Marie-Anne Paveau

Do nonlinguists practice linguistics?

An anti-eliminative approach to folk theories

Introduction 1

Folk linguistics appears to have beenfairly comprehensively described and defined, not least in this special issue, but also ininternational and (later) French research conducted over the course of the last fifteen years 2 . A range of linguistic practices known as folklinguistics (or by various other adjectives, includingprofane, spontaneous, wild, naïve, lay, etc.) are now well-established, and a rich field of research has developed as a result, drawing linguists with an interest in the imaginary and representational productions of speakers (whoever they may be).

Following [START_REF] Brekle | ‗La linguistique populaire[END_REF], a tripartite typology of folk practices in linguistics was presented in Paveau 2000 (1. Descriptions, 2. Prescriptions, 3. Interventions). We are now beginning to understand the wide range of settings in which these practices can be found, as well asthe variety of folk activities involving the use or study of language (the press, schools, internet forums, conversation guides,everyday conversations etc.), as illustrated by the paperspublished in this issue. We are also beginning to understand just what it is that nonlinguists (Preston) actually do, and precisely where and when they do it. Yet we appear to know far less about who nonlinguists exactly are and about the value of folk linguistic theory.It is the central purpose of this paper to examine these two issues. For heuristic purposes, the paper begins with a typology of nonlinguists based on categories that are not discrete. To be a nonlinguist is not a permanent state but an activity that can be practiced at a particular point in time and in a particular place even by linguists themselves.There is in this sense a nonlinguist position thatcan always be traded for another position. Examples of activities that belong only debatably to folk linguistics will be examined. These examples will be used to challenge the relations posited between the ‗identities' of nonlinguists and the nature of their activities. Secondly, following on from [START_REF] Achard-Bayle | Lecolle 2009[END_REF][START_REF] Achard-Bayle | Lecolle 2009[END_REF], the paper will examine the complex epistemological and philosophical issue of the validity of folk linguistics, a question clearly linked to (and subsumed by) the validity of the folk sciences

The identity of nonlinguists

The question of the identity or identification of nonlinguists is perhaps one of the thorniest issues in folk linguistics. The professional identification of linguists is made relatively easy byclear indicators such as university courses, qualifications, academic specialisms pursued (in the case of France) within specific sections of the CNU (Conseil National des Universités or National University Council) and of the CNRS (in particular sections 7, 9 and 34 of the CNRS, the French National Center for Scientific Research) and a disciplinary literature that has beenrelatively well covered and marked out inreference works and dictionaries. We have yet to establish equally reliable criteria for the definition of the professional identity ofnonlinguists involved in linguistic activities. For instance, is a writer a folk linguist? Shouldproofreaders in the written media and publishing housesbe viewed as folk linguists? And what about lawyers, who are required as part of their work to analyze words as carefully and as scrupulously as a professional lexicologist?In the absolute, there is perhaps good reason to answer in the affirmative. However,a comparison with ordinary speakers, e.g. the ‗man on the street' celebrating the beauty of vocabulary or bemoaning the deterioration of language (a common figure in France, a country where language is a constant object of passionate debate 4 ), is perhaps enough to challenge this view. After all, the first three figures seemmore entitled to the label ‗linguist' than the fourth figure (i.e. the ‗man on the street'), a somewhat naïve and (in truth) uncultivatedamateur linguist. In short, how might weidentify or describe the category of speakers involved in producing metalinguistic and metadiscursive statements based on subjective non-disciplinary andnon-academic positions?

1.1.Discursive positions

As in many areas of knowledge within the human sciences, binary Cartesian thought (linguists vs. nonlinguists conceived as discrete categories) leads to the dead-endof idealism. We may therefore be better advised to view the issue as a matter of degree. At the risk of suggesting a position that will seem iconoclastic to those with a firm belief in the purity and objectivity of science, it seems preferable to posit a continuum between those who practice linguistics proper and those who practice something that cannot properly be described as linguistics. In this sense, we may posit two opposing poles representing theoretical extremes: the ‗erudite', ‗scientific' or ‗academic' linguist involved in handling ‗exact' knowledge,as opposed to the spontaneous linguist producing analyses of the kind illustrated by the secondhand dealer quoted in the epigraph (‗he never says the things I want to hear').

In a recent study, Günter Schmale conducted an initial analysis of the issue. Analyzing folk linguistics as a crossroads between academic linguistics, amateur linguistics and teaching/vulgarization (incidentally a view entirely subscribed to in this paper), Schmale provided a brief typology of spontaneous linguists focusing on conversation analysis: Schmale's spectrum,ranging from ‗a lack of knowledge about conversation' to ‗a perfect knowledge of conversational organization', includes ordinary speakers, writers, ‗amateur' linguists, non-conversationalist' linguists, and ‗conversationalists' [START_REF] Schmale | ‗Conceptions populaires de la conversation[END_REF], see in particular the figureincluded in Schmale's paper). Thispaperaims to provide a more global analysis that applies not only to conversation but to language and French verbal productions more generally. The typology presented in this paper is designed to achieve the following objectives:

-to describe the nature of ‗non-linguistic' activity as accurately as possible by positing discursive positions that are by definition transitory and not inherently linked to social, professional or cultural identities, rather than socially fixed identities (e.g. the writer, the journalist, the typographer).Examples of non-linguistic activity include the following situations: the owner of a bar begins a conversation about text-messaging with customers; a foreign secretary produces a text about the deterioration of French; a professional linguist produces a non-linguistic discourse about language, for instance an aesthetic discourse (e.g. not liking a word because it ‗sounds' wrong and ‗grates' on the ears), by virtue of the well-known discordance between behavior and introspection on which Labovian sociolinguistics was partly based and which may be viewed asa defining feature of the concept of linguistic security vs. linguistic insecurity [START_REF] Labov | ‗Qu'est-ce qu'un fait linguistique?', collective translation [What is a linguistic fact?[END_REF][START_REF] Labov | ‗Qu'est-ce qu'un fait linguistique?', collective translation [What is a linguistic fact?[END_REF]); -to raise the question of the incorporation of productions pertaining not only to metalinguistics but also to epilinguistics, i.e. an unconscious and therefore implicit form of language competence. This includes all types of wordplay, tongue twisters, puns and deliberate malapropisms, pronunciation games (les chaussettes de l'archiduchesse, la reine Didon qui dîna dit-on, etc.), plays on signifiers such as ‗Mr. and Mrs. so and so have a son…' 5 , jokeswith a linguistic substrate or dimension, impressionsor imitations of accents and ways of speaking, etc. Speakers who adopt a simultaneously expert and playful or ludic position toward language will be referred to as ludo-linguists. The issue is to determine whether these productions (which involvea highly sophisticated form of epilinguistic competence) pertain to linguistic activity. Since they perform an explicit didactic role, it seems reasonable to posit that they do in fact pertain to linguistic activity. However, their position at the limit between linguistic and language activities (i.e. between activities about language and activities involving the use of language) somewhat complicates the issue.

An attempt at a typology

The ), providing linguistic descriptions/interpretations; -Particular categories of speakers (e.g. activists and language lovers) and lawyers in their textual and oralactivities, centering on description and intervention; -Ordinary speakers (e.g. the second-hand dealer on rue de la Chine, the anonymous authors of readers' mail and messages on internet blogs and forums, the ‗dominants' described by J.-C. Passeron; see infra), who probably combine all three types of practices.

Far from being discrete or isolated,the various positions need to be viewed aspermeable and even interchangeable. After all, a speaker or writer may easily shift from one position to another, as illustrated by the case of J.R.R. Tolkien, the philologist and lexicographer and professor of medieval English, who may reasonably be viewed as a logophile by virtue of having invented fictional languages, including the much celebrated Elvish language. A similar kind of boundary-crossing wasalso exemplified by Saussure, the first professional linguist in the history of the theory of the sign and a glossomaniacexhibiting distinct ludolinguistic tendencies in his Anagrammes.

The permeability of the various positions also implies a permeability of knowledge fields and areas. In other words, linguistic knowledge informs the knowledge of folk linguists and vice versa. This paper argues that categories are not discrete since it is important to recognize that scientific or academic knowledge is not unrelated to or disconnected from the epilinguistic awareness of speakers.

Some examples: lawyers, writers, logophiles, ludo-linguists and activists

Legal linguistics

The textbook on legal linguistics by G. Cornu (2005Cornu ( [1990]]) provides an interesting example of folk linguistics in action. Cornuis careful to base his argument on the Saussurian ‗science of language' while at the same time (and no doubt unconsciously) holding lay or profane prediscourses that will seem particularly ‗naïve' to professional linguists. For example, Cornu defines legal linguistics as ‗the particular application of the fundamental science of general linguistics to the language of law', and notesthat ‗he may at least entertain the hope that his work will be acknowledged as a kind of practical linguistics, in the same way as linguistics applied to poetry ' (2005 [1990]: 25; translated from the French). The analogy between law and poetry is supported by a reference to R. Jakobson. Cornu applies Jacobson's linguistic methodology (designed for the study of poetry) directly to the legal fieldhence the final analogy: ‗What is true of poetic discourse should also be true of legal discourse ' (2005 [1990]: 25; translated from the French). To which we might ironically respond: duly noted. But the analogy is interesting precisely because it illustrates one of the most common forms of lay or profane thinking 8 :Cornu's approachprovides an example of the use of a folk method for the development of a folk body of knowledge. Cornu also describes legal vocabulary as ‗the reflection of the legal system' (p.58), therebyimplying a theory of language conceived as a reflection against which scientific (academic) linguistics has developed. The book includes many other examples of spontaneous linguistics polished by the veneer ofacademic linguistics to serve the use of language in his field. The main point is that thetype of folk linguistics illustrated by Cornu actually ‗works', as D.Dennett might put it (see infra 2.1.2.), in the sense of efficiently organizing and structuring the specialized uses of language in the legal domain.

Artaud's 'other languages'

‗In February 1947', writes A. Tomiche (2002: 141), Artaud described this -other language‖ that he has never ceased to seek as a -humming/chanted/[…] between Negro/Chinese/Indian/and villon French‖. Artaudnot only emphasized the vocal dimension of the language, caught between song and scansion, but also underlined the mixture and blending of languagesspecifically a blend of languages associated with syntactic transgressions and intelligibility. The case of Artaud provides an example of linguistic activity performed by a nonlinguist, a writer with linguistic, epilinguistic and multilinguistic knowledge well beyond the competence of the average speaker (Artaud was familiar with several foreign languages). Artaud's aim wasto developa new language essentially characterized by blending and transgression. Not content with merely creating and inventing language forms, Artaud also analyzedlanguage formsusing a metalinguistic discourse illustrated by Tomiche in an example that perfectly illustrates a folk discursive position adopted by a writer: I could give many examples, but instead I will give just one -and a particularly interesting example at that, since Artaud does not merely introduce a term, i.e. ‗tétême' (a word that combines several languages) in a sentence in French: ‗Dans le sommeil on dort, il n'y a pas de moi et personne que du spectre,/ arrachement du tétême de l'être, par d'autres êtres (à ce moment-là éveillés), de ce qui fait que l'on est un corps'. Not without irony, Artaudthen proceeds to carry out a metalinguistic analysis of the morphology of the term, explaining that the word ‗tétême' combines the Greek term éma (blood) withtête and ‗thé' which, redoubled, refers to that which rests and that which burns: ‗Et qu'est-ce que le tétême?/ Le sang du corps à ce moment-là allongé, et qui sommeille car il dort. Comment le tétême est-il le sang? Par le éma, devant qui le t se repose et désigne ce qui se repose comme le tévé des Marseillais. Car le té fait un bruit de cendre lorsque la langue le dépose dans les lèvres où il va fumer./ Et Éma en grec veut dire sang. Et tétême, deux fois la cendre sur la flamme du caillot de sang, de caillot invétéré de sang qu'est le corps du dormeur qui rêve et ferait mieux de s'éveiller'' (XIV, p.16) 9 . (Tomiche 2002: 144; translated from the French)

Logophiles, glossomaniacs and other language fanatics

Not unlike writers and theirown folk activity,but outside the field of literature and its fictional possibilities, the lover of language is involved inactivities aimed at the invention of imaginary languages. A logophile is typically a folk linguist, as depicted by Yaguello in a study of ‗language fanatics':

The language inventor is an amateur, in both senses of the term; through a lover of languages, s/he often knows nothing about the science of language. But above all s/he demonstrates an aesthetic form of concern: the desire to produce a comprehensive view, a totality, an enclosed yet exhaustive whole endowed with perfect symmetry, its cogs bathing in oil, and in whichthere is no room for discordance or ambiguity, and where wastage, equivocationand misunderstanding are banished. (Yaguello 2006: 45; translated from the French)

The social and professional position of the language lover implies contact with the data of culture. Unlike outsider artists devoid of culture, language loversoperate within the universe of literacy:

A language lover is generally a cleric, a professor or a doctor, i.e. a man with an office or practice, a man with a small beard and round metal glasses, as shown by the gallery of portraits adorning the book by Monnerot-Dumaine, one of the two bibles of interlinguistics. (Yaguello 2006: 46; translated from the French) Language loversengage in professional activities that closely resemble the activities of scholarly (academic) linguistics, even if they lack the specialized knowledge of academiclinguistics. According to Yaguello, the work of the logophile involves: 1. Accumulating data; 2. Classifying data; 3. Establishing an explanatory principlee.g. the imitation of the sounds of nature, or a correspondence between the meaning of words and their acoustic and/or articulatory realization; 4. Organizing data in the form of a genealogical tree, with the mother language giving birth to its offspring, i.e.the past and present languages of humanity. [START_REF] Yaguello | Les langues imaginaires. Mythe, utopies, fantasmes, chimères et fictions linguistiques[END_REF]: 47)

Ludo-linguists or when folk linguistics enters the stage

As noted above, ludo-linguists are defined as experts in the playful manipulation of signifiers.

This section provides a more detailed case study of impersonators and impressionists, especially those specialized in accent imitation.An ability to imitate accents is a key skill in the repertoire of all comedians and humorists (professional impressionists or amateurs) and isfounded on a spontaneous socio-linguistic theory. Accents are phonic manifestations of regional, national, social, ethnic- In the same way that the spontaneous linguistics of the dominant classes defines the dominant accent as an absence of accent, i.e. a ‗zero accent' against which regional or popular accents are understood and defined as more or less colorful deformations, so the spontaneous stylistics of modes of livelihood establishes the marks borne by the dominant classes (and which indicate both domination and the constraints entailed by the exercise of domination) as non-marks serving as a counter-point for perceiving the deformations of popular bodies and faces. (Passeron 1999, online; translated from the French)

Activist speakers: a folk analysis of discourse

I would like to conclude this presentation of examples with an example of folk linguistics in thespecific context of activismin this instance a folk analysis of discourse. The case in point is ‗a workshop for the analysis and critique of political discourse' ironically entitled ‗The re-enchanted world of Nicolas Sarkozy' and held in the 19 th arrondissement of Paris in November 2007 by the ‗Coordination des Intermittents et Précaires d'Ile-de-France'. The first session was presented as follows:

First session: Wednesday 31 October 2007, 7pm to 10pm at the CIP-IDF The basic idea is relatively simple: the point is to conduct a collective analysis and critique of political discourse as part of a workshop open to all. In our view, theoretical thought cannot be the primary focus of the project, since an understanding of certain key notions and tools would need to be taken for granted, therebyautomatically limitingaccess to the workshop. Rather, the project is designed as a practical and political workshop, if viewed from the perspective of its ultimate objective: to develop efficient means of countering the effects of authorized political discourse (both on us and on others). We might say therefore that it is a workshop for self-training in the critique of ideology More concretely, we made a decision to work on speeches given by Nicolas Sarkozy. Discussions about the topic were heated, and as it turns out no one is entirely satisfied with the choice. We all agree that power comes from further afield and that its action extends well beyond the purely ‗political' field, and that seeking for power precisely where we are told that it exclusively belongsis to fall prey to ideological discourse.

Having said that, if power is everywhere, then it hardly matters where it is captured, since the important thing is to focus our analysis and critique on a discourse that is both current and addressed to everyoneeveryone has the right and (we firmly believe) the capacity to respond to it. (Announcement received via email, October 2007)

The passage quoted above shows that folk theory is a practical theory, or a theory of practice.

Note that the object of the workshop is the use of discourse and its effects on individuals, and not (for example) the description of rules and regularities. Lay or profane knowledge is generally practical knowledge, a form of knowledge that is ‗useful' to speakers for the purposes of operating in society. The point now is to consider the validity of folk theory.

What are folk linguistic theories actually worth?

Folk linguistics raises one of the most difficult epistemological questions, particularly in the human and social sciences: namely the validity of (pseudo) scientific theories. In France, very little research has so far been conducted on this issuebecause folk linguistics has tended to be viewed as the embodiment of a normative position or as a reflection of purism (Paveau, Rosier 2008). Cartesianism and the positive (not to say positivist) images of science in widespread circulation in France have also done little to encourage this line of research. By contrast, the philosophy of mind and the philosophy of science (especially in the United States)have provided illuminating analyses of the folk sciences in general and of folk linguistics in particular. Without claiming to apply them mechanically, these analyseswill be used to examinethe validity of spontaneous theories of language.

2.1.Epistemic evaluations of folk linguistics

Are folk theories valid? There are three possible answers to this question.

The eliminative position

In the philosophy of mind, the so-called eliminative position, or eliminative materialism (Feyerabend, Rorty, Sellars, Paul and Patrician Churchland, Laurence), is based on the thesis that an understanding of mental states founded on common sense theories is incorrect and invalidsince it has no scientific basis. Common sense understanding is clearly not founded on neurological data. For example, there is no neuronal basis to certain theories of intentionality or even to consciousness itself, i.e. notions that are among the most difficult to naturalize.According to the philosopher Paul [START_REF] Churchland | ‗Le matérialisme éliminativiste et les attitudes propositionnelles[END_REF][START_REF] Churchland | ‗Le matérialisme éliminativiste et les attitudes propositionnelles[END_REF]), folk theories are entirely false and are on the verge of being replaced (‗eliminated') by irrefutable evidence provided by the neurosciences. Churchland's view is shared by the philosopher Stephen [START_REF] Laurence | ‗Is Linguistics a Branch of Psychology?[END_REF], who argues that folk theories in any science are usually incorrect, adding that linguistics is particularly vulnerable in view of the fact that it is such a relatively young theory.

Applied to the findings of folk linguistics, the eliminative theory would posit that folk theory is false because it is based on perceptive, intuitive, evaluative and even imaginative data, but not on any scientifically verifiable data.

An intermediate position: Dennett's 'soft realism'

The philosopher Daniel [START_REF] Dennett | La stratégie de l'interprète. Le sens commun et l'univers quotidien[The Intentional Stance[END_REF][START_REF] Dennett | La stratégie de l'interprète. Le sens commun et l'univers quotidien[The Intentional Stance[END_REF][START_REF] Dennett | La stratégie de l'interprète. Le sens commun et l'univers quotidien[The Intentional Stance[END_REF][START_REF] Dennett | La stratégie de l'interprète. Le sens commun et l'univers quotidien[The Intentional Stance[END_REF]) has defended an intermediate position known as ‗soft realism'. Dennett's position is situated halfway between the extremes of Fodor's ‗industrial strength realism' and the Churchlands' eliminative materialism. His position specifically concerns folk psychology, which Dennett describes in the following terms:

People are even less predictable than the weather, if we rely on the scientific techniques of meteorologists and even biologists. But there is another perspective, familiar to us since childhood and used effortlessly by us all every day, that seems wonderfully able to make sense of this complexity. It is often called folk psychology. It is the perspective that invokes the family of -mentalist‖ concepts, such as belief, desire, knowledge, fear, pain, expectation, intention, understanding, dreaming, imagination, self-consciousness, and so on. (Dennett 1998[START_REF] Dennett | La stratégie de l'interprète. Le sens commun et l'univers quotidien[The Intentional Stance[END_REF]: 7) Soft realism can be summarized as follows: folk vocabulary and folk concepts are operational and even necessary for social life, and spontaneous perceptions are absolutely fundamental patterns in human life:

There are patterns in human affairsthat impose themselves, not quite inexorably but with great vigor, absorbing physical perturbations and variations that might as well be considered random; these are the patterns that we characterize in terms of the beliefs, desires and intentions of rational agents. (Dennett 1998[START_REF] Dennett | La stratégie de l'interprète. Le sens commun et l'univers quotidien[The Intentional Stance[END_REF]: 27) As Dennett observes, folk psychology actually works (‗treating each other as intentional systems works', p.51), even if it does not workpermanently.While folk psychology may be an imperfect, incomplete and therefore non-generalizable theory, in many ways it is also a valid theory. It is perhaps useful to quote Dennett at some length here, especially his relatively comprehensive definition, which contains many elements that will be useful fortheanalysis of linguistic theory:

We use folk psychology all the time, to explain and predict each other's behavior; we attribute beliefs and desires to each other with confidenceand quite unselfconsciouslyand spend a substantial portion of our waking lives formulating the worldnot excluding ourselvesin these terms. Folk psychology is about as pervasive a part of our second nature as is our folk physics of middle-sized objects. How good is folk psychology? If we concentrate on its weaknesses we will notice that we often are unable to make sense of particular bits of human behaviour (our own included) in terms of belief and desire, even in retrospect; we often cannot predict accurately or reliably what a person will do or when; we often can find no resources within the theory for settling disagreements about particular attributions of belief or desire. If we concentrate on its strengths we find first that there are large areas in which it is extraordinarily reliable in its predictive power. […] Second, we find that it is a theory of great generative power and efficiency. […] Third, we find that even small children pick up facility with the theory at a time when they have a very limited experience of human activity from which to induce a theory. Fourth, we find that we all use folk psychology knowing next to nothing about what actually happens inside people's skulls. (Dennett 1998[START_REF] Dennett | La stratégie de l'interprète. Le sens commun et l'univers quotidien[The Intentional Stance[END_REF]: 47-48) Applied to folk linguistics, Dennett's analysis would implythat the data of folk linguistics are acceptable and can be incorporated into linguistic theory since they provide exact perceptive and organizing descriptions of language, but they cannot serve as a basis for a general theory of language.

The integrational position: folk data are linguistic data

This position emphasizes the knowledge of non-linguists, which is viewedas legitimate and recognizable as such. Preston and Niedzielski are clear from the outset of their synthesis: ‗If the folk talk about language, they must, of course, know (or least believe they know) about it ' (1999: 10). Linguistic theory is considered in terms of its operability and practical truth rather than its logical truth. The same position was also held by the social psychologists Llewellyn and Harrison in a study conducted on perceptions of linguistic and discursive forms in corporate communications (2006). Their study showed that participants demonstrated definite linguistic competence in recognizing uses of the pronoun we and in identifying passive transformation and nominalization. The study also found that the linguistic competence of participants can do without metalanguage and even without learning identified phrases:

In this regard, it is worth making the point that formal sounding linguistic categories, such as those discussed above, describe mundane features of everyday language use. It is perfectly possible for individuals to deploy and identify instances of -passive transformation‖, for example, without having heard of the term. (Llewellyn & Harrison 2006: 580) In this respect,Llewellyn and Harrison share the same position as Sylvain Auroux, who observed in a study of grammatization that linguistic knowledge is not necessarily distinct from the knowledge provided by epilinguistic awareness:

The continuum between epilinguistics and metalinguistics can be compared to the continuum between perception and physical representation in the natural sciences. Whereas the natural sciences distanced themselves from perception at an early stage(from Galilean physics onwards) before departing still further from it in due course, linguistic knowledge has only sporadically broken its links with epilinguistic awareness. (Auroux 1994: 24; translated from the French) For example, ‗naïve realism' (Achard-Bayle 2008: 34 et seq. and here), which involves attributing concrete entities of the world with more or less discrete boundaries that make them coincide with the nouns designating them, may amount to a non-conscious form of epilinguistic knowledge (‗I call a cat a cat, full stop', as the second-hand dealer quoted in the epigraph might have put it), but also to a scientific and argued philosophical-semantic position. The notion of epilinguistics is probably one of the keys for understanding how and why (not unlike folk psychology) folk linguistics actually ‗works'. Epilinguistic awareness is a structure that provides linguistic data gained by perception. If linguistics does empirical justice to the experiential and cultural dimensions of language, in other words if the object of linguistics incorporates the uses of language by social and cognitive subjects, the perceptive data of folk linguistics may be viewed as linguistic data per se.

To what extent are the intuitions of speakers verifiable?

If folk linguistics, like folk psychology, may be said to ‗work', it is because there is a source of perceptions, judgments and evaluations that can provide accurate results. In linguistics, this source is the intuition of the so-called ‗native speaker' (to use Chomsky's terminology)or epilinguistic awareness(to use the phrase coined by the French linguist Antoine Culioli 12 ). Yet to what extent can all speakers be said to have or share the same intuition? Is there not a crucial difference between the intuition of the non-linguist speaker and the intuition of the linguist-speaker? The philosopher Michael Devitt argues that the intuitions of linguists are better than the intuitions of folk linguists because unlike received ideas, intuitions are not innate but theory-laden.Devitt provides a fairly robust critique of Chomskyan intuition and offers an alternative theory: ‗This theory treats linguistic intuitions as opinions resulting from ordinary empirical investigation, theory-laden in the way all such opinions are' (Devitt 2006: 483). Devitt concludes by positing the impossibility of using such intuition as a foundation for linguistics on the grounds that it is not scientifically theory-laden: I see linguists as pulled two ways in their treatment of the intuitive judgments of speakers. On the one hand, the received view is that speakers represent the true linguistic theory of their language and derive their intuitive judgments from those representations. So, those intuitive judgments, deploying terms drawn from that theory, should be the primary data for the linguist's theory. On the other hand, there is the attractive thought that all judgments deploying those terms are laden with an empirical linguistic theory. Where the judgments are those of the ordinary speaker, that theory will be folk linguistics. We do not generally take theory-laden folk judgments as primary data for a theory. So we should not do so in linguistics. (Devitt 2006: 485) The skepticism toward the intuition of the native speaker and ‗the contemplation of their own idiolects' by linguists had already been criticized by Labov in the late 1960s (1976Labov in the late 1960s ( [1972]]: 37). Labov argued that the intuitions of linguists are far from being better than the intuitions of ‗folks': […] what would happen if we submitted a sizeable sample of linguists' judgments on grammaticality to a general population ? The most systematic study of this type was carried out by Spencer (1973). She tested 150 sentences from syntactic studiesby Perlmutter, Carlota Smith, Postal, Ross, Rosenbaum and R. Lakoff. There were 60 judges : 20 graduate students in linguistics, 20 other graduates students, and 20 people from the town of State College. […] If we examine all of these measures, we see that no one linguist did remarkably better or worse than others in this respect […] There are no findings as yet that support the hope that the introspective judgments of linguists are reliable, reproducible, or general in their application to the speech community. We must then ask, what is the consequence of these facts for the linguistic theories which rest on such judgments? (Labov 1975: 15-16) The intuitions of linguists are not credible not because they are cultured and pre-theorized (as Devitt would argue), but for epistemological reasons. According to Labov, linguistics should not be based on unverified intuitions and facts:

Since every study of intuitive judgments carried out so far indicates that there is a sizeable experimenter effect,the uncontrolled intuitions of linguists must be looked on with grave suspicion. If these intuitions are said to represent only the linguist's idiolect, then the value of his analyses rests on a very uncertain foundation. He might submit to further experimental studies so that others can test the consistency of his judgments […]. (Labov 1975: 30) Should we therefore eliminate data that are based on intuition? While it is clear that such data should not be discarded, linguistics needs to acknowledge andincorporatethe relativity of intuition, or what Labov terms ‗the experimenter effect', and to apply a number of key principles:

The solution to the problem stated so far seems clear enough. We need only [START_REF]Linguistique populaire ?[END_REF] recognize the experimenter effect and (2) return to the original notion of working only with clear cases. We could then rest our work on three working principles which offer a fairly sound basis for continued exploration of grammatical judgments: I. THE CONSENSUS PRINCIPLE: if there is no reason to think otherwise, assume that the judgments of any native speaker are characteristic of all speakers of a language. II. THE EXPERIMENTER PRINCIPLE: if there is any disagreement on introspective judgments, the judgments of those who are familiar with the theoretical issuesmay not be counted as evidence. III. THE CLEAR CASE PRINCIPLE: disputed judgments should be shown to include at least one consistent pattern in the speech community or be abandoned […]. A fourth principleis called for -aPrinciple of Validity:

IV. THE PRINCIPLE OF VALIDITY:when the use of language is shown to be more consistent than introspective judgments, a valid description of the language will agree with that use rather than introspections. (Labov 1975: 30-31 and 40) The four principles (consensus, experimenter, clear cases and validity) have a number ofimplications for linguistic practices (including reducing the relativity and non-credibility of data based on intuition, irrespective of the type of speaker), but also for the epistemology of linguistics. In particular,they reinforce the idea of a continuum between the competence of linguists and the competence of non-linguists since they rationalize intuitive data.

When nonlinguists produce the research objects of linguists: the case of linguistic attitudes

Folk linguistic opinions and knowledge constitute social theories of language. Applying generally to language practices through descriptions, prescriptions and interventions, folk theories provide social organizers that form a body of social knowledge. Socio-linguistics (operating as social linguistics) takes these social organizers as its objects of study, or more precisely as its meta-objects (i.e. objects talking about objects),referringto them as attitudes or representations. Language practices are used by lay speakers as a tool for psychological and social description. In their introduction to an issue of the Journal of Language and Social Psychologydevoted to linguistic attitudes, Preston and Milroy observed that speakers tend to match psychological traits with linguistic traits: Notably, several studies showed a tendency for judges to discriminate between, on the one hand, status dimensions such as intelligence, ambition, and confidence, and, on the other, solidarity-related dimensions such as social attractiveness, friendliness, and generosity. Standard speakers have tended to be rated higher on the former set of traits and downgraded on the latter, the converse being true of judgments of non standard speakers (e.g. Ryan, Giles, & Sebastian, 1982, p.9). - (Preston, Milroy, 1999: 4-5) Van Bezooijen and Gooskens made a similar observation in a study examining the perception of variety among Dutch speakers: Intraculturally (by Dutchlisteners), as well as cross-culturally (by British, Kenyan, Mexican, and Japanese listeners), a -lively‖ manner of speaking is strongly associated with dominance, will, power, and self-confidence. As expected, pronunciation, allowing dialect identification, only played a role intraculturally. (Van Bezooijen, Gooskens 1999: 31-32) The results of the ‗Lambert method' [START_REF] Lambert | ‗Evaluational reactions to spoken languages[END_REF] are well-known: unbeknownst to subjects, bilingual speakers recorded versions of the same text in two or several languages or varieties in such a way as to eliminate voice bias. The subjects were then asked to evaluate the speaker using a scale involving antonymous adjectives (the speaker is friendly vs. unfriendly, reliable vs. suspicious, gentle vs. violent, etc.). The method tends to produce fairly reliable results. For example, one study showed that native male English speakers tend to perceive women more positively if they speak French and that the latter generally return the favor:women's view of native male English speakers was found to be more positive than their view of native male speakers of other languages.

Non-scientific perceptions, laden with imaginary representations and productions, may therefore be said to constitute spontaneous theories of socio-psychological classification.

Conclusion: nonlinguists are valuable linguists

This paper has argued that data drawn from folk disciplinary practices can be fully incorporated into linguistic analysis. Folk linguistics has its own validity(a practical and representational validity) and should therefore be viewed by academic linguists as a reservoir of data that no professional linguist could possibly collect using ‗scientific' (academic) methods.

The extreme diversity of folk discursive positions, of the corresponding practices, and of the data thus collected, as well as the scientific uncertainty of many scientific observations (based on subjective positions since they are frequently idiolectal), should perhaps encourage us to reconsider and rethink the object of linguistics. If we accept, along with Bourdieu and Auroux, that ‗the historicization of the subject of historicization' (Bourdieu 2001; translated from the French) is an epistemological necessity, then it seems hardly reasonable to persist in defining the object of linguistics as Saussure did in 1916. The object of linguistics has been profoundly affected by the knowledge of which it has been the target, and folk knowledge is an integral part of such knowledge. This paper argues that we need to provide a convincing and (above all)a scientifically efficient new description of the object of linguistics and to adopt an anti-eliminative position that incorporatesthe various degrees of linguistic knowledge (from the ‗hardest' scientific knowledge to the ‗softest' folk knowledge).

An integrational perspective means opting for and rather than ori.e. the linguist and the second-hand dealer, the writer and the one man show, the glossomaniac and the political activist.

  cultural, gender, sexual and other variations. Examples of social accent variation include the impressions performed by Valérie Lemercier in the film Les Visiteurs (see her impression of the aristocratic accent exemplified by ‗Béa' de Montmirail on seeing her ancestor ‗Hub'' arriving from the Middle Ages accompanied by her loyal servant Jacquouille la Fripouille, 1993), the ‗grande bourgeoise' impressionsperformed by Sylvie Joly in her show La cigale et laJoly (2006), and the intonations of the actress Mathilde Casadesus, scientifically recorded in the audio document accompanying the book Les accents de France edited by[START_REF] Léon | Les accents des Français, livre-cassette[END_REF]. Impressions of ethnic cultural accents 10 can be found in performances by ‗Omar et Fred' in the short television show ‗Le service après-vente des emissions' currently broadcast in the early evening on the French television channel Canal + (see in particular Omar's impression of a generic ‗African' accent),in television appearances by the tennis player and singer Yannick Noah (see in particular Noah's anti-racist impression of a Cameroonian accent), in the exaggerated North African tones and inflections of Djamel Debbouze and Mohand Saïd Fellag[START_REF] Terbouche | La diffraction langagière dans trois spectacles de Fellag[END_REF] 11 , and in the Jewish-North African emphases of comediansElie Kakou and Gad Elmaleh. Returning to fashion thanks tothe short television show Les Deschiens in the late 1990s (with impressions focusing in particular on the rural accent of the Sarthe region of France; seePugnière, 2006), and more recently the French film Bienvenue chez les Ch'tis by Dany Boon (2007), regional accents have long been a target of (more or less disparaging) impressions, particularly among writers, as illustrated by the famous scene in Molière's Don Juaninvolving the peasants Charlotte and Pierrot (act 2, scene 1). Accents that are more difficult to capture and label (the term sexual is unsatisfactory while homosexual is inaccurate; I prefer the terms gendered accent or sexual identity accent, even sexual preference accent) and that are more stigmatizing, such as the ‗gay' accent illustrated by the ‗folle' articulations of Michel Serrault in the play and film La Cage aux Folles and Gad Elmaleh in the film Chouchou by MerzakAllouache (2003), also provide evidence of the linguistic skills of impressionists and impersonatorsskills based on a subtle though nonscientific (i.e. non-academic) treatment of phonetic phenomena. It is importantto recognize that professional linguists rarely examine accents, particularly accents that have an ethnic, cultural, ‗sexuality' or community dimension: to the best of the author's knowledge,no research has so far been conducted in France on the ‗gay' accent, in its ‗folle' version or otherwise, with the exception of a paper by Siouffi entitled ‗Les homos parlent-ils comme les hommes ou comme les femmes?' (1998). Although the issue is addressed in American social dialectology, particularlyin research on linguistic attitudes (see for example Preston 1992), very few studies have been conducted in the area. Accents have been explored at length by other folk linguists, for instance sociologist-linguists (who view accents as powerful social organizers),themselvespositioned at the heart of the folk activities of a third category of folk linguists -the dominant classes. J.-C.Passeron argues that the dominant classes perform a linguistic activity of intervention, i.e. social ranking based on accents:


Aurore Gay

Olivier Cerdan

Magalie Delmas

Setareh Rad

Soil erosion and river exports in the Loire river basin

de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

Soil erosion and river exports in the Loire river basin Aurore Gay (1), Olivier Cerdan (1), Magalie Delmas (2), Setareh Rad Sediment fluxes within continental areas play a major role in the global biogeochemical cycles and are often at the source of soil surface degradation as well as water and ecosystems pollution. In a context where a high proportion of the land surface is experiencing significant land use and climate change, it appears important to be able to carry out local and regional distributed sediment (and associated particles) budgets to assess potential future impacts induced by such changes. Several research efforts have already investigated either global budgets at the river basin or continental scale or local detailed budget at the plot to the field scale. However, very few studies have tried to analyse the connectivity between fluxes and storages and to draw the links between the different scales. In this broad context, the objectives of this study are to investigate what is the fraction of hillslope production which reaches the oceans (is SDR a relevant concept or do we need to identify dominant processes at each different scale?). These investigations will be based on catchments for which mean annual sediment loads are estimated from measurements at their outlet. The characterisation of the basin properties through spatialised approach should be developed to describe the sediment redistribution processes over the drained areas.

Based on sediment budget, the source-to-sink dynamic of the sediment cycle can be examined by considering the redistribution processes within the landscape and the rivers networks.

( 1 )

 1 BRGM, RIS, Orléans, France (o.cerdan@brgm.fr), BRGM, GEO, Orléans, France (3) INFOSOL, INRA Orléans, France


César Ducruet
email: ducruet@parisgeo.cnrs.fr

Faraz
email: faraz@pafkiet.edu.pk

Ducruet César

Zaidi Faraz

Maritime constellations: A complex network approach to shipping and ports

Keywords: container shipping, port systems, scale-free networks, topological decomposition

Introduction

Half a century ago, the French geographer Aimé Perpillou [START_REF] Perpillou | Géographie de la Circulation[END_REF] considered that ports and maritime transport form a constellation 1 . While such perspective advocated the existence of coherent substructures, little has been done identifying them in geography based on rigorous methods. Graph theory, social network analysis, and complex networks research principally describe the respective situation of individuals with regard to the overall structure of the network and the existence of communities [START_REF] Boccaletti | Complex networks: Structure and dynamics[END_REF]. The community 2 is a set of tightly connected nodes sharing denser relations with each other than with the rest of the network. Nodes through which such subgroups connect are labelled bridges or hubs. The seminal essay of Granovetter [START_REF] Granovetter | The strength of weak ties[END_REF] on the "strength of weak ties" insisted on the strategic role of such bridges in a social network. Bridge nodes have fewer connections but they are essential for the diffusion of information flows among groups, which depend on them to communicate with others.

However, the presence of hubs and the density of communities depend on the wider topological properties of the network. Complex networks have the specificity to be large (high number of nodes and links) and to exhibit distinct features than regular or random networks.

For instance, scale-free networks contain few large degree 3 nodes polarizing a majority of smaller nodes [START_REF] Barabási | Emergence of scaling in random networks[END_REF]. In comparison, small-world networks have a higher density of links due to their shorter diameter (i.e. longest shortest path) and higher transitivity (i.e. probability for a node to have its neighbours interconnected) [START_REF] Watts | Collective dynamics of small-world networks[END_REF]. Many real-world networks are in fact both scale-free and small-world due to the intermingling of vertical (hierarchy) and horizontal (community) linkages.

The main questions addressed in this paper are as follows: are there bridges and communities in maritime networks, on what grounds, and how would their identification bring anything new to the geography of shipping and ports? Port and maritime geography have long identified a variety of similar concepts such as port systems and hubs but empirical evidence from a network perspective remains dramatically scarce [START_REF] Ducruet | Ports in multi-level maritime networks: Evidence from the Atlantic (1996-2006)[END_REF]. Drawing from a dispersed 1 In astronomy, the constellation is a group of stars forming a picture. Ptolémée identified 12 zodiacal figures as well as 36 other figures whose shape was inspired from animals and geometry. The delineation of current constellations is fixed by the International Astronomical Union since 1930 in Eugène Delporte's official atlas of constellations (e.g. Orion). However nowadays, the contours of such figures do not have a scientific purpose due to the use of coordinates. 2 A community is also called subgroup, subgraph, subnetwork, community, clique, or cluster. The clique is a complete maximal subgraph comprising at least three vertices (nodes). 3 The degree of a node (or degree centrality) is the number of adjacent nodes connected to it. Large degree nodes are also called stars or hubs.

Ducruet C., Zaidi F. (2012) Maritime constellations: a complex network approach to shipping and ports, Maritime Policy and Management, 39 [START_REF] Boccaletti | Complex networks: Structure and dynamics[END_REF], pp. 151-168 [Special issue on "The Geography of Maritime Transport: Space as a Perspective in Maritime Transport Research"] 3 literature, the emergence of port systems in maritime networks may be briefly explained by six main factors (see Figure 1): a) Physical geography: port infrastructures are tied to waterside locations just like maritime transport is tied to ports and coastal morphology. This physical embedding is a specificity of spatial networks [START_REF] Gastner | The spatial structure of networks[END_REF], but its influence on shipping patterns is limited by the absence of track, the dredging of inter-oceanic canals and port entrance channels, and technological progress allowing flexible circulation of vessels. Yet, coasts, deltas, straits, basins, and seas constitute the main criteria behind the analysis of port systems.

b) Spatial proximity: as a corollary of the previous factor, the criterion of spatial proximity is implicit in many studies selecting ports based on their adjacency on various levels (e.g. Pearl River Delta, Chinese ports, Asian ports). The maritime façade (or seaboard) also implies the notion of coastal continuity (e.g. North America's East Coast), while the maritime region may include two or more neighbouring coasts. The port region is, for a given port, a subpart of its continental hinterland [START_REF] Ducruet | Port regions and globalization[END_REF] but it is often confounded with the maritime region. Finally, most theoretical models of port system evolution are based on spatial proximity between ports along a given coastline [START_REF] Ducruet | Revisiting interport relationships under the New Economic Geography research framework[END_REF]. c) Global and regional trade patterns: throughout history, various groups of ports have emerged based on frequency and density of trade linkages, such as the Hanseatic League from the North Sea to the Baltic in the 13 th -17 th centuries. According to Todd [10, p.4], "the crystallization of formerly disjointed ports into a ports system rests ultimately on the conditions of trade, conditions which wax and wane in correspondence with global business cycles". The concept of port system [START_REF] Robinson | Modelling the port as an operational system: A perspective for research[END_REF] and port (or maritime) range [START_REF] Vigarie | Les Grands Ports de Commerce de la Seine au Rhin[END_REF] imply a certain level of regional integration, which results in interdependency among neighbouring ports. Measures of this phenomenon [START_REF] Lemarchand | Regional integration and maritime range[END_REF] highlighted the higher integration levels at Northwest European and North American Especially for container ports, actors of the transport chain have gained considerable 4 decision power in port selection while deploying their networks [START_REF] Slack | Pawns in the game: Ports in a global transportation system[END_REF][START_REF] Robinson | Ports as elements in value-driven chain systems: The new paradigm[END_REF]. This makes ports (and transport nodes in general) different from individuals in social networks because their connectivity is dictated from external players to a large extent (e.g. shippers, forwarders, ocean carriers). Rapid changes in the organization of logistics led some scholars rethinking the meaning of the port concept itself [START_REF] Olivier | Rethinking the port[END_REF] and the role of proximity in port development [START_REF] Hall | Shifting proximities: The maritime ports sector in an era of global supply chains[END_REF], in a context of globalization and reduced transport costs. Yet, another view considers such changes having limited impact on the layout of port systems and hinterlands due to path-dependency and resiliency [START_REF] Notteboom | Path dependency and contingency in the development of multi-gateway port regions and multi-hub port regions[END_REF][START_REF] Guerrero | Les aires d'influence des ports de la France entre réseau et gravitation[END_REF].

e) Hierarchy: large ports generally handle a wide variety of cargoes, thereby concentrating and redistributing traffic flows towards smaller ports. Containerization and liner shipping have exacerbated such configurations with the establishment of regular hub-and-spoke systems. The spatial logics of transhipment hubs were conceptualized through concepts of centrality and intermediacy [START_REF] Fleming | Spatial characteristics of transportation hubs: Centrality and intermediacy[END_REF], while such intermediate hubs both connect global trunk lines and multiply intra-regional linkages towards secondary ports [START_REF] Rodrigue | Foreland-based regionalization: Integrating intermediate hubs with port hinterlands[END_REF]. The definition of hubs somewhat differs between maritime geography and social network analysis. A hub port generally has many connections, while a bridge node has few. Both have an intermediacy function between other connected ports. While the literature tends focusing primarily on large ports, a process of de-concentration has been confirmed with the "challenge of the periphery" [START_REF] Hayuth | Containerization and the load center concept[END_REF], stemming from diseconomies of scale in large ports (e.g. lack of space, congestion, delays, high handling costs) and new port development projects at more accessible sites.

f) Functional specialization: ports can be differentiated according to the respective importance of hub functions and gateway (hinterland) functions. One traditional conception of ports is the port triptych [START_REF] Vigarié | Ports de Commerce et Vie Littorale[END_REF] where hinterland, port, and foreland as essential and interdependent components. Some ports may share intense relations regardless of spatial proximity, such as London and Calcutta in colonial times [START_REF] Teboul | La Question Urbaine dans l'Histoire de la Pensée Economique[END_REF].

The distribution of forelands (i.e. overseas maritime linkages) is thus a combination of trade-related linkages and transport-related linkages. North Korea's maritime forelands have spatially shrunk after the fall of the USSR, resulting in a process of hub-dependence upon South Korean ports reflecting humanitarian aid and North-South cooperation [START_REF] Ducruet | Hub dependence in constrained economies: The case of North Korea[END_REF]. Traffic shifts between competing ports tend to distort the direct line between hinterland and foreland: up to 40% of French exports passed through Antwerp (Belgium) instead of Le Havre or Marseilles in recent years [START_REF] Gouvernal | Short sea and deep sea shipping markets in France[END_REF].

Data and methodology

Structure of the global liner shipping network

By means of vessel movement data obtained from Lloyd's Marine Intelligence Unit (LMIU)

[28], we build a graph where nodes are ports and links are inter-port connections realized by the circulation of vessels. For more simplicity, we do not take into account the weight of links nor do we consider directionality between ports. Instead, the analysis compares two topological dimensions of the network: the graph of direct links (GDL) only includes direct successive calls between ports, whereas the graph of all links (GAL) includes direct and indirect calls, thus marking important differences in their respective structure [START_REF] Ducruet | The worldwide maritime network of container shipping: Spatial structure and regional dynamics[END_REF]. The GDL is a typical scale-free network with a strong hierarchical structure, whereas the GAL is more a small-world network. Figure 2 confirms the higher coefficients of the power-law line in the GDL (1.6) than in the GAL (1.08) as well as their stability between 1996 and 2006. Being built upon the overlap of all complete graphs formed by vessels, the GAL exhibits a higher transitivity (average clustering coefficient) and lower average shortest path length than the GDL. Tightly connected communities are thus more likely to appear in the GAL than in the 6 GDL, which is more dependent upon large hubs and thus more vulnerable than the GAL due to the strong influence of large degree ports.

[Insert Figure 2 about here]

Another dimension of the port hierarchy is the relation between degree, length of links, and traffic. Based on orthodromic distances between connected ports, we calculated the average length of the longest links for each degree value. We find that large degree ports connect longer distance links than small degree ports on average (Figure 3). The correlation remains high at both years, but it has slightly dropped because of some secondary ports expanding their links. The trend is less linear in the GAL due to the inclusion of indirect links. Overall, large hubs dominate the network by the number and spatial extension of their maritime connections. However, while such long-distance links are important for globalization, their traffic weight is relatively small with regard to short-distance links. On a world level, links of 0-500 kilometres concentrate about 80% of worldwide container traffic in the GDL and 50-60% in the GAL, due to the importance of intra-regional linkages [START_REF] Ducruet | The worldwide maritime network of container shipping: Spatial structure and regional dynamics[END_REF]. This demonstrates the importance of smaller ports in ensuring network connectivity and continuity.

[Insert Figure 3 about here]

The relationship between degree and traffic is also presented in Figure 3. Traffic shares in world total were calculated for each degree value based on the amount of total vessel capacity passing through each port after one year of movements. While correlations are all very high regardless of the year and type of network considered, they also have slightly increased between 1996 and 2006, thus indicating a reinforcement of traffic concentration at the largest ports. This also confirms the analysis of Gini coefficients on world port throughputs measured at port level from 1970 to 2009 highlighting a constant increase of concentration among ports [START_REF] Ducruet | The worldwide maritime network of container shipping: Spatial structure and regional dynamics[END_REF]. In other words, traffic is more polarized at large degree ports, while lower degree ports have lost traffic in relative terms. The high correlation between degree and traffic is one common feature of complex networks, as empirically demonstrated by [START_REF] Deng | Worldwide marine transportation network: Efficiency and container throughput[END_REF] for maritime networks.

While such evidence confirms the relevance of degree centrality for comparing ports, the strong hierarchical structure of liner shipping networks necessitates specific methods of graph 7 partitioning (or clustering) for revealing communities and bridges in such scale-free / smallworld networks.

The topological decomposition method

There are several ways to analyze networks. Among numerous statistical measures, the degree centrality of a node (i.e. number of adjacent neighbours, or number of connections to other nodes in the network) is the least controversial. At network level, the degree distribution provides clues about the overall structure of the network [START_REF] Brandes | Network Analysis: Methodological Foundations[END_REF]. Another approach is the visualization or graphical representation of the network, which is a useful method to discover hidden knowledge and extract interesting patterns in data [START_REF] Herman | Graph visualization and navigation in information visualization: A survey[END_REF]. However, the size of most real-world (complex) networks presents new challenges necessitating more advanced methods of analysis, such as the decomposition of the network into subcomponents. In addition, centrality and structural measures describing the organization of the network are limited in describing the role of groups and subsets as well as the complex interactivity among them.

The discovering of clusters in complex networks is a wide field of analysis using several methods. Some methods are based on various algorithms, such as divisive hierarchical clustering based on edge betweenness [START_REF] Girvan | Community structure in social and biological networks[END_REF]. Edges lying between clusters will have a higher betweenness centrality than edges within a cluster. This algorithm removes high betweenness centrality edges to identify clusters and recalculates the betweenness centrality. Other more specific clustering methods were proposed, such as multilevel mesh structure [START_REF] Wu | Mining scale-free networks using geodesic clustering[END_REF], desynchronization properties of phase oscillators [START_REF] Boccaletti | Detection of complex networks modularity by dynamical clustering[END_REF], and modularity [START_REF] Newman | Fast algorithm for detecting community structure in networks[END_REF]. Another set of methods is based on the simplification of the original graph, such as the extraction of a treelike graph so that the resulting structure can be easily readable [START_REF] Boutin | Focus-based filtering + clustering technique for power-law networks with small world phenomenon[END_REF]. One of the drawbacks of this method is the loss of information when removing a large number of edges. Similar but perhaps more efficient algorithms have been proposed to cluster networks with only smallworld properties [START_REF] Auber | Multiscale visualization of small world networks[END_REF][START_REF] Van Ham | Interactive visualization of small world graphs[END_REF], but the presence of scale-free properties makes it difficult identifying the clusters. To solve this problem, [START_REF] Päivinen | Clustering with a minimum spanning tree of scale-free-like structure[END_REF] proposed a method based on the Minimum Spanning Tree (MST), which is a simplification of the network retaining all nodes linked by the lowest cost path. Finally, an important class of clustering algorithms focus on spectral clustering methods [START_REF] Spielman | Spectral partitioning works: Planar graphs and finite element meshes[END_REF]. Based on computing the eigenvectors of the adjacency matrix, or some other matrix representing the graph structure, their biggest advantage is to be 8 able to detect clusters without a specific form, compared with classical algorithms such as kmeans, which are less suited for large networks [START_REF] Luxburg | A tutorial on spectral clustering[END_REF].

Due to the limitations of the aforementioned clustering methods, this paper proposes to focus on another set of methods called decomposition. Nodes of the network can be grouped into subsets based on some criteria such that the structural relations between nodes are preserved, without any preconditions. It is one possibility to better visualize complex networks, which non-uniform degree distribution (notably, scale-free networks) often produces highly entangled and hard to read drawings, despite advances in graph visualisation tools [32; 43-44].

A decomposition method based on the connectivity of vertices (nodes) was proposed by [START_REF] Batagelj | Generalized cores[END_REF] for identifying subsets of the network called k-cores. These subsets are obtained by recursively removing all the vertices of degree smaller than a certain threshold k, until the degree of all remaining vertices is larger than or equal to k. Cores with larger values of k enjoy a more central position in the network [START_REF] Alvarez-Hamelin | K-core decomposition: a tool for the visualization of large scale networks[END_REF]. This method has been used in several domains such as protein interaction networks [START_REF] Bader | An automated method for finding molecular complexes in large protein interaction networks[END_REF][START_REF] Wuchty | Peeling the yeast protein network[END_REF] and peripheral Autonomous Systems [START_REF] Gaertler | Dynamic analysis of the autonomous system graph[END_REF]. K-cores have also been used to reveal certain regions of interest in a network [START_REF] Baur | Drawing the AS graph in 2.5 dimensions[END_REF].

The method used in this paper is significantly different from k-cores, although both k-core and the topological decomposition method proposed by [START_REF] Zaidi | Analysis, Structure and Organization of Complex Networks[END_REF] are based on the degree of vertices and create subsets (Figure 4). Topological decomposition focuses on studying how edges are distributed in high and low degree nodes, while k-cores focus on recursively identifying central nodes and has clearly different objectives. This method isolates either high or low degree nodes from the rest of the network, resulting in the formation of Degree Induced Subgraphs (DIS), thus focusing on a minimum value of k (MinDIS) or a maximum value of k (MaxDIS). The choice of the k value is difficult because there is no recognized threshold valid for all networks. Due to the non-uniform degree distribution of scale-free networks, mean degree is biased by few extreme values. Another possibility for choosing the minimum or maximum value of k (also called cutoff limit, percolation threshold or fragmentation threshold) may be 9 to look at traffic shares or average distances by value of k as showed in Figure 3, or to observe the density of the resulting DIS. Density is the ratio between the observed and the maximum number of edges, a measure similar to the Gamma index (connectivity) in graph theory. The measure is applied to all connected components having more than four nodes, and excludes isolated nodes (zero degree) to avoid biases.

[Insert Figure 4 about here]

Communities and bridges in maritime networks

Defining fragmentation thresholds

We first consider the density of all resulting connected subgroups at every removal operation for both MaxDIS and MinDIS methods (Figure 5). With the MinDIS method, the density of subgroups regularly increases overall, but in a faster way after removing ports having less than 10 connections on average. More precisely, the curves become stiffer at degree 15 in the GDL and at degree 40 in the GAL, thus providing interesting cutoff thresholds. With the MaxDIS method, the density curve exhibits a distinct behaviour. Following successive removal iterations of larger degree ports, a peak of density appears as disconnected ports and components start to reconnect. The density then decreases along with the emergence of a large subgroup. In mathematics, this phenomenon is called the emergence of a giant component [START_REF] Janson | The birth of the giant component[END_REF]. Physicists call it percolation and refer to this phenomenon as phase transition [START_REF] Essam | Percolation theory[END_REF]. The network changes drastically as certain links are introduced, and become a single connected component [START_REF] Barabási | Linked: The New Science of Networks[END_REF]. In this case these links are introduced in the network by higher degree nodes that are responsible of connecting all smaller components.

Higher density values appear for the GAL due to its small-world property and larger size than the GDL. In all cases, the relevant fragmentation threshold can be the degree value of highest density (11 in the GDL and 28-35 in the GAL), with the risk to produce too many subgroups.

Another possibility is to select a higher value while avoiding the absorption by the giant component of too many ports: 18-23 in the GDL and 53-63 in the GAL. For MaxDIS methods, a low threshold will make the interpretation of numerous subgroups difficult, while a high threshold will bring out a large single subgroup with less readability. One possible solution is to use an intermediate value so as to obtain a reasonable of subgroups with good readability: Another important dimension of the search for a relevant k value is the proportion of ports and links included in the largest component. For each graph at both years, low thresholds produce many subgroups of smallest ports, while higher thresholds produce one large subgroup (or giant component) including more ports. The share of the largest component at each value of k indicates whether this entity dominates the results. In Figure 4, the number and size of connected components is thus implicit.

[Insert Figure 5 about here]

The "rich-club" oligopoly of largest ports (MinDIS)

Largest degree ports are isolated from the rest of the network in order to verify the latter's connectivity and pattern (Figure 6). Results are presented for each network at both years retaining the top 5, 10, and 15 degree ports only for better clarity. In all cases, one interesting outcome is the connexity of the network, because removing many ports and links does not split the network into disconnected components. Another result is the clear dominance of European and Asian ports, with the North European range and the East Asian corridor interconnected. This provides a rather different picture than the map of the top hundred direct traffic links, where trans-Pacific flows dominate by their volume [START_REF] Ducruet | The worldwide maritime network of container shipping: Spatial structure and regional dynamics[END_REF].

In the GDL, the role of Singapore as a bridge between Europe and Asia is made evident.

European ports are more numerous and have stronger connectivity than Asian ports in 1996.

Le 11 and act as intermediary pivots between trading regions [START_REF] Rodrigue | Foreland-based regionalization: Integrating intermediate hubs with port hinterlands[END_REF]. In Asia, this phenomenon is better explained by the rise of Chinese ports (Ningbo, Shanghai). Only Houston is included outside of Europe and Asia in 1996. Thus, the MinDIS method not only highlights which are the largest ports but also how they are interconnected. In the GAL, a similar evolution occurs, with a drop in the number of European ports and the disappearance of New York between 1996 and 2006. While the visualization of the GAL does not show explicit patterns due to complete graphs (all ports interconnected), we observe that large gateways rather than large hubs rank at the top of the hierarchy (e.g. Shenzhen, Barcelona).

[Insert Figure 6 about here]

Small worlds of smaller ports (MaxDIS)

Each connected component can be interpreted as one port system, as showed in Figure 7 through the example obtained from the application of different thresholds. Numerous cliques of ports appear at low thresholds (k = 11) as well as series of complete graphs, thereby illustrating preferential links among smaller ports. The higher the threshold (k = 15 or 18), the giant component begins to emerge by absorbing all connected components into one entity.

While it is impossible to map and analyze in detail each subgroup due to their number and size, a closer look at exemplary cases chosen from both graph types and at both years is proposed. Results can be confronted to the aforementioned factors of port system formation as follows:

 The majority of subgroups are explained internally by geographic proximity between ports, regardless of the year and type of graph. It is a constant behaviour for smaller ports to cluster together forming densely connected port systems and maritime regions, because they connect over shorter distances on average (Figure 3). Subgroups appear in every area of the world, implying the absence of region-specific connectedness, although the Scandinavia-Baltic area often stands out with tightly connected communities of small ports;



12

(Normandy), Montoir (Nantes), and Le Verdon (Bordeaux) keeping important overseas links across the Atlantic with Africa and the Caribbean. These results are important because regardless of the type of graph and over time, the most salient hidden structures recall a centre-periphery organization of the world system with very few transversal and resilient linkages. European ports are the only notable exceptions of small ports keeping long-distance connections despite their limited size, as a reflection of their specific function and history.

Surprisingly, there are very few examples of subgroups including North American, Asian, and

European ports together, except for the case of Canadian ports (Argentia, Shelburne) being included with North European ports (e.g. Aberdeen, Cuxhaven).

 Another case is the emergence of specialized circuits, as seen with the "oil cluster" composed of Nigerian, Italian, Venezuelan, and U.S. ports having only in common to be oil ports. Geographically, this cluster forms a triangle across the Atlantic and has the peculiarity to emerge outside the giant component even at high degree thresholds, meaning that it is very distinct from the general shipping pattern where most other ports are included. Other examples of this kind include a cluster including Algiers, Port Cartier (Canada), Velsen (Netherlands), Bandirma (Turkey), together with some Swedish, Finnish and Spanish ports, as well as the cluster including ports from Great Lakes, Canada, U.S. Gulf coast together with Warri (Nigeria), Odense (Denmark), and Dordrecht (Netherlands), but their internal logic remains hardly interpretable. We can only hypothesize that the two latter clusters emerged accidentally from the combination of different logics that were not necessarily planned or interdependent.

[Insert Figure 7 about here]

The analysis of giant components wishes to verify which bridge ports allow the connectivity of the global network without the inclusion of large hubs, and the logics behind the emergence of maritime regions. We first remove all ports which cumulated traffic is below 10% of world totals based on Figure 3 in order to reduce the noise and to shift the analysis towards important nodes, thus providing the following degree thresholds: 18 and 30 for the GDL, 105 and 160 for the GAL. The choice of the degree value for visualization is the one at which the giant component emerges, i.e. when the global network becomes connected so as to allow the identification of bridge ports. Such bridge ports are defined by two criteria: a low clustering coefficient [55] and at least one connection with a port located in a distinct maritime region. 13

Results in Figure 8 are different according to the type of graph and present interesting evolutions. Firstly, the giant component in the GDL is bigger than in the GAL in terms of the number of ports because the GDL is more constrained by distance than the GAL, which includes all intermediate calls. Thus, links are primarily "local" and it needs including more ports before one single component emerges. In the GDL, a circular or ring-like pattern is visible that broadly corresponds to a round-the-world trunk line. The evolution of the network makes this pattern less readable in 2006 because of more many transversal links between different regions, resulting in a larger number of bridge ports. We interpret such changes as the effect of technological improvement in the shipping industry that "made the world smaller" [START_REF] Levinson | The Box: How the Shipping Container Made the World Smaller and the World Economy Bigger[END_REF] in a context of increased globalisation and shrinking transport costs. Distances between regions become less constraining, as the maritime network as a whole increased in size, length, density, traffic, and connectivity [START_REF] Ducruet | The worldwide maritime network of container shipping: Spatial structure and regional dynamics[END_REF].

[Insert Figure 8 about here]

In the 1996 GDL, the ports of Rouen, Montoir (outport of Nantes), and Amsterdam have a appearing at both years: they have in common to act as regional hubs complementing the domination of nearby Busan and Singapore [START_REF] Ducruet | Centrality and vulnerability in liner shipping networks: Revisiting the Northeast Asian port hierarchy[END_REF]. We can also interpret such results by the influence of regional integration in the formation of maritime regions. As Europe becomes more integrated, the distinction between North and South has lost grounds; on a world level, some ports get closer due to continued diffusion of containerization and international trade

growth. Yet, one may wonder whether the evolution of the network followed similar paths since the global financial crisis that started in 2007. We can hypothesize that trade decrease and transport cost increase would result in a weaker network where distance and proximity play an increasing role in the formation of maritime regions.

Conclusion

Looking at port systems and maritime regions through methods of complex network analysis brings interesting results for geography. Based on the assumption that degree centrality (i. The outcomes of this research are important for network studies in general because they confirm the belonging of container shipping to the wider category of complex networks having both scale-free and small-world properties. The emergence of a giant connected component also makes container shipping networks comparable with other networks in biology and sociology. For port and maritime geography, the detour via network analytical methods may contribute to rethinking the traditional definition of port systems and maritime regions as simple alignments of ports along a coastline. The reality is indeed more complex, as port systems emerge at various levels from the local to the global. Further research shall benefit from directly testing the hypotheses raised in this paper about the factors behind the emergence of port systems (i.e. coastal morphology, spatial proximity, trade and carrier preferences, hierarchy and specialisation), although some of them are difficult to measure by simple indicators. In addition, the analysis based on the frequency and traffic weight of links would provide different results than the topological approach resting on binary matrices (presence of absence of links). Researches on systems of cities in urban geography using similar methods would also prove helpful for the study of ports and maritime networks. In terms of policy implications, the identification of tightly connected ports can be a useful guide to address inter-port cooperation guidelines. The identification of bridge ports has also strong implications for ports willing to evaluate their position and specialization in transport and logistics chains.

  ranges than at Mediterranean and East Asian ranges. The North European range from Le Havre to Hamburg and the Asian maritime corridor from Singapore to Japan are classic examples of trade-based port systems. d) Carrier preferences and port selection: although carriers select ports according to trade demand, they also have their own requirements in terms of quality and cost of service at and between ports [14], sometimes causing important deviations from trade routes.

Figure 3

 3 presents the result of the MaxDIS method at k = 4, showing the existence of one interesting subgroup when nodes over degree 4 are removed. The MinDIS method is the opposite: for instance in the same figure, removing nodes having less than five connections would remain only two connected nodes (5 and 6), thus highlighting which nodes dominate the network.

  very interesting bridge role between Western Europe, West Africa (Abidjan, Dakar) and Latin America (Pointe-à-Pitre, Fort de France, Oranjestad), illustrating the heritage of historical linkages. Other examples include Vigo and Tenerife connecting Europe with Peru (Callao) and Brazil (Vitoria) respectively. Long-term trading links between Germany and Brazil complement this Latin proximity by the position of Bremen. The internal composition of maritime regions is also interesting, as we observe for Western Europe a strong connectivity among Scandinavia-Baltic ports recalling the ancient pattern of the Hanseatic League. Several bridge ports are identical in the 2006 GDL, such as Tenerife, Liverpool, Zeebrugge, Vigo, Callao (Lima), Jakarta, and Penang, while some former ones still appear inside maritime regions, such as Thamesport (London), Venice, and Amsterdam. This shows the goodness of the chosen thresholds for comparing different years. Such ports have maintained their long-distance connectivity outside of large hubs. Most of them are also large adjacent coastal cities that lost their central role in shipping networks due to port competition and inner pressures at the port-city interface. This analysis shows that such port cities keep their roles at lower levels of the hierarchy. Other examples of bridge ports include Sines (Portugal) that was the focus of a container hub strategy by Port of Singapore Authority (PSA) since 2004,

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1: Factors in the emergence of port systems

Figure 2 : 21 Figure 3 :

 2213 Figure 2: Degree distribution by graph type, 1996-2006

Figure 4 : 22 Figure 5 :

 4225 Figure 4: The topological decomposition method

Figure 6 :

 6 Figure 6: Illustration of selected MinDIS, 1996-2006

Figure 7 : 25 Figure 8 :

 7258 Figure 7: Illustration of selected MaxDIS

  Ducruet C.,Zaidi F. (2012) Maritime constellations: a complex network approach to shipping and ports, Maritime Policy and Management, 39(2), pp. 151-168 [Special issue on "The Geography of Maritime Transport: Space as a Perspective in Maritime Transport Research"]

  in the GDL and 40-49 in the GAL. Such threshold values are, interestingly, the same than for the MinDIS method. For every graph, the retained values have in common to situate the threshold at about 8-9% of the maximum degree. The proportion of ports contained in the resulting subgroups is 76-73% in the GDL and 56-53% in the GAL.

	Ducruet C., Zaidi F. (2012) Maritime constellations: a complex network approach to shipping and ports, Maritime Policy
	and Management, 39(2), pp. 151-168 [Special issue on "The Geography of Maritime Transport: Space as a Perspective in
	Maritime Transport Research"]
	15-17
	10

  Havre and Felixstowe have in 1996 a forefront position with direct links to Kaohsiung,

	Hong Kong, and Yokohama. In 2006, this pattern is still visible but some changes occurred,
	with more transversal linkages between the two regions. Intermediate hubs and gateways have
	emerged in each region, superseding Le Havre, Piraeus, Felixstowe, Yokohama, and Kobe at

the top of the hierarchy. The bridge role of Mediterranean hubs (e.g. Marsaxlokk, Gioia Tauro, Algeciras, and Valencia) in facilitating East-West flows is clearly underlined in 2006. This is explained by carrier choices and hub strategies because such ports have limited cargo base Ducruet C., Zaidi F. (2012) Maritime constellations: a complex network approach to shipping and ports, Maritime Policy and Management, 39(2), pp. 151-168 [Special issue on "The Geography of Maritime Transport: Space as a Perspective in Maritime Transport Research"]

  Ducruet C.,Zaidi F. (2012) Maritime constellations: a complex network approach to shipping and ports, Maritime Policy and Management, 39(2), pp. 151-168 [Special issue on "The Geography of Maritime Transport: Space as a Perspective in Maritime Transport Research"]

	Many exceptions exist based on long-distance trading links between Western European
	ports and non-European ports (e.g. Portugal/Brazil/Angola, Spain/Brazil, France/West

Africa/Antilles, etc.), thus reflecting other types of proximities based on former colonial ties, shared language and culture. Western European ports often act as bridges between their former colonies through North-South relations, such as the French ports of Rouen

  Ducruet C.,Zaidi F. (2012) Maritime constellations: a complex network approach to shipping and ports, Maritime Policy and Management, 39(2), pp. 151-168 [Special issue on "The Geography of Maritime Transport: Space as a Perspective in Maritime Transport Research"]

  Ducruet C.,Zaidi F. (2012) Maritime constellations: a complex network approach to shipping and ports, Maritime Policy and Management, 39[START_REF] Boccaletti | Complex networks: Structure and dynamics[END_REF], pp. 151-168 [Special issue on "The Geography of Maritime Transport: Space as a Perspective in Maritime Transport Research"] 14 and Guangzhou in China having a long history of maritime trade and a diversified foreland [57]. Conversely, some ports already present in 1996 have become bridge ports, such as Baltimore, Brisbane, and Montevideo. North American ports that did not appear very much in 1996 stand out as important bridges between the Americas and Africa (e.g. Jacksonville, Philadelphia). The central position of Zeebrugge in the giant component clearly corresponds to the map of its overseas connections provided by official sources [58]. Results for the graph of all linkages (GAL) provide a complementary picture. Overall, the giant components form a dominant North Europe -East Asia link. Caribbean and South European ports act as intermediaries in 1996. In 2006 relations are more direct between the two main regions, but some Southern European and Mediterranean ports are now included in the European pole (Ceuta, Algiers, Poti, Ravenna). One common aspect with the GDL is the dominance of Scandinavia-Baltic ports in Europe, together with Dublin and Liverpool. In the Asian region, there is balance between North and South, with Incheon and Surabaya

  Ducruet C.,Zaidi F. (2012) Maritime constellations: a complex network approach to shipping and ports, Maritime Policy and Management, 39[START_REF] Boccaletti | Complex networks: Structure and dynamics[END_REF], pp. 151-168 [Special issue on "The Geography of Maritime Transport: Space as a Perspective in Maritime Transport Research"] 15 important shifts of centrality from Europe to Asia. The study of links among smaller ports offers a somewhat different perspective about the geography of the network. While most subgroups of smaller ports are explained by spatial proximity, we find several exceptions revealing the permanency of specialized long-distance links between Western European ports and their colonies, and some other subgroups simply based on a mix of other logics such as bunkering-related circulations. As smaller ports agglomerate with each other, they form a giant component with a global coverage. Therefore, the connectivity of the global network is maintained even without large hubs, due to the permanency of longstanding links between maritime regions. Bridge ports are often large coastal metropolises having lost their central function in shipping networks to global hubs, but which maintain long-distance trading links. The global network of regional hubs is thus a specific entity corresponding to other logics than sole hierarchy and proximity.

	e.
	number of links to other ports) is a key indicator of the situation of ports in a maritime
	network, topological decomposition appears as a relevant tool to verify the existence of
	coherent subgroups. Relations among largest centrality ports confirm the crucial importance

of the Europe-Asia link, with Singapore as a vital bridge, while this simple scheme was strengthened in recent years by the development of other intermediate hubs (e.g.

Mediterranean). A comparison between different years (1996 and 2006) also underlined