side';

(iv) Common nouns followed by monosyllabic or disyllabic localizers (see Table 7), such as 椅 子 上 yĭzi=shang [chair=upside] 'on the table', 盒子里面 hézi=lĭmian

[box=inside] 'the inside of the box';

(v) Demonstrative locative pronouns, such as 这儿 zhèr 'here', 那 儿 nàr 'there', and 哪儿 nǎr 'where'.

Localizers (方位词 fāngwèicí) form a closed class and usually express (spatial and temporal) locations of things (Chao 1968: 621-622). 75 More specifically, they indicate the spatial relationship of the Figure relative to the Ground in a motion event, i.e., the conformation, as pointed in Lamarre (2003b: 2), and correspond to the adnominal type of encoding the Path (Lamarre 2008a[START_REF] Lamarre | Le déplacement en chinois au coeur des débats typologiques[END_REF].

Table 7 presents monosyllabic and disyllabic localizers based on [START_REF] Peyraube | Les constructions locatives en chinois moderne[END_REF]Peyraube ( : 18, 2003: 183-184): 183-184). In this table, the first column shows the monosyllabic localizers. Among which 上 shàng 'upside'

75 Localizers are called 'locative particles' in Li & Thompson (1981: 391). and 里 lĭ 'inside' are the two most widely used ones whereas the versatility of the others are quite low in the spoken language (Peyraube 2003: 183;Lamarre 2007a: 2). Most of the time, the monosyllabic localizers are unstressed and follow common nouns, changing them into place words (see (iv) above). They cannot be used alone, except in certain fixed phrases based largely on classical Chinese, such as 上有天堂,下有苏杭 Shàng yǒu tiāntáng, xià yǒu Sū Háng [above there.is Heaven, below there.is Sūzhōu and Hángzhōu] 'Above there is Heaven, below there are Suzhou and Hangzhou', or as objects of the prepositions like 往 wǎng 'to, toward', 向 xiàng 'to, toward' or 朝 cháo 'to, toward' as in 往前走 wăng qián zŏu [to front move] 'move forward' (Chao 1968: 523-526;Peyraube 1980: 30-31;Chappell & Peyraube 2008: 17). Disyllabic localizers are usually formed by adding a suffix (typically 边(儿)bian(r) 'side, border', 面(儿)-mian(r) 'side, face', or 头 -tou 'end' as illustrated in the first line in Table 7) to the monosyllabic localizers. 76 Apart from the localizers listed in Table 7, [START_REF] Chao | A Grammar of Spoken Chinese[END_REF] 626 -627) and Li & Thompson (1981: 391) also include in their inventories monosyllables 这儿 zhèr 'here' and 那儿 nàr 'there' (这 里 zhèli 'here' and 那里 nàli 'there' as formal disyllabic variants) and disyllables in which they can be followed by the suffixes 边(儿)bian(r) 'side and border', 面(儿)-mian(r) 'side, face'. As stated by Chao (ibid.), "these localizers indicate the general location of whatever is expressed by the preceding substantive". We treat these two deictic demonstrative locative pronouns separately, together with 哪儿 nǎr 'where' (哪里 năli 'where') as place words in the list above (see (v)). 76 Disyllabic localizers can also be formed by adding a prefix (i.e., 以 yĭ 'with' or 之 zhī 'of') borrowing from classical Chinese. "Their combinations are either belonging to a literary style or mainly used to express something else than the place or the position" (Peyraube 2003: 183) 1980: 18, 2003: 183-184) *内 nèi 'inside' cannot be followed by a suffixe as its synonym 里 lĭ 'inside' does.

Apart from this difference, 内 nèi 'inside' is more literary than 里 lĭ 'inside'. As a monosyllabic localizer, the former one can be followed by a verb whereas the latter one cannot (Chao 1968: 524, 526).

**中 zhōng 'in the center of' and its synonym 间 'in the center of' jiān do not combine actively with a suffix. The two monosyllabic localizers can combine to form 中间 zhōng jiān 'middle interspace'. Such combinations and all the other possible combinations that are not listed in Table 7 can be seen in Peyraube (2003: 184).

Previous studies haven't reached an agreement concerning whether Chinese localizers should be considered as a distinct word 77 Fāng's (2004) also includes the suffix 边(儿) -bian(r) 'side, border' as a localizer. We agree with this view and gloss 边(儿) -bian(r) 'side, border' as a localizer when it follows NPs such as 河边儿 hé=biānr [river=side] 'riverside'.

class or just as a subtype of nouns. [START_REF] Chao | A Grammar of Spoken Chinese[END_REF] and [START_REF] Zhū | 语法讲义 Yǔfǎ jiǎngyì [Grammar course[END_REF] consider place words and localizers as distinct word classes on the same level as other nouns, within a larger category of substantives (Chao's term, 体词 tĭcí in Zhū), whereas [START_REF] Lù | 现代汉语语法研究教程 Xiàndài Hànyǔ yǔfǎ yánjiū jiàochéng [A Course in Modern Chinese Grammar[END_REF]Lù ( [2003]]: 46-47) does not distinguish place words and localizers from other nouns considering the fact that they are small in number, although he recognized their specific characteristics. [START_REF] Chŭ | 汉语处所词的词类地位及其类型学意义 Hànyǔ chùsuǒ cí de cílèi dìwèi jí qí lèixíng xué yìyì [The wordclass status of words of place in Chinese and its typological significance]. 中 国 语 文 Zhōngguó Yǔwén[END_REF] addresses the necessity to treat place words separately from nouns from a diachronic-typological perspective.

He argues that in Chinese, place words, such as 纽约 Niŭyuē 'New York', can only follow the preposition but cannot be followed by the (Lamarre 2008a[START_REF] Lamarre | Le déplacement en chinois au coeur des débats typologiques[END_REF]); this will be discussed in §2.3.3 when we present the adnominal encoding.

localizer
In the following parts, we briefly present the elements that can introduce the information of Ground in Standard Chinese. 78 We use locative NP (henceforth NPloc) to refer to any NP (i.e., place words listed above according to [START_REF] Chao | A Grammar of Spoken Chinese[END_REF]) indicating the Ground. 79 Lamarre (2007a) presented mainly three syntactic elements that can 78 A detailed description of these elements which can take NPloc will be discussed in §2.3. 79 In this dissertation, locative NP = Ground NP.

Co-event

In his framework, [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF]

• Cause

In the relation of Cause, "the Co-event is construed as bringing about the occurrence of this Motion. That is, the Motion event would not take place if the Co-event did not occur" (Talmy 2000: 45).

In examples ( 112) and ( 113), the motion of the keg and the stone is caused directly by the act of pushing and throwing respectively, without which the two motion events could not take place.

(112) I pushed the keg into the storeroom.

( Besides the above semantic relations that Co-event bears, the slot of Co-event can also be filled with generic (dummy) verbs.

According to [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF], in the general pattern for a satelliteframed language, the co-event verbs usually refer to some specific ancillary event. However, a system of generic or dummy verbs has been developed for maintaining the general pattern syntactically while semantically bypassing the expression of an unnecessarily specific ancillary event. As stated by Talmy (2000: 284): "Such verbs can act, in effect, as syntactic 'placeholders' while conveying relatively generic or neutral semantic content and thus permitting the sentence to procede to the satellite, whose semantic content is the relevant factor". Talmy (2000: 284-285) points out that English exhibits a system of this generic (dummy) verbs, such as go, put, do, and make. German largely uses machen 'make' and gehen 'go' as generic verbs with its extensive system of framing satellites. Lamarre (2007a: 12) observes that Chinese also makes frequent use of generic (dummy) verbs, such as 弄 nòng and 搞 găo (colloquial variants for the verb 'to make, to do'). For instance, in example (116), the author explains that "弄 nòng replaces verbs expressing more concretely the way they brought the wounded person to the hospital (i.e., they carried the wounded man into a car, then drove the car to the hospital, then carried him from the car into the hospital)".

(

Linguistic encoding of Path

With regard to the controversy between Path verbs and Path satellites, Lamarre [START_REF] Lamarre | 汉语空间位移事件的语言表达-兼论述 趋式的几个问题 Hànyǔ kōngjiān wèiyí shìjiàn de yǔyán biǎodá-Jiān lùnshù qū shì de jǐ gè wèntí [The expression of motion events in Chinese-On Chinese directional verbs]. 現 代中国語研究 Xiàndài Zhōngguóyǔ Yánjiū[END_REF](Lamarre , 2007a: 7) : 7) claims that there is no question that Chinese uses Path verbs alone to express motion events, however this does not imply that Path satellites (= directionals) are full verbs and cannot belong to a distinct category although they did grammaticalize from Path verbs. By providing various kinds of evidence (i.e., phonetic, morphologic, syntactic and semantic evidence), she argues that both Path verbs and Path satellites coexist in the contemporary language. A more detailed discussion on this issue can be seen in her article.

In this section, we attempt to present the linguistic encoding of Path in Standard Chinese following [START_REF] Wälchli | A typology of displacement (with special reference to Latvian)[END_REF] typology (i.e., verbal encoding, adverbal encoding, and adnominal encoding) (see §1.3.1). By connecting the studies of Talmy and Wälchli, Berthele (2004: 98) points out that "Wälchli's verbal encoding is thus the predominant lexicalization pattern in typical V-languages, and the two other categories (i.e., adnominal and adverbal encoding) are the loci of the core schema in S-languages".

Verbal encoding

Although historical evidence shows that Chinese is undergoing a typological shift changing from a V-language to an S-language (F. [START_REF] Li | Cross-Linguistic Lexicalization Patterns : Diachronic Evidence from Verb-Complement Compounds in Chinese[END_REF][START_REF] Peyraube | Motion events in Chinese : A diachronic study of directional complements[END_REF][START_REF] Shĭ | 汉语运动事件词化类型的历时转移 Hànyǔ yùndòng shìjiàn cíhuà lèixíng de lìshí zhuǎnyí [The pattern shift of the motion event integration in Chinese : A typological study based on morpho-syntactic features[END_REF][START_REF] Shi | Which way to move : The evolution of motion expressions in Chinese[END_REF], this language still retains the use of verbs to express core path notions. As stated in [START_REF] Lamarre | 汉语空间位移事件的语言表达-兼论述 趋式的几个问题 Hànyǔ kōngjiān wèiyí shìjiàn de yǔyán biǎodá-Jiān lùnshù qū shì de jǐ gè wèntí [The expression of motion events in Chinese-On Chinese directional verbs]. 現 代中国語研究 Xiàndài Zhōngguóyǔ Yánjiū[END_REF]Lamarre ( : 8, 2007a: 5): 5) It is important to note that the Path verbs mentioned in Lamarre (2007a: 5) 81 Lamarre (2007a: 5) notes that "Path verbs take Figure NPs with a causative meaning only in a few lexicalized items where they have lost their spatial meaning, for instance, 出书 chū shū [exit book] can only mean 'publish a book' and not 'take out a book from some place' (compared with Japanese hon o dasu, or French sortir un livre, which may take both meanings)".

Path verbs

来 -lai 'hither' 去 -qu 'thither' 82 The terminology, Source, Medium, and Goal, used in this dissertation not only refers to the noun phrases expressing the initial, the intermediate, and the final Grounds, but also includes verbal, adverbal, and adnominal expressions that indicate Source-oriented, Medium-oriented, and Goal-oriented Paths. We use the term Medium following Slobin (2004); this notion is also expressed in other terms, such as Route by [START_REF] Jackendoff | Semantics and Cognition[END_REF][START_REF] Jackendoff | Parts and boundaries[END_REF], also used by Lamarre (2007a).

上 shàng 'ascend' 上来 shàng-lai 上去 shàng-qu 起 qĭ 'rise' 起来 qĭ-lai - 下 xià 'descend 下来 xià-lai 下去 xià-qu 进 jìn 'enter' 进来 jìn-lai 进去 jìn-qu 出 chū 'out' 出来 chū-lai 出去 chū-qu 回 huí 'return' 回来 huí-lai 回去 huí-qu 过 guò 'cross' 过来 guò-lai 过去 guò-qu 开 kāi 'open' 开来 kāi-lai 开去 kāi-qu 到 dào 'arrive' 到…来 dào…lai 到…去 dào…qu Table 8.
In addition to the Path verbs shown in Table 8, Chu (2004: 191) presents a number of some frequently used Path verbs. satellites (or 'directional complement', as they are generally called in the literature). Lamarre (2007a: 13) However, such verbs are usually categorized in verbs encoding Cause (or Manner, or other relations) of motion as Co-event verbs.

Adverbal encoding

By adverbal encoding, Standard Chinese uses directional complements (趋向补语 qūxiàng bŭyŭ) (or satellites, [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] term) which express the direction of an action. Directional complements come from verbs and have gone through a grammaticalization process. They are normally unstressed, that is they have undergone phonetic reduction and have lost their original lexical tone (T. 林焘 Lín 1957: 62-65;J. 范继淹 Fàn 1963: 144-148; Z. Lù 1964: 79;Chao 1968: 436, 459), as 出来 -chu-lai [-outhither] in 拿出来 ná-chu-lai 'take out (towards the deictic center)'. 84One exception that the directional complements are marked by stressed syllables is when they are in potential form. "A potential complement compound is one in which an infix is inserted between the first verb and the complement to express possibility or impossibility of the result. Possibility is expressed by 得 -de-, and impossibility by 不 -bu-" (Chao 1968: 452). This can be exemplified by 拿得出来 ná-de-chū-lái 'can take out (towards the deictic center)'

陆志韦

and 拿不出来 ná-bu-chū-lái 'cannot take out (towards the deictic center)'.

Directional complements in Standard Chinese form a closedclass category. However, there is no consensus on their number in previous literature [START_REF] Chao | A Grammar of Spoken Chinese[END_REF]Li & Thompson 1981: 59;Liú 1998: 458). One of the most important and reliable works on this issue might be the book Directional complements: a compendium (趋向补 语通释 Qūxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì) edited by [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]. Based on a corpus of 4 million characters, the examples in this book are taken from 14 novels written by 13 contemporary writers whose language reflects Northern Mandarin. Liú (1998: II) explains that she chose narrative novels because, at the expressive function level, directional complements appear the most frequently in this literature genre.

The book provides in detail the use of 11 simple complements (来 -

lai 'hither', 去 -qu 'thither', 上 -shang 'up', 下 -xia 'down, off', 进 -jin 'into', 出 -chu 'out', 回 -hui 'back', 过 -guo 'across, over, past,
through', 起 -qi 'up', 开 -kai 'apart, away', and 到 -dao 'to') and 17

complex complements (i.e., the combination of 来 -lai 'hither', 去qu 'thither' with the rest of the simple complements, see Table 9), as well as the frequency (i.e., token numbers) of these directional complements when they are combined with different types of verbs.

We follow Liú's (1998) inventory of directional complements and adapt it slightly by adding the English translation, as presented in Table 9. 87 SATpath refers to a Path satellite. 88 Lamarre (2008b) points out that the NPlocs indicating Goal that follow 出 -chu 'out' usually take the localizer 外 wài 'outside'.

Directional complements 来 -lai 'hither' 去 -qu 'thither' 上 -shang 'up' 上来 -shang-lai 上去 -shang-qu 起 -qi 'up' 起来 -qi-lai - 下 -xia 'down, off' 下来 -xia-lai 下去 -xia-qu 进 -jin 'into' 进来 -jin-lai 进去 -jin-qu 出 -chu 'out' 出来 -chu-lai 出去 -chu-qu 回 -hui 'back' 回来 -hui-lai 回去 -hui-qu 过 -guo 'across, over, past, through' 过来 -guo-lai 过去 -guo-qu 开 -kai 'apart, away' 开来 -kai-lai 开去 -kai-qu 到 -dao 'to' 到…来 -dao…lai 到…去 -dao…qu
走进屋 zŏu-jin wū [walk-into room], 讲台 jiăngtái 'plateform' and 屋 wū 'room' express Goal.

Some satellites, like 回 -hui 'back' and 到 -dao 'to', can only be followed by Goal, as 家 jiā 'home' in 拿回家 ná-hui jiā 'take home'

and 地 dì 'ground' in 放到地上 fàng-dao dì=shang [put-to ground=upside] 'put on the ground'.

The satellite 过 -guo 'across, over, past, through' can only be followed by Medium, as 丛林 cónglín 'jungle' in 穿过丛林 chuān-guo cónglín [cross-through jungle] 'cross the jungle'.

Path satellites Source Medium Goal

下 -xia 'down, off'

x x x 出 -chu 'out' x x x 上 -shang 'up' x x 进 -jin 'into' x x 回 -hui 'back' x 到 -dao 'to' x 过 -
-shang 'up', 下 -xia 'down, off', 进 -jin 'into', 出 -chu 'out', 回 -hui 'back', 过 -guo 'over, past, through', 起 -qi 'up',
开 -kai 'apart, away', 到 -dao 'to', and their combination with 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' as bipartite Path satellites.

89 Previous literature usually treats 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' as Path satellites. In this section, we use the term 'deictic satellites' for 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' in order to address their deictic feature.

We present these Path satellites in the following order:

[1] 来 -lai 'hither'

[2] 去 -qu 'thither'

[3] 上 -shang 'up';

上来 -shang-lai 'up towards the deictic center';

上去 -shang-qu 'up away from the deictic center'

[4] 起 -qi 'up';

起来 -qi-lai 'up towards the deictic center'

[5] 下 -xia 'down, off';

下来 -xia-lai 'down, off towards the deictic center';

下去 -xia-lai 'down, off away from the deictic center'

[6] 进 -jin 'into';

进来 -jin-lai 'into towards the deictic center';

进去 -jin-qu 'into away from the deictic center'

[7] 出 -chu 'out';

出来 -chu-lai 'out towards the deictic center';

出去 -chu-qu 'out away from the deictic center'

[8] 回 -hui 'back';

回来 -hui-lai 'back towards the deictic center';

回去 -hui-qu 'back away from the deictic center'

[9] 过 -guo 'across, over, past, through';

过来 -guo-lai 'across, over, past, through towards the deictic center'; 过去 -guo-qu 'across, over, past, through away from the deictic center'

[10]

开 -kai 'apart, away';

开来 -kai-lai 'apart, away towards the deictic center';

开去 -kai-qu 'apart, away from the deictic center' (rare)

[11] 到 -dao 'to';

到…来 -dao…-lai 'to somewhere towards the deictic center';

到…去 -dao…-qu 'to somewhere away from the deictic center'

For each Path satellite, we present the meaning it conveys, its combination with NPlocs indicating different semantic meanings of the Path in either spontaneous motion or caused motion.

[

1] 来 -lai 'hither' & [2] 去 -qu 'thither'
The deictic satellite 来 -lai 'hither' indicates that the moving entity (i.e., a person or an object) moves towards the deictic center, while the deictic satellite 去 -qu 'thither' indicates that the moving entity leaves the deictic center and moves to another location [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]. 90 According to Liú, both deictic satellites, 来 -lai 'hither' and 'There is a letter here. Take it (away from the deictic center) and read it!'

The use of two deictic satellites -来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' is in relation with deictic center. The deictic center can be the speaker when someone utters the sentence in the first person.

In (124), wŏ 'I' is the deictic center. Besides, the deictic center can be anchored in someone or something other than the speaker. In narration, the deictic center can be the position of someone or something being narrated. In (125), lăo shīfu 'old master' is considered as the deictic center.

(124) 我看见人们向山上跑去。 (ibid.:3) Wŏ kànjiàn rénmen xiàng shān=shang păo-qu.

1SG see people towards mountain=upside run-thither 'I saw that people ran towards the mountain (away from the deictic center).'

(125) 一天,老师傅把鲁班找来。 (ibid.) Yì tiān, lăo shīfu bă Lŭ Bān zhăo-lai.
one day old master OM Lu Ban find-hither 'One day, the old master found Lu Ban (towards the deictic center).'

[3] 上 -shang 'up' & [4] 起 -qi 'up'
The simple Path satellites 上 -shang 'up' and 起 -qi 'up' indicate that the moving entity moves from the downside to the upside [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]). As we can see, both satellites can express the 'up' meaning.

However, 上 -shang 'up' can be followed by an NPloc as in (126) and ( 127) when it is combined with Co-event verbs. By contrast, 起 -qi 'up' cannot be followed by an NPloc. Examples without NPloc, as illustrated in ( 128) and ( 130), are correct whereas examples with NPloc, as in ( 129) and ( 131), are not acceptable. Lamarre (2008a: 72) points out that 上 -shang 'up' is Goal-oriented while 起 -qi 'up' is Source-oriented. In addition, we agree with the idea that 上 -shang 'up' combined with NPloc such as 树 shù 'tree', 楼梯 lóutī 'stairs' can indicate the Medium, since such Grounds form a continuity which does not have any boundary. This is advocated and put forward by two Japanese scholars, cited in Lamarre (2007bLamarre ( , 2008b

上来 -shanglai 'up towards the deictic center' & 上去 -

shang-qu 'up away from the deictic center'

The bipartite Path satellites 上来 -shang-lai 'up towards the deictic center' and 上去 -shang-qu 'up away from the deictic center' indicate that the moving entity moves from the downside to the upside. The deictic center of the former one is at the higher level whereas the deictic center of the latter one is at the lower level [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF].

Examples ( 132)-( 135) illustrate the combination of 上来shang-lai 'up towards the deictic center' and 上去 -shang-qu 'up away from the deictic center' with co-event verbs. Both of the bipartite Path satellites can be used without being combined with an NPloc, as in ( 132) and ( 135). They can also combine with an NPloc indicating the Goal, like 岸 àn 'shore' in (133) and 墙 qiáng 'wall' in

3SG

with.difficulty carry.on.the.shoulder one CL book 'He carried a box of books with difficulty (away from the deictic center).'

起来 -qi-lai 'up towards the deictic center'

Unlike 上 -shang 'up' which can combine with both 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither', 起 -qi 'up' can only combine with 来 -lai 'hither', but not with 去 -qu 'thither'. Lamarre (2008a: 73) points out that the deictic opposition is neutralized for 起 -qi 'up' in Standard Chinese probably for cognitive reasons, but that is not necessarily the case for other dialects. The bipartite Path satellite 起来 -qi-lai 'up towards the deictic center' indicates a moving entity moves from the downside to upside. The deictic center can be either at the downside (e.g., ( 136)) or the upside (e.g., ( 137)) [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]. The same as 起 -qi 'up', 起来 -qi-lai 'up towards the deictic center' cannot be followed by an NPloc. ( 136 The bipartite Path satellites 下来 -xia-lai 'down, off towards the deictic center' and 下去 -xia-qu 'down, off away from the deictic center' indicate that the moving entity moves from the upside to the downside. The deictic center of the former one is at the lower level and the deictic center of the latter one is at the higher level [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]. As is the case for simple Path satellite 下 -xia 'down, off', the bipartite Path satellites 下来 -xia-lai 'down, off towards the deictic center' and 下去 -xia-qu 'down, off away from the deictic center' too can combine with an NPloc being inserted between 下xia 'down, off' and 来-lai 'hither' or 去 -qu 'thither' and indicating either the Source, the Medium, or the Goal.

According to [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF], the NPloc combined with 下来 -xialai 'down, off towards the deictic center' or 下去 -xia-qu 'down, off away from the deictic center' indicates the Source when it is above the horizon line and the Goal when it is under the horizon line. In this case, Liú interprets 楼 lóu 'floor' in (141) and 山 shān 'mountain' in (142) as expressing the Source information of the action 'walk'.

However, we consider these two examples as expressing the Medium. By contrast, we consider 床 chuáng 'bed' in (143) and 水 shuĭ 'water' (144) as expressing the Source and the Goal respectively.

When there is no NPloc, 下来 -xia-lai 'down, off towards the deictic center' indicates only the direction and the perspective, as exemplified in ( 145) and ( 146). Dasheng reluctantly PASS push-down-thither 'Dasheng was reluctantly pushed down (away from the deictic center).'

[6] 进 -jin 'into' & [7] 出 -chu 'out'
The simple Path satellite 进 -jin 'into' indicates that the moving entity moves from the outside to the inside. The simple Path satellite 出 -chu 'out' indicates that the moving entity moves from the inside to the outside [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]. Examples ( 147) and ( 148) show the combination of 进 -jin 'into' and the verbs 钻 zuān 'sneak' and 捡 jiăn 'pick up' respectively, followed by NPloc indicating the Goal.

Examples ( 149) and ( 150) illustrate 出 -chu 'out' in combination with the Manner verb 走 zŏu 'walk' and the Cause verb 推 tuī 'push', followed by NPloc indicating the Source. Lamarre (2008b: 216) considers that 进 -jin 'into' and 出 -chu 'out' can not only be followed by NPloc expressing Goal and Source, but they can also be followed by NPloc expressing Medium, such as 进门 jìn mén [enterdoor] 'enter the door' in which 门 mén 'door' should be better understood as the intermediate point by which the moving entity enters. Jackendoff (1990: 46) notices that 'enter' in John entered means not just 'John traversed some path' but also 'John went into something'. We consider that although 进 -jin 'into' and 出 -chu 'out' are intrinsically Goal-oriented and Source-oriented, they always involve a sort of Medium since these two actions are boundarycrossing events.

(

进来 -jin-lai 'into towards the deictic center' & 进去 -jinqu 'into away from the deictic center'

The bipartite Path satellites 进来 -jin-lai 'into a place towards the deictic center' and 进去 -jin-qu 'into a place away from the deictic center' indicates that the moving entity moves from the outside to the inside [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]. The deictic center of the former one is at the inside of the location, as in ( 151) and ( 152), and the deictic center of the latter one is at the outside of the location, as exemplified in ( 153) and ( 154

(154) […],拿进去。 (ibid.: 213) […], ná-jin-qu. …, take-into-thither '[…]
, take (it) in (away from the deictic center).'

出来 -chu-lai 'out of a place towards the deictic center' &

出去 -chu-qu 'out of a place away from the deictic center'

The bipartite Path satellites 出来 -chu-lai 'out of a place towards the deictic center' and 出去 -chu-qu 'out of a place away from the deictic center' indicate that the moving entity moves from the inside to the outside. The deictic center of the former one is at the outside of the location and the deictic center of the latter one is at the inside of the location [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]. According to Liú (ibid.), the NPloc which follows 出来 -chu-lai usually indicates the Source, as 教 室 jiàoshì 'classroom' in 走出教室来 zŏu-chu-jiàoshì-lai [walk-outclassroom-hither] 'walk out of the classroom (towards the deictic center)'. Sometimes, the NPloc can also indicate the Goal, as in 走出 门外来 zŏu-chu-mén=wai-lai [walk-out-door=outside-hither] 'walk out to the outside of the door (towards the deictic center)'. Lamarre (2008b: 216) notes that the NPloc indicating the Goal usually comprises the localizer 外 =wai 'outside' (see also Liú 1998: 10).

Apart from the case in which the NPloc is inserted between 出-chu 'out' and 来-lai 'hither', prepositional phrases (hereafter PP) before the verbal phrase including an NPloc can also be used to express the Source, together with 出来 -chu-lai 'out of a place towards the deictic center', as in (155). Sometimes, when 出来 -chu-lai 'out of a place towards the deictic center' is combined with a Cause verb like 掏 tāo 'take out', the verb can also convey the meaning of the direction from the inside to the outside as in ( 156). Examples ( 157) and ( 158) show the use of 出去 -chu-qu 'out of a place away from the deictic center' combined with the Manner verb 走 zŏu 'walk' and the Cause verb 端 duān 'hold something level with both hands', respectively.

( The simple Path satellite 回 -hui 'back' indicates that the moving entity moves to the original place (e.g., place of departure, home, hometown, and motherland, etc.); the deictic center can be either at the original place or not [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]. The NPloc can be overtly expressed which follows 回 -hui 'back', as 厨房 chúfáng 'kitchen' in (159). The NPloc can also be covertly expressed and be implied in the sentence, as in ( 160) in which the original place is not mentioned.

(

回来 -hui-lai 'back towards the deictic center' & 回去 -huiqu 'back away from the deictic center'

The bipartite Path satellites 回来 -hui-lai 'back towards the deictic center' and 回去 -hui-qu 'back away from the deictic center' indicate that the moving entity moves to the original location (e.g., place of departure, home, hometown, and motherland, etc.). The deictic center of the former one is at the original location and the deictic center of the latter one is not at the original location [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]. Both bipartite Path satellites combine the most frequently with Manner verbs, as in ( 161) and ( 163). They can also combine with Cause verbs, as in ( 162) and ( 164). An NPloc indicating the original place of the moving entity can be inserted between 回 -hui 'back ' and 来 -lai 'hither' or 去 -qu 'thither', as in (161) and(164) Wazi be.downcast follow-PFV-back-thither 'Wazi was downcast and followed back (away from the deictic center)

(164) 我把您送回家去,…。 (ibid.: 267) Wŏ bă nín sòng-hui-jia-qu, … 1SG OM 2SG.HON
send-back-home-thither 'I (will) send you home (away from the deictic center), …'

[9] 过 -guo 'over, past, through'

The simple Path satellite 过 -guo 'over, past, through' can indicate that the moving entity passes a place, or moves either approaching the deictic center, or leaves the deictic center and approaches another goal [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]. Example (165) illustrates that the moving entity passes the top of the wall by jumping and example (166) shows that the moving entity 毛巾 máojīn 'towel' moves approaching the deictic center 我 wŏ 'I'. The bipartite Path satellite 过来 -guo-lai 'over, past, through towards the deictic center' indicates that the moving entity (passes a place and) moves towards the deictic center. The bipartite Path satellite 过去 -guo-qu 'over, past, through away from the deictic center' indicates that the moving entity leaves or moves away from the deictic center by passing by a place or by approaching to a goal [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]. Both bipartite Path satellites combine the most frequently with Manner verbs, as in ( 167) and ( 170). They can also combine with Cause verbs, as in ( 169) and ( 171). According to Liú (ibid.), the moving entity can only approach the deictic center without passing a place. This is usually the case when there is a PP (i.e., 向 xiàng 'towards'/朝 cháo 'towards' + NPloc) preceding the verbal phrase, as shown in ( 167) and ( 169). In addition, the author (ibid.: 288) also compares differences between V-guo-lai and V-lai since both of them can be used to indicate that the moving entity moves towards the deictic center without passing a place, as in ( 167) and ( 168). Firstly, directional verbs (e.g., 上 shàng 'ascend', 进 jìn 'enter', etc.) cannot combine with 过来 -guo-lai 'over, past, through towards the deictic center', but they can combine with 来 -lai 'hither'.

(165) […],跳过墙头逃跑了。 (ibid.: 269) […],
Some verbs, such as 坐 zuò 'sit', 靠 kào 'lean against' cannot combine directly with 来 -lai 'hither' whereas they can combine directly with 过来 -guo-lai 'across, over, past, through towards the deictic center'. And some other verbs, for instance, 摘 zhāi 'pick', 寄 jì 'send' cannot or rarely combine with 过来 -guo-lai 'over, past, through towards the deictic center'. However, they combine more frequently with 来 -lai 'hither'. Secondly, besides the meaning 'towards the deictic center', 过来 -guo-lai 'over, past, through towards the deictic center' can also indicate the that the moving entity moves by passing a place and this is not possible by 来 -lai 'hither'. Thirdly, when expressing spontaneous motion events, 过来 -guo-lai 'over, past, through towards the deictic center' is used more in colloquial speech whereas 来 -lai 'hither' appears more frequently in literary works.

An NPloc can be inserted between 过 'over, past, through' and 来 -lai 'hither' or 去 -qu 'thither', such as in (170), 围墙 wéiqiáng 'fence' indicating the place through which the moving entity passes.

Besides, with the help of PP (i.e., 从 cóng 'from') preceding the verbal phrase, the complex directional complements 过来 -guo-lai 'over, past, through towards the deictic center' and 过去 -guo-qu 'over, past, through away from the deictic center' can also indicate that the moving entity moves by passing a place, such as 从桥上走过去 cóng qiáo=shang zŏu-guo-qu [from bridge=upside walk-throughthither] 'walk through the bridge (away from the deictic center'.

Otherwise, the NPloc can be absent, as in (171) in which the moving entity 杯子 bēizi 'cup' moves away from the deictic center.

( 3SG weakly one smile take-past-cup-thither 'He smiled weakly and took the cup (away from the deictic center).

[10] 开 -kai 'away, apart'

The simple Path satellite 开 -kai 'apart, away' indicates that the moving entity moves apart or away from a place. The deictic center can be either at the place or not [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]). An NPloc can follow 开 -kai 'apart, away' indicating the Source when combining with a Manner verb, as exemplified in (172). No NPloc can follow 开 -kai 'apart, away' when it is combined with a Cause verb, such as (173). The bipartite Path satellite 开来 -kai-lai 'apart, away towards the deictic center' expresses separation and fission and usually combines with verbs such as 张 zhāng 'spread', 睁 zhēng 'open'. This can be illustrated in (174). With regard to 开去 -kai-qu 'apart, away away from the deictic center', it indicates that the moving entity moves away from the deictic center, as in (175). However, the use of 开去 -kai-qu 'apart, away away from the deictic center' is very rare in actual use [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]. The simple Path satellite 到 -dao 'to' indicates that the moving entity moves to a place [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]. 到 -dao 'to' behaves a little bit differently from other simple directional complements (i.e., [3] -

[10]). It can combine not only with co-event verbs, as exemplified in ( 178) and ( 179), but also with the following Path verbs (= directional verbs) 上 shàng 'ascend', 下 xià 'descend', 进 jìn 'enter', 回 huí 'return', 过 guò 'cross', and 来 lái 'come', as shown in (176) and ( 177).

The NPlocs that can be combined with 到 -dao 'to' indicate the arrival at the endpoint. The status of 到 -dao 'to' is controversial, some linguists, such as [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF], consider that it shares most of the syntactic features with the non-deictic Path directionals (= Path satellites), agreed by Lamarre (2008a); other scholars consider it as a preposition. We will look at their respective arguments in §2. The bipartite Path satellites 到…来 -dao…-lai 'to somewhere towards the deictic center' and 到…去 -dao…-qu 'to somewhere away from the deictic center' indicate that the moving entity moves to a place either towards or away from the deictic center. When an NPloc is used, it should be placed between 到 -dao 'to' and 来 -lai 'hither' or 去 -qu 'thither', such as (180)-( 183). The bipartite Path satellites can combine with either Path vebs, such as 钻 zuān 'sneak' in (180) and 探 tàn 'stretch forward' in (181), or co-event verbs, such as 跳 tiào 'jump' and 抬 tái 'lift' in (182) and ( 183) respectively.

(180) 他[…]突然钻到队伍前面来。 (ibid.: 414) Tā […] tūrán zuān-dao-duìwu=qiánmian-lai.
3SG suddenly sneak-to-troops=front-hither 'He […] suddenly sneaked to the front of the troops (towards the deictic center).'

(181) 他把身子探到墙这边来,跟我们说话。 (ibid.: 414) Tā bă shēnzi tàn-dao-qiáng-zhèbian-lai, gēn wŏmen shuōhuà.

3SG OM body stretch.forward-to-wall-here-hither with 1PL talk 'He leaned over to the wall and talked with us (towards the deictic center).' (182) 你灭了灯,打后院跳到王家去。 (ibid.: 417) Nĭ miè-le dēng, dă hòuyuàn tiào-dao-Wángjiā-qu.

2SG extinguish-PFV light from backyard jump-to-Wang's.house-thither 'After turning off the light, jump from the backyard to Wang's house (away from the deictic center).'

(183) 把你们那猪抬到大贵那里去吧,… … (ibid.: 418) Bă nĭmen nà zhū tái-dao-Dàguì-nàli-qu ba, … … OM 2PL
that pig lift-to-Dagui-there-thither SUG 'Take your pig to Dagui's place (away from the deictic center), … …'

Apart from the above 11 simple complements and 17 complex complements, there is another type of directional complements which do not combine with 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither'.

According to Chao (1968: 464-467), complements of such type are verbs of motion which can also be complements. They usually retain their lexical tone as complements and take -le in actual use, but do not take either 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' after them. Note that Chao was not followed on this by other reference grammars (e.g., [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF], which consider these as resultative complements.

Following [START_REF] Chao | A Grammar of Spoken Chinese[END_REF], we briefly introduce here four of these complements, i.e., 掉 -diào 'drop, fall (from a height)', 倒 -dăo 'toppled over', 翻 -fān 'turn over', and 住 -zhù 'live, dwell', which appear in our data. 92 As a complement, the verb 掉 diào 'drop, fall (from a height)' behaves like the German prefix weg-'off', such as in 擦掉了 cā-diào-le 'wipe off'. As to the verb 倒 dăo 'toppled over', we can find its use as a complement in 打倒了 dă-dăo-le 'knock down'.

The verb 翻 fān 'turn over' is used as a complement in an example like 打翻了锅 dă-fān-le guō 'upset the pot'. Chao explains that the verb 住 zhù 'live, dwell', when used as a complement, indicates a state of holding fast, somewhat like the progressive aspectual marker 着 -zhe, as illustrated in 拿住 ná-zhù 'hold fast'.

In addition to the above complements, we also consider two complements 走 -zou 'away' and 入 -rù 'into' that can express Path.

The complement 走 -zou 'away' can not morphologically combine with Path satellites whereas 入 -rù 'into' is usually combined with the Path verb 进 jìn 'enter' which form a lexicalized verb 进入 jìnrù 'enter'. As complements, both 走 -zou 'away' and 入 -rù 'into' can not be combined with deictic satellites 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither'. We will discuss more about these two directional complements in Chapter 4 ( §4.3) when showing adverbal encoding of Path in the Standard Chinese data.

Adnominal encoding

The adnominal encoding of Path information is realized by prepositions and localizers in Standard Chinese.

As we introduced in §2.2.2 when discussing the encoding of Ground, localizers play an important role in the encoding of Path.

More specifically, they encode the conformation information, i.e., the geometrical configuration of the Ground with respect to the Figure (e.g., inside, outside, upside, downside, etc.) [START_REF] Lamarre | 汉语空间位移事件的语言表达-兼论述 趋式的几个问题 Hànyǔ kōngjiān wèiyí shìjiàn de yǔyán biǎodá-Jiān lùnshù qū shì de jǐ gè wèntí [The expression of motion events in Chinese-On Chinese directional verbs]. 現 代中国語研究 Xiàndài Zhōngguóyǔ Yánjiū[END_REF]).

The inventory of localizers in Standard Chinese are summarized in §2.2.2 (Table 7). In this section we focus on the prepositions and look at the use of localizers mainly when they are combined with prepositional phrases.

The inventory of prepositions that express Path can be found in previous studies (Chu 2004: 188-190;Fàn 2013: 134-147;Shĭ 2014: 94;Lin 2019: 181-190; inter alia). Based on these studies, we list in Table 11 an inventory that includes the most frequently used prepositions (henceforth PREPs) under study in this dissertation.

Note that there are two positions of the prepositional phrases (henceforth PPs) with respect to the verb/verb phrase (henceforth V/VP), before the V (henceforth PP-V, also called preverbal PP) and after the V (henceforth V-PP, also called postverbal PP). Preverbal

PPs can express the Source, the Medium, and the Goal of Path whereas postverbal PPs can only express the Goal.

Path portions

Positions of PPs with srespect to the V PREPs The preposition 沿 yán 'along' in a PP-V expresses the Medium, as in (187). It often combines with the aspectual marker 着 zhe 'durative marker', as illustrated in(188). 93 and (193). 94 Both of them can be followed by the aspectual marker 着 zhe 'durative marker ', as shown in (194) and (195). 朝 cháo 'towards' and 向 xiàng 'towards' can be followed by an NP which belongs to either place words and localizers, as in (199) and ( 200), or pronouns and common nouns indicating a person and an object, as in (196) and (197) . By contrast, 往 wǎng 'towards' cannot be followed by an NP belonging to pronouns and common nouns, and (198) would be ungrammatical. It can only be followed by an NP which is a place word, as in ( 201).

Source PP-V 从 cóng 'from', 由 yóu 'from', 在 zài 'at' Medium PP-V 沿 yán 'along', 从 cóng 'through, over' Goal PP-V 朝 cháo 'towards', 往 wǎng 'towards', 向 xiàng 'towards' V-PP 往 wǎng 'towards', 向 xiàng 'towards', 在 zài 'at'
( As we mentioned earlier, 往 wǎng 'towards' and 向 xiàng 'towards' can be used in a postverbal PP. However, their use is limited to a restricted number of verbs. 往 wǎng 'towards' is usually preceded by the following verbs: 开 kāi 'drive', 通 tōng 'lead to', 迁 qiān 'move', 送 sòng 'deliver, carry, send', 寄 jì 'send', 运 yùn 'transport', 派 pài 'send, dispatch, assign', 飞 fēi 'fly', and 逃 táo 'escape' [START_REF] Lǚ | 动趋式+宾语"的语序 "Dòngqū shì + bīnyǔ" de yǔxù [The order of Verb-directional and the Object[END_REF](Lǚ [1980]]: 547). 向 xiàng 'towards' is usually preceded by verbs such as 走 zŏu 'walk', 奔 bēn 'rush', 冲 chōng 'rush', 飞 fēi 'fly', 流 liú 'flow', 飘 piāo 'float, flutter', 滚 gŭn 'roll', 转 zhuăn 'turn', 驶 shĭ 'drive', 通 tōng 'lead to', etc. In addition, 向 xiàng 'towards' can be followed by the aspectual marker 了 le 'perfective marker' [START_REF] Lǚ | 动趋式+宾语"的语序 "Dòngqū shì + bīnyǔ" de yǔxù [The order of Verb-directional and the Object[END_REF](Lǚ, [1980]], p. 578). Examples ( 202) and ( 203 Note that in Table 11, 在 zài 'at' is the only preposition which convey no directional information. Lin (2019: 181) adopts the term 'Location PP' for 在 zài 'at'. She specifies that this preposition does not express a specific spatial reference. Rather, it is especially the localizer that an object takes, that specifies the spatial reference. Take (205) as an example, the localizer 上 -shang 'upside' in 在马背 上 zài măbèi=shang [at horseback=upside] 'on the horseback'.

The preposition 在 zài 'at' can be used in a preverbal PP and a postverbal PP. With regard to the positions, Tai (1975: 154) little monkey jump at horseback=upside 'The little monkey jumped onto the horse's back.' Although [START_REF] Tai | On Two Functions of Place Adverbials in Mandarin Chinese[END_REF] interpretation concerning the semantic principle of the two different positions (i.e., preverbal and postverbal) is sufficient to explain the cases as in ( 204) and ( 205), it cannot account for sentences including some verbs of posture and placement, as noted by Chirkova & Lamarre (2005: 173). 95 Based on Peyraube (1980: 231-234), we distinguish four types of PP formed 95 As cited in Chirkova & Lamarre (2005: 173), verbs of posture can be understood as those denote postures or physical dispositions of an entity at a location, such as 坐 zuò 'sit', 站 zhàn 'stand', 蹲 dūn 'squat', 跪 guì 'kneel', and 躺 tang 'lie', etc (Li & Thompson 1981: 219, 401). Verbs of placement can be understood as verbs that name actions that place the direct object in a certain location, for instance, 放 fang 'put', 藏 cáng 'hide', 写 xiě 'write', 刻 kè 'carve, sculpt', and 洒 să 'spill' (ibid.: 404).

with 在 zài 'at' relating to the position (i.e., preverbal and postverbal).

As to the first type, the same PP can be used preverbally and postverbally and the meaning of the two sentences changes, as

shown in examples ( 204) and ( 205). In the second type, the same PP can be used preverabally and postverablly and the meaning of the two sentences is almost the same, as illustrated in ( 206) and ( 207).

Concerning the third type, only preverbal PP is acceptable, such as example ( 208), and the same PP following the verb would be inacceptable, as in (209) […], when the PPs occur in postverbal position, the preposition may incorporate into the preceding verb and the two elements form a verbal compound, which then leaves the NP of the PP functioning like an object argument. The process is called 'preposition incorporation (PI)' in the sense of [START_REF] Baker | Incorporation : A Theory of Grammatical Function Changing[END_REF].

According to the author, the PI is demonstrated by the suffixation of the perfective marker 了 le to the 'V+PP' compound.

As can be seen in ( 212) and ( 213), 了 le has to occur after the compound 跳在 tiào-zài [jump-at] instead of the verb 跳 tiào 'jump'.

And the NPs 沙发上 shāfā=shàng [sofa=on] functions consequently as the object argument of the verbal compound. The same process of PI can also be found in the use of the preposition 向 xiàng 'toward', as evidenced in ( 214) and ( 215). as well as to some extent with verbs of placement". According to the authors (ibid.: 170), terminative denotes a transition from one state into another and durative refers to a process or state seen as continuing for an appreciable time, as illustrated in ( 216) and ( 217) respectively. 96 In addition to Standard Chinese, Lamarre (2003c) furthermore notices that in many dialects spoken in Central and Southern China, sentences with the postverbal locative phrase can have both the terminative and durative reading. By contrast, regarding Northern Mandarin dialects, Lamarre (2003a) demonstrates that in the Jìzhōu dialect of Héběi, postverbal locative phrase constructions express a change of location exclusively. In this Recalling that, in §2.3.2 on Adverbal encoding, we have alreday discussed the use of 到 -dao 'to'. Nevertheless, previous research didn't reach an agreement on its status. Some linguists put 到 -dao 'to' in the category of directional complements while others consider it as a preposition. As presented in previous section, we include 到 -dao 'to' in the category of satellites (= directional complements) following [START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]. We should note that 到 -dao 'to' is not a typical satellite if one follows [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] since it cannot be combined with deictic satellites 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' without being followed by an NPloc, unlike other satellites in Standard Chinese which can be combined directly with deictic satellites. We can also find evidence in Lamarre (2007a: 3) who argues that 到 -dao 'to' is not a prototypical preposition since typical PPs are preverbal. The postverbal PP formed with 到 -dao 'to' in (218) expresses the reached Goal. If the PP is moved to the verb which form a preverbal PP, then 到 -dao 'to' is no longer a preposition, but it is used as a full verb meaning 'arrive, to go/come to somewhere', as illustrated in ( 219). The word order of prepositional phrases with respect to the verb is an important issue to address. Thus, Lamarre (2007a: 3-4) points out the difference between preverbal and postverbal PPs with regard to boundedness. By examining the co-occurrence of PPs and the duration phrase 'for + one hour', the author argues that, in Standard Chinese, preverbal PPs usually express an unbounded path whereas postverbal PPs a bounded path. 97

Linguistic encoding of Dynamic Deixis

As we presented previously in §1.3, Talmy (2000: 53) considers the Deictic (i.e., Dynamic Deixis) as one of the three components of Path, 97 Lamarre (2007a: 3) explains that the term unbounded path and bounded path correspond generally to Goldberg & Jackendoff's (2004: 543) end-bounded spatial PPs (e.g., Bill floated into the cave (*for hours).) and non-end-bounded spatial PPs (e.g., Bill pushed Harry along the trail (for hours).).

together with the Vector and the Conformation. However, the status of Deixis has been reconsidered with respect to Path since it exhibits distinct features from Path in several aspects (i.e., aspectual and pragmatic evidence, morphosyntactic and functional evidence), as reviewed in §1.4. Concerning the basicness of basic motion verbs, Wilkins & Hills (1995: 209) argue that: "although the pragmatic and deictic 'suppositional' complexity of 'come' and 'go' expressions has long been recognized, […] in any given language the analysis of these expressions is much more semantically and systemically complex than has been assumed in the literature".

Given the complexity and specificity of Dynamic Deixis, in this section, we will examine Dynamic Deixis separately from Path and look at different coding strategies that can express this notion.

Verbal encoding: deictic verbs

During the past decades, a considerable amount of studies have been carried out in Standard Chinese on 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' in both diachronic [START_REF] Zhōu | 来和去 Lái hé qù [Lai and Qu]. 山东大学学 报 Shāndōng Dàxué Xuébào[END_REF][START_REF] Lĭ | 趋向动词"来/去"的用法及其语法化 Qūxiàng dòngcí "lái/qù" de yòngfǎ jí qí yǔfǎ huà [The use of directional verbs "lái and qù" and their grammaticalization[END_REF][START_REF] Liáng | 汉语趋向动词的语法化 Hànyǔ qūxiàng dòngcí de yǔfǎ huà [The grammaticalization of Chinese directional verbs[END_REF][START_REF] Shĭ | 漢語運動事件指向表達的歷時演變及相關問 題 Hànyǔ yùndòng shìjiàn zhǐxiàng biǎodá de lìshí yǎnbiàn jí xiāngguān wèntí [Morphosyntactic expressions of Deictic in the history of Chinese language[END_REF][START_REF] Yang | Constructional Changes of Chinese Lai / Qu in Serial Verb Constructions[END_REF] and synchronic perspective [START_REF] Lù | 去+VP"和"VP+去"句式 Guānyú "qù + VP" hé "VP + qù" jùshì [On the constructions "qu+VP" and "VP+qu[END_REF]Xīn 1998bXīn , 1998a;;[START_REF] Lĭ | 趋向动词"来/去"的用法及其语法化 Qūxiàng dòngcí "lái/qù" de yòngfǎ jí qí yǔfǎ huà [The use of directional verbs "lái and qù" and their grammaticalization[END_REF][START_REF] Lŭ | 焦点标记"来" Jiāodiǎn biāojì "lái" ['Lai' as a focus marker[END_REF][START_REF] Wén | 运动动词"来/去"的语用意义及其指示条件 Yùndòng dòngcí "lái/qù" de yǔyòng yìyì jí qí zhǐshì tiáojiàn [Pragmatic meaning and deictic conditions of the motion verbs lai and qu[END_REF]Lamarre 2008a; inter alia). 98 At the semantic level, the two motion verbs 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' are frequently used to encode deictic information (i.e., Dynamic Deixis). More specifically, 来 lái 'come' usually encodes centripetal information (i.e., motion towards the deictic center) and 去 qù 'go' centrifugal information (i.e., motion away from the deictic center). It should be noted that "the GO form in at least some languages is not deictic, so if there is a universal deictic opposition 98 In this section, we only review 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' when they are used to describe motion events and their figurative use is excluded. manisted by COME and GO forms, it is at the level of pragmatic interpretation not lexical semantics" (Wilkins & Hill 1995: 251).

Although 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' in Standard Chinese can manifest a deictic opposition, the 'go' form manifests itself less deictically than the 'come' form. The use of 来 lái 'come' is usually in relation to the speaker whereas the use of 去 qù 'go' can be related to the speaker or not. For instance, the direction of the moving entity (i.e., the bus) in ( 220) is towards the speaker at the moment when he utters the sentence. In any situation, the direction of the bus cannot be other than towards the speaker. By contrast, the direction of the moving entity (i.e., he) in ( 221) could be interpreted as either away from the deictic center if he was with the speaker at the moment when the speaker pronounces the sentence or away from another place (e.g., his home) where the speaker is not present. The complexity of 去 qù 'go' might be due to its semantic evolution in diachrony. According to Shĭ (2014: 92), generally speaking, before the Eastern Han dynasty , 去 qù meant 'leave'. As can be shown in Figure 5, when 去 qù expresses 'leave', the anchorage and the attention of focus is the starting point (A).

Since the Eastern Han dynasty, the meanings of 去 qù have gradually developed into 'towards' and 'arrive', as illustrated in Figure 6 and In Standard Chinese, when the two deictic motion verbs 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' take place words as their argument, these two verbs can be followed directly by the NPloc, as shown in ( 227) and ( 228). This is different from English and French in which the deictic verbs (come and go in English, venir 'come' and aller 'go' in French) should be followed by a PP, which means that the NPloc needs to be introduced by a preposition. Examples ( 229)-( 232 We have mentioned previously that the Figure can follow the deictic motion verbs in Standard Chinese when these verbs are used independently. When there is an NPloc combined with a deictic verb, the NPloc can either follow the deictic verb, as in ( 227) and ( 228), or precede it, as in (233). Sentences like (233) are known as 'existential sentence' (存现句 cúnxiàn jù [sentences of existence/appearance]) (Zhū 1982: 114-115, 184;[START_REF] Sòng | 存现句及其句法功能 Cúnxiàn jù jí qí jùfǎ gōngnéng [Presentative sentences and their syntactic function[END_REF] [START_REF] Lǚ | 从主语宾语分别谈国语句子的分析 Cóng zhǔyǔ bīnyǔ fēnbié tán guóyǔ jùzi de fēnxī [From the difference between subject and object to the analysis of Chinese sentences[END_REF][START_REF] Tai | Towards a Cognition-based Functional Grammar of Chinese[END_REF]). Sentences expressing disappearance normally involve 去 qù 'go' [START_REF] Lǚ | 从主语宾语分别谈国语句子的分析 Cóng zhǔyǔ bīnyǔ fēnbié tán guóyǔ jùzi de fēnxī [From the difference between subject and object to the analysis of Chinese sentences[END_REF]; C.-100 A presentative sentence is defined by Li & Thompson (1981: 509) as "performing the function of introducing into a discourse a noun phrase naming an entity". 101 Vdei refers to deictic verbs. Although other verbs, such as 发生 fāshēng 'occur', 出 chū 'exit, appear' and compound verbs including such morphemes can also be used in such construction, they will be excluded in our discussion since we only focus on deictic verbs. T. J. [START_REF] Huang | Existential sentences in Chinese and (in) definiteness[END_REF] and compound verbs including 去 -qu 'thither' in [Vpath-qu] construction (C. N. [START_REF] Li | Mandarin Chinese : A Functional Reference Grammar[END_REF]). We will discuss the use of compound verbs involving 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' in §2.4.2.

The locative inversion in English is usually involved with what Levin & Rappaport Hovav (1995: 240) called 'verbs of directed motion', such as arrive, come, and go. The authors have examined particulary the verb come, given by its frequency. "As a verb of motion, the verb come takes a nonabstract NP, whether animate or inanimate, as its theme argument, as shown in ( 234). ( In previous studies [START_REF] Zhōu | 来和去 Lái hé qù [Lai and Qu]. 山东大学学 报 Shāndōng Dàxué Xuébào[END_REF][START_REF] Guō | 试论连谓结构"来/去+VP"中的虚化动词 "来/去" Shìlùn liánwèi jiégòu "lái/qù +VP" zhōng de xūhuà dòngcí "lái/qù[END_REF]Xīn 1998b;[START_REF] Ikeda | 来"の代動詞的用法とダイクシス[END_REF][START_REF] Lŭ | 焦点标记"来" Jiāodiǎn biāojì "lái" ['Lai' as a focus marker[END_REF] Guō (1987: 242) and Xīn (1998b: 53) point out that in the lái[+motion] + VP construction in which 来 lái 'come' expresses the motion, an NPloc can be added directly after 来 lái 'come' and also after 去 qù 'go'. By contrast, in the lái[-motion] + VP construction in which 来 lái 'come' does not express the actual motion, an NPloc cannot be added directly after 来 lái 'come' and neither after 去 qù 'go'. Besides, Xīn (1998b: 53) specifies that when 来 lái 'come' is a typical directional verb expressing motion, it cannot be omitted in the construction and 这里/这儿 zhèli/zhèr 'here' can be added between 来 lái 'come' and the VP. Taking (237) as an example, in this sentence, 来 lái 'come' is a directional verb expressing motion.

According to the author, the sentence would not be acceptable if 来 lái 'come' was omitted, as in (239). However, 这里 zhèli 'here' being added after the verb is acceptable, as in (238). The author (ibid.: 54) argues that when 来 lái 'come' has a motionless interpretation, it can be omitted in the sentence, and 这里/这儿 zhèli/zhèr 'here' cannot be added directly after it since it does not involve any change of location. For instance, 来 lái 'come' in (240) has a motionless reading. Therefore, one can omit 来 lái 'come', as shown in ( 241). However, one cannot add 这里/这儿 zhèli/zhèr 'here' after the verb 来 lái 'come', as shown in ( 242). 102 "The defining characteristic of the pivotal construction is that it contains a noun phrase that is simultaneously the subject of the second verb and the direct object of the first verb" (Li & Thompson 1981: 607) moving entity (i.e., 我们 women 'we') moves. In the second case, VP indicates the time of the moving entity when it moves and emphasizes that the motion takes place after the action of VP.

(237) […],他昨天来看我,[…]。 (adapted
Example (250) illustrates this second case in which the action of 'watching the television' occurs before the motion 去 qù 'go'. As to the third case, the moving entity is at the same time the direct object of the VP and the subject of 去 qù 'go'. This case corresponds to what Li & Thompson (1981: 607-610) called 'pivotal construction', a type of serial verb construction. 104 As we can see in (251), the moving entity 他 tā 'he' is at the same time the direct object of the verb 派 pài 'send' and the subject of the motion verb 去 qù 'go'. [START_REF] Lù | 去+VP"和"VP+去"句式 Guānyú "qù + VP" hé "VP + qù" jùshì [On the constructions "qu+VP" and "VP+qu[END_REF] only examined sentences with 去 qù 'go'. However,

(
the same is true for 来 lái 'come' in [来 lái 'come' + VP] construction which has two interpretations, 去 qù 'go' in [ 去 qù 'go' + VP]
construction can also be interpreted in two ways. We use qù [+motion] + VP for the case in which 去 qù 'go' expresses the motion, and qù[motion] + VP for the case in which 去 qù 'go' does not imply any motion. We will briefly discuss the differences between qù[+motion] + VP construction and qù[-motion] + VP construction in order to better distinguish these two cases.

Guō (1987) point out that in qù[+motion] + VP construction, an

NPloc can be inserted between the verb 去 qù 'go' and the VP. Gān & Gān (2009: 80) hold similar idea and claim that 那里/那儿 nàlĭ/nàr can be added after the verb 去 qù 'go'. But in actual use, such words indicating the location are usually omitted for the principle of language economy and mutual knowledge shared between speakers and interlocutors. Taking (252) as an example, 去 qù 'go' in this sentence expresses the motion. We can thus either insert an NPloc such as 餐厅 cāntīng 'the restaurant' or 那儿 nàr 'there' between 去 qù 'go' and the VP 吃晚饭 chī wănfàn 'dinner' to specify the location, as illustrated in ( 253) and ( 254 Apart from the test of insertion, the nature of VP might also play an important role in distinguishing the qù[-motion] + VP from qù[+motion] + VP construction. In his dissertation, Song (2019: 224) examined 241 sentences in his corpus comprising the [去 qù 'go' + VP] construction in which he considers that 去 qù 'go' does not express motion. The author observed three common points of these sentences. Firstly, the VP used in these sentences usually denote a psychological or cognitive activity or a feeling, such as 爱 ài 'love', 后悔 hòuhuĭ 'regret', and 回忆 huíyì 'remember'; etc. which are considered as abstract action. This is illustrated in (256). Secondly, the VP often expresses an action that is difficult to accomplish or asks for great efforts, for example, 努力 nŭlì 'make great efforts', 研 究 yánjiū 'study', etc. Thirdly, the negation often appears in the qù[motion] + VP construction.

(256) 你永不可能去爱你所恨的人。 (adapted from J. Song, 2019, p. 225 A. Word order between the verb, the satellite (=directional complement), and the NPs Concerning the issue of word order, it is not easy to classify Standard Chinese according to [START_REF] Greenberg | Some universals of grammar with particular reference to the order of meaningful elements[END_REF] basic order typology since this language is not consistent with respect to the features that correlate with SVO or SOV orders. The aim of the following part is not to reexamine the above controversial issue, but shall attempt to outline possible word orders in motion event encoding since Standard Chinese exhibits in surface structure both SVO and SOV orders.

The word order between the verb, the satellite, and the NPs in a sentence has been largely discussed in previous studies [START_REF] Fàn | 动词和趋向性后置成分的结构分析 Dòngcí hé qūxiàng xìng hòuzhì chéngfèn de jiégòu fēnxī [Structural analysis of verbs and postpositional directional components[END_REF][START_REF] Zhāng | 常规焦点考察之一:宾语 和趋向成分的语序 Chángguī jiāodiǎn kǎochá zhī yī : Bīnyǔ hé qūxiàng chéngfèn de yǔxù [Normal focus study I: the word order between the verb, the directional complement, and the object[END_REF][START_REF] Jiă | 来/去"作趋向补语时动词宾语的位置 "Lái/qù" zuò qūxiàng bǔyǔ shí dòngcí bīnyǔ de wèizhì [The position of Objects and the directional complements "lai/qu[END_REF][START_REF] Máo | 动词+来/去"动补结构带宾语句式及动词 的考察 Duì "dòngcí + lái/ qù" dòngbǔ jiégòu dài bīnyǔ jùshì jí dòngcí de kǎochá [A Study on the Structural Pattern of Predication-Compliment with Object And the Directional Verbs[END_REF][START_REF] Tián | 名词性成分在"V +趋+来"结构中的位置制 约因素 Míngcí xìng chéngfèn zài "V +qū +lái" jiégòu zhōng de wèizhì zhìyuē yīnsù [Constraints on the position of the noun component in the "V + tend + come" structure[END_REF][START_REF] Lù | 动词后趋向补语和宾语的位置问题 Dòngcí hòu qūxiàng búyǔ hé bīnyǔ de wèizhì wèntí [Concerning the verbal complement of direction and the position of object[END_REF][START_REF] Guō | 复合趋向补语与非处所宾语的位置问题补议 Fùhé qūxiàng bǔyǔ yǔ fēi chǔsuǒ bīnyǔ de wèizhì wèntí bǔyì [More on the position of the compound directional complement and its non-locative object[END_REF][START_REF] Lǚ | 现代汉语八百词 (增订本) Xiàndài hànyǔ bābǎi cí (Zēngdìng běn) [Eight hundred words of the contemorary Chinese[END_REF]Lǚ [1980Lǚ ], 2019aLǚ [1985]]).

We will review the word order between the verb, the satellite (specifically simple satellites 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' and bipartite satellites combined with 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither'), In the third pattern, the Figure can be inserted between the verb and the satellite. However, according to [START_REF] Lù | 动词后趋向补语和宾语的位置问题 Dòngcí hòu qūxiàng búyǔ hé bīnyǔ de wèizhì wèntí [Concerning the verbal complement of direction and the position of object[END_REF], this order, shown in (267), is rarely used for 来 -lai 'hither' for spontaneous motion. When 去 -qu 'thither' is concerned, it is ungrammatical, as illustrated in (268). When the Figure is a patient, both 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' can be used, as exemplified in ( 269) and ( 270) respectively.

(267) ?飞(了)一只苍蝇来。 (adapted from J. but not the third order as (267). By contrast, when such transitive verbs are used, one can choose both the second and the third orders, as illustrated in ( 265) and ( 269) respectively. Secondly, the choice of the second and the third orders also depends on the type of sentence. The second order is frequently used in declarative sentences which express a realis action, whereas the third order is frequently used in imperative sentences which express an irrealis action, as exemplified in ( 271) and ( 272 In addition, Xiāo (1992: 61) emphasizes that when one chooses the third order and uses declarative sentences, the sentences must express a realis action and the perfective marker should be added afiter the verb. According to the author, ( 273) is not acceptable, and the perfective maker 了 -le should be added after the verb 买 măi 'buy' as in (274). Xiāo's point of view is dffierent from that of Lù's in which the perfective marker is optional when the third order is concerned, as illustrated previously in ( 269) and ( 270). We agree with Xiāo and consider that the sentence in the third order is acceptable only when the perfective marker 了 -le follows the verb. When 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' are used in bipartite satellites, there are mainly four possible word orders of the Figure.

(
In the first order, the Figure is placed after the bipartite satellite. This can be found in both spontaneous motion and caused motion events, as illustrated in ( 275) and ( 276 3SG take-out-hither one CL dictionary 'He took out a dictionary (towards the deictic center).'

In the second order, the Figure can be inserted between the bipartite satellite, as examples ( 277) and ( 278) show. Lù (2002: 15) specifies that 开来 -kai-lai behaves a little bit different among the bipartite satellites. It can only be used in the second order. 3SG move-into one CL desk-thither 'He moved a desk in (away from the deictic center).'

In the third order, the Figure can be placed between the verb and the non-deictic satellite, as in ( 279) and ( 280

ná-chu túshūguăn-qu

Take-out library-thither 'take (it) out of the library (away from the deictic center)'

B. Two constructions

As we have mentioned in §2.4.1, both deictic verbs 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' can take directly an NPloc as an argument, as illustrated in ( 287) and ( 290). The same meaning can also be expressed by combining the two path verbs 上 shàng 'ascend' and 到 dào 'arrive', followed by the NPloc, and the deictic satellites 来lai 'hither' / 去 -qu 'thither, as in (288), ( 289), (291), and ( 292) respectively. As explained by Lamarre (2008a: 78):

In Chinese, 'basic' deictic motion verbs lái and qù also show an 'analytic' variant. Northern and central Chinese dialects often use an analytic type of encoding to express the deictic motion to a goal, by combining the semantically bleached path verb shàng 'ascend' or dào 'arrive' followed by the goal NP, then by the deictic directional -lai/qu. In this case these verbs lose their original meaning, shàng no longer conveys any motion upwards, and dào includes the motion before the 'arrival' instead of profiling the arrival itself, both just mean 'move to'. In this dissertation, we use the term 'associated motion markers' for the two grammatical morphemes 来 =lai and 去 =qu, following Lamarre's (2020) proposal and gloss them as 'COME&DO' 'GO&DO'. 107 Lamarre (2020: 151) considers that "lai and qu are clitics, and therefore uses '=' in the transciprtion and glosses to link the verb and the deictic motion morphemes lai and qu".

Chapter 3 METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES AND

CORPORA COMPOSITION

Introduction

This dissertation is a corpus-based study. To constitute our corpora, we adopted two approaches, namely, stimuli-based approach and TV series-based approach. The stimuli-based approach comprises elicited descriptive data and the TV series-based approach includes extracted dialogical data. The choice of these two approaches was motivated by the following two reasons.

To begin with, previous research related to the expressions of motion events in Standard Chinese relied mainly on traditional methods, such as written texts extracted from literary works (e.g., novels, plays, and short stories, etc.) [START_REF] Lù | 去+VP"和"VP+去"句式 Guānyú "qù + VP" hé "VP + qù" jùshì [On the constructions "qu+VP" and "VP+qu[END_REF][START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF][START_REF] Chu | Event conceptualization and grammatical realization : The case of motion in Mandarin Chinese[END_REF][START_REF] Chen | Motion events in Chinese novels : Evidence for an equipollently-framed language[END_REF][START_REF] Lín | The encoding of motion events in Chinese : Multi-morpheme motion constructions[END_REF]inter alia). Although we can also find some research based on oral materials, such as data elicited with pictures describing a series of motion events (e.g., 'Frog, where are you?') [START_REF] Arslangul | Les relations spatiales dynamiques en chinois langue étrangère : L'expression des déplacements en chinois[END_REF][START_REF] Liú | 现代汉语运动事件表达模式研究 Xiàndài Hànyǔ yùndòng shìjiàn biǎodá móshì yánjiū [A Study on the Expression of Motion Event in Mandarin Chinese[END_REF], data extracted from TV series (Lamarre 2008a), and data elicited with animated cartoons [START_REF] Ji | The expression of caused motion events in Chinese and in English : Some typological issues[END_REF], 2011a[START_REF] Ji | How children express caused motion events in Chinese and English : Universal and language-specific influences[END_REF] or video-clips displaying human activities [START_REF] Chen | Putting and Taking Events in Mandarin Chinese[END_REF][START_REF] Chen | She from bookshelf take-descend-come the box" : Encoding and categorizing placement events in Mandarin[END_REF], they are relatively rare compared to traditional methods. Our choice to work with both stimuli-based approach and TV series-based approach is based on their linguistic representativeness belonging to different data types. We structure the present chapter as follows: section 3.2 presents the stimuli-based approach which contains Trajectoire stimuli set and Put & Take stimuli set. Additional information concerning the data collection, the participants, and their linguistic and geographical backgrounds are also provided; section 3.3 presents the TV series-based approach which comprises two TV series selected for our study, namely Married for Ten Years and Loquacious Zhang Damin's Happy Life; section 3.4 introduces the selection, transcription, and coding of the data; and section 3.5 summarizes the pros and cons of our methodological choices.

Stimuli-based approach

Recent years have witnessed the development of visual stimuli for language elicitation as a means of exploring semantics. Evidence can be found from the earliest pioneer studies, such as the wordless picture book Frog, where are you? [START_REF] Mayer | Frog, Where Are You? Dial Books for Young Readers[END_REF]) and the six-minute film The Pear Stories [START_REF] Chafe | The Pear Stories[END_REF], to the latest works of video-clips to elicit data in various semantic domains. 108 This involves the semantic domains as placement events, perception, emotion, body parts, and color, etc.

To carry out our study, we have firstly chosen the stimuli-based approach since it enables us to examine the conceptual domain of motion events in a systematic way. 109 In this dissertation, we use two elicitation tools: Trajectoire and Put & Take stimuli sets. In the following sections, we will present each stimulus set with more details. 8), someone walking towards the tree away from the speaker (Figure 9), and someone jumping from the cliff into the water on a transverse axis with respect to the speaker (Figure 10). 113 Figure 8. Scene 023 112 An arrow is added in each still frame (Figure 8-Figure 16) in order to indicate the direction of the moving entity when changing its location. 113 The perspective of the speaker equals that of the camera-observer.

The

Table 13. The information of speakers in data collected with the Trajectoire stimulus set

Each participant was interviewed individually in a quiet room.

The speakers were asked to respond to the following question after seeing each scene: "What happened in this clip?" All the responses were audio recorded (in wav. audio format). However, only the descriptions expressing translational motion were transcribed. Any other expressions which are irrelevant to expressions of motion events, such as the background of the scene, are excluded in our transcription. There are 714 descriptions in total.

The Put & Take stimuli set, speaker and data collection

The Put & Take stimulus set was developed by Bowerman, Gullberg, [START_REF] Bowerman | Put project : The cross-linguistic encoding of placement events[END_REF] for the cross-linguistic Put project. 114 It aims to explore the expression of caused motion events, especially placement (or 'putting') events and removal (or 'taking') events, across typologically varied languages. More specifically, "placement (or 'putting') events are events in which an agent causes an object to move to a location; and removal (or 'taking') events are events in which an agent causes an object to move away from a location" and someone giving a cup to the other person (Figure 13). Removal events concern examples like someone taking a cucumber out of a recorder case (Figure 14) and someone taking off coat (Figure 15).

There are 3 scenes showing the action of removal and placement in the same event, such as someone taking an apple from a pile of books and putting the apple to on top of the shoe (Figure 16). The procedure of the data collection with the Put & Take stimulus set is similar to the procedure adopted with the Trajectoire stimulus set. Each participant was interviewed individually in a quiet room. The speakers were asked to respond to the following question after seeing each scene: "What did he/she do in this videoclip?" All the responses were audio recorded (in the wav. audio format) and only expressions describing translational motion were transcribed for the use of data analyses. There are 800 descriptions in total.

TV series-based approach and data extraction

Besides the stimuli-based approach, we have also adopted the TV series-based approach. The idea of choosing TV series-based approach as the second corpus for my dissertation was initially proposed by my co-supervisor Christine Lamarre who had noticed several significant differences in the encoding of motion events in the descriptive data (literay texts) and in the dialogical data (TV series) [START_REF] Lamarre | Le déplacement en chinois au coeur des débats typologiques[END_REF]. She provided generously some of her data that were collected within the project "A typological study of the linguistic encoding of motion events". 115 This approach, which We carried out the data extraction with two steps: 1) watching each episode of the TV series with scrutiny in order to identify sentences containing translational motion and extract them into Excel tables; 2) comparing the existing data (provided by Christine Lamarre) with the newly selected sentences in order to complete the corpus.

Treatment of data

Once we have finished data collection and data extraction, we proceed to data transcription and coding in Excel sheets. All the data was transcribed in both Chinese characters and pinyin (i.e., Romanization system) and was coded in pinyin. The number of motion event descriptions varies among the four data sets, and there is a total of 3506 clauses in the corpora.

Coding system

The coding system we applied to our data has been inspired by [START_REF] Slobin | Coding of Motion Events in Texts[END_REF] Coding of Motion Events in Texts. As explained by the author (2005: 1):

This coding manual was designed for the analysis of the forms and functions of motion events descriptions in oral and written narrative. It has been applied to elicited narratives, short stories, and novels in various languages. The system was designed to examine questions of the influence of linguistic typologyespecially lexicalization patternson the ways in which a narrator describes the movement of a protagonist from one place to another.

The data (see Table 15) was divided into clauses and coded only for translational motion events. By clause, we follow Berman & Slobin's (1994: 660) definition in which 'clause' is used as a unit of transcription. The definition is as follow:

We define a clause as any unit that contains a unified predicate.

By unified, we mean a predicate that expresses a single situation (activity, event, state

As for multiple clauses, taking the scene 052 (push suitcase from car to tree) in Put & Take stimulus as an example, the speaker expressed the two events 'pushing the suitcase from car' and 'moving the suitcase to the tree' by using two different clauses, as illustrated in (304). We consider cases like example (304) as containing multiple clauses.

( (i.e., satellite) for adverbal encoding. As to the rest of the elements, 'AM' was used for associated motion markers, 'N' for nouns, and 'Lz'

for localizers.

Regarding the semantic level, different semantic components that were coded are "categories of the types of meanings that words can express" [START_REF] Slobin | Coding of Motion Events in Texts[END_REF]. We followed the categories proposed by [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] and coded elements that can express the moving entity as 'f' (Figure ), the reference object with respect to which the (Centrifugal direction). Several components which have subcomponents were also coded. For example, we further coded the three portions of Path as 's' for Source, 'm' for Medium, and 'g'

for Goal. 117 Table 16 provides some examples illustrating our data coding, noting that information in annotation were not coded and are given here in order to help the reading. Besides the morphosyntactic and semantic coding of the fundamental components of a motion event, in order to carry out qualitative and quantitative analyses several supplementary information found in the data was also coded, as shown in Table 17. 117 We use the term 'Medium' in this dissertation to code the intermediate portion of Path. One can also find other terms in previous literature which refer to the same notion, such as Route [START_REF] Jackendoff | Semantics and Cognition[END_REF][START_REF] Jackendoff | Parts and boundaries[END_REF]Lamarre 2007a) and Median [START_REF] Vuillermet | Trajectoire : A methodological tool for eliciting Path of motion[END_REF].

Supplementary coding Form Annotation

The 118 When there is a combination of two or three coding strategies, we only provide the prototypical order of their combination. Take 'adnominal+adverbal' as an example, this combination comprises both adnominal + adverbal encoding and adverbal + adnominal encoding. Table 17. Supplementary coding in the data

Glossing system

In this dissertation, each example of Standard Chinese is given the following four-line format:

• First line: the sentence written in Chinese characters;

• Second line: the phonetic transcription of the sentence in pinyin;

• Third line: glosses following the Leipzig Glossing Rules (cf.

the paragraph below);

• Fourth line: English translation and reference.

The glossing system we adopt is based on the Leipzig Glossing Rules, developed jointly by the Department of Linguistics of the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology (Bernard Comrie, Martin Haspelmath) and by the Department of Linguistics of the University of Leipzig (Balthasar Bickel). 119 The system consists of ten rules comprising interlinear glosses which indicate morphosyntactic and semantic information. Besides, an appendix containing the abbreviated category labels is also provided. Although these rules cover a large part of our needs in glossing examples in the data, we also add certain category labels whenever language specific information in Standard Chinese is required.

Summary

In this chapter, we have presented stimulus-based approach and TV series-based approach used to carry out data collection. However, the two approaches provide both advantages and limitations.

Concerning the advantages, the stimulus-based approach is a good way for an onomasiological study. As stated by Majid (2012: 57) in her article A guide to stimulus-based elicitation for semantic categories: "A stimulus-based approach, […], will enable the researcher to access one aspect of meaning, namely the extension.

What things in the world are denoted by which forms in the languages?" Besides, the use of stimulus-based approach with preestablished scenes rather than merely searching certain forms extracted from language databases, grammar books, and dictionaries was also motivated by the intention to examine not only the concept Dynamic Deixis in Standard Chinese intra-linguistically, but also to investigate its expression in a cross-linguistic perspective. Majid (2012: 56) As to the TV series-based approach, dialogues usually entail an interaction between the interlocutors. Linell (1998: 10)

in his book

Approaching Dialogue (Talk, interaction and contexts in dialogical perspective) gives a broad definition of 'dialogue' as roughly:

"interaction through symbolic means by mutually co-present individuals". In addition, dialogues also provide a highly contextualized background. As stressed by Linell (2005: 6) in another study: "Situated discourse is interdependent with contexts.

One cannot make sense of a piece of discourse outside of its relevant contexts".

Nevertheless, there also exist limitations in both approaches.

With regard to stimulus-based approach, the video-clips are

designed

Sentence features of descriptive and dialogical data

As recalled in the introduction of this chapter, the corpora involve two types of data: descriptive and dialogical data. The descriptive data was collected with two visual stimulus sets (i.e., Trajectoire for spontaneous motion and Put & Take for caused motion events). The dialogical data was extracted from two TV series (i.e., Married for Ten Years and Loquacious Zhang Damin's Happy Life including both spontaneous and caused motion events). 120 As revealed by the 120 "Descriptive data" refer here to data collected with visual stimulus sets (descriptive data = visual stimuli data) and "dialogical data" refer to data extracted from TV series (dialogical data = TV series data). These two pairs of terms are interchangeable throughout this dissertation. descriptions, but also imperative sentences. 121 We will address the use of imperatives in §4.2.2.

Descriptive data: one clause vs. multiple clauses

In 121 It is important to note that the dialogues in TV series are not restricted to declarative and imperative sentences. They also include interrogative and exclamative sentences. In this dissertation, we only focus on declarative and imperative sentences since they account for the great majority of dialogues in both TV series.

( take-up-hither put-to-PFV chair=upside 'A woman took a bag of candy from the table (towards the deictic center) and put it onto the chair.'

To express simple and complex Paths in a motion event (i.e., including both spontaneous and caused motion), do speakers of Standard Chinese use one or more than one clause in a sentence? This issue is interesting to examine for the following reasons.

Firstly, it will give us a general idea of how simple and complex Paths are expressed by speakers of Standard Chinese.

Furthermore, examining the number of clauses used to express simple and complex Paths will allow us to uncover how different speakers (i.e., 24 speakers in total, 12 for the Trajectoire data and 12 for the Put & Take data) conceptualize the same target event displayed in the video clip that shows either spontaneous or caused motion, and whether they express it in the same way, showing a possible intra-speaker variation.

In their paper Principles of Event Segmentation in Language:

The Case of Motion Events, [START_REF] Bohnemeyer | Principles of event segmentation in language : The case of motion events[END_REF] carried out a study on how conceptually comparable event representations are segmented across units of linguistic code. The authors (2007: 496) observed that,

[…], the relationship between linguistic and internal cognitive event representations is interestingly complex and mutable.

Information about an event is usually not mapped onto a single lexical item, but is distributed across phrases, clauses, and larger chuncks of discourse. Even within one language the same perceived event can be framed in various different ways.

The utterances from English in examples ( 308) and ( 309), among many other ways, describe the same perceived event in one and two clauses, respectively.

(308) Sally broke the vase. (Bohnemeyer et al. 2007: 496) (309) Sally knocked over the vase and it broke. (ibid.)

Given this intralanguage variability, we may expect a variation in terms of the number of clauses used in expressing the same perceived event in our Chinese stimuli data too.

Last but not least, the investigation of the above issue will help us to better understand not only the linguistic structure of the language but also language in use.

Below we will look at the number of clauses contained first in the descriptions of the Trajectoire data, and then in the descriptions of the Put & Take data. Path from complex Path, we note that although speakers use one clause as the dominant way to describe events showing both simple and complex Paths, the use of multiple clauses for describing complex Path events is relatively higher than its use for describing simple Path events (13.5% vs. 3%), as illustrated in Table 19.

Moreover, there is no speaker who uses three clauses to describe events showing simple Path. ( lift-PFV-into-thither 'A woman exited the cave (towards the deictic center) and took the basket inside (away from the deictic center).' 20 shows the number of occurrences produced by the speakers to describe the 63 target scenes with one or more than one clause. We observed that, in general, the majority of the descriptions consist in one clause, accounting for 96.3%.

) 317
(328) 一 个 女 人 走 出 山 洞 , 拿 起 篮 子 , 又 回 到 了 山 洞 中 。 (
Descriptions with multiple clauses only account for 3.7%. What's more, no speaker describes these scenes using 3 clauses. When considering simple Path and complex Path separately in the Put & Take data, we found that just as it was the case with the Trajectoire data, although speakers used predominantly one clause to describe the two types of events, the use of multiple clauses to describe complex Path events is higher than its use to describe simple Path events (16.7% vs. 3.1%), as illustrated in Table 21. (take saucer off cup), most of the speakers (9 out of 12) focused on the action 'take' and described only the Source of motion (i.e., off the cup), as in example (331). By contrast, a few speakers (3 out 12) also paid attention to the Goal of motion (i.e., the table) once the saucer was taken off, and expressed the action 'put' too. In such a case, speakers explicitly expressed both the Source and the Goal, as illustrated in (332). Concerning the scene 002 (put plastic cup on table with mouth), nearly all the speakers (11 out of 12) used one clause and only one speaker used two clauses. What is interesting about the descriptions with one clause is that nine speakers described only Goal of motion (i.e., on the table), as in (333), while the two others described both the Source (i.e., inside the mouth) and the Goal (i.e., on the table) of motion, as in (334). The speaker who used two clauses described both the Source and the Goal of motion, as illustrated in (335).

( As for complex Path events, all of the three scenes showing complex Path were described with two clauses at least once.

However, only a minority of speakers (ranging from one to three) used two clauses to describe each scene. Let us take the scene 050

(take bag of corn from table and move to chair) as an example.

Regarding the number of clauses, unlike the schematic description given in English, which contains two clauses, most of the speakers (10 out of 12) used one clause, as in ( 336), (337), and (339). By contrast, a few speakers (2 out of 12) used two different clauses, as in (338). Concerning the information encoded, nearly all the speakers expressed both the Source (i.e., table) and Goal (i.e., chair) information whereas only one speaker focused on the Goal (e.g., (339)).

In Standard Chinese, the Source information in a caused motion event can generally be expressed in three ways: a satellite (ná-chu-lai [take-out-hither] 'take out (towards the deictic center)'),

a prepositional phrase and a localizer (cóng shūjià=shang [from bookshelf=upside] 'from the bookshelf') located before the verb, and a modifier (qiáng=shang de [wall-upside GEN] 'that was on the wall'). We observed that when speakers described complex Path with one clause, the Source information was often expressed by either the combination of a prepositional phrase and a localizer or by a modifier, as illustrated in ( 336) and (337), respectively. By contrast, when speakers described complex Path with two clauses, Source is usually expressed by the combination of a prepositional phrase and a localizer, togeother with a satellite, as in (338).

( put at PFV chair=upside 'The girl put the candy that was on the table to the chair.' take-up-hither put-to-PFV chair=upside 'A woman took a bag of candy from the table (towards the deictic center) and put it onto the chair.'

(338) 一 个 女 的 把 一 包 糖 从 桌 子 上 拿 起 来 , 放 到 了 椅 子 上 面 。 (P&T_050_S1)
(339) 一个女人将一包糖放在了椅子上。 (P&T_050_S11)
Yí gè nǚrén jiāng yì bāo táng fàng zài le yĭzi=shang.

one CL woman OM one CL candy put at PFV chair=upside 'A woman put a bag of candy onto the chair.'

The analysis of the descriptive data in this section reveals an

Dialogical data: frequent use of imperatives

The analysis of the dialogical data extracted from two TV series (i.e., Married for Ten Years and Loquacious Zhang Damin's Happy Life) reveals several differences in sentence features with regard to descriptive data. Firstly, although both data sets are speech-based, descriptive data are scene-preset, whereas dialogical data are relatively free in terms of the content regardless of the prewritten script. Secondly, data elicited with visual stimulus sets are contextindependent, while data extracted from TV series are contextdependent. At the discourse level, we found that, in dialogical data, some information is not expressed overtly and can be inferred from the context. Lastly, no interaction is involved in descriptive data in which each speaker describes each target scene individually. By contrast, an interaction is established in dialogues when speech exchange happens. Due to these differences, it is not surprising that all the descriptions in data collected with visual stimulus sets are declarative. In TV series data, besides declaratives, there are also a great number of imperatives.

Below we will review some syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic properties of imperatives, and look at how these properties are reflected in Standard Chinese in dialogical data which allow to trigger the use of deictic expressions.

Syntactically, the subject can be absent or present in imperatives. If present, it can either be a pronoun of second person singular / plural (i.e., 你 nĭ '2SG', 您 nín '2SG.HON', and 你们 nĭmen '2PL') or a pronoun of first person plural (i.e., 我们 wŏmen '1PL', and 咱们 zánmen '1PL.INCL'). 123 In dialogical data, the imperative without subjet is illustrated in (340), the imperatives with different subjets mentioned above are exemplified in ( 341

Coding strategies of Path in the data

As previously stated, by virture of the morphosyntactic devices to which the expression of Path is allocated, Standard Chinese has been classified as a satellite-framed language (by means of satellites) [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF], an equipollently-framed language (using serial verbs) (Slobin 2004;[START_REF] Chen | Motion events in Chinese novels : Evidence for an equipollently-framed language[END_REF]), a language using both verb-framed and satellite-framed lexicalization patterns [START_REF] Lamarre | 汉语空间位移事件的语言表达-兼论述 趋式的几个问题 Hànyǔ kōngjiān wèiyí shìjiàn de yǔyán biǎodá-Jiān lùnshù qū shì de jǐ gè wèntí [The expression of motion events in Chinese-On Chinese directional verbs]. 現 代中国語研究 Xiàndài Zhōngguóyǔ Yánjiū[END_REF][START_REF] Chu | Event conceptualization and grammatical realization : The case of motion in Mandarin Chinese[END_REF]), and a language showing symmetric constructions (Croft et al. 2010). However, due to the complexity of the Standard Chinese system and the language in use in different types of data, the above classifications are far from being satisfactory.

In this and the following section, based on [START_REF] Wälchli | A typology of displacement (with special reference to Latvian)[END_REF] typology of spatial encoding, i.e., verbal, adverbal, and adnominal, we examine the coding strategies used to express Path and Dynamic Deixis, respectively, in both the descriptive and the dialogical data.

We note that in [START_REF] Wälchli | A typology of displacement (with special reference to Latvian)[END_REF]

Path (or Path + Dynamic Deixis) verbs

Let us first look at how Path (or Path verbs) is defined in previous studies.

For Talmy (1985: 129), Path refers to "the variety of paths followed, or site occupied, by the According to Levin (1993: 264), Path verbs have the following characteristics. 126The meaning of these verbs includes a specification of the direction of motion, even in the absence of an overt directional complement. For some verbs this specification is in deictic terms; for others it is in nondeictic terms. None of these verbs specify the manner of motion. However, the members of this class do not behave uniformly in all respects. They differ as to how they can express the goal, source, or path of motion; depending on the verb, they may be expressed via a prepositional phrase, as a direct object, or both. Wälchli (2001: 298) considers Path as an 'outer' motion which is concerned with how somebody or something changes its location in space, notably with respect to a given local point of reference (e.g., enter, quit, descend, and pass).

Within the TRAJECTOIRE project, Path is considered as a complex notion. According to Grinevald (2011: 55), Path is construed as "a mental calculation by a speaker of a particular spatial relation between several spatial entities". More specifically, it involves the notion of a vector, "consisting of a line in space that is continuous, delimited by two points and oriented between those points. […] This continuous line is conceived in relation to several grounds, which delimit a vector at both ends with end points (source X, goal Y) and allow for points in between (median Z)".

Based on the above definitions of Path, we adopt the following features as the main criteria to identify Path verbs in Standard Chinese data.

• Path verbs entail a change of location;127

• Path verbs usually indicate direction;

• Path verbs express outer motion;

• Path verbs often interact with the Ground.

In the definitions above, some linguists consider that deictic verbs can also express Path. We agree with this statement. However, due to the distinct feautres of Dynamic Deixis (cf. Chapter1, §1.4), we treat Path verbs that do not convey deictic information (i.e., Path verbs) and Path verbs that convey deictic information (i.e., Path + Dynamic Deixis verbs) separately (see also [START_REF] Zlatev | A Third Way to Travel : The Place of Thai in Motion-Event Typology[END_REF] 163-164 who label these two types of verbs (Non-deictic) Path verbs and Deictic-Path verbs when treating verbs in Thai). In the Standard Chinese data, we found the following Path verbs including, but not limited to, 进 jìn 'enter', 出 chū 'exit', 回 huí 'return', 过 guò 'cross', 上 shàng 'ascend', and 下 xià 'descend', etc. (see Table 23 The child of Damin and Yunfang has got a fever at home, Damin said to his wife Yunfang that they need to bring their child to the hospital immediately.)

128 According to the context, the speaker's location in example (362) is the family dormitory building where Lao Wang and Han Meng share. In (363), the Figure refers to the whole family including Damin, Yunfang, and their child, and the speaker's (i.e., Damin) location refers to their home.

Manner verbs

Despite the numerous studies carried out on Manner, the concept of Manner remains ill-defined (Stosic 2020: 129). Let us look at how Manner (or Manner verbs) is defined in the literature.

In Talmy's (1985: 128) definition, "Manner refers to a subsidiary action or state that a Patient manifests concurrently with its main action or state".

According to Levin (1993: 264), Manner verbs are defined as follows:

These verbs describe motion that typically, though not necessarily, involves displacement, but none of them specifies an inherent direction as part of its meaning. All of these verbs have meanings that include a notion of manner or means of motion. They differ from each other in terms of the specific manner or means.

In Levin's (1993: 264 -267) classification, Manner verbs are further divided into two subclasses: Roll Verbs and Run Verbs. The former relates to "manners of motion that are characteristic of inanimate entities (i.e., where there is not necessarily protagonist control on the part of the moving entity)", whereas the latter usually describes "the manners in which animate entities can move, although some of them may be used to describe the movement of inanimate entities". We understand Roll Verbs as those that are usually used for what Talmy calls nonagentive motion and Run Verbs for self-agentive motion. Wälchli (2001: 298) considers Manner as an 'inner' motion describing the kind of activity involved in motion (e.g., run, walk, jump, fly, and swim).

Furthermore, according to Slobin (2004: 223), Manner "can range from rather general manners, such as walk, run, and fly, to quite specific distinctions, such as limp, sprint, and swoop". He further (2006: 61) elaborates the notion of Manner as including the following subtypes:

"Manner" is a cover term for a number of dimensions, including motor pattern (e.g., hop, jump, skip), often combined with rate of motion (e.g., walk, run, sprint) or force dynamics (e.g., step, tread, tramp) or attitude (e.g., amble, saunter, stroll), and sometimes encoding instrument (e.g., sled, ski, skateboard), and so forth.

In Kopecka's (2010: 230) In a recent study, Stosic (2019: 152) proposes the following definition:

Manner is a complex semantic value, incidental by nature to some substrate element that is processed by various lexical, syntactic, morphological, grammatical and prosodic means and strategies. This processing results in diversifying the substrate by specific qualitative features, and thereby in characterizing/modulating it. The substrate must belong to one of the following ontological types: actions, states or qualities.

Based on the above definitions of Manner, we consider the following features to constitute basic criteria for identifying Manner verbs in the Standard Chinese data.

• Manner verbs characterize how the Figure moves;

• Manner verbs do not necessarily entail a change of location;

• Manner verbs do not indicate direction;

• Manner verbs express inner motion; (Context: Cheng Zhang, the husband of Han Meng, who is riding a tricycle, asked his wife to come up to the tricycle by sitting.)

Cause verbs

As far as Cause verbs are concerned, [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] does not provide a clear defintion. Not many definitions are given on Cause verbs since the expression of caused motion events are relatively less investigated in typological research compared to the expression of spontaneous motion events, in both prevous literature in Chinese and other languages in general [START_REF] Kahane | Les sémantèmes de causation en français[END_REF][START_REF] Hamon | Les verbes de cause à partir de l'exemple de causer[END_REF].

No category corresponds to what we label 'Cause verbs' in [START_REF] Levin | English verb classes and alternations, a preliminary investigation[END_REF]. Instead, the author has a more fine-grained classification of verbs that convey such meaning. In her classification of English verbs, we can find Verbs of Putting (e.g., place, put), Verbs of Removing (e.g., draw, remove), Verbs of Sending and Carrying (e.g., deliver, send), Verbs of Change of Possession (e.g., give, sell), and Verbs of Throwing (e.g., throw, toss), etc.

As far as Cause verbs in the expression of caused motion events are concerned, [START_REF] Goldberg | Construction : A Construction Grammar Approach to Argument Structure[END_REF] constructional approach may provide a good reference in this regard. The author observes that some verbs in isolation do not inherently encode caused motion, for example, kick and hit in (365) and (366). However, when these verbs are used in the caused-motion construction, a causal interpretation is implied, as shown in ( 367) and ( 368).

(365) Joe kicked the wall. (Goldberg 1995: 153) (366) Joe hit the table. (ibid.) (→ He caused the ball to move across the field)

In Standard Chinese, we can find similar examples. Verbs used to express caused motion events are not necessarily Cause verbs. Some of the verbs which do not encode caused motion per se can also occupy the Co-event verb slot and express a sort of Cause in a direct or indirect way. In (369), the verb 踢 tī 'kick' in iteself does not convey the meaning of caused motion, while when it combines with the satellite 进 -jin 'into' forming a caused-motion construction, such construction does entail a causal interpretation as follows 'someone caused the ball to move into the goal by kicking'.

(369) 把球)踢进门。 (Hóu, Xú, Zhāng, & Cài 2001: 447;cited

Coding strategies of Path in the descriptive data

In this section, we present the coding strategies of Path found in the descriptive data, i.e., the Trajectoire and the Put & Take data.

In order to know which coding strategy is used, let us first present the semantics of the verbs that occur in these data (based on the criteria given above) and see what type of information is lexicalized in the verbs. 132 Note that although some verbs might be polysemous, we only account here for their uses found in the corpora. For example, the verb 爬 pá in Standard Chinese can convey the meaning of 'climb' and 'crawl'. According to the context, 爬 pá in the data under analysis only means 'climb' (e.g., (374)). Thus we keep the meaning of 'climb' and disregard 'crawl' in the tables. 131 In Standard Chinese, 放 fàng can also mean 'release'. With this meaning, one can say 放 出 去 fàng-chu-qu [release-out-thither] 'release (someone) out of (somewhere)'. Such use is excluded in our analysis. The BCC Chinese corpus, with a total of about 9.5 billion characters, includes different data types, such as newspapers, literature, and dialogue, etc. 132 The use of each verb is provded by an example in Appendixes B.

This principle is applied for all the verbs found in the Standard

Chinese data discussed in the present dissertation. inside scatter-PFV many block 'A woman kicked over a small bucket and many blocks inside were scattered.' Another verb found in the Put & Take data which is also excluded from the analysis is 掉 diào 'fall'. This verb is used mainly to describe the scene 009 (drop book accidentally on floor) and the scene 113 (knock over bucket so blocks spill out). Take the clip 009 as an example, it shows a man moving forward with a stack of book; one of the books drops accidently on the floor. Eleven out of twelve speakers used two clauses to describe this scene, the second clause expressing a nonagentive motion, as exemplified in (379). Only one speaker described the event as a caused motion, using the dummy verb 弄 nòng 'get' combined with the Path satellite 到 -dao 'to' and the localizer 上 =shang 'upside' to convey the meaning 'the Agent causes the book fall onto the floor', as in (380).

(379) 一个人端着一摞书往前走,最上面的一本掉了下来。 (P&T_009_S2) In what follows, we present the coding strategies of Path found in the descriptive data and focus on the difference between Path encoding in spontaneous motion and caused motion events.

Verbal encoding of Path in the descriptive data

Verbal encoding corresponds to the use of verbs in [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] framework In Standard Chinese, Path verbs can either take Ground NPs or be followed by satellites in most cases. In the descriptive data, all the Path verbs in verbal encoding are followed by a Ground NP, which functions as their object, as shown in ( 381)-( 385).

( 25, see the column compound verbs). Among these satellites, 起 -qĭ 'up', 走zŏu 'away', 倒 -dăo 'over', 掉 -diào 'off', 住 -zhù 'dwell', and 翻 -fān 'over' cannot be followed by a Ground NP, and 走 -zŏu 'away', 倒dăo 'over', 住 -zhù 'dwell', 翻 -fān 'over', and 入 -rù 'into' can not be followed by a deictic satellite (cf. Chapter 2, §2.3.2). 138 The 138 起 -qĭ 'up' can only be followed by 来 -lai 'hither', not 去 -qu 'thither'.

impossibility of combining the above Path satellites with either

Ground NPs or deictic satellites might explain the reason why in the expression of caused motion, Path satellites tends to be used alone (e.g., ( 398)-( 400), ( 402)-( 404 In the Trajectoire data, four prepositions have been found in the expression of spontaneous motion events, as listed in Table 32.

Among them, one preposition 向 xiàng 'towards' was used in postverbal PPs, as shown in (410). Three prepositions 从 cóng 'from', 沿 yán 'along', and 往 wăng 'towards' were used in preverbal PPs, as exemplified in ( 411)-( 413). The morphosyntactic devices used in adnominal encoding may be limited to prepositions which involve only one Ground NP, as in ( 410) and ( 412). Besides, this coding strategy may also contain both prepositions and localizers which comprise two Ground NPs, as in ( 411) and ( 413). Note that no description involving Path can be encoded by localizers alone (without prepositions). The case in which a localizer is alone is possible is in existential sentence. In the Put & Take data, five prepositions have been found in the expression of caused motion events, as listed in Table 33.

Among them, the preposition 在 zài 'at' used in PPs located either after or before the verb, as shown in ( 416) and ( 419). As illustrated in the table below, its use in a postverbal PP is more frequent than its use in a preverbal PP (176 occurrences vs. 5 occurrences). Apart from 在 zài 'at', the preposition 给 gěi 'to' used in PPs also located after the verb, as in (417). Three other prepositions, 从 cóng 'from', 往 wăng 'towards', and 向 xiàng 'towards' formed PPs, were used before the verb, as exemplified in ( 420)-( 422). We may note that the adnominal encoding in the Put & Take data usually involves two morphosyntactic devices in a clause, that is, a preposition and a localizer, due to the nature of the Ground, as can be seen from examples ( 416)-( 422), except (417) in which 给 gěi 'to' as a benefactive marker is often followed by a person as the Ground. In the Put & Take stimulus set, the NPs indicating the Ground are usually common nouns, such as 桌子 zhuōzi 'table', 锅 guō 'pot', etc.

Therefore, in order to function as a place word after a locative preposition, they need to be followed by localizers. 34, adnominal + adverbal encoding is the most frequent, accounting for over 50% in both data sets. Let us discuss each case of the four combinations of encodings below. 139 The adnominal + adverbal encoding can refer to both the adnominal + adverbal encoding and the adverbal + adnominal encoding. The same principle is also applied to other combinations. Only the typical order for each combination is provided in one CL little boy run.quickly-DUR enter-PFV sea=inside 'A little boy entered the sea running quickly.'

Coding strategies of Path in the dialogical data

In this section, we present the coding strategies of Path found in the dialogical data (i.e., data which comprise two TV series: Married for Ten Years (hereafter MFTY) and Loquacious Zhang Damin's Happy Life (hereafter LZHL)). Before examining different coding strategies, let us first present the semantics of the various verbs found in both data sets.

In Table 35 andTable 36, Two verbs, 到 dào 'arrive' and 上 shàng 'ascend', need further explanation since, in certain patterns, they can also mean 'move to'.

As stated in Lamarre (2020: 133-134),

In Standard Chinese and in many other varieties spoken in northern and central China, the basic deictic motion verbs 'come' lái and 'go' qù have bimorphemic variants, consisting of a deictically neuter, semantically bleached path verb that may be glossed as 'move to' and that takes the goal argument when it is overt. A deictic directional is often added after the goal NP. In some of these varieties, deictic motion verbs 'come' lái and 'go' qù do not bear goal NPs as their argument. This issue is probably closely related to that of the grammaticalization of deictic motion verbs into deictic directionals.

The statement above by Lamarre can be illustrated with the following examples. She considers examples ( 436) and ( 438) as "common Sinitic" pattern, prevalent in southern China. In such cases, the deictic motion verbs 去 qù 'go' and 来 lái 'come' take respectively the NPlocs 北京 Běijīng 'Beijing' and 我这儿 wŏ zhèr 'my place' indicating the Goal as their argument. To express the same idea as in ( 436) and ( 438), many northern dialects and some central dialects (including colloquial Beijing Mandarin) prefer a bimorphemic pattern where the NPlocs are placed between the bleached path verb 到 dào 'move to' and the deictic satellites 去qu 'thither ' and 来 -lai 'hither', as shown in (437) In addition, Lamarre (2020: 134) also points out that: "Some northern dialects (for instance the Jilu Mandarin dialects spoken in Hebei and in western Shangdong) use shàng instead of dào as a bleached path verb meaning 'move to'".

The two verbs, 到 dào 'arrive' and 上 shàng 'ascend', used as Path verbs and semantically bleached meaning 'move to' were attested in both the MFTY data (see examples ( 440)-( 443)) and the LZHL data (see ( 444)-( 447)). Furthermore, we observed that the semantically bleached path verb 上 shàng 'move to' was used more frequently in the LZHL data (with 73 occurrences) than in the MFTY data (20 occurrences). This is probably due to the fact that in the TV series LZHL, Beijing Mandarin is the main language used by the actors, whereas in MFTY, it is Standard Chinese that is used as the main language.

(440) 你到哪儿去了? 442), (444), and ( 446) in the data we collected). In the MFTY data, the use of 到 dào 'arrive' and 上 shàng 'ascend' as well as their reading of 'move to' were found.

By contrast, in the LZHL data, 到 dào was only used as 'arrive' and 上 shàng only means 'move to'.

Let us first examine the use of 到 dào meaning 'arrive' and 'move to'. In its meaning of 'arrive', 到 dào was found in both the MFTY and the LZHL data. As illustrated in examples ( 452) and ( 453 where also PROH move 'When you arrived upside, don't move anywhere.'

The use of 到 dào with its meaning 'move to' was only attested in the MFTY data. Note that the 8 occurrences of 到 dào 'move to' found in the MFTY data in combination with either 去 qù 'go' or 来 lái 'come', are all followed by a purpose VP, as in (454) and ( 455). In [START_REF] Lamarre | An Associated Motion Approach to Northern Mandarin MOTION-CUM-PURPOSE Patterns[END_REF], the author explaines that in such pattern, illustrated in ( 456), the bleached motion predicate 到 dào 'move to' (or 上 shàng 'move to') takes the locative goal NP as its argument, whereas 去 qù 'go' and 来 lái 'come' are followed by the purpose VP, and seem to recover their 'verbiness'. Now we look at the use of 上 shàng meaning 'ascend' and 'move to'. The use of 上 shàng in its meaning 'move to' was identified in both the MFTY data and the LZHL data. In both data sets, in most of the cases (4 out of 4 in MFTY data and 18 out of 24 in LZHL data), the verb 上 shàng 'move to' was used only followed by the Ground NP without being followed by the satellite 来 -lai 'hither' or 去 -qu 'thither', as in (457) and ( 458). Sometimes (6 out of 24 in LZHL data), the NPloc can also be followed by the purpose VP, as shown in (459).

From the data we collected, the use of 上 shàng meaning 'move to' seems to have less constraint compared with 到 dào which need to be combined with either satellites 来 -lai 'hither ' and 去 -qu 'thither' or verbs 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' to The use of 上 shàng with its meaning 'ascend' was only attested in MFTY data, as in (460). The 2 occurrences in which 上 shàng 'ascend' was used were all followed by the NPloc 楼 lóu 'stairs' thus entailing a reading of vertical motion of the verb 上 shàng. 463) and ( 464 Let us examine the use of Path satellites in Table 45 andTable 46. First, we look at 回 -huí 'back', 过 -guò 'across, over, past, through', 出 -chu 'out', and 起 -qi 'up'. These satellites were all followed by deictic satellites (来 -lai 'hither' or 去 -qu 'thither'), except 起 -qi 'up' which can only be followed by 来 -lai 'hither', as illustrated in ( 468)-( 475) in both data sets.

( The two Path satellites 进 -jin 'into' and 下 -xia 'down' were found to be followed by either deictic satellites (e.g., ( 476), ( 478)) or Ground NPs and deictic satellites (e.g., ( 477), ( 479)), in both data sets. drag.along-down stairs -thither 'I drag along downstairs (away from the deictic center).' (Context: Damin said to his little sister who is a nurse that if needed, he would carry his wife who is pregnant on his back and go downstairs by dragging.)

(
The Path satellite 上 -shang 'up' was only found in the MFTY data and was used either followed by deictic satellites (in ( 480)), or alone (in (481)). Regarding the Path satellites 到 -dao 'to', it is followed by both Ground NPs and deictic satellites, as in ( 482) and ( 483). As for 走zŏu 'away', this Path satellite can only be used alone without being followed by neither Ground NPs nor deictic satellites, as in ( 484) and ( 485). Among these combined coding strategies, verbal + adverbal encoding is the dominant one, accounting for 34.6% and 37.5% in each data set, as illustrated in Table 48. Apart from this encoding, the other three combined coding strategies were relatively rare. One thing in common is that they all involve the adnominal encoding.

Below we look at each of the four combined coding strategies. Let us first look at the verbal + adverbal encoding. We found only one order in this strategy: verbal + adverbal. There are mainly four different cases. In the first case, Path verbs are only followed by deictic satellites (i.e., 来 -lai 'hither', 去 -qu 'thither'), as illustrated in ( 486) and ( 487). In the second case, Path verbs co-occur only with associated motion markers, as in ( 488) and ( 489). In the third case, Path verbs followed by deictic satellites co-occur with associated motion markers, as in ( 490) and ( 491). In the fourth case, Path verbs are followed by both Path satellites and deictic satellites, as exemplified in ( 492) and ( 493).

In

Coding strategies of Dynamic Deixis in the data

After having examined the coding strategies in the expression of Path in §4.3, we will now investigate the coding strategies used in the expression of Dynamic Deixis. We may note that some examples of the encoding of Dynamic Deixis presented in this section might have already been given in §4.3, especially for the cases in which 来 lái/-lai/=qu 'come/-hither/=COME&DO' and 去 qù/-qu/=qu 'go/-thither/=GO&DO' are used. Let us first look at the use of Dynamic Deixis in the descriptive data and then in the dialogical data.

Coding strategies of Dynamic Deixis in the descriptive data

As introduced previously in Chapter 2 ( §2.4), Dynamic Deixis can be encoded by deictic verbs (i.e., 来 lái 'com', 去 qù 'go'), deictic satellites (i.e., 来 -lai 'hither', 去 -qu 'thither'), and associated motion markers (i.e., 来 -lai 'COME&DO', 去 -qu 'GO&DO') in Standard Chinese.

Note that both deictic verbs and associated motion markers are absent in the descriptive data for Dynamic Deixis encoding.

Adverbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis in the descriptive data

In the descriptive data, the adverbal encoding was used to express Dynamic Deixis by means of the deictic satellites 来 -lai 'hither' and this CL girl from tree=beside towards us walk-over-hither 'The girl walks towards us from the tree (towards the deictic center).'

去 -qu 'thither'. As illustrated in

Coding strategies of Dynmaic Deixis in the dialogical data

In the dialogical data, deictic verbs (i.e., 来 lái 'com', 去 qù 'go'), deictic satellites (i.e., 来 -lai 'hither', 去 -qu 'thither'), and associated motion markers (i.e., 来 -lai 'COME&DO', 去 -qu 'GO&DO') were found to encode Dynamic Deixis.

Verbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis in the dialogical data

As we discussed earlier in §4.4.1, no verbal encoding was found in the descriptive data to encode Dynamic Deixis. By contrast, the dialogical data reveal the frequent use of verbal encoding. This coding strategy accounts for over one third in the MFTY data and over one quarter in the LZHL data. 511)-( 515), the Ground information was not expressed overtly and can be inferred from the context. In the case in which 来 lái 'come' is used, the Ground usually refers to a place where the speaker is located at the moment of speaking.

When 去 qù 'go' is used, the Ground is often a place that is known mutually by the speaker and the hearer.

In the examples below, both deictic verbs take directly the Ground NP as their argument, as 这儿 zhèr 'here' being followed by 来 lái 'come' and 医院 yīyuàn 'hospital' being followed by 去 qù 'go' in ( 516) and ( 517), respectively. Besides, we also found the case in which 来 lái 'come' is preceded by a Ground NP and is followed by a Figure, as in (518), as existential sentence (cf. Chapter 2, §2.4.1).

We note that regardless of the position of the Ground NP, it does not co-occur very frequently with deictic verbs, as shown in Table 53.

Thus deictic verbs tend to be used without any Ground NP.

( In addition to the above cases, the deictic verbs 来 lái 'come'

and 去 qù 'go' were also found to be followed by purpose VPs, as exemplified in ( 519) and (520). Moreover, we have also identified the use of 去 qù 'go' being followed by a Ground NP and a purpose VP simultaneously, as shown in (521). As illustrated in Table 54, in both data sets, cases in which deictic verbs followed by purpose VPs are less frequent. 143 The Ground NP precedes the deictic verb 来 lái 'come' forming existential sentence accounts for 3 occurrences in the MFTY data and 1 occurrence in the LZHL data.

( Let us first look at the use of deictic satellites. Two deictic satellites, 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' were preceded by verbs conveying different meanings (i.e., Path, Manner, and Cause). When a verb expressing Path is used, the deictic satellite (来 -lai 'hither' or 去 -qu 'thither') usually directly follows the verb, as illustrated in ( 522) and ( 523). Such case accounts for over 97% in both data sets, as shown in Table 56. Our result has confirmed the statement made by Lamarre (2008a: 76) who claims that patterns like ( 522) and ( 523)

with Path verbs followed by deictic satellites are overwhelmingly prevalent in dialogues (more than 90%). Besides, we also found the case in which a Path satellite is inserted between the Path verb and the deictic satellite, as in ( 524) and ( 525). However, this case is quite rare in both data sets.

( We will now look at the use of associated motion markers which convey Dynamic Deixis. This type of the adverbal encoding is only attested in the dialogical data (accouting for more than 24%)

but not in the descriptive data (oral corpus) analyzed in our dissertation. However, in Lamarre's (2020: 139) descriptive data (written corpus), such strategy has been found in a novel accounting for 21.5%. The non-use and use of associated motion markers in descriptive data showed that even within the same data type, coding strategy might vary depending on the genre of the data (oral vs. written). As introduced in Chapter 2 ( §2.4.2.2), the associated motion markers usually associate with a non-motion verb. This can be illustrated in ( 536) and ( 537).

(536) 我,出差来了。 (MFTY_2_0304) Wŏ, chūchāi=lái le. 1SG go.on.business=COME&DO CRS 'Me, I am on a business trip (towards the deictic center).'

(537) 干活儿去! (LZHL_9_0051)
Gànhuór=qu! work=GO&DO 'Go to work!'

In addition to the use of deictic satellites or associated motion markers to encode Dynamic Deixis, we also found the use of both morphosyntactic devices, as in ( 538) and ( 539). Such combined coding strategy is very rare which account for only 1.3% and 1.4%

in the MFTY and the LZHL data. In Lamarre's analysis of the descriptive data (from novel), such strategy is also used less frequently (2%). In Chapter 5 ( §5.4.2), we will disucss in depth the redundant encoding of Dynamic Deixis.

Combination of different encodings of Dynamic

Deixis in the dialogical data

In the dialogical data, we found one combined encoding in the expression of Dynamic Deixis, that is, the verbal + adverbal encoding. This strategy is quite rare in both data sets and accounts for only 2.5% in the MFTY data and 0.4% in the LZHL data (see When the above strategy is used, the deictic verb (来 lái 'come'

or 去 qù 'go') usually co-occurs with the associated motion marker, as in ( 540) and ( 541). Besides, we also found 2 occurrences exclusively in the MFTY data showing the case in which the deictic verb co-occurs with the deictic satellite (e.g., (542), ( 543)).

(

Summary and discussion

The analysis of the Standard Chinese data presented in this chapter has shown different coding strategies available for the expression of Path and Dynamic Deixis. Furthermore, the data of two types, descriptive and dialogical, has revealed some important results

showing similarities and differences with respect to the use of these strategies.

In particular, based on the typology proposed by [START_REF] Wälchli | A typology of displacement (with special reference to Latvian)[END_REF], namely, verbal, adverbal, and adnominal encoding, we found 7 coding strategies in the encoding of Path and 3 in the encoding of Dynamic Deixis.

Regarding the encoding of Path, we found that:

-In the descriptive data (see Table 61 -In the dialogical data (see Table 62), both the MFTY and the LZHL data revealed the use of the verbal encoding, the verbal + adverbal encoding, the adverbal encoding, the adnominal + verbal + adverbal encoding, the adnominal + adverbal encoding, the adnominal + verbal encoding. Among the above coding strategies, the verbal encoding was used predominantly. In addition to this strategy, the verbal + adverbal encoding and adverbal encoding are also used frequently in both data sets.

Table 62. Coding strategies of Path in the dialogical data

Concerning the encoding of Dynamic Deixis. We observed that:

-In the descriptive data (see Table 63), two coding strategies -In the dialogical data (see Table 64), three coding strategies have been found in both the MFTY and the LZHL data: the adverbal encoding, the verbal encoding, the verbal + adverbal encoding. Among them, adverbal encoding is the most widely used. Besides, the verbal encoding is also frequently used. The question that arises is how do our findings regarding the coding strategies relate to previous studies. To address the issue, we analyze the Standard Chinese data by applying the distributed spatial semantics approach proposed by [START_REF] Sinha | Distributed Spatial Semantics[END_REF]. This approach is very important since the spatial relational semantic information is not exclusively carried in languages over one single form-class but can be distributed over different form-classes, as argued by the authors.

We structure the present chapter as follows: section 5.2 provides a brief introduction to [START_REF] Sinha | Distributed Spatial Semantics[END_REF] approach.

Sections 5.3 and 5.4 explain how we applied this approach to the analysis of Standard Chinese in both the descriptive and the dialogical data regarding patterns of Path and Dynamic Deixis distribution respectively. Section 5.5 draws a comparison between the two semantic components in order to capture their similarities and differences.

Distributed spatial semantics approach

In their paper Distributed Spatial Semantics, [START_REF] Sinha | Distributed Spatial Semantics[END_REF] discuss the encoding of spatial relational semantic information, especially the Path of motion, in different languages. By reviewing the local semantics approach [START_REF] Miller | Language and perception[END_REF][START_REF] Landau | What" and "where" in spatial language and spatial cognition[END_REF][START_REF] Svorou | The Grammar of Space[END_REF]) in which a given linguistic conceptualization is mapped to a single selection from a single form class, the authors show that this approach is far from satisfying in analyzing spatial relational meaning. Therefore, they propose the distributed semantics approach in which a given semantic type is mapped to different form classes. More precisely, the authors argue that the spatial relational meaning is not mapped exclusively onto the locative particle (e.g., closed syntactic classes such as spatial prepositions), as suggested in the local semantics approach, but can be distributed over several elements of the clause.

By examining the encoding of Path in various languages, especially Bulgarian, Danish, Dutch, English, Ewe, Japanese and Tzeltal, Sinha & Kuteva (1995: 173) observe that:

(a) all languages exhibit a distributed spatial semantics;

(b) the "weighting" of different form classes for the expression of spatial relational meaning varies across languages;

(c) languages also vary in terms of the extent to which the underlying distributed semantics of space is manifest or overt in the linguistic expression.

According to [START_REF] Sinha | Distributed Spatial Semantics[END_REF], Japanese in general has a more overtly distributed spatial semantics than English. The example (548) shows that spatial relational meaning is regularly expressed by simultaneous selections from the verb ireru 'insert', the noun naka 'inside', and the postposition ni. Besides, the authors point out that the locative Path information may be "redundantly" expressed by both the verb and the noun which do not profile the change of location in the same way. The verb ireru 'insert' behaves more like the English verb insert which indicates the initiation of the action whereas the noun naka 'inside' denotes the Goal of the movement. Nouns like naka 'inside' in Japanese are called 'partonymic nouns' by [START_REF] Sinha | Distributed Spatial Semantics[END_REF] which correspond to the localizers (i.e., relational nouns) in Standard Chinese.

Furthermore, both the noun and the postposition in the Japanese example may optionally be omitted. Professor TOPIC book OBJ box (GEN-inside) LOC insert.PRES 'The professor puts the book in the box.'

By virtue of their linguistic characteristics, languages like English seem to express the spatial meaning more covertly than languages such as Japanese. However, it is important to point out that within the same language, spatial information might be expressed in both ways, as is the case for English in examples ( 545) and ( 546). Sinha & Kuteva (1995: 187) identify two main patterns of distribution that are labelled redundancy and differentiation.

According to the authors, the example (548) from Japanese shows a redundant pattern in which "the same 'narrow' spatial relational schematization may be expressed by simultaneously overt selections from different form classes". The example (550) from

Bulgarian illustrates a differentiated pattern in which "a different kind of overtly expressed pattern of distributed spatial pattern" is used. Moreover, under the redundant pattern, the authors also identify a sub-pattern labelled parallelism in which there is usually "the repetition of the same (basic) morpheme", an expression structure which is strongly dispreferred in English (e.g., *The man crossed ACROSS the road).

Bulgarian is a good example to illustrate both the parallel pattern and the differentiated pattern. According to Sinha & Kuteva (1995: 187), "the combination of verbal prefix and preposition is a regular and frequently employed means for the expression of spatial relational meaning in Bulgarian".

As shown in ( 549), the same morpheme (i.e., do ADJACENT+CONTACT) appears twice in this example. The first do is used as a verbal prefix, and the second do as a preposition. Both of them express the same spatial relational meaning 'adjacent' plus 'contact'.

In (550), the spatial relational meaning is distributed over the verbal prefix pre 'through' and the preposition nad 'above/over'. To better illustrate the distinctive features of the patterns proposed by [START_REF] Sinha | Distributed Spatial Semantics[END_REF], the relation among these patterns can be schematized in Figure 18. 555) and ( 554) as conveying the meaning of Source and Medium, respectively, since it is followed by the Ground NPs 石壁 shíbì 'cliff' and 楼 lóu 'stairs'. Cases like (556) are excluded from our count since the satellite 下 -xia 'off' in this example is not followed by any Ground NP and thus only implies the direction of motion. Note that not all the satellites without being followed by any Ground NP are excluded, cases like (557) in which 回 -hui 'back' expresses the Goal are considered in our analysis.

Each

(559) 赵姨已经从老家回来一阵子了。 (MFTY_9_0502)
Zhào yí yĭngjīng cóng lăojiā huí-lai yízhènzi le. Zhao aunt already from hometown return-hither for.a.while CRS 'Aunt Zhao has already been back from her hometown for a while (towards the deictic center).'

Redundant distribution pattern of Path

In the redundant pattern, the same semantic information may be redundantly expressed by different morphemes in the clause. Since Path is a complex notion, in order to investigate the redundant distribution pattern, each portion of Path, i.e., Source, Medium, and Goal, has been analyzed on its own. In the Standard Chinese data under study, we observed that Source, Medium, and Goal all display redundancy. Let us examine the expression of each spatial semantics in turn. In order to analyze the redundant distribution pattern of Source (i.e., the initial part of Path), Medium (i.e., the intermediate part of Path), and Goal (i.e., the final part of Path), we first extracted all the clauses expressing each spatial information respectively from the data.

Redundant distribution pattern of Source

In the Trajectoire data (i.e. spontaneous motion), the Source information can simultaneously appear in two or three morphosyntactic slots within a single clause. The data show that redundancy of Source tends to be more frequent in three different morphemes (107 out of 119 occurrences) than in two different morphemes (12 out of 119 occurrences). 148In example (560), the Source is simultaneously expressed by the preposition 从 cóng 'from', the localizer 中 =zhong 'in the center of', and the satellite 出 -chu 'out'. More precisely, each of the three morphemes participates in Source encoding by focusing on different aspects. The preposition 从 cóng 'from' being followed by the Ground NP 山洞 shāndòng 'cave' denotes the point of departure whence motion takes place. The localizer 中 =zhong 'in the center of' profiles the initial configuration of the Figure (i.e., 女孩儿 nǚháir 'girl') with respect to the Ground (i.e., 山洞 shāndòng 'cave'). The satellite 出 -chu 'out' emphasizes the direction of the Path (i.e., from inside to outside) which involves a boundary-crossing event.

Similarily, in example (561), the Source can also be simultaneously expressed by the preposition 从 cóng 'from', the localizer 里 =li 'inside', and the verb 出 chū 'exit'. 563), both of them comprise the localizer and the verb. The only difference is the lack of the Source preposition in (563). However, a Source preposition before a Ground NP is not impossible in presentative sentences that denote an apparition, as shown in (564). As far as the redundant distribution pattern of Source is concerned, the omission of preposition is acceptable only in the case of locative Verb-Subject constructions (e.g., ( 563), ( 564)), i.e., if the clause is a presentative Example (569) illustrates the case in which Source information is distributed in three morphemes. In this example, Source is simultaneously expressed by the preposition 从 cóng 'from', the localizer 上 =shang 'upside', and the satellite 起 -qi 'up'. More specifically, the preposition 从 cóng 'from' being followed by the Ground NP 桌子 zhuōzi 'table' denotes the point of depature whence motion takes place. The localizer 上 =shang 'upside' indicates the initial location of the Figure (i.e., 书 shū 'book') with respect to the Ground (i.e., 桌子 zhuōzi 'table '). The satellite 起 -qi 'up' which convey the directional meaning of Path 'from downside to upside' is Source-oriented (cf. ( The use of three and four different morphemes to encode the Source is rare. When three morphemes are involved, we found the preposition, the localizer, and the satellite (e.g., (575)), the preposition, the verb, and the satellite (e.g., ( 576)). As for the use of four morphemes within a clause, only one occurrence has been found which resorts to the preposition, the localizer, the verb, and the satellite (e.g., (577)).

(575) 您把我这梯子从脚底下给我撤下去。 (LZHL_1_1620) 570), ( 570

) x x 1 - (563) x x 1 - (567) x x 1 - (568)
Table 65. Redundant pattern of Source in the descriptive data

N° of slots PREP LOC V SAT MFTY (N = 6) LZHL (N = 4) example 2 x x 1 1 (571) x x 1 1 (572) x x 1 - (573) x x 1 - (574) 3 x x x 1 1 (575) x x x 1 - (576) 4 x x x x - 1 (577)
Table 66. Redundant pattern of Source in the dialogical data

Redundant distribution pattern of Medium

Let us look at how the Medium is distributed redundantly in the Trajectoire data (i.e., spontaneous motion). The Medium information can simultaneously appear in two, three, or four morphosyntactic slots within a single clause.

In ( 578), the Medium is encoded in three different morphemes, namely the preposition 从 cóng 'from', the localizer 旁 =pang 'side', and the satellite 过 -guo 'past'. The preposition 从 cóng 'from' specifies the place through which the Figure (i.e., a lady) moves and the localizer 旁 =pang 'side' is related to the configuration of the Figure with respect to the Ground (i.e., 树 shù 'tree'). As to the satellite 过 -guo 'past', it indicates the fact of passing by some place.

Similarly, such information can also be distributed over the preposition, the localizer and the verb, as illustrated in ( 579).

( small brige=upside pass.by 'A little boy passed through the small brige of the riverside.' Moreover, the Medium can also be distributed redundantly over two different morphemes. This is the case in ( 580 one CL man from grass=upside pass.through-across 'A man passed through the grass.'

) 578
In general, the Medium information can be encoded redundantly ranging from two up to four different morphosyntactic devices, and this is only attested in stimuli data, the Trajectoire data.

Below we summarize the various morphemes which occupy the two, three, and four morphosyntactic slots.

Redundant distribution pattern of Goal

In the Trajectoire data (i.e., spontaneous motion), the Goal information can simultaneously appear in two or three morphosyntactic slots within a single clause. In (584), the Goal information is expressed by the satellite and the localizer. The 山洞 shāndòng 'cave'). Note that the localizer can sometimes be omitted without changing the meaning of the sentence when the Ground NP is a place word with an inherently locative value, such as 山洞 shāndòng 'cave' in (585). However, such omission is not always allowed. In example (586), the Goal information is also expressed by the satellite and the localizer. The omission of the localizer 边儿 =biānr 'side' in (587) would be ungrammatical since the Ground NP 河 hé 'river' is a common noun which requires a localizer to form a place word which indicates a specific location. Besides the satellite and the localizer, the verb and the localizer can convey similar finegrained meanings of Goal too, and shown in ( 588).

( 589), ( 590), ( 593

) x x 2 - (591) x x 1 - (588) 3 x x x 3 - (592) x x x - 1 (595)
Table 68. Redundant pattern of Goal in the descriptive data

N° of slots PREP LOC V SAT MFTY (N = 2) LZHL (N = 10) example 2 x x 7 (597) x x 2 1 (596) x x 2 (598)
Table 69. Redundant pattern of Goal in the dialogical data

Differentiated distribution pattern of Path

In the differentiated pattern, each morpheme contributes "a different part of the spatial relational meaning in terms of which the referential situation is conceptualized" (Sinha & Kuteva 1995: 187).

To examine the use of the differentiated pattern in the data, only the expression of complex Path has been analyzed including either two or three portions of Path (i.e., Source + Goal, Source + Medium, Medium + Goal, and Source + Medium + Goal).

In the Trajectoire data, the spatial semantics related to complex

Path can be distributed differentially in two up to four one CL woman towards big tree walk-PFV-over-thither 'A woman walked over towards the big tree (away from the deictic center).'

(603) 这个女孩儿从树旁边向我们走过来。 (Traj_032_S5)
Zhè gè nǚháir cóng shù=pángbiān xiàng wŏmen zŏu-guo-lai.

this CL girl from tree=side towards 1PL walk-over-hither 'The girl walked over towards us from the tree (towards the deictic center).' (Lit. The girl walked over towards us from the side of the tree (towards the deictic center).)

By examining the expression depicting Source + Medium Path, we observed an interesting phenomenon. Let us look at the exmaples (600) and ( 601) which describe the following two events (i.e., Figure19, Figure 20). In example (600), the Source and Medium information are distributed differentially within the same clause. The Source information is expressed by the preposition 从 cóng 'from' and the localizer 旁边 pángbiān 'side' indicating the starting point of the Figure (i.e., 女人 nǚrén 'woman') and its relation with respect to the Ground (i.e.,. 大树 dà shù 'big tree'). The Medium information is conveyed by the satellite 过 -guo 'over' which implies that the Figure is on her way to some place. In example (601), the three same morphemes (i.e., the preposition 从 cóng 'from', the localizer 旁边 pángbiān 'side', and the satellite 过 -guo 'over') are used. However, in (601), the preposition 从 cóng 'from' and the localizer 旁边 pángbiān 'side' entail an interpretation which is different from (600). The differentiated pattern is also attested in the dialogical data.

However, the use of this pattern was attested only in the MFTY data to convey the Source + Goal Path. As illustrated in Table 72, the distribution over two morphemes is the only way found in the data, as exemplified in (605). Zhào yí yĭngjīng cóng lăojiā huí-lai yízhènzi le. Zhao aunt already from hometown return-hither for.a.while CRS 'Aunt Zhao has already been back from her hometown for a while (towards the deictic center).'

Patterns of distribution in the expression of Dynamic Deixis

In Standard Chinese, there is a two-way distinction in the expression of Dynamic Deixis, the centripetal and the centrifugal. In order to examine the patterns of distribution exhibited by Dynamic Deixis in the data under study, each of the two directions (i.e., centripetal direction, centrifugal direction) has been analyzed on its own in the light of the parallel pattern and the redundant pattern. In previous literature, similar phenomenon has also been observed concerning the associated motion. In a crosslinguistic study, [START_REF] Lamarre | Deictic directionals revisited in the light of advances in typology[END_REF] show that in Sereer (an Atlantic language), Northern Mandarin, and Japanese, associated motion markers are concurring with morphemes marking deictic orientation. In addition, [START_REF] Lamarre | An Associated Motion Approach to Northern Mandarin MOTION-CUM-PURPOSE Patterns[END_REF] also makes an in-depth analysis of the associated motion markers

Parallel distribution pattern of Dynamic Deixis

In the parallel pattern, "the same schematization is actually expressed by the same morpheme in different positions in the syntagm" (Sinha & Kuteva 1995: 188). In our study, this pattern was only found in the dialogical data and was attested in both the centripetal and the centrifugal expressions, especially when associated motion is involved. No such pattern was indeed attested in the descriptive data.

Parallel distribution pattern of centripetal direction

Let us first examine the parallel distribution pattern of centripetal direction. As illustrated in ( 606) and ( 607), the deictic verb 来 lái 'come' encodes the centripetal direction in both TV series data sets.

The same centripetal information is repeated by means of the same morpheme 来 =lai 'COME&DO', used as an associated motion marker.

Note that such pattern is usually used to express the purpose of the motion in a serial verb construction, as can be seen from the use of (608) 进来坐来! (MFTY_4_1627)

Jìn-lai zuò-lai! enter-hither sit-COME&DO 'Come in and have a sit!'

Parallel distribution pattern of centrifugal direction

We now look at how the parallel distribution pattern is displayed in the expression of centrifugal direction. Similarly to the parallel pattern found in centripetal direction, the parallel pattern in the encoding of centrifugal direction involves the contribution of the verbs and the associated motion markers. Examples ( 609) and ( 610) display the parallel distribution of centrifugal direction in both TV series data. The same information is repeated by both the deictic verb 去 qù 'go' and the associated motion marker 去 =qu 'GO&DO'.

In addition to the repetition of the same morpheme as verbs and associated motion markers, the centrifugal direction was also found to be expressed by the same morpheme used as deictic satellites and associated motion markers, as illustrated in ( 611) and ( 612 In addition to the above cases which have already been discussed in [START_REF] Lamarre | An Associated Motion Approach to Northern Mandarin MOTION-CUM-PURPOSE Patterns[END_REF] regarding the parallel pattern of centripetal and centrifugal expressions, we also observed that the centrifugal direction can be expressed by the same morpheme without involving associated motion. This is the case in which the same centripetal morpheme 去 is repeated as deictic verbs 去 qù 'go' and deictic satellites 去 -qu 'thither', illustrated in (614).

Interestingly, this example involves both spontaneous and caused motion.

(614) 你去把果果抱到王奶奶家去! (MFTY_7_4423) Nĭ qù bă Guŏguo bào-dao Wáng năinai jiā -qu! 2SG go OM Guoguo hold.in.the.arms-to Wang grandma house -thither 'Go and carry Guoguo to grandma Wang's house!'

Redundant distribution pattern of Dynamic Deixis

As far as the redundant pattern of Dynamic Deixis is concerned, it was only found in the descriptive data, i.e., Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion), and only in the expression of centripetal direction. This direction usually implies the fact of motion towards the deictic center. Since the deictic center is in most cases the location of the speaker, we consider expressions conveying the meaning of 'towards me/us' as a way of encoding Dynamic Deixis.

As suggested by Matsumoto et al. (2017: 97), Deixis seems to be simply a Vector (e.g. TO, FROM) plus a specific Ground (the first person) in its semantics.

As illustrated in Table 73,

Summary

Based on [START_REF] Sinha | Distributed Spatial Semantics[END_REF] 78).

-With respect to the differentiated pattern, it was found in both the descriptive data (cf. Concerning the patterns of distribution in the expression of Dynamic Deixis, we observed that:

-The encoding of Dynamic Deixis can rely on the use of three main patterns: parallel pattern, redundant pattern, and differentiated pattern.

-The parallel pattern is considered as the most overt pattern.

We only identified clauses expressing Dynamic Deixis in the dialogical data and mainly in patterns expressing associated motion. The spatial information, either centripetal direction or centrifugal direction, is repeated twice at both levels, form and meaning, within the clause. However, such pattern is infrequent in the expression of centripetal direction (accouting for 1.3% in the MFTY data and 0.3% in the LZHL data) (Table 79), and in the expression of centrifugal direction (accounting for 5.5% in the MFTY data and 2.3% in the LZHL data) (Table 80). Both centripetal and centrifugal directions can be distributed over the deictic verbs and the associated motion markers, and the deictic satellites and the associated motion markers. Besides, we also found the deictic verbs and the deictic satellites appear in the same clause repeating the centrifugal direction.

-The redundant pattern in the expression of Dynamic Deixis occurs only in the descriptive data (9 occurences) which involves exclusively the expression of centripetal direction.

This information can only be expressed redundantly over two different morphemes, namely the prepositional phrases (with a Ground expressed exclusively by the first person pronoun)

and the deictic satellites.

-The differentiated pattern in the expression of Dynamic Deixis is extremely rare. There is only one occurrence found in the dialogical data, i.e., the MFTY data in which the centripetal and the centrifugal directions are expressed by two different morphemes within the same clause.

-We notice that the information of Dynamic Deixis can be distributed parallelly, redundantly, and differentially over two different morphemes (Table 81). To address the above issues, the analysis in this chapter will find its focus in the descriptive data (i.e., data collected with elicitation tools which provide an homogneous context), revisited from a published chapter (J.-K. [START_REF] Song | Source-Goal asymmetry in Standard Chinese : A comparative study of spontaneous and caused motion events[END_REF]. Besides, we also provide some preliminary results in the dialogical data without developing a fine-grained analysis due to the complex case by case context of each utterance in dialogues.

The present chapter is organized as follows: section 6.2

provides an overview of the Source-Goal asymmetry hypothesis in the literature. Sections 6.3 and 6.4 focus on the analysis in the expression of Source and Goal and of centripetal and centrifugal directions, respectively. Section 6.5 summarizes the main (a)symmetries found in the expression of Path and Dynamic Deixis in the Standard Chinese data.

Source-Goal asymmetry

Source, Medium, and Goal, which represent three portions of Path of motion, refer to the starting, the intermediate, and the ending points, respectively. Among these three portions, Source and Goal have received more attention than Medium. Concerning the relation between Source and Goal, [START_REF] Ikegami | Source' vs. 'Goal' : A Case of Linguistic Dissymmetry[END_REF] makes the following observation:

From a logical point of view, the source and the goal, as contrasting notions, are to all intents and purposes on an equal footing.

[…] There is, however, a good deal of evidence which indicates that the source and the goal do not constitute an equal and mutually contrasting pair of concepts and that language seems to manifest a peculiar dissymmetry in this respect. (Ikegami 1987: 122) More specifically, Ikegami (1987: 135) observes that "the goal is invariably the more natural and more dominant element, while the source is uncertain and instable". This is what the author called the 'goal-over-source principle'. [START_REF] Dirven | Cognitive Exploration of Language and Linguistics[END_REF][START_REF] Diessel | Demonstratives : Form, function, and grammaticalization[END_REF]: 84) also make a similar observation regarding the relationship between Source and Goal.

They notice that in a motion event, Source and Goal are equally salient and can all occur independently as shown in Figure 21 and

Figure 22, and illustrated by examples ( 617) and ( 618), respectively.

However, when human volition is involved, Goal is far more salient than Source. Therefore, according to the authors, example (619) which intends to express Source seems to be strange and unacceptable, whereas (620) which indicates Goal is much more natural. Generally speaking, [START_REF] Dirven | Cognitive Exploration of Language and Linguistics[END_REF][START_REF] Diessel | Demonstratives : Form, function, and grammaticalization[END_REF]: 84-85)

conclude that "there is a strong hierarchy in the every-day experience of the 'source-path-goal' schema: For human actions, the goal is usually more important than the source and the source and goal are usually more important than the path".150

In line with [START_REF] Ikegami | Source' vs. 'Goal' : A Case of Linguistic Dissymmetry[END_REF] and [START_REF] Dirven | Cognitive Exploration of Language and Linguistics[END_REF][START_REF] Diessel | Demonstratives : Form, function, and grammaticalization[END_REF]), other studies [START_REF] Bourdin | On Goal-bias across languages : Modal, configurational and orientational parameters[END_REF][START_REF] Stefanowitsch | The goal bias in the encoding of motion events[END_REF][START_REF] Kopecka | L'(a-)symétrie dans l'expression de la Source et du But : Perspective translinguistique[END_REF]) also show that there is an asymmetry in the expression of Source and Goal and that speakers of different languages tend to favor the expression of Goal. This inequal status between Source and Goal is labelled under different terms, such as Goal over Source principle [START_REF] Ikegami | GOAL' OVER 'SOURCE' : A Case of Dissymetry in Linguistic Orientation[END_REF][START_REF] Ikegami | Source' vs. 'Goal' : A Case of Linguistic Dissymmetry[END_REF][START_REF] Dirven | Cognitive Exploration of Language and Linguistics[END_REF][START_REF] Diessel | Demonstratives : Form, function, and grammaticalization[END_REF]), Goal-bias [START_REF] Bourdin | On Goal-bias across languages : Modal, configurational and orientational parameters[END_REF][START_REF] Stefanowitsch | The goal bias in the encoding of motion events[END_REF][START_REF] Lakusta | Starting at the end : The importance of goals in spatial language[END_REF][START_REF] Lakusta | Conceptual Foundations of Spatial Language : Evidence for a Goal Bias in Infants[END_REF][START_REF] Stefanowitsch | The goal bias revisited : A collostructional approach[END_REF], and Source-Goal asymmetry [START_REF] Ishibashi | The (a)symmetry of source and goal in motion events in Japanese : Evidence from narrative data[END_REF][START_REF] Ishibashi | The expression of 'putting' and 'taking' events in Japanese-The asymmetry of Source and Goal revisited[END_REF][START_REF] Kopecka | L'(a-)symétrie dans l'expression de la Source et du But : Perspective translinguistique[END_REF]inter alia). In this dissertation, we use the term Source-Goal asymmetry to refer to this phenomenon. Such asymmetry has been found at different levels of linguistic expression, namely, discourse, morphological, syntactic, and semantic levels, as reviewed in detail in the special issue on Source-Goal (a)symmetries across language edited by Kopecka & Vuillermet (2021b: 7-13). Below we will briefly present these four levels of asymmetry.

At the discourse level, especially in corpus and text-based studies, Goals are found to be encoded more frequently than Sources in expressions of motion. Such tendency has been observed in different languages (e.g., Japanese, English, and cross-linguistic investigation of parallel copora, etc.) and are based on different data types (e.g., journalistic, literary, etc.).

At the morphological level, Goal morphemes are usually morphologically simpler than Source morphemes. Take French as an example, French prepositions tend to be morphologically simple in encoding the Goal (e.g., derrière 'behind', sous 'under'), whereas they tend to be morphologically complex in encoding the Source (e.g., de derrière 'from behind', de dessous / de sous 'from under').

Pengo, a Dravidian language, provides a further example of the morphological asymmetry of Source and Goal. In this language, Goal is expressed by means of the postposition only (e.g., bitre 'inside'). By contrast, Source is encoded by both the postpostion and the case marker (e.g., bitre-taŋ [inside-ABL]) [START_REF] Bourdin | On Goal-bias across languages : Modal, configurational and orientational parameters[END_REF]cited in Kopecka & Vuillermet 2021: 10-11).

At the syntactic level, the expression of Goal is more straightforward and less constrained than that of Source. Regarding the 'straightforwardness', monoclausal encoding is considered more straightforward than biclausal encoding (Bourdin 1997: 12).

The Papuan language Kobon illustrates such syntactic asymmetry of Source and Goal. In this language, the Goal information is expressed via one verb clause, whereas the Source information is encoded by two verb clauses. Concerning the syntactic 'constraints', Goal PPs combine more easily with verbs than Source PPs. Take the deictic verbs come and go as an example. The English prepositions into and to expressing Goal can combine with both come and go, as illustrated in ( 621) and ( 622). However, the preposition from expressing Source can only combine with come and is constrained to combine with go, as in ( 623) and ( 624).

(621) The man came into her bedroom.

(622) He went to London for a week.

(623) He came from somewhere.

(624) *He went from somewhere. (Fillmore 1972: 369-377;cited in Kopecka & Vuillermet 2021: 13) At the semantic level, the expression of Goal is semantically more specific than the expression of Source. Kopecka & Vuillermet (2021b: 7) In the light of previous research on Source-Goal asymmetry, we will first examine the (a)symmetries in the expression of Path and then in the expression of Dynamic Deixis.

(A)symmetries in Path encoding

The analysis of the data in Standard Chinese reveals several symmetrical and asymmetrical phenomena at different linguistic levels in Path encoding. We focus on the (a)symmetries of Source and Goal expressions in the descriptive data and also look at some preliminary results in the dialogical data.

Source-Goal (a)symmetry in discourse frequency

The encoding of Path in the Standard Chinese data relies on the use of various lexical and grammatical devices comprising verbs, satellites, prepositions, and localizers, as presented in Chapter 4 ( § 4.3). Table 82 shows the diversity of linguistic devices encoding Source and Goal found in the data under analysis. In general, we observe that the number of markers available for the encoding of Goal is higher than those for the encoding of Source.

Starting from the category of verbs, the data identify three verbs expressing Source and seven verbs expressing Goal. As for satellites, the data reveal the use of four satellites to encode Source and six to encode Goal. As to prepositions, two were found in the this CL girl from tree=side towards 1PL walk-over-hither 'The girl walks over towards us from the tree (towards the deictic center).' Now taking the clip 061 (Path_F_walk_toward_tree_back) as an example, this clip shows a woman walking towards the tree which involves Goal-oriented Path. In spite of the fact that Goal is anticipated to be encoded, speakers have chosen to encode not only Goal independently, as shown in ( 631), but also a combination of Goal with either Source (e.g., (632)) or Medium (e.g.,(633) put-to=upside chair=upside 'The person moved a bag of candy from the table to the chair.'

Apart from the encoding of Source and Goal simutaneously for clips showing complex Path events, some speakers also encode one portion of Path only. When a single piece of information is expressed, the distribution of Source and Goal behave asymmetrically in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion).

Interestingly, the encoding of Source is more frequent than the encoding of Goal (Source 46.7% vs. Goal 1.6%), as exemplified in ( 641) and ( 642). We observe that the preference of encoding Source

Source-Goal asymmetry in morphology

According to the Goal-bias hypothesis, at the morpholocial level, we may expect to find more complex morphological marking for elements representing the Source than the Goal. Let us first look at the descriptive data. Table 88 andTable 89 illustrate 88), Source information is conveyed predominantly by a combination of three elements (i.e., prepositional phrase + localizer + satellite). By contrast, Goal information is usually conveyed by a single grammatical device, either a satellite or a postverbal prepositional phrase. In the Put & Take data (caused motion, see Table 89), Source information is conveyed frequently in both a combination of three elements (i.e., prepositional phrase + localizer + satellite) and a single element (i.e., satellite). Nevertheless, Goal information is also frequently conveyed by more than one element (i.e., postverbal prepositional phrase + localizer and satellite + localizer) showing an opposite trend from the Trajectoire data. It is also important to note that, in the expression of Goal, PPs occur more frequently after the verb than before the verb, as observed in both types of events.

V 1.4 (1) V 1.3% (2)
V + LOC 1.3%

(1)

V + SAT 1.3%

(1) 652) and ( 653). In the Put & Take data (caused motion), the use of two elements is frequent, either postverbal prepositional phrase + localizer, as in (654), or satellite + localizer, as in (655). The difference of the encoding of Goal between the descriptive data (using one element) and the dialogical data (using two elements) might due to the nature of the Ground found in two types of events. As illustrated in (652), the Ground NP (i.e., 田 地 tiándì 'field') in spontaneous motion is usually a noun with an inherently locative value and used to refer to a specific place. Thus, the satellite alone is suffient to encode Path. By contrast, the Ground NP (i.e., 桶 tŏng 'bucket') in caused motion, as in example (655), is usually a common noun which requires a localizer to function as a place word. Therefore, the localizer usually co-occurs with either a satellite or a PP (e.g., ( 654

Source-Goal asymmetry in relation to Ground

In this section, we look at the expression of Source and Goal in relation to Ground, which is the reference object with respect to which the Figure moves. In the expression of motion events, the Ground can be explicitly expressed or remain implicit. When explicitly expressed, the reference location is usually introduced by a preposition. The prepositions can either be followed only by the Ground NP (e.g., (661)) or by the Ground NP followed by the localizer indicating the spatial configuration (e.g., ( 662)). Such reference location can also be introduced by Path verbs and Path satellites. In the same way, these Path verbs and Path satellites can either be followed only by Ground NPs (e.g., ( 663), ( 665)) or by Ground NPs followed by localizers (e.g., (664), (666)).

( Taking the Ground NP 山洞 shāndòng 'cave' as an example, when it is used in a PP placed before the verb, the localizer usually follows the noun (55 out of 63), as in (667). However, the localizer can also be optional (8 out of 63), as in (669). However, the localizer can not follow the Ground NP when it is placed after the verb, as in (670).

When the Ground is covertly encoded, a deictic satellite is often used in replace of the Ground NP, as illustrated in example (671).

( We shall take a closer look at the encoding of Ground in the Put & Take data (caused motion). As can be seen in Table 93 above, the overt encoding of Ground in Goal expressions (90.3%) is higher than in Source expressions (70.3%). When Source Grounds are expressed explicitly, they are placed more frequently before the verbs (165 out of 173) than after the verbs (8 out of 173). Source Grounds being placed before the verbs can be introduced either by the preposition 从 cóng 'from' (123 out of 166) or the genitive marker 的 de 'GEN' (42 out of 165), functioning like phrasal modifiers, as illustrated in ( 676) and (677), respectively. Source Grounds occurring after the verbs can only be introduced by the genitive marker 的 de 'GEN',as in (678). As we may see in Table 92 andTable 93 above, the Source and Goal Grounds tend to be omitted more often in caused motion events (39.4%) as compared to spontaneous motion events (1.4%). Futhermore, in caused motion descriptions, the omission of Source Grounds is higher than Goal Grounds (29.7% vs. 9.7%). After examining the frequency of descriptions in which Source Grounds are omitted, we found that such omission usually occurs in the expression to describe events in which the Grounds are either body parts or surfaces. However, in the expression which depict the events implying boundary-crossing, Grounds are rarely omitted.

Taking the video clip 126 (take off sock) as an example, this scene shows someone taking off one sock from her foot. All of the twelve speakers described unanimously this scene without specifying the Ground (i.e., the foot), as exemplified in (681 Looking now at the encoding of Ground in the expression of Source and Goal in the dialogical data, Table 94 and Table 95 show the overt and covert encoding of Grounds in the data extracted from the two TV series. Interestingly, the Ground information in both data sets remain mostly implicit. The encoding of Ground is infrequent especially in Source expressions. Instead, deictic markers are usually used in replace of Grounds, as in ( 684) and ( 685). When Grounds are expressed explicitly, they are usually used to emphasize that the place is somewhere other than the home and is not known to both the speaker and the addressee, as in ( 686 send-to-Sony.corporation-thither 'Send it to the Sony (away from the deictic center).'

(A)symmetries in Dynamic Deixis encoding

In this section, our aim is to examine how frequently Dynamic Deixis is encoded at the discourse level, in particular, how frequently centripetal and centrifugal directions are encoded. Furthermore, we also aim at investigating the (a)symmetries of centripetal and centrifugal directions in relation to Ground.

The use and non-use of Dynamic Deixis in discourse frequency

When describing a translational motion, Dynamic Deixis can either be expressed overtly or covertly. As stated by Berman & Slobin (1994: 39): "there is no single 'objective' story, because narrators are free to choose perspectives on events". In order to examine the occurrence of the use of Dynamic Deixis, we have counted clauses which express Dynamic Deixis, including deictic verbs, deictic satellites, and associated motion markers and clauses which do not comprise Dynamic Deixis. Let us look at more about the cases in which Ground is expressed overtly in the expression of Dynamic Deixis. We note that 152 The Figure 炸药包 zhàyàobāo 'a pack of dynamite' in this example is used metaphorically which refers to the girlfriend of Cheng Zhang who is someone with an explosive temper. 153 According to the context, 台 tái 'TV station' used in this example is an abbreviated term which refers to the TV station (电视台 diànshìtái). When the full form is used as a Ground NP, the localizer is no longer obligatory.

-At the discourse level, generally speaking, the results show that in terms of the frequency, Goal appears more frequently than Source in both the descriptive and the dialogical data, which confirms the goal-over-source principle. However, depending on the event types, Source sometimes appears more frequently than Goal in spontaneous motion events showing complex Path (Source-Goal oriented Path).

-At the morphological level, in general, the inventory found in the Standard Chinese data shows a higher number of morphosyntactic devices used to encode Goal than Source.

Besides, Source and Goal behave differently in two types of data. In the descriptive data, Source is conveyed predominantly by a combination of three elements (i.e., PP + LOC + SAT) where as Goal is conveyed frequently by single elements (i.e., either SAT or PP (AFTER V)) in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion) and by two elements (i.e., either PP (AFTER V) + LOC or SAT + LOC) in the Put & Take data (caused motion). The result in the descriptive data corresponds to the observation in previous literature in which Goal morphemes are usually morphologically simpler than Source morphemes. By contrast, in the dialogical data, the symmetry has been revealed in which both Source and Goal favor the use of a single element (i.e., V). As can be seen from the above results, depending on the data types (i.e., descriptive vs. dialogical), Source and Goal behave both asymmetry and symmetry at the morphological level.

-As to the expression of Source and Goal in relation to the Ground, we also found asymmetries in the two types of data.

Both Source (98.6% in spontaneous motion and 70.3% in caused motion) and Goal (100% in spontaneous motion and 90.3% in caused motion) Grounds are overwhelmingly expressed overtly in the descriptive data. Contrastively, both Source (85.2% in the MFTY data and 91.8% in the LZHL data) and Goal (62.7% in the MFTY data and 50.6% in the LZHL data) Grounds remain covertly expressed in the dialogical data. This difference favoring the use of Grounds in the descriptive data and favoring the non-use of Grounds in the dialogical data also shows the importance of comparing different data types within one language in order to capture the complexity of the phenomenon of asymmetry.

Concerning the encoding of Dynamic Deixis, we observed the following (a)symmetries:

-At the discourse level, Dynamic Deixis is expressed predmoninantly in the dialogical data (95.1% in the MFTY data and 87.9% in the LZHL data) whereas it is expressed less frequently in the descriptive data (36.3% in spontaneous motion and 22.0% in caused motion).

-At the morphological level, centripetal and centrifugal markers revealed symmetry and asymmetry depening on the morphosyntactic devices used. Deictic satellites are found in both the descriptive and the dialogical data in which centripetal direction (over 20%) is expressed more frequently than centrifugal direction (less than 9%). Deictic verbs and associated motion markers are only found in the dialogical data. As for the deictic verbs, centripetal and centrifugal directions manifest a (quasi-)symmetry in the MFTY data (19.0% vs. 19.9%) and in the LZHL data (14.7% and 14.2%). As to the associated motion markers, a striking difference is manifested in which centrifugal direction (14.3% in the MFTY data and 17.0% in the LZHL data) is preferred to be expressed in contrast to centripetal direction (1.0% in the MFTY data and 0.7% in the LZHL data).

-As to the expression of centripetal and centrifugal directions in relation to the Ground, we only examined the use of deictic verbs in the dialogical data. The result shows that Ground tends to be encoded covertly when it is combined with both centripetal (95.2% in the MFTY data and 90.7% in the LZHL data) and centrifugal directions (69.7% in the MFTY data and 78.1% in the LZHL data). When Ground is overtly encoded, similarity and differences. In both data types, the deictic satellites were used. In addition to deictic satellites, we also found prepositional phrases + deictic satellites in the descriptive data, and deictic verbs, deictic verbs + associated motion markers, and deictic verbs + deictic satellites in the dialogical data. These findings show that Dynamic Deixis can be expressed in different ways in Standard Chinese depending on the data types. [START_REF] Chu | Event conceptualization and grammatical realization : The case of motion in Mandarin Chinese[END_REF][START_REF] Lamarre | The Linguistic Categorization of Deictic Direction in Chinese : With Reference to Japanese[END_REF][START_REF] Lamarre | Le déplacement en chinois au coeur des débats typologiques[END_REF][START_REF] Fàn | 句法核心"与"意义核心"的互动与合作 Wèiyí shìjiàn de biǎodá fāngshì yánjiū[END_REF][START_REF] Liú | 现代汉语运动事件表达模式研究 Xiàndài Hànyǔ yùndòng shìjiàn biǎodá móshì yánjiū [A Study on the Expression of Motion Event in Mandarin Chinese[END_REF]; inter alia), as well as deictic verbs, deictic satellites, and associated motion markers for Dynamic Deixis encoding (Lamarre 2008a[START_REF] Lamarre | An Associated Motion Approach to Northern Mandarin MOTION-CUM-PURPOSE Patterns[END_REF].

However, it is important to underline that the encoding of Path and Dynamic Deixis is not only restricted to a single morphosyntactic device, but is also extended to a combination of different morphosyntactic devices, as observed in the present study. What's more, the preferential coding strategy, i.e., verbal encoding, used in the dialogical data corresponds to Lamarre (2008a) that Ground tends to be encoded covertly when it is combined with the centripetal (over 90%) and the centrifugal directions (over 69%). Besides, we found one interesting manifestation of asymmetry at the syntactic level when Ground is overtly expressed. Both Source and Goal Grounds can be combined with the centripetal marker (来 lái 'come'), whereas only Goal Ground is combined with the centrifugal marker (去 qù 'go'). This observation in Standard Chinese confirms the asymmetrical phenomenon revealed previously in the literature on other languages [START_REF] Fillmore | How to know whether you're coming or going[END_REF] on English; Bourdin 1997 on French; inter alia).

Concerning the Source-Goal (a)symmetries:

• At the discourse level, and in terms of frequency, our result shows that Goal appears more frequently than Source in both the descriptive and the dialogical data. Hence, the Standard Chinese data confirms the goal-over-source principle found in other languages [START_REF] Ikegami | Source' vs. 'Goal' : A Case of Linguistic Dissymmetry[END_REF][START_REF] Bourdin | On Goal-bias across languages : Modal, configurational and orientational parameters[END_REF]; inter alia).

• At the morphosyntactic level, the descriptive data and the dialogical data display the asymmetry and the symmetry, respectively. In the descriptive data, Goal is conveyed frequently by single elements (i.e., either SAT or PP (AFTER V)) in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion) and by two elements (i.e., either PP (AFTER V) + LOC or SAT + LOC) in the Put & Take data (caused motion) whereas Source is conveyed predominantly by a combination of three linguistic devices (i.e., PP + LOC + SAT). This confirms the observation made in previous studies that the expression of Goal tend to be less complex than the expression of Source [START_REF] Bourdin | On Goal-bias across languages : Modal, configurational and orientational parameters[END_REF][START_REF] Ishibashi | The expression of 'putting' and 'taking' events in Japanese-The asymmetry of Source and Goal revisited[END_REF]. By contrast, the dialogical data reveal a symmetry in which both Source and Goal favor the use of a single element (i.e., V).

• When examining the expression of Source and Goal in relation to the Ground, we found that both Source and Goal Grounds are overwhelmingly expressed overtly in the descriptive data while in the dialogical data, they remain covertly expressed.

The various spatial (a)symmetries displayed in the expression of Dynamic Deixis differ from Path at different levels, providing yet another argument in favor of the view that the two semantic elements should be treated distinctly.

The principal contributions of this dissertation are as follows.

The present dissertation investigated in a comprehensive way the expression of Dynamic Deixis as compared to the expression of Path by adopting the onomasiological approach. The empirical choice for this study differs from the majority of previous studies devoted to Standard Chinese and other languages that adopted the semasiological approach by tackling first the form (e.g., COME and GO), and then looking at its meaning and its semantic extension. In the domain of motion events, the choice of the onomasiological approach is of great significance since motion events consist of several semantic components and, to express the same concept, different languages or speakers of a given language may resort to different linguistic devices. Therefore, taking as a point of departure the concept of 'Dynamic Deixis' and exploring various forms used to express this concept can give us a more comprehensive understanding of the diversity of strategies that can be used to convey this notion.

In addition, in the light of Lamarre (2008a[START_REF] Lamarre | Le déplacement en chinois au coeur des débats typologiques[END_REF] Finally, this dissertation provides news insights into the issue of the relation between Dynamic Deixis and Path. In addition to the aspectual, pragmatic, morphosyntactic, and functional evidence suggested in previous studies [START_REF] Koga | Typological Studies of the Linguistic Expression of Motion Events, Volume II: The Linguistic Expression of Autonomous Motion in Murakami Haruki's Norwegian Wood --A Contrastive study of Japanese[END_REF][START_REF] Lamarre | The Linguistic Categorization of Deictic Direction in Chinese : With Reference to Japanese[END_REF]Morita 2011;[START_REF] Matsumoto | The functional nature of deictic verbs and the coding patterns of Deixis : An experimental study in English, Japanese, and Thai[END_REF], the results of our analyses, including coding strategies, distributed spatial semantics, and spatial (a)symmetries, also reveal that the expression of Dynamic Deixis differs greatly from the expression of Path and thus reinforce the view that these two semantic elements behave differently and thus should be treated distinctly.

To conclude, from a typological perspective, the present study on Dynamic Deixis in the expression of motion events, together with Path, in Standard Chinese has shown that within a given language, the linguistic encoding of a given concept does not always behave in the same way, rather, it varies a lot depending on different factors such as data type and event type.

Limitations and perspectives

There are two major limitations of this study that should be adressed in further research.

The first limitation concerns the methological framework.

Relying on two types of data, this dissertation aimed at comparing descriptive and dialogical data. Nevertheless, the descriptive data might be confined to its uses given the fact that they are based on visual stimulus sets in which each video clips are meant to show a certain event type, e.g., Trajectoire for spontaneous motion, and Put & Take for caused motion. Therefore, it is not surprising that neither deictic verbs nor associated motion markers were found in the descriptions of the clips since they were not developped to elicit description of such specific event types. In order to complement the data set, it would be worthwile to use an elicitation material which aims at investigating associated motion, for example, the elicitataion tool designed by Boeg Thomsen & Nielsen (2020). 155This would allow us to investigate the use of deictic verbs and associated motion markers in spoken descriptive data in a more systematic way. Cette thèse s'inscrit dans le domaine conceptuel de l'évènement spatial [START_REF] Talmy | Lexicalization patterns : Semantic structure in lexical forms[END_REF][START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF]. En particulier, pour mener à bien cette étude, nous combinons trois cadres, à savoir la typologie de Wälchli (2001) sur l'encodage du déplacement, la sémantique spatiale distribuée de Sinha & Kuteva (1995), et l'asymétrie source-but d' [START_REF] Ikegami | GOAL' OVER 'SOURCE' : A Case of Dissymetry in Linguistic Orientation[END_REF][START_REF] Ikegami | Source' vs. 'Goal' : A Case of Linguistic Dissymmetry[END_REF].

RESUME EN FRANÇAIS

Organisation de la thèse

Cette thèse est organisée en deux parties. La première partie, qui est divisée en trois chapitres, présente le cadre théorique et le cadre méthodologique. En particulier, dans la première partie, nous introduisons la notion de deixis dynamique (chapitre 1), quelques caractéristiques du chinois standard en lien avec l'évènement spatial Les résultats révèlent que l'encodage de la deixis dynamique et celui de la trajectoire ne confirment que partiellement la typologie de [START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] dans laquelle les satellites verbaux en chinois seraient fréquemment utilisés pour encoder la trajectoire (rappelons que Talmy considère la deixis comme un composant de la trajectoire). En plus des satellites, nos données montrent également que (1) pour encoder la trajectoire, les locuteurs utilisent également d'autres ressources morphosyntaxiques discutés dans la littérature telles que les verbes, les syntagmes prépositionnels et les locatifs (ou noms relationnels) [START_REF] Chu | Event conceptualization and grammatical realization : The case of motion in Mandarin Chinese[END_REF][START_REF] Lamarre | The Linguistic Categorization of Deictic Direction in Chinese : With Reference to Japanese[END_REF][START_REF] Lamarre | Le déplacement en chinois au coeur des débats typologiques[END_REF][START_REF] Fàn | 句法核心"与"意义核心"的互动与合作 Wèiyí shìjiàn de biǎodá fāngshì yánjiū[END_REF][START_REF] Liú | 现代汉语运动事件表达模式研究 Xiàndài Hànyǔ yùndòng shìjiàn biǎodá móshì yánjiū [A Study on the Expression of Motion Event in Mandarin Chinese[END_REF]entre autres), et (2) pour encoder la deixis dynamiques, ils utilisent les verbes déictiques, les satellites déictiques et les marqueurs de mouvement associés (Lamarre 2008a[START_REF] Lamarre | An Associated Motion Approach to Northern Mandarin MOTION-CUM-PURPOSE Patterns[END_REF]. Cependant, il est important de souligner que, comme le montre la présente étude, l'encodage de la deixis dynamique et de Le chapitre 5 poursuit l'examen de la distribution de la deixis dynamique et de la trajectoire à l'intérieur d'une proposition en appliquant l'approche de sémantique spatiale distribuée proposée par [START_REF] Sinha | Distributed Spatial Semantics[END_REF]. Plus précisément, les analyses portent sur la distribution de l'information sémantique liée aux différentes directions de la deixis dynamique (direction centripète, direction centrifuge, et direction centripète + centrifuge) et aux différentes phases de la trajectoire (source, médian, but, source + médian, médian + but, source + but, et source + médian + but).

En général, les schémas de distribution sont moins fréquents mais plus diversifiés dans l'expression de la deixis dynamique que dans l'expression de la trajectoire. En ce qui concerne les différentes directions de la deixis dynamique, la direction centripète et la direction centrifuge révèlent l'utilisation du schéma parallèle (la même information est exprimée par le même morphème dans des positions différentes dans le syntagme) et redondant (la même information est exprimée de manière redondante par différents morphèmes dans la proposition) ; la direction centripète + centrifuge montre l'utilisation du schéma différencié (chaque morphème apporte une partie différente de la signification spatiale en termes de laquelle la situation référentielle est conceptualisée).

En ce qui concerne les différentes parties de la trajectoire, source, médian et but, celles-ci révèlent l'emploi du schéma redondant ; tandis que source + médian, médian + but, source + but et source En ce qui concerne l'utilisation des verbes déictiques, la direction centripète et centrifuge montre une (quasi-)symétrie ; cependant, l'utilisation des marqueurs de mouvement associés montre que l'expression de la direction centrifuge est plus fréquente que celle de la direction centripète.

En ce qui concerne l'expression des directions centripète et centrifuge en relation avec le fond, nous avons examiné uniquement l'utilisation de verbes déictiques, et ce dans les données dialogiques.

Les résultats montrent que le fond a tendance à être encodé de manière implicite lorsqu'il est combiné avec les directions centripète (plus de 90 %) et centrifuge (plus de 69%).

Concernant les (a)symétries source-but, au niveau du discours, et en termes de fréquence, notre résultat montrent que le but apparaît plus fréquemment que la source dans les deux types de données, descriptives et dialogiques. Ainsi, les données du chinois standard confirment le principe de l'asymétrie source-but que l'on retrouve dans d'autres langues [START_REF] Ikegami | Source' vs. 'Goal' : A Case of Linguistic Dissymmetry[END_REF][START_REF] Bourdin | On Goal-bias across languages : Modal, configurational and orientational parameters[END_REF]

I

  Figure 1. Centripetal direction (Fortis & Fagard 2010: 16) ............................................

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 2. Centrifugal direction (ibid.) .....................................................................................

Figure 3 .

 3 Figure 3. Transverse direction (ibid.: 17) ...............................................................................

Figure 4 .

 4 Figure 4. Specific and shared properties of Deixis and Path (J.-K. Song, Bunkham, & Mouton 2019) ...............................................................................................................

Figure 5 .

 5 Figure 5. 去 qù meaning 'leave' (adapted from Shĭ 2014: 92) ...................................

Figure 6 .

 6 Figure 6. 去 qù meaning 'towards' (ibid.) ..........................................................................

Figure 7 .

 7 Figure 7. 去 qù meaning 'arrive' (ibid.) ...............................................................................

Figure 8 .

 8 Figure 8. Scene 023 ....................................................................................................................

Figure 9 .

 9 Figure 9. Scene 061 ....................................................................................................................

Figure 10 .

 10 Figure 10. Scene 064 .................................................................................................................

Figure 11 .

 11 Figure 11. Scene 007 .................................................................................................................

Figure 12 .

 12 Figure 12. Scene 026 .................................................................................................................

Figure 13 .

 13 Figure 13. Scene 022 .................................................................................................................

Figure 14 .

 14 Figure 14. Scene 115 .................................................................................................................

Figure 15 .

 15 Figure 15. Scene 133 .................................................................................................................

Figure 16 .

 16 Figure 16. Scene 051 .................................................................................................................

Figure 17 .

 17 Figure 17. Different semantics lexicalized in verbs in the Standard Chinese data ..............................................................................................................................................

Figure 18 .

 18 Figure 18. Distributed spatial semantics............................................................................

Figure 19 .

 19 Figure 19. Source-Medium-oriented Path ..............................................................................

Figure 20 .

 20 Figure 20. Medium-oriented Path ........................................................................................

Figure 21 .

 21 Figure 21. Apple falling from tree (ibid.) ...........................................................................

Figure 22 .

 22 Figure 22. Apple falling into grass (ibid.) ..........................................................................

  Wälchli 2001: 300) ............................................................................................................ 30 Table 5. Summary of Filmorean appropriateness conditions for English come and go (Lewandowski 2007: 15) .......................................................................................... 46 Table 6. Equivalent directional terms (Guillaume & Koch 2021b: 10) ...................... 59 Table

  .................... 83 Table 8. Path verbs ........................................................................................................................ 92 Table 9. Directional complements (=Path satellites) in Standard Chinese (adapted from Liú 1998) .................................................................................................................... 96 Table 10. Semantics roles of NPlocs that can follow Path satellites (adapted from Lamarre 2008b: 216) ........................................................................................................ 98 Table 11. Prepositions encoding Path and their positions with respect to the verb .............................................................................................................................................. 120 Table 12. The parameters underlying the design of the Trajectorie material (Vuillermet & Kopecka 2019: 103) .......................................................................... 161 Table 13. The information of speakers in data collected with the Trajectoire stimulus set ...................................................................................................................... 163 Table 14. The information of speakers in data collected with Put & Take stimulus set ........................................................................................................................................ 167Table 15. Number of clauses expressing translational motion per data set ....... 170 Table 16. Morphosyntactic and semantic coding in the data ................................... 173 Table 17. Supplementary coding in the data................................................................... 175 Table 18. Number of clauses per motion description in the Trajectoire data .... 184 Table 19. Number of clauses per motion description of clips showing simple vs.complex Path in the Trajectoire data ..................................................................... 184 Table 20. Number of clauses per motion description in the Put & Take data ... 190 LIST OF TABLES xiv Table 21. Number of clauses per motion description of clips showing simple vs. complex Path in the Put & Take data .................................................................... 191 Table 22. The distribution of sentence types in the dialogical data ....................... 200 Table 23. Verbs expressing Path in the Trajectoire data ............................................. 213 Table 24. Verbs expressing Manner in the Trajectoire data ....................................... 216 Table 25. Verbs expressing Cause in the Put & Take data ......................................... 220 Table 26. Verbal encoding in the descriptive data ........................................................ 223 Table 27. Verbs in verbal encoding strategy in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion) .............................................................................................................................. 223 Table 28. Adverbal encoding in the descriptive data ................................................... 226 Table 29. Satellites in adverbal encoding strategy in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion) ................................................................................................. 227 Table 30. Satellites in adverbal encoding strategy in the Put & Take data (caused motion) .............................................................................................................................. 229 Table 31. Adnominal encoding in the descriptive data ............................................... 231 Table 32. Prepositions (+/-localizers) in adnominal encoding strategy in the Trajectoire data (= data of spontaneous motion) ............................................ 232 Table 33. Prepositions in adnominal encoding strategy in the Put Take data (caused motion) ............................................................................................................. 234 Table 34. Combination of different encodings of Path in the descriptive data . 237 Table 35. Verbs expressing Path (or Path + Dynamic Deixis) in the MFTY data (spontaneous motion) ................................................................................................. 242 Table 36. Verbs expressing Path (or Path + Dynamic Deixis) in the LZHL data (spontaneous motion) ................................................................................................. 243

  motion) .............................................................................................................................. 255 Table 43. Verbs in verbal encoding strategy in the LZHL data (spontaneous motion) .............................................................................................................................................. 256 Table 44. Adverbal encoding of Path in the dialogical data...................................... 261 Table 45. Satellites in adverbal encoding strategy in the MFTY data .................... 262 Table 46. Satellites in adverbal encoding strategy in the LZHL data ..................... 262 Table 47. Comparison of the use of Path satellites in the descriptive and the dialogical data................................................................................................................. 264 Table 48. Combination of different encodings of Path in the dialogical data ... 268 Table 49. Adverbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis in the descriptive data ............. 272 Table 50. Combination of different encodings of Dynamic Deixis in the descriptive data ..................................................................................................................................... 275 LIST OF TABLES xv

  . Deictic satellites preceded by Path verbs with/without Path satellites .............................................................................................................................................. 282 Table 57. Deictic satellites preceded by Manner verbs with/without Path satellites .............................................................................................................................................. 283 Table 58. Deictic satellites preceded by Cause verbs with/without Path satellites .............................................................................................................................................. 284 Table 59. Morphosyntactic devices used in adverbal encoding in the dialogical data ..................................................................................................................................... 285Table 60. Combination of different encodings of Dynamic Deixis in the dialogical data ..................................................................................................................................... 286 Table 61. Coding strategies of Path in the descriptive data ...................................... 288 Table 62. Coding strategies of Path in the dialogical data ........................................ 289 Table 63. Coding strategies of Dynamic Deixis in the descriptive data ................ 290 Table 64. Coding strategies of Dynamic Deixis in the dialogical data .................. 290 Table 65. Redundant pattern of Source in the descriptive data .............................. 307 Table 66. Redundant pattern of Source in the dialogical data ................................. 307 Table 67. Redundant pattern of Mediumin the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion) .............................................................................................................................. 310 Table 68. Redundant pattern of Goal in the descriptive data ................................... 315 Table 69. Redundant pattern of Goal in the dialogical data ..................................... 315 Table 70. The number of clauses expressing complex Path and the occurrences of differentiated pattern in the Trajectoire data ..................................................... 316 Table 71. The number of clauses expressing complex Path and the occurrences of differentiated pattern in the Put & Take data .................................................... 319 Table 72. The number of clauses expressing complex Path and the occurrences of differentiated pattern in the MFTY data ............................................................... 319 Table 73. The number of clauses using centripetal morpheme and the occurrences of redundant pattern ................................................................................................... 324 Table 74. The number of clauses using Dynamic Deixis and the occurrences of differentiated pattern ................................................................................................... 324 Table 75. The number of clauses expressing Source and the occurrences of redundant pattern ......................................................................................................... 326 Table 76. The number of clauses expressing Medium and the occurrences of redundant pattern ......................................................................................................... 327 Table 77. The number of clauses expressing Goal and the occurrences of redundant pattern ......................................................................................................... 327 LIST OF TABLES xvi Table 78. The number of different morphemes in patterns of distribution in the expression of Path ......................................................................................................... 327 Table 79. The number of clauses using centripetal morpheme and the occurrences of parallel pattern .......................................................................................................... 329 Table 80. The number of clauses using centrifugal morpheme and the occurrences of parallel pattern .......................................................................................................... 329 Table 81. The number of same / different morphemes in patterns of distribution in the expression of Dynamic Deixis ...................................................................... 329 Table 82. Devices expressing Source and Goal found in the Standard Chinese data .............................................................................................................................................. 337 Table 83. Distribution of Path in simple Path events in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion) ................................................................................................. 338 Table 84. Distribution of Path in simple Path events in the Put & Take data (caused motion) .............................................................................................................................. 340 Table 85. Distribution of Path encoding in complex Path events in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion) ....................................................................................... 342 Table 86. Distribution of Path encoding in complex Path events in the Put & Take data (caused motion) ................................................................................................... 342 Table 87. Distribution of Path encoding in the dialogical data ................................ 344 Table 88. Distribution patterns in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion) .. 346 Table 89. Distribution patterns in the Put & Take data (caused motion) ............. 346 Table 90. Distribution of Source and Goal patterns in the MFTY data .................. 349 Table 91. Distribution of Source and Goal patterns in the LZHL data ................... 349 Table 92. The overt and covert encoding of Grounds in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion) ................................................................................................. 351 Table 93. The overt and covert encoding of Grounds in the Put & Take data (caused motion) ............................................................................................................. 352 Table 94. The overt and covert encoding of Grounds in the MFTY data .............. 357 Table 95. The overt and covert encoding of Grounds in the LZHL data............... 357 Table 96. The use and non-use of Dynamic Deixis expressions in the data ....... 358 Table 97. Expression of centripetal (CTP) and centrifugal (CTF) directions in the descriptive data .............................................................................................................. 364 Table 98. Expression of centripetal (CTP) and centrifugal (CTF) directions in the dialogical data................................................................................................................. 365 Table 99. Use of deictic verbs encoding centripetal (CTP) and centrifugal (CTF) directions .......................................................................................................................... 365 Table 100. Use of deictic satellites encoding centripetal (CTP) and centrifugal (CTF) directions .......................................................................................................................... 365 Table 101. Use of associated motion markers encoding centripetal (CTP) and centrifugal (CTF) directions ......................................................................................... 366

Chapter 2

 2 gives a background overview of the linguistic devices available in Standard Chinese to encode different conceptual components of motion events. It briefly presents the linguistic encoding of Figure, Ground and Co-event, with a specific focus on linguistic devices available for the encoding of Dynamic Deixis and Path.

  Chapter 6 investigates spatial (a)symmetries in the expression of Dynamic Deixis and Path. More specifically, various (a)symmetries are examined at different levels including discourse frequency, morphosyntax, and the (a)symmetrical expressions in relation to the Ground.The dissertation concludes with a summary of the main findings and the contribution of this study; it also discusses its limitations and provides the outlook for future research.

  close to the Speaker ese Items which are farther away from the Speaker aquel Items which are rather remote, clearly less present to

•

  Conformation: the spatial relation (i.e., a geometric complex) between the Figure and the Ground during the Figure's movement; • Deictic: the direction of the Figure's movement with respect to the speaker.

( 20 )

 20 Spoken Indonesian 18 (Septiani Wulandari p.c.; cited in Hagège 2010: 247; see also Fortis & Vittrant 2016: 9) məreka kə bioskop 3PL towards movies 'They are going to the movie.'

  e., conflation of Motion and Path, conflation of Motion and Manner, and conflation of Motion and Figure) is too narrow since it focuses only on verbs (verbally) while ignoring other devices (e.g., pre-or postpositions and case (adnominally), verbal affixes or verb particles (adverbally), and a combination of the verbal, adnominal and adverbal encoding). Wälchli (2001) proposes a typology of displacement that is based exclusively on basic intransitive motion by examining a sample of 40 languages (with special reference to Latvian). Before presenting this typology, it is important to clarify what the author understands as 'displacement' and 'basic'.

( 21 )

 21 Lucien went into the house. (Wälchli 2001: 300) (22) Lucien ran into the house. (ibid.) (23) The bottle floated into the cave. (ibid.)

  proposes three main types for the encoding of displacement. His typology has considerably influenced our description of Standard Chinese concerning the linguistic encoding of Path and Dynamic Deixis presented in chapter 2. The three types are: • (V) verbal encoding (i.e., by the verb stem); • (AN) adnominal encoding (i.e., by prepositions, postpositions or case marking); • (AV) adverbal encoding (i.e., by verb affixes or verb particles)

  . The example (33) from Thai, a single-clause sentence, illustrates these equipollent elements by means of a serial verb construction. It includes three different kinds of motion verbs: the Manner verb dɘɘn 'walk', the (non-deictic) Path verbs khâam 'cross' and khâw 'enter', and the Deictic verb paj 'go'.

  across the road and into the park.' By examining motion event descriptions in Chinese novels, Chen & Guo (2009) advocate Slobin's proposal and consider Chinese an equipollently-framed language. They argue that Chinese has a pervasive serial verb construction that allows for at least two verb slots in a single clause. Besides, there is no explicit morphological marking to indicate which one is the main verb.

  out of the kitchen.' Let us next consider the third issue. This issue concerns the typology based on the two-way classification of languages as verbframed and satellite-framed. It is problematic since there are putative satellite-framed languages showing verb-framed behavior and putative verb-framed languages showing satellite-framed behavior. In her 2006 paper, Kopecka observes that French (and possibly other Romance languages), although belonging to the verb-framed language type according to Talmy's typology, can also show satellite-framed behavior. Examples (35) and (36) illustrate that Path can be encoded in a verb-framed pattern by the verb est entré 'entered' and in a satellite-framed pattern by the prefix en-'away', respectively. (35) Verb-framed pattern (Kopecka 2006: 84) Pierre est entré dans l'école en courant. (lit.) Pierre entered the school running.

  examine in depth the notion of Path, the core schema, and propose the following definition: La trajectoire est un concept à différencier du mouvement, et une notion complexe. Par trajectoire, nous entendons l'ensemble des points que pourrait parcourir un mobile se déplaçant dans l'espace, ou le schéma mental d'une relation orientée imposée à des entités dans l'espace. 36 Moreover, the authors further elaborate the concept of Path with the following notions: • Une ligne ou ensemble de points avec un certain contour (droite, courbe, sinueuse…) et une certaine orientation (horizontal, verticale…), bornés ou non ;

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 1. Centripetal direction(Fortis & Fagard 2010: 16)

Figure 3 .

 3 Figure 3. Transverse direction (ibid.: 17)

Following

  different descriptive traditions, the overabundance of terminology that indicates associated motion might not be easy for linguists who work on various languages to have a comprehensive understanding of each other. As a guide to help Western Sicilian, in a recent study in which associated motion markers are identified (De Pasquale & Guillaume 2021), soon after the publication of Guillaume & Koch's (2021a) book. readers better understand the relation of different terms, Guillaume and Koch (2021b: 10) provide a recapitulative list of equivalents (see

  considers Deixis as one of the component of Path, the author (2000: 57) himself also notes that the encoding of Deictic component behaves a little bit differently in certain languages, such as Korean: Like Spanish, Korean can occupy its main verb slot with either type of Path verbthat is, with a Conformation verb or a deictic verb […]. But unlike Spanish, Korean can represent both Path components concurrently in nonagentive sentences. […] Thus, Korean is characteristically Path verb type of language, but it structurally distinguishes the Deictic component from the Conformation component of Path and accords it higher priority when both components are present.

  we have reviewed Deixis as a conceptual notion within the framework of motion events. In chapter 2, we attempt to present different linguistic devices that Standard Chinese makes available to express various conceptual components of a motion event, including Figure, Ground, Path, and in particular Dynamic Deixis --as both a component of Path and a component to be distinguished from Path, as well as Co-event which comprises Manner, Cause and other relations with regard to a motion event.

section 2 .

 2 2 sketches different linguistic devices available in Standard Chinese to encode Figure, Ground, and Co-event; sections 2.3 and 2.4 outline the linguistic encoding of Path and Dynamic Deixis, respectively; section 2.5 gives a summary of the chapter.

  3.1), both Figure and Ground are basic internal elements in a motion event. In a translational motion, the Figure refers to the moving object (or moving entity), and the Ground is the reference object with respect to which the Figure moves. Coevent, as an external element, bears the relation (e.g., Manner or Cause) to a motion event. In the following subsections, we look at how Figure, Ground, and Co-event can be encoded in Standard Chinese.

  briefly presents the syntactic positions that a Figure has in two types of motion: in spontaneous motion events, the NP expressing the Figure (henceforth Figure NP) appears as the subject in a sentence. It can either precede the verb, as 她 tā 'she' in (104), or follow the verb in presentative sentences, as 一个客人 yí-gè kèrén 'a guest' in (105). A

(

  considers Figure, Ground, Motion, and Path as the core components in a Motion event. He (ibid.: 26) points out that in addition to these internal components, a Motion event can be associated with an external Co-event that bears a relation to it, in particular Manner and Cause of motion. Besides the two relations, the author (ibid.: 28) provides a non-exhaustive list including other relations, such as, Precursion, Enablement, Concomitance, Concurrent Result, and Subsequence. Based on Talmy's (2000) semantic relations, Lamarre (2003b: 4-6) discusses how Co-event is expressed in Standard Chinese with reference to English. More specifically, the author illustrates various types of semantic relationships observed between the Co-event and the motion in Verb-directional compounds. In the following part, we focus on the two relations Manner and Cause in English and Standard Chinese.

  [START_REF] Lamarre | Le déplacement en chinois au coeur des débats typologiques[END_REF] cites the same example (118) from her paper 2007a and categorizes this example as the type in which the Path is encoded in the verb and behaves like a verb-framed language. However, we argue that this example might have two interpretations depending on the status of Dynamic Deixis with respect to Path. If one follows Talmy's position and considers that Dynamic Deixis is a component of Path, then the coding strategy of (118) would rather be double framing (as the term suggested by Croft et al. (2010)) since the notion of Path is encoded twice, in both the verb 进 jìn 'enter' and the satellite 来 -lai 'hither'. If one follows Morita (2011) and Matsumoto et al.'s (2017) position and considers that Dynamic Deixis should be treated separately from Path, then the coding strategy of (118) would be verb-framing since Path is encoded only in the verb 进 jìn 'enter'.

  Path verbs In §2.2.2, we have mentioned that Path verbs can take NPloc indicating the Ground. Regarding the semantic relationship of the Path verbs (Table 8) and its object NPloc, Lamarre (2007a: 5) has briefly discussed this issue. According to the author, some Path verbs can take only one portion of Path, such as 过 guò 'cross' which takes Medium NPloc in 过桥 guò qiáo [cross bridge] 'cross the bridge'. Some other Path verbs can take one of the two portions of Path, such as 上 shàng 'ascend' which can take either Medium or Goal NPlocs in 上坡 shàng pō [ascend slope] 'go/come up a slope' or 上台 shàng tái [ascend stage] 'go/come up onto the stage', respectively. There are also some Path verbs that can take one of the three portions of Path (i.e., Source, Medium, or Goal NPlocs), for instance 下 xià 'descend' can take Source NPloc in 下船 xià chuán [descend boat] 'disembark', Medium NPloc in 下山 xià shān [descend mountain] 'descend the mountain', or Goal NPloc in 下海 xià hăi [descend sea] 'go to sea'. 82

  points out that although the Path verbs mentioned above can not grammaticalize into Path satellites, they can usually combine with non-deictic Path satellites to encode Path information, and this entails a semantic redundancy. For example, 升起 shēng-qi [rise-up] 'rise', 沉下 chén-xia [sink-down] 'sink', 钻进 zuān-jin [make.one's.way.into-into] 'make one's way into', 退回 tuìhui [return-back] 'return', and 穿过 chuān-guo [pass.through-across] 'pass through'. Such cases correspond to Croft et al.'s (2010) double framing construction. These verbal compounds can sometimes be followed by an NPloc or satellites 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither'. Lamarre (2008a) further explains that Path verbs, such as 掉 diào 'fall', which can function as a satellite when it occurs after a manner-of-motion verb or a cause-of-motion verb, are not generally included in the list of path satellites (see §2.3.2) because they cannot be followed by satellites 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither'. One can say 吹掉 chuī-diao [blow-fall] 'blow off', but not * 吹掉来 *chuī-diao-lai [blow-fall-hither] 'blow off'. However, when 掉 diào 'fall' is used as a verb, it can combine with 下来 -xia-lai [-downhither], as in 掉下来 diào-xia-lai [fall-down-hither] 'fall down hither'. As pointed out by the author, such verbs frequently enter the paradigm of manner-of-motion verbs. In this dissertation, following Wälchli (2001), we consider such coding strategy as a combination of verbal and adverbal encodings since Path is encoded in both the verb 掉 diào 'fall' and the satellites 下来 -xia-lai [-down-hither].There exist verbs which can be used in both spontaneous motion and caused motion. For instance, the verb 搬 bān 'move, carry' can be used either in spontaneous motion as in 搬家 bān jiā [move house] 'move' or in caused motion like in 搬砖 bān zhuān [carry brick] 'carry the brick'. Besides, we can find verbs which lexicalize Cause and Path to express caused motion (or other relations that a Co-event bears to a framing event), for instance, 脱 tuō 'take off' in 脱鞋 tuō xié [take.off shoe] 'take off one'shoes'.

  Semantics roles of NPlocs that can follow Path satellites (adapted from Lamarre 2008b: 216) Below we briefly provide examples to illustrate the basic usage of the 28 Path satellites (i.e., 2 deictic satellites, 9 simple Path satellites and 17 bipartite Path satellites). 89 We start by looking at the deictic satellites 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither', and then at simple Path satellites 上

  Yŏu yí gè rényĭng cóng qiáng=wài pá-shang-lai. have one CL figure from wall=outside climb-up-hither 'There is a figure climbed up from the wall (towards the deictic center).' (133) 他们把那条沉船拖上岸来。(ibid.: 118) Tāmen bă nà tiáo chénchuán tuō-shang-àn-lai. drag-up-shore-hither 'They dragged the sunken ship ashore (towards the deictic center).' jump-up-wall-thither '(I) want to hunch and jump on the wall (away from the deictic center).'

  -floor-hither 'He walked down to the floor (towards the deictic center).' (142) 我们走下山去。 (ibid.: 185) Wŏmen zŏu-xia-shān-qu. 1PL walk-down-mountain-thither 'We went down the mountain (away from the deictic center).' (143) (她) 悄悄溜下床来坐在道静的床上。 (ibid.: 160) (Tā) qiāo-qiāo liū-xia-chuang-lai zuò zài Dàojìng de 3SG quietly slip.away-down-bed-hither sit at Daojing DET chuáng=shang. bed=upside '(She) slipped out of bed quietly (towards the deictic center) and sat on Daojing's bed.' (144) 跳下水去! (ibid.: 185) Tiào-xia-shuĭ-qu! jump-down-water-thither 'Jump into the water (away from the deictic center)!' (145) 大家喊:"拖下来!" (ibid.: 162) Dàjiā hăn: "tuō-xia-lai!" everyone shout drag-down-hither 'Everyone shouted: "Drag (it) down (towards the deictic center)!"'

  leave the hotel at six o'clock.' pushed away Gu Xiangwen.' 开来 -kai-lai 'apart, away towards the deictic center' & 开 去 -kai-qu 'apart, away from the deictic center'

  -eye-hither 'He opened slowly his eyes (towards the deictic center), …' -thither 'Her thoughts drift away.'[11] 到 -dao 'to'

  More specifically, 沿 yán 'along' expresses the route along which the Figure passes and the NPlocs which follow it, such as 河 hé 'river' and lù 路 'road'. Unlike the verbal encoding 过 guò 'cross' and the adverbal encoding 过guo 'across, over, past, through' which express the intermediate point and a boundary-crossing event, 沿 yán 'along' indicates the intermediate line. Another preposition which can combine with a Ground indicating the Medium is 从 cóng 'from, along', it can either be followed by an NPloc indicating the route along which the Figure moves, as in (189), or an NPloc indicating the place through which the Figure passes, as in (190). As pointed by Lin (2019: 181), "the orders of source PPs and route PPs are usually fixed, that is, they typically occur in preverbal position". Therefore, examples (185) and (191) are ungrammatical. DUR riverside walk-PFV one CL hour about 'She walked for about one hour along the river. express the Goal, the most frequently used prepositions are 朝 cháo 'towards', 往 wǎng 'towards', and 向 xiàng 'towards'. We first look at similarity and differences among the three prepositions mentioned above, and then we discuss 在 zài 'at' and 到 dào 'to' separately. Syntactically, 朝 cháo 'towards', 往 wǎng 'towards', and 向 xiàng 'towards' can be used in a preverbal PP. Among them, only 往 wǎng 'towards' and 向 xiàng 'towards' can be used in a postverbal PP. Semantically, PPs with 朝 cháo 'towards', 往 wǎng 'towards', and 向 xiàng 'towards' express a direction (= an unbounded Path, term used in Lamarre (2007a: 4)), more precisely, a Goal-oriented direction. When one of the three prepositions is used, it implies that the Figure is moving towards a certain direction without reaching the endpoint or the destination. When used as a preverbal PP, 朝 cháo 'towards' and 向 xiàng 'towards' are almost interchangeablewithout changing the meaning of the sentence, as illustrated in(192)

  'The fleet sailed towards the island (away from the deictic center).' sailed towards the island (away from the deictic center).' 'The fleet sailed towards the island (away from the deictic center).' 'The fleet sailed towards the island (away from the deictic center).'

  ) illustrate the use of 往 wǎng 'towards' and 向 xiàng 'towards' respectively in

  points out that: "[…] Chinese preverbal locatives denote the locations of actions and states of affairs, postverbal ones denote the locations of participants of actions". Comparing the following two examples, the preverbal PP 在马背上 [zài măbèi=shang] 'on the horse's back' in (204) specifies the location where the little monkey was performing the action of jumping 跳 tiào 'jump' and there does not entail any change of location of the little moneky. By contrast, the postverbal PP 在马背上 [zài măbèi=shang] 'on the horse's back' in (205) specifies the location, that is the destination (the Goal) of the little monkey after it has jumped from another location implied in the context except the horse's back itself and in this case, thus the PP in this case denotes a change of location. (204) 小猴子在马背上跳。 (adapted from Tai 1975: 158) monkey was jumping on the horse's back.' (205) 小猴子跳在马背上。 (ibid.) Xiăo hóuzi tiào zài măbèi=shang.

(

  212) 跳在了沙发上 (Lin 2019: 183) tiào-zài-le shāfā=shàng jump-at-PFV sofa-on 'jumped onto the sofa' (213) *跳了在沙发上 *tiào-le-zài shāfā=shàng jump-PFV-at sofa-on (214) 跑向了森林 (ibid.) păo-xiàng-le sēnlín run-toward-PFV forest 'ran toward the forest' (215) *跑了向森林 *păo-le-xiàng sēnlín run-PFV-toward forest Based on previous studies, Chirkova & Lamarre (2005: 174) point out that "In Standard Chinese, the [V + 在 zài 'at' + NPloc] construction is generally considered to have both the durative and terminative meaning with the verb 住 zhù 'live' and verbs of posture,

  'push [it] into the room (away from the deictic center)' (219) 到屋里推去 (ibid.) dào wū=li tuī-qu arrive room=inside push-thither *'push [it] into the room (away from the deictic center)' 'go inside the room to push [it]'

  Section 2.4.1 presents the verbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis by means of deictic verbs. Section 2.4.2 discusses the adverbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis by means of deictic satellites (section 2.4.2.1), and associated motion markers (section 2.4.2.2).

  train.station 'He went to the train station.'

Figure 7 .

 7 Figure 7. At this stage, the anchorage is the starting point (A) whereas the attention of focus has shifted to the ending point (B).The difference between 去 qù expressing 'towards' and 去 qù expressing 'arrive' depends on their boundedness. The former one

(

  ; Yuèhuá 刘月华 Liú, Pān, & Gù 2019: 712-723) or 'presentative sentence' in Chinese linguistics literature (C. N. Li & Thompson 1981: 509-519). 100 These sentences can express either something being located in a certain place or something appearing/disappearing. Our case study only concerns the (dis)appearance type which can be generally schematized as [(NPloc) + Vdei + Figure]. 101 More specifically, the (dis)appearance indicates that the Figure appears or disappears in the scene of discourse (or with reference to the Locus denoted by the NPloc preceding the verb, if expressed) (Lena 2020: 44). (233) 我们家来了几个客人。(adapted from Liú, Pān, & Gù 2019 [2001]: 718) guests came to our house.' Sentences expressing appearance basically involve the deictic verb 来 lái 'come' and related compound verbs comprising 来 -lai 'hither' in [Vpath-lai] construction

  (234) …out of the house came a tiny old lady and three or four enormous people… [L. Bromfiled, The Farm, I] (Levin & Rappaport Hovav 1995: 241) Levin & Rappaport Hovav (1995: 241) further explain the reason why come is frequent in use: This verb of inherently direction motion lexicalizes a particular deictic orientation for the motion. Simplifying somewhat, the verb come describes motion onto the scene identified with or by the speaker. Because of this deictic orientation, this verb naturally can be used to describe appearance on the scene, and thus provides a context for the presentation of less familiar information via the postverbal NP in the context of more familiar information (the NP in the preverbal PP).

  ; Aihara 2010), two interpretations of 来 lái 'come' in the [来 lái 'come' + VP] construction were examined. It can be understood as either expressing a motion or being motionless. We use thus lái[+motion] + VP and lái[-motion] + VP to represent the two cases. Regarding the different interpretations of 来 lái 'come' between the two constructions (i.e., lái[+motion] + VP and lái[-motion] + VP),

  film 'Yesterday I went to see a film.' By contrast, the semantic relation is more complex in [VP + 去 qù 'go'] construction. Three cases are mainly distiguished. 去 qù 'go' in these cases always expresses the motion whereas the semantic relation between VP and 去 qù 'go' varies. In the first case, the VP expresses the way in which the motion is carried out. As is shown in (249), the VP 骑自行车 qí zìxíngchē [ride bicycle] expresses how the 103 去 qu can sometimes be atonal in [VP + 去 qu] construction. In this section, we only focus on 去 qù 'go' used as a full verb and examine the grammaticalized form 去 -qu in §2.4.2 and §2.4.3.

  information and the basic use of each deictic satellite as simple and bipartite satellites (i.e., 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' combined with other non-deictic Path satellites) has been given. In this section, we mainly focus on: (A) some word order issues related to 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' as simpe and bipartite satellites with respect to other elements; (B) two constructions, namely [上 shàng 'move to' + NPloc + 来 -lai 'hither' / 去 -qu 'thither'] and [到 dào 'arrive' + NPloc + 来 -lai 'hither' / 去 -qu 'thither'].

  with respect to the Figure and the NPloc. Firstly, we look at the word order of the Figure with respect to the verb and the satellite. We have already mentioned the basic order of the Figure in §2.2.1. In the following part, we only discuss the cases in which 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' are concerned. When they are used as simple satellite, the Figure has three possible orders. In the first pattern, the Figure can be placed before the verb and the satellite, as exemplified in (259) in spontaneous motion, and (260) and (261) in caused motion either without or with the object marker 把 bă 'OM'.

(

  CL bed 'They moved one bed (away from the deictic center).' Comparing the examples given for the second and the third patterns, it seems that the change of the Figure's order does not entail any change of the meaning of the clauses. Xiāo (1992) points out that the choice of these two orders depends mainly on two aspects. Firstly, it depends on the verb. In the second order, the verb can be either intransitive, such as 飞 fēi 'fly' in (262), or transitive, as 写 xiě 'write' in (265). It would be ungrammatical to say * 飞苍蝇 [fly fly], but one can say 写信 xiě xìn [write letter]. When such intransitive verbs are used, one can only choose the second order as in (262),

  'A group of children ran past (towards the deictic center).' Lit: Running past a group of children (towards the deictic center). (278) 他搬进一张桌子去。 Tā bān-jin yì zhāng zhuōzi-qu.

  107

  This chapter provided an overview of some typological characteristics of Standard Chinese in relation to expressions of motion events. By adopting a functional-typological approach, we reviewed the encoding of the most fundamental components of a motion event (i.e., Figure, Ground, Co-event, Path, and Dynamic Deixis). We briefly discussed the encoding of Figure, Ground, and Co-event and focused on the encoding of Path and Dynamic Deixis. As for Path encoding, three types of linguistic strategy can be used: verbal encoding (i.e., Path verbs), adverbal encoding (i.e., Path satellites), and adnominal encoding (i.e., prepositional phrases and localizers). With regard to Dynamic Deixis encoding, two types of linguistic coding strategy can be employed: verbal encoding (i.e., deictic verbs) and adverbal encoding (i.e., deictic satellites and associated motion markers).

  Data elicited with visual stimuli comprise individual descriptions of single scenes described by native speakers of Standard Chinese from the perspective of the third person. By contrast, data extracted from TV series contain dialogues uttered by different protagonists from the perspective of the first, the second and the third person. What's more, at the pragmatic level, stimuli-based data and TV series-based data are complementary when examining expressions of Dynamic Deixis which are highly context-dependent. The former type of data is decontextualized whereas the latter type of data provides a full range of contextualized knowledge and includes interaction between interlocutors.

  Figure [F]Individual(s): man, woman, child; group of people

Figure 9 .

 9 Figure 9. Scene 061 Figure 10. Scene 064

(

  Narasimhan, Kopecka, Bowerman, Gullberg, & Majid 2012: 5). This elicitation material is composed of 63 short video-clips (plus 3 warm-up clips) showing people placing things in place (e.g., putting a candle into a candle holder) and removing things from places (e.g., taking a poster off wall). Each video lasts for 3 -4 seconds (see Appendix 3 for a complete description of each target scene) and there are 3 distinct versions arranging all the 63 video-clips in different orders to minimize possible routine effects. One version per speaker was used during the elicitation session. According to Narasimhan et al. (2012), the 63 scenes vary along a number of different dimensions. They provide a listing of the kinds of semantic features involved in each dimension as follows (adapted from Narasimhan et al. 2012): a. The nature of the Figure: rigid vs.

  Figure and Ground tightly or loosely fitted to each other (e.g., candle -candle holder vs. stone -pot of water); Figure horizontally vs. vertically oriented with respect to Ground (e.g., cucumber -recorder case vs. poster -wall), Figure suspended from a point (e.g., unhang rope -tree branch); d. Types of instruments: the agent's hand, another body part of the agent (e.g., mouth), or an instrument (e.g., tongs);

Figure

  Figure 11. Scene 007

  provides a different perspective, is complementary at the pragmatic level (i.e., context-based utterances) as compared to the stimulusbased approach. The second corpus comprises data extracted from dialogues in two TV series, namely, Married for Ten Years and Loquacious Zhang Damin's Happy Life. 116 Both of the two TV series contain 20 episodes, and each episodes lasts 45 minutes approximately. There are about 15 hours in total for each TV series. The first TV series is entitled Married for Ten Years [结婚十年 Jiéhūn Shínián]. It is a 20 episodes TV series, released in 2003. The main language employed by the actors is Standard Chinese. Professor Lamarre has transcribed the whole TV series (in docx. 115 Christine Lamarre was granted a funding in 2006 and 2007 for data extraction and treatment from the Center for Evolutionary Cognitive Sciences at the University of Tokyo, a 21 st Century COE (Center of Excellence) Program (2003-2008). She was the leader in the section of this COE Program called: Integrative Language Sciences Section: Research on Language Universals and Cross-linguistic Variation. More detailed information can be found in the website: http://ecs.c.utokyo.ac.jp/en/research/research03.html. format in Word) which contain basic path verbs and path directionals (including deictic verbs and directionals). Among the total 20 episodes, we have selected the first 10 episodes and integrated her transcription as well as our own transcription by adding some missing sentences in our corpus (in xlsx. format in Excel). There are 1025 clauses in total. The second TV series is entitled Loquacious Zhang Damin's Happy Life [贫嘴张大民的幸福生活 Pínzuĭ Zhāng Dàmín de Xìngfú Shēnghuó]. It is a 20 episodes TV series, broadcast in 2000. The main language used by the actors is Beijing Mandarin. The first 10 episodes were selected for the data extraction (Professor Lamarre has transcribed the first 3 episodes and we have transcribed the rest of the 7 episodes). There are 967 clauses in total.

Figure

  Figure moves or is located as 'g' (Ground), the manner of motion as 'man' (Manner), the cause of motion as 'cau' (Cause), the path of motion as 'path' (Path), the direction of the Figure's movement with respect to the deictic center as 'ctp' (Centripetal direction) and 'ctf'

  also points out other advantages as follows:Speaker descriptions of non-linguistic stimuli do not require special training of consultants or specialized knowledge, so data can be collected easily. Knowing precisely what the speaker saw when they produced the description minimizes erroneous interpretations on the part of the analyst, as the exact stimulus can be referred to later in the analysis stage, long after the utterance was produced. And the constant platform of the stimulus enables cross-speaker and cross-language comparison.

  specifically to elicit certain descriptions of 'Putting & Taking' and 'Path of motion' events. And the elicitation of individual scenes which are not interrelated does not provide a contextualized knowledge that the use of Dynamic Deixis expressions might require. With respect to TV series-based approach, although the sentences are uttered by different actors, the script is usually written by one screenwriter. Therefore, this might bias the output of dialogues and affect the results of the study.Considering the advantages and limitations of each approach, we thus chose to combine both approaches in order to constitute the corpora with two different sources of data. Stimulus-based approach is a systematic method that allows to explore data across speakers and TV series-based approach is context-dependent and allows to explore data from a more pragmatic perspective. The use of two approaches is complementary, as stated byMajid (2012: 71): "The stimulus-based approach does not replace corpus and verbal elicitation methods but supplements them and is supplemented by them. By combining methods, the limits of any one technique are overcome and converging evidence provides more confidence in findings". a general overview of the encoding of Path and Dynamic Deixis in the corpora collected in Standard Chinese. Previous works that are relevant to the expression of motion events in the language under study mainly focus on the individual coding strategy by using one or two morphosyntactic device(s) falling into the same word class, while the topic of how different strategies combine in a clause has not been much addressed, i.e., the use of two or three devices belonging to different word classes. What's more, there are very few researches that conduct a comparative study between two data types in spoken Chinese. The purpose of this chapter is twofold: first, to present how Path and Dynamic Deixis are encoded by speakers of Standard Chinese, and to provide new insights on their coding strategies compared with previous literature, and second, to examine the similarities and differences in the expression of Path and Dynamic Deixis between the descriptive and the dialogical data. To address the above objectives, we will investigate different morphosyntactic devices and coding strategies that speakers of Standard Chinese used to express Path and Dynamic Deixis. Based on Wälchli's (2001) typology, in the language under study, verbs fall into the type of verbal encoding, directional complements and associated motion markers the adverbal encoding, and prepositions and localizers the adnominal encoding (cf. Lamarre 2008a). The chapter is organized as follows. Section 4.2 describes different sentence features that characterize descriptive data collected with two elicitation stimulus sets and dialogical data extracted from two TV series (cf. Chapter 3, §3.2 and §3.3). Section 4.3 and section 4.4 present various coding strategies used in the descriptive and the dialogical data to express Path and Dynamic Deixis, respectively. Based on these two sections, section 4.5 summarizes the similarities and differences found between the expression of Path and Dynamic Deixis in two data sets. Given the distinct features of Dynamic Deixis as compared to Path (cf. Chapter 1, §1.4), we treat these two semantic elements separately throughout the second part of the dissertation (including Chapters 4, 5, and 6) in order to further explore evidence in Standard Chinese showing how they behave differently in the expression of motion events.

  corpora, sentences of each data type present their own distinctive features. Concerning the descriptive data, since each target scene emphasizes different portions of Path, speakers can choose, depending on how they conceptualize the scene, to describe one, two, or three portions of Path with one clause or more. Therefore, it is important to investigate the interface between semantics and syntax because the number of clauses used to encode a given event and the information being encoded can vary. We will discuss this issue in §4.2.1. Regarding the dialogical data, it comprises not only declarative sentences, as found in the descriptive data elicited with two stimulus sets that triggered exclusively non contextualized

  this section, we analyze the descriptive data by investigating the correlation between the type of Path complexity and the number of clauses used to describe a motion event. By "simple Path", we understand the type that includes only one portion of the Path, which is, Source, Medium, or Goal, as exemplified in (305) which describes the Medium. By "complex Path", we understand two or three spatial portions of the Path, i.e., Source + Medium, Medium + Goal, Source + Goal, or Source + Medium + Goal.Examples (306) and (307) illustrate respectively the use of one clause and two clauses which describe the Source + Goal portions of Path.

(

  of clauses per motion description of clips showing simple vs. complex Path in the Trajectoire data Let us first examine the number of clauses used to describe the 42 clips showing simple Path. Thirty-seven out of those 42 clips were described by the twelve speakers with one clause. The selected illustrations given below concern three of those scenes: scene 038 (Path_F_walk_outof_field_sideRL) showing Source-oriented Path (e.g., (310)), scene 072 (-out-hither 'A lady walked out of the corn field (towards the deictic center).' stepped over the stump.' (312) 一个男人走向躺在草坪上的女人。 (Traj_036_S4) Yí gè nánrén zŏu xiàng tăng zài căopíng=shang de nǚrén.one CL man walk towards lie at lawn=upside REL woman 'A man walked to the woman who is lying on the lawn.'As to the other five clips showing simple Path, more than half of the speakers described these clips with one clause, and only some speakers described them with more than one clause. Besides, we observed that these five clips display merely Source-oriented Path and Medium-oriented Path. as an example, only the Source information (i.e., from the stone) is emphasized in the scene.Regarding the number of clauses, seven out of twelve speakers used one clause to describe this scene in which only the action 'jump' has been described while the action 'run' has been ignored, as in example (313). Five out of twelve speakers used two clauses by focusing on the two actions 'jump' and 'run' equally, as illustrated in (314). Concerning the information encoded, the speakers conceptualized this scene quiet differently. Among the twelve speakers, four of them expressed only the Source information (e.g., (315)), three speakers the Source + Goal information (e.g., (313)), three others the Source + Medium + Goal information (e.g., (314)), and two speakers the Source + Medium information (e.g., (316)). 122 boy jumped from a rock to the beach.'(314) 一个孩子从礁石上跳到沙滩上,然后跑了过来。 (Traj_034_S6) Yí gè háizi cóng jiāoshí=shang tiào-dao shātān=shang,one CL child from stone=upside jump-to beach=upside ránhòu păo-le-guò-lai.then run-PFV-cross-hither 'A child jumped from the stone to the beach and then ran over (towards the deictic center).' -hither 'The boy jumped down from the stone (towards the deictic center).' (316) 小男孩儿从石头上跳下来,奔跑过沙滩。 (Traj_034_S1) Xiăo nánháir cóng shítou=shang tiào-xia-lai, bēnpăo-guo shātān.little boy from stone=upside jump-down-hither run.quickly-over beach 'The little boy jumped down from the stone (towards the deictic center) and ran quickly over the beach.' we found that nine out of twelve speakers used one clause, as shown in (317), and only three speakers used two clauses, as exemplified in (318). As to the information encoded, four speakers described only the Medium (e.g., (317)), as emphasized in the schematic description of this scene. However, three speakers focused more on the destination of the Figure, and expressed the Goal only, as in (319). The five other speakers paid attention to more than one portion of the Path when the Figure moves, i.e., the Source + Medium + Goal (e.g., (320)), the Medium + Goal (e.g., (318)), and the Source + Goal (e.g., (321)).

  one CL man from path the.right.side walk-to-PFV the.left.side 'A man walked from the right side of the path to the left side.'Let us now examine the expression of complex Path. It would not be surprising that a video clip showing a complex Path is expressed with more than one clause since it contains more than one portion of Path. However, out of the thirteen video clips showing complex Path, eight were described with one clause exclusively by the twelve speakers. This is the case of the scene 075 (Path_C_jump_from_rock_to_rock_sideRL) which shows a Source-Goal Path described with one clause (e.g., (322)).

  jumped from one rock to the other.'Concerning the five other clips that were not expressed exclusively with one clause, the majority of the speakers used one clause to describe these scenes, with the exception of the scene 024 (Path_F_walk_out_front_take_walk_into_cave_back) that will be discussed later. This scene was described unanimously with more than one clause by the twelve speakers.We shall look at the case in which speakers used both one and multiple clauses to describe complex Path. Taking the target scene 060 (Path_M_walk_out_cave_pass_walk_into_cave_side) as an example, this scene shows Source-Medium-Goal-oriented Path. Out of twelve speakers, eight used one clause to depict this complex Path event, as illustrated in (323). Four other speakers used two or three clauses, as shown in (324) and (325). As far as the information encoded is concerned, the majority of the speakers (11 out of 12) described two or three portions of Path, as illustrated in (323) and (324) for Source + Goal information, and in (325) for Source + Medium + Goal information. Interestingly, one speaker conceptualized the same scene differently and only depicted the Medium overtly, thus leaving the Source and Goal information implicitly, as in (326).

(

  cave=in.the.center.of 'A woman walked out of the cave, picked up the basket, and returned to the cave again.' Now let us consider caused motion events and examine the Put & Take data. The stimulus set Put & Take consists of 63 video clips showing people placing things in places and removing them from places. Table

  Number of clauses per motion description in the Put & Take data In order to further investigate the number of clauses that speakers used to describe caused motion events, we divided the 63 target scenes of Put & Take stimulus set into two groups. One group comprises clips showing simple Path (60 out 63 scenes, see Appendix 7) and the other one includes clips showing complex Path (3 out of 63 scenes, see Appendix 8).

  Number of clauses per motion description of clips showing simple vs. complex Path in the Put & Take data As far as simple Path events are concerned, fifty out of sixty clips were described with one clause by the twelve speakers. As for the rest of the ten clips, while more than half of the speakers used one clause, only a minority used two clauses. To illustrate descriptions depicting simple Path events with one clause, we selected among the 50 clips the scene 106 (take box down from shelf) showing Source-oriented Path, and the scene 007 (put book on floor) showing Goal-oriented Path. Both clips were described unanimously with one clause, as exemplified in (329PFV-down-hither 'She took the book from the bookshelf (towards the deictic center).' put the book on the floor.' Among the 10 clips depicted either with one or two clauses, we selected two scenes: the scene 131 (take saucer off cup) showing Source-oriented Path, and the scene 002 (put plastic cup on table with mouth) showing Goal-oriented Path. Regarding the scene 131

  intricate relationship between syntax (i.e., number of clauses used) and semantics (i.e., information encoded). In both the Trajectoire and the Put & Take data, we note that speakers of Standard Chinese used predominantly one clause to express clips showing simple Path (over 90%) and complex Path (over 80%). When resorting to multiple clauses, their use in describing complex Path events (over 10%) is relatively higher than in describing simple Path events (under 5%). Moreover, based on how the same target event is conceptualized, speakers focused on different portion(s) of Path showing an intra-speaker variation. As far as simple Path events are concerned, the majority of the speakers depicted only one portion of Path and a small number of them described two or three portions of Path. Regarding complex Path events, most of the speakers depicted two or three portions of Path and a few of them described only one portion of Path.

Figure 17 .

 17 Figure 17. Different semantics lexicalized in verbs in the Standard Chinese data

  Figure objet". It comprises three main components, the Vector, the Conformation, and the Deictic, together with the Contour and the Direction.

  study, Manner refers to "the feature characterizing how the Figure moves as opposed to the feature characterizing where the Figure moves to or from".

  Joe kicked the dog into the bathroom. (ibid.) (→ He caused the dog to move into the bathroom) (368) Joe hit the ball across the field.

  in the blue jacket climbed up the steps.' In the descriptive data, verbs lexicalizing Path are only found in the Trajectoire data that exclusively comprise clauses expressing spontaneous motion events. As shown in

  . Although Path verbs in the broad sense form, by definition, an open class in Standard Chinese (Lamarre 2013: 168), the descriptive data (in particular, the Trajectoire data showing spontaneous motion) reveal the use of only 10 Path verbs, as mentioned earlier in Table 23. Besides, out of the 10 Path verbs, 5 (

  and example (381)). First, both 走入 zŏu-rù[walk-into] and 放入 fàng-rù[put-into] are not listed as lexical entries in the dictionary. Second, if any Manner or Cause verbs can combine with 入 -rù 'into'such as 跳入 tiào-rù [jump-into], 跑入 păo-rù [run-into], 丢入 diū-rù [throw-into],and 装入 zhuāng-rù [fill-into], then such lexicalized verbs would not be exhaustive. Thus, we consider 入 -rù 'into' as a Path satellites when it combines with all the Manner and Cause verbs in the data under analysis, except with the Path verb 进 jìn 'enter'. 4.3.1.3. Adnominal encoding of Path in the descriptive data Adnominal encoding concerns the use of prepositions and localizers in the Standard Chinese data. As shown in

  pours water into a pot.' One intriguing particularity of the adnominal encoding in the Put & Take data is the use of modifiers to express Source information, accounting for 17 occurrences. Unlike English or other VO languages that have relative pronouns to signal the relative construction that is usually placed after the noun, in Standard Chinese, such clauses precede the noun (the Figure) and are marked by the genitive marker 的 de 'GEN'. Let us examine two cases. In (423), the initial location of the Figure (i.e., 糖 táng 'candy') is expressed by the common noun 桌子 zhuōzi 'table' followed by the localizer 上 =shang 'upside' which precede the genitive marker 的 de 'GEN'. In this example, the verb 放 fàng 'put' was used to form the relative clause 放在桌子上的 fàngzài zhuōzi=shang de 'that was on the table' modifying the Figure 糖 táng 'candy', indicating its original location. In (424), the initial location of the Figure (i.e., 杯子 bēizi 'glass') isexpressed by the common noun 嘴 zuĭ 'mouth' followed by the localizer 里 =li 'inside' which precede the genitive marker 的 de 'GEN'.In the latter example, the verb 叼 diāo 'hold in the mouth' was inserted between the NPloc indicating the Source and the genitive marker 的 de 'GEN' to indicate the initial state of the Figure.

( 423 )

 423 这个女生把原本放在桌子上的糖放在了椅子上。 (P&T_050_S4)

  data, we have observed four possible combinations of encodings, including a) adnominal + adverbal encoding, b) adnominal + verbal encoding, c) verbal + adverbal encoding, and d) adnominal + verbal + adverbal encoding. 139 All the four coding strategies are found in the Trajectoire data, and only adnominal + adverbal encoding is found in the Put & Take data. As illustrated in Table

  encoding. Let us first look at descriptions in the Trajectoire data showing spontaneous motion. In (425), the adnominal encoding by the prepositional phrase (including the preposition 从 cóng 'from' and the localizer 后 =hou 'back') precedes the adverbal encoding by the satellite 过 -guo 'past'. In (426), the adnominal encoding by the localizer 里 =li 'inside' follows the adverbal encoding by the satellite 进 -jin 'into'. walked into the grove.' Then we look at the descriptions in the Put & Take data showing caused motion. When adnominal + adverbal encoding is used, such strategy is usually found to describe Source-oriented Path, as in (427), by means of the preposition 从 cóng 'from' and the localizer 里面 =lĭmian 'inside' as adnominal encoding which precdes the satellite 出 -chu 'out' as adverbal encoding. By contrast, when the adverbal + adnominal encoding is used, it is often found in the description of Goal-oriented Path, as in (428), with the help of the satellite 到 -dao 'to' as adverbal encoding which precedes the localizer 里 -li 'inside' as adnominal encoding. 'He put the highlighter in the tree hole.' Concerning the adnominal + verbal + adverbal encoding, all the descriptions in the Trajectoire data follow the order adnominal + verbal + adverbal (i.e., PP + Verb + Satellite). The satellite can only convey the meaning of Path or Path + Dynamic Deixis, as exemplified in (429) and (430), respectively. 'The boy came out of the sea.' With respect to the verbal + adverbal encoding, there is only one order found in the Trajectoire data: verbal + adverbal encoding. What's more, out of the 11 occurrences, 9 were used to describe either Medium-oriented or Goal-oriented Path, as illustrated in (431) and (432). When the verb expresses Source-oriented Path, the adverbal encoding can only be a deictic satellite, as in (433).

'

  The child came out.' Regarding the adnominal + verbal encoding, both the adnominal + verbal encoding and the verbal + adnominal encoding are found in the Trajectoire data. A PP is often used for adnominal encoding when it precedes the verbal encoding, as in (434). By contrast, a localizer is usually used for adnominal encoding when it follows the verbal encoding, as in (435). It is interesting to note that in example (435), besides the verb 进 jìn 'enter' which expresses the Path, another verb 奔跑 bēnpăo 'run quickly' combined with the durative marker 着 -zhe 'DUR' was used as a gerundive expressing Manner. (434) 一个小男孩儿沿着山路上山。 (Traj_065_S8) Yí gè xiăo nánháir yán-zhe shānlù shàng shān. one CL little boy along-DUR mountain.road ascend mountain 'A little boy walks up the mountain along the mountain road.'

  sixteen verbs expressing Path (or Path + Dynamic Deixis) have been identified in the MFTY data, and thirteen verbs in the LZHL data. In both data sets, two verbs (i.e., 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go') lexicalize both Path and Dynamic Deixis and the remaining verbs lexicalize Path only. In terms of frequency, three verbs 来 lái 'come', 去 qù 'go', and 回 huí 'return' prevailed in both data sets. Each of the three verbs accounts for over one hundred occurrences. 241

(

  Concerning the verb 进 jìn 'enter', it was used either alone or followed by a Ground NP indicating the Goal (usually 屋 wū 'room' in the data), as illustrated in (461) and (462), respectively.

  house immediately!' Now let us examine the verb 跑 păo 'run away' which was found exclusively in the MFTY data. This verb can either be used as a Manner verb meaning 'run' which occupies the Co-event slot, or as a Path verb meaning 'run away', as illustrated in (

  -hither 'Hanmeng, sit up (towards the deictic center)!' (Context: Cheng Zhang, the husband of Han Meng, who is riding a tricycle, asked his wife to come onto the tricycle by sitting.) (481) 穿上! (MFTY_1_0923) Chuān-shang! put.on-up 'Put (it) on!'

  -here-hither 'You can't move here tomorrow (towards the deictic center)!' (483) 他们要把我调到喷漆工段去。 (LZHL_9_0029) Tāmen yào bă wŏ diào-dao-pēnqī-gōngduàn-qu. 3PL be.about.to OM 1SG transfer-to-spray.paint-section-thither 'They are going to transfer me to the painting section.' revealed the use of four possible combinations of different encodings, namely, a) verbal + adverbal encoding, b) adnominal + adverbal encoding, c) adnominal + verbal + adverbal encoding, and d) adnominal + verbal encoding. All of the four combinations were found in both the MFTY data and the LZHL data.

  ), both the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion) and the Put & Take data (caused motion) displayed the adnominal + adverbal encoding, the adverbal encoding, and the adnominal encoding. Besides, the Trajectoire data also revealed the adnominal + verbal + adverbal encoding, the verbal + adverbal encoding, the verbal encoding, and the adnominal + verbal encoding. Among these coding strategies, the dominant strategy used to express Path relies on the combination of the adnominal and adverbal encoding. What's more, the adverbal encoding and the adnominal encoding are also frequent in both data sets. The data showing spontaneous motion (Trajectoire data) revealed a preference for the adverbal encoding against adnominal encoding, while the data displaying caused motion (Put & Take data) revealed a preference for the use of the adnominal than the adverbal encoding.

  have been attested: the adverbal encoding and the adnominal + adverbal encoding. The adverbal encoding, as the most frequent used strategy, was found in both the Trajectoire and the Put & Take data. The adnominal + adverbal encoding was also found in the Trajectoire data.

  Firstly, in the StandardChinese data under analysis, the encoding of Path revealed the frequent use of the adverbal encoding (i.e., satellites) in both the descriptive (over 26%) and the dialogical data (over 23%). This result supports partiallyTalmy's typology (2000) in which in Standard Chinese satellites are used frequently to encode Path. However, by comparing Path encoding in the descriptive and the dialogical data, we found that they show different tendancy. The descriptive data revealed the tendencyto use the combined encoding as a dominant strategy (over 50%), i.e., the adnominal + adverbal encoding, whereas the dialogical data show the tendency to favor the use of the verbal encoding (over 38%) and the verbal + adverbal encoding (over 34%). In previous studies,Lamarre (2013: 185) also compares the coding strategies between the dialogical (from TV series) and the descriptive data (from novel). In her analysis, Path encoded by verbs accounts for 93% in the dialogical data and 53% in the descriptive data (written corpus). The frequent use of verbs to encode Path in our dialogical data has confirmed one of the observations made by Lamarre. Nevertheless, in our descriptive data (oral corpus), Path encoding by means of verbs only accouts for 6.4%, which is quite rare. Secondly, concerning the encoding of Dynamic Deixis, both the descriptive and the dialogical data revealed the dominant use of the adverbal encoding. Such observataion corresponds partly to Talmy and other linguists' classifications in which Dynamic Deixis is considered a component of Path since they show the same frequent use of satellites. However, the dialogical data also rely frequently on verbs to encode Dynamic Deixis. From the above findings, we notice that the data type plays a very important role in the selection of coding strategies. The descriptive data revealed more frequently the use of the adnominal + adverbal encoding for Path and the adverbal encoding for Dynamic Deixis. By contrast, the dialogical data revealed dominantly the use of the verbal encoding for Path, and the adverbal encoding for Dynamic Deixis. Besides, the event type also plays a crucial role within the descriptive data. To encode Path, the spontaneous motion data (Trajectoire data) rely more on the adverbal encoding whereas the caused motion data (Put & Take) rely more on the adnominal encoding. To encode Dynamic Deixis, the spontaneous motion data (Trajectoire data) resort to the combined coding strategy, i.e., the adnominal + adverbal encoding while such strategy is absent in the caused motion data (Put & Take data). Hence, the data show that the coding strategy used for the expression of Path and Dynamic Deixis in Standard Chinese depends not only on the language structure but also on other important factors, such as the type of data (descriptive vs. dialogical) and the type of motion event (spontaneous vs. caused). In Chapter 4, we have presented the coding strategies found in the expression of Path and Dynamic Deixis. These strategies revealed the use of different morphosyntactic devices. In this chapter, we will address the topic of the patterns of distributed semantics in order to examine how each of the morphosyntactic devices contributes to the construction of different information of Path and Dynamic Deixis. Our main aim is to uncover the similarities and differences in patterns of distribution of different portion(s) of Path (i.e., Source vs. Medium vs. Goal, Source + Medium vs. Source + Goal vs. Medium + Goal vs. Source + Medium + Goal) and different direction(s) of Dynamic Deixis (i.e., centripetal vs. centrifugal, centripetal + centrifugal).

  naka) † ni # ireru145

  of them contributes a different spatial relational meaning in terms of which the referential situation is conceptualized. As explained by the authors, the prefix expresses the directed path and the preposition expresses the spatial relation between the Figure and the Ground at the vertical axis. flew over the town.'

  expressing the initial, the intermediate, and the final Grounds, but also includes verbal and adverbal expressions that indicate Sourceoriented, Medium-oriented, and Goal-oriented Paths. The same principle is also applied to complex Path. Below we provide some examples showing the cases in which verbal and adverbal expressions are considered as conveying the meaning of Source, Medium, and Goal and the cases in which they are excluded from our analysis. The same principle is also applied to Chapter 6 when we examine the Source-Goal (a)symmetry. Regarding the verbal encoding, verbs like 下 xià 'descend' followed by the Ground NP 地 dì 'floor' in (551) express the Goal. Note that the same verb 下 xià 'descend', among other Path verbs, can also be followed by Source and Medium Ground NPs, such as 下床 xià chuáng [descend bed] 'get out of bed' and 下台阶 xià táijiē [descend step] 'get down steps'. When these verbs are used without being followed by any Ground NP, as in (552), such cases are excluded in our count since only the direction is indicated. However, there are other Path verbs which can be followed exclusively by a Ground NP indicating one specific portion of Path, such as 回 huí 'return' in 回 屋 huí wū [return room] 'return to the room' expressing the Goal.Cases in which 回 huí 'return' is used without being followed by any Ground NP, as in (553), is still considered in our count since it expressed Goal-oriented Path. put on your shoes and get down to the floor!' (Context: Yunfang is in her bed and Damin asked her to put on her shoes and get out of bed.Concerning the adverbal encoding, we consider the satellite 下 -xia 'down, off' used in (

  -hither CRS 'Your mum bought the piano for you (towards the deictic center).' Before presenting different patterns of Path distribution, let us look at how[START_REF] Sinha | Distributed Spatial Semantics[END_REF] approach is applied to Standard Chinese. As presented in Chapter 2 ( §2.3), various morphosyntactic147 According to the context, 楼 lóu here refers to 楼梯 lóutī 'stairs'.

  devices, including verbs, satellites, prepositions, and localizers, share the task of Path encoding. Examples (558) and (559) show respectively the redundant pattern and the differentiated pattern. In (558), the same type of spatial information (i.e., one portion of Path, here Source) is repeated within the clause by means of the preposition 从 cóng 'from', the localizer 上 =shang 'upside', and the satellite 下 -xia 'down'. Note that prepositions in Standard Chinese only encode Path meanings such as 'from', 'to', etc., whereas localizers (or relational nouns) profile the configuration of the Figure with respect to the Ground. This can be seen from the literal translation of (558). Localizers in Standard Chinese, sometimes optional and sometimes compulsory, correspond to partonymic nouns like in Japanese or postpositions like in Ewe. In (559), different pieces of spatial information (i.e., more than one portion of Path, here Source and Goal) is expressed within the clause by the preposition 从 cóng 'from' and the verb 回 huí 'return'. -hither 'The boy jumped down from the stone (towards the deictic center).' (Lit. 'The boy jumped down from the upside of the stone (towards the deictic center).')

  .center.of walk-out-thither 'A girl walked out of the cave (away from the deictic center).' (Lit. A girl walked out from the inside of the cave (away from the deictic center)came out of the sea.' (Lit. The boy came out from the inside of the sea.)In (562), the preposition 从 cóng 'from' and the satellite 出chu 'out' both contribute to Source encoding. The only difference between examples (560) and (562) is the omission of the localizer which follows the Ground NP in (562). The localizer in Standard Chinese can sometimes be omitted when the Ground NP is a place word with an inherently locative value, such as 山洞 shāndòng 'cave'. Such omission does not entail any loss of meaning since the preposition and the satellite capture the essential meaning of Source. -out-thither 'A woman walked out of the cave (away from the deictic center).' Another case in which the Source information is redundantly conveyed by two different morphemes is illustrated in (563). In this example, Source is distributed in the localizer 里 =li 'inside' and the verb 出 chū 'exit'. If we compare examples (561) and (

  out of the thick forest.' In the Put & Take data (i.e., caused motion), the Source information can simultaneously appear in two or three morphosyntactic slots within a single clause. The majority of the redundant distribution pattern of Source is realized in three different morphemes (171 out of 209 occurrences). The use of two different morphemes (38 out of 209 occurrences) is not high in terms of frequency.

  The case in which the Source is distributed over two morphemes is typically by means of localizers and satellites. When the two morphosyntactic devices are involved, the initial location of the Figure generally occurs in a modifier phrase (Ground NP + localizer + genitive marker de), functioning like phrasal modifiers, as in (570).

'

  He took out the orange from the box (towards the deictic center).'Let us now look at how the redundant pattern of the Source is displayed in the dialogical data. Compared to the data collected with the stimulus sets, we found very few occurrences of the redundant pattern in the encoding of Source information in the TV series data (only 6 occurrences out of 83 in MFTY data and 4 occurrences out of 110 in LZHL data). When Source information is expressed by two morphemes, it can be distributed over the preposition and the satellite (e.g., (571)), the preposition and the verb (e.g., (572)), the preposition and the localizer (e.g., (573)), and the verb and the satellite (e.g., (574)).

  )-(582). As we can see in (580), the Medium information is distributed between the preposition 沿 yán 'along' and the satellite 上 -shang 'up'. The preposition 沿 yán 'along' reveals that the Figure (i.e., 女人 nǚrén 'woman') is in a direction which follows the length of (or part of the length of) the Ground (i.e., 山间小路 shānjiānxiăolù 'mountain path') while the satellite 上 -shang 'up' implies that the Figure is oriented to the upward direction. The same information can also be distributed between the preposition 沿 yán 'along' and the verb 上 shàng 'ascend', as shown in (581).

  Figure (i.e., 男人 nánrén 'man') with regard to the Ground (i.e., 草地 căodì 'grass') are emphasized in (583).

  satellite 进 -jin 'into' indicates the direction of the Path (i.e., from outside to inside) which involves a boundary-crossing event. The localizer 中 =zhong 'in the center of' specifies the configuration of the Figure (i.e., 女人 nǚrén 'woman') with respect to the Ground (i.e.,

(

  Figure with respect to the Ground.

  morphosyntactic slots. Depending on which portions of Path are expressed, the use of two, three, or four morphemes varies. The data show that for the Source + Goal Path, the distribution of spatial information by four morphemes is the most frequent pattern, accounting for 46.2%, as illustrated in (599). Regarding the Source + Medium Path, the use of three morphemes, as in (600), is the preferred pattern, accounting for 57.2%. Concerning the Medium + Goal Path, two morphemes are the prevailing pattern, accounting for 73.7%, as shown in (602). As far as the Source + Medium + Goal Path is concerned, only the pattern consisting of four morphemes, as in (603), is attested. Note that the examples we provide below are not all the possible patterns found in the expression of complex Path, but only the most representative ones.

  The two morphemes in (601) encode redundantly the Medium information. The only difference between (600) and (601) lies in the use of the deictic morpheme 来 -lai 'hither'. The comparison of these two examples suggests that Dynamic Deixis such as 来 -lai 'hither' might not only express the perspective with respect to the deictic center, but that it may also, to some extent, play a role in determining the interpretation of the portions of Path conveyed by different morphosyntactic devices.

Figure19.

  Figure19. Source-Medium-oriented Path Figure 20. Medium-oriented Path

  The number of clauses expressing complex Path and the occurrences of differentiated pattern in the MFTY data (605) 赵姨已经从老家回来一阵子了。 (MFTY_9_0502)

in

  Northern Mandarin and discusses the same phenomenon of parallel pattern of deictic motion morphemes in what she labels motion-cum-purpose patterns. In the following sections, let us look at how the parallel pattern and redundant pattern are manifested in the Standard Chinese data. As presented in Chapter 2 ( §2.4), different morphosyntactic devices, including deictic verbs, deictic satellites, associated motion markers, and prepositional phrases share the task of Dynamic Deixis encoding.

  ), attested in both TV series data. Examples (609)-(611) show the use of the deictic verb 去 qù 'go' / the compound verb comprising the deictic satellite 去 -qu 'thither' co-occuring with other verbs in a serial verb construction. We also found cases in which the repetition of centripetal direction is used without combining with other verbs but is combined with Ground NPs. As shown in (613), the Ground NP 医院 yīyuàn 'hospital' is preceded by the deictic verb 去 qù 'go' and followed by the associated motion marker 去 =qu 'GO&DO'.

(

  out of 179 occurrences encoding centripetal direction, only 9 express centripetal information in a redundant way. All the nine occurrences behave the same way in the data in which the centripetal direction is expressed by the prepositional phrase formed by the preposition 向 xiàng 'towards' and the first person plural form 我们 wŏmen '1PL', together with the satellite 来 -lai 'hither', as shown in (615).

  distribution of Dynamic Deixis, this pattern was only found in the dialogical data, i.e., the MFTY data. This is the case where the centripetal direction and the centrifugal direction are distributed over two different morphemes within the same clause. In example (616), Dynamic Deixis is distributed in the verb and the satellite. The verb 去 qù 'go' refers to the centrifugal direction of the Figure (i.e., 你 nĭ '2SG') in a spontaneous motion while the satellite 来 -lai 'hither' indicates the centripetal direction of another Figure (i.e., 自行车 zìxíngchē 'bicycle') accompanied by the agent (i.e., 你 nĭ '2SG') in a caused motion. As shown in

  distributed spatial semantic approach, this chapter examined patterns of distribution of Path and Dynamic Deixis, respectively. Three patterns, namely redundant pattern and differentiated pattern, together with parallel pattern (a subpattern of redundant pattern), were investigated in the Standard Chinese data. Regarding the patterns of distribution in the expression of Path, we found that: -The encoding of Path revealed the use of two main patterns: redundant pattern and differentiated pattern. Depending on the type of data (i.e., descriptive vs. dialogical) and the spatial relation information (i.e., different portion(s) of Path) being encoded, the two patterns behaved differently. -As far as the redundant pattern is concerned, the redundancy of Source, Medium, and Goal is more frequent in the descriptive data than in the dialogical data. Regarding different spatial semantics being encoded, Source is expressed more frequently by the redundant pattern than Goal and Medium (see

  The analysis of the ways Path and Dynamic Deixis information is distributed within the clause revealed both similarities and differences. Firstly, Both Path and Dynamic Deixis displayed the use of redundant and differentiated patterns. What's more, Dynamic Deixis also revealed the use of parallel pattern. Secondly, the different morphosyntactic devices contributing to the encoding of Path relies on verbs, satellites, prepositions, and localizers whereas deictic verbs, deictic satellites, associated motion markers, and prepositional phrases share the task of Dynamic Deixis encoding. Lastly, the spatial information of Path can be simultaneously expressed from two up to four different morphemes whereas only two different morphemes are found to express the spatial semantics of Dynamic Deixis. The comparison of Path and Dynamic Deixis information distribution reveals more differences than similarties between the two semantic components and thus support the idea that they should be better treated separately. Dynamic Deixis receive more attention than the other portion and the other direction in the Standard Chinese data under analysis, which portion and which direction are concerned and how do they manifest themselves and at which levels (e.g., discourse, morphosyntactic, semantic)?

Figure

  Figure 21. Apple falling from tree (ibid.)

  only occurs in certain context. Among the five clips showing complex Path, Source is expressed dominantly in two clips. All the twelve speakers encode unanimously only Source information in the description of the clip 028 (Path_C_walk_out_of_cave_to_sea_sideLR) which shows a child walking out of the cave and walking to the sea with a perspective of the camera from left to right side. Eleven out of tweleve speakers encode only Source information for the clip 030 (Path_C_walk_out_of_cave_toward_C_sideLR) that describes a child walking out of the cave and walking towards another child with a perspective of the camera from left to right side. These two clips share a common context: the Source is boundary-crossing and the perspective is taken from the left to the right side. The asymmetry revealed in Trajectoire data contrasts with the Put & Take data where Source was not found to be encoded; only Goal information was expressed (22.2%), as in (643).

(

  the patterns of distribution in the expression of Source and Goal in spontaneous motion and caused motion, respectively. As shown in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion, see Table

CRS'

  He took out the cucumber (towards the deictic center).' Examples (652)-(655) show how Goal is encoded in spontaneous motion and caused motion. As shown in the two tables above, Goal is expressed most frequently by a single element in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion), either a satellite or a postverbal prepositional phrase. The satellites are used relatively more frequently than the prepositional phrases in spontaneous motion, as exemplified in (

  Yí gè nǚrén cóng dì=shangjiăn-qi-le yì bĕn zázhì.one CL woman from floor=upside pick.up-up-PFV one CL magazine 'A woman picked up a magazine from the floor.' -qi-lai.this CL person OM floor=upside GEN magazine pick.up-PFV-up-hither 'The man picked up the magazine that was on the floor.' up the magazine that was on the floor.'We now look in more detail at the overt encoding of Ground in Goal expressions. When Goal Grounds are expressed explicitly, they are placed more frequently after the verb (211 out of 224) than before the verb (13 out of 224). Note that in the Put & Take data (caused motion), the preposition 在 zài 'at' (113 out of 211) is used to introduce Goal Grounds for more than half of the descriptions, as in (679). As to the rest of the descriptions containing Goal Ground, it is introduced by the following satellites 到 -dao 'to', 回 -hui 'back', 进 -jin 'into', and 入 -rù 'into', as exemplified in (680).

  -PFV bowl=inside 'He put an apple in the bowl.'

CRS'

  The man took the rope off the branch.'It is worth noting that none of the 18 video clips is described with the centrifugal marker 去 -qu 'thither'. However, there is one exception as to the target scene 118 (take flower out of hairunskewer) in which both the centripetal marker 来 -lai 'hither' and the centrifugal marker 去 -qu 'thither' are used to depict this scene. Seven out of twelve speakers describe the scene 118 with Dynamic Deixis expressions. Six out of seven speakers used the morpheme 来 -lai 'hither' indicating centripetal direction, as shown in (701) and one speaker used the morpheme 去 -qu 'thither' indicating centrifugal direction, as exemplified in (702). One interpretation to explain this exceptional case is that the speakers might choose different locations as their deictic center. When speakers consider themselves as the deictic center, they usually use the morpheme expressing centripetal direction. By contrast, when speakers shift the deictic center from themsemves to the location of the object (e.g., the head of the person in scene 118), they can thus use the morpheme expressing centrifugal direction. Regarding the 29 scenes which are not encoded with Dynamic Deixis at all, all of them show Goal-oriented Path (see Appendix 18

Furthermore

  , we examined the relation between Dynamic Deixis and Path by looking at the following three issues: the coding strategies, the patterns of distribution, and the spatial (a)symmetries. The analyses of the two semantic elements show that they greatly differ from each other. Firstly, based on Wälchli's (2001) typology, i.e., verbal, adnominal, adverbal encodings, we found four coding strategies used to express Dynamic Deixis: (1) verbal, (2) adverbal, (3) verbal + adverbal, (4) adnominal + adverbal encodings, and seven coding strategies used to express Path: (1) verbal, (2) adverbal, (3) adnominal, (4) verbal + adverbal, (5) adnominal + adverbal, (6) adnominal + verbal, (7) adnominal + verbal + adverbal encodings. However, there are differences between the descriptive and the dialogical data. Regarding the encoding of Dynamic Deixis in the descriptive data , two following coding strategies were found: 154 -adverbal encoding; -adnominal + adverbal encoding. By contrast, in the dialogical data, three coding strategies were found: -adverbal encoding; -verbal encoding; -verbal + adverbal encoding. Concerning Path encoding, seven coding strategies were found in the descriptive data (all the seven strategies were found in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion), only the first three strategies were found in the Put & Take data (caused motion)): -adnominal + adverbal encoding; -adverbal encoding; -adnominal encoding; -adnominal + verbal + adverbal encoding; -verbal + adverbal encoding; -verbal encoding; -adnominal + adverbal encoding. Contrastively, the dialogical data revealed six coding strategies below: -verbal encoding; -verbal + adverbal encoding; -adverbal encoding; -adnominal + adverbal encoding; -adnominal + verbal + adverbal encoding; -adnominal + verbal encoding. The analysis of the coding strategies used to express Dynamic Deixis and Path in Standard Chinese indicate that Dynamic Deixis tends to be encoded predominantly by means of a single encoding, either the adverbal or the verbal coding. Interestingly, the adverbal encoding prevailes in the descriptive data, whereas in the dialogical data both the adverbal encoding and the verbal encoding prevail. Path, on the other hand, tends to be encoded predominantly by both a combination of different encodings and a single encoding: the adnominal + adverbal encoding, the adverbal encoding, and the adnominal encoding are primarily used in the descriptive data, and the verbal encoding, the verbal + adverbal encoding, and the adverbal encoding are frequent in the dialogical data. The above findings in the Standard Chinese data reveal that the encoding of Dynamic Deixis and Path supports only partially Talmy's typology (2000) in which satellites are used frequently to encode Path in Chinese (remind that Talmy considers Deixis a component of Path). In addition to satellites, our result also show the use of other morphosyntactic devices discussed in previous studies: verbs, prepositional phrases, and localizers for Path encoding

  in which verbs are overwhelmingly prevalent in dialogues. Nevertheless, the proportion of verbs used in the spoken descriptive data (only in the Trajectoire data showing spontaneous motion) (1.6%) displays a different tendency compared to the use of verbs in the written descriptive data (around 50%) inLamarre (2008a). Such difference suggests that not only the data types (descriptive vs. dialogical) plays an importance role in the selection of coding strategies, but that the modality (spoken vs. written) within the same data type also needs to be taken into consideration.Secondly, by adopting[START_REF] Sinha | Distributed Spatial Semantics[END_REF] distributed spatial semantics approach, we analyzed patterns of distribution in the expression of Dynamic Deixis and Path. In general, patterns of distribution were found infrequent in the expression Dynamic Deixis than in the expression of Path. Regarding different direction(s) of Dynamic Deixis, centripetal and centrifugal directions reveal the use of parallel and redundant patterns; centripetal + centrifugal directions show the use of differentiated pattern. More specifically,• The parallel pattern was only found in the dialogical data and mainly in the expression involving associated motion markers (as opposed to deictic satellites) in a serial verb construction.In this pattern, either the centripetal or centrifugal direction is repeated twice at both form and meaning level within a clause.• With regard to the redundant pattern, it was only found in the descriptive data and it only involves the expression of centripetal direction. Such pattern is very rare in the data: it accounts for only 9 occurrences, and it involves the prepositional phrase 向我们 xiàng wŏmen 'towards us' and the deictic satellite 来 -lai 'hither'. This confirms the observation made inLamarre (2008a: 70) who claims that in Chinese, "…deictic path is expressed much more often throught satellites or verbs than through prepositional phrases…".• The differentiated pattern is extremely rare and was only attested in the dialogical data (one occurrence). Concerning the different portion(s) of Path, Source, Medium, and Goal all display the redundant patterns; Source + Medium, Medium + Goal, Source + Goal, and Source + Medium + Goal reveal the use of the differentiated pattern. Generally speaking, both the redundant and the differentiated patterns are used more frequently in the descriptive data than in the dialogical data. • As far as the redundant pattern is concerned, each of the three portions of Path behaves differently. the descriptive data, while in the dialogical data, it appears more frequently in two morphosyntactic slots. The redundancy of Medium was only found in the descriptive data (i.e., Trajectoire data showing spontaneous motion) and this information tends to be distributed simultaneously in three morphosyntactic slots. As for Goal, it was encoded redundantly mostly in two morphosyntactic slots in both data types. • As for the differentiated pattern, depending on the information being encoded, the data types, and the event types, the number of morphemes used to express each information varies. The results show that in the descriptive data depicting spontaneous motion, Source + Goal and Source + Medium + Goal are distributed more frequently over four morphems, Source + Medium tend to be distributed in three morphemes, while Medium + Goal prompt the use of two morphemes. In the descriptive data depicting caused motion, Source + Goal tend to be distributed predominantly over three morphemes. By contrast, in the dialogical data, although there are only a few number of clauses expressing Source + Goal information (6 occurrences), all of them are distributed over two morphemes. The analysis of the expression of Dynamic Deixis and Path shows both similarities and differences. Firstly, both Dynamic Deixis and Path can be mapped to a selection of devices belonging to different form classes showing redundant and differentiated distribution. Besides, Dynamic Deixis also displays parallel distribution. Secondly, both Dynamic Deixis and Path can be simultaneously expressed in two morphosyntactic slots. What's more, Path can also be encoded from two up to four different morphemes. Lastly, although Sinha & Kuteva's (1995) distributed spatial semantics approach can be applied to both Dynamic Deixis and Path, patterns of distribution were found to be less in the expression of Dynamic Deixis than in the expression of Path. The above differences displayed in Dynamic Deixis and Path expressions provide a piece of evidence at the semantic level in favor to the idea that these two semantic components should be treated separately. Finally, we investigated the spatial (a)symmetries in the expression of Dynamic Deixis and Path. Several (a)symmetries at different levels have been found in the data. Before presenting the (a)symmetries found in the expression of Dynamic Deixis, we observed that Dynamic Deixis was expressed predominantly in the dialogical data (95.1% in the MFTY data and 87.9% in the LZHL data) than in the descriptive data (36.3% in the Trajectoire data and 22.0% in the Put & Take data). As regards the (a)symmetries in the expression of centripetal and centrifugal directions, the following findings might be highlighted: • At the morphosyntactic and discourse levels, centripetal and centrifugal markers revealed both symmetry and asymmetry depending on the morphosyntactic devices used. Deictic satellites are found in both the descriptive and the dialogical data and the centripetal direction is expressed more frequently than centrifugal direction. Deictic verbs and associated motion markers are found exclusively in the dialogical data. As for the use of deictic verbs, centripetal and centrifugal directions show a (quasi-)symmetry; the use of associated motion markers on the other hand shows that the centrifugal direction is more frequently expressed than centripetal direction . • Looking at the expression of centripetal and centrifugal directions in relation to the Ground, we only examined the use of deictic verbs in the dialogical data. The results show

  who examined Standard Chinese by comparing written descriptive data (TV series) and spoken dialogical data (novel), this research complements previous studies by investigating spoken descriptive data (stimulus-based elicitatation). A comparative analysis of the data belonging to different genres (descriptive vs. dialogical), different modalities (written vs. spoken), and different event types (spontaneous motion vs. caused motion) allows us to better understand similarities and differences in the expression of Dynamic Deixis displayed within the same language.

  The second limitation is linked to data analysis. In the present work, we have examined the expression of Dynamic Deixis mainly from a qualitative point of view; the quantitative data were merely descriptive. Despite of the great amount of deictic expressions used in the dialogical data, we only provided some preliminary resultsshowing the use and non-use of Dynamic Deixis without elaborating a fine-grained analysis of the contexts which favor and disfavor its uses due to the complex case by case context of each utterance in dialogues. Based on the qualitative analysis, we observed that there are different factors playing important roles in the encoding of Dynamic Deixis such as the data type, the event type, the animacy of the Figure, the visibility of the Figure, and the boundary-crossing. A quantitative and multifactorial analysis of such factors carried out with the help of the software R should allow us in further research to investigate the interplay of these factors and their specific role, showing which factor(s) is more likely to trigger the expression of Dynamic Deixis.

  La deixis, qui désigne le fait de pointer ou d'indiquer par la langue, est l'un des éléments fondamentaux utilisé par les locuteurs de toutes les langues pour expliciter leurs énoncés. Ainsi, en tant qu'élément fondamental de la communication humaine, la deixis a toujours fasciné les chercheurs en sciences du langage et de nombreuses études ont été publiées sur ce sujet. Cette thèse, qui consiste en une description typologique de la deixis dynamique dans l'expression du déplacement en chinois standard et qui s'inscrit dans le cadre du projet « DEIXIS DYNAMIQUE » (Fédération de Typologie et Universaux Linguistiques, CNRS, 2015-2018), représente une modeste contribution à la recherche dans ce domaine. Le terme « deixis dynamique » renvoie ici à la direction selon un axe situé par rapport à un point de visée (ou centre déictique) qui est par excellence localisé sur le locuteur. Les langues sino-tibétaines ont rarement fait l'objet de descriptions typologiques approfondies de la deixis et rares sont les études qui se basent sur de larges échantillons de données. Même si de nombreuses études se sont focalisées sur les verbes de mouvement 来 lái 'venir' et 去 qù 'aller', la plupart d'entre elles ont adopté l'approche sémasiologique qui vise à explorer les différents sens et fonctions de ces morphèmes, tels que leur sens métaphorique et leurs usages dans des locutions. La présente étude vise à étudier les morphèmes exprimant la notion de deixis dynamique en se basant sur la perspective onomasiologique. En adoptant l'approche fonctionnelletypologique dont le but est d'examiner la relation entre forme et sens et/ou fonction, et la variation interlinguistique dans différents domaines d'expression, l'objectif principal de cette thèse est de proposer une description de la deixis dynamique en chinois standard. Plus précisément, ce travail cherche à répondre à deux questions de recherche principales : (1) Comment la deixis dynamique est-elle exprimée par les locuteurs du chinois standard ? Quelles sont les similarités et les différences dans son expression dans des types de données différentes, descriptives et dialogiques ? Comment sont utilisées les diverses ressources linguistiques disponibles en chinois tels que les verbes, les satellites et les marqueurs de mouvement associés qui expriment la deixis dynamique ? (2) Comment la deixis dynamique et la trajectoire sont-elles liées l'une à l'autre, et quelles sont les caractéristiques formelles et fonctionnelles propres à chacun de ces éléments sémantiques et les caractéristiques qui les distinguent ? Afin de répondre à ces questions, nous réalisons la présente étude en adoptant plusieurs approches théoriques et empiriques.

(chapitre 2 )Chapitre 2

 22 , et la méthodologie adoptée pour conduire cette étude (chapitre 3). La deuxième partie, qui comprend trois chapitres, présente les analyses de données et les résultats. Dans la deuxième partie, nous examinons l'expression de la deixis dynamique en comparant son expression avec celle de la trajectoire essentiellement sous trois angles, à savoir les stratégies de codage (chapitre 4), les schémas de distribution (chapitre 5) et les (a)symétries spatiales (chapitre 6). Cette étude comprend par ailleurs deux annexes. L'annexe A est consistuée principalement des descriptions schématiques des vidéos clips des stimuli Trajectoire et Put & Take. L'annexe B montre les exemples sélectionnés à partir des corpus et qui illustrent l'emploi des verbes lexicalisant la trajectoire (+ la deixis dynamique), la manière et la cause. Nous présentons chaque chapitre ci-dessous.Chapitre 1 Aperçu des études théoriques et empiriques sur la deixisLe chapitre 1 esquisse le contexte théorique dans lequel s'inscrit l'étude de la deixis dans cette thèse. L'objectif de ce chapitre est (1) d'examiner les travaux publiés jusqu'ici sur les différents types de deixis dans les champs de la sémantique et de la pragmatique ;(2) de présenter les études sur la deixis menées dans le cadre des travaux dédiés à l'évènement spatial ; et (3) de remettre en question le statut de la deixis dynamique en se focalisant sur sa relation avec la trajectoire. Dans le cadre des études sur la sémantique et la pragmatique, la deixis est considérée comme une notion dépendante du contexte. Les ressources linguistiques en chinois standard encodant les composants conceptuels de l'évènement spatial Le chapitre 2 donne une vue d'ensemble des ressources linguistiques disponibles en chinois standard qui permettent d'encoder les différents composants sémantiques de l'évènement spatial. Nous présentons l'encodage de la figure, du fond et du coévènement, tout en nous nous focalisant sur l'encodage de la deixis dynamique et de la trajectoire. Comme l'indique le cadre théorique de Talmy (2000) sur l'évènement spatial, la figure et le fond sont des composants internes de base dans un évènement du déplacement. Dans un déplacement translationnel, la figure désigne l'objet (ou l'entité) en déplacement, et le fond est l'objet de référence par rapport auquel la figure se déplace. Le co-évènement, en tant que composant externe, est en relation avec l'évènement du déplacement (par exemple, la manière ou la cause). En chinois standard, la figure est exprimée par des syntagmes nominaux et peut se référer à une entité animée dans les évènements du déplacement spontané et à une entité animée ou inanimée dans les évènements du déplacement causé. Le fond est également exprimé par des syntagmes nominaux et peut faire référence à une entité (in)animée indiquant l'emplacement de la figure dans les évènements de déplacement spontané et causé. Le co-évènement est souvent exprimé par des verbes qui indiquent la manière et la cause. La trajectoire, elle, est exprimée au moyen de l'encodage verbal (verbes), l'encodage adverbal (satellites), et l'encodage adnominal (syntagmes prépositionnels). La deixis dynamique est exprimée quant à elle au moyen de l'encodage verbal (verbes déictiques) et l'encodage adverbal (satellites déictiques et des marqueurs du mouvement associé). Chapitre 3 Méthodologie et composition des corpus Le chapitre 3 présente les approches méthodologiques adoptées dans cette étude : l'approche basée sur les stimuli et l'approche basée sur les feuilletons télévisés. Plus précisément, les corpus sont composés de données descriptives élicitées à partir de stimuli visuels et de données dialogiques extraites de feuilletons télévisés. En outre, ce chapitre présente également le système de codage et celui des gloses utilisés pour traiter et présenter les données. Pour mener à bien ce projet de recherche, nous avons assemblé des corpus de données orales qui, comme il a été mentionné plus haut, incluent des données descriptives et des données dialogiques. Pour collecter les données descriptives, nous avons eu recours à deux outils d'élicitation visuels : (1) les clips vidéo « Trajectoire » (Ishibashi, Kopecka & Vuillermet (2006) mettant en scène le déplacement spontané et les clips vidéo « Put & Take » (Bowerman, Gullberg, Majid & Narasimhan 2004) mettant en scène le déplacement causé. Pour collecter ces données, nous avons effectué deux enquêtes de terrain en France (Université Lumière Lyon2, Université Jean-Moulin 3 et Institut Alliance Française de Lyon, 2014 -2015) et en Chine (Université du Hebei et Université de Pékin, 2016 -2017) respectivement auprès de 24 locuteurs natifs du chinois. Cette enquête nous a permis de constituer les corpus de travail qui comprennent 800 descriptions du déplacement causé et 714 descriptions du déplacement spontané. Pour constituer le corpus des données dialogiques, nous avons utilisé deux feuilletons chinois intitulés « Married for ten years » (2002) [titre en pinyin: Jiéhūn Shínián] et « Loquacious Zhang Damin's Happy Life » (1998) [titre en pinyin: Pínzuĭ Zhāng Dàmín de Xìngfú Shēnghuó]. Les données du premier feuilleton utilisées dans cette recherche (1025 phrases dans les 10 premiers épisodes) ont été fournies par Madame Christine Lamarre. Quant aux données du deuxième feuilleton « Loquacious Zhang Damin's Happy Life », nous les avons extraites des feuilletons au cours la thèse (2018-2019). Celles-ci comprennent 967 phrases dans les 10 premiers épisodes. La transcription et le codage des données ont été effectués dans Excel. Les données ont été transcrites à la fois en caractères chinois et en pinyin (le système de romanisation) et ont été codées en pinyin à l'aide du Manuel de codage de Berkeley Slobin (2005). Chapitre 4 Encodages de la trajectoire et de la deixis dynamique dans les données descriptives et dialogiques Le chapitre 4 examine l'encodage de la deixis dynamique et de la trajectoire dans les données du chinois standard en s'appuyant sur la typologie de Wälchli (2001), qui distingue, l'encodage verbal, l'encodage adnominal et l'encodage adverbal. Tout d'abord, nous avons trouvé dans les données quatre stratégies d'encodage dans l'expression de la deixis dynamique : (1) l'encodage verbal, (2) l'encodage adverbal, (3) l'encodage verbal + adverbal, (4) l'encodage adnominal + adverbal, et sept stratégies d'encodage dans l'expression de la trajectoire : (1) l'encodage verbal, (2) l'encodage adverbal, (3) l'encodage adnominal, (4) l'encodage verbal + adverbal, (5) l'encodage adnominal + adverbal, (6) l'encodage adnominal + verbal, (7) l'encodage adnominal + verbal + adverbal. L'analyse des stratégies d'encodage utilisées pour exprimer la deixis dynamique et la trajectoire en chinois standard montre que l'encodage de la deixis dynamique favorise des stratégies d'encodage dites simples, c'est-à-dire l'encodage adverbal dans les données descriptives vs. l'encodage adverbal et l'encodage verbal dans les données dialogiques. En revanche, l'encodage de la trajectoire privilégie une combinaison de différents stratégies, c'està-dire l'encodage adnominal + adverbal dans les données descriptives vs. l'encodage verbal + adverbal dans les données dialogiques.

  la trajectoire ne se limite pas à une seule ressource morphosyntaxique, mais est également opéré par une combinaison de différentes ressources morphosyntaxiques. De plus, les résultats confirment l'observation de Lamarre (2008a) selon laquelle les verbes sont prédominants dans les dialogues. Néanmoins, les occurrences de verbes utilisés dans les données descriptives orales (uniquement dans les données Trajectoire relatives au déplacement spontané) (1,6%) révèlent une tendance différente par rapport à l'utilisation fréquente de verbes dans les données descriptives écrites (environ 50%) dans Lamarre (2008a). Cette différence suggère que non seulement les types de données (descriptives ou dialogiques) jouent un rôle important dans la sélection des stratégies d'encodage, mais que la modalité, orale vs. écrite doit également être prise en considération. Chapitre 5 Schémas de distribution de la trajectoire et de la deixis dynamique

+

  médian + but révèlent l'utilisation du schéma différencié. De manière générale, les schémas redondants et différenciés sont utilisés plus fréquemment dans les données descriptives que dans les données dialogiques. L'analyse de l'expression de la deixis dynamique et de la trajectoire montre entre ces deux composants sémantiques à la fois des similarités et des différences. Tout d'abord, la deixis dynamique et la trajectoire peuvent tous les deux êtres exprimés au moyen d'une sélection de ressources morphosyntaxiques appartenant à différentes classes de formes, montrant une distribution redondante et différenciée. Par ailleurs, la deixis dynamique présente également une distribution parallèle mais celle-ci est absente dans l'expression de la trajectoire. Deuxièmement, la deixis dynamique et la trajectoire peuvent être exprimés simultanément dans deux slots morphosyntaxiques. De plus, la trajectoire peut également être encodée par deux jusqu'à quatre morphèmes différents. Enfin, bien que l'approche de la sémantique spatiale distribuée de Sinha & Kuteva (1995) puisse être appliquée à la fois à la deixis dynamique et à la trajectoire, les schémas de distribution sont moins fréquents dans l'expression de la deixis dynamique que dans l'expression de la trajectoire. Les différences présentées ci-dessus confortent au niveau sémantique l'hypothèse que ces deux composants sémantiques devraient être considérés comme étant distincts. Chapitre 6 (A)symétries dans l'expression de la trajectoire et de la deixis dynamique Le chapitre 6 étudie les (a)symétries spatiales dans l'expression de la deixis dynamique et de la trajectoire. Plus particulièrement, diverses (a)symétries sont examinées à différents niveaux, notamment la fréquence dans le discours, la morphosyntaxe et les expressions (a)symétriques par rapport au fond. Dans l'expression de la deixis dynamique, nous avons observé que celle-ci était exprimée de manière prédominante dans les données dialogiques (95,1% dans les données MFTY et 87,9% dans les données LZHL) contrairement aux données descriptives (36,3% dans les données Trajectoire et 22,0% dans les données Put & Take). En ce qui concerne les (a)symétries dans l'expression des directions centripètes et centrifuges, les résultats suivants ont émergé. Aux niveaux morphosyntaxique et discursif, l'utilisation des marqueurs centripètes et centrifuges ont révélé à la fois une symétrie et une asymétrie selon les ressources morphosyntaxiques utilisés. Les satellites déictiques sont présents dans les données descriptives et les données dialogiques et l'expression de la direction centripète est plus fréquente que celle de la direction centrifuge. Les verbes déictiques et les marqueurs de mouvement associés se produisent exclusivement dans les données dialogiques.

  , les données descriptives et les données dialogiques présentent respectivement une asymétrie et une symétrie. Dans les données descriptives, le but est fréquemment exprimé par un seul élément (c -à-d., soit SAT ou PP (AFTER V)) dans les données Trajectoire (déplacement spontané) et par deux éléments (c -à-d., soit PP (AFTER V) + LOC ou SAT + LOC) dans les données Put & Take (déplacement causé) alors que la source est exprimée fréquemment par une combinaison de trois ressources linguistiques (c -à-d., PP + LOC + SAT). Cela confirme l'observation faite dans des études antérieures selon laquelle l'expression de but tend à être moins complexe du point de vue morphosyntaxique que l'expression de source (Bourdin 1997 ; Ishibashi 2012). En revanche, les données dialogiques révèlent une symétrie où la source et le but ont tous deux tendance à être exprimé au moyen d'un seul élément (c -à-d., V). En examinant l'expression de la source et du but en relation avec le fond, nous avons constaté que les fonds source et les fonds but sont fréquemment exprimés de façon explicite dans les données descriptives, alors que dans les données dialogiques, ils ont tendance à être implicite. Les diverses (a)symétries spatiales trouvées dans l'expression de la deixis dynamique diffèrent de celles trouvés dans l'expression de la trajectoire et ce, à différents niveaux, fournissant un argument de plus en faveur de l'idée selon laquelle les deux composants sémantiques devraient être traités distinctement. La présente thèse a examiné de manière systématique l'expression de la deixis dynamique par rapport à l'expression de la trajectoire en adoptant l'approche onomasiologique. Le choix empirique de cette étude diffère de la majorité des études précédentes consacrées au chinois standard, mais aussi à d'autres langues, qui ont privilégié l'approche sémasiologique en se focalisant d'abord sur la forme (par exemple, COME et GO), puis en examinant le sens qui lui est associé et les extensions sémantiques. Dans le domaine de l'évènement spatial, le choix de l'approche onomasiologique est d'une grande importance puisque l'évènement spatial est constitué de plusieurs composants sémantiques et, pour exprimer un même concept, différentes langues ou différents locuteurs d'une langue peuvent recourir à ressources linguistiques différentes. Par conséquent, en prenant comme point de départ le concept de deixis dynamique et en explorant les différentes formes utilisées pour l'encoder, nous pouvons avoir une meilleure compréhension de la diversité des stratégies utilisées pour exprimer cette notion. De plus, à la lumière des travaux de Lamarre (2008a, 2013) qui a examiné le chinois standard en comparant des données descriptives écrites (feuilleton) et des données dialogiques parlées (roman), cette recherche apporte une contribution aux travaux précédents en étudiant des données descriptives parlées (élicitation basée sur un stimulus). Une analyse comparative des données

Table 2 .

 2 ............................ 13 Three demonstrative adjectives/pronouns in Spanish (adapted from Anderson & Keenan 1985: 282) .................................................................................. 15

Table 3 .

 3 Cardinal kinds of displacement (adapted from Wälchli 2001: 300) .......... 29

Table 4 .

 4 Cardinal kinds of displacement (revised by Berthele 2004: 100, based on

Table 37 .

 37 Verbs expressing Manner in the MFTY data (spontaneous motion) .. 248

Table 38 .

 38 Verbs expressing Manner in the LZHL data (spontaneous motion) ... 249

Table 39 .

 39 Verbs expressing Cause in the MFTY data (caused motion) .................. 252

Table 40 .

 40 Verbs expressing Cause in the LZHL data (caused motion) ................... 254

Table 41 .

 41 Verbal encoding of Path in the dialogical data ........................................... 255

Table 42 .

 42 Verbs in verbal encoding strategy in the MZTY data (spontaneous

Table 51 .

 51 Verbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis in the dialogical data ..................... 276

Table 52 .

 52 Verbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis with/without a Figure .................... 278

Table 53 .

 53 Verbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis with/without a Ground NP .......... 279

Table 54 .

 54 Verbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis with/without a purpose VP ......... 280

Table 55 .

 55 Adverbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis in the dialogical data ................ 281

Table 56

 56

Table 102 .

 102 The overt and covert encoding of Grounds in the MFTY data ........... 366

Table 103 .

 103 The overt and covert encoding of Grounds in the LZHL data ............ 366

  . For example, two pairs of spatial terms often used in the expression of time are the ones showing horizontal axis 前 qián 'front; before' and 后 hòu 'behind; after', and the ones showing vertical axis 上 shàng 'upper; above' and 下 xià 'lower; under'. 10 In general, 前 qián 'front; before' and 后 hòu 'behind; back' are used symmetrically to indicate the time 'before' and 'after' a point or a period of time at present, in the past, or in the future (e.g., 午饭前 wῠfàn qián [supper before] 'before the supper', 几天后 jĭ tiān hòu [a.few days later] 'after a few dys; a few days later'). Another pair 上 shàng 'upper; above' and 下 xià 'lower; under' are used symmetrically to indicate an ealier time and a later time (e.g., 上周 shàng zhōu [upper week] 'last week', 下周 xià zhōu [lower week]

Table 3

 3

		Latin preposition	illustration
		AD	F go to G
	Cardinal goal kinds	IN	F enter/go into G
		SUPER	F go onto G
		AB	F come from G
	Cardinal source kinds	EX	F come out of G
		DE	F come down from G

calls 'cardinal' kinds of displacement. They are referred to by means of Latin prepositions, as illustrated in Table 3. . Cardinal kinds of displacement (adapted from Wälchli 2001: 300)

[START_REF] Berthele | The typology of motion and posture verbs : A variationist account[END_REF]

proposes two modifications of Wälchli's cardinal kinds of displacement in order to match his needs for analyzing data from Swiss German (Muotathal dialect), Standard

Table 4

 4

. Cardinal kinds of displacement (revised by

[START_REF] Berthele | The typology of motion and posture verbs : A variationist account[END_REF]: 100, based on Wälchli 2001: 300)

  Let us move on to the second issue: classifying languages with serial verb constructions. Languages with such constructions initially drew Slobin's attention and motivated the linguist to introduce a new category not mentioned in Talmy's typology. In his 2004 paper, Slobin provides another solution for languages that cannot fit either type in Talmy's classification (i.e., verb-framed and satellite-framed languages). He proposes a third type labeled 'equipollentlyframed languages'. This proposal has been inspired by Zlatev & Yangklang's (2004) observation of Thai, Ameka & Essegbey's (later published in 2013) examination of West-African languages and other serial-verb languages, as well as other types of languages in which both Manner and Path are expressed by equipollent elements

	(32) Thai		(Co-Head path coding language)		(ibid.)
	phUan3	wiN3	khaw3	maa1	haa5		raw1.
	friend	run	enter	come	reach		me
	'My friend ran in to me.'
	(30) Yupik		(Head path-coding language)	(Matsumoto 2021)
	aqvaqu-a-luni	iter-tuq.
	run.hard-Inf	enter-3Sg
	'He entered running hard.'
	(31) German		(Head-external path-coding language)	(ibid.)
	Mein	Freund	läuft	in	den		Pavillon.
	My	friend	ran	into	the.Acc	pavilion
	'My friend ran into the pavilion.'

). The coding of Path in Thai is distributed in two head verbs (i.e., khaw3 'enter' and haa5 'reach') having the same status.

  ).

	(38) 你回来!			(adapted from Lamarre 2003: 7)
	Nĭ	huí-lai!
	2SG	return-hither
	'Come back!'
	(39) […],一条蛇突然从外面爬了进来,…。	(ibid.)
	[…] Yì tiáo shé	tūrán	cóng wàmian pá-le-jin-lai, …
		one CL	snake suddenly from outside crawl-PFV-into-hither
	'[…], a snake suddenly crawled in from outside, …'
	(40) 我把它扔进了废纸篓。		(ibid.)
	Wŏ	bă	tā		rēng-jin-le	fèzhĭlŏu.
	1SG	OM	it		throw-into-PFV wastepaper.basket
	'I threw it into my wastepaper basket.'

  The rain is coming closer and it is clear we will get wet.'

							: 207)
	tāmen	păo		chū	lái		le.
	3PL	run		exit	come		PF
	'They came running out.'
	The second strategy (i.e., compounding) is more
	grammaticalized than serialization. In this second type, forms which
	express each component are morphologically bound or at least
	more tightly integrated than in the serial strategy. This can be
	illustrated from Kiowa in (45) for the combination of a path
	component (cándé 'reach') and a deictic component (-a ̀ 'come').
	(45) Kiowa 33		(Watkins 1984: 179; cited in Croft et al. 2010: 207)
	ɔ ̀:pàl	sép	cándé	-a:	nɔ ̀	pàhí̜ :	bà-thí̜ dáy
	nearer rain	reach	-come and.DS	clearly	get.wet.PF
	'

Table 5

 5 in Table5.

	Goal of movement	Verb
	1. Speaker's location at coding time	COME
	2. Speaker's location at reference time	COME/GO
	3. Addressee's location at coding time	COME/GO
	4. Addressee's location at reference time	COME/GO
	5. Speaker's home base	COME/GO
	6. Addressee's home base	COME/GO
	7. Speaker in comitative contexts	COME/GO
	8. Addressee in comitative contexts	COME/GO
	9. Central character of a narrative	COME/GO
	10. Any other location	GO

. Summary of Filmorean appropriateness conditions for English come and go

(Lewandowski 2007: 15)

Conditions 1-4 are related to reference time, coding time, reference place, and coding place (see §1.2.1). When motion is oriented toward the location of the speaker at coding time, only come can be used, as exemplified in (50). When motion is oriented toward the location of the speaker at reference time, both come and go are equally well in (

  respectively. According to the author(2011: 65-66), elements that can be put in DIR1 are what she calls aspect-like directionals, which are closest to the verb root. Elements that can be used in DIR2

	concern those that express either absolute direction in space
	(up/down/across) or boundary crossing motion (in/out). Elements
	allocated in DIR3 are deictic directionals (towards or away). The
	combinations of two and three directionals are illustrated in (70) and

  Few languages possess the transverse system. As pointed out by the authors, it is mainly found in East Uvean (like a number of other Polynesian languages) (cf. Moyse-Faurie 2007),Kiowa, and Nunggubuyu (cf. Heath 1980), as illustrated in (73) and (74).

	distinction between aquí (without movement) and acá (with
	movement).
	(72) Spanish					(Fortis & Fagard 2010: 16)
	¡Ven			acá!
	come.IMPV.2SG		here.CPET
	'Come here!'
	(73) East Uvean 51 (Moyse-Faurie 2007: 1; cited in Fortis & Fagard 2010: 18)
	ko	ai	te	matu'a'	aē	'e	'alu	agé?
	pred	who spec	old.man	deic npast	go	transv
	'Who is that old man passing by?'
	(74) Nunggubuyu 52

Table 6 )

 6 that are used by different authors of the chapters in the book Associated Motion (2021).

	Direction	Terms
	toward deictic center	ventive, venitive, centripetal, cislocative, HITHER, TOWARD, COM(ING)
	away from deictic center	itive, andative, centrifugal, translocative, THITHER, HENCE, AWAY, GO(ING)
	no specific direction	andative, ambulative, mobilative, MOT(IVE) ALONG, NEUTRAL, GO(ING)
	indirect, multiple locations	ambulative, distributive, AROUND, HERE AND THERE, HITHER AND THITHER, RANDOM, AIMLESS, circumlocative, circular
	returning	reversive, returnative, BACK
	bidirectional	roundtrip, counterdirectional, returnative, GO & DO & RETURN
	reach endpoint	adlocative, arrive
	depart	LEAVE
	Table 6. Equivalent directional terms (Guillaume & Koch 2021b: 10)

  (2014:

	Spanish 60 the verbs datang 'come' and pergi 'go' are used almost with the (adapted from Hijazo-Gascón 2017: 309)
	(82) ¿Puedes same meaning and can be omitted from the sentence without venir a mi casa?
	can.2SG.PRS changing the meaning (Hijazo-Gascón 2017), as illustrated in (88) come.INF all 1SG.GEN house
	'Can you come to my house?' and (89).
	(83) *¿Puedo can Indonesian		venir come	a all		tu 2SG.GEN (Gathercole 1978: 76) casa? house
	'Can I come to your house?' (88) Apakah kamu akan	datang/pergi	ke	rumah	ku ?
	(84) ¿Puedo QM can.1SG.PRS you 'Will you come/go to my house?' ir FUT go.INF	a come/go all	tu to 2SG.GEN	house	my casa? house
	'Can I go to your house?' (89) Saya akan datang/pergi	ke	rumah
	saudara.
	Chinese I	FUT	come/go		to	house	you
	(85) 你能来我家吗? 'I will come/go to your house.'
	nĭ	néng	lái	wŏ		jiā	ma?
	2SG	can	come	1SG	home	Q
	'Can you come to my house?'
	(86) *我能来你家吗?
	*wŏ	néng	lái		nĭ	jiā	ma?
	1SG	can	come	2SG	home	Q
	'Can I come to your house?'
	(87) 我能去你家吗?
	wŏ	néng	qù		nĭ	jiā	ma?
	1SG	can	go		2SG	home	Q
	'Can I go to your house?'
	The third case is much less prominent than the first and second
	cases since the use of 'come' and 'go' does not require any
	presuppositional elements (i.e., presence or absence of the speaker
	or addressee) at all. The language concerned is Indonesian, in which
	44) points out that: "recent cross-linguistic research has revealed that […]
	languages such as Spanish or Portuguese, in others, the deictic center of COME
	can be shifted to other goals of movement, e.g., the addressee or even another
	goal of movement beyond the speech act participants".
	60 The gloss of examples (82)-(84) was not provided in the original work and was
	added with the help of Magdelena Lemus, a native speaker of Spanish in
	Colombia. The abbreviations used in Spanish are as follows: 1 first person, 2
	second person, GEN genitive, INF infinitive, and PRS present.

  The abbreviations used in Japanese and French in examples (91)-(100) are as follows: ACC accusative, AUX auxiliary, CVB converb, DAT dative, EMPH emphatic, GEN genitive, GER gerundive, INDEF indefinite article, NOM nominative, PL plural, PP past participle, PROG progressive, and PST past.

	Japanese							(Morita 2011: §58)
	(93) *Taroo=ga		eki=ni			arui-ta.
	Taroo=NOM		station=DAT	walk-PST
	(94) Taroo=ga		eki=ni		arui-te	{it-ta	/	ki-ta}.
	Taroo=NOM	station=DAT	walk-CVB {go-PST /	come-PST}
	'Taroo went/came to the station on foot.'
	French								(Morita 2011: §60)
	(95) ?? Il	a		couru		à	la		gare.
	• Second function: deictic verbs confer the telicity to motion He AUX run.PP to the station
	events. (96) ?? Il est	{allé	/	venu}	à	la	gare	en courant.
	He AUX Regarding the first function, the examples from Japanese (91) {go.PP / come.PP} to the station run.GER and French (92) show a general use of deictic verbs that represent 'He went/came to the station running.'
	deictic direction. 63
	(91) Japanese							(Morita 2011: §56)
	Taroo=ga		eki=ni	it-ta	/		ki-ta.
	Taroo=NOM	station=DAT go-PST	/		come-PST
	'Taro went/came to the station.'
	(92) French								(ibid.)
	Paul	est		allé	/	venu		à	la	gare.
	Paul	AUX	go.PP	/	come.PP	at	the	station
	'Paul went/came to the station.'
	Concerning the second function, the author explains that
	Manner verbs, such as 'walk,' cannot be used with the goal marker
	=ni in Japanese and à in French. Examples illustrated in (93) and (95)
	are not acceptable. However, these goal markers turn out to be
	possible when adding deictic verbs which introduce telicity, as in (94)
	and (96).

63

and 往…走 wăng…zŏu 'go…toward', etc. The author explains that one cannot say *到门去 dào mén qù [to door go] 'go to the door', nor *从老张到我来 cóng Lăo Zhāng dào wŏ lái [from

  张家 Zhāng jiā 'Zhang's home', and 我这儿 wŏ zhèr 'my place or my home' are place words.

	door over there',
	uses the term place
	words (处所词 chùsuŏcí) to refer to substantives which can fill the
	following positions: 在… zài…'to be at…', 到… dào… 'arrive at…', 到… 去 dào…qù 'go to…', 上…去 shàng…qù 'go to…', 从…来 cóng…lái 'come…from', old Zhang to 1SG come] 'comes from old Zhang to me'. Therefore, nouns like 门 mén 'door' and proper names and pronouns like 老张 Lăo Zhāng 'old Zhang' and 我 wŏ 'me' cannot be considered as place
	words. However, one can say 到门那儿去 dào mén nàr qù [to door
	there go] 'go to the door', and 从张家到我这儿来 cóng Zhāng jiā dào wŏ zhèr lái [from Zhang home to 1SG here come] 'comes from Zhang's home to my place'. In the latter case, 门那儿 mén nàr 'the

-bian(r) 'side, border' 77 面(儿) -mian(r) 'side, face' 头 -tou 'end'

  . For this reason, we didn't include them in our table.

		边(儿)
					meaning
	上 shàng	shàngbian(r)	shàngmian(r) shàngtou	'upside, on top of, above'
	下 xià	xiàbian(r)	xiàmian(r)	xiàtou	'downside, under, below'
	前 qián	qiánbian(r)	qiánmian(r)	qiántou	'in front of'
	后 hòu	hòubian(r)	hòumian(r)	hòutou	'in back of'
	*内 nèi	-	-	-	'inside'
	里 lĭ	lĭbian(r)	lĭmian(r)	lĭtou	'inside'
	外 wài	wàibian(r)	wàimian(r)	wàitou	'outside'
	左 zuŏ	zuŏbian(r)	zuŏmian(r)	-	'left of'
	右 yòu	yòubian(r)	yòumian(r)	-	'right of'
	东 dōng	dōngbian(r)	-	-	'east of'
	南 nán	nánbian(r)	-	-	'south of'
	西 xī	xībian(r)	-	-	'west of'
	北 bĕi	bĕibian(r)	-	-	'north of'
	旁 páng	pángbian(r)			'beside'
	**中 zhōng -	-	-	'in the center of'
	间 jiān	-	-	-	'in the center of'

Table 7 .

 7 Localizers (adapted from Peyraube

  at the same time when expressing a location. For example,

	treated as clitics can be seen in Liu's (1998) article A clitic analysis of
	locative particles. Linguists who consider localizers as nouns usually
	argue that expressions consisting of localizers can appear in certain
	positions where only NPs are allowed. In Campbell et al. (1986: 545),
	the locative words are called 'relational nouns' which express
	locative and related notions, and are composed of a noun root and
	possessive pronominal affixes. Scholars who treat localizers as
	postpositions only acknowledge monosyllabic localizers as
	postpositions, and consider disyllabic localizers sharing more
	properties with nouns (Hagège 1975; Peyraube 1980; Ernst 1988).
	The way that monosyllabic localizers in Chinese are treated as
	postpositions is quite similar to what Ameka (1995) considers as
	postpositions in Ewe, a Niger-Congo language. This language has 纽约 Niŭyuē 'New York' can follow the preposition 在 'zài' 'at' in 在 two sets of adpositions (i.e., prepositions and postpositions). Like in 纽约 zài Niŭyuē [at New York] 'at New York'; whereas, *在纽约上 zài Chinese, names of places and regions in Ewe cannot be followed by Niŭyuē=shang [at New York=upside] would be incorrect. By postpositions. One can say le Leiden [be-at: PRES Leiden] 'in Leiden' contrast, common nouns follow the preposition and are followed by but not *le Leiden me [be-at: PRES Leiden containing.region.of]. Ewe the localizer at the same time, like 桌子 zhuōzi 'table' in 在桌子上 also behaves the same way as Chinese in which postposition is zài zhuōzi=shang [at table=upside] 'on the table'. Chappell & obligatorily required when common nouns are used. Thus one Peyraube (2008: 17) remark that: […] not everyone agrees with the judgment of place words as should say le dzo-a me [be-at fire-DEF containing.region.of] 'in the fire', but not *le dzo-a [be-at fire-DEF]. We believe that whether
	belonging to the category of nouns. It could be a case of an localizers in Standard Chinese are treated as nouns or postpositions,
	autonomous category of words, which, unlike common nouns, the use of either category corresponds to Wälchli's adnominal
	do not have the possibility of being modified by classifier phrases encoding, which plays an important role in encoding Path in a
	of the form Numeral + Classifier, but which may, by contrast, be motion event
	objects of the prepositions 在 zài 'at' or 到 dào 'to' or have an
	adverbial function, precisely what common nouns are able to do.
	With respect to localizers, Chappell & Peyraube (ibid.) point
	out that nearly every viewpoint has been put forward. They have
	been considered to be nominal suffixes, pronouns, adjectives,
	adverbs, postpositions forming a discontinuous constituent with the
	prepositions they frequently co-occur with, and clitics. Concerning
	different status assigned to localizers, a detailed review except that
	of clitics can be found in Peyraube (1980: 53-59). Localizers being

  are only restrained to those listed in Table8,

	which can also grammaticalize into Path satellites that form a
	closed-class category, and thus can appear after verbs expressing
	the Manner or Cause of motion. 81 This Table contains the most
	frequently used Path verbs, including simple verbs (see the first
	column) and compound verbs (see the second column beginning
	with the second line) which combine simple verbs and satellites 来
	-lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' (see first line).

Table 9

 9

. Directional complements (=Path satellites) in Standard Chinese (adapted from

[START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]

Table 9

 9

lists 9 simple Path satellites (the first column), 2 deictic satellites (the first line), and 17 bipartite Path satellites (i.e., the combination of simple Path satellites and deictic satellites).

85

In §2.2.2 dedicated to the linguistic encoding of Ground, we have mentioned that the NPloc indicating the Ground can follow Path satellites.

86

Previous studies

[START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF][START_REF] Kang | Perfective Aspect Particles or Telic Aktionsart Markers ? -Studies of the Directional Verb Compounds [in Chinese : 是完成体的动态助词还是终结情状的标记 ? -对趋 向复合动词的研究[END_REF] Lamarre 2007a Lamarre , 2008b

; inter alia) have examined the semantic roles (i.e., Source, Medium, and Goal) of NPlocs when they follow Path satellites in the construction [V + SATpath + NPloc] (see Lamarre 2007a: 56 for a detailed review of this issue).

87

Based on

Lamarre (2008b: 216)

, Table

10 lists

the semantic roles (i.e., Source, Medium, and Goal) of NPlocs that can follow Path satellites. As shown in the table, some satellites can be followed by NPlocs expressing Source, Medium, and Goal, as is the case for 下xia 'down, off' and 出 -chu 'out'. For example, in 跳下床 tiào-xia chuáng [jump-down bed] 'jump out of bed' and 走出教室 zŏu-chu jiàoshì [walk-out classroom] 'walk out of the classroom', 床 chuáng 'bed' and 教室 jiàoshì 'classroom' indicate Source; in 走下楼梯 zŏuxia lóutī [walk-down stairs] 'walk down the stairs' and 扔出窗户 rēng-chu chuānghu [throw-out window] 'throw out of the window', 楼梯 lóutī 'stairs' and 窗户 chuānghu 'window' indicate Medium; in 跳下水 tiào-xia shuĭ [jump-down water] 'jump into the water' and 踢 出门外 tī-chu mén=wai [kick-out door=outside] 'kick out the door', 水 shuĭ 'water' and 门 mén 'door' indicate Goal. 88 Some satellites can be followed by NPlocs expressing Medium and Goal, as is the case for 上 -shang 'up' and 进 -jin 'into'. For instance, in 走上山 zŏu-shang shān [walk-up mountain] 'walk up the mountain' and 跨 进 门 kuà-jin mén [step-through door] 'step through the door', 山 shān 'mountain' and 门 mén 'door' express Medium; in 跳上讲台 tiào-shang jiăngtái [jump-up plateform] and 86 Two satellites (i.e., 起 -qi 'up', 开 -kai 'open') cannot be followed by an NPloc.

  PFV entrance.ticket enter-into CRS 'In front is the Bund Park, he bought an entrance ticket and went in.'Apart from Path verbs, Standard Chinese also uses Manner verbs and Cause verbs which are usually combined with -来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither'. In the expression of spontaneous motion, we can find Manner verbs like 走 zŏu 'walk', 跑 păo 'run', and 奔 bēn 'rush', etc., as in (122). In the expression of caused motion, Cause verbs like 拿 ná 'take', 端 duān 'carry', and 寄 jì 'send', etc. are often used, as in (123).

	Qiánbian shì Wàitān gōngyuán, tā măi-le ménpiào	jìn-qu	le.
	front 3SG buy-(122) 这时,赵天辉陪着秦波朝内科病房走来。 be Bund.Park	(ibid.: 53)
	Zhè shí,	Zhào Tiānhuī	péi-zhe	Qínbō	cháo
	this time Zhao Tianhui	accompany-DUR Qin Bo	towards
	nèikē bìngfáng	zōu-lai.
	Zhèr yŏu	fēng xìn,	nĭmen	ná-qu	kàn	ba!
	here have CL	letter	2PL	take-thither see	SUG
	(120) 你回来一趟吧!			(adapted from Liú 1998: 52)
	Nĭ	huí-lai		yí	tàng	ba! 91
	2SG	return-hither	one	come.and.go.back

去 -qu 'thither', combine the most frequently with Path verbs (= directional verbs) such as 上 shàng 'ascend', 下 xià 'descend', 进 jìn 'enter', 出 chū 'exit', 回 huí 'return', 过 guò 'cross', 起 qĭ 'rise' (it can only combine with 来 -lai 'hither' but not 去 -qu 'thither'), and 到 dào 'arrive

', etc. Examples (120)

and (121) illustrate their combination.

SUG

'Come back (for a while)!'

90

In her book,

[START_REF] Liú | 趋向补语通释 Qùxiàng bǔyǔ tōngshì [Directional complements : A compendium[END_REF]

uses 'anchoring point' (立足点 lìzú diăn). We understand anchoring point as the same notion as deictic center and use the latter one in this dissertation.

91

The morpheme tàng is used for a round trip (go and come back / come and go back). In the context of example(120), it indicates 'come and go back'. (121) 前边是外滩公园,他买了门票进去了。 (ibid.: 67) medical.ward walk-hither 'Then Zhao Tianhui is walking towards the medical ward (towards the deictic center) with Qin Bo for company.' (123) 这儿有封信,你们拿去看吧! (ibid.: 71)

  ). We bid farewell in the dark night, and when we meet, there must be a glorious morning glow rising up in the sky.' (intended meaning)

	(126) 他们登上胡桃峪山顶,…。 Tāmen dēng-shang 3PL ascend-up 'They climbed to the top of Hutaoyu Mountain, …' hútáoyù Hutaoyu (127) …,那几条汉子就把他推上了吉普车, …。 …, nà jĭ tiáo hànzi jiù bă tā jípŭchē, … that several CL Wŏmen zài hēiyè=zhong gàobié, 1PL at night=in.the.center.of bid.farewell.to meet shāndĭng,… top.of.a.mountain (ibid.: 81) (ibid.: 82) tuí-shang-le xiānghuì shí time yídìng yŏu cànlànde zhāoxiá shēng-qi. certainly have glorious morning.glow ascend-up 'We bid farewell in the dark night, and when we meet there must be a glorious morning glow.' (129) *我们在黑夜中告别,相会时一定有灿烂的朝霞升起天空。 *Wŏmen zài hēiyè=zhong gàobié, xiānghuì shí 1PL at night=in.the.center.of bid.farewell.to meet time yídìng yŏu cànlànde zhāoxiá shēng-qi tiānkōng. certainly have glorious morning.glow ascend-up sky '(130) 张顺把曾皓抱起,向大客厅走。 (ibid.: 318) Zhāng Shùn bă Zēng Hào bào-qi, Zhang Shun OM Zeng Hao hold.in.the.arms-up xiàng dà kètīng zŏu. towards big drawing.room walk 'Zhang Shun picked up Zeng Hao and walked to the big drawing room.' (131) *张顺把曾皓抱起沙发,向大客厅走。 *Zhāng Shùn bă Zēng Hào bào-qi shāfā, Zhang Shun OM Zeng Hao hold.in.the.arms-up sofa xiàng dà kètīng zŏu. towards big drawing.room walk 'Zhang Shun picked Zeng Hao up from the sofa and walked to the big man then (128) 我们在黑夜中告别,相会时一定有灿烂的朝霞升起。 (ibid.: 316) drawing room.' (intended meaning)

OM 3SG push-up-PFV jeep '…, and then the men pushed him into the jeep, ...'

xia-lai 'down, off towards the deictic center' &下去 -xia-qu 'down, off away from the deictic center'

	(139) 他顾不上脱衣服,扑通跳下水,向着船游去。	(ibid.: 137)
	Tā	gù-bu-shang		tuō	yīfu,	pūtōng
	3SG	have.no.time.to.do.sth	take.off	clothes	splash
	tiào-xia	shuĭ,	xiàng-zhe	chuán	yóu-qu.
	) 江涛一见严知孝,立刻站起来。 jump-down water towards	boat	(ibid.: 341) swim-thither
	Jiāng Tāo yíjiàn Yán Zhīxiào, lìkè 'He had no time to take off his clothes, and he jumped into the water and zhàn-qi-lai. Jiang Tao at.sight Yan Zhixiao, immediately stand-up-hither swam towards the boat.'
	'Jiang Tao stood up as soon as he saw Yan Zhixiao (towards the deictic (140) 把东西放下,放下! (ibid.: 140) center).' Bă dōngxi fàng-xia, fàng-xia!
	(137) 你先把画挂起来吧! OM thing Nĭ xiān bă 'Put things down, put down!'	put-down huà	put-down guà-qi-lai	(ibid.: 343) ba!
	2SG 下来 -	first	OM		picture	hang-up-hither
	(138) 王子走下船。
	Wángzĭ		zŏu-xia		chuán.
	prince		walk-off		boat
	'The prince walked off the boat.'

SUG

'Hang up the picture first (towards the deictic center)!' [5] 下 -xia 'down, off' The simple Path satellite 下 -xia 'down, off' indicates that the moving entity moves from the upside to the downside (Liú 1998). The NPloc followed by 下 -xia 'down, off' can either indicate the Source, the Medium, and the Goal. Examples (138) and (139) show that 下 -xia 'down, off' is followed by the NPloc 船 chuán 'the boat' and 水 shuĭ 'water' indicating Source and Goal respectively. Example (140) illustrates that 下 -xia 'down, off' when it is not combined with any NPloc indicates only the direction without specifying the Source and the Goal. Besides, 下 -xia 'down, off' can also be followed by NPlocs, such as 山 shān 'mountain', 坡 pō 'slope', to indicate the Medium.

  ).

	(151) 繁漪由中门不做声地走进来。		(ibid.: 208)
	Fányī yóu	zhōngmén	búzuòshēngde	zŏu-jin-lai.
	Fanyi	from	middle.door	silently	walk-into-hither
	'Fanyi walked in silently through the middle door (towards the deictic center).'
	(152) 你把炉子搬进来,…		(ibid.: 210)
	Nĭ	bă	lúzi	bān-jin-lai, …
	2SG

OM stove move-into-hither 'Move the stove in (towards the deictic center), …' (153) 我看见刚才洞里钻进去几个孩子。 (ibid.: 212) Wŏ kànjiàn gāngcái dòng=li zuān-jin-qu jĭ gè háizi. 1SG see just.now cave=inside sneak-into-thither several CL child 'I saw a few children sneaking into the hole just now (away from the deictic center).'

  He also walked out of the door (away from the deictic center), …'

	(157) 他也走出门去,…。			(ibid.: 251)
	Tā	yĕ		zŏu-chu-men-qu, …
	3SG	also		walk-out-door-thither
	'(158) 李三随后端出两碗面去。		(ibid.: 252)
	Lĭsān suíhòu		duān-chu		liăng	wăn
	Lisan soon.afterwards hold.sth.level.with.both.hands-out two
	Dingsi	from		room=in.the.center.of	run-out-hither
	'Dingsi ran out of the room (towards the deictic center).'
	(156) 晓燕把钱掏出来放在桌子上。		(ibid.: 235)
	Xiăoyàn bă	qián	tāo-chu-lai	fàng zài	zhuōzi=shang.
	Xiaoyan OM	money take.out-out	put at	table=upside
	'Xiaoyan took out the money and put it on the table (towards the deictic
	center).'

155) 丁四从屋中跑出来。 (ibid.: 233) Dīngsì cóng wū=zhong păo-chu-lai. CL miàn-qu. noodle-thither 'Lisan then brought out two bowls of noodles.' [8] 回 -hui 'back'

  .

	(161) 他又绕回西安门来。	(ibid.: 261)
	Tā	yòu	rào-hui-Xī'ānmen-lai.
	3SG	again	make.a.detour-back-Xi'anmen-hither
	'He made a detour to Xi'anmen again (towards the deictic center).'
	(162) (周冲)把头由门口缩回来,做了一个鬼脸。	(ibid.: 262)
	(Zhōuchōng) bă tóu	yóu	ménkŏu suō-hui-lai,
	Zhouchong OM head from door	draw.back-back-hither
	zuò-le	yí	gè guĭliăn.
	make-PFV one CL

grimace 'Zhouchong retraced his head from the door (towards the deictic center) and made a face.' (163) 娃子垂头丧气跟了回去。 (ibid.: 265) Wázi chuítóusàngqì gēn-le-hui-qu.

guo-lai 'over, past, through towards the deictic center' & 过去 -guo-qu 'over, past, through away from the deictic center'

	tiào-guo	qiángtóu		táopăo	le.
	jump-over	top.of.a.wall	run.away
	(166) 他递过一条毛巾给我。				(ibid.: 269)
	Tā	dì-guo	yì	tiáo	máojīn	gĕi	wŏ.
	3SG	give-over	one	CL	towel	BEN	1SG
	'He handed me a towel.'
	过来 -

CRS

'[…] (and) jumped over the top of the wall and ran away.'

  She […] stretched out her right hand to him (towards the deictic center).'

	(169) 她[…],将右手向他伸过来。		(ibid.: 286)
	Tā […] jiāng yòu	shŏu	xiàng	tā	shēn-guo-lai.
	3SG	JIANG right hand	towards 3SG	stretch-past-hither
	'(170) 趁着夜色,跳过围墙去。		(ibid.: 302)
	Chènzhe		yèsè,		tiào-guo-wéiqiáng-qu.
	take.advantage.of		darkness	jump-over-fence-thither
	'Taking advantage of the night, jump over the fence (away from the deictic
	center).'
	(171) 他淡淡一笑,接过杯子去。		(ibid.: 304)
	Tā	dàndàn		yí	xiào,	jiē-guo-bēizi-qu.
	167) 吴国强一步一步地向她走过来。	(ibid.: 285)
	Wú Guóqiáng yíbùyíbùde	xiàng	tā	zŏu-guo-lai.
	Wu Guoqiang step.by.step towards	3SG	walk-past-hither
	'Wu Guoqiang walked towards her step by step (towards the deictic center).'
	(168) 吴国强一步一步地向她走来。
	Wú Guóqiáng	yíbùyíbùde	xiàng	tā	zŏu-lai.
	Wu Guoqiang	step.by.step	towards	3SG	walk-hither
	'Wu Guoqiang walked towards her step by step (towards the deictic center).'

  Wŏ bāng tā tí-zhe xiăo lǚxíngdài, lái-dao Cháng'ān jiē. 1SG help 3SG carry-DUR small travel.bag come-to Changan Street 'I helped her carry the small travel bag and came to Chang'an Street.' Zhou Chong have.to OM medicine hold.sth.level.with.both.hands-to Fányī miànqián. Fanyi in.front.of 'Zhong Chong had to carry the medicine to Fanyi.'

	(177) 我帮她提着小旅行袋,来到长安街上。		(ibid.: 400)
	(178) 夏亦秋点点头,走到他身边。			(ibid.: 401)
	Xià Yìqiū	diăn-diăn tóu,	zŏu-dao	tā	shēnbiān.
	Xia Yiqiu	nod-RDP	head	walk-to	3SG	at.one's side
	'Xia Yiqiu nodded and walked to him.'
	(179) 周冲只好把药端到蘩漪面前。			(ibid.: 402)
	Zhōu Chōng zhĭhăo bă yào	duān-dao
							2.3
	when presenting the adnominal encoding.
	(176) 他寒假暑假回到家乡,…。			(ibid.: 400)
	Tā	hánjià		shŭjià	huí-dao	jiāxiāng, …
	3SG	winter.vacation	summer.vacation return-to	hometown
	'He returns home in winter and summer vacation, …'

Table 11 .

 11 Prepositions encoding Path and their positions with respect to the verb

	Wŏ	gāng	cóng	nóngcūn	huí-lai.
	1SG	just	from	countryside	return-hither
	'I just came back from the countryside.'
	(185) *我刚回来从农村。
	*Wŏ	gāng	huí-lai	cóng	nóngcūn.
	1SG	just	return-hither from	countryside
	(186) 由南到北			(adapted from Lǚ 2019 [1980]: 628)
	yóu	nán	dào	běi
	from	south	to	north
	'from the south to the north'

Let us illustrate in detail these prepositions expressing different portions of Path. The preposition 从 cóng 'from' in a PP-V expresses the Source and indicates the starting point and the origin of the Figure, as in (

184

). The preposition 由 yóu 'from' is similar to 从 cóng 'from' and expresses a similar meaning, as in (

186

). According to

[START_REF] Lǚ | 动趋式+宾语"的语序 "Dòngqū shì + bīnyǔ" de yǔxù [The order of Verb-directional and the Object[END_REF]Lǚ ( [1980]]

: 130, 628), 从 cóng 'from' and 由 yóu 'from' are usually combined with place words.

(184) 我刚从农村回来。 (adapted from

[START_REF] Lǚ | 动趋式+宾语"的语序 "Dòngqū shì + bīnyǔ" de yǔxù [The order of Verb-directional and the Object[END_REF]Lǚ [1980]]

: 130)

  Wang walked towards his place (away from the deictic center).'

	(201) 小王往他那儿走去。
	Xiăo	Wáng	wăng	tā	nàr	zŏu-qu.
	young	Wang	towards	3SG	there	walk-thither
	'
	196) 小王朝他走去。
	Xiăo	Wáng	cháo	tā	zŏu-qu.
	young	Wang	towards	3SG	walk-thither
	'Wang walked towards him (away from the deictic center).'
	(197) 小王向他走去。
	Xiăo	Wáng	xiàng	tā	zŏu-qu.
	young	Wang	towards	3SG	walk-thither
	'Wang walked towards him (away from the deictic center).'
	(198) *小王往他走去。
	*Xiăo	Wáng	wăng	tā	zŏu-qu.
	young	Wang	towards	3SG	walk-thither
	'Wang walked towards him (away from the deictic center).'
	(199) 小王朝他那儿走去。
	Xiăo	Wáng	cháo	tā	nàr	zŏu-qu.
	young	Wang	towards	3SG	there	walk-thither
	'Wang walked towards his place (away from the deictic center).'
	(200) 小王向他那儿走去。
	Xiăo	Wáng	xiàng	tā	nàr	zŏu-qu.
	young	Wang	towards	3SG	there	walk-thither
	'Wang walked towards his place (away from the deictic center).'

  . Regarding the fourth type, one can only use it postverbally, as in (210), and the same PP preceding the verb would be ungrammatical like in (211).

	Lin (2019: 182-183) further notices that:
	(206) 他在台上坐。		(adapted from Peyraube 1980: 232)
	Tā	zài	tái=shang		zuò.
	3SG	at	platform=upside	sit
	'He was sitting on the platform.'
	(207) 他坐在台上。			(ibid.)
	Tā	zuò	zài	tái=shang.
	3SG	sit	at	platform=upside
	'He was sitting on the platform.'
	(208) 他在屋里写。			(ibid.)
	Tā	zài	wū=li		xiě.
	3SG	at	room=inside		write
	'He is writing at the room.'
	(209) *他写在屋里。			(ibid.)
	*Tā	xiě	zài	wū=li.
	3SG	write	at	room=inside
	(210) 她倒在床上。			(ibid.)
	Tā	dăo	zài	chuáng=shang.
	3SG	fall	at	bed=upside
	'She fell on the bed.'
	(211) *她在床上倒。			(ibid.)
	*Tā	zài	chuáng=shang	dăo.
	3SG	at	bed=upside		fall

  dissertation, we only focus on the postverbal PP formed with 在 zài 'at' which denotes the change of location in Standard Chinese.

	(216) 他一屁股就坐在沙发上。(adapted from Chirkova & Lamarre 2005: 174)
	Tá	yí	pìgŭ	jiù	zuò	zài	shāfā=shang.
	3SG	one	buttocks	just	sit	be.in	sofa=upside
	'He flopped onto the sofa.' or
	'He sat down with all his weight on the sofa.' (change of location)
	(217) 他安安静静地坐在沙发上。			(ibid.)
	Tā	ān'ānjìngjìng	de	zuò	zài	shāfā=shang.
	3SG	quiet.quiet	SUB	sit	be.in	sofa=upside
	'He was quietly sitting on the sofa.' (durative)

  来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' in combination with an NPloc

	(225) 客人来了。
	Kèrén	lái	le.
	guest	come	CRS
	'The guest is coming.'
	(226) *来了客人。
	*Lái-le	kèrén.
	come-PFV	guest
	(intended meaning: 'Here comes the guest.')
	(ii)
	222) 他来了。			(adapted from Wén 2007: 92)
	Tā	lái	le.
	3SG	come	CRS
	'He is coming.'
	(223) 快去吧!
	Kuài	qù	ba!
	quickly	go	SUG
	'Go quickly!'
	(224) 来了一个客人。	(adapted from C. N. Li & Thompson 1981: 509)
	Lái-le	yí	gè	kèrén.
	come-PFV	one	CL	guest
	'Here comes a guest.'

  ) illustrate the prepositions to and à which are used to introduce the NPlocs library and school in English and French in the context of a deictic verb.

	(232) Je	vais	à	l'école		demain.
	1SG	go	to	school		tomorrow
	'I go to school tomorrow.'
	(227) 他来图书馆了。
	Tā	lái	túshūguăn	le.
	3SG	come	library		CRS
	'He came to the library.'
	(228) 我明天去学校。
	Wŏ	míngtiān	qù	xuéxiào.
	1SG	tomorrow	go	school
	'I go to school tomorrow.'
	(229) He came to the library.
	(230) I go to school tomorrow.
	(231) Il	est	venu	à	la	bibliothèque.
	3G	be	come	to	the	library
	'He came to the library.'

  In both sentences, the verb phrases 干什么 gàn shénme 'do sth' and 缴电费和房租 jiăo diànfèi hé fángzū 'pay the electricity bill and the rent' indicate the purpose of 来 lái 'come'.Due to the different features of 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' manifested in the [来 lái 'come'/去 qù 'go' + V] construction, we will discuss them separately.

	(235) A: 你来干什么?	(Liú et al., 2019 [2001], p. 696)
	Nĭ	lái	gàn	shénme?
	2sg	come	do	what
	'What do you come for?'
	(236) B: 我来缴电费和房租。			(ibid.)
	Wŏ	lái	jiăo	diànfèi	hé	fángzū.
	1SG	come	pay	electricity.bill	and	rent
	'I come to pay the electricity bill and the rent.'

iii) 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' in combination with another verb phrase When 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' are followed by a verb, they form the [ 来 lái 'come'/ 去 qù 'go' + VP] construction. Such construction is usually considered as a subtype of serial verb construction in which the second verb or verb phrase expresses the purpose of the first verb (Liú et al. 2019 [2001]: 695-696; Lamarre 2020: 140). Examples (235) and (236) extracted from Liú and her colleagues (ibid.) illustrate a conversation between two persons A and B.

  Guō (1987: 243) also points out that in the case when 来 lái 'come' does not express the actual motion in [来 lái 'come' + VP] construction, the subject of 来 lái 'come' is only restricted to the first person and the second person, such as in (243) The use of the third person, as in (244), would not be acceptable except in pivotal constructions (兼语式 jiānyŭ shì), illustrated in (245).102 Song (2019: 201) argues that the sentence shown in (244), which is inacceptable forGuō (1987: 243), is acceptable for him and his informants, depending on the context. For instance, one can use the third person, as in (245), and can also use the third person in (246) as a response to the question in (247).

	(242) *我来这里回答这问题。
	Wŏ	lái		huídá	zhè		wèntí.
	1SG	come		answer this		question
	*'I come here to answer this question.'
	*'Let me answer this question here.'
									from Xīn 1998b: 53)
	[…],	tā	zuótiān		lái	kàn	wŏ,	[…]
		3sg	yesterday		come	see	1SG
	'[…], he came to see me yesterday, […]'
	(238) […],他昨天来这里看我,[…]。
	[…],	tā	zuótiān	lái	zhèli	kàn	wŏ,	[…]
		3SG	yesterday come here		see	1SG
	'[…], he came here to see me yesterday, […]' (243) 我来介绍一下。		(Guō 1987: 243)
	(239) *[…],他昨天看我,[…]。 Wŏ lái jièshào		yíxià.
	*[…], 1SG 'Let me introduce (it).' tā zuótiān come introduce 3sg yesterday	kàn a while wŏ, see 1SG	[…]
	'[…], he saw me yesterday, […]' (244) *他来介绍一下。					(ibid.)
	(240) 我来回答这问题。 *Tā lái	jièshào		yíxià.	(adapted from Xīn 1998b: 54)
	Wŏ 3SG 1SG 'Let me introduce (it).' lái come come	huídá introduce answer	zhè a.while this	wèntí. question
	*'I come to answer this question.' (245) (我们)让他来介绍一下。 'Let me answer this question.' (Wŏmen) ràng tā	lái		jièshào	yíxià.	(ibid.)
	1PL (241) 我回答这问题。 let Wŏ huídá 'Let him introduce (it).'	3SG zhè	come wèntí.		introduce	a.while
	1SG	answer		this	question
	'Let me answer this question.'

  . Now let us turn to the verb 去 qù 'go' in combination with another verb in different constructions. In his paper entitled On the constructions'qu+VP' and 'VP+qu', Lù (1985) has compared two constructions, namely [ 去 qù 'go' + VP] and [VP + 去 qù/qu] constructions. 103 His finding reveals different internal semantic relations between the two constructions. According to the author, the semantic relation is simple in [去 qù 'go' + VP] construction in which 去 qù 'go' usually expresses the motion of the moving entity (i.e., the Figure) and VP the purpose of the motion. This can be illustrated in (248). 去 qù 'go' in this sentence expresses the motion of the Figure (i.e., 我 wŏ 'I') and the VP 看了个电影 kàn le gè diànyĭng [see PFV CL film] indicates the purpose of 去 qù 'go' that is 'to see a film'.

	(246) 这个计划,他来介绍一下。		(adapted from Song 2019: 201)
	Zhè	gè	jìhuà,	tā	lái		jièshào	yíxià.
	this	CL	plan,	3SG	come	introduce	a.while
	'This plan, it's him who will introduce (it).'
	(247) 谁来介绍一下?					(ibid.)
	Shéi	lái		jièshào	yíxià?
	who	come		introduce	a.while
	'Who will introduce it?'
	(248) 我昨天去看了个电影。		(adapted from Lù 1985: 20)
	Wŏ	zuótiān		qù	kàn	le	gè	diànyĭng.
	1SG	yesterday	go	see	PFV	CL

  ) respectively. By contrast, it would not be acceptable to add an NPloc or 那儿 nàr 'there' in

	(255).
	(252) 我们一起去吃晚饭。			(adapted from Guō 1987: 242)
	Wŏmen	yìqĭ	qù	chī		wănfàn.
	1PL		together	go	eat		dinner
	'Let us go to dinner together.'
	(253) 我们一起去餐厅吃晚饭。
	Wŏmen	yìqĭ	qù	cāntīng	chī	wănfàn.
	1PL		together	go	restaurant	eat	dinner
	'Let us go to the restaurant and have dinner together.'
	(254) 我们一起去那儿吃晚饭。
	Wŏmen	yìqĭ	qù	nàr		chī	wănfàn.
	1PL		together	go	there		eat	dinner
	'Let us go there and have dinner together.'
	(255) 你自己去想想,这样做该不该?	(adapted from Guō 1987: 243)
	Nĭ	zìjĭ	qù xiăng-xiăng, zhèyàng zuò gāi-bu-gāi?
	2SG oneself go think-RDP,	like.this do should-NEG-should
	'Think about it yourself, should you do this?'

2.4.2. Adverbal encoding: 2.4.2.1. Deictic satellites

  3SG go the.United.States pursue.advanced.studies PFV two year 'He went to the United States for further training for two years.' In §2.3.2, we have presented 11 simple satellites and 17 bipartite satellites which encode Path. Among them, two simple satellites 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' express specifically deictic

	(258) 他去美国深造了两年。		(ibid.)
	Tā qù Měiguó		shēnzào	le liăng nián.
	always express the motion of the moving entity and the NPloc
	indicates the location to where the moving entity moves. The VP
	indicates the purpose of the action. Such case can be exemplified in
	(257) and (258).
	(257) 你来教堂做什么?	(adapted from Gān & Gān 2009: 80)
	Nĭ	lái	jiàotáng	zuò	shénme?
	2SG	come	church	do	what
	'What are you coming to the churchr for?'

) Nĭ yŏng bù kěnéng qù ài nĭ suŏ hèn de rén. 2SG always NEG.IRR possible go love 2SG PTCL hate REL person 'It will never be possible for you to love (Lit.: to go and love) someone you hate.' It is important to note that only the cases of 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' involving the motion interpretation in [来 lái 'come' + VP] and [去 qù 'go' + VP] constructions will be included in our data analyses (Part II. chapters 4, 5, and 6). (iv) in combination with both an NPloc and another verb phrase In this case, 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' can be combined with both an NPloc and a VP in the [来 lái 'come'/去 qù 'go' + NPloc + VP] construction. In such construction, 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go'

  ) respectively.

	(271) 小王送来两张票。		(adapted from Xiāo 1992: 61)
	Xiăo	Wáng	sòng-lai	liăng	zhāng	piào.
	Young	Wang	send-hither	two	CL	ticket
	'Xiao Wang sent two tickets (towards the deictic center).'
	(272) 搬把椅子来。				(ibid.)
	Bān	bă	yĭzi-lai.
	move	CL	chair-hither
	'Bring a chair.'

  ) respectively.

	(275) 走进来一个孩子。			(adapted from J. Lù 2002: 12)
	Zŏu-jin-lai	yí	gè	háizi.
	walk-into-hither	one	CL	child
	'A child walked in (towards the deictic center).'
	(276) 他拿出来一本字典。		(adapted from J. Lù 2002: 13)
	Tā	ná-chu-lai	yì		běn	zìdiăn.

  ).In the fourth order, the Figure can be placed before the predicate and can only be a definite NP, as illustrated in (281) and (282). When the Figure is a patient NP, that is to say, in caused motion events, the object marker 把 bă 'OM' should be used, as in Secondly, we look at the word order of the NPloc with respect to the verb and the satellite. The order of NPloc is less flexible than NP expressing the Figure.As far as the simple satellites 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' are concerned, there is one possible order. The NPloc can only be placed between the verb and 来 -lai 'hither' / 去 -qu 'thither', as illustrated in (283) and (284).

	(282) 把这盘菜端过去吧。			(adapted from Jiă 1998: 44)
	Bă	zhè	pán	cài	duān-guo-qu	ba.
	OM	this	CL	dish carry-over-thither
	(283) 外边很冷,快进屋来吧。		(adapted from Huŏ, 2008, p. 139)
	Wàibian hěn	lěng,	kuài	jìn	wū-lai	ba.
	outside very cold	quickly	enter	room-hither
	(279) 游了一个人过去。			(adapted from Lù 2002: 13)
	Yóu	le	yí		gè	rén	guò-qu.
	swim Bié	PFV zài	one chăo	le,	CL […], sòng person yīyuàn-qu across-thither	ba
	'A person swam across (away from the deictic center).' do.not again argue CRS send hospital-thither
	(280) 他买了两件衣服回来。
	Tā	măi	le	liăng	jiàn	yīfu-hui-lai.
	3SG	buy	PFV	two	CL	clothes-back-hither
	'He bought two clothes back (towards the deictic center).'
	(285) 走进屋里来				(adapted from Zhū, 1982, p. 129)
	zŏu-jin		wū=li-lai
	walk-into	room=inside-hither
	(282). 'walk into the room'
	(281) 那只苍蝇又飞进来了。 (286) 拿出图书馆去		(adapted from Zhū 1982: 130) (ibid.)
	Nèi	zhī	cāngying	yòu	fēi-jin-lai	le.
	that	CL	fly		again	fly-into-hither	CRS
	'That fly flew in again.'

SUG

'Take this dish over (away from the deictic center).' SUG 'It's cold outside, come into the room quickly.' (284) 别再吵了,[…],送医院去吧。 (adapted from Wáng, 2005, p. 156) SUG 'Stop arguing, […], send (him) to the hospital (away from the deictic center).' Regarding the bipartite satellites including 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither', there is only one possible position for the NPloc. It can only be inserted between the non-deictic satellite and 来 -lai 'hither' / 去 -qu 'thither', as exemplified in (285) and (286).

.2.2. Associated motion markers Before

  NPloc + lai], in which 来 -lai is considered as a particle and pronounced unstressed, as illustrated in (293). According to the author, this construction is probably a remnant of ancient Chinese.We will examine this construction later on in our analyses. proposes to use the term 'particles of purpose', that is, final particles which are similar to, but different from, the directional complements (= deictic satellites) 来 -lai 'hither' and 去-qu 'thither'. Other scholars, such asZhū (1982: 165-166),[START_REF] Lù | 去+VP"和"VP+去"句式 Guānyú "qù + VP" hé "VP + qù" jùshì [On the constructions "qu+VP" and "VP+qu[END_REF], and[START_REF] Gān | qù" gòuchéng de liándòng jù [A brief analysis of the serial verb construction[END_REF], although they do agree with the fact that 来 =lai and 去 296) remains covert since it has already been uttered previously and is known to both the speaker and the hearer.Lamarre further explains that the situation in this sentence is the following: the father tells her daughter to go and take her notebook and bring it back. In such a situation, 去 =qu 'GO&DO' functions as an associated motion marker. However, it is not easy to identify the function of 去 =qu in 'VP + qu' construction especially when the patient NP is not expressed explicitly. When out of the context, 去 =qu / -qu in 拿去 ná=qu / ná-qu can have two interpretations, i.e.,

	(290) 明天来我家! (298) 这钱你拿去吧。 (301) 我去买菜去。				(ibid.) (ibid.)
	Míngtiān lái Zhè qián Wŏ qù	wŏ măi nĭ	ná-qu cài=qu.	jiā!	ba.
	tomorrow come this money 1SG go	1SG 2SG buy	home take-thither food=GO&DO
	'Come to my home tomorrow!' 'I go buy food.'
	(291) 明天上我家来! The above examples (i.e., (295), (296), and (297)) show the use
	Míngtiān tomorrow = qu are usually unstressed when they appear after the purpose VP, shàng wŏ jiā-lai! move.to 1SG home-hither consider them as a verb in a serial verb construction. Lamarre (2020: of 去 =qu 'GO&DO' as associated motion markers, now let us consider the use of 来 =lai 'COME&DO'. Wáng (2005: 168) points out 'Come to my home tomorrow!' 143) argues that considering 去 = qu (and also 来 =lai) in sentences that the [VP + lai] construction came relatively late into being and
	(292) 明天到我家来! Míngtiān dào its appearance is based on the [VP + qu] construction. 106 The [VP + wŏ like (295) as a verb in a serial verb construction is far from satisfying jiā-lai! tomorrow move.to 1SG either as an associated motion marker or a deictic satellite (= lai] construction is often used in imperative sentences and 来 =lai is since it "entails that we are dealing with SVCs where the motion home-hither 'Come to my home tomorrow!' predicate and the purpose predicate may appear indifferently as the directional complement). Lamarre emphasizes that although it is pronounced unstressed, as exemplified in (299).
	(299) 吃饭来!别玩儿了。 Wáng (2005: 168) mentions a relatively rarely used (adapted from Wáng 2005: 168) (adapted from Wáng 2005: 168) Qù kàn-kan! Chī fàn=lai! Bié wánr le. construction, [(293) 这儿来! eat meal=COME&DO do.not play
	Zhèr-lai! go (287) 你去哪儿了? see-DUP Nĭ qù 2SG go here-hither 'Go and see!' 'Come here!' (295) 看看去!	năr where	le?		(ibid)
	(288) 你上哪儿去了? Nĭ shàng 2SG move.to (289) 你到哪儿去了? Nĭ dào 2SG move.to 'Where did you go? / Where have you been?' năr-qu le? where-thither năr-qu le? where-thither PFV Kàn-kan=qu! see-dup=go&do 'Go and see!' (296) 你看,快拿去! (adapted from Lamarre 2020: 146) Nĭ kàn, kuài ná=qu! 2SG look quickly take=GO&DO 'Look! Go take it quickly!' (Situation: the father tells her daughter to go and take her notebook and bring it back.) (297) 去去去,拿作业去! (ibid.) (300) 我来看看来了。 (Zhū 1982: 166) Wŏ lái kàn-kàn=lai le. 1sg come see-rdp=come&do crs 2.4expressing motion is preceded by the purpose VP 'see'. Both sentences like (295) are typical of the Beijing colloquial style due to Sometimes, the associated motion markers can also be associated with the purpose VP, likely expressing the manner or the cause of go go go take homework=GO&DO 'Go! Go and take your homework.' (and bring it back here) sentences roughly convey the same meaning 'Go and see!', however Qù qù qù, ná zuòyè=qu! 'I came to see (it).'
	dialect background and register difference (written vs. spoken) the motion, such as 拿 ná 'take' in (296), extracted from Lamarre
	(Chao 1968: 479; Lù 1985: 25; see also Lamarre 2020: 131). With

CRS

'Where did you go? / Where have you been?' PFV 'Where did you go? / Where have you been?' presenting 'associated motion markers' in Standard Chinese, let us compare two examples. In (294), the deictic motion verb 去 qù 'go' is followed by the verb indicating the purpose of the motion 'see' (hereafter purpose VP). In (295), the morpheme 去 =qu 'GO&DO' regard to the grammatical category of 来 =lai and 去 =qu following the purpose VP, previous studies hold different opinions.

Chao (1968: 479)

first or as the second predicate without any significant change of meaning". She (2020: 149) thus suggests that: "Clearly, a grammatical category is needed to which Chao's 'particles of purposes' can be assigned: we

[…]

propose to show that associated motion is a plausible candidate". 105

(294) 去看看! (adapted from Lù 1985: 24) As can be seen in the definition of 'associated motion' proposed by Guillaume and Koch (2021b: 3), the verb that the associated motion markers associate with is generally a non-motion verb, like 看看 kàn-kan [see-DUP] 'see' in example (295) given above. (2020). As explained by Lamarre, the patient NP (= the moving entity) in example (grammatical in northern Mandarin for patient NPs to be inserted between the verb and the deictic directional (= deictic satellite) in an imperative sentence, this word order would be unlikely for an NP denoting a specific entity known to both the speaker and the addressee (such as 'your homework' in (297). Therefore, 去 =qu in 拿作业去 ná zuòyè=qu [take homework=GO&DO] can only function as an associated motion marker. Otherwise, the patient NP would typically be located before the verb, such as 这钱 zhè qián [this money] 'this money' in (298), with or without the object marker 把 bă, so that 去 -qu is a typical deictic satellite meaning 'away'. SUG 'Take this money (away, don't refuse).' CRS 'Come to eat! Stop playing.'

The information of Dynamic Deixis can not only be expressed by means of one of the linguistic devices mentioned above (i.e., deictic verbs, deictic satellites, and associated motion markers), but can also be expressed through a combination of two of these devices. Examples (300) and (301) illustrate a combination of deictic verbs and associated motion markers.

Chao (1968: 479-480)

and

Zhū (1982: 165-166

) mentioned this type of construction in which 来 lái/lai 'come/COME&DO' or 去 qù/qu 'go/GO&DO' occurs twice within the same clause.

  Table 13). More detailed information of each speaker can be found in Appendix 2.

	Mother tongue Region in China	Province/City
	Standard Chinese	Northern, Northwestern	Héběi (9), Běijīng (1), Hénán (1), Shānxī

Table 14 .

 14 Table 14). More detailed information of each speaker can be seen in Appendix 4. The information of speakers in data collected with Put & Take stimulus set

	Mother tongue(s)	Region in China	Province/City
	Standard Chinese	Northern, Northwestern, and Southwestern	Běijīng (1), Manchuria (5), Shǎnxī (2), Qīnghăi (1), Húbĕi (1)
	Standard Chinese & one dialect of Xiāng	Southern	Húnán (1)
	Standard Chinese & one dialect of Gàn	Southern	Jiāngxī (1)

Table 15 .

 15 Table 15 recapitulates the number of motion events in each data set. Number of clauses expressing translational motion per data set

	Data set	Number of clauses
	Trajectoire (Traj)	714
	Put & Take (P&T)	800
	Married for Ten Years (MFTY)	1025
	Loquacious Zhang Damin's Happy Life (LZHL)	967
	Total number	3506

  ). Predicates include finite and nonfinite verbs, as well as predicate adjectives. In general, clauses will be comprised of a single verbal element; however, infinitives and participles which function as complements of modal or aspectual verbs are included with the matrix verb as single clauses, e.g., want to go, started walking.More specifically, as far as Standard Chinese is concerned, we distinguish single clause (i.e., one clause) from multiple clauses (i.e., more than one clause). As for single clause, taking the scene 059 (Path_C_run_into_sea_sideRL) in Trajectoire stimulus as an example, the event 'running into the sea' can be expressed either by a compound verb 跑进了 păo-jin-le [run-into-PFV] 'ran into' followed by a noun phrase 海里 hăi=li [sea=inside] 'the inside of the sea' in

	one CL little boy	from sand=upside run-into-PFV sea=inside
	'A little boy ran into the sea from the sand.'	(Traj_059_S2)
	(303) 一个小男孩儿奔跑着进了海里。
	Yí	gè xiăo nánháir bēnpăo-zhe	jìn-le	hăi=li.
	one CL young boy	run.quickly-DUR enter-PFV sea=inside
	'A little boy entered the sea running quickly.'

(302) or by a Path verb 进了 jìn-le [enter-PFV] 'entered' accompanied by a gerund 奔跑着 bēnpăo-zhe [run.quickly-DUR] expressing the Manner of motion, followed by a noun phrase 海里 hăi=li [sea=inside] 'the inside of the sea' in (303). We consider both cases the same as examples (302) and (303) as containing one single clause in the transcription and analyses. (302) 一个小男孩儿从沙滩上跑进了海里。 Yí gè xiăo nánháir cóng shātān=shang păo-jin-le hăi=li.

  304) 一个男的把一个箱子从他的车的后面移开,放在了树下。Yí gè nánde bă yí gè xiāngzi cóng tā de chē de one CL man OM one CL suitcase from 3SG GEN car GEN

							(Traj_052_S1)
	hòumian	yí-kai,	fang	zài	le	shù=xia.
	back	move-apart	put	at	PFV	tree=downside
	'A man moved a suitcase from the back of his car and placed it under the
	tree.'
	Our coding system involves both the morphosyntactic
	elements and the semantic components related to expressions of
	motion events.
	Concerning	the	morphosyntactic	level,	different
	morphosyntactic devices that were coded are "actual grammar-

book elementswhether a word is a verb, a noun, a preposition, etc.

[START_REF] Slobin | Coding of Motion Events in Texts[END_REF]

)". We followed the three categories proposed by

[START_REF] Wälchli | A typology of displacement (with special reference to Latvian)[END_REF]

who distinguishes three different 'loci' of the expression of displacement: verbal encoding, adnominal encoding, adverbal encoding. The 'V' (i.e., verb) was used for verbal encoding, the 'Prep' (i.e., preposition) for adnominal encoding, and the 'Sat'

Table 16 .

 16 Morphosyntactic and semantic coding in the data

	Components	Form & meaning	Morphosyntactic semantic coding	Annotation
	Figure	nánrén 'man'	N:f:a	Noun:Figure:animate
		làzhú 'candle'	N:f:ia	Noun:Figure:inanimate
	Ground	shāndòng 'cave'	N:g	Noun:goal
		li 'inside'	Lz:g	Localizer:goal
	Co-event	păo 'run' chōu 'draw'	V:man V:cau	Verb:manner Verb:cause
		huí 'return'	V:p:g	Verb:path:goal
		jin 'into'	Sat:p:g	Satellite:path:goal
	Path	lai 'hither'	Sat:p:ctp	Satellite:path:centripetal
		qu 'go&do'	Am:p:ctf	Associated motion marker:path:centrifugal
		cóng 'from'	Prep:d:s	Preposition:direction:source

Table 18 .

 18 Table 18 gives the number of descriptionsproduced by 12 speakers using one or more than one clause in reference to the 55 Trajectoire target scenes showing spontaneous motion. We note that, in general, the majority of the descriptions in the Trajectoire data are expressed with one clause, accounting for 94.7%. Descriptions expressed with multiple clauses (either 2 or 3) together, only account for 5.3%. Number of clauses per motion description in the Trajectoire data To further examine the number of clauses produced by the speakers in reference to the 55 target scenes, we divided these scenes into two groups. One group contains 42 clips showing simple Path (see Appendix 5), and the other group comprises 13 clips showing complex Path (see Appendix 6). By distinguishing simple

	Nº of clauses	Description (N=660)
	1 clause	94.7%	(625)
	2 clauses	4.2%	(28)
	3 clauses	1.1%	(7)

  3SG hold.in.the.mouth-up cup OM cup put at PFV table=upside 'She picked up the cup, and put it on the table.'

	(334) 一个女的把嘴里叼着的杯子放在桌子上。	(P&T_002_S1)
	Yí gè nǚde bă zuĭ=li	diāo=zhe	de bēizi
	one CL woman OM mouth=inside hold.in.the.mouth=DUR GEN cup
	fàng	zài	zhuōzi=shang.
	put	at	table=upside
	'A woman put the cup that was held in the mouth to the table.'
	(335) 她叼起杯子,把杯子放在了桌子上。	(P&T_002_S9)
	Tā diāo-qi		bēizi, bă bēizi fàng zài le zhuōzi=shang.
	331) 他把碟子从杯子上拿了下来。	(P&T_131_S9)
	Tā	bă diézi	cóng	bēizi=shang	ná-le-xia-lai.
	3SG	OM	saucer from	cup=upside	take-PFV-down-hither
	'He took the saucer off the cup (towards the deictic center).'
	(332) 一个人把茶杯上的茶碟拿下来了,放在了桌子上。(P&T_131_S7)
	Yí gè rén	bă chábēi=shang de chádié ná-xia-lai	le,
	one CL person OM teacup=upside GEN saucer take-off-hither CRS
	fàng	zài	le	zhuōzi=shang.
	put	at	PFV	table=upside
	'A person took the saucer off the teacup (towards the deictic center) and put
	it on the table.'
	(333) 这个人用嘴把杯子放到了桌子上。	(P&T_002_S7)
	Zhè gè rén	yòng zuĭ	bă bēizi fàng-dào-le	zhuōzi=shang.
	this CL person with mouth OM cup put-to-PFV	table=upside
	'The man put the cup on the table with his mouth.'

Table 22 .

 22 the beginning of the sentence (C. N.Li & Thompson 1981: 453; see also[START_REF] Guo | Imperatives[END_REF] cited from Ramsey 1987). In dialogical data, we only find instances of 请 qĭng 'please' and 麻烦 máfan 'to trouble', as shown in (346) and (347).Li & Thompson (1981: 453-454) Negative imperatives are always marked by negation markers.The most common one is 别 bié 'PROH' / 'do not', as instantiated in (351). According to[START_REF] Guo | Imperatives[END_REF], negative imperatives can also be expressed with such expressions as 不要 búyào 'don't', 不用 búyòng 'need not', 不必 búbì 'not necessarily', 不许 bùxῠ 'not allowed', and 不能 bùnéng 'cannot'. However, very few sentences in the dialogical data used the above expressions. Instead, another negative imperative marker 甭 béng 'needn't, a contracted form of 不用 búyòng 'need not' in certain norther Mandarin dialects was used for several times, especially in data of Loquacious Zhang As pointed out in[START_REF] Guo | Imperatives[END_REF]: "Different types of imperatives reveal different shades of information about the relationship between the speaker and the addressee, as well as the attitudes and status of the two parties". If the speaker is very angry, he probably says to the other person as in(358). If the speaker is very calm, he is likely to say to the other one as in (359). However, if the relationship between the two persons is child and parent, it would be inappropriate and impolite The distribution of sentence types in the dialogical data

	)-(345). Examples (340) and

SUG 'Let's go back to the room!'

To soften a command, one the following verbs, 请 qĭng 'please', 麻烦 máfan 'to trouble', and 劳驾 láojià 'trouble you' is often used

123

We gloss 我们 women as '1PL' instead of '1PL.EXCL' since in Standard Chinese the difference between inclusive and exclusive forms of the first person plural pronoun is not strictly observed. at trouble 2SG help 2SG sister-in-law OM this stool take-back-thither 'Please help your sister-in-law take this stool back (away from the deictic center)!'

Imperatives can be further divided into affirmative and negative imperatives. Apart from the above three verbs, some auxiliary verbs, such as 应该 yīnggāi 'should', 必须 bìxū 'must', and the expression 给我 gěi wŏ 'for me' can also occur in affirmative

124

Although we gloss the preposition 给 gěi as 'for' in the expression 给我 gěi wŏ 'for me'. In the imperative sentence, this preposition followed by 我 wŏ 1SG is used only for emphasis. (Oxford English-Chinese, Chinese-English Dictionary 2010: 247). PROH leave PRT 'Don't leave!' Pragmatically, depending on the context, the imperatives can be expressed with the help of the following sentence final particles 吧 ba, 啊 a, and 呢 ne. Comparing the two examples (358) and (359), both indicate that the speaker asks the addressee to go out. Imagine that the two person are of equal status and there is a quarrel between them.

SUG 'Why don't' you go out (I suggest)?' Based on their syntactic, semantic and pragmatic properties, we distinguish imperative clauses (IMP) from other sentence types (non-imperatives (NON-IMP) in dialogical data. As illustrated

Table 22, imperatives are used very frequently in both TV series data which account for as high as 41% and 46.6% in MFTY data and LZHL data, respectively.

  , Table35, and Table36for a full list of Path verbs in the descriptive and the dialogical data). As illustrated in the two examples given below, Path The authors claim that, in Thai, the Path expressed by paj 'go' and maa 'come' "is oriented not only with respect to the

	correspond to 'Deictic-Path verbs' labeled by Zlatev & Yangklang
	(2004: 165). Deictic Center (DC) -'away from' and 'towards' respectively -, but
	also with respect to the landmark, when this is expressed by a
	nominal. In this latter case, the Path expressed is 'allative': the end point of the motion event is the reaching of the landmark". Their
	statement can also apply to the Standard Chinese data. As
	illustrated in the two examples below, the Figure moves either
	towards (e.g., (362)) or away from (e.g., (363)) the deictic center (i.e.,
	the location of the speaker). 128 The Path information expressed by
	(362) 大方来了。		(MFTY_8_2627)
	Dàfāng	lái	le.
	Dafang verbs in Standard Chinese can either take a Ground NP as their come CRS 'Dafang came.' argument (e.g., (360)), or can be followed by a satellite (e.g., (361)). (Context: Lao Wang, the neighbor of Han Meng, told her that the colleague
	(360) 一个小男孩儿进了山洞。 of her husband came to their house.)	(Traj_058_S2)
	Yí one (363) 赶紧去医院! gè xiăo CL young Gănjĭn qù 'A little boy entered the cave.' nánháir boy yīyuàn! hurriedly go hospital	jìn-le enter-PFV	shāndòng. (LZHL_8_3431) cave
	(361) 他出去了。 'Go to the hospital hurriedly!'	(LZHL_6_0230)
	Tā (Context:	chū-qu	le.
	3SG	exit-thither	CRS
	'He went out.'
	Concerning Path + Dynamic Deixis verbs, we consider verbs
	that convey both Path and Dynamic Deixis information belonging
	to this catetory. This concerns 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' in the Standard Chinese data. What we call 'Path + Dynamic Deixis verbs'

来 lái 'come' in (362) is only oriented with regard to the deictic center whereas the Path information expressed by 去 qù

'go' in (363)

is not only oriented with regard to the deictic center but also with respect to the Ground (i.e., 医院 yīyuàn 'hospital').

•

  Manner verbs do not have a tight relation with the Ground. For example, 坐 zuò 'sit' in (364) expresses how the Figure moves (i.e., by sitting).Table 24, Table 37, and Table 38 give a full list of Manner verbs in the descriptive and the dialogical data.

	(364) 韩梦,你坐上来!	(MFTY_2_2341)
	Hán Mèng,	nĭ	zuò-shang-lai!
	Han Meng	2SG	sit-up-hither
	'Hanmeng, sit up (towards the deictic center)!'

In this dissertataion, the term 'Manner verbs' is used in a very general way. In the Standard Chinese data, we include not only 走 zŏu 'walk', 跑 păo 'run', and 跳 tiào 'jump', etc. as Manner verbs, but also posture verbs (i.e., 坐 zuò 'sit', 躺 tăng 'lie', etc.), following

[START_REF] Berthele | The typology of motion and posture verbs : A variationist account[END_REF]

.

129

  In this dissertation, the term 'Cause' is used in a very broad sense. We consider verbs that can express the Agent causing the Figure to change location, either because of verbal semantics per se, such as 推 tuī 'push', 扔 rēng 'throw', 搬 bān 'displace', etc., as

	(370) 一个男生将车子旁边的行李推到了树旁边。 under analysis and an online corpus including (i.e., 北京语言大学语 (P&T_052_S6)
	Yí one CL gè nánshēng jiāng chēzi=pángbian de boy OM car=beside GEN tuī-dao-le 料库中心 Běijīng yǔyán dàxué yǔliàokù zhōngxīn 'Beijing Language xínglĭxiāng suitcase and Culture University Corpus Center', abbreviated by BCC, shù-pángbian. push-to-PFV http://bcc.blcu.edu.cn/) which allow us to double-check the tree-beside 'A boy pushed the suitcase beside the car to the side of the tree.' combination between the verbs and satellites.. 131 In this dissertation,
	we chose to simplify our classification and put verbs which lexicalize (371) 我把酱油买回来了。 (MFTY_3_4000) Wŏ bă jiàngyóu măi-hui-lai both Manner and Path or both Cause and Path to the categories of le. 1SG OM soy.sauce buy-back-hither CRS either Manner or Cause since they take the Co-event slot.
	'I bought the soy sauce (back towards the deictic center).' (372) 一个女人将蜡烛从烛台上拔了出来。	(P&T_114_S11)
	Apart from Manner verbs and Cause verbs, there are some Yí gè nǚrén jiāng làzhú cóng zhútái=shang bá-le-chu-lai.
	one CL woman OM candle from candlestick=upside pull.out-out-hither
	'A woman took a candle out of the candlestick (towards the deictic center).'
	(373) 一个人把苹果放进了木碗里。		(P&T_011_S7)
	Yí	gè rén	bă píngguŏ fàng-jin le	mù	wăn=li.
	one CL person OM apple	put-into PFV wood bowl=inside
	'A person put the apple into the wooden bowl.'
					in Lamarre 2003b: 5)
	(Bă	qiú)	tī-jin	mén.
	OM	ball	kick-into	goal
	'Kick the ball into the goal.'
	exemplified in (370), or when they combine with Path satellites, like thither] 'put into (away from the deictic center)', but not 拔进来 bá-买 măi 'buy', 叫 jiào 'call', 弄 nòng 'make, do, get', etc., as shown in jin-lai [pull.out-into-hither] and 放出去 fàng-chu-qu [put-out-
	(371), as Cause verbs. 130 thither] since the combination of the verb and the satellite entails a
	contradictory meaning, as attested from the Standard Chinese data
	constructions.

130

Tang

& Lamarre (2007: 139)

observe that some verbs like 买 măi 'buy' and 叫 jiào 'call' which do not express motion per se combine frequently with Path satellite, as in 叫来 jiào-lai [call-hither] 'to have someone come here by calling verbs which seem to lexicalize both Manner and Path and both Cause and Path.

Zlatev & Yangklang (2004: 167)

observed that there exist a number of verbs which "take an intermediate position between 'pure' Manner verbs (which could be locative, at least in some contexts, e.g., he walked for hours on the readmill) and Path verbs proper such as enter and exit, since they seem to conflate Manner (in the broad sense of the term) and Path. Hence an appropriate label for these verbs would be Manner + Path verbs, or 'MP versb' for short". They gave the following examples in Thai, like phloo1 'pop out', mut3 'crwal under', etc. Similarily, we also noticed that in Standard Chinese, there are also a small number of Cause verbs which seem to include a sort of Path meaning to form Cause + Path verbs, such as, 拔 bá 'pull out', 放 fàng 'put', etc. These verbs can not usually combine with Path satellites showing opposite directions. This is the case for the Source-oriented verb 拔 bá 'pull out' (e.g., (372)) and the Goal-oriented verb 放 fàng 'put' (e.g., (373)).

One can only say 拔出来 bá-chu-lai [pull.out-out-hither] 'pull out (towards the deictic center)' and 放进去 fàng-jin-qu [put-intohim/her'. However, the authors didn't discuss the semantics of such verb-satellite

Table 23 .

 23 Table 23, the Trajectoiredata reveal the use of 10 verbs lexicalizing Path. Verbs expressing Path in the Trajectoire data 134 133 Due to the lack of space in the column, we won't provide the translation 'towards/away from the deictic center' for each compound verb containing the deictic satellites -lai 'hither' and -qu 'thither'. Trajectoire data, apart from Path verbs which only account for 44 occurrences, Path information is also found to be expressed by either satellites (leaving the Co-event verb slots to express Manner information) or prepositional phrases and localizers. Manner in the expression of spontaneous motion in the Trajectoire data and Cause in the expression of caused motion in the Put & Take data. As illustrated in Table24 and Table 25,respectively, we found 9 verbs expressing the Manner performed by the Figure and 56 verbs expressing the action causing the Figure to move (the Cause).

	#	Chinese character	Pinyin	Meaning	N=44	Semantics	Compound verbs [verb + satellite(s)]
	1	穿	chuān	pass through	12	Path	chuān-guo-(lai/qu) 'cross' 133 chuān-chu-lai 'cross out of'
	2	出	chū	exit	10	Path	chū-lai 'exit'
	3	进	jìn	enter	6	Path	jìn-qu 'enter'
	4	回	huí	return	4	Path	huí-dao 'return to' huí-qu 'return'
	5	进入	jìnrù	enter	4	Path	-
	6	上	shàng	ascend	3	Path	shàng-dao 'ascend to'
	7	经过	jīngguò	pass by	2	Path	-
	8	路过	lùguò	pass by	1	Path	-
	9	下	xià	descend	1	Path	-
	10 越	yuè	overstep	1	Path	yuè-guo 'cross'

134

The four verbs 进入 jìnrù 'enter', 经过 jīngguò 'pass by', 路过 lùguò 'pass by', and 下 xià 'descend' take the Ground NP as their argument.

In the

Table 25 .

 25 Verbs expressing Cause in the Put & Take data Among the 56 verbs, the use of two verbs 洒 să 'scatter, spill' and 撒 să 'scatter, spill' needs to be clarified here. According to the dictionaries, 现代汉语词典 Xiàndài Hànyŭ Cídiăn 'Modern Chinese dictionnary' (2016, 7 th edition) and 牛津•外研社英汉汉英词典

	Niújīn Wàiyánshè Yīng-Hàn Hàn-Yīng Cídiǎn Oxford FLTRP English-
	Chinese Chinese-English Dictionary (2017) , 洒 să 'scatter, spill' and 撒 să 'scatter, spill' can, like their English counterparts spill and
	scatter, have both a causative use (expressing that an Agent causes
	the Figure, either a solid or liquid substance, to move, as in (375)
	and (377)) and a non-causative use (expressing that a Figure (a
	solid/liquid substance) moves by itself, as in (376) and (378) in the
	second clause of each sentence). 135 The number of occurrences of
	the two verbs shown in Table 25 only includes the causative use; the
	non-causative use in the expression of nonagentive motion is
	excluded for analysis.
	(375) 他把杯子的水洒在了桌子上。	(P&T_021_S5)
	Tā bă bēizi de shuĭ să	zài	le	zhuōzi=shang.
	3SG OM glass GEN water spill	at	PFV table=upside
	'He spilled the water from the glasss on the table.'
	(376) 一个人拿起了杯子,然后杯子里的水洒了。	(P&T_021_S1)
	Yí gè rén	ná-qi-le	bēizi, ránhòu bēizi=li	de shuĭ
	one CL person take-up-PFV glass then glass=inside GEN water
	să	le.
	spill	CRS
	'A man picked up the glass, and then the water in the glass was spilled.'
	(377) 一个女人将一盒积木撒在了地上。	(P&T_112_S11)
	Yí gè nǚrén jiāng yì hé jīmù să	zài le dì=shang.
	one CL woman OM one box block scatter at PFV floor=upside
	'A woman scattered a box of blocks on the floor.'

  Table 27) are used without being combined with other morphosyntactic devices in an individual clause displaying verbal encoding; this accounts for only 1.5% (Table 26). Since Path verbs in Standard Chinese cannot convey the meaning of Cause (cf. Chapter 2, §2.3.1), no verbal encoding is found in the Put & Take data showing caused motion events.

	Coding strategy	Trajectoire (N=672)	Put & Take (N=736)
	verbal encoding	1.5% (10)		-
	Table 26. Verbal encoding in the descriptive data
	Chinese character	Pinyin	Meaning	N=10	Example
	进入	jìnrù	enter	4	(381)
	进	jìn	enter	3	(382)
	经过	jīngguò	pass by	1	(383)
	路过	lùguò	pass by	1	(384)
	下	xià	descend	1	(385)
	Table 27. Verbs in verbal encoding strategy in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous
	motion)

. Adverbal encoding of Path in the descriptive data

  381) 一个男人从山洞中走出来,进入另一个山洞。 (Traj_060_S12)Adverbal encoding corresponds to the use of satellites in[START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] framework and is considered as the most frequently used coding strategy for Path in Standard Chinese. Let us look at how this strategy is revealed in the descriptive data. As illustrated in Table 28, adverbal encoding account for over one quarter in the Trajectoire data showing spontaneous motion and over one fifth in the Put & Take data showing caused motion.

	(386) 她从树里面穿了过来。 Ground NP (154 out of 179 occurrences) than with a deictic satellite (Traj_048_S5) (392) 一个女人走到水边。 (Traj_073_S10)
	Yí Tā (25 out of 179 occurrences). gè nánrén cóng cóng shù=lĭmian Yí gè nǚrén	shāndòng=zhong chuān-le-guo-lai. zŏu-dao shuĭ=bian. zŏu-chu-lai,
	one CL jìnrù enter 'A man walked out of the cave (towards the deictic center) and entered man from cave=in.the.center.of walk-out-hither lìng yí gè shāndòng. another one CL cave another cave. (382) 一个小男孩儿进了山洞。 (Traj_058_S2) Yí gè xiăo nánháir jìn-le 3SG from tree=inside cross-PFV-across-hither 'She came crossing from the inside of the tree.' # Chinese Pinyin Meaning N=179 one CL woman walk-to water=side Example 'A woman walked to the edge of the water.' character The decision to gloss 过 guò/-guo as a verb or as a satellite is mainly based on whether the verb is listed as a lexical entry in the (387) […]从那少女头上越了过去。 (BCC) 137 […] cóng nà shàonǚ tóu=shang yuè-le-guo-qu. 1 过 -guo across, over, past, through 84 (388), (393) 男孩儿跳下了石壁。 (Traj_064_S9) (396) 2 进 -jin into 48 (389) Nánháir tiào-xia-le shíbì. dictionaries: verbs formed with productive path satellites are not listed as independent entries in the dictionaries. 136 Besides, we over that young.girl head=upside overstep-PFV-across-thither '[…] went over the young girl's head.' 3 上 -shang up 20 boy jump-off-PFV cliff (390), (397) 'The boy jumped off the cliff.' shāndòng. one CL young boy enter-PFV cave 'A little boy entered the cave.' (383) 一个男人从山洞里走出来,经过一个篮子,又走进了另一个山 洞。 (Traj_060_S1) Yí gè nánrén cóng shāndòng=li zŏu-chu-lai, jīngguò yí gè lánzi, one CL man from cave=inside walk-out-hither pass.by one CL basket yòu zŏu-jin-le lìng yí gè shāndòng. again walk-into-PFV another one CL cave 'A man came out of the cave, passed a basket, and walked into another cave.' (384) 一个男人路过一棵树,走进了树丛。 (Traj_049_S6) Yí gè nánrén lùguò yì kē shù, zŏu-jin-le shùcóng. observed that as for the Verb Directional compound verbs, the aspectual marker 了 -le can be inserted between the verbs 穿 chuān 'pass through' / 越 yuè 'overstep' and the satellites 过来 -guolai 4 出 -chu out 13 (391) 5 到 -dao to 4 (392) 6 下 -xia down, off 4 (393) 7 回 -hui back 3 (394) 8 入 -rù into 3 (395) Table 29. Satellites in adverbal encoding strategy in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion) (388) 一个男士跨过了一根树桩。 (Traj_072_S5) Yí gè nánshì kuà-guo-le yì gēn shùzhuāng. one CL man step-over-PFV one CL stump 'A man strode over a stump.' (394) 女人又走回了山洞。 (Traj_053_S7) Nǚrén yòu zŏu-hui-le shāndòng. woman again walk-back-PFV cave 'The woman walked back to the cave again.' (395) 一个男人走入山洞。 (Traj_068_S12) Yí gè nánrén zŏu-rù shāndòng. one CL man walk-into cave 'A man walked into the cave.' (396) 这个小男孩儿走了过来。 (Traj_067_S5) Zhè gè xiăo nánháir zŏu-le-guo-lai. 4.3.1.2Coding strategy Trajectoire (N=672) Put & Take (N=736) adverbal encoding 26.6% (179) 20.8% (153) (389) 一个男士走进一片竹林。 this CL little boy walk-PFV-over-hither (Traj_026_S3) Yí gè nánshì zŏu-jin yí piàn zhúlín. 'The little boy came over walking.'
	one CL 'A man passed a tree and walked into the grove.' man pass.by one CL tree one CL man walk-into one CL (397) 男孩儿蹦上去了。 Table 28. Adverbal encoding in the descriptive data 'A man walked into a bamboo forest.' Nánháir bèng-shang-qu le.	walk-into-PFV grove bamboo.forest (Traj_062_S5)
	(385) 一个女人下台阶,走向了水边儿。 Yí gè nǚrén xià táijiē, zŏu xiàng Eight Path satellites have been attested in the Trajectoire data (Traj_073_S6) le Xiăo nánháir tiào-shang-le shítou. shuĭ=bianr. (390) 小男孩儿跳上了石头。 (Traj_062_S7) boy jump-up-thither
	one CL woman descend steps walk towards PFV water=side (see Table 29). Examples (388)-(397) illustrate the use of these young boy jump-on-PFV rock 'A woman descends the steps and walks towards the water's edge.' satellites together with Manner verbs (in Table 24, see the column 'The young boy jumped up onto the rock.'
	In the examples above, the gloss of the morpheme 过 guò/-compound verbs) expressing spontaneous motion events. Although (391) 一个女人走出了山洞。 (Traj_025_S6)
	guo requires clarification in order to avoid confusion. 过 guò/-guo all the Path satellites in the table below can either be followed by a Yí gè nǚrén zŏu-chu-le shāndòng.
	means 'cross' as a verb, and 'across' as a satellite. Some expressions conveying the meaning of 'cross, pass by, pass through' are Ground NP (e.g., (388)-(393)) or a deictic satellite (e.g., (396), (397)) one CL woman walk-out-PFV cave except 入-rù 'into' which can only be followed by a Ground NP, we 'A woman walked out of the cave.'
	considered as fully lexicalized compounds and are glossed in one note that the Path satellites are combined predominantly with a

single gloss, such as 经过 jīngguò [pass.by] 'pass by' and 路过 lùguò [pass.by] 'pass by'; whereas other expressions indicating the same meaning are considered as Verb Dierctional compounds with a grammaticalized path satellites, and are glossed with a hyphen which separate the the main verb and the satellite, for instance 穿 过 chuān-guo [pass.through-across] 'pass' and 越过 yuè-guo [overstep-across] 'cross'. 'across towards the deictic center' / 过去-guoqu 'across away from the deictic center', as illustrated in examples (386) and (387); however the same marker cannot be inserted in neither 经过 jīngguò [pass.by] 'pass by' nor 路过 lùguò [pass.by] 'pass by'. Moreover, unlike 穿过 chuān-guo [pass.through-across] 'pass' and 越过 yuèguo [overstep-across] 'cross' which can be followed by 来 -lai 'hither' or 去 -qu 'thither' (e.g., 穿过来 chuān-guo-lai [cross-across-hither] 'cross over (towards the deictic center)', 越过去 yuè-guo-qu [overstep-across-thither] 'cross over (away from the deictic center)'), neither 经过 jīngguò [pass.by] 'pass by' nor 路过 lùguò [pass.by] 'pass by' can be followed by the two deictic satellites (e.g., *经过来 jīngguò-lai [pass.by-hither] 'pass by (towards the deictic center)', *路过去 lùguò-qu [pass.by-thither] 'pass by (away from the deictic center)').

136 The two dictionaries that we consulted are 现代汉语词典 Xiàndài Hànyŭ cídiăn 'Modern Chinese dictionary' ( 0 , 7 th edition) and 牛津•外研社英汉汉英词典 Niújīn wàiyánshè yīnghàn hànyīng cídiǎn Oxford FLTRP English-Chinese Chinese-English Dictionary (2017).

137 BCC refers to 北 京 语 言 大 学 语 料 库 中 心 Běijīng yǔyán dàxué yǔliàokù zhōngxīn 'Beijing Language and Culture University Corpus Center' (abbreviated by BCC).

CRS

'The boy jumped up (away from the deictic center).' Twelve Path satellites have been attested in the Put & Take data (see Table

30

). Examples (398)-(

408

) illustrate the use of these satellites together with verbs lexicalizing Cause (in Table

  The gloss of 入 rù/-rù 'into' in Table 29 and Table 30 needs further explanation. There are two main reasons why we didn't consider 走入 zŏu-rù [walk-into] and 放入 fàng-rù [put-into] as a lexicalized compound verb, such as 进入 jìnrù 'enter' (see Table 27

	(400) 一个女的摘下了她的帽子。 (408) 这个男人又把纸塞回了排气筒。	(P&T_125_S1) (P&T_017_S9)
		Yí Zhè gè nánrén yòu gè nǚde	zhāi-xia-le bă zhĭ	tāde sāi-hui-le	màozi. páqìtŏng.
		one this CL man CL	woman again OM paper stuff-back-PFV exhaust take.off-off her hat
		), (406), and (407)), accounting for 98 'The man stuffed the paper back into the exhaust again.' 'A woman took off her hat.'
	occurrences. By contrast, the above Path satellites either followed (401) 他把黄瓜拿出来了。 (P&T_115_S5) (409) 一个人放入水桶一块砖。 (P&T_019_S11)
	by deictic satellites (42 out of 153 occurrences) or Ground NPs (13 Tā bă huánghuā ná-chu-lai le. Yí gè rén fàng-rù shuĭtŏng yí kuài zhuān.
	3SG one out of 153 occurrences) are less frequent. OM cucumber take-out-hither CL person put-into pot one 'He took out the cucumber (towards the deictic center).' 'A person put a brick into the pot.'	CRS CL	brick
	(402) 他把行李箱拿走了。				(P&T_130_S3)
	# 1 2 3	Chinese character Pinyin 起 -qi Tā bă xínglĭxiāng 上 -shang 3SG OM suitcase 下 -xia 'He took the suitcase away.'	Meaning up ná-zŏu up take-away N=153 44 le. 27 CRS down, off 22	Example (398) (399) (400)
	4 (403) 她把桶踢倒了。 出	-chu		out		14	(401) (P&T_113_S5)
	5	走 Tā	bă	-zŏu tŏng	away tī-dăo	le.	11	(402)
	6	倒 3SG	OM	-dăo bucket	over kick-over	10	(403)
	7	掉			-diào		off		9	(404)
	8 9 (404) 他脱掉了外套。 进 住 10 翻 Tā tuō-diào-le	-jin -zhù -fān		into dwell over wàitào.	9 3 2	(405) (P&T_133_S9) (406) (407)
	11 回 3SG 12 入 'He took off his coat.' take.off-off-PFV -hui -rù		back coat into	1 1	(408) (409)
	Table 30. Satellites in adverbal encoding strategy in the Put & Take data (caused (405) 她把手伸进了树洞。 (P&T_023_S10)
	motion) Tā	bă	shŏu		shēn-jin-le	shùdòng.
		3SG	OM	hand		stretch-into-PFV	tree.hold
		'She put her hand into the tree hole.'
	(398) 他拿起了杯子。 Tā ná-qi-le (406) 这个人用布把汽车尾气管塞住了。 bēizi. 3SG take-up-PFV Zhè gè rén yòng bù bă qìchē wĕiqìguăn sāi-zhù (P&T_101_S9) (P&T_017_S7) le. cup this CL person with cloth OM car exhaust stuff-dwell CRS 'He picked up the cup.' 'The man stuffed the car's exhaust with a cloth.'
	(399) 她戴上了帽子。 Tā dài-shang-le (407) 这个人把桶踢翻了。 3SG put.on-up-PFV Zhè gè rén this CL person 'She put on her hat.' 'The man kicked the bucket over.' màozi. bă hat OM	tŏng bucket	tī-fān kick-over	(P&T_025_S3) (P&T_113_S8) le. CRS

CRS

'She kicked the bucket down.'

Table 31

 31

	, this coding

  In the Trajectoire data, apart from the four prepositions above, we also noticed the preposition 在 zài 'at' (cf. Chapter 2, §2.2.3 for more details about 在 zài 'at'). In examples (414) and (415), 在 zài 'at' is used respectively in PPs before and after the verb expressing 'walk on the road'. Neither PPs entail a change of location. Thus cases are excluded from our count.

	(412) 一个小男孩儿沿着山间小路走。		(Traj_065_S1)
	Yí	gè xiăo nánháir yán-zhe	shānjiānxiăolù zŏu.
	one CL small boy	along-DUR mountain.path walk
	'A little boy is walking along the mountain path.'
	(413) 一个男孩儿从水边儿往森林里面跑。	(Traj_037_S8)
	Yí gè nánháir cóng shuĭ=bianr wăng	sēnlín=limian păo.
	one CL	boy	from water=side towards forest=inside run
	'A boy ran from the edge of the water towards the forest.'
	Position with verb (414) 男孩儿赤着脚在路上走着。 Chinese character Nánháir chìzhejiăo zài	Pinyin Meaning N=81 lù=shang zŏu-zhe. (Traj_067_S7) Example
	V-PP boy 'The boy is walking on the road in his barefoot.' 向 barefoot at road=upside xiàng towards 59	(410), walk-DUR (411)
	从 (415) 一个男孩儿走在崎岖的小路上。 cóng PP-V 沿 yán Yí gè nánháir zŏu zài qíqūde from along	12 5 xiăo	(411), (Traj_067_S8) (413) (412) lù=shang.
	one CL	往 boy	wăng towards 5 walk at rugged small	(413) road=upside
	Table 32. Prepositions (+/-localizers) in adnominal encoding strategy in the 'A boy is walking on the small rugged road.'
	Trajectoire data (= data of spontaneous motion)
	(410) 一个女人走向一棵大树。			(Traj_061_S11)
	Yí	gè nǚrén	zŏu	xiàng	yì	kē	dà shù.
	one CL	woman walk towards	one	CL	big tree
	'A woman walked towards a big tree.'
	(411) 一位女士从远处走向了森林中。		(Traj_052_S2)
	Yì	wèi nǚshì cóng yuănchù zŏu xiàng	le sēnlín=zhong.
	one CL lady from afar	walk towards PFV forest=inside
	'A lady walked towards the forest from afar.'

Table 33 .

 33 Prepositions in adnominal encoding strategy in the Put Take data

	Position with verb	Chinese character	Pinyin Meaning N=201	Example
			在	zài	at	176	(416)
	V-PP		给	gěi	to	11		(417)
			向	xiàng towards 1		(418)
			在	zài	at	5		(419)
	PP-V		从 往	cóng wăng towards 4 from 3		(420) (421)
			向	xiàng towards 1		(422)
	(caused motion)
	(416) 他把书放在了地上。				(P&T_007_S10)
	Tā	bă	shū	fàng	zài	le	dì=shang.
	3SG	OM	book	put	on	PFV	floor=upside
	'He put the book on the floor.'
	(417) 一个女士把一杯水递给了一个女孩儿。		(P&T_022_S4)
	Yí	gè	nǚshì bă	yì	bēi	shuĭ	dì	gĕi le
	one CL	lady OM	one	CL	water	give to	PFV
	yí	gè	nǚháir.
	one	CL	girl
	'A lady handed a cup of water to a girl.'

  put the cup that was held in the mouth to the table.'

	Zhè gè nǚshēng bă yuánbĕn fàng zài	zhuōzi=shang
	this CL	girl	OM	originally put	at	table=upside
	de	táng		fàng	zài	le	yĭzi=shang.
	GEN	candy	put	at	PFV	chair=upside
	'The girl put the candy that was on the table to the chair.'
	(424) 一个女的把嘴里叼着的杯子放在桌子上。	(P&T_002_S1)
	Yí gè nǚde bă zuĭ=li		diāo=zhe	de bēizi
	one CL woman OM mouth=inside hold.in.the.mouth=DUR GEN cup
	fàng	zài		zhuōzi=shang.
	put	at		table=upside
	'A woman

Table 34 ,

 34 Table 48, Table 50, and Table 60.

	Coding strategy	Trajectoire (N=672)		Put & Take (N=736)
	adnominal + adverbal encoding	56.8%	(382)	51.9%	(382)
	adnominal + verbal + adverbal encoding	2.7%	(18)	-
	verbal + adverbal encoding	1.6%	(11)	-
	adnominal + verbal encoding	0.6%	(4)	-

Table 34 .

 34 Combination of different encodings of Path in the descriptive data

	In regard to the adnominal + adverbal encoding, there are two
	orders: adnominal + adverbal encoding and adverbal + adnominal

Table 35 .

 35 Verbs expressing Path (or Path + Dynamic Deixis) in the MFTY data (spontaneous motion)

	#	Chinese character	Pinyin Meaning	N=757	Semantics	Compound verbs [verb + satellite(s)]
	1	去	qù	go	198		Path + Dynamic Deixis	-
	2	来	lái	come	189		Path + Dynamic Deixis	-
	3	回	huí	return	171		Path	huí-lai 'come back' huí-qu 'go back'
	4	出	chū	exit	43		Path	chū-qu 'go out' chū-lai 'come out'
	5	过	guò	cross	38		Path	guò-lai 'come over' guò-qu 'go over'
	6	上	shàng	move to ascend	20 15	35	Path	shàng-NPloc-qu 'move to' shàng-NPloc-lai 'move to' shàng-qu 'ascend' shàng-lai 'ascend'
	7	进	jìn	enter	30		Path	jìn-lai 'come in' jìn-qu 'go in'
	8	到	dào	move to	22	24	Path	dào-NPloc-lai 'move to' dào-NPloc-qu'move to'
				arrive	2			-
	9	走	zŏu	leave; go away	12		Path	-
	10 起	qĭ	ascend	7		Path	qĭ-lai 'get up'
	11 掉	diào	fall	3		Path	diào-xia-lai 'fall down'
	12 退	tuì	move backwards	2		Path	tuì-hui-qu 'move back'
	13 下	xià	descend	2		Path	xià-lai 'come down'
	14 滚	gŭn	tumble away	1		Path	gŭn-chu-qu 'get out (of here)'
	15 跑	păo	run away	1		Path	-

Table 36 .

 36 Verbs expressing Path (or Path + Dynamic Deixis) in the LZHL data (spontaneous motion)

move.to-store=inside-thither

	(441) 明天夏导演就到了。				(MFTY_3_0726)
	Míngtiān	Xià	dăoyăn	jiù	dào	le.
	tomorrow	Xia	director	then	arrive	CRS
	'Director Xia will arrive tomorrow.'
	(442) 你上哪儿去了?					(MFTY_3_2705)
	Nĭ	shàng-năr-qu		le?
	2SG	move.to-where-thither	CRS
	'Where have you been?'
	(Context: Where have you been? I can't find you this afternoon.)
	(443) 你快上去吧!					(MFTY_8_2626)
	Nĭ	kuài	shàng-qu	ba!
	2SG	quickly	ascend-thither	SUG
	'Go up quickly!'
	(444) 大雪,上这边儿来!				(LZHL_6_1752)
	Dàxuě,	shàng-zhèbiānr-lai!
	Daxue	move.to-here-hither
	'Daxue, come here!'
	(445) 大军,你上去试试。				(LZHL_4_3221)
	Dàjūn,	nĭ	shàng-qu	shì-shi.
	Dajun		2SG	ascend-thither	try-RDP
	'Dajun, go up and have a try.'
	(446) 你怎么没到店里去啊?				(LZHL_10_3003)
	Nĭ	zěnme	méi	dào-diàn=li-qu		a?
	2SG	why	NEG.REAL
	(447) 你到了那上边儿,哪儿也别动。			(LZHL_2_1543)
	Nĭ	dào-le	nèi	shàngbiānr, năr	yě	bié	dòng.
	2SG arrive-PFV there upside Nĭ dào-năr-qu 'When you arrived upside, don't move anywhere.' where also PROH MFTY_2_0757) move le?
	2SG Let us now look at verbs that convey other information than move.to-where-thither CRS 'Where have you been? / Where did you go?' (Context: Where have you been? I've been looking for you for a long time) Path in the dialogical data, in particular, Manner (Table 37 and

PRT

'Why didn't you go to the store?'

Table 38 )

 38 in the expression of spontaneous motion and Cause (Table 39 and Table 40) in the expression of caused motion. As illustrated in Table 37 and Table 39 involving the MFTY data, 5 verbs expressing Manner and 33 verbs expressing Cause have been identified. Table 38 and Table 40 concerning the LZHL data reveal the use of 8 Manner verbs and 30 Cause verbs.

	#	Chinese character	Pinyin	Meaning	N=35	Semantics	Compound verbs [verb + satellite(s)]
							bān-guo-lai/qu 'move to'
							bān-dao-NPloc-lai/qu 'move to'
	1	搬	bān	move	17	Manner	bān-chu-qu 'move out' bān-jin-lai 'move into'
							bān-hui-lai 'move back'
							bān-lai/qu 'move'
							păo-lai/qu 'run here/there'
							păo-hui-lai 'run back'
	2	跑	păo	run	12	Manner	păo-chu-lai 'run out'
							păo-dao-NPloc-qu 'run to'
							păo-guo-lai 'run over'
	3	赶	găn	hurry	2	Manner	găn-hui-lai 'hurry back'
	4	走	zŏu	walk	2	Manner	zŏu-chu-lai 'walk out' zŏu-hui-qu 'walk back'
	5	坐	zuò	sit	2	Manner	zuò-shang-lai 'sit up'
	Table 37. Verbs expressing Manner in the MFTY data (spontaneous motion)

Table 38 .

 38 Verbs expressing Manner in the LZHL data (spontaneous motion)

	250

sòng-dao-NPloc-lai/qu 'deliver to' sòng-hui-lai/qu 'deliver back' sòng-chu-qu 'deliver out' sòng-guo-qu 'deliver over' sòng-hui-qu 'see sb. off'

Table 39 .

 39 Verbs expressing Cause in the MFTY data (caused motion)

	253

140

The verb 娶 qŭ 'marry (a woman)' can only be followed by Medium-oriented and Goal-oriented satellites, such as 娶过来 qῠ-guo-lai [marry.(a.woman)-over-hither] 'take someone as his wife', 娶进门 qῠ-jin mén [marry.(a.woman)-into door] 'marry someone home', and 娶回家 qῠ-hui jiā [marry.(a.woman)-back-home] 'marry someone home'.

Table 40 .

 40 Verbs expressing Cause in the LZHL data (caused motion)

	4.3.2.1.

Verbal encoding of Path in the dialogical data

  In the dialogical data, verbal encoding is very frequent and accounts for more than one third in both data sets, as illustrated in Table41.

	Coding strategy	MFTY (N=997)	LZHL (N=802)
	verbal encoding	40.2%	(401)	38.0%	(305)

Table 41 .

 41 Verbal encoding of Path in the dialogical dataAs shown earlier in Table35 and Table 36,the MFTY data and the LZHL data reveal respectively the use of 16 and 13 Path (or Path + Dynamic Deixis) verbs. Out of them, 8 verbs in the MFTY data (seeTable 42) and 10 verbs in the LZHL data (see Table 43) are used in

	# Chinese character	Pinyin Meaning	N=401	Example
	1 来	lái	come	186
	2 去	qù	go	175
	3 走	zŏu	leave; go away 12		(448)
	4 回	huí	return	9		(450)
	5 到	dào	move to arrive	4 2	6	(454), (455) (452)
	6 进	jìn	enter	6		(461)
	7 上	shàng	move to ascend	4 2	6	(457) (460)
	8 跑	păo	run away	1		(464)
	Table 42. Verbs in verbal encoding strategy in the MZTY data (spontaneous
	motion)

individual clauses without being combined with other morphosyntactic devices. In both data sets, 来 lái 'come', 去 qù 'go', 走 zŏu 'leave; go away', 到 dào 'arrive' ('move to' only in the MFTY data), 回 huí 'return', 进 jìn 'enter', and 上 shàng 'move to' ('ascend' only in the MFTY data) are used. Let us first look at the use of the above seven verbs, and then 跑 păo 'run away' in the MFTY data, and 出 chū 'exit', 过 guò 'cross', and 下 xià 'descend' in the LZHL data.

Table 43 .

 43 Verbs in verbal encoding strategy in the LZHL data (spontaneous motion)The Path verb 回 huí 'return' can either take Ground NPs or be followed by satellites. As point out byLamarre (2003b: 6), some Path verbs, such as 回 huí 'return' and 出 chū 'exit' are used very frequently when they are followed by a deictic satellite (e.g., 回来

	(448) 别走!

In this section, we only focus on the verbs lexicalizing Path exclusively (without Dynamic Deixis) and discuss 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' further below in §4.4.2 which is devoted to examine the coding strategies of Dynamic Deixis. Let us now look at the use of 走 zŏu 'leave; go away', 到 dào 'arrive', 回 huí 'return', 进 jìn 'enter', and 上 shàng 'move to'.

The Path verb 走 zŏu 'leave' can neither take Ground NPs nor be followed by satellites. As exemplified in (

448

) and (

449

), this verb is used alone in both data sets. SUG 'Go back home quickly!' As we discussed ealier in §4.3.2, the two verbs 到 dào 'arrive' and 上 shàng 'ascend' can also mean 'move to' in certain patterns, as reviewed in Lamarre (2020) (see examples (437) and (439) in Lamarre's article, and examples (440), (

2.2. Adverbal encoding of Path in the dialogical data

  ), respectively. When used as a Path verb, neither a Ground NP nor a deictic satellite can follow it.The three verbs 出 chū 'exit', 过 guò 'cross', and 下 xià 'descend' found only in the LZHL data were all followed by a Ground NP, as in Although the adverbal encoding (i.e., the use of satellites) is considered as the most frequently used coding strategy by[START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF], it is less frequent in the dialogical data than the verbal encoding (over one third). As illustrated in Table44, the adverbal encoding accounts for around 23% in both data sets.

	(467) 云芳,穿鞋下地!			(LZHL_1_3854)
	Yúnfāng,	chuān	xié	xià	dì!
	Yunfang	put.on	shoe	descend	floor
	'Yunfang, put on your shoes and get down to the floor!'
	(Context: Yunfang is in her bed and Damin asked her to put on her shoes
	and get out of bed.)
	4.3.Coding strategy		MFTY (N=997)	LZHL (N=802)
	adverbal encoding		24.0% (239)	23.7% (190)
	(463) 你又跑回来干吗?			(MFTY_1_1134)
	Nĭ	yòu		păo-hui-lai	gàn	má?
	2SG	again		run-back-hither	do	what
	'Why are you running back again (towards the deictic center)?'
	(464) 跟那个夜总会的聂老板跑了。		(MFTY_8_0806)
	Gēn nèi gè yèzŏnghuì de	Niè lăobăn păo	le.
	with	that CL	nightclub GEN	Nie boss	run.away CRS
	'(She) ran away with the boss Nie of the nightclub.'
	(465)-(467).
	(465) 刚出厕所,[…]				(LZHL_1_1155)
	Gāng	chū		cèsuŏ, […]
	just	exit		toilet
	'(The moment when she) just got out of the toilet, […]'
	(466) 捂着这脑袋过马路吧,[…]		(LZHL_1_1203)
	Wῠ-zhe		zhè	năodai	guò	mălù	ba, […]
	cover-DUR	this	head	cross	road

PRT

'(She) crossed the road coving her head, […]'

Table 44 .

 44 Adverbal encoding of Path in the dialogical data

In the MFTY data and the LZHL data, the following eight satellites were use in both data sets: 回 -huí 'back', 过 -guò 'across, over, past, through', 到 -dao 'to', 出 -chu 'out', 进 -jin 'into', 下 -xia 'down', 走 -zŏu 'away', and 起 -qi 'up'. The satellite 上 -shang 'up' was only found in the MFTY data, as shown in Table

45 and

Table 46 .

 46 These satellites usually combine with verbs expressing either Manner (see Table37 and Table 38) or Cause (see Table39 and Table 40), and are followed by either Ground NPs or deictic satellites.

	#	Chinese character	Pinyin Meaning	N=82	Example
	1 回	-hui	back	25	(468)
	2 过	-guo	across, over, past, through	16	(471)
	3 到	-dao	to	15	(482)
	4 出	-chu	out	9	(472)
	5 进	-jin	into	7	(477)
	6 上	-shang	up	3	(480), (481)

Table 45 .

 45 Satellites in adverbal encoding strategy in the MFTY data

	#	Chinese character	Pinyin Meaning	N=66	Example
	1 出	-chu	out	18	(473)
	2 回	-hui	back	13	(469)
	3 到	-dao	to	11	(483)
	4 过	-guo	across, over, past, through	9	(470)
	5 起	-qi	up	7	(475)
	6 进	-jin	into	3	(476)
	7 走	-zŏu	away	3	(485)
	8 下	-xia	down, off	2	(479)

Table 46

 46

	As far as the adverbal encoding is concerned, we noticed that
	Path satellites are followed predominantly by Ground NPs in the
	descriptive data (only the Trajectoire data showing spontaneous
	motion), accounting for 86%. By contrast, Path satellites are
	followed frequently by deictic satellites in the dialogical data (both
	data sets), accounting for 74.4% abd 75%, as illustrated in Table 47.
	Our results confirms a similar phenomenon that the one observed
	by Lamarre (2013: 182) who compares the use of Path satellites in
	different constructions between data extracted from a TV series
	(dialogues) and from a novel. The author found that Path satellites
	followed by deictic satellites are used much more frequently in data

. Satellites in adverbal encoding strategy in the LZHL data Note that only Path satellites are listed in the tables above, either followed by Ground NPs or deictic satellites. When deictic satellites are used without Path satellites (e.g., 拿去 ná-qu [takethither] 'take (it) away'), such cases will be discussed in §4.4.2 devoted to the adverbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis.

Table 47 .

 47 Comparison of the use of Path satellites in the descriptive and the dialogical data

Table 48 .

 48 Combination of different encodings of Path in the dialogical data

	Coding strategy	MFTY (N=997)		Coding strategy	LZHL (N=802)
	verbal + adverbal encoding	34.6% (345)	verbal + adverbal encoding	36.4% (292)
	adnominal + adverbal encoding	0.8%	(8)	adnominal + verbal + adverbal encoding	1.2%	(10)
	adnominal + verbal + adverbal encoding	0.7%	(7)	adnominal + verbal encoding	0.4%	(3)
	adnominal + verbal encoding	0.4%	(2)	adnominal + adverbal encoding	0.2%	(2)

  terms of the occurrences, the first case (290 out of 345 in the MFTY data, 241 out of 292 in the LZHL data) is used more This (the decoration from the celling) fell down (towards the deictic center).' Concerning the adnominal + verbal + adverbal encoding, two possible orders have been identified. The first order is the adnominal + verbal + adverbal encoding in which the adnominal encoding was only occupied by PPs, as shown in (494). As to the second order, the verbal + adnominal + adverbal encoding, the adnominal encoding in this strategy was only occupied by localizers, Regarding the adnominal + verbal encoding, we only found one order: adnominal + verbal. Note that in this coding strategy, either PPs or PPs with localizers can co-occur with Path verbs which are only deictic verbs 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go', as in (498) and

	(491) 妈,您赶紧过去看看去吧! in the second order the adverbal + adnominal encoding, only (LZHL_10_2137)
	Mā, localizers were used, as in (497). nín gănjĭn	guò-qu	kàn-kan=qu	ba!
	Mum 2SG.HON immediately pass-thither see-RDP=GO&DO (496) 你从哪儿拿出来的? (MFTY_4_1824) SUG 'Mum, go over immediately and take a look at!' Nĭ cóng năr ná-chu-lai de? (492) 快退回去! (MFTY_4_3314) 2SG from where take-out-hither PRT frequently than the second (46 out of 345 in the MFTY data, 40 out Kuài tuì-hui-qu! 'Where did you take (the chess piece) out (towards the deictic center)?' of 292), the third (7 out of 345 in the MFTY data, 6 out of 292 in the LZHL data), and the fourth (3 out of 345 in the MFTY data, 5 out of 292 in the LZHL data) cases. quickly move.backwards-back-thither (497) 你给它扔到茅坑里! (LZHL_7_0349) 'Go back quickly!' Nĭ gěi tā rēng-dao máokēng=li! (493) 这个掉下来了。 (LZHL_2_3537) 2SG BEN 3SG throw-to cesspit=inside (486) 善大爷,我回来了。 (MFTY_4_4424) Shàn-dàye huí-lai le. this CL fall-down-hither wŏ Zhè gè diào-xia-lai le. 'Throw it into the cesspit!'
	Shan-uncle	1SG	return-hither	CRS
	'Uncle Shan, I came back.'
	(487) 姐,别出去!				(LZHL_5_3314)
	Jiĕ,	bié	chū-qu!
	sister (499).	PROH	exit-thither
	'Sister, don't go out!' (498) 我能往哪儿去呀?			(MFTY_5_1054)
	(488) 明天上医院看看去! Wŏ néng wăng		năr	qù	ya?	(LZHL_3_3535)
	Míngtiān tomorrow 1SG as in (495). 'Where can I go?' shàng move.to can towards yīyuàn hospital where	kàn-kan=qu see-RDP=GO&DO go PRT
	'Tomorrow go to the hospital and see!' (489) 去睡去吧! Qù shuì=qu ba! go sleep=GO&DO SUJ 'Go to sleep!' (494) 赵姨已经从老家回来一阵子了。 Zhào yí yĭngjīng cóng lăojiā (499) 你往屋里来! Nĭ wăng wū=li Zhao aunt already from hometown return-hither for.a.while CRS (MFTY_5_2025) (MFTY_9_0502) huí-lai yízhènzi (LZHL_10_1255) le. lái! 2SG towards room=inside come 'Aunt Zhao has already been back from her hometown for a while (towards the deictic center).' 'Come into the room!'
	(490) 进来坐来! (495) 干完活儿了,咱上大街上好好儿看看去! Jìn-lai Gàn-wán huór le, zán shàng zuò-lai! enter-hither do-finish work CRS 1PL.INCL move.to sit-COME&DO hăohāor kàn-kan-qu! 'Come in and have a sit!' carefully look.at-RDP-thither	(LZHL_10_1615) (MFTY_4_1627) dàjiē=shang street=upside
	'After finishing the work, let's take a good look on the street (away from the
	deictic center)!'
	With regard to the adnominal + adverbal encoding, two orders
	were attested in both data sets. In the first order the adnominal +
	adverbal encoding, only PPs were involved, as in (496). By contrast,

CRS

'

Table 49 .

 49 Table 49, the encoding of Dynamic Adverbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis in the descriptive dataIn the Trajectoire data, when Dynamic Deixis is expressed, it The use of deictic satellites 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' in the Trajectoire data has confirmed an observation made by Liú (1998: 36) based on a written corpus. The author points out that when the deictic satellites are preceded by intransitive verbs such as 走 zŏu 'walk', 跑 păo 'run', they usually require PPs introduced by 朝 cháo 'towards', 向 xiàng 'towards', and 往 wăng 'towards', etc., preceded by these verbs. The adverbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis in the Put & Take data shows the same tendancy as in the Trajectoire data. When Dynamic Deixis is encoded by 来 -lai 'hither' or 去 -qu 'thither', it is

	Deixis in the Trajectoire data showing spontaneous motion (35.1%)
	is more frequent in the Put & Take data showing caused motion
	(22.0%).
	Coding strategy	Trajectoire (N=672)	Put & Take (N=736)
	adverbal encoding	35.0% (235)	22.0% (162)
	usually co-occurs with other morphosyntactic devices expressing
	Path. As illustrated in (500), the deictic satellite 来 -lai 'hither' co-
	occurs with the prepositional phrase and the localizer 从石头上 cóng
	shítou=shang 'from the upside of the stone' and the satellite 下 -xia
	'down' expressing Path. Similarily, in (501), 去 -qu 'thither' co-occurs
	with the prepositional phrase and the localizer 从山洞中 cóng

shāndòng=zhong 'from the inside of the cave' and the satellite 出chu 'out'. Among the 235 occurrences of the adverbal encoding, 177 of them co-occur with both prepositional phrases (with or without The deictic satellites 来 -lai 'hither' and 去 -qu 'thither' can also co-occur with just prepositional phrases (without Path satellites, e.g., (502) without localizers, (503) with localizers) or with just Path satellites (without PPs, e.g., (504), (505)). Such cases only account for a small number of the adverbal encoding, only 58 out of 235 occurrences. CRS 'The boy jumped up (away from the deictic center).' usually accompanied by at least two morphosyntactic devices from different word classes expressing Path. Such cases account for the majority of adverbal encoding (124 out of 162 occurrences). As illustrated in (

506

), the localizer 里 =li 'inside' and the satellite 出chu 'out' encoding Path co-occur with the deictic satellite 来 -lai 'hither'. In example (507), the prepositional phrase and the localizer 从那个人的脑袋上 cóng nèi gè rén de năodai=shang 'from the head of that man' together with the satellite 下 -xia 'off' expressing Path co-occur with the satellite 去 -qu 'thither'.

CRS

'He took out the orange from the box (towards the deictic center).'

Combination of different encodings of Dynamic Deixis in the descriptive data

	In the descriptive data, one combined coding strategy, the
	adnominal + adverbal encoding, was found in the expression of
	Dynamic Deixis. This strategy is attested in the Trajectoire data only
	(i.e., in spontaneous motion) and accounts for 0.9%.
	Coding strategy	Trajectoire (N=672) Put & Take (N=736)
	adnominal + adverbal encoding 0.9%	(6)	-

Table 50 .

 50 Combination of different encodings of Dynamic Deixis in the descriptive

	(509) 一个男人向我们走来。			(Traj_035_S12)
	Yí	gè	nánrén	xiàng	wŏmen	zŏu-lai.
	one	CL	man	towards	1PL	walk-hither
	'A man walks towards us (towards the deictic center).'
	(510) 这个女孩儿从树旁边向我们走过来。		(Traj_032_S5)
	Zhè gè nǚháir cóng shù=pángbiān xiàng wŏmen zŏu-guo-lai.

data In the adnominal + adverbal encoding, Ground NPs which follow a preposition must be the first person pronouns, either 我 wŏ 'I' or 我们 wŏmen 'us'. All the six descriptions in the Trajectoire data used the prepositional phrase 向我们 xiàng wŏmen 'towards us' and the deictic satellite 来 -lai 'hither' to encode Dynamic Deixis, as in (509). Besides, we also find cases in which other morphosyntactic devices (e.g., PPs and Path satellites) expressing Path encoded together with Dynamic Deixis, as in (510). 141

141 Note that we do not include deictic demonstrative (e.g., 这儿 zhèr 'here') which is not used with other deictic elements. Only expressions with first person pronouns equivalent to the meanings 'to my place/our place', 'towards me/us' are in the scope of our investigation.

Table 51 .

 51 Verbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis in the dialogical data Both deictic verbs 来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go' can be used in the absence of the Figure, as illustrated in (511) and (512). When the

	Coding strategy	MFTY (N=997)	LZHL (N=802)
	verbal encoding	36.3% (362)	28.6% (229)

Figure is expressed overtly, it can be either animate (e.g., (513)-(514)) or inanimate (e.g., (515)). Only the deictic verb 来 lái 'come' is attested with an inanimate Figure in the data set under study.

Table 52

 52 shows the presence and absence of the Figure in verbal encoding. In both data sets, expression with the Figure being explicity expressed is a bit more frequent than without a Figure.

	(511) 马上就来。		(MFTY_4_3659)
	Măshàng	jiù		lái.
	immediately	at.once	come
	'(I) will come immediately.'
	(512) 快去吧!			(LZHL_5_3334)
	Kuài	qù	ba!
	quickly	go	SUJ
	'Go quickly!'
	(513) 大方来了。		(MFTY_8_2627)
	Dàfāng	lái	le.
	Dafang	come
	(514) 云芳,你先去!		(LZHL_8_3525)
	Yúnfāng,	nĭ	xiān	qù!
	Yunfang	2SG	first	go
	'Yunfang, you go first!'
	(515) 导演,饭来了。		(MFTY_4_3317)
	Dăoyăn,	fàn	lái	le.
	director	meal	come

CRS

'Dafang came.' (Context: Lao Wang, the neighbor of Han Meng, told her that the colleague of her husband came to their house.) CRS 'Director, the food is here.' (Context: The lunch ordered for the whole team is delivered.)

Table 53 .

 53 Brother Cheng Zhang, someone from the Office of general affaires came.' Verbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis with/without a Ground NP

	516) 你老来这儿啊?			(MFTY_2_1621)
	Nĭ	lăo	lái	zhèr	a?
	2SG	always	come	here

PRT 'Do you always come here?' 142 The use of inanimate Figures accounts for 20 out of 191 occurrences in the MFTY data and 36 out of 136 occurrences in the LZHL data. CRS '

Table 54 .

 54 Verbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis with/without a purpose VP

	519) 你要是不听,明天局保卫处的人来处理。	(MFTY_2_1343)
	Nĭ	yàoshi bù tīng, míngtiān	júbăowèichù de rén
	2SG if	NEG listen tomorrow security.office GEN person
	lái		chŭlĭ.
	come		deal.with
	'If you don't listen, the person from the security office will come to deal with
	it tomorrow.'
	(520) 礼拜天我去看您。			(LZHL_8_1945)
	Lĭbàitiān	wŏ	qù	kàn	nín.
	sunday	1SG	go	see	2SG.HON
	'I will go to see you on Sunday.'
	(521) 你去车间问问吧!			(MFTY_6_3159)
	Nĭ	qῠ	chējiān	wèn-wen	ba!
	2SG	go	workshop	ask-RDP
			MFTY data (N=362)	LZHL data (N=229)
	purpose VP (+) 144	22.9% (83)		11.4% (26)
	purpose VP (-)	77.1% (279)		88.6% (203)

SUG

'Go to the workshop and ask!'

4.4.2.2. Adverbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis in the dialogical data

	Coding strategy	MFTY (N=997)	LZHL (N=802)
	adverbal encoding	58.6% (584)	59.4% (476)
	The adverbal encoding was used predominantly in the dialogical
	data, accounting for almost 60% in both data sets. Two
	morphosyntactic devices are involved to express Dynamic Deixis:
	deictic satellites and associated motion markers.

Table 55 .

 55 Adverbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis in the dialogical data

Table 56 .

 56 Deictic satellites preceded by Path verbs with/without Path satellites When a verb expresses Manner or Cause, its combination with a Path satellite is different in contrast to a verb expressing Path. As can be seen from examples (526) and (527), verbs expressing Manner are usually followed by both Path satellites and deictic satellites. The case in which Manner verbs are followed only by deictic satellites (without Path satellites being explicitly expressed)are less frequent and are sometimes found to be inserted by Ground Your mom) is afraid that you take things too hard and sneak beneath the wheel of the car.'

	522) 云芳,你进来吧!		(LZHL_2_2438)
	Yúnfāng,	nĭ	jìn-lai	ba!
	Yunfang	2SG	enter-hither	SUJ
	'Yunfang, come in!'
	(523) 现在就回去!		(MFTY_1_4432)
	Xiànzài	jiù	huí-qu!
	now	at.once	return-thither
	'Go back now!'
	(524) 这个掉下来了。		(LZHL_2_3537)
	Zhè	gè	diào-xia-lai	le.
	this	CL	fall-down-hither	CRS
	'This (the decoration from the celling) fell down (towards the deictic center).'
	(525) 快退回去!		(MFTY_4_3314)
	Kuài	tuì-hui-qu!
	quickly	move.backwards-back-thither
	'Go back quickly!'

NPs in between, as in (

528

) and (

529

). This case can be explained by the omission of the Goal marker 到 -dao 'to' which is acceptable in northern Mandarin, especially in Beijing colloquial, as pointed out in

Lamarre (2009: 150)

. Therefore, by adding 到 -dao 'to' in examples (528) and (

529

), one can say as follows in (

530

) and (531). The above tendency of the use or non-use of Path satellite between Manner verbs and deictic satellites is illustrated in Table

57

.

Table 57 .

 57 Deictic satellites preceded by Manner verbs with/without Path satellites When a verb expressing Cause precedes a deictic satellite, the case in which a Path satellite is inserted between the Cause verb and deictic satellite (e.g., (532), (533)) is more frequent than without the use of a Path satellite (e.g., (534), (535)), as illustrated in Table58.

	(532) 别忘了把围棋拿下来啊!		(MFTY_4_1430)
	Bié	wàng le	bă	wéiqí	ná-xia-lai	a!
	PROH forget PFV	OM	go[game]	take-down-hither

PRT

'Don't forget to take down the game of go (towards the deictic center)!'

Table 58 .

 58 Deictic satellites preceded by Cause verbs with/without Path satellites

Table 59 .

 59 Table 59 below illustrates the use of different morphosyntactic devices in adverbal encoding of Dynamic Deixis in the dialogical data. Morphosyntactic devices used in adverbal encoding in the dialogical data

	(538) 进来坐来!				(MFTY_4_1627)
	Jìn-lai	zuò-lai!
	enter-hither	sit-COME&DO
	'Come in and have a sit!'
	(539) 待会儿咱们过去吃饭去!			(MFTY_10_2051)
	Dāihuir	zánmen	guò-qu		chīfàn-qu!
	later	1PL.INCL	pass-thither	eat-GO&DO
	'Let's go over there and have dinner later!'
	Morphosyntactic device		MFTY (N=584)		LZHL (N=476)
	deictic satellite			73.9% (431) 70.2% (334)
	associated motion marker		24.7% (145) 28.4% (135)
	deictic satellite + associated motion marker	1.3%	(8)	1.4%	(7)

Table 60 )

 60 .

	Coding strategy	MFTY (N=997)	LZHL (N=802)
	verbal + adverbal encoding	2.5% (25)	0.4% (3)

Table 60 .

 60 Combination of different encodings of Dynamic Deixis in the dialogical data

  2SG go OM Guoguo hold.in.the.arms-to Wang grandma house -thither 'Go and carry Guoguo to grandma Wang's house!'

	(543) 你去把果果抱到王奶奶家去!			(MFTY_7_4423)
	Nĭ qù bă Guŏguo bào-dao	Wáng năinai jiā	-qu!
	540) 来取货来了。				(MFTY_6_3145)
	Lái	qŭ	huò=lai		le.
	come	take	delivery=COME&DO	CRS
	'(I) came to take goods.'
	(541) 妈,您先去吃去吧!			(MFTY_6_0803)
	Mā,	nín	xiān	qù	chī=qu	ba!
	mum	2SG.HON	first	go	eat=GO&DO	SUG
	'Mum, go to eat first!'
	(542) 你去把那韩经理的自行车搬来!		(MFTY_7_0929)
	Nĭ	qù bă Hán jīnglĭ	de	zìxíngchē bān-lai.
	2SG	go OM Han director GEN	bicycle	displace-hither
	'Go (over there) and move Director Han's bicycle here (towards the deictic
	center)!'

Table 61 .

 61 Coding strategies of Path in the descriptive data

	Coding strategy	Trajectoire (N=672)	Coding strategy	Put & Take (N=736)
	adnominal + adverbal encoding	56.8%	(382)	adnominal + encoding adverbal	51.9%	(382)
	adverbal encoding	26.6%	(179)	adnominal encoding	27.3%	(201)
	adnominall encoding 10.1%	(68)	adverbal encoding	20.8%	(153)
	adnominal + verbal + adverbal encoding	2.7%	(18)	-
	verbal + adverbal encoding	1.6%	(11)	-
	verbal encoding	1.5%	(10)	-
	adnominal + verbal encoding	0.6%	(4)	-

Table 63 .

 63 Coding strategies of Dynamic Deixis in the descriptive data

	Coding strategy	Trajectoire (N=672) Put & Take (N=736)
	adverbal encoding	35.0%	(235)	22.0%	(162)
	adnominal + adverbal encoding	0.9%	(6)	-
	Coding strategy	MFTY (N=997)	LZHL (N=802)
	adverbal encoding	58.6%	(584)	59.4%	(476)
	verbal encoding	36.3%	(362)	28.6%	(229)
	verbal + adverbal encoding	2.5%	(25)	0.4%		(3)

Table 64 .

 64 Coding strategies of Dynamic Deixis in the dialogical data

'

  Lamarre 2008: 72).(Lit. A woman took a stack of books from the upside of the table.)

	(569) 一个女人从桌子上抱起了一摞书。	(P&T_104_S11)
	Yí	gè nǚrén	cóng	zhuōzi=shang bào-qi-le
	one CL	woman from	table=upside hold.in.the.arms-up-PFV
	yí	luò		shū.
	one	CL		book
	'A woman took a stack of books from the table.

  In general, the Source information can be encoded redundantly ranging from two up to four different morphosyntactic devices, as attested in the Standard Chinese data. Below we summarize the findings by showing the various morphemes which occupy the two, three, and four morphosyntactic slots. Table65 and Table 66show the redundant distribution of Source in the descriptive and the dialogical data, respectively. Generally speaking, the redundant pattern in the expression of Source tend to appear more frequently in the descriptive data (119 occurrences in the Trajectoire data and 209 occurrences in the Put & Take data) than in the dialogical data (6 occurrences in the MFTY data and 4 occurrences in the LZHL data). Besides, the number of morphosyntactic slots in which the Source information can simultaneously appear also varies depending on the data type. In the descriptive data, we found that Source appeared predominantly in three morphosyntactic slots whereas in the dialogical data,

	Source appeared a slightly more frequently in two morphosyntactic
	slots.
	N°	PREP LOC V SAT Trajectoire	Put	&	example
	of			(N = 119)	Take (N =
	slots				209)
	3 2	Nín x 2SG.HON OM 1SG this bă wŏ zhè x x 101 x x x 6 gěi x x 7 wŏ chè-xia-qu. tīzi ladder from sole.of.the.foot=downside 171 (560), (566), (569) cóng jiăodĭ=xia -(561) -(562) x x 2 38 (565), (
		BEN	1SG	remove-off-thither
		'Take this ladder from under my feet (away from the deictic center).'
	(576) 从哪儿摔下来了?		(MFTY_10_2758)
		Cóng	năr	shuāi-xia-lai		le?
		from	where	fall-down-hither		CRS
		'Where did (you) fall (towards the deictic center)?'
	(577) 我从缆车上掉下来了。		(LZHL_2_1709)
		Wŏ	cóng	lănchē=shang	diào-xia-lai	le.
		1SG	from	cable.car=upside	fall-down-hither

CRS

'I fell down from the cable car (towards the deictic center).'

Table 67 .

 67 Table 67 shows that the redundant pattern of Medium tends to be expressed more Redundant pattern of Medium in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion)

	frequently in three different morphemes (86 occurrences) than two
	different morphemes (22 occurrences) and four different
	morphemes (5 occurrences).
	N° of slots PREP LOC V SAT	Trajectoire (N = 113) example
	3	x	x	x	85	(578)
		x	x	x	1	(579)
	2	x		x	14	(580)
				x x	6	(582)
		x		x	2	(581)
	4	x	x		5	(583)

Table 65 and

 65 Table 66.

	N° of	PREP LOC V SAT Trajectoire	Put & Take	example
	slots				(N = 64)	(N = 319)
	2		x	x	30	153	(584), (586), (594)
		x	x		28	165	(

  Table 70 summarizes the above tendency found in the Trajectoire data.

	(599) 男孩儿从一个石头上跳到另一个石头上。	(Traj_075_S9)
	Nánháir cóng yí	gè shítou=shang tiào-dao	lìng	yí
	boy		from one CL rock=upside	jump-to	other one
	gè	shítou=shang.
	CL	rock=upside
	'The boy jumped from one rock to the other.'
	(600) 一个女人从大树旁边走过来。		(Traj_032_S1)
	Yí	gè nǚrén cóng	dà shù=pángbiān zŏu-guo-lai.
	one CL	woman from	big tree=side	walk-over-hither
	'A woman walked over from the tree (towards the deictic center).'
	(Lit. A woman walked over from the side of the tree (towards the deictic
	center).)
	(601) 一个女人从大树旁边走过。		(Traj_040_S1)
	Yí	gè	nǚrén cóng	dà shù=pángbiān	zŏu-guo.
	one	CL	woman from	big tree=side	walk-past
	'A woman walked past the tree.'
	(602) 一个女人向大树走了过去。		(Traj_061_S6)
	Yí	gè nǚrén	xiàng	dà shù	zŏu-le-guo-qu.
	Portions of Path		Two morphemes	Three morphemes	Four morphemes
	Source + Goal (N = 91) 14.2%	(13)	39.6%	(36)	46.2%	(42)
	Source + Medium (N = 28)	35.7%	(10)	57.2%	(16)	7.1%	(2)
	Medium + Goal (N = 19)	73.7%	(14)	26.3%	(5)	-
	Source + Medium + Goal (N = 2)	-			-	100%	(2)
	Table 70. The number of clauses expressing complex Path and the occurrences of
	differentiated pattern in the Trajectoire data

  Table 71, the distribution of Path over three morphemes is the most frequent pattern, accounting for 64.3%, as illustrated in example (604).

	Portions of Path	Two morphemes	Three morphemes	Four morphemes
	Source + Goal (N=42)	-		66.7% (28/42)	33.3% (14/42)
	Table 71. The number of clauses expressing complex Path and the occurrences of
	differentiated pattern in the Put & Take data
	(604) 一个人将书上的苹果放在了鞋子上。	(P&T_051_S6)
	Yí	gè rén	jiāng shū=shang de píngguŏ fàng	zài
	one CL	person OM	book=upside GEN apple	put	at
	le	xiézi=shang
	PFV	shoe=upside
	'A person put an apple that was on the book on the shoe.'

  the deictic verb 来 lái 'come', together with other verbs (i.e., 接 jiē 'pick', 还 huán 'give back') within the same clauses in the two

	examples below.
	(606) 杜总,我老公来接我来了。			(MFTY_7_0958)
	Dù zŏng,	wŏ	lăogōng lái	jiē	wŏ=lai	le.
	Du director 1SG	husband come pick 1SG=COME&DO	CRS
	'Director Du, my husband come to pick me up.'
	(607) 来还大头那贷款来了。			(LZHL_10_2644)
	Lái	huán	Dàtóu	nèi	dàikuăn-lai	le.
	come give.back Datou	that	loan-COME&DO	CRS
	'(I) came to give back the loan of Datou.'
	Another case of the parallel distribution of centripetal
	direction was attested only in the MFTY data in which the same
	information is repeated in the satellite 来 -lai 'hither' and the associated motion marker 来 =lai 'COME&DO', as in (608).

Table 74

 74

	,

Table 74 .

 74 The number of clauses using Dynamic Deixis and the occurrences of differentiated pattern

Table 75 ,

 75 Table 76, and Table 77). The redundant pattern in Source expression (Table75) was attested dominantly in the descriptive data and it accounts for 85.0% in the Trajectoire and 67.9% in the Put & Take. By contrast, very few occurrences of the redundant pattern was attested in the dialogical data; it accounts only for 7.2% in the MFTY data and 3.6% in the LZHL data. Note that the Put & Take data do not include the expression of Medium (Table76). Among the three other data sets which do comprise clauses expressing Medium, only the Trajectoire data revealed the use of the redundant pattern; it accounts for 53.8%. By contrast, in the dialogical data, (i.e., the MFTY data and the LZHL data), the Medium information is encoded

	by one single morpheme. The redundant pattern of Goal
	(Table 77) is more frequent in the descriptive data than in the
	dialogical data, in particular, in the Put & Take data (i.e.,
	caused motion), and it accounts for 86.2%. Besides, the
	rendundant pattern of Source, Medium, and Goal also show
	different preference in terms of the number of different
	morphemes. Generally speaking, the Source information
	tends to be repeated by three different morphemes in the
	descriptive data and two in the dialogical data. Medium
	tends to be repeated by three different morphemes in the
	descriptive data. Goal tends to be expressed simultaneously
	be two different morphemes (Table

Table 70 ,

 70 Table 71) and the

	dialogical data (Table 72). Depending on the spatial
	semantics to be encoded, the information can be distributed
	differentially in two up to four morphosyntactic slots, as
	illustrated in Table 78.
	Data type	Data sets	Redundant pattern
	Descriptive data	Trajectoire (N=140) Put & Take (N=308)	85.0% 67.9%	(119) (209)
	Dialogical data	MFTY (N=83) LZHL (N=110)	7.2% 3.6%	(6) (4)
	Table 75. The number of clauses expressing Source and the occurrences of
	redundant pattern

Table 78 .

 78 The number of different morphemes in patterns of distribution in the expression of Path

Table 81 .

 81 The number of same / different morphemes in patterns of distribution in the expression of Dynamic Deixis

	Data type	Data sets		Parallel pattern
	Descriptive data	Trajectoire (N=179) Put & Take (N=159)	0% 0%	(0) (0)
	Dialogical data	MFTY (N=478) LZHL (N=307)	1.3% 0.3%	(6) (1)
	Table 79. The number of clauses using centripetal morpheme and the occurrences
	of parallel pattern
	Data type	Data sets		Parallel pattern
	Descriptive data	Trajectoire (N=65) Put & Take (N=3)	0% 0%		(0) (0)
	Dialogical data	MFTY (N=469) LZHL (N=397)	5.5% 2.3%	(26) (9)
	Table 80. The number of clauses using centrifugal morpheme and the occurrences
	of parallel pattern
			Descriptive data	Diaological data
	Direction(s) of Dynamic Deixis Trajectoire Put & Take MFTY LZHL
	centripetal		-	-	2	2
	centrifugal		-	-	2	2
	centripetal + centrifugal	-	-	2	-

  point out that there is a tendancy across languages to conflate Goal and Locative meanings by encoding them by means

	of the same morpheme, and to express Source meaning by means
	of a distinct morpheme. Georgiandistinguishes different spatial
	configurations for the Goal/Location by as many as six different case
	markers while such semantic relations are neutralized in the
	expression of Source and are conveyed only by one caser marker
	(Bourdin 1997; cited in Kopecka & Vuillermet 2021: 8-9). What's
	more, previous studies also suggest that languages usually have a
	greater variety of morphemes to express Goal than to express
	Source. A cross-linguistic study of Svorou (1994) based on 26
	languages reveals a remarkable difference in the diversity of ALLATIVE
	(Goal) and ABLATIVE (Source) markers, with a 153 ALLATIVE morphemes
	and 68 ABLATIVE morphemes in her data sample (Kopecka &
	Vuillermet 2021: 8).

Table 82 .

 82 Devices expressing Source and Goal found in the Standard Chinese data 151 Localizers which convey the meaning of spatial configuration will be analyzed in §6.3.3 when we discuss the relation of Source-Goal (a)symmetry in relation to Ground.

	expression of Source in contrast with five in the expression of
	Goal. 151
	devices	Source	Goal
		出 chū 'exit'	到 dào 'arrive'
		来 lái 'come'	回 huí 'return'
		起 qĭ 'ascend'	进 jìn 'enter'
	verb		来 lái 'come'
			去 qù 'go'
			上 shàng 'ascend'
			下 xià 'descend'
		出 -chu 'out'	到 -dao 'to'
		开 -kai 'apart, away'	回 -hui 'back'
	satellite	起 -qi 'up' 下 -xia 'down'	进 -jin 'into' 入 -rù 'into'
			上 -shang 'up'
			下 -xia 'down'
		从 cóng 'from'	朝 cháo 'towards'
		由 yóu 'from'	往 wăng 'towards'
	preposition		向 xiàng 'towards'
			在 zài 'at'
			给 gĕi 'to'

'

  ).As far as clips involving Goal-oriented Path are concerned, speakers have chosen to encode not only Goal information, but also to combine Goal with Source. Taking the clip 002 (put plastic cup on table with mouth) as an example, it shows someone putting a plastic cup on the table with his mouth. As expected, some speakers have described only the Goal information, as in (637), while others have expressed both Source and Goal, as illustrated in (638). put the cup that was held in the mouth to the table.Table85 and Table 86 illustratethe information encoded in complex Path events of spontaneous motion and caused motion, respectively. The result shows that speakers tend to encode the most frequently both Source and Goal information simultaneously in the description of clips showing Source-Goal-oriented Path. Such a combination of Source and Goal accounts for 51.7% in data showing spontaneous motion and 77.8% in data showing caused motion, as illustrated in (639) and (640).

	of a tin. Although we expect that Source information should be
	encoded, as in (634), other portions of Path, such as the
	combination of Source and Goal (e.g., (635)), or Goal (e.g., (636))
	singly are also the options chosen by speakers.
	(631) 一个女人走向一棵大树。 (634) 他缓缓地把水倒出来。			(Traj_061_S11) (P&T_120_S3)
	Yí Tă	gè nǚrén huănhuănde	zŏu	bă	xiàng shuĭ	yì	kē dào-chu-lai.	dàshù.
	one CL 3SG	woman walk slowly	OM	towards one water	CL pour-out-hither	big.tree
	'A woman walks towards a big tree.' 'He poured out the water slowly.'
	(632) 一个女人从远处走到了大树旁边儿。 (635) 他把罐头里的水倒在草地上。		(Traj_061_SS7) (P&T_120_S5)
	Yí one CL woman from distance walk-to-PFV gè nǚrén cóng yuănchù zŏu-dao-le 'A woman walked to the side of the big tree from afar.' (633) 一个女人向大树走了过去。 Yí gè nǚrén xiàng dàshù zŏu-le-guo-qu. dàshù=pángbiānr. big.tree=side (Traj_061_S6) one CL woman towards big.tree walk-PFV-over-thither 'A woman walked over towards the big tree (away from the deictic center).' The information encoded in the Put & Take data showing caused motion reveal a similar tendency. As shown in Table 84, speakers choose to express Source the most dominantly in clips involving Source-oriented Path (93.2%) and Goal the most dominantly in clips involving Goal-oriented Path (93.9%). Besides, they also encode other portion(s) than the information being expected. Clips involving Source-oriented Path (N=264) Clips involving Goal-oriented Path (N=264) Encoded information Tokens Encoded information Tokens S 93.2% (246) G 93.9% (248) G 3.4% (9) S + G 2.3% (6) S + G 1.9% (5) S 0.8% (2) Table 84. Distribution of Path in simple Path events in the Put & Take data (caused motion) Let us look at the clip 120 (pour water out of a tin) involving Tā bă guàntou=li de shuĭ dào zài căodì=shang. 3SG OM tin=inside GEN water pour at grass=upside 'He poured the water from the tin on the grass.' (636) 这个人把水倒在了草地上。 (P&T_120_S8) Zhè gè rén bă shuĭ dào zài le căodì=shang. this CL person OM water pour at PFV grass=upside 'The man poured the water on the grass.' (637) 这个人用嘴把杯子放到了桌子上。 (P&T_002_S7) Zhè gè rén yòng zuĭ bă bēizi fàng-dào-le zhuōzi=shang. this CL person with mouth OM cup put-to-PFV table=upside 'The man put the cup on the table with his mouth.' (638) 一个女的把嘴里叼着的杯子放在桌子上。 (P&T_002_S1) Yí gè nǚde bă zuĭ=li diāo=zhe de bēizi one CL woman OM mouth=inside hold.in.the.mouth=DUR GEN cup fàng zài zhuōzi=shang. put at table=upside Encoded information Tokens S + G 51.7% (31) S 46.7% (28) 'A woman Clips involving Source-Goal-oriented Path (N=60) G 1.6% (1)
	Source-oriented Path. This scene shows someone pouring water out

Table 85 .

 85 Distribution of Path encoding in complex Path events in the Trajectoire

	data (spontaneous motion)
	Clips involving Source-Goal-oriented Path (N=36)
	Encoded information	Tokens
	S + G	77.8%	(28)
	G	22.2%	(8)

Table 86 .

 86 Distribution of Path encoding in complex Path events in the Put & Take

	data (caused motion)
	(639) 男孩儿从一个石头上跳到另一个石头上。	(Traj_075_S9)
	Nánháir cóng	yí	gè shítou=shang tiào-dao lìng	yí
	boy	from		one CL	rock=upside jump-to other	one
	gè	shítou=shang.
	CL	rock=upside
	'The boy jumped from one rock to the other.'
	(640) 这个人把一包糖从桌子上放到了椅子上。	(P&T_050_S8)
	Zhè	gè rén		bă yì	bāo táng cóng zhuōzi=shang
	this	CL	person OM one CL	candy from table=upside
	fàng-dao-le		yĭzi=shang.

  one CL person OM one CL suitcase move-to-PFV lawn=upside 'A man moved a suitcase to the lawn.'We now examine the spatial information encoded in the dialogical data. Table87illustrates the distribution of Path in the TV series-based data. Dialogical data is different from descriptive data collected with stimulus sets since there is no clips to be depicted.Data of both TV series reveal that Goal tends to be encoded more frequently than Source in dialogues. The encoding of Goal accounts for 71.6% and 64.9%% in the MFTY and the LZHL data, as exemplified in 0. The encoding of Source accounts for 16.9% and 24.5% in the MFTY and the LZHL data, as exemplified in (645). There is also a small number of utterances that encode Medium information, as exemplified in (646). Very few utterances encode Source and Goal simultaneously, as in (647). Zhao aunt already from hometown return-hither for.a.while CRS 'Aunt Zhao has already been back from her hometown for a while (towards the deictic center).'

	(643) 一个人将一个箱子移到了草坪上。 (645) 我把你们俩都扔出去。	(P&T_052_S11) (MFTY_7_3514)
	Yí Wŏ	gè rén bă	jiāng yí gè xiāngzi nĭmen liă dōu	yí-dao-le căopíng=shang. rēng-chu-qu.
	1SG	OM		2PL	two	all	throw-out-thither
	'I (will) throw you both out (away from the deictic center).'
	(646) 一大群马跑过来。			(LZHL_4_2913)
	Yí	dà		qún	mă	păo-guo-lai.
	one	large	group horse	run-over-hither
	'A large group of horses ran over (towards the deictic center).'
	(647) 赵姨已经从老家回来一阵子了。	(MFTY_9_0502)
	Zhào yí	yĭngjīng cóng lăojiā	huí-lai	yízhènzi	le.
	Encoded information	MFTY (N=521)	LZHL (N=478)
	G			71.6%	(373)	64.9%	(310)
	S			16.9%	(88)	24.5%	(117)
	M			10.4%	(54)	10.5%	(50)
	S + G			1.2%	(6)	0.2%	(1)
	Table 87. Distribution of Path encoding in the dialogical data
	641) 一个小男孩儿从山洞里走了出来。	(Traj_028_S7)
	Yí (644) 云芳,你进来吧! gè xiăo nánháir cóng shāndòng=li zŏu-le-chu-lai. (LZHL_2_2438)
	one CL Yúnfāng, 'A little boy walked out of the cave (towards the deictic center).' little boy from cave=upside walk-PFV-out-hither nĭ jìn-lai ba! Yunfang 2SG enter-hither SUG
	(642) 男孩儿跳向湖里。 'Yunfang, come in!'			(Traj_S10_064)
	Nánháir	tiào	xiàng	hú=li.
	boy		jump	towards	lake=inside
	'The boy jumps towards the lake.'

Table 88 .

 88 Distribution patterns in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion)

	Patterns in expression of Source (N = 246)	Patterns in expression of Goal (N = 248)
	PP + LOC + SAT 48.0% (118)	PP (AFTER V) + LOC	48.0% (119)
	SAT	31.7% (78)	SAT + LOC	37.5% (93)
	LOC + SAT	9.8%	(24)	SAT	13.3% (33)
	PP + LOC + SAT	8.1%	(20)	PP (BEFORE V) + LOC	0.8%	(2)
	PP + LOC	1.2%	(3)	PP (BEFORE V) + LOC + SAT	0.4%	(1)
	PP + SAT	1.2%	(3)
	Table 89. Distribution patterns in the Put & Take data (caused motion)
	Examples (648)-(651) illustrate the encoding of Source
	information. As mentionned above, Source is most often expressed
	by a combination of PPs, localizers, and satellites, as in (648)
	depicting spontaneous motion and in (650) depicting caused
	motion. Although speakers prefer to encode Source by multiple
	elements, they sometimes also choose a single element, as in (649)
	and (651). In both examples, Source is expressed by means of
	satellites. However, the expression of Source varies in spontaneous
	motion and caused motion. In spontaneous motion, the satellite is
	always followed by a Ground NP, as in (649), whereas in caused
	motion, the Ground NP is usually omitted; instead, the Path satellite

  )) to express Path. Now we look at the encoding of Source and Goal in the dialogical data. Table90and Table91illustrate the patterns of distribution of Source and Goal in the MFTY data and the LZHL data, respectively. As illustrated in the two tables below, the encoding of Source behaves symmetrically as compared with the encoding of Goal. In both data sets, Source and Goal favor the use of a single element: verbs being the most frequent, and satellites being the second most frequent.

	(657) 刚出厕所,[…]				(LZHL_1_1155)
	Gāng	chū	cèsuŏ, […]
	just	exit	toilet
	'(The moment when she) just got out of the toilet, […]'
	(652) 一个女人走进一块田地。 (658) 你回来! Yí gè nǚrén zŏu-jin Nĭ huí-lai! one CL woman walk-into 2SG return-hither 'A woman walked into a field.' 'Come back!'	yí one	kuài CL	(LZHL_1_1509) (Traj_069_S12) tiándì. field
	(653) 一位女士走向一棵树。 (659) 咱们上楼! Yí wèi nǚshì Zánmen shàng 1PL.INCL ascend	zŏu lóu! stairs	xiàng	yì	(MFTY_5_1916) (Traj_S4_061) kē shù.
	one 'A lady walks towards a tree.' CL lady walk 'Let's go upstairs!'	towards	one	CL	tree
	(660) 您不能进! (654) 他把绳子放在树杈上。 Tā bă shéngzi Nín bùnéng 2SG.HON cannot	fàng jìn! enter	zài	(MFTY_9_3052) (P&T_027_S3) shùchà=shang.
	3SG 'He hung the rope over the tree branch.' OM rope put 'You cannot enter!'	at	branch=upside
	(655) 他把头伸进了桶里。			(P&T_024_S5)
	Tā	bă	tóu		shēn-jin-le	tŏng=li.
	3SG	OM	head		stretch-into-PFV	bucket=inside
	'He put his head into the bucket.'

Table 92 .

 92 Regarding the encoding of Ground in the expression of Source and Goal in the descriptive data, we observe that the Ground is overwhelmingly present in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion), accounting for 98.6%, as illustrated in Table92. The Ground information is also frequently encoded in the Put & Take data (caused motion), accounting for 70.3%, as shown in Table93. The overt and covert encoding of Grounds in the Trajectoire data

	661) 一位女士走向一棵树。				(Traj_S4_061)
	Yí	wèi	nǚshì zŏu	xiàng	yì	kē	shù.
	one	CL	lady	walk towards one	CL	tree
	'A lady walks towards a tree.'

Table 93 .

 93 The overt and covert encoding of Grounds in the Put & Take data

	(caused motion)
	More precisely, in the Trajectoire data (spontaneous motion),
	nearly all the Source expressions encode Ground overtly. There is
	only one occurrence in which the Ground is not encoded. When
	being explicitly encoded, the Source Grounds are placed before the
	verb most of the time (63 out of 68) and are usually introduced by
	the preposition 从 cóng 'from', as illustrated in (667). Besides,
	although more rarely, the Source Grounds can also be placed after
	the verb (5 out of 68) and are introduced by Path satellite, such as
	出 -chu 'out' which introduce 山洞 shāndòng 'cave' in (668). The
	tendancy showing the relative frequency of the position of Ground
	corresponds to the remark in Lamarre (2007a: 10) who observes that
	sentences like (668) are less frequent in spoken language. It is worth
	noting that not all the Ground NPs are followed by localizers. As we
	introduced previously in Chapter 2 ( §2.2.2), common nouns are
	usually followed by monosyllabic and dissyllabic localizers which
	indicate the spatial relationship of the Figure relative to the Ground.

  ). Another clip 103 (take banana off table with long tongs) shows someone taking a banana off table with long tongs. Nine out of twelve speakers described such scene without encoding explicitly the Ground (i.e., the table), Zhè gè rén yòng qiánzi bă xiāngjiāo jiā-le-qi-lai. this CL person with tong OM banana press.from.both.sides-PFV-up-hither 'The man picked up the banana with tongs (towards the deictic center).'

	as in (682). The omission of Goal Grounds shows the similar context
	as that of Source Grounds: the Grounds are body parts, as
	exemplified in (683).
	(681) 她把袜子脱了下来。		(P&T_126_S3)
	Tā	bă	wàzi	tuō-le-xia-lai.
	3SG	OM	sock	take.off-PFV-off-hither
	'She took off her sock (towards the deictic center).'
	(682) 这个人用钳子把香蕉夹了起来。	(P&T_103_S8)
	(683) 她穿上了她的靴子。		(P&T_026_S3)
	Tā	chuān-shang-le	tāde	xuēzi.
	3SG	put.on-up-PFV	her	boot
	'She put on her boot.'

Table 94 .

 94 The overt and covert encoding of Grounds in the MFTY data

	)-(688). It is worth noting

Table 95 .

 95 The overt and covert encoding of Grounds in the LZHL data

	(684) 明儿早点儿出来!		(MFTY_1_0958)
	Míngr		zăodiănr	chū-lai!
	tomorrow	early	exit-hither
	'Come out early tomorrow!'
	(685) 善大爷,我回来了。		(MFTY_4_4424)
	Shàn-dàye	wŏ	huí-lai	le.
	Shan-uncle	1SG	return-hither	CRS
	'Uncle Shan, I came back.'
	(686) 我从缆车上掉下来了。	(LZHL_2_1709)
	Wŏ	cóng	lănchē=shang	diào-xia-lai	le.
	1SG	from	cable.car=upside	fall-down-hither	CRS
	'I fell down from the cable car (towards the deictic center).'
	(687) 姐,咱们上医院!		(LZHL_6_3851)
	Jiĕ,	zánmen	shàng	yīyuàn!
	sisiter	1PL.INCL	move.to	hospital
	'Sister, let's go to the hospital!'
	(688) 你把它送到索尼公司去。	(MFTY_10_3355)
	Nĭ	bă	tā	sòng-dao-suŏnígōngsī-qu.
	2SG

OM 3SG

  Table 96 illustrates a striking differencebetween the use and non-use of Dynamic Deixis in the two types of data. Dynamic Deixis expressions are found to appear less often in the descriptive data accounting for 36.3% and 22.0% in the Trajectoire data and the Put & Take data, respectively. By contrast, Dynamic Deixis expressions are predominant in both TV series accounting for 95.1% and 87.9% in the MFTY data and the LZHL data. Example (695) describes Medium-oriented Path with a Ground NP being explicitly expressed. Similarily, one cannot add a Dynamic Deixis morpheme to express the perspective, as in (696). However, if the location is a place from which the Figure moves away or a place other than that of the speaker, the centrifugal Dynamic Deixis can be used instead of the Ground NP, as illustrated in (697).

	(692) 一个男人走进了树丛里。 (700) 这个人把绳子从树枝上拿下来了。		(Traj_026_S6) (P&T_127_S7)
	Yí Zhè	gè gè rén nánrén bă shéngzi zŏu-jin-le	cóng	shùcóng=li. shùzhī=shang
	one this	CL CL	man person OM rope walk-into-PFV from	grove=inside branch=upside
	'A man walked into the grove.' ná-xia-lai le
	(693) *一个男人走进了树丛里来。 take-down-hither
	*Yí	gè	nánrén	zŏu-jin-le		shùcóng=li-lai.
	one	CL	man	walk-into-PFV	grove=inside-hither
	'A man walked into the grove (towards the deictic center).'
	(694) 一个男人走进来。
	Yí	gè	nánrén	zŏu-jin-lai.
	one	CL	man	walk-into-hither
	'A man walked in (towards the deictic center).'
	(695) 一个男孩儿跳过一块石头。		(Traj_063_S12)
	Yí	gè	nánháir	tiào-guo	yí	kuài	shítou.
	one	CL	boy	jump-over	one	CL	stone
	'A boy jumped over a stone.'
	(696) *一个男孩儿跳过一块石头去。
	*Yí	gè	nánháir	tiào-guo	yí	kuài shítou-qu.
	one	CL	boy	jump-over	one	CL	stone-thither
	Data type 'A boy jumped over a stone (away from the deictic center).' Corpora + Dynamic Deixis -Dynamic Deixis
	Descriptive		Trajectoire (N=672)	36.3%	(244)	63.7%	(428)
	data		Put & Take (N=736)	22.0%	(162)	78.0%	(574)
	Dialogical data	MFTY (N=997) LZHL (N=802)	95.1% 87.9%	(948) (705)	4.9% 12.1%	(49) (97)
	Table 96. The use and non-use of Dynamic Deixis expressions in the data

Table 100 and

 100 ). Table101. These two morphosyntactic devices show the opposite trend. Deictic satellites are found in both the descriptive and dialogical data. In both data sets, the centripetal direction tends to be expressed more frequently than the centrifugal direction. As for associated motion markers, they are only used in the dialogical data and show a striking difference between the centripetal and centrifugal directions in which the centrifugal direction is predominantly used.

	(701) 这个人把插在头上的花拿了下来。		(P&T_118_S2)
	Zhè	gè rén	bă	chā	zài	tóu=shang	de
	this	CL	person	OM	insert	at	head=upside GEN
	huā		ná-le-xia-lai.
	flower		take-PFV-down-hither
	'The man took the flower from (her) head.'

Table 102 .

 102 The overt and covert encoding of Grounds in the MFTY data

	Encoded information	+ Ground		-Ground
	CTP (N=118)	9.3%	(11)	90.7%	(107)
	CTF (N=114)	21.9%	(25)	78.1%	(89)

Table 103 .

 103 The overt and covert encoding of Grounds in the LZHL data Cheng Zhang brother office.of.general.services come person CRS 'Brother Cheng Zhang, someone from the Office of general affaires came.'

	(703) 马上就来。			(MFTY_4_3659)
	Măshàng	jiù		lái.
	immediately	at.once	come
	'(I) will come immediately.'
	(704) 云芳,你先去!		(LZHL_8_3525)
	Yúnfāng,	nĭ	xiān	qù!
	Yunfang	2SG	first	go
	'Yunfang, you go first!'

up-PFV step

  Yí gè nánrén lùguò yì kē shù, zŏu-jin-le shùcóng. one CL man pass.by one CL tree walk-into-PFV grove 'A man passed a tree and walked into the grove.' CL woman descend step walk towards PFV water=side 'A woman walked down the steps and walks towards the edge of the water.' There is a basket on the stone at the entrance of the cave. The man oversteped the basket from one cave and walked to antoher cave.' 'The gril in the blue jacket climbed up the steps.'

	70 71 72 73 74 75 76 Appendix 1. Scene descriptions of target event in the Trajectoire stimulus set V1_scene70_054 054_Path_F_walk_into_cave_front V1_scene71_058 058_Path_C_walk_into_cave_sideRL V1_scene72_012 012_Filler_F_takeoff_cardigan V1_scene73_025 025_Path_F_walk_outof_cave_back V1_scene74_015 015_Filler_F_sitdown_blanket V1_scene75_061 061_Path_F_walk_toward_tree_back V1_scene76_066 066_Path_5_walk_across_road_toward_lake_back Subject Age Gender Major Province, city Mother tongue S1 20 M Engineering mechanics Héběi, Chéngdé Standard Chinese, Chéngdé dialect S2 22 F Microbiology Shānxī, Línfén Standard Chinese, Línfén dialect S3 24 F Microbiology Héběi, Xíngtái Standard Chinese, Xíngtái dialect S4 19 F Mathematics Héběi, Zhāngjiākǒu Standard Chinese S5 23 F pharmacodynamics Héběi, Cāngzhōu Standard Chinese, Cāngzhōu dialect S6 21 M civil engineering Běijīng Standard Chinese, Beijing Mandarin S7 22 M civil engineering Héběi, Hándān Standard Chinese, Shè Xiàn dialect S8 M civil engineering Héběi, Shíjiāzhuāng Standard Chinese, Gàochéng dialect S9 F communication engineering Héběi, Qínhuángdǎo Standard Chinese, Lúlóng dialect S10 F communication engineering Héběi, Hándān Standard Chinese, Hándān dialect S11 M chemistry Héběi, Xíngtái Standard Chinese, Shāhé dialect S12 M electrical engineering and automation Hénán, Shāngqiū Standard Chinese, Shāngqiū Appendix 2. Information of the 12 speakers using the Trajectoire stimulus set Order Scene code Description 1 begin_001 throw ball 2 begin_002 tear cloth 3 begin_003 open jar 4 014 put a candle into a candle stand 5 002 put plastic cup on table with mouth 6 004 put armload of books on table 7 126 take off sock 8 028 put poster on wall 9 031 put saucer on top of cup 10 119 take stone out of pot of water 11 010 toss book on floor 12 103 take banana off table with long tongs 13 drop book accidentally on floor 14 take a cucumber out a recorder case 15 put box up on shelf 16 dump blocks out of tin 17 drop apple into bag 18 take suitcase out of elevator, going out of room 19 take hand out of hole 20 put a hat on head 21 take flower out of hair -unskewer 22 take a coke can from someone 23 put apple in bowl 24 put stone into pot of water 25 put a fistful of rice on a table 26 take pen out a hole 27 take armload of books off table 28 pour water out of a tin 29 pour liquid into container 30 put stone into pocket 31 spill water onto table when pick up glass 32 take a cup off a table 33 put pen in a hole 34 unhang' rope from tree branch 35 take a candle out of a candle stand 36 take box down from shelf 37 drop book deliberately onto floor 38 stuff rag into car exhaust 39 put head into a bucket 40 take a handful of beans from flat surface 41 take head out of bucket 42 give a cup to someone 43 put banana on table with long tongs 44 take rag out of car exhaust 45 put book on floor 46 flip block off notepad into bowl 47 take orange from box 48 knock over bucket so blocks spill out 49 take off hat 50 take off coat 51 put boot on foot 52 take plastic cup off table with mouth 53 put cup on table 54 hang rope over tree branch 55 take saucer off cup 56 put on coat 57 put hand into hole in tree 58 take stone out of pocket 59 put celery bunch into a recorder case 60 put suitcase out of room, while staying in room 61 take poster off wall 62 put flower into hair -skewer 63 take magazine from floor 64 take bag of corn from table and move to chair 65 take apple from pile of books and move to shoe 66 push suitcase from car to tree Order Clips showing simple Path Portion of Path 1 023_Path_F_walk_outof_cave_front Source-oriented Path 2 025_Path_F_walk_outof_cave_back 3 027_Path_F_walk_outof_woods_sideRL 4 031_Path_M_run_outof_sea_sideRL 5 032_Path_F_walk_awayfrom_tree_front 6 033_Path_F_run_awayfrom_tree_front 7 034_Path_C_jump_from_stone_run_front 8 035_Path_M_walk_awayfrom_F_front 9 038_Path_F_walk_outof_field_sideRL 055_Path_M_walk_outof_woods_front 039_Path_M_walk_behind_tree_sideLR Medium-oriented Path 040_Path_F_walk_front_tree_sideRL 041_Path_3_walk_under_branch_behind_tree_front 042_Path_C_run_behind_stone_sideLR 043_Path_F_run_behind_tree_sideRL 044_Path_F_run_front_tree-sideLR 045_Path_3_walk_across_bridge_back 046_Path_M_walk_across_bridge_walk_front_women_back 047_Path_F_walk_across_bridge_front_man_sideLR 048_Path_F_walk_across_path_sideLR 049_Path_M_walk_across_path_sideRL 050_Path_C_cross_water_sideRL 051_Path_F_cross_field_front 052_Path_F_cross_field_back 063_Path_C_jump_over_stone_front 065_Path_C_walk_up_path_sideLR 067_Path_C_walk_down_path_front 070_Path_F_walk_up_stairs_front 071_Path_F_walk_up_stairs_back 072_Path_M_jump_over_tronc_back 076_Path_C_walk_down_rock_front 026_Path_M_walk_into_woods_back Goal-oriented Path 036_Path_M_walk_toward_F_back 053_Path_F_walk_into_cave_back 054_Path_F_walk_into_cave_front 056_Path_M_walk_into_bush_back 057_Path_F_walk_into_woods_sideLR 058_Path_C_walk_into_cave_sideRL 059_Path_C_run_into_sea_sideRL 061_Path_F_walk_toward_tree_back 062_Path_C_run_toward_stone_jump_on_stone_sideRL 069_Path_F_walk_into_field_sideLR Appendix 5. Trajectoire clips showing simple Path Order Clips showing complex Path Portion of Path 1 029_Path_F_walk_outof_cave_up_stairs_back Source-Medium-oriented Path 2 037_Path_M_run_up_from_river_front 3 074_Path_F_walk_up_from_lake_front 4 022_Path_F_walk_down_into_cave_front Medium-Goal-oriented Path 5 066_Path_5_walk_across_road_toward_lake_back 6 068_Path_M_walk_front_people_into_cave_back 7 073_Path_F_walk_down_to_lake_back 8 024_Path_F_walk_out_front_take_walk_into_cave_back Source-Goal-oriented Path 9 028_Path_C_walk_outof_cave_to_sea_sideLR 10 030_Path_C_walk_outof_cave_toward_C_sideLR 11 064_Path_C_jump_from_cliff_into_water_sideLR 12 075_Path_C_jump_from_rock_to_rock_sideRL 13 060_Path_M_walk_out_cave_sideRL_pass_walk_into_cave_ba ck Source-Medium-Goal-oriented Path Appendix 6. Trajectoire clips showing complex Path Order Scene code Scene description (target event) Portion of Path 1 dump blocks out of tin Source-oriented Path 2 knock over bucket so blocks spill out 3 pour water out of a tin 4 put suitcase out of room, while staying in room 5 take a coke can from someone 6 take a candle out of a candle stand 7 take a cucumber out a recorder case 8 take a cup off a table 9 take a handful of beans from flat surface 10 take armload of books off table 11 take banana off table with long tongs 12 take box down from shelf 13 take flower out of hair -unskewer 14 take hand out of hole 15 take head out of bucket 16 take magazine from floor 17 take off coat 18 take off hat 19 take off sock 20 take orange from box 21 take pen out a hole 22 take plastic cup off table with mouth 23 take poster off wall 24 take rag out of car exhaust 25 take saucer off cup 26 take stone out of pocket 27 take stone out of pot of water 28 take suitcase out of elevator, going out of room 29 unhang' rope from tree branch 30 drop apple into bag Goal-oriented Path 31 drop book accidentally on floor 32 drop book deliberately onto floor 33 flip block off notepad into bowl 34 give a cup to someone 35 hang rope over tree branch 36 pour liquid into container 37 put a candle into a candle stand 38 put a fistful of rice on a table 39 put a hat on head 40 put apple in bowl 41 put armload of books on table 42 put banana on table with long tongs 43 put book on floor 44 put boot on foot 45 put box up on shelf 46 put celery bunch into a recorder case 47 put cup on table 48 put flower into hair -skewer 49 50 put head into a bucket 51 put on coat 52 put pen in a hole 53 put plastic cup on table with mouth 54 put poster on wall 20 128 take poster off wall 21 131 take saucer off cup 031 put saucer on top of cup 22 133 take off coat 033 put on coat 12 put banana on table with long tongs Goal-oriented Path 13 put book on floor Goal-oriented Path 14 put boot on foot Goal-oriented Path 15 put box up on shelf Goal-oriented Path 穿 chuān put on Cause (26), (116) 搭 dā hang over Cause (66) 打(电话) dă (diànhuà) make (a phone call) Cause (130) 带 dài carry Cause (105), (169) 戴 dài put on Cause (36) 倒 dào pour Cause (22) 到 dào arrive Path (89), (148) 经过 jīngguò pass by Path (7) 揪 jiū hold tight and pull Cause (121) 举 jŭ raise Cause (178) 扛 káng carry on the shoulder Cause 跨 kuà step Manner 拉 lā transport by vehicle; organize Cause 100 探 tàn stretch forward Cause (75) (111), (112), (166) 抬 tái lift up Cause (172) (14) 送 or sth.) sòng deliver; send (sb. Cause (74), (103), (160) (171) 拾 shí pick up off the 摔 shuāi fall Path 撕 sī tear Cause (55) 'A man jumped over a stump.' (101) one CL man jump-over one CL stump ground Cause (73) Yí gè nánrén tiào-guo yì kē shùzhuāng. 028 put poster on wall 11 put armload of books on table Goal-oriented Path 穿 chuān pass through Path (1) 进入 jìnrù enter Path (5) 伸 shēn extend, stretch Cause (28) (13) 一个男人跳过一棵树桩。 (Traj_072_S12) put hand into hole in tree # Clips involving Source-oriented Path Clips involving Goal-oriented Path 1 023_Path_F_walk_outof_cave_front 053_Path_F_walk_into_cave_back 2 025_Path_F_walk_outof_cave_back 054_Path_F_walk_into_cave_front 3 027_Path_F_walk_outof_woods_sideR L 057_Path_F_walk_into_woods_sideL R 4 031_Path_M_run_outof_sea_sideRL 059_Path_C_run_into_sea_sideRL 5 032_Path_F_walk_awayfrom_tree_front 061_Path_F_walk_toward_tree_back 6 035_Path_M_walk_awayfrom_F_front 036_Path_M_walk_toward_F_back 7 038_Path_F_walk_outof_field_sideRL 069_Path_F_walk_into_field_sideLR 8 055_Path_M_walk_out of_woods_front 026_Path_M_walk_into_woods_back Appendix 9. Simple Path events (8 clips showing Source-oriented Path and 8 clips showing Goal-oriented Path) selected from the Trajectoire stimulus set # Clips involving Source-oriented Path Clips involving Goal-oriented Path 1 101 take a cup off a table 001 put cup on table 2 102 take plastic cup off table with mouth 002 put plastic cup on table with mouth 3 103 take banana off table with long tongs 003 put banana on table with long tongs 4 104 take armload of books off table 004 put armload of books on table 5 105 take a handful of beans from flat surface 005 put a fistful of rice on a table 6 106 take box down from shelf 006 put box up on shelf 7 107 take magazine from floor 007 put book on floor 8 111 take orange from box 011 put apple in bowl 9 114 take a candle out of a candle stand 014 put a candle into a candle stand 10 115 take a cucumber out a recorder case 015 put celery bunch into a recorder case 11 116 take stone out of pocket 016 put stone into pocket 12 117 take rag out of car exhaust 017 stuff rag into car exhaust 13 118 take flower out of hair -unskewer 018 put flower into hair -skewer 14 119 take stone out of pot of water 019 put stone into pot of water 15 120 pour water out of a tin 020 pour liquid into container 16 124 take head out of bucket 024 put head into a bucket 17 125 take off hat 025 put a hat on head 18 126 take off sock 026 put boot on foot 19 127 unhang' rope from tree branch 027 hang rope over tree branch 12 114 take a candle out of a candle stand 1 13 115 take a cucumber out a recorder case 1 14 118 take flower out of hair -unskewer 1 15 124 take head out of bucket 1 16 117 take rag out of car exhaust 1 17 119 take stone out of pot of water 1 18 127 unhang' rope from tree branch 1 Appendix 13. The covert encoding of Source Ground in the Put & Take stimulus set showing caused motion # Scene code Scene description (target event) Frequency 1 026 put boot on foot 11 2 033 put on coat 10 3 025 put a hat on head 8 4 017 stuff rag into car exhaust 2 5 031 put saucer on top of cup 1 Appendix 14. The covert encoding of Goal Ground in the Put & Take stimulus set showing caused motion oriented Path 13 035_Path_M_walk_awayfrom_F_front Source-oriented Path 14 033_Path_F_run_awayfrom_tree_front Source-oriented Path 15 076_Path_C_walk_down_rock_front Medium-oriented Path 16 025_Path_F_walk_outof_cave_back Source-oriented Path 17 031_Path_M_run_outof_sea_sideRL Source-oriented Path 18 037_Path_M_run_up_from_river_front Source-Medium-oriented Path 19 041_Path_3_walk_under_branch_behind_tree_front Medium-oriented Path 20 070_Path_F_walk_up_stairs_front Medium-oriented Path 21 074_Path_F_walk_up_from_lake_front Source-Medium-oriented Path Appendix 15. Target scenes in the Trajectoire stimulus set which are expressed frequently with Dynamic Deixis 13 take flower out of hair -unskewer Source-oriented Path 7 14 spill water onto table when pick up glass Goal-oriented Path 6 15 take a handful of beans from flat surface Source-oriented Path 6 16 take magazine from floor Source-oriented Path 6 17 take orange from box Source-oriented Path 6 18 take plastic cup off table with mouth Source-oriented Path 6 Appendix 17. Target scenes in the Put & Take stimulus set which are expressed frequently with Dynamic Deixis # Scene code Target scenes Portion of Path 1 drop apple into bag Goal-oriented Path 2 drop book deliberately onto floor Goal-oriented Path 3 flip block off notepad into bowl Goal-oriented Path 4 give a cup to someone Goal-oriented Path 5 hang rope over tree branch Goal-oriented Path 6 pour liquid into container Goal-oriented Path 7 put a candle into a candle stand Goal-oriented Path 8 put a fistful of rice on a table Goal-oriented Path 9 put a hat on head Goal-oriented Path 10 put apple in bowl Goal-oriented Path 16 015 put celery bunch into a recorder case Goal-oriented Path 17 001 put cup on table Goal-oriented Path 18 018 put flower into hair -skewer Goal-oriented Path 19 023 put hand into hole in tree Goal-oriented Path 20 024 put head into a bucket Goal-oriented Path 21 033 put on coat Goal-oriented Path 22 035 put pen in a hole Goal-oriented Path 23 002 put plastic cup on table with mouth Goal-oriented Path 24 028 put poster on wall Goal-oriented Path 25 031 put saucer on top of cup Goal-oriented Path 26 016 put stone into pocket Goal-oriented Path 27 019 put stone into pot of water Goal-oriented Path 28 017 stuff rag into car exhaust Goal-oriented Path 29 010 toss book on floor Goal-oriented Path Appendix 18. Target scenes in the Put & Take stimulus set which are not expressed with Dynamic Deixis APPENDIXES B SELECTED EXAMPLES FROM THE CORPORA # Chinese character Pinyin Meaning Semantics Number of examples 1 拔 bá pull out Cause (38) 2 摆 bǎi place Cause (65) 3 办 bàn do Cause (129) 4 搬 bān move, displace Manner (93), (153) 5 搬 bān move, displace Cause (56), (115), (161) 6 抱 bào hold in the arms Cause (42), (108), (163) 7 背 bēi carry on the back Cause (167) 8 蹦 bèng jump Manner (15) 9 奔跑 bēnpăo run quickly Manner (17) 别 bié clip, pin Cause (58) 蹭 cèng drag along Manner (156) 插 chā insert Cause (27) 撤 chè remove Cause (168) 抽 chōu draw Cause (49), (173) 出 chū exit Path (2), (83), (143) 到 dào move to Path (88), (149) 蹬 dēng pedal Cause (117) 递 dì give Cause (37) 叼 diāo hold in the mouth Cause (41), (174) 吊 diào hang Cause (170) 掉 diào fall Path (33), (95), (151) 调 diào transfer Cause (109), (164) 丢 diū throw Cause (57) 堵 dǔ block Cause (59) 端 duān hold sth. level with both hands Cause (67), (175) 躲 duŏ hide Manner (131) 发 fā send off Cause (118) 放 fàng put Cause (20), (119) 分 fēn distribute; assign; allot Cause (110) 盖 gài cover Cause (68) 赶 găn hurry Manner (96) 给 gěi give Cause (50) 挂 guà hang (up) Cause (53) 滚 gŭn get away Path (99) 过 guò cross Path (84), (144) 轰 hōng drive off Cause (176) 呼 hū call Cause (132) 还 huán give back Cause (181), (187) 回 huí return Path (4), (82), (138) 寄 jì send (sth.) Cause (106), (177) 夹 jiā press from both sides Cause (30), (31) 捡 jiǎn gather, pick up Cause (39) 叫 jiào call Cause (120) 借 jiè borrow Cause (188) 接 jiē receive; meet; pick up (someone) Cause 揭 jiē tear off Cause (62) 进 jìn enter Path (3), (87), (145) 撒 să scatter, spill Cause (61) 塞 stuff Cause (46), (126) shàng ascend Path (6), (86), (142) 上 shàng move to Path (85), (141) 'A woman ran past the tree.' 上 one CL woman from tree=downside run-past sāi Yí gè nǚrén cóng shù=xia păo-guo. (69), (104), (162) 来 lái come Path + (80), (139) 躺 lie Manner (186) (8) 一个男人路过一棵树,走进了树丛。 (Traj_049_S6) (14) 一个男士跨过了一根树桩。 (Traj_072_S5) tăng Dynamic Deixis 拎 līn Cause (45) 掏 tāo fish out Cause (29) 套 tào cover with Cause Yí gè nánshì kuà-guo-le yì gēn shùzhuāng. (76) one CL man step-over-PFV one CL stump carry in one's hand 领 lĭng lead Cause (179) 路过 lùguò pass by Path (8) 摞 luò pile up Cause (70), (180) 埋 mái bury Cause 提 lift, carry in one's Cause (51) 'A man stepped over a stump.' tí hand 踢 kick Cause (47) (9) 一个女人下台阶,走向了水边儿。 (Traj_073_S6) (15) 男孩儿从一个石头蹦到另一个石头上。 (Traj_075_S10) tī 跳 tiào jump Manner (13) Yí gè nǚrén xià táijiē, zŏu xiàng Nánháir cóng yí gè shítou bèng-dao lìng yí gè le shuĭ=bianr. (71) 卖 mài sell Cause 挑 tiāo pick Cause (183) boy from one CL stone jump-to another one CL (133) 迈 mài stride Manner 贴 tīe paste Cause (40) shítou=shang. (18) 买 măi buy Cause (127), (185) 拿 ná take Cause (21), (102), (159) 撵 niăn oust Cause (113) 弄 nòng dummy verb:make, do Cause (72), (107), (165) 挪 nuó move, shift Cause (54), (122) 爬 pá climb Manner (19), (155) 派 pài send; dispatch; assign; appoint Cause (114) 盼 pàn look forward to Cause (189) 跑 păo run Manner (12), (94), (152) 跑 păo run away Path (100) 碰 pèng knock (against) Cause (60) 起 qĭ ascend Path (91), (150) 擒 qín capture Cause (123) 去 qù go Path + Dynamic Deixis (81), (140) 取 qǔ take, fetch Cause (32), (124) 取 qŭ draw (money) Cause (181) 娶 qŭ marry (a woman) Cause (134) 扔 rēng throw Cause 退 tuì move backwards Path (97) 推 tuī push Cause (44) 脱 tuō take off; doff Cause (24), (25) 挖 stone=upside (10) 山洞门口的石头上有一个篮子,男人从一个山洞越过篮子, 走到了另一个山洞。 'The boy jumped from one stone to another.' (Traj_060_S4) wā discover Cause (135) 下 xià descend Path (9), (92), (147) 衔 xián hold in the mouth Cause Shāndòng ménkŏu de shítou=shang yŏu yí (16) 一个小男孩儿钻进山洞中。 (Traj_058_S12) gè lánzi, cave doorway GEN stone=upside have one CL basket Yí gè xiăo nánháir zuān-jin shāndòng=zhong. (77) 写信 xiěxìn write (a letter) Cause (136) 移 yí move Cause nánrén cóng yí gè shāndòng yuè-guo one CL little boy sneak-into cave=inside lánzi, man from one CL cave overstep-over basket 'A little boy sneaked into the cave.' (63) 越 yuè overstep Path (10) 扎 zŏu-dao-le lìng yí gè shāndòng. (17) 一位女士从树边奔跑过来。 (Traj_033_S3) zhā get into Cause (64) 摘 zhāi pluck, take off Cause (34), (35) 粘 zhān glue Cause (78) 挣 zhèng earn Cause (137) 住 zhù live Manner (190) 抓 zhuā grab Cause (48) 拽 zhuài Cause (79) walk-to-PFV another one CL cave Yí wèi nǚshì cóng shù=bian bēnpăp-guo-lai. one CL lady from tree=side run.quickly-past-hither 'A lady ran quickly from the tree.' (18) 一个男孩儿跑着迈过了一个石头。 (Traj_063_S6) 'Verbs expressing Manner Yí gè nánháir păo-zhe mài-guo-le yí gè shítou. drag 转 zhuăn turn Manner (157) 装 zhuāng fill Cause (52) 走 zŏu walk Manner (11), (98), (154) 走 zŏu leave Path (90), (146) 钻 zuān Manner (16), (158) one CL boy run-DUR stride-over-PFV one CL stone (11) 一位男士走进了丛林中。 (Traj_056_S2) Yí wèi nánshì 'A boy strode over a stone running.' zŏu-jin-le cónglín=zhong. one CL man walk-into-PFV (19) 穿着蓝色上衣的女孩儿爬上了台阶。 (Traj_071_S5) jungle=inside 'A man walked into the jungle.' Chuān-zhe lánsè shàngyī de nǚháir pá-shang-le táijiē. sneak (23), (125), (182) 洒 sǎ scatter, spill Cause (43) 坐 zuò sit Manner (128), (184) (12) 一个女人从树下跑过。 (Traj_044_S2) wear-DUR blue jacket GEN girl climb-

Appendix 3. Scene descriptions of target event in the Put & Take stimulus set Appendix 10. Simple Path events (22 clips showing Source-oriented Path and 22 clips showing Goal-oriented Path) selected from the Put & Take stimulus set one

Selected examples in Put & Take data

	Verbs expressing Cause
	(20) 他把书放在了地上。		(P&T_007_S10)
	Tā bă	shū	fàng		zài le	dì=shang.
	3SG OM	book put		at	PFV	floor=upside
	'He put the book on the floor.'
	(21) 他从纸箱里拿出了一个水果。	(P&T_111_S9)
	Tā cóng zhĭxiāng=li		ná-chu-le	yí	gè	shuĭguŏ.
	3SG from carton=inside take-out-PFV one	CL	fruit
	'He took out a fruit from the carton.'
	(22) 一个男人从水桶里倒出了水。	(P&T_120_S11)
	Yí	gè nánrén cóng	shuĭtŏng=li	dào-chu-le	shuĭ.
	1SG CL	man	from		bucket=inside pour-out-PFV	water
	'A man poured water from the bucket.'
	(23) 他把书扔到了地上。		(P&T_008_S3)
	Tā	bă	shū		rēng-dao-le	dì=shang.
	3SG	OM	book	throw-to-PFV	floor=upside
	'He threw the book onto the floor.'
	(24) 他脱掉了外套。			(P&T_133_S9)
	Tā	tuō-diao-le			wàitào.
	3SG	take.off-off-PFV		coat
	'He took off his coat.'
	(25) 他把袜子脱了下来。		(P&T_126_S3)
	Tā	bă	wàzi		tuō-

le-xia-lai. 3SG OM sock take.off-PFV-off-hither

  'He took off his socks (towards the deictic center).' Zhè gè rén yòng qiánzi bă xiāngjiāo jiā-le-qi-lai. this CL person with tong OM banana press.

	(27) 她把蜡烛插进了烛台里。		(P&T_014_S5)
	Tā	bă	làzhú	chā-jin-le	zhútái=li.
	3SG	OM	candle	insert-into-PFV	candlestick=inside
	'She inserted the candle into the candlestick.'
	(28) 一个年轻的女人把手伸进了树洞里。		(P&T_023_S12)
	Yí gè niánqīngde nǚrén bă shŏu shēn-jin-le	shùdòng=li.
	one CL young	woman OM hand extend-into-PFV tree.hole=inside
	'A young woman put her hand into the tree hole.'
	(29) 一个女的从她的裤兜里掏出了一个石块儿。	(P&T_116_S4)
	Yí gè nude cóng tā de kùdōu=li		tāo-chu-le
	one CL woman from 3SG GEN trouser.pocket=inside fish.out-out-PFV
	yí	gè	shíkuàir.
	one	CL	stone
	'A woman took out a stone from her trouser pocket.'
	(30) 这个人用钳子把香蕉夹了起来。		(P&T_103_S8)
	(26) 他穿上了外套。			(P&T_033_S5)
	Tā	chuān-shang-le	wàitào.
	3SG	put.on-up-PFV	coat
	'He put on his coat.'

from.both.sides-PFV-up-hither

  'The man picked up the banana with tongs (towards the deictic center).'

	(31) 这个女士用一个工具把一个香蕉夹到了桌子上。 (P&T_003_S2)
	Zhè gè nǚshì yòng yí	gè gōngjù bă	xiāngjiāo
	this CL	lady	with	one CL	tool	OM	banana
	jiā-dao-le				zhuōzi=shang.
	press.

from.both.sides-to-PFV table=upside

  'The lady clipped a banana to the table with a tool.' He holds a stack of books in his hands, and one fell to the floor.' this CL person OM cup give to another one CL person 'The man handed over the cup to another man.'

	(32) 一位女士从墙上取下了一幅画。 Yí wèi nǚshì cóng qiáng=shang qŭ-xia-le one CL lady from wall=upside take-off-PFV one CL picture (P&T_128_S12) yì fú huà. 'A lady took a picture off the wall.' (33) 他双手抱着一摞书,一本掉在了地上。 (P&T_009_S10) Tā shuāngshŏu bào-zhe yì luò shū, yì bĕn 3SG both.hands hold.in.the.arms-DUR one CL book one CL diào zài le dì=shang. fall at PFV floor=upside (P&T_125_S3) Tā bă màozi zhāi-le-xia-lai. 3SG OM hat take.off-PFV-off-hither 'She took off her hat (towards the deictic center).' (35) 她摘了帽子。 (P&T_125_S10) Tā zhāi-le màozi. 3SG take.off-PFV hat 'She took off her hat.' (36) 这个人戴上了帽子。 (P&T_025_S7) Zhè gè rén dài-shang-le màozi. this CL person put.on-on-PFV hat 'The man put on his hat.' (37) 这个人把杯子递给另外一个人。 (P&T_022_S8) Zhè gè rén bă bēizi dì gĕi lìngwài yí gè rén. (38) 一个女人将蜡烛从烛台上拔了出来。 (P&T_114_S11) '(34) 她把帽子摘了下来。 Yí gè nǚrén jiāng làzhú cóng zhútái=shang bá-le-chu-lai.

one CL woman OM candle from candlestick=upside pull.out-out-hither 'A woman took a candle out of the candlestick (towards the deictic center).'

(39) 一个女人从地上捡起了一本杂志。 (P&T_107_S11)

Yí gè nǚrén cóng dì=shang jiăn-qi-le yì bĕn zázhì.

one CL woman from floor=upside pick.

up-up-PFV one

  CL magazine 'A woman picked up a magazine from the floor.' this CL person OM one CL picture paste at PFV wall=upside 'The man put a picture on the wall.'

	(40) 这个人把一幅画贴在了墙上。		(P&T_028_S2)
	Zhè gè rén	bă yì	fú huà	tiē zài le	qiáng=shang.
	(41) 这个人用嘴把杯子叼了起来。		(P&T_102_S8)
	Zhè gè rén	yòng zuĭ bă bēizi diāo-le-qi-lai.
	this CL person with mouth OM cup

hold.in.the.mouth-PFV-up-hither

  'The man picked up the cup with his mouth.' He spilled the water in the cup onto the table.' pushed the suitcase beside the car to the side of the tree.' The gentleman stuffed a wad of rag into the exhaust of the car.' The man moved a bag and moved it to the side of the tree.' Yí gè nude bă yí luò shū cóng zhuōzi=shang bān-zou le. one CL woman OM one CL book from table=upside move-away CRS 'A woman moved a stack of books from the table.' Yí gè nǚrén jiāng yì hé jīmù să zài le dì=shang. one CL woman OM one CL block scatter at PFV floor=upside 'A woman scattered a box of blocks on the floor.' CL person OM one CL suitcase move-to-PFV lawn=upside 'A man moved a suitcase to the lawn.' with a disposable cup in her mouth placed it on the table.' 3SG OM one CL plate pile.up at PFV one CL cup=upside 'He put a plate on the top of a cup.' Tā bă zhuōzi=shang de dòuzi shí-qi-lai le. 3SG OM table=upside GEN bean pick.up.off.the.ground-up CRS 'He picked up the beans on the table.'

	(42) 一个女的把一叠书抱走了。 (49) 一位女士从袋子中抽出一根黄瓜。 (56) 一个女的把一摞书从桌子上搬走了。 (63) 一个人将一个箱子移到了草坪上。 (70) 他把一个盘子摞在了一个杯子上。	(P&T_104_S1) (P&T_115_S12) (P&T_104_S4) (P&T_052_S11) (P&T_031_S5)
	Yí gè nǚde bă yì Yí wèi nǚshì cóng dàizi=zhong chōu-chu yì dié shū bào-zou Yí gè rén jiāng yí gè xiāngzi yí-dao-le Tā bă yí gè pánzi luò zài le yí	le. gēn huángguā. căopíng=shang. gè bēizi=shang.
	one CL woman OM one CL one CL lady from bag=insde book hold.in.the.arms-away draw-out one CL cucumber CRS
	'A woman took away a pile of books.' 'A lady pulled a cucumber out of the bag.'
	(43) 他把杯子的水洒在了桌子上。 (50) 她给了她一个杯子。 (57) 他往锅里丢了一块砖。 (64) 一个男的把头扎进了小木桶里。 (71) 一个男孩儿把头埋入了水桶中。	(P&T_021_S5) (P&T_022_S10) (P&T_019_S12) (P&T_024_S1) (P&T_024_S11)
	Tā bă Tā gĕi-le Tā wăng Yí gè nánde bă bēizi de tā guō=li Yí gè nánháir bă	shuĭ diū-le yí tóu tóu	să zhā-jin-le zài le gè yí mái-rù-le	zhuōzi=shang. bēizi. kuài zhuān. shuĭtŏng=zhong.
	3SG OM 3SG give-PFV cup 3SG towards one CL man one CL boy	GEN 3SG pot=inside OM OM	water sone spill at PFV table=upside CL cup throw-PFV one CL brick head get.into-into-PFV head bury-into-PFV bucket=inside
	'She gave her a cup.' 'He threw a brick into the pot.' xiăo mùtŏng=li. 'A boy buried his head in a bucket.' '(44) 一个男生将车子旁边的行李推到了树旁边。 Yí gè nánshēng jiāng chēzi=pángbiān de (51) 一个女人提起一个包。 Yí gè nǚrén tí-qi yí gè (58) 她把花别在一个女人的头上。 Tā bă huā bié zài yí gè nǚrén de small wooden.barrel=inside (72) 他把书弄到了地上。 'A man plunged his head into a small wooden barrel.' Tā bă shū nòng-dao-le	(P&T_052_S6) xínglĭxiāng (P&T_130_S11) bāo. (P&T_018_S3) tóu=shang. (P&T_009_S5) dì=shang.
	one CL tuī-dao-le one CL 3SG OM flower pin at boy OM shù-pángbian. woman one CL woman GEN car=beside GEN lift-up one CL (65) 一位女士用嘴叼着一个一次性杯子摆在桌子上。 (P&T_002_S12) suitcase head=upside 3SG OM book do.with-to-PFV floor=upside bag 'A woman lifted up a bag.' 'She pinned the flower to a woman's head.' Yí wèi nǚshì yòng zuĭ diāo-zhe yí gè 'He got the book on the floor.'
	push-to-PFV 'A boy (45) 一个年轻的女人拎起了箱子,走出了门。 tree-beside Yí gè niánqīngde nǚrén līn-qi-le one CL young woman lift-up-PFV zŏu-chu-le mén. walk-out-PFV door 'A young woman lifted up the suitcase and walked out of the door.' (P&T_130_S12) xiāngzi, suitcase (46) 这个先生把一团布塞进了汽车的排气筒里。 (P&T_017_S2) Zhè gè xiānsheng bă yì tuán bù sāi-jin-le (52) 一位女生将一根芹菜装进了一个盒子里。 (P&T_015_S6) Yí wèi nǚshēng jiāng yì gēn qíncài zhuāng-jin-le one CL gilr OM one CL cerely fill-into-PFV yí gè hézi=li. one CL box=inside 'A gril put a cerely into a box.' (53) 一个人把绳子挂在了树枝上。 (P&T_027_S7) Yí gè rén bă shéngzi guà (59) 一个男的用一块布把车的排气筒堵上了。 (P&T_017_S1) Yí gè nánde yòng yí kuài bù bă chē one CL lady with mouth hold.in.the.mouth-DUR one CL yícìxìng bēizi băi zài (73) 他把桌子上的豆子拾起来了。 (P&T_105_S3) zhuōzi=shang. de one CL man with one CL disposable cup place at table=upside cloth OM car GEN páqìtŏng dǔ-shang le. exhaust block-up (60) 一个女士走路时碰倒了垃圾桶。 (P&T_113_S6) Yí gè nǚshì zŏulù shí pèng-dăo-le lājītŏng. 'A lady (66) 她搭了一根绳子在树上。 (P&T_027_S9) Tā dā-le yì gēn (74) 一位女士将一个杯子送到另一个女士手里。 (P&T_022_S6) shéngzi zài shù=shang. 3SG hang.over-PFV one CL rope at Yí wèi nǚshì jiāng yí gè bēizi sòng-dao lìng tree=upside one CL lady OM one CL cup deliver-dao another 'She hung a rope over the tree.' yí gè nǚshì shŏu=li. zài le shùzhī=shang. one CL person OM rope hang.up at PFV branch=upside 'A man hung a rope on the branch.' one CL (67) 一个人端起了一个满是水的杯子。 (P&T_021_S12) one CL lady hand=inside lady walk when knock-over-PFV garbage.can 'A woman knocked over the garbage can as she walked.' Yí gè rén duān-qi-le yí gè 'A lady delivers a cup to another lady's hand.'
	this qìchē car '(47) 他把桶踢倒了。 CL gentleman OM one de páqìtŏng=li. GEN exhaust=inside Tā bă tŏng tī-dăo 3SG OM bucket kick-over 'He kicked the bucket down.' (48) 他抓起了一把豆子。 Tā zhuā-qi-le yì bă 3SG grab one CL this CL person OM picture from wall=upside tear-PFV-off-hither CL rag stuff-into-PFV (P&T_113_S5) le. CRS dòuzi. bean 'The man tore the picture off the wall.' GEN picture from wall=upside tear.off-off-hither (69) 男人接过了女人手里的水。 (P&T_122_S9) 'A woman took a picture with horses and dogs off the wall.' 'The man covered the teacup with a small saucer.' (P&T_105_S7) (54) 这个男士把一个包挪走了,挪到了树的旁边。 (P&T_052_S2) Zhè gè nánshì bă yí gè bāo nuó-zou le, this CL man OM one CL bag shift-away CRS nuó-dao-le shù de (61) 一个女人将一盒积木撒在了地上。 (P&T_112_S11) one CL person hold.sth.level.with.both.hands-up-PFV one CL măn shì shuĭ de (75) 桌子上有一个白色的桶,然后一个男人把头探进了这个桶里。 bēizi. full be water GEN (P&T_024_S2) glass Zhuōzi=shang yŏu yí gè báisè de tŏng, ránhòu 'A man held up a glass full of water.' table=upside have one CL white GEN bucket then pángbiān. shift-to-PFV tree gen beside (P&T_128_S8) Zhè gè rén bă huàr cóng qiáng=shang sī-le-xia-lai. Yí gè nǚde bă yì zhāng huà yŏu mă hé gŏu one CL woman OM one CL draw have horse and dog de huà cóng qiáng=shang teacup cover-dwell CRS jiē-le-xia-lai. this CL person with one CL small saucer OM chábēi gài-zhu le. '(55) 这个人把画儿从墙上撕了下来。 (62) 一个女的把一张画有马和狗的画从墙上揭了下来。(P&T_128_S1) (68) 这个人用一个小碟把茶杯盖住了。 (P&T_031_S7) Zhè gè rén yòng yí gè xiăo dié bă yí gè nánrén bă tóu
	'He grabbed a handful of beans.' Nánrén jiē-guo-le nǚrén	shŏu=li	de	shuĭ.
	man	receive-over-PFV woman hand=inside GEN	water
	'The man took the water from the woman's hand.'

CRS

'A man blocked the exhaust of the car with a cloth.' one

tàn-jin-le

  zhè gè tŏng=li. one CL man OM head stretch.forward-into-PFV this CL bucket=inside 'There is a white bucket on the table, and then a man stretched his head into the bucket.' The person took a string of rope and put it on a branch.'

	(76) 这个人拿了一串儿绳子,套到了一个树枝上。 Zhè gè rén ná-le yí chuànr shéngzi, tào-dao-le (P&T_027_S2) this CL person take-PFV one CL rope cover-to-PFV yí gè shùzhī=shang. one CL branch=upside (P&T_102_S2) Zhè gè rén yòng zuĭ bă yí gè bēizi this CL person with mouth OM one CL cup '(77) 这个人用嘴把一个杯子衔了起来。 xián-

le-qi-lai

  . hold.in.the.mouth-PFV-up-hither 'The person held a cup with his mouth.' Yí gè rén bă yì zhāng túpiàn zhān zài le qiáng=shang. one CL person OM one CL picture glue at PFV wall=upside 'A man glued a picture to the wall.'

	(78) 一个人把一张图片粘在了墙上。	(P&T_028_S1)
	(79) 一个人把堵在汽车排气筒里面的布拽了出来。	(P&T_117_S1)
	Yí gè rén	bă dǔ	zài qìchē páiqìtŏng=lĭmian de bù
	one CL person OM block at car	exhaust=inside	GEN rag
	zhuài-

le-chu-lai. drag-PFV-out-hither

  'A person dragged out the rag that was blocked in the exhaust of the car.'

Selected examples in Married for Ten Years data

  This time is me, I (will) move out (away from the deictic center).

	(87) 你快进去吧! Verbs expressing Manner		(MFTY_6_3058)
	Verbs expressing Path (80) 老周来了。 Lăo-Zhōu lái Nĭ kuài jìn-qu 2SG quickly enter-thither (93) 这回是我,我搬出去。 Zhè huí shì wŏ, 'Go in quicly!' this time be 1SG le. old-Zhou come CRS 'Old Zhou came.' (81) 他去单位了。 Tā qù dānwèi 3SG go unit (88) 你到哪儿去了? Nĭ dào-năr-qu 2SG move.to-where-thither '(94) 你又跑回来干吗? Nĭ yòu păo-hui-lai 'Where have you been?/Where did you go?' ba! SUG wŏ bān-chu-qu. 1SG move-out-thither (MFTY_1_4055) (MFTY_1_0756) (MFTY_2_3008) le CRS (MFTY_2_0757) le? (MFTY_1_1134) CRS gànmá? 2SG again run-back-hither why (Context: Where have you been? I've been looking for you for a long time) 'Why are you running back again (towards the deictic center)?'
	'He went to work.' (89) 明天夏导演就到了。 (95) 别让他掉下来!		(MFTY_3_0726) (MFTY_6_4027)
	Míngtiān Bié (Lit.: 'He went to the unit.') Xià dăoyăn ràng tā (82) 善大爷,我回来了。 Shàn-dàye tomorrow Xia director PROH let 3SG 'Director Xia will arrive tomorrow.' 'Don't let him fall down (towards the deictic center)!' jiù dào diào-xia-lai! then arrive fall-down-thither wŏ huí-lai le. Shan-uncle 1SG (90) 你走吧! (96) 我争取今天晚上赶回来。 return-hither Nĭ zŏu ba! Wŏ zhēngqῠ jīntiān wănshang găn-hui-lai. le. (MFTY_4_4424) CRS (MFTY_5_1142) (MFTY_8_3630)
	(83) 明儿早点儿出来! Míngr zăodiănr 2SG leave SUG 1SG try today 'Go away!' 'I try to come back tonight.' tomorrow early (91) 快起来! (97) 快退回去! Kuài qĭ-lai! Kuài tuì-hui-qu! 'Come out early tomorrow!' (84) 成长,你快过来! Chéng Zhăng, quickly ascend-hither quickly move.backwards-back-thither evening chū-lai! exit-hither 'Get up quickly (towards the deictic center)!' 'Go back quickly!' nĭ kuài Cheng Zhang 2SG quickly (92) 早点儿下来! (98) 能从火车站一直走回滨河路去。 early descend-hither 'Cheng Zhang, come over (here) quickly!' Zăodiănr xià-lai! Néng cóng huŏchēzhàn yìzhí	(MFTY_1_0958) hurry-back-hither (MFTY_1_2239) (MFTY_4_3314) (MFTY_5_3955) (MFTY_2_0454) (MFTY_8_4124) pass-hither guò-lai! zŏu-
	(85) 你上哪儿去了? 'Come down early!'			(MFTY_3_2705)
	Nĭ	shàng-năr-qu	le?
	2SG	move.to-where-thither	CRS
	'Where have you been?'
	(Context: Where have you been? I can't find you this afternoon.)
	(86) 你快上去吧!			(MFTY_8_2626)
	Nĭ	kuài	shàng-qu		ba!
	2SG	quickly	ascend-thither	SUG
	'Go up quickly!'

CRS

'Uncle Shan, I came back.'

hui-Bīnhélù-qu.

	can	from	train.station	all.along	walk-

back-Binhe.road- thither

  '(I) can walk all the way back to Binhe Road from the train station (away from the deictic center).' Gēn nèi gè yèzŏnghuì de Niè lăobăn păo le. with that CL nightclub GEN Nie boss run.away She) ran away with the boss Nie of the nightclub.' Send it to the Sony (away from the deictic center).' CRS 'He picked up his father and mother over (towards the deictic center).'

	(100) 跟那个夜总会的聂老板跑了。 (108) 抱过去了吗?	(MFTY_8_0806) (MFTY_6_4037)
	Bào-guo-qu				le	ma?
	hold.
	(101) 从哪儿摔下来了?			(MFTY_10_2758)
	Cóng	năr	shuāi-xia-lai	le?
	from	where	fall-down-hither	CRS
	'Where did (you) fall (towards the deictic center)?'
	Verbs expressing Cause
	(102) 您先把这个拿进去!			(MFTY_5_3849)
	Nín		xiān	bă zhè	gè	ná-jin-qu!
	2SG.HON	first	OM	this	CL	take-into-thither
	'Take it in there first (away from the deictic center)!'
	(103) 你把它送到索尼公司去。		(MFTY_10_3355)
	Nĭ	bă	tā	sòng-dao-suŏnígōngsī-qu.
	2SG
	(104) 他把他爸他妈接过来了。		(MFTY_8_1107)
	Tā bă tā	bà	tā	mā	jiē-guo-lai	le.
	3SG OM 3SG father 3SG mother pick.up-over-hither (105) 成长,把汤带过去! (MFTY_3_2835)
	Chéng Zhăng, bă	tāng	dài-guo-qu!
	Cheng Zhang	OM	soup	carry-over-thither
	'Cheng Zhang, take the soup (away from the deictic center)!'
	(99) 你给我滚出去! (106) 他寄来一包茶叶来。 Nĭ gěi wŏ Tā jì-lai 2SG for 1SG 3SG send-hither 'Get out of my face!' 'He sent a packet of tea (towards the deictic center).' yì bāo cháyè-lai. (MFTY_3_3525) (MFTY_10_s4127) gŭn-chu-qu! one CL tea.leaves-hither get.away-out-thither
	(107) 你先把他弄床上去! (Lit.: 'Get away (away from the deictic center)!') Nĭ xiān bă tā nòng-chuáng=shang-qu! (MFTY_10_3031)
	2SG	first		OM	3SG	get-bed=upside-thither
	'Get him to the bed first (away from the deictic center)!'

CRS

'(

OM

3SG

send-to-Sony.corporation-thither '

in.the.arms-over-thither

  The Office of genral affairs has just been allotted to a person (away from the deictic center), and you are about to get married.'

					PFV	Q
	'Did you carry (him) over (away from the deictic center)?'
	(109) […],我一定让领导把你调过来。		(MFTY_2_0930)
	[…] wŏ yídìng	ràng lĭngdăo bă nĭ	diào-guo-lai.
	1SG certainly let	leader OM 2SG transfer-over-hither
	'[…], I must ask the leader to transfer you over here (towards the deictic
	center).'
	(110) 总务处刚分进个人去,你就要结婚。		(MFTY_1_1816)
	Zŏngwùchù			gāng	fēn-jin-gè-rén-qu,
	office.of.general.services	just	allot-into-cl-person-thither
	nĭ	jiǜyào		jiéhūn.
	2SG	about.to	marry
	'(111) 这个三轮车我使一下,我拉个东西出去。	(MFTY_2_2248)
	Zhè	gè	sānlúnchē	wŏ	shĭ	yíxià,
	this	CL	tricycle	1SG	use

AMC

wŏ lā-gè-dōngxi-chu-qu.

1SG transport.by.

vehicle-CL-thing-out-thither

  'I will use this tricycle and take something out by the tricycle (away from the deictic center).' It happened to be the moment by chance when Jia Ping came back from Hainan, and I also brought him here.' Let's send Cheng Zhang over there (away from the deictic center).' Young Li, pedal this tricycle back in a while (away from the deictic center)!'

	(114) 咱把成长派过去。					(MFTY_4_0602)
	Zán		bă	Chéng Zhăng		pài-guo-qu.
	1PL.INCL	OM	Cheng Zhang		send-over-thither
	'(115) 你给妈把电视搬过去吧!				(MFTY_6_4047)
	Nĭ	gěi mā	bă	diànshì bān-guo-qu	ba!
	2SG to	mother OM	television displace-over-thither	SUG
	'Move the TV to Mom (away from the deictic center)!'
	(116) 穿上!						(MFTY_1_0923)
	Chuān-shang!
	put.on-up
	'Put (it) on!'
	(117) 小李,一会儿你把这车蹬回去吧!		(MFTY_4_3344)
	Xiăo	Lĭ,	yìhuìr	nĭ		bă	zhè	chē
	Yound Li	a.little.while	2SG	OM	this	vehicle
	dēng-hui-qu		ba!
	pedal-back-thither
	(118) 我要不是离婚了,那怎么能把我发到这儿来呀。 (MFTY_1_3643)
	Wŏ yàobúshì líhūn le,	nà		zěnme néng	bă
	1SG but.for	divoce CRS in.that.case how	can	OM
	wŏ	fā-dao-zhèr-lai		ya.
	1SG	send.
	(112) 正好赶上贾平从海南回来,我把他也拉来了。 (MFTY_4_1240)
	Zhènghăo	gănshàng Jiă Píng	cóng Hăinán	huí-lai,
	by.chance	run.into	Jia Ping	from Hainan	return-hither
	wŏ	bă	tā	yě	lā-lai		le.
	1SG	OM	3SG	also organize-hither
	(113) 她敢回来,我就把她撵出去。			(MFTY_7_2105)
	Tā găn	huí-lai,	wŏ	jiù	bă tā	niăn-chu-qu.
	3SG dare return-hither 1SG	then OM 3SG oust-out-thither
	'(If) she dares to come back, I will then drive her out (away from the deictic
	center).'

CRS

'SUG '

off-to-here-hither

  Please let Xiao Liang put my bike back (away from the deictic center).' PFV also must BEN 3SG hold.tight.and.pull-up-hither '(We) have to pull her up even if she fell asleep (towards the deictic center).' Take that down quickly (towards the deictic center)!' (Context: Take the refrigerator down from the luggage van.) then we put the key along the crack of the door to you (towards the deictic center).' Let's talk about it when you managed to do it (towards the deictic center)!' Where did you hide (away from the deictic center)?' You called me early in the morning (towards the deictic center), …' If something happens to you in the future, just write to me (towards the deictic center)!'

	(121) 睡了也得给她揪起来。 (129) 办来再说嘛! (136) 以后你有什么事情,你就写信来!	(MFTY_2_2213) (MFTY_1_1851) (MFTY_6_2906)
	Shuì le Bàn-lai Yĭhòu	yě zài nĭ	děi yŏu shénme shìqing, nĭ jiù xiě-xìn-lai! gěi tā jiū-qi-lai. shuō ma! 156
	(122) 都挪进来。 Dōu nuó-jin-lai. do-hither again afterwards 2SG have what speak (130) 成长,有两个同学给你打来电话。 affair Chéng Zhăng, yŏu liăng gè tóngxué 2SG just write-letter-hither (MFTY_7_3547) (MFTY_2_0702) gěi nĭ '(137) 学 学 以 后 怎 么 把 那 客 户 的 钱 挣 到 咱 们 的 钱 包 里 来 !
	all 'Move all in (towards the deictic center).' shift-into-hither Cheng Zhang have two CL (MFTY_8_0844) dă-lai diànhuà. classmate Xué-xue yĭhòu zěnme bă nèi kèhù	for	2SG de qián
	(123) 给你擒走了? Gěi nĭ make.a.phone.call-hither qín-zou learn-RDP afterwards how 'Cheng Zhang, two classmates called you (towards the deictic center).' (MFTY_1_1222) OM that customer GEN money telephone zhèng-dao zánmen de qiánbāo=li-lai!! le? PREP 2SG capture-away PFV 'Did (they) take you away?' earn-to 1PL.INCL GEN wallet=inside-hither (131) 躲哪儿去了? (MFTY_2_0524) 'Learn how to earn the customer's money into our wallet (towards the deictic Duŏ-năr-qu le? center)!'
	(124) 快把那取下来! hide-where-thither			(MFTY_5_4244)
	Kuài	bă	nèi	qŭ-xia-lai!
	quickly (132) 您一大早把我呼来,…。 OM that take-down-hither	(MFTY_7_3958)
	Nín 2SG.HON early.in.the.morning yídàzăo '(125) 我把你们俩都扔出去。 Wŏ bă nĭmen liă '(133) 你卖哪儿去呀? 1SG OM 2PL two Nĭ mài-năr-qu	bă OM dōu all ya?	wŏ 1SG rēng-chu-qu. hū-lai, call-hither (MFTY_7_3514) … (MFTY_5_3229) throw-out-thither
	'I (will) throw you both out (away from the deictic center).' 2SG sell-where-thither
	(126) […],然后把钥匙顺着这个门缝给您塞进来。 (134) 这样就把这么漂亮一个姑娘娶回来了。 […], ránhòu bă yàoshi shùnzhe zhè gè ménfèng (MFTY_2_2317) (MFTY_2_1833) then OM key along this CL crack.of.the.door Zhèyàng jiù bă zhème piàoliang yí gè gūniang
	(119) 麻烦您让小梁把我的自行车放回去吧。 Máfan nín gěi nín in.this.way then OM such beautiful sāi-jin-lai. to 2SG.HON stuff-into-hither qŭ-hui-lai le. ràng Xiăo Liáng bă wŏ de zìxíngchē (MFTY_7_1001) one CL girl trouble.sb. 2SG.HON let young Liang OM 1SG GEN bike fàng-hui-qu ba. put-back-thither (120) 把你们老板叫来! marry.(a.woman)-back-hither CRS 'In this way, (you) married such a beautiful girl (back towards the deictic center).' '[…], (127) 我把酱油买回来了。 (MFTY_3_4000) Wŏ bă jiàngyóu măi-hui-lai (135) 这位是我们从天宇公司挖来的。 (MFTY_9_1623) le. 1SG OM soy.sauce buy-back-hither Zhè wèi shì wŏmen cóng tiānyῠ gōngsī wā-lai de. CRS (MFTY_2_3824) Bă nĭmen lăobăn jiào-lai! this CL be 1PL from Tianyu company discover-hither PRT 'I bought the soy sauce (back towards the deictic center).' 'This (person) is the one that we discovered from Tianyu Company (towards
	OM 'Call your boss to come here!' 2PL boss (128) 韩梦,你坐上来! Hánmèng, zuò-shang-lai! call-hither nĭ the deictic center).'	(MFTY_2_2341)
	Hanmeng	2SG	sit-up-hither
	'Hanmeng, sit up (towards the deictic center)!'

PRT

'If I hadn't been divorced, how could I have been sent here (towards the deictic center).' SUG 'sleep PRT 'CRS 'PRT 'Where are you going to sell it (away from the deictic center)?'

Selected examples in Loquacious Zhang Damin's Happy Life data

	(145) 你赶紧进去吧!				(LZHL_3_3932)
	Nĭ	gănjĭn	jìn-qu		ba!
	2SG Verbs expressing Path immediately 'Go in immediately!'	enter-thither	SUG
	(138) 早点儿回去! Zăodiănr (146) 别走啊! huí-qu! early Bié zŏu return-thither a! PROH leave PRT 'Go back early!' 'Don't leave!'			(LZHL_5_0212) (LZHL_8_2039)
	(139) 您赶紧来吧! Nín gănjĭn (147) 快下来吧! 2SG.HON immediately Kuài xià-lai quickly descend-hither 'Come immediately!' 'Come down quickly!'	lái come	ba! SUG	ba! SUG	(LZHL_10_2147) (LZHL_7_2154)
	(140) 你快去吧! Nĭ kuài (148) 我这就到。 2SG quickly Wŏ zhè 1SG now 'Go quickly!' 'I am arriving right now.' qù go jiù at.once	ba! SUG		dào. arrive	(LZHL_2_1530) (LZHL_2_1546)
	(141) 大雪,上这边儿来! Dàxuě, (149) 你怎么没到店里去啊? shàng-zhèbiānr-lai! Daxue Nĭ zěnme méi move.to-here-hither 'Daxue, come here!' 2SG why NEG.REAL	(LZHL_6_1752) (LZHL_10_3003) a? move.to-store=inside-thither dào-diàn=li-qu
	(142) 大军,你上去试试。				(LZHL_4_3221)
	Dàjūn, Dajun (150) 起来,起来! nĭ 2SG 'Dajun, go up and have a try.' shàng-qu ascend-thither Qĭ	shì-shì. try-RDP	(LZHL_5_3042)
	(143) 他出去了。				(LZHL_6_0230)
	Tā	chū-qu	le.
	3SG	exit-thither	CRS
	'He went out.'
	(144) 别过去!				(LZHL_2_3707)
	Bié	guò-qu!
	PROH	get.through-thither
	'Don't go there!'

PRT

'Why didn't you go to the store?'

-lai, qĭ-lai! ascend-hither ascend-hither

  'Get up (towards the deictic center), get up (towards the deictic center)!' This (the decoration from the celling) fell down (towards the deictic center).' still from that CL road=upside towards backwards walk '[…], (and) still walk back from that road.'

	Verbs expressing Manner
	(151) 这个掉下来了。				(LZHL_2_3537)
	Zhè	gè	diào-xia-lai	le.
	this	CL	fall-down-hither
	(152) 一大群马跑过来。			(LZHL_4_2913)
	Yí	dà	qún	mă	păo-guo-lai.
	one	large	group horse	run-over-hither
	'A large group of horses ran over (towards the deictic center).'
	(153) 我怕万一搬走了,…。			(LZHL_5_1811)
	Wŏ	pà		wànyī	bān-zou	le, …
	1SG	be.afraid.of	in.case	move-away	CRS
	'I'm afraid that if I moved away, …'
	(154) […] 还从那条道上往回走。		(LZHL_8_3039)
	[…] hái cóng nèi tiáo dào=shang wăng	huí	zŏu.
	(155) 我妈爬长城去了。			(LZHL_5_3517)
	Wŏ	mā	pá	chángchéng=qu	le.
	1SG	mother	climb	Great.Wall=GO&DO	CRS
	'My mom went to climb the Great Wall.'
	(156) 我蹭下楼去。				(LZHL_3_0911)
	Wŏ	cèng-

CRS

'

xia-lóu-qu. 1SG drag.along-down-stairs-thither

  'I drag along downstairs (away from the deictic center).' Your mom) is afraid that you take things too hard and sneak beneath the wheel of the car.') ) will send (the milk) to you in a while (away from the deictic center). They are going to transfer me to the painting section.'

	(158) 怕你想不开钻车轱辘底下去。 (165) 你给大军弄碗茶去!				(LZHL_2_0157 (LZHL_2_3835)
	Pà Nĭ	gěi	nĭ	xiăngbukāi Dàjūn nòng	wăn	zuān	chē chá=qu!	gūlu
	be.afraid.of 2SG 2SG for Dajun take.things.too.hard sneak car get CL tea=GO&DO wheel
	dĭxia-thither 'Go and get a cup of tea for Dajun!'
	beneath-thither (166) 把床拉回来就行了。 '(Verbs expressing Cause Bă chuáng lā-hui-lai					(LZHL_4_2049) jiù xíng le.
	(159) 都拿去吧!							(LZHL_7_3805)
	Dōu	ná-qu	ba!
	all	take-thither
	(160) 一会儿给你们送过去。					s(LZHL_7_1225)
	Yìhuìr	gěi		nĭmen	sòng-guo-qu.
	soon	to		2PL	deliver-over-thither
	'(I(161) 大民,先把梯子搬出去!					(LZHL_1_1721)
	Dàmín,	xiān	bă	tīzi		bān-chu-qu!
	Damin	first	OM	ladder		displace-out-thither
	'Damin, move the ladder out first (away from the deictic center).'
	(162) 云芳,快接过去!					(LZHL_8_2359)
	Yúnfāng,	kuài	jiē-guo-qu!
	Yunfang	quickly	receive-over-thither
	(157) 转过去! 'Yunfang, take it over (away from the deictic center)!'	(LZHL_4_3912)
	Zhuàn-guo-qu! (163) 云芳,快把孩子抱出来!					(LZHL_9_2918)
	turn-over-thither Yúnfāng, kuài 'Turn over (away from the deictic center)!' bă háizi Yunfang quickly OM child	bào-chu-lai! hold.in.the.arms-out-hither
	'Yunfang, take the child out quickly (towards the deictic center)!'
	(164) 他们要把我调到喷漆工段去。				(LZHL_9_0029)
	Tāmen yào		bă wŏ diào-dao-pēnqī-gōngduàn-qu.

SUG

'Take all of them (away from the deictic center)!' (Context: Xiao Tong said to her master: "Take all the cigarettes!") 3PL be.about.to OM 1SG transfer-to-spray.paint-section-thither 'OM bed convey.

by.vehicles-back-hither

  just be.all.right CRS 'Just take the bed back (towards the deictic center).' medicine 1SG had.better get.off.work then bring-back-thither 'The medicine, I'd better take (it) back after get off work.'

	(167) 我背你下去。				(LZHL_3_0916)
	Wŏ	bēi-nĭ-xia-qu.
	1SG	carry.on.the.back-down-thither
	'I carry you down (away from the deictic center).'
	(168) 您把我这梯子从脚底下给我撤下去。	(LZHL_1_1620)
	Nín	bă wŏ zhè	tīzi	cóng	jiăodĭ=xia
	2PL.HON OM 1SG this	ladder from	sole.of.the.foot=downside
	gěi	wŏ	chè-xia-qu.
	to	1SG	remove-off-thither
	'Take this ladder from the downside of my feet (away from the deictic
	center).'
	(169) 药我还是下班再带回去。			(LZHL_5_0209)
	Yào	wŏ háishi	xiàbān	zài	dài-hui-qu.
	(170) 要是有办法,我把我们家冰箱也吊起来。	(LZHL_2_4341)
	Yàoshi yŏu bànfă, wŏ bă wŏmen jiā	bīngxiāng	yě
	if	have solution 1SG OM 1PL	home refrigerator	also
	diào-

qi-lai. hang-up-hither

  'If there is a solution, I will also hang our refrigerator up (towards the deictic center).' mother 2PL.HON quickly OM that stove BEN 1SG lift.up-up-hither 'Mom, lift that stove up (towards the deictic center)!' There are three pig's trotters altogether, and one was taken by the cat (away from the deictic center).'

	(172) 妈,您快把那炉子给我抬起来!	(LZHL_7_1454)
	Mā,	nín		kuài bă nèi lúzi	gěi wŏ tái-qi-lai!
	(173) 帮我把它抽出来!			(LZHL_3_0307)
	Bāng	wŏ		bă	tā	chōu-chu-lai!
	help	1SG	OM	it	draw-out-hither
	'Help me pull (it) out (towards the deictic center)!'
	(174) 统共就仨猪蹄子,还让猫叼去一个。	(LZHL_7_1440)
	Tŏnggòng jiù	sā		zhūtízi,	hái	ràng	māo
	altogether as.many.as three	pig's.trotter ADV 157 let	cat
	diāo-qu			yí		gè.
	hold.in.the.mouth-thither	one
	(175) -酸菜汤呢?-给你端去了。		(LZHL_9_3142)
	-Suāncài			tāng		ne?
	pickled.Chinese.cabbage	soup	PRT
	-Gěi	nĭ	duān-qu			le.
	for	2SG	hold.sth.level.with.both.hands-GO&DO
	(176) 您就拿擀面杖把他给轰出去。		(LZHL_2_2419)
	Nín	jiù ná	gănmiànzhàng bă tā gěi
	(171) 把那两袋儿水泥扛过来!		(LZHL_5_3723)
	Bă nèi	liăng dàir shuĭní káng-guo-lai!
	OM	that	two	CL	cement carry.on.the.shoulder-over-hither
	'Carry those two bags of cement over here (towards the deictic center)!'

CL

'CRS -'Where is the pickled Chinese cabbage soup?'s -'(Someone) went and brought (it) for you.'

hōng-chu-qu.

  2SG.HON just by.means.of rolling.pin OM 3SG BEN drive.

off-out-thither

  'Just drive him out with a rolling pin (away from the deictic center).' Let us pile up the double bed (towards the deictic center).' We) will get money out (towards the deictic center) and then pay back (the money) when it became due.' You throw (it) into the cesspit when (you) arrived at the toilet.' wonder if I can live in it or not (away from the deictic center).'

	(179) 你答应领回来的人呢? (186) 让他先躺下!		(LZHL_1_0827) (LZHL_7_1236)
	Nĭ Ràng	dāying tā		lĭng-hui-lai xiān	de tăng-xia!	rén	ne?
	2SG let	promise 3SG		lead-back-hither first lie-down GEN	person	PRT 158
	'Where is the person that you promised to bring back (towards the deictic 'Let him lie down first!'
	center)?' (187) 大头的钱还回来了。		(LZHL_10_3043)
	(180) 咱把俩双人床给它摞起来。 Dàtóu de qián	huán-hui-lai	(LZHL_4_3150) le.
	Zán Datou	liă GEN	bă shuāngrénchuáng gěi money give.back-back-hither tā luò-qi-lai. CRS
	1PL.INCL two OM double.bed 'Datou gave the money back (towards the deictic center).' PREP it pile.up-up-hither
	(188) 你上小山子他们家把那个瓦刀借过来! '(181) 到期了取出来就还给你。 Nĭ shàng xiăo Shānzi tāmen jiā	(LZHL_5_3729) (LZHL_) bă nèi gè
	Dàoqī 2SG move.to young le	qŭ-chu-lai Shanzi	jiù 3PL	huán-gěi house OM that CL nĭ.
	become.due PFV wădāo jiè-guo-lai! draw-out-hither then give.back-to	2SG
	cleaver 'Go to Xiao Shanzi's house and borrow the cleaver (towards the deictic borrow-over-hither '((182) 到厕所你给它扔到茅坑里。 (LZHL_7_0349) center)!'
	Dào (189) 好不容易把你盼回来了。 cèsuŏ nĭ gěi	tā	rēng-dao	máokēng=li. (LZHL_9_3610)
	arrive Hăobùróngyì bă toilet	2SG	BEN nĭ	it pàn-hui-lai throw-to	cesspit=inside le.
	'(183) 洗八遍也得先把沙子挑出来。 difficult	(LZHL_3_1159)
	Xĭ (190) 我老琢磨着能不能住进去。 bā biàn yě	děi xiān bă shāzi tiāo-chu-lai. (LZHL2_2641)
	wash eight one.time also must first OM sand pick-out-hither Wŏ lăo zuómo-zhe néng-bu-néng zhù-jin-qu.
	'(Even you have) washed eight times, (you) must first pick out the sand 1SG often thing.over-DUR can-NEG-can live-into-thither
	(towards the deictic center).' 'I always
	(184) 妈,您先坐下!				(LZHL_6_3753)
	Mā,	nín				xiān	zuò-xia!
	mum	2SG.HON			first	sit-down
	(177) 给你寄美元来了,是不是? 'Mum, sit down first!'	(LZHL_1_2045)
	Gěi to (185) 你妈把琴给你买回来了。 nĭ jì měiyuán-lai 2SG send dollar-hither Nĭ mā bă qín gěi nĭ '(He) sent dollars to you (towards the deictic center), isn't it?' le, shì bu CRS be NEG.IRR (LZHL_10_3221) shi? be măi-hui-lai le. 2SG mum OM piano for 2SG buy-back-hither CRS
	(178) 大伙儿把杯举起来。 'Your mum bought the piano for you (towards the deictic center).' (LZHL_4_3622)
	Dàhuŏr	bă		bēi		jŭ-qi-lai.
	all.of.us	OM		glass	raise-up-hither
	'Everyone raise your glasses (towards the deictic center).'

OM 2SG

look.forward.to-back-hither CRS 'It's hard to get you back (towards the deictic center).'

Deixis and indexicals (or indexicality) reflect different traditions and are used with linguistic and philosophical approaches, respectively[START_REF] Bühler | Sprachtheorie : Die Darstellungsfunktion der Sprache[END_REF].

By deictic expression, it has both deictic usage and non-deictic usage. In this dissertation, we only focus on deictic usage.

The other(s) refer(s) to referents that are neither the speaker nor the addressee.

It is important to note that third person is quite unlike first or second person, in that it does not correspond to any specific participant-role in the speech event(Lyons 1977: 638; cited in Levinson 1983: 69).

Yu (1998: 107) points out that "The words involved are polysemous, but the spatial sense is more basic than the temporal one. […] They are called 'localizers'

[START_REF] Talmy | Typology and Process in Concept Structuring[END_REF] represents motion "by the form MOVE and location by BELOC (a mnemonic for 'be located')".

The abbreviation used in Spoken Indonesian is as follows: 3PL third person plural.

The abbreviations used in Mapudungun are as follows: ART article, CNV converb, INS instrumental, and POSS possessive.

The abbreviations used in Icelandic are as follows: 3 3rd person, ACC accusative, DAT dative, GEN genitive, and PL plural.

The abbreviations used in Ossete are as follows: 3 3 rd person, ABL ablative, DAT dative, GEN genitive, PL plural, and PS present.

Lamarre (2007a) also provides other evidence (i.e., morphological, syntactic, and semantic evidence).

The abbreviations used in Italian are as follows: 3 third person, PART.PAST past participle, and SG singular.

The abbreviations used in Bulgarian are as follows: AOR aorist and PF perfective.

The abbreviations used in Icelandic are as follows: ACC accusative and NOM nominative.

Note that, inLi & Thompson (1981: 58), the authors consider this example as using a verb-directional compound, but not a serial verb construction. However, due to some reasons, they transcribe the directional complements as having their full tonal value.

Fillmore (1983: 219) speaks of the starting point or point of origin as the Source, the ending point or destination as the Goal.

The languages include: Italian, Spanish, Portuguese, French, German, English, Dutch, Swedish, Danish, Czech, Polish, Russian, Ukrainian, Serbo-Croatian, Slovene, Lithuanian, Albanian, Modern Greek, Hungarian, and Finnish.

TheDEIXIS DYNAMIQUE project (2015-2018) was financed by the Fédération de Recherche -FR 2559, Typologie et Universaux Linguistiques (CNRS). More information of this project can be found in the following website: http://www.typologie.cnrs.fr/spip.php?rubrique106.

Note that the presuppositional elements (i.e., presence or absence of the speaker or addressee) are not operative in every language, but each of them is operative in some languages[START_REF] Gathercole | Towards a Universal for Deictic Verbs of Motion[END_REF].

Lyons (1977: 579) points out that 'come' in some languages (e.g., venir 'come' in French, venire 'come' in Italian) cannot be used in deictic projection as freely as in other languages (e.g., come in English).

The abbreviations used in the example of Chinese are: 1 first person, 3 third person, BEN benefactive, CRS current relevant state, DUR durative marker, PL plural, PR ongoing present state, and SG singular.

"In Chinese linguistics, tones are described in terms of pitch height and pitch movement over the duration of the unit that bears the tone, which is typically the syllable"[START_REF] Bao | Tone. In Encyclopedia of Chinese Language and Linguistics[END_REF].

We use the terms 'simple Path satellites' and 'bipartite Path satellites' followingLamarre (2008a: 72).

We do not aim to give an inventory of these complements, but only to provide an explanation to morphemes that are concerned in the data in Part 2 (chapters 4, 5, and 6).

Note that prepositions have a verbal origin and some of them can take 'fossilized' continuous marker -zhe.

朝 cháo 'towards' and 向 xiàng 'towards' can also be used as verbs meaning 'face'.

Both examples extracted fromChirkova & Lamarre (2005: 174) are quoted fromFàn (1982: 84).

Other linguists, such asLiú et al. (2019: 694-712), treated 'pivotal construction' as a type of sentence which is distinguished from seral verb construction.

[START_REF] Lamarre | An Associated Motion Approach to Northern Mandarin MOTION-CUM-PURPOSE Patterns[END_REF] specifies that she follows Schmidtke-Bode (2009: 93-99) and uses 'motion-cum-purpose' for different patterns in her analysis.

In this article,Wáng (2005) treats 来 =lai as a particle that denotes target or purpose.

The video-clips mentioned can be found from the website of Language & Cognition Department, Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics: http://fieldmanuals.mpi.nl/.

The authors[START_REF] Vuillermet | Trajectoire : A methodological tool for eliciting Path of motion[END_REF] were expecting the camera to be interpreted as the deictic center.

The authors[START_REF] Kopecka | L'(a-)symétrie dans l'expression de la Source et du But : Perspective translinguistique[END_REF]) mentioned that they follow the ontology of spatial entities proposed by[START_REF] Aurnague | Représentation formelle des concepts spatiaux dans la langue[END_REF] and[START_REF] Aurnague | Les structures de l'espace linguistique : Regards croisés sur quelques constructions spatiales du basque et du français[END_REF] as to the types of Ground.

The Put & Take video-clips and the field manual instructions used for this dissertation are available at the website of the Language and Cognition

The audiovisual material of the two TV series is available on the YouTube channel:-Married for Ten Years: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pj7-diBX1BE&list=PLRBClVey5BqyOpssAin_lqKbVpKjJcS5j-Loquacious Zhang Damin's Happy Life: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-73h_hRLc7M&list=PLXMY9ZVGcxAUSVlEBGHM0Cd_jDcFgvo4u.

More information of the conventions of the rules and the latest version(May 31, 2015) of the document can be consulted on the following website: https://www.eva.mpg.de/lingua/resources/glossing-rules.php.

Note that, when the Source + Medium + Goal information is expressed, the three speakers described first the Source and the Goal, and then the Medium.

It is important to note that the 'verbs' we discuss here do not refer to compound verbs, but rather to 'main verbs' as opposed to 'satellites'.

What we call 'Path verbs' correspond to what Levin (1993: 263) labels 'Verbs of Inherently Directed Motion'.

We do not consider posture verbs (e.g., 'sit', 'stand') which change their position as Path verbs since the motion of the Figure in such cases does not imply any change of location (cf. Borillo 1998: 38).

Berthele (2004: 108) point out that "Manner verbs […] are predominantly posture verbs (e.g., sit, stand, lie, hang; cf. Newman 2002), i.e. verbs which encode configurational information about the dimensions and the vertical or horizontal orientation of the figure".

In the case of 撒 să 'scatter, spill', the Modern Chinese dictionary specifies that the Figure is usually granular (e.g., power, seed, salt, and sand).

The purpose VP co-occurring with a Ground NP accounts for 10 occurrences in the MFTY data and 1 occurrence in the LZHL data.

Note that the examples showing different patterns in the data are presented by order of frequency (from more to less frequent).

Note that such prepositional pharse can either follow or precede the verb only in our data since there are restrictions on the verb.

[START_REF] Dirven | Cognitive Exploration of Language and Linguistics[END_REF][START_REF] Diessel | Demonstratives : Form, function, and grammaticalization[END_REF]), 'path' refers to the intermediate point which corresponds to what we call 'Medium'.

The coding strategies of Dynamic Deixis and Path presented in the descriptive and the dialogical data follow the order of frequency (from more to less frequent).

A detailed manual with guidelines for data collection is available on the following site: https://osf.io/4bpxd/.

Used for emphasis or to show sarcasm.

appartenant à différents genres (descriptive vs. dialogique), différentes modalités (écrite vs. parlée), et différents types d'évènements (déplacement spontané vs. déplacement causé) nous permet de mieux comprendre les similarités et les différences dans l'expression de la deixis dynamique au sein d'une même langue.En conclusion, ce travail de recherche, qui représente une première étude systématique de l'expression de la deixis dynamique en chinois standard à la lumière des stratégies d'encodage, des schémas de distribution et des (a)symétries spatiales, apportent une contribution non seulement à la recherche typologique de ce phénomène dans les langues du monde, mais aussi aux connaissances de ce domaine dans le champ de la linguistique sinitique. Il permettra par ailleurs d'apporter une nouvelle contribution à la théorisation de ce domaine concernant le rôle de l'ancrage déictique dans la communication humaine.

Acknowledgments

This dissertation cannot be completed without the fellowship of

Concerning the third point (c), the authors (1995: 181) elaborate their view as follows: "one dimension of language typology is the extent to which the distributed semantics of spatial relations receives explicit expression". They further distinguish covertly distributed spatial semantics from overtly distributed spatial semantics. In the former case, spatial semantics is not explicitly conveyed. By contrast, in the latter case, spatial semantics is conveyed explicitly. English is a good example of a language with a covertly distributed spatial semantics. In (544), the preposition 'across' is optional and can be omitted in certain conditions in which it can be recovered from the linguistic context. Therefore, the profiling of Path in this example is not conflated in the verb of motion, but covertly distributed across the verb (i.e., swam) and the Ground NP (the river), as illustrated in ( 545).

(544) The girl swam ACROSS † the river. (Sinha & Kuteva 1995: 181) (545) The girl swam the river.

It should be noted that not all the prepositions in English are optional. In example (546), the omission of the preposition IN(TO) is not permitted and the sentence in (547) is thus ungrammatical. [START_REF] Sinha | Distributed Spatial Semantics[END_REF] point out that the verb insert differs from other verbs like swim in that the former one requires in all contexts a Direct Object and cannot be used intransitively. And such verb requires two arguments (expressed, if nominalized, respectively by a Direct Object NP and a Locative NP). As further explained by the authors (1995: 183): "it is a general fact about English that it does not allow the combination of Direct Object and Locative NP unless the latter is a part of a PP".

(546) insert the plug IN(TO) the socket (Sinha & Kuteva 1995: 182) (547) *insert the plug the socket (ibid.)

sentence showing the following order, (Prep) + NPloc + V + Figure [START_REF] Arslangul | Introduction d'un nouveau protagoniste dans le récit en français et en chinois : Interaction des structures syntaxique et informationnelle[END_REF], forthcoming in Chinese narrative). Based on this rule, the omission of preposition in Topic-Comment clauses like (561) would be ungrammatical. Apart from localizers and verbs, we also found the presentative sentences convey the Source information by means of localizers and satellites, as illustrated in (565). Similarily, prepositions are optional and can be used before the Ground NP in (566) following the same rule.

( Other cases in which the Source information is redundantly expressed over two different morphemes is by means of the preposition and the localizer (e.g., (567)) and the preposition and the verb (e.g., ( 568)).

Chapter 6 (A)SYMMETRIES IN THE EXPRESSION OF PATH AND

DYNAMIC DEIXIS

Introduction

Over the last few decades, the issue of the linguistic bias towards the Goal of motion, as opposed to the Source, has drawn linguists' attention. In previous studies, the hypothesis of the Source-Goal asymmetry has been attested within and across languages [START_REF] Ikegami | GOAL' OVER 'SOURCE' : A Case of Dissymetry in Linguistic Orientation[END_REF][START_REF] Ikegami | Source' vs. 'Goal' : A Case of Linguistic Dissymmetry[END_REF][START_REF] Bourdin | On Goal-bias across languages : Modal, configurational and orientational parameters[END_REF][START_REF] Stefanowitsch | The goal bias in the encoding of motion events[END_REF][START_REF] Lakusta | Starting at the end : The importance of goals in spatial language[END_REF][START_REF] Regier | Attention to Endpoints : A Cross-Linguistic Constraint on Spatial Meaning[END_REF][START_REF] Ishibashi | The (a)symmetry of source and goal in motion events in Japanese : Evidence from narrative data[END_REF][START_REF] Kopecka | L'(a-)symétrie dans l'expression de la Source et du But : Perspective translinguistique[END_REF]Kopecka & Vuillermet 2021;[START_REF] Aurnague | Implicit landmarks and opposite polarities in French motion predicates[END_REF]inter alia). However, only a small number of studies relevant to spatial asymmetries have been carried out in Chinese, merely focusing on forms (i.e., motion verbs and directional complements) and tackling their meaning from the semasiological perspective [START_REF] Gāo | 复合趋向补语不对称现象研究 Fùhé qūxiàng bǔyǔ bú duìchèn xiànxiàng yánjiū [A study of the asymmetrical phenomenon of the directional complements[END_REF][START_REF] Zuŏ | 位移动词"来/去"带宾能力的历时、共时考 察 Wèiyí dòngcí "lái/qù" dài bīn nénglì de lìshí, gòngshí kǎochá [The Diachronic and Synchronic Inquiry into the Capacity for the Movement Verbs "Lai/Qu" Carrying Objects[END_REF][START_REF] Lì | 来 / 去 " 趋 向 义 的 对 称 与 不 对 称 "Lái/qù" yì de duìchèn yǔ bú duìchèn [The symmetry and asymmetry phenomenon of "lai" and "qu[END_REF][START_REF] Xu | Asymmetry in the Expression of Space in Chinese-The Chinese Language Meets Typology[END_REF][START_REF] Tóng | 从事件的角度看补语"上来"和"下来"的 对称与不对称 Cóng shìjiàn de jiǎodù kàn bǔyǔ "shànglái" hé "xiàlái" de duìchèn yǔ bù duìchèn [The symmetry and asymmetry of the complements "shanglai" and "xialai" viewed from the perspective of event[END_REF][START_REF] Hú | lái" yǔ "qù" de yǔyì yǎnbiàn jí qí bù duìchèn xìng [The semantic evolution and asymmetroes of tendency verbs "shang[END_REF].

The purpose of this chapter is to further explore such bias by examining the expression of Path and Dynamic Deixis in Standard Chinese from the onomasiological perspective. More specifically, we focus on different aspects of (a)symmetries in the expression of Source and Goal, and the expression of centripetal and centrifugal directions. We aim at investigating the following questions: do Source and Goal, centripetal and centrifugal directions receive equal linguistic treatment? If one portion of Path and one direction of We shall first look at the descriptive data. In order to make the Source-oriented events and Goal-oriented events comparable, we select systematically from each stimulus set two groups of events for data analysis. The first group is composed of simple motion events including one portion of Path, either Source or Goal. It Table 83 andTable 84 present When verbs are used in the expression of Source, the verb must be followed by either a deictic satellite or a Ground NP, as illustrated in ( 656) and ( 657), respectively. By contrast, when verbs are used in the expression of Goal, the verb can be followed either by a deictic satellite or a Ground NP, as in ( 658) and (659).

Furthermore, the verb can also be used alone (e.g., (660)). ', as in (691). This is probably due to the fact that Standard Chinese does not have any 'transverse' marker indicating that a moving entity moves across somewhere, i.e., neither towards nor away from a deictic center. Therefore, both centripetal and centrifugal markers can be used to describe such transversal event. What's more, since the centrifugal morpheme 去 -qu 'thither' can be characterized as not only by 'moving away from the speaker (the deictic center)', but also by 'moving in another direction than that of the speaker (the deictic center)', the use of centrifugal marker in a direction from left to right makes total sense. when Ground is expressed in the expression of centripetal direction (with the CTP marker 来 lái 'come'), it is placed before the centripetal marker in most of the times (18 out of 20 occurrences in the two dialogical data), as in (705). The Ground placed after the centripetal marker is very rare, accouting for only 2 occurrences, as in (706). By contrast, when Ground is expressed in the expression of centrifugal direction (with the CTF marker 去 qù 'go'), it is often placed after the centrifugal marker (63 out of 85 occurrences in the two dialogical data), as illustrated in (709). The Ground placed after the centrifugal marker is less frequent (22 out of 85 occurrences), as in ( 708).

What's more, we also made an interesting observation regarding the centripetal and centrifugal markers (来 lái 'come' and 去 qù 'go') and the use of Source and Goal Grounds. When centripetal marker is used, the Ground NP can combine with both Source Grounds (e.g., ( 705)) or Goal Ground (e.g., ( 706), ( 707)). While when centrifugal marker is used, the Ground NP combines only with Goal Grounds, as in ( 708)-( 710). The analysis of the Standard Chinese data reveals the same syntactic asymmetry revealed in English and French observed by [START_REF] Fillmore | How to know whether you're coming or going[END_REF] and [START_REF] Bourdin | On Goal-bias across languages : Modal, configurational and orientational parameters[END_REF], as mentionned in Kopecka & Vuillermet (2021, cf. §6.2). Lastly, we also notice that when Grounds are combined with deictic verbes, they are rarely followed by localizers. We only found one occurrence in which the Ground NP is followed by a localizer, as in (710).

Summary

In this chapter, we investigated the phenomenon of spatial

CONCLUSION AND PERSPECTIVES

This concluding chapter comprises two parts. First, we summarize the main findings and present the contribution of this dissertation. Then, in the second part, we discuss the limitations of this study and provide some perspectives for future research.

Findings and contribution

This dissertation presented a typologically-oriented study of the expression of Dynamic Deixis in Standard Chinese. By adopting the onomasiological approach, the focus of the present work was on Dynamic Deixis, a semantic element that has been relatively less investigated as compared to Path and Manner of motion.

In particular, we explored how Dynamic Deixis is expressed linguistically by speakers of Standard Chinese in two types of data, descriptive and dialogical. Generally speaking, the data revealed that the expression of Dynamic Deixis relies on different types of devices: deictic verbs, deictic satellites, associated motion markers, and prepositional phrases. We note that prepositional phrases can only be used to express centripetal direction and are restricted to Goal prepositions (e.g., 向 xiàng 'towards') followed by first person pronouns. Besides, to convey the deictic meaning, prepositional phrases must be combined with deictic satellites and can not be used alone. The descriptive and the dialogical data show one