Phonological Profile of Kami, the Tibetan Dialect of Mùlǐ *

Introduction

Kami Tibetan (hereafter Kami) is a variety of Tibetan spoken in Mùlǐ Tibetan Autonomous County 木里藏族自治縣, or <mu li rang skyong rdzong> in Written Tibetan (hereafter WT). This county is part of Liángshān Yí Autonomous Prefecture 涼 山彜族自治州 in Sìchuān Province of the People's Republic of China (PRC).

Established in 1953, Mùlǐ Tibetan Autonomous County is a successor to the semiindependent theocratic kingdom of Mùlǐ (variously, <rmi li> or <rmu le>), ruled by hereditary lama kings of the Tibetan-Buddhist dGe lugs pa tradition. 1 Mùlǐ is one of the religious, cultural, and geopolitical border areas of the Tibetan realm. It is culturally Tibetan, but ethnically and linguistically much less so. Notable ethnic groups residing in Mùlǐ include (linguistic affiliation of the languages they speak is mentioned in brackets):

• Púmǐ 普米 (Qiangic), the ethnic majority and, historically, the ruling elite • Gāmǐ 嘎米 or Kami Tibetans (Tibetan) • Xùmǐ 旭米, or Sùmǔ 粟母, /ʂu 55 -hĩ 55 /, a.k.a. Shǐxīng 史興 (Qiangic)

• Lǐrú 里汝 or Lizu /li 55 -zu 55 /, a.k.a. Ěrsū 爾蘇 (Qiangic) • Nàmùzī 納木玆 /nae 55 -mu 33 -zɿ 31 / (Qiangic) • Nuòsū 诺苏 or Nosu (Northern Yí or Ngwi, Ngwi-Burmese) • Móxiē 摩些 or Moso (unclassified, but held close to Ngwi-Burmese) • South-West Mandarin (Sinitic), presently the lingua franca

The county is historically multilingual. Its languages have been in close contact with each other for a long time in a situation of equilibrium. Until recently, no single language enjoyed special prestige or dominated over other languages. Consequently, language contact is likely to have played an important role in the development of local linguistic varieties.

The Kami people are among the oldest inhabitants of the area. It is estimated that they arrived around 680 AD (Kessler 1986: 20, 46). The self-designation of the group is / L pe/ <bod>.2 "Kami" is a common appellation of the dialect in Mùlǐ. This name stems from the Púmǐ speakers who call the Kami /ka 55 -mə 55 /. 3 The latter term is reportedely an abbreviation of a longer expression for 'helpers', consisting of the verb /kA 55 ku 35 / 'help' and the noun /mə 53 / 'person'. Fearless skillful warriors, the Kami formerly served the ruling Púmǐ elite of Mùlǐ.

PLACE MAP 1 ABOUT HERE Map 1: Location of Kami townships in Mùlǐ

Kami is spoken by approximately 20,000 people who reside in six townships in the northern part of Mùlǐ. From West to East, these townships are: (1) Shuǐluò 水洛 / L ɕo-H lo/, (2) Màirì 麥日, (3) Dōngláng 東朗, (4) Tángyāng 唐央, (5) Bówō 博窩 / L ba-H wu/, (6) Maìdìlóng 麥地龍. 4In Shuǐluò, the Kami reside in the north of the township, with the Xùmǐ and Púmǐ people as their neighbors. The townships of Màirì and Dōngláng are Kami monoethnic. The township of Màidìlóng is Kami and Chinese mixed. The townships of Tángyāng and Bówō are mixed Kami, Nosu, and Chinese. To their north, the Kami border on the Tibetan-speaking counties of the Gānzī 甘孜 <dkar mdzes> Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture (see Map 1). According to my language consultants, the Kami variety of Shuǐluò is mutually intelligible with the Tibetan dialect of Dàochéng 稻城 <'dab pa>.

Kami speakers are by and large trilingual in Kami, Púmǐ, and South-West Mandarin. Púmǐ used to be the lingua franca of the area, a role that is taken over by Mandarin. In my observation, older people use Púmǐ to speak with others whose mother tongue is different, whereas younger speakers use Mandarin for this purpose. In addition, many Kami also speak the languages of the ethnic groups with whom they share a border, i.e. the Shǐxīng language in Shuǐluò, and the Nosu language in Tángyāng and Bówō.

Based on mutual intelligibility, speakers of Kami recognize two sub-dialects of their language: that of Shuǐluò, Màirì, and Dōngláng, on the one hand, and that of Tángyāng, Bówō, and Maìdìlóng, on the other hand. While the precise nature of differences between the two sub-dialects remains to be investigated, it is conceivable that these differences are mainly due to the influence of the languages of the respective ethnic groups, that is, Shǐxīng and Nosu, with which the Kami share a border.

The present work is limited to the sub-dialect of Shuǐluò, Màirì, and Dōngláng, as represented by the speech of Shuǐluò. Overall, Kami is inhomogeneous. This is to say that every single Kami-speaking village has its own variety with distinctive phonological, morphological, and lexical features. My work with four language consultants, all from different villages, reveals a wide array of inter-village variation, ranging from different segmental inventories, different tonal patterns in polysyllabic words, to words traceable to different WT etymons (see §2.2 and further). 5

Kami: Previous Studies, Linguistic Position

Kami was included in the major linguistic survey of China in the 1950s, and it is listed in comprehensive classifications of the Tibetan dialects of the PRC. 6 However, to my knowledge, no linguistic data or analysis of Kami have ever been released. whereas the second syllable means 'valley', i.e. 'valleys of the Shu people' (Mùlǐ Gazetteers 1995: 133). The name for Màirì derives from the Tibetan word for 'sulfer', <mu zi>, which used to be produced in the area (Mùlǐ Gazetteers 1995: 154). According to Mùlǐ Gazetteers (1995: 153), "Dōngláng" stands for 'spirit of the tiger'. However, given the Chinese transliteration of the name, it appears to rather derive from <dom bla ma?> 'spirit of the bear'. "Tángyāng" comes from an ealier "同窩" tóngwō, meaning 'plain, flatlands', WT <thang pa> (Mùlǐ Gazetteers 1995: 155). "Bówō" allegedly comes from the word for 'wine jug', given the elongated shape of this township (Mùlǐ Gazetteers 1995: 156). The Tibetan etymology of this word is unclear to me. Finally, "Màidìlóng" means 'valley of Muti Konka', <mu ti(g) rong> (Mùlǐ Gazetteers 1995: 157). Muti Konka (麥地貢嘎, <mu ti(g) gangs dkar>) is a mountain at the border of Mùlǐ and Jiǔlóng counties. 5 An example of a word that is traceable to different WT etymons in different villages is 'rust': / H tsɔ/ <gtsa'> for my main consultant vs. / H zɔ/ <g.ya> for my other consultants. 6 These comprehensive classifications include Gésāng (1964), andQú and[START_REF] Ǎitáng | Zàngyǔ fāngyán de yánjiū fāngfǎ 藏 語方言的研究方法 [Methods in the study of the Tibetan dialects]. Xīnán Mínyuàn Xuébào 《西南民院學報》[END_REF]. Curiously, Kami is no longer included in the later revised edition of Gésāng (1964), e.g. Gésāng and Gésāng (2002). Neither is it incorporated in the detailed classification in Zhāng (1993).

In Gésāng (1964), Kami belongs to the southern cluster of Kham dialects. Besides Kami, this cluster comprises a large number of dialects, including the dialects of Gānzī Prefecture, the dialects of Díqìng 迪慶 <bde chen> Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Yúnnán Province, and some dialects of Chāngdū 昌都 <chab mdo> Prefecture in Tibet. Bātáng 巴塘 Tibetan <'ba' thang> is held to be representative of this cluster. Hence, references to this dialect, both in terms of data and analysis thereof (Gésāng 1989, Dài andHuáng 1991) will be made throughout the present article.

The southern Kham cluster in Gésāng (1964) corresponds to two distinct clusters in the classification of [START_REF] Ǎitáng | Zàngyǔ fāngyán de yánjiū fāngfǎ 藏 語方言的研究方法 [Methods in the study of the Tibetan dialects]. Xīnán Mínyuàn Xuébào 《西南民院學報》[END_REF]. These clusters are (1) Eastern (including the dialects of Gānzī Prefecture and those of Chāngdū Prefecture), and (2) Southern (including Kami and the dialects of Díqìng Prefecture). The criteria underlying this classification are supposedly more fine-grained than those in Gésāng (1964), hence yielding a more detailed classification scheme. Unfortunately, as far as I am aware, the precise combination of features underlying either of these two clusters has never been made explicit.

Overall, Kami fits well into the "Kham-profile" in that it combines a number of features that are held to be distinctive of this group, as outlined in Hú (1991: 191-198), [START_REF] Jìchuān | Zàngyǔ fāngyán fēnlèi guǎnjiàn 藏語方言分類管見 [Opinions on the classification of Tibetan dialects]. Mínzú Yǔwén Lùnwénjí 《民 族語文論文集》[END_REF]Gésāng andGésāng (2002: 72-91). 7 The ensuing description and discussion are built against the background of the best-recorded Kham dialects Bātáng and Dégé 德格 <sde dge>, and the documented dialects of Díqìng Prefecture: Zhōngdiàn 中甸 <rgyal thang> [START_REF] Shàozūn | Zàngyǔ Zhōngdiànhuà de yǔyīn tèdiǎn 藏語中甸話的語音特 點 [Phonological characteristics of rGyal-thang Tibetan[END_REF], Wáng 1996[START_REF] Hongladarom | Rgyalthang Tibetan of Yunnan: A preliminary report[END_REF] and Dōngwàng 東旺 <gtor ba rong> or <rter ma rung> (Bartee, this volume). This procedure, I argue, enables us to (1) situate Kami in a broader regional context, (2) test the assumption that Kami forms one cluster with dialects of Díqìng Prefecture, and finally, (3) detect possible non-Tibetan, idiosynchronic features of Kami to be potentially interpreted as indicative of contact-induced areal phenomena.

Data Sources and Structure of the Article

The phonological and lexical study of Kami is based on materials I collected during several field trips. I started working on Kami in 2006, in connection with my ongoing work on the Shǐxīng language, with which Kami is in close contact. As my original motivation was essentially to gather supporting data for my study of Shǐxīng, I limited myself to the Kami variety of Shuǐluò. I continued working on Kami in 2008 and 2009 and have so far worked with four speakers: three male, all in their 50s, and one female, in her 40s. The present study is essentially based on my work in 2009 with the language consultant with whom I had the opportunity to work the longest of all consultants, and whose speech, accidentally, maintains more segmental phonemic distinctions than any of the three other consultants: Mr. Yáng Lǔróng Túdīng 楊魯絨圖丁 from the Qílā village (hereafter, the main consultant). His full name (including the house name, see §4.1.1) is / L tɕʰi-H ra H ja-L lɔ̃ H lu-H zũ L tʰu-H dĩ/ <blo bzang stobs ldan>. Essential phonological differences between consultants are commented upon throughout the text.

The article is organized as follows. Section 1 is this introduction. Section 2 outlines synchronic Kami phonology. Section 3 traces the origins and developments of this phonological system from Old Tibetan (hereafter OT). The sound system of OT essentially refers to the phonological system underlying traditional Tibetan orthography, which for the most part can be recovered through a comparison of the modern dialectal reflexes of the orthographic forms. Section 4 comments on the idiosyncratic (as seen from Tibetan dialects) lexical and structural features of Kami. Section 5 provides a summary discussion. I conclude this article with an English-Kami word list of approximately 1,500 common words (from my main consultant).

Synchronic Phonology

Syllable Structure and Word Structure

The canonical Kami syllable minimally consists of an obligatory vowel and a tone. It may also contain up to three optional elements, in the following linear structure: (C)(C)V(V), where C stands for consonant, V stands for vowel, the two vowel-symbolnotation stands for diphthong, and parantheses indicate optional constituents. The only possible initial consonant clusters are prenasalized voiced stops and affricates and the cluster /ɦj/. Vowel-initial words are usually preceded by a non-phonemic glottal stop.

V / L ɔ/ 'to come' VV / L ue/ 'light, rays' CV / L du/ 'stone' CVV / H pʰɔ-H dui/ 'blister' CCV / L Ndə/ 'to exist; to reside; to sit', / H ɦjɔ/ 'god, Buddha' CCVV / H Nduẽ/ 'to recite, to chant' Table 1. Kami syllable structure Similar to its linguistic neighbors, Kami is phonologically monosyllabic with a strong tendency towards disyllabicity in its lexicon. In the surveyed sample of approximately 2,000 lexical items, 27 percent of words are monosyllabic, over 65 percent are disyllabic, and the remainder are trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic. Trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic words tend to be made up of compounds, e.g. / L ɲɔ-L go-H wã/ 'roe of fish' (< / L ɲɔ/ 'fish', / L go-H wã/ 'egg'), / L dʒa-H ɣɛ L xu-L wɔ/ 'traditional Tibetan hat' (> / L dʒa-H ɣɛ/ 'India', / L xu-H wɔ/ 'hat'). A handful of trisyllabic words are also monomorphemic, e.g. / H lɔ-H Nbu-H tɕʰi/ 'elephant', / H ʃa-H bu-H lo/ 'beige, light blue-grey'. The disyllabic word is the domain of a number of irregular phonological processes, including spirantization, voicing (which is at times accompanied by spirantization), and resyllabification (see §3.4 for discussion and exemplification). These processes target the initial of a second syllable, resulting in slightly different segmental inventories in the first and the second syllable of the word.

Initials

Kami Tibetan has an elaborate onset system, which comprises forty-seven simple initial consonants and eight complex initials.

Simple Initials

Consonant phonemes in Kami represent seven distinct places of articulation and six distinctive manners of articulation. The consonant phonemes are listed in Table 2 according to place and manner of articulation (/r/ is phonetically [ɹ] or [ʐ], in free variation). All phonemes may appear both in the word-initial and in the second-syllable-initial position, with the exception of /r̥ /, which is restricted to the second-syllable-initial position. This phoneme tentatively results from word-internal mutation, involving rhotacism (see §3.4). The remainder of this section discusses Kami consonant phonemes by place of articulation.

( Kami exhibits a typologically unusual opposition between the palato-alveolar and the alveo-palatal places of articulation for affricates and fricatives. This opposition has been argued to be not optimal in terms of maitaining sufficient perceptual contrast and therefore, if not altogether impossible, then in the least, highly marked (Hall 1997: 66-70). 8 This opposition in Kami is mostly constrained to the environment before non-high non-front vowels, whereas the two series are not distinguished between front vowels. In addition, before the schwa, the contrast between two series may variously be present (for the initials /tʃʰ/ and /tɕʰ/) or neutralized (for the initials /tʃ/ and /tɕ/). Consider some examples (also as contrasted with retroflex affricates): / H tʂə/ 'knife; to wash; to write' / L tʃɔ/ 'wall' (no contrast with / L tɕɔ/)

/ L tʂɔ/ 'cold' / L dʒɔ/ (no contrast with / L dʑɔ/) 9 'bowels' / L dʐɔ/ 'village'

(3) Fricatives 8 Among Tibetan dialects, the same opposition is also attested in Báimǎ (Zhāng 1994a, 1994b, 1997[START_REF] Bùfán | Báimǎhuà zhīshǔ wèntí yánjiū 白馬話支屬問題研究 [A study of the genetic affiliation of Báimǎ[END_REF]. The respective OT origins of palato-alveolar and alveo-palatal phonemes in Kami and Báimǎ are, however, distinct. The OT origins of these phonemes in Kami are discussed in §3. Báimǎ palato-alveolar affricates mostly develop from the original OT palato-alveolar affricates, whereas Báimǎ alveo-palatal affricates mostly develop from OT Ky-and Kr-clusters. (Capital K-and P-stand for velar and labial stop consonants, respectively.) 9 There is, however, a prenasalized cluster with this phoneme, i.e. / H Ndʑɔ/ 'Moso, Na people'. In other instances (when followed by non-high non-front vowels), the word-initial voiced fricative is distinctly uvular, [ʁ], e.g. [ H ʁɔ] 'rainbow'. In the absence of minimal pairs in my corpus, velar and uvular fricatives can in principle be treated as allophic phonemes.

Nonetheless, I argue that uvular allophones deserve a special note, given that (1) uvular phonemes are infrequent in Tibean dialects, and (2) in Kami, the OT origins of uvular phonemes are distinct from those of velar phonemes. For this reason, I keep velar and uvular allophones distinct in transcriptions, transcribing them as perceived. For example:

/ L a-H xə/ 'uncle' / L ra-H ɣə/ 'sheepfold, pen; downstairs' / H χɔ/ 'to slaughter' / H ʁɔ/ 'rainbow'

The glottal voiceless fricative is infrequent and occurs for the most part in the secondsyllable-initial position, where, in some instances, it appears to derive from the lenition of /pʰ/ (see §3.4.1 for further discussion). For example:

/ H hɔ-L ku/ 'to understand' / H hu-H tʰa/ 'diligent, conscientious' / L pʰu-H ha/ 'boar, male pig' (</pʰu-/ (bound root) 'male', / H pʰa/ 'pig')

The dental, the palato-alveolar and the alveo-palatal voiceless fricatives are further distinguished by aspiration, viz. /s/ vs. /sʰ/, /ʃ/ vs. /ʃʰ/ and /ɕ/ vs. /ɕʰ/. For example:

10 Some words with the initial /z/ in the speech of my main consultant are pronounced with the initial /dz/ by my other consultants. For example: 'shoes, boots': main consultant / L za-H ku/, other consultants: / L dza-H ku/.

11 In fact, in the latter position, velar fricatives are the lenited allophones of the velar stops, e.g. / H sʰo-H xɔ/ 'thatched house' (< / H sʰo/ 'straw', / H kʰɔ/ 'house'), / L du-H ɣɛ/ 'white stone' (< / L du/ 'stone', / L ka-H kɛ/ 'white'), see §3.4.1-2 for discussion. / L sa-H mɔ/ 'edibles' / L sʰa-H mɔ/ 'nail, fingernail' / L ʃa-H mɔ/ 'hen' / L ʃʰa-H mɔ/ 'broom' / H ɕi/ 'louse' / H ɕʰi/ 'to know (to do smth), to be able' Similar to affricates, Kami fricatives exhibit a typologically unusual contrast between the palato-alveolar and the alveo-palatal places of articulation. Also similar to affricates, this contrast is essentially maintained before non-high non-front vowels (and also before the schwa in the case of /ʑ/ and /ʒ/), whereas it is neutralized before the high front vowel /i/.

For example: The typologically infrequent opposition between palato-alveolar and alveo-palatal affricates and fricatives has been attested only in the speech of my main consultant. In the speech of the remaining three consultants, words with palato-alveolar affricates in the speech of my main consultant are pronounced with alveo-palatal affricates; whereas words with palato-alveolar fricatives in the speech of my main consultant are rendered as dental fricatives in the speech of my other consultants. For example:

'dog': main consultant: / H tʃʰə/, other consultants: / H tɕʰə/ 'bird, chicken': main consultant: / L ʃɔ/, other consultants: / L sɔ/

Two exceptions to this generalization can be noted: 'sour' and 'wolf'. In the speech of my main consultant, these words are pronounced with a palato-alveolar voiceless fricative initial: / H ʃu-H kua/ and / H ʃɔ/, respectively. Instead of having an otherwise regular correspondence with the voiceless dental fricative, these words in the speech of my other consultants feature a distinct initial phoneme, /ʂ/, i.e. / H ʂu-H kua/ 'sour' and / H ʂɔ/ 'wolf'.

The elimination of the palato-alveolar series in the speech of other consultants and the inclusion of a new retroflex phoneme brings the inventory of consonantal phonemes in their speech to a total of 42, as summarized in

Complex Initials

Kami complex initials are prenasalized consonants and the cluster /ɦj/. Only voiced stops and affricates may be prenasalized. 13 The prenasalized initials are seven voiced compound initials beginning with a homorganic nasal (here notated as "N"):

Nb Nd Ndz Ndʐ Ndʒ Ndʑ Ng
Prenasalization is contrastive, as evidenced by the (near) minimal pairs below:

/ H bɔ/ 'thick, rough, coarse' / H Nbɔ/ 'large bamboo basket' / H dɛ/ 'to brush; to whet (a knife)' / H Ndɛ/ 'to shiver, to tremble' / L dzui/ 'to herd, to drive (animals)' / L Ndzui/ 'finger' / L dʐɔ/ 'village' / L Ndʐɔ/ 'to have one's fill' 12 Voiceless nasals in Shǐxīng [START_REF] Chirkova | Approaching the prosodic system of Shǐxīng[END_REF] and in Dōngwàng (Bartee, this volume) appear to have similar phonetic values.

13

I note, however, one exception with a prenasalized voiceless aspirated stop: / H ta-H Ntʰui/ [ H ta-H n̥ tʰui] 'reins'. / L dʒɔ/ 'intestines, bowels' / L Ndʒu/ 'quick' / H dʑi/ 'heavy' / L Ndʑi/ 'penis' / H gu/ 'door' / H Ngu/ 'head'

The cluster /ɦj/ occurs infrequently, e.g. / H ɦjɔ/ 'god, Buddha', / H ɦjã/ 'shoe', / L ja-H ɦjɔ/ 'tool, instrument', / H ma-L ɦjũ/ 'to drop, to fall'.

Seen in the context of Kham dialects [START_REF] Jìchuān | Zàngyǔ fāngyán fēnlèi guǎnjiàn 藏語方言分類管見 [Opinions on the classification of Tibetan dialects]. Mínzú Yǔwén Lùnwénjí 《民 族語文論文集》[END_REF]Hú 1991: 191-198;Gésāng and Gésāng 2002: 73-82), Kami consonant phonemes for the most part conform to the characteristic tendencies displayed by the group, namely: (1) stops, affricates, fricatives, and nasals all contrast in voicing; (2) voiceless stops, affricates and fricatives also contrast in aspiration (with the exception of /x˜χ/); (3) consonant clusters are by and large restricted to prenasalized clusters (in Kami, with an additional cluster /ɦj/).

On a more erratic side, Kami (1) has a large number of consonantal phonemes, (2) exhibits the typologically unusual opposition between the palato-alveolar and the alveopalatal places of articulation, and (3) has rather unusual uvular allophones of velar fricatives.

Rhymes

Kami has ten oral vowel phonemes, six nasal vowel phonemes, and five diphthongs (including one nasal diphthong, viz. /uẽ/), in all 21 finals. The vowel phonemes are charted in Table 4. Of the above phonemes, /a/, /i/, /u/, /ɔ/ and /ue/ have been attested in the wordinitial position. Oral, nasal and diphthong phonemes in Kami are discussed presently.

(

1) Oral vowels

The phoneme /ɔ/ has two allophonic realizations in free variation /ɔ/ and /ɑɔ/, respectively. /o/ is phonetically [ou], /ɯ/ is phonetically [ɯˠ], and /ɤ/ is phonetically [ɤʷ].

Close and close-mid back vowels contrast in rounding, i.e. /u/ vs. /ɯ/, and /o/ vs. /ɤ/. For example: /u/: / H tu/ 'to cut off', / L du/ 'stone', / H ku/ 'to carve, to engrave', / H su/ 'tooth' /ɯ/: / L tɯ/ 'poison', / L dɯ/ 'to poke, to stab', / L Ngu H kɯ/ 'to nod', / L sɯ/ 'to bark' /o/: / H to/ 'to be hungry', / L tʰa-H ko/ 'vertical', / H so/ 'fate' /ɤ/: / H tʰɤ/ 'fireplace, stove, hearth', / H kɤ/ 'to cover', / H sɤ/ 'shallow'

The mid vowels contrast two degrees of vowel height: /e/ vs /ɛ/ and /o/ vs /ɔ/, as in the following examples: /e/: / L te/ 'to drive away, to chase', / H de/ 'plate', / H ke/ 'voice', / H se/ 'to kill' /ɛ/: / L tɛ/ 'flag; to win', / H dɛ/ 'to rub, to smear', / H kɛ/ 'fat (meat)', / H sɛ-H wɔ/ 'new' /o/: / H to/ 'to be hungry', / L tʰa-H ko/ 'vertical', / H so/ 'fate' /ɔ/: / H tɔ/ 'horse', / L Ndɔ/ 'arrow', / H kɔ/ 'gutter; pillar', / L ʒɯ-H sɔ/ 'widow'

Here are examples of the remaining oral vowel phonemes: /i/: / L tɕi/ 'steelyard', / H di/ 'cooking pot', / H ki/ 'thread', / H si/ 'bright' /ə/: / L pə-H tə/ 'calf', / L Ndə/ 'to be; to sit; to dwell', / L ɕi-L kə-H rə/ 'fine', / L sə-H pɔ/ 'belly' /a/: / H ta/ 'tiger; mark', / L da/ 'to lick', / H ka ( H tɕi)/ '(one) cent', / H sa/ 'to burn; hot'

(2) Nasal vowels

The phoneme /ũ/ is infrequent. /ã/ is phonetically [ɑ]. Consider the following examples of nasal vowels: /ĩ/: / H tĩ/ 'above', / H dĩ/ 'to fly', / H ɕĩ/ 'wood' /ẽ/: / H tẽ/ 'cover, quilt', / H dẽ/ 'seven', / H kẽ/ 'to chase after', / H sẽ/ 'to breast-feed' /ã/: / L tã/ 'tense', / H dã/ 'to tie up, to bind up', / L jei-H kã/ 'difficult, hard', / H sã/ 'otter' /ɯ/: / H tʰɯ/ 'to drink', / L dɯ/ 'to hit', / H kɯ/ 'to hide something', / L a-H sɯ/ 'aunt' /ũ/: / H dũ/ 'weed, grass', / H sũ/ 'three' /ɔ/: / L tɔ/ 'bear', / H dɔ/ 'face', / H kɔ/ 'foot', / H sɔ/ 'hemp'

(3) Diphthongs

In terms of relative sonority of the two sounds involved, Kami diphthongs distinguish between (1) two falling (or descending) diphthongs, namely /ei/ (/ej/) and /ui/ (/uj/), and (2) three rising (or ascending) diphthongs, namely /ue/ (/we/), /uẽ/ (/wẽ/), /ua/ (/wa/).

The diphthong /ua/ co-occurs only with velar stops, e.g. / L gua-H ʃu/ 'yak', / L kʰua-H la/ '(wooden) basin', the suffix /kua/ in some adjectives, e.g. / L sa-H kua/ 'hard'. Marginally, there is also the diphthong /ie/, attested in a handful of words, e.g. Hú 1991: 192;Qú 1991: 7, 16, 88-89;Zhāng 1993: 303-304;Gésāng and Gésāng 2002: 76-79), Kami vowel inventory again confirms most features that are held as characteristic of the Kham group. In its more extended system (that of my main consultant), Kami has five vowels (/a, i, u, e, o/). It also has many innovative vowels (e.g. /ɛ/ and /ə/) and many diphthongs. Vowel length is not contrastive in this dialect.

On a more erratic side, unlike many Kham dialects (e.g. Gésāng and Gésāng 2002: 77), Kami does not distinguish between the front and back vowels a: /a/ vs. /ɑ/. Furthermore, Kami has an unusually large inventory of vowel phonemenes. In addition, a striking feature of this dialect is that it does not have the phonemic glottal stop in the coda position.

Tone and Prosodic Organization

Kami has a simple tonal system, contrasting two tones in monosyllabic words: High vs. Low. 14 This robust opposition is confirmed in the speech of all language consultants. The precise phonetic values of the tones, on the other hand, vary among the consultants. The opposition is (i) between a low rising (13) and a high level tone (55) in the speech of my main consultant, (ii) between a low rising (13) and a high falling tone (53) in the speech of two other consultants, and (iii) between a mid-level (33) and a high falling tone (53) in the speech of the remaining consultant. The binary contrast is here treated as the register opposition, notationally, /L/ vs. /H/. 15 Consider these examples: 14 In addition a small number of monosyllabic roots with voiced initials have unstable tones, e.g. / L ɲue˜Hɲ ue/ 'two', / L dẽ˜Hdẽ/ 'seven' (to be further discussed in §3.3). 15 In many Tibetan dialects, when uttered in isolation, low-register syllables are characteristized by a rise in pitch, whereas high-register syllables are characterized by a fall in pitch (Sun 1997: 491, 499). Low register roots and words in Kami are here analyzed as combining a lexical low tone and a boundary H tone, added post-lexically. The addition of post-lexical H tone stems from the prohibition of all L-words in this / L gu/ 'to kneel' / H gu/ 'to divide, to split' / L tɯ/ 'poison' / H tɯ/ 'to spurt, to spray' / L tʂa/ 'precipile, cliff' / H tʂa/ 'to fear, to be afraid of' / L ɕĩ/ 'field, land' / H ɕĩ/ 'wood, tree' / L ɲi/ 'fire' / H ɲi/ 'eye'

In lexical words of over one syllable, three tonal patterns are attested. The same threeway distinction in tone patterns is also attested in noun-noun, noun-adjective, and verbobject compounds. The tonal contrasts can be any of the three possibilities: 16

(1) H tone on all syllables (/H-…-H/), e.g. / H pʰa H χɔ/ 'to slaughter a pig', / H ti-H dʐi/ 'wine pot', / H ʃa-H bu-H lo/ 'beige, light blue-grey'

(2) a sequence of L tones on all syllables up to the penultimate and H on the last syllable (/L-…-H/), e.g. / L pʰa-H χɔ/ 'pork', / L pʰa-H gue/ 'wild pig', / L ti-H dʐi/ 'cigarette', / L tɛ-L se-H ɕĩ/ 'mulberry tree'

(3) a sequence of H tone on the first syllable and L on all following syllables (/H-…-L/), e.g. / H pʰa-L χɔ/ 'to slaughter', / H pʰa-L gue/ 'to turn one's head, to turn round', / H pi-L tɔ-L so/ 'log raft'

Overall in Tibetan, as argued by Sun (1997: 489), the primary register contrast is borne by the word-initial syllable, whereas tone is neutralized on all remaining syllables. Kami appears to partially conform to this generalization. The tonal pattern of at least some polysyllabic words can be analyzed as conditioned by the lexical tone of the first syllable.

If the tone of the first syllable is /H/, the tone of all following syllables will also be H. If the tone of the first syllable is /L/, the tone of all following syllables will also be L. In addition, in the latter case, the final syllable of the polysyllabic domain will carry the post-lexical H tone.17 Here are some examples:

language. On monosyllabic words with /L/ tone, both the lexical L tone and the boundary H tone crowd on the only syllable there is, e.g. / L ɲi/ 'fire'. On words and compounds of two syllables or more, the boundary tone is assigned to the final syllable of the word, e.g. / L ɲi H Nbɛ/ 'to catch fire, to be on fire' (< / L ɲi/ 'fire', / L Nbɛ/ 'to catch'). 16 An additional observation is that compounds of over two syllables often have one of the three tonal patterns on the leftmost two syllables. The remaining syllables lose their tones and are treated here as extrametrical syllables. Phonetically, these syllables are realized on a low pitch. For example, / Furthermore, the analysis of the tonal pattern in polysyllabic domains as conditioned by the tone of the word-initial syllable falls short of explaining the origin of the third tonal pattern, viz. /H-L/. This tonal pattern by and large occurs on disyllabic verbs (formed with a directional prefix) and verb-object compounds. If the contrastive tonal patterns on polysyllabic domains were directly related to the two lexical tones, disyllabic verbs formed with directional prefixes would exhibit two distinct tonal patterns, correlated with the two contrastive lexical tones of the verb roots, with the surface tones of toneless verbal prefixes conditioned by the lexical tone of the verb root. (Kami verbal prefixes are here analyzed as lexically unspecified for tone, as elsewhere in Tibetan.) This is, however, not the case, as the tonal pattern of disyllabic verbs in the speech of my main consultant is in most instances /H-L/, irrespective of the lexical tone of the root. 18 For example:

/ H tʰẽ/ 'to pull' / L ʁa/ 'to put, to place' / H ja-L tʰẽ/ 'to pull up' / H ja-L ʁa/ 'to put upward' / H ma-L tʰẽ/ 'to pull down' / H ma-L ʁa/ 'to put down' / H tsʰa-L tʰẽ/ 'to pull towards oneself' / H tsʰa-L ʁa/ 'to put near oneself' / H pʰa-L tʰẽ/ 'to pull away from oneself' / H pʰa-L ʁa/ 'to put away from oneself'

Altogether, I note that in verbs formed through prefixation, the syllables carrying /L/ tone differ from those carrying /H/ tone in prominence (duration and intensity) in that the syllable carrying /H/ tone is longer and louder than the syllable with /L/ tone in the same word. The distinction in prominence is here taken as indication of the stressed status of the syllable carrying the H tone and the unstressed status of the toneless prefixes carrying the phonological L tone.

To account for these observations, I propose to analyse the prosodic organization of Kami as combining (1) a word-tone system, whereby the primary register contrast is conditioned by the tone of the word-initial syllable, as widespread in Tibetan dialects, with (2) a system of stress accent, iambic, or right-prominent on nominal constructions, and trochaic, or left prominent on verbal constructions, with some instances of lexically marked stress placement. 19Seen in an areal context, the prosodic system of Kami is similar to those of neighboring Qiangic languages, all of which, to a different extent, combine a tone system with a stress system. The prosodic system of Kami is particularly close to that of its immediate geographic neighbor Shǐxīng [START_REF] Chirkova | Approaching the prosodic system of Shǐxīng[END_REF]. The important dissimilarity between the two languages is the location of stress, which is domain-initial in Shǐxīng and variable in Kami, depending on the syntactic organization of the expression.

Seen against the background of Kham dialects, Kami has a rather impoverished tonal system. For example, Bātáng has been described as having four tones on monosyllables, namely (i) high even (high long, 55), (ii) high falling (high short, 53), (iii) low rising (low long, 13), (iv) low rising-falling (low short, 23), and (v) an additional light tone (11) on extrametrical syllables (Gésāng 1989: 350-351). 20 A similar tonal system with four contrastive tones on monosyllables, contrasting two level and two contour tones, has also been proposed by Gésāng and Gésāng (2002: 107-110) for Dégé. However, Häsler (1999: 29) reports that in her acoustic study of the tones in the Dégé dialect, she was unable to identify contour differences between the four tones as suggested in the Chinese literature. She furthermore suggests that the distinctive features of the prosodic organization of Dégé are rather syllable length and two register tones, High and Low. The same analysis in terms of syllable length and register distinction is also likely to be applicable to the prosodic organization of Bātáng. In this context, the two conspicuous features of the prosodic organization of Kami are (1) the absence of contrastive length, and (2) the presence of a stress-based system.

Phonological History

This section presents a phonological history of Kami recovered through a comparison with the phonological structure of OT.

Similar to other Kham dialects, the extremely complicated syllable structure of OT, viz. (b)(Cp)C(M)V(C)(s/d), is depleted to evolve in Kami into a simpler syllable structure of the (C)(C)V(V) type. 21 The major developments include gradual disappearance of both prefixal consonants and consonantal codas (conceivably, through the processes of weakening and assimilation, that are likely to have proceded through the consecutive stages of devoicing, spirantization, loss of obstruency, and attrition). The elision of prefixal consonants led to the development of high tone, whereas the 20 For example: /ka 55 / <ka ba> 'pillar', /kaʔ 53 / <bkag> 'to hinder', /ka 13 / <gar> 'where', <gag> /kaʔ 23 / 'to obstract, to hinder' (Gésāng 1989: 350-352, 354-356). 21 Within the OT syllable canon, (b)(Cp)C(M)V(C)(s/d), according to convention, I distinguish between the following phonological slots: Cp: prefixal consonants, g-, d-, b-, r-, l-, s-, n-(WT a-chung), of which r-, land s-can further be combined with the pre-prefixal consonant b-; C: root initial, which can be filled by any WT consonant; M: medials -w-, -y-and -r-; V: nucleus vowel, which may be filled by any WT vowel; C: consonantal codas, -b, -d, -g, -m, -n, -ŋ, -r, -l, -s; of which grave consonants may further combine with -s, and coronal consonants may further combine with -d. Overall, the development of OT consonantal clusters in the prefixal position (i.e. bCp-) and in the coda position (i.e. -Cs/d) in Kami is that of a simple consonantal prefix and a simple consonantal coda, respectively. For example, <brgya> 'hundred' / H dʒɔ/ vs. <rgya> / H dʒɔ/; <bzang> / H zɔ/ 'good' vs. <zangs> / L sɔ/ 'copper'. For this reason, OT consonantal clusters in the prefixal position and in the coda position need not concern us.

disappearance of consonantal codas led to the development of innovative vowels and diphthongs.

One inevitable consequence of the drastic simplification of the OT syllable canon is extensive homophony in Kami monosyllabic words. For example, the words / H tsɯ/ and / H tʂi/ have three distinct meaning each. / H tsɯ/: (1) 'top of the head', <gtsug>; (2) 'to stick, to set a plant in the ground; to stab', <btsugs>; (3) 'to squat', <tsog?>. / H tʂi/ (1) 'monkey', <spre'u>, (2) 'to ask', <'dri>, (3) 'to wrap around', <dkri>.

History of Kami Onsets

The main developments of OT onsets are conditioned by the presence or absence of OT prefixes. Unprefixed voiceless stops and affricates remain unchanged and high-toned, whereas unprefixed voiceless fricatives become high toned and aspirated. Unprefixed voiced obstruents become devoiced and low-toned.

The major trend for root initials with oral prefixal consonants (g-, d-, b-, r-, l-, s-) is their disappearance, irrespective of their voicing or of that of the root initial. In addition, the dental spirant prefix s-conditions the development of voiceless reflexes of nasal initials. Before being elided, the prefixes acted as a buffer against devoicing of the following root initials, yielding modern voiced obstruents and sonorants. Nasal prefixal consonants (m-and n-), on the other hand, mostly give rise to modern prenasalized clusters. Altogether, these are common Kham developments, e.g. Hú (1991: 191-198), [START_REF] Jìchuān | Zàngyǔ fāngyán fēnlèi guǎnjiàn 藏語方言分類管見 [Opinions on the classification of Tibetan dialects]. Mínzú Yǔwén Lùnwénjí 《民 族語文論文集》[END_REF]Gésāng andGésāng (2002: 72-91). (A summary table of Kami initial consonants and their OT origins is provided in Appendix 1.)

OT Simple Initials

OT Obstruents

OT obstruents include bilabial, dental, velar, and glottal stops; dental and palato-alveolar affricates, and dental, palato-alveolar, and glottal fricatives.

OT syllables with a glottal stop onset (corresponding to syllables with the a-chung and a-chen as their base in WT, e.g. Beyer 1992: 57, footnote 3) are realized as vowelinitial syllables in Kami, preceded by a non-phonemic glottal stop, unmarked in the transcriptions. For example:

<a ma> / H a-H mɔ/ 'mother' <'o ma> / L u-H ɔ/ 'milk' (1

) Stops and affricates

The place of articulation of OT stops and affricates remains unchanged in Kami. Unprefixed voiceless stops and affricates remain unchanged and high-toned, whereas unprefixed voiced obstruents become devoiced and low-toned. In addition, the OT initial dz-at times develops into /z/ in Kami, e.g. <rdza ma> / L za-H ɔ/ 'clay baking pot', <rdzi ma> / L zə-H ɔ/ 'eyebrow; eyelash'. <ja> / L tɕɔ/ 'tea' <ljid> / H dʑi/ 'heavy' <lcags> / H tɕa/ 'iron' <bcu> / H tɕə/ 'to scoop up, to ladle out' <cha> / H tɕʰɔ/ 'pair'

(2) Fricatives

The OT unprefixed voiceless dental fricative becomes aspirated in Kami, whereas its voiced counterpart, z-, becomes devoiced. Prefixed dental fricatives preserve the original quality of the root initial (in terms of voicing and aspiration) and become high-toned. Consider some relevant Kami examples: <zag> / L sa/ 'to shed (tears)' <bzi> / L zə/ 'to be drunk' <sa> / H sʰɔ/ 'earth, land' <bsad> / H se/ 'to kill' Some exceptions to this altogether pervasive change include <so> / H su/ 'tooth' and <so ma> / H sɔ/ 'hemp'.

The development of OT palato-alveolar fricatives is extremely variegated among Kham dialects, with at least two distinct paths of development (in all cases, prefixed OT fricatives preserve the original voicing and aspiration quality of the initial):

(1) velar fricatives, as in Dégé (Häsler 1999: 33, 38) and Bātáng (Gésāng 1989: 339) (2) retroflex fricatives, as in dialects of Díqìng Prefecture, represented here by Zhōngdiàn [START_REF] Shàozūn | Zàngyǔ Zhōngdiànhuà de yǔyīn tèdiǎn 藏語中甸話的語音特 點 [Phonological characteristics of rGyal-thang Tibetan[END_REF], Wáng 1996, Hongladarom 1996), and Dōngwàng (Bartee, this volume) In both cases, the development may be complicated by the process of palatalization of the initial before the original OT high front vowels or before modern front vowels. This process may be phonologically conditioned, as is the case in some Dégé dialects that have fronted and palatalized allophone phonemes before high vowels, and velarized allophone phonemes before back vowels (Häsler 1999: 15-16;Gésāng and Gésāng 2002: 97). Alternatively, such a split may be phonemicized, as in Zhongu Tibetan 熱務溝 <zho ngu> (Sun 2003: 782). In this dialect, OT palato-alveolar spirants turne into retroflexes in most phonological environments, except before modern front vowels, where they remain palato-alveolar.

The developments of OT palato-alveolar fricatives in Kami are characterized by a similar phonemic split, which turns the original OT palato-alveolar fricatives into alveopalatal fricatives before the original OT high front vowels and into uvular fricatives elsewhere. Notably, in the latter environment, viz. before non-high non-front vowels, Kami reflexes of OT voiceless aspirated palato-alveolar fricatives are identical to those of OT voiceless plain palato-alveolar fricatives. In addition, the ongoing process of palatalization before modern front vowels continues to transform some words with uvular initials into those with alveo-palatal or velar initials. For example: <bshad> / H ɕe/ 'to speak', <shad> / H ɕe/ 'to comb', <bzhar> / L ɣɛ/, [ L ɣɛ]~[ L ʁɛ] 'to shave'. 22 For example: <zhim> / L ɕẽ/ 'tasty, delicious' <bzhi> / H ʑə/ 'four' <shi> / H ɕʰə/ 'to die'

23 <zho> / L xu/, [ L xu]~[ L χu] 'yoghurt' <gzhu> / H ʁə/, [ H ʁə] 'bow' <sha> / H χɔ/, [ H χɔ] 'meat' <bsha'> / H χɔ/, [ H χɔ] 'to slaughter'
Retroflex reflexes of OT palato-alveolar fricatives in the dialects of Díqìng Prefecture, together with some sporadic instances of affrication of uvular initials in Kami, e.g. / L χa/ [ L χ ʁ a] <zhag> 'night', suggest that there was some rhotic quality present in the original OT sound. 24 A Qiangic neighbour of Kami, Lizu, evidences a parallel development, whereby uvular phonemes in the Mùlǐ dialect of Lizu correspond to retroflex phonemes 22 An alternative development, suggested by the anonymous reviewer, would be for the palato-alveolar fricatives to become velar and uvular fricatives. These are to be later palatalized to alveo-palatals before the original OT -i (which first becomes Kami /i/ and later /ә/) and OT ad (which becomes Kami /e/). This further implies that the palatalization occurred before the change of OT -i to Kami /ә/. 23 Some exceptions include <shig> / H ɕi/ 'louse', <shing> / H ɕĩ/ 'wood', <phyi> / H ʃə/ 'to be late', in that these words lack aspiration. 24 For instance, these developments of OT palato-alveolar fricatives in Kami may tentatively be taken as evidence of the postinitial -r-occurring after palato-alveolar fricatives in Proto-Tibetan (Beyer 1992: 86).

in another dialect of this language (spoken in the county of Gānluò) [START_REF] Chirkova | Essential characteristics of Lizu, a Qiangic language of Western Sichuan[END_REF]. A similar (conceivably, areal) motivation underlying the development of uvular rather than retroflex reflexes in Kami and Lizu may be called for.

Uvulars have been attested in many peripheral Kham dialects spoken in the multilingual historical border areas between Tibet and China that are currently known as the "ethnic corridor" of Sìchuān and Yúnnán provinces. 25 Consequently, as argued by Jackson Sun (2003: 782), it remains a possibility, that some instances of these uvulars represent retention of ancient consonantal contrasts which predate standard Written Tibetan. In his discussion of Zhongu uvular phonemes, Sun (2003: 783-783) proposes three test words that often contain uvular onsets in the Tibetan dialects that have phonemic uvulars, namely: 'snow', 'bitter', and 'to understand'. Notably, the three words do not have uvular reflexes in Kami, viz. / L kʰa-H wɔ/ 'snow', / L kʰa-H tɯ/ 'bitter', and / H hɔ-L ku/ 'to understand'. Neither do the same test words have uvular reflexes in the Qiangic languages of Mùlǐ: Shǐxīng, Púmǐ, Lizu, and Nàmùzī, with the only exception of 'bitter', Shǐxīng / H qʰɑɔ-L sɔ/, Nàmùzī /luo 31 -qʰa 31 / (with the directional prefix /luo-/). At the same time, what appears to be a common areal feature underlying the velar-uvular distinction in Kami and in the Qiangic languages of Mùlǐ is a pronounced tendency to uvularize velars before low vowels, possibly in connection with some rhotic quality of the original rhyme, cf. Púmǐ (Lù 2000: 43-44), Lizu (Sūn 1982: 243). This feature may have been phonemicized in some varieties, giving rise to a full-fledged uvular series, e.g. Shǐxīng [START_REF] Bùfán | Shǐxīngyǔ 史興語 [The Shǐxīng language]. Zàng-Miányǔ shíwú zhǒng 《藏緬語十五种》 / Fifteen Tibeto-Burman Languages[END_REF].

Finally, OT glottal fricative (WT h-) remains unchanged in Kami. For example:

<ha ko> / H hɔ-L ku/ 'to understand' <hur thag> / H hu-L tʰa/ 'diligent, conscientious' <ham> / H pʰa-H hã/ 'to become meldewed' (with the directional prefix /pʰa-/ 'outward')

OT Sonorants

OT sonorants include four nasals (m, n, ɲ, and ŋ), two liquids (r, l), and two glides (w, j).

( (1) When prefixed to a voiceless aspirated stop (and in some instance, also to a voiced stop), m-and n-often elide without any obstensible trace. Consequently, modern Kami reflexes of such initial clusters exhibit developments of a simple root initial, as if a nasal prefix were not there in the first place. (A similar development has also been reported for Dégé, Häsler 1999: 34; Zhōngdiàn, Wáng 1996: 62; and Dōngwàng, Batree, this volume.) For example:

<'khrud> / H tʂə/ 'to wash' <'thung> / H tʰɯ/ 'to drink' <'phug> / H pʰu/ 'to punch a hole' <'bri> / H tʂə/ 'to write' <mchin pa> / H tɕʰi-H Nbɔ/ 'liver' <mthong> / H tʰɔ/ 'to see' <mtsho> / H tsʰu/ 'lake' <mkhris pa> / L tʂʰi-H pɔ/ 'gall bladder'

(2) In many instances the prefixation of m-and n-to a voiced root initial fails to condition the development of high tone, as in the following words (to be further discussed in §3.3):

<'grang> / L Ndʐɔ/ 'to have one's fill' <'bu> / L Nbə/ 'insect, bug' <mje> / L Ndʑi/ 'penis' <mdzub> / L Ndzui/ 'finger'

(3) Some reflexes of Tibetan etymons with a prenasalized cluster initial with the prefixed n-have a plain nasal initial reflex in Kami. Such reflexes are mostly in free variation with regular reflexes with a prenasalized cluster. For example, <'di> / H Nde˜Hne/ 'this', <'bag> / L Nba˜Lma/ 'mask', <sbrang> / L Nbɔ̃Lmɔ/ 'bee; wasp' (the change from sbr-to /Nb˜m/ is discussed in §3.1.3).

(4) Finally, some WT words with a plain initial or those with an initial preceeded by an oral prefixed consonant have Kami equivalents with a prenasalized initial cluster. For example, <zam pa> / L Ndza-H Nbɔ/, <me tog> / L Nbu-H ru/ 'flower', <thang rag> / L Ndu-H ra/ 'silver fir', <dgun ka> / L Nga-H Ngɔ/ 'winter', <pus mo> / H pa-H Nbu/ 'knee', <phu thung> or <phu dung> / L pʰə-H Ndũ/ 'sleeve'.

OT Cluster Initials with Medials (-w-, -r-, -y-)

(1) Medial -w-(wa zur)

WT wa zur, whose precise OT phonetic value remains uncertain, and which at least in some instances appears to be a purely graphic convention to distinguish certain homophones, has zero reflex in Kami, as in most Tibetan dialects. For example:

<dang po> / L tɔ-H Nbu/ 'first' <dwangs mo> / L tɔ-H mo/ 'clear' <sha> 'meat' / H χɔ/ <shwa ba> 'deer' / L χɔ/

(2) Medial -r-(Kr-, dr-, Pr-)

OT Pr-, Tr-and Kr-clusters all merge as retroflexes in Kami (the developments of the OT spirant-based clusters sr-and hr-are considered in §3.1.3). For example:

<skra> / H tʂɔ/ '(human) hair' <khrag> / H tʂʰa/ 'blood' <gro> / L tʂu/ 'wheat' <drug> / L tʂɯ/ 'six' <'phrad> / H tʂʰue/ 'to meet' <brag> / L tʂa/ 'rock, cliff' <sbrang> / H dʐɔ/ 'honey; sugar'

(3) Medial -y-(Py-, Ky-, my-)

OT palatal medial -y-can combine with bilabial and velar stops, as well as with the bilabial nasal m-. The bilabial nasal m-, followed by the medial -y-, becomes Kami /ɲ/, as in / H ɲ̥ ĩ-H Nbɔ/ <smyon pa> 'madman, lunatic'. OT velar stops taking the -y-medial change into palato-alveolar affricates in the speech of my main consultant and into alveo-palatal affricates in the speech of my other consultants. For example: <gyang> / L tʃɔ/ (/ L tɕɔ/) 'wall' <rgya> 'Chinese', <brgya> 'hundred': / H dʒɔ/ (/ H dʑɔ/) <bkyags> / L ja-H tʃa/ 'to lift, to raise' <khyod> / H tʃʰue/ (/ L tɕʰe/, note the irregular tone of this form) 'thou, second person singular pronoun' OT bilabial stops, on the other hand, change into palato-alveolar fricatives in the speech of my main consultant and into dental fricatives in the speech of my other consultants. For example:28 <bya> / L ʃɔ/ (/ L sɔ/) 'bird; chicken' <dbyar ka> / L ʒɛ-H kʰɔ/ (/ H zɛ-H kʰɔ/) 'summer' <mar dpyang> / H ma-L ʃɔ/ (<yar dpyang> / L ja-H sɔ/) 'to hang' <phyags> / H ʃʰa/ (/ H sʰa/) 'to sweep' <'phyen> / H ʃʰẽ/ (/ H sʰẽ/) 'fart' Before the original OT front vowels i and e, modern reflexes of OT Ky-and Py-clusters merge with those of OT palato-alveolars. For example: <bye> or <byi'u> / L ɕi/ (/ L ɕi-H ka/ or / H ɕi-H ka/) 'little bird; sparrow' <phye> / H ɕi/ (/ L ja-H si/) 'to close' <shig> / H ɕi/ (also / H ɕi/ for my other consultants) 'louse' (note the irregular lack of aspiration in the latter two words)

In addition, the ongoing process of palatalization before modern front vowels continues to transform some (mostly high frequency) words with palato-alveolar initials into those with alveo-palatal initials. For example: <brgyad> / H dʑe/ 'eight', <rgyan bzhag> / H tɕẽ L ʁa/ 'to place a bet'.

Altogether, it is conceivable that the complex developments attested in the speech of my main consultant reflect a stage predating those in the speech of my other consultants. This would entail that Kami reflexes of OT Ky-and Py-clusters (i.e. palatoalveolar affricates and fricatives) were originally distinct from those of OT palatoalveolar affricates and fricatives (i.e. alveo-palatal affricates and fricatives and uvular fricatives in Kami). Subsequently, a sound change may have occurred to avoid the typologically highly marked opposition between palato-alveolars and alveo-palatals, a change that converted palato-alveolar affricates into alveo-palatal affricates, and palatoalveolar fricatives into dental fricatives. Tentatively, it is further possible that the latter change (i.e. from palato-alveolar fricatives to dental fricatives) was motivated by the stability of the latter series (i.e. dental fricatives) in terms of the overall number of words with dental fricative initials (so that the motivation was to join the existing series, rather than creating a new series).

Miscellaneous Changes of OT Initial Clusters

This subsection is dedicated to the development in Kami of OT initials and clusters that are known for the heterogeneity of their modern reflexes (Zhāng 1996, Sun 2003: 787-790). It includes the WT letter m-, the clusters lh-, sl-, sr-, hr-, zl-, the prefixed Ky-and Py-clusters and the cluster sbr-. The emphasis of the subsection is on comparing Kami reflexes of these clusters with those in Zhōngdiàn and Dōngwàng, as potentially diagnostic of the purported close relationship between these dialects.

(1) m-WT m-stands in part for an earlier OT cluster my-, as reflected in Old Tibetan texts and modern Tibetan dialects. WT m-before the original front vowels is realized in Kami as /ɲ/, merging with the reflexes of WT my-clusters. Before the original non-front vowels, on the other hand, WT m-is realized as Kami /m/. (This is in fact a common development in many Kham dialects, e.g. Dégé, Häsler 1999: 43; Zhōngdiàn, Wáng 1996: 57.) For example: <mying> / L ɲɯ/ 'name' <mye> / L ɲi/ 'fire' <mar> / L mɛ/ 'butter' <mo khyi> / L mu-H tʃʰə/ 'bitch, female dog'

(2) lh-On the basis of dialectal data, the WT script sequence lh-has been argued to have once represented a proto-sonorant cluster (Beyer 1992: 46, footnote 9;Zhāng 1996: 23;Sun 2003: 787-788). Kami offers additional evidence to this claim. In this dialect, WT lh-has two reflexes: (1) one as a cluster, /ɦj/, and (2) another as a voiceless lateral fricative, /l̥ /.29 Both changes can be observed in the modern Kami reflexes of the WT etymon lha 'god, deity', representing two distinct lexical layers: (1) one presumably more archaic, <lha> / H ɦjɔ/ 'god, Buddha', and (2) another, more recent, / H l̥ ɔ/. The latter word, / H l̥ ɔ/, refers to 'lesser' gods, mountain and water spirits.

Overall, /ɦj/, is attested only in a handful of words, e.g. <lham> / H ɦjã/ 'shoes, boots'; whereas /l̥ /, is more frequent. For example: <lhan> / H l̥ ẽ/ 'to paste, to stick, to glue' <lhud?> / H l̥ i/ 'to take off' 30 <lho> / H l̥ u/ 'south'

(3) sl-Many Kham dialects (e.g. Dégé, Häsler 1999:46) have two reflexes of the OT cluster sl-, i.e. ts-and ɬ-(i.e. in Dégé, <sleb> /tsē/ 'to arrive', <slob grwa> /ɬō:tʂā/ 'school'). Kami, however, has only one reflex of this OT cluster, /l̥ /, hence merging with modern reflexes of the WT lh-cluster. 31 Consider the following Kami examples: <sleb> / H l̥ e/ 'to arrive' <bslab> / H l̥ ɤ/ 'to teach' (4) hr-

The only example in my data that potentially reflects the OT cluster hr-, 'to tear up, to rip', WT <hral> or <ral>, yields the initial /r/ in Kami, / L pʰa-H ri/. (To compare, OT hrbecomes /ʂ/ in Zhōngdiàn (Wáng 1996: 62), and /r̥ / in Dōngwàng (Bartee, this volume).)

(5) sr-

The OT cluster sr-becomes Kami /s/, hence developing a reflex identical to that of the OT simple initial z-, albeit with a different tone. 32 Words related to WT etymons with the sr-cluster are high-toned in Kami, whereas words related to WT etymons with the initial z-are low toned. For example: <srab> / H sɤ/ 'shallow' <zab mo> / L sɤ-H mu/ 'deep' <srog> / H so/ 'life, destiny' <zug> / L sɯ/ 'to bark' (6) zl-Similar to the OT cluster lh-, the OT cluster zl-has two reflexes in Kami: (1) /l/, as in the word for 'moon', <zla> / H lɔ/; and (2) the cluster /Nd/ for the word 'month', <zla ba> 30 Compare: Bātáng /ɬyʔ 53 /, tentatively from <lhud?>, Gésāng (1989: 345). 31 One more source of Kami /l̥ / is the OT rl-cluster (conceivably, through the intermediate change from OT rl-to sl-). For example, <rlag> / H l̥ a/ 'to take apart, to dismantle', <rba rlabs> / H pa-H l̥ ɤ/ 'wave'. The development of the OT cluster sl-in Kami is identical to the development of this cluster in Bātáng (Gésāng 1989: 339), Dégé (Häsler 1999: 46), andZhōngdiàn (Wáng 1996: 59). In Dōngwàng, on the other hand, sl-develops into /ɮ/ and /ɦ/ (Bartee, this volume). 32 This development is identical to that in Zhōngdiàn (Wáng 1996: 61), Dōngwàng (Bartee, this volume), Bātáng (Gésāng 1989: 339) and Dégé (Häsler 1999: 33).

/ L Nda-H wɔ/. The latter change is a regular development in most varieties of Kham Tibetan. The former change is less frequent. Notably, it is shared by Kami with Dōngwàng (Bartee, this volume), which also has two reflexes of zl-, which are furthermore identical to those in Kami.

(7) Prefixed Ky-and Py-clusters OT complex initial Ky-and Py-clusters with oral prefixes by and large merge in Kami with the reflexes of OT unprefixed Ky-and Py-clusters. This is to say that they become palato-alveolar fricatives in the speech of my main consultant and dental stops in the speech of my other consultants. For example: <skyi> / H ʃə/ (/ H sə/) 'to borrow (money)' <skyid po> / H ɕi-H pu/ (/ H si-H pu/) 'comfortable' <dpyi> / H ʃə/ (/ H sə/) 'hip' <dbyar kha> / L ʒɛ-H kʰɔ/ (/ H zɛ-H kʰɔ/) 'summer' At the same time, some of the OT Ky-and Py-clusters with the OT prefix s-show an irregular development in the speech of my other consultants, whereby they become /ʂ/ instead of the otherwise expected /s/. Compare: <bya> / L ʃɔ/ 'bird' vs. <spyang> / H ʃɔ/ 'wolf' (my main consultant) <bya> / L sɔ/ 'bird' vs. <spyang> / H ʂɔ/ 'wolf' (my other consultants) <skyur> / H ʃu-H kua/ 'sour' vs. <skyugs> / H ʃɯ/ 'to vomit' (my main consultant) <skyur> / H ʂu-H kua/ 'sour' vs. <skyugs> / H sɯ/ 'to vomit' (my other consultants)

The development of OT unprefixed Ky-and Py-clusters in Kami is mostly identical to that in Zhōngdiàn, as described in Wáng (1990: 62). Dissimilar to Kami, however, the OT sky-becomes Zhōngdiàn /tɕ/, whereas spy-becomes /ɕ/, and occasionally, also /ɣ/ (Elleen Bartee, p.c.). Dōngwàng (Bartee, this volume) exhibits similar yet distinct developments, whereby (1) OT unprefixed Ky-clusters become alveo-palatal fricatives, (2) unprefixed Py-clusters become dental fricatives, and (3) prefixed Ky-and Py-clusters merge into /s/.

(8) sbr-

The development of the OT cluster sbr-is complex in Kami, with two different types of reflexes. On the one hand, it exhibits the regular development of OT Pr-clusters into a retroflex. For example: <sbrul> 'snake' / H dʐu-H lẽ/ On the other hand, in one word, <sbrang ma> 'bee; wasp', sbr-develops into Kami /Nb˜m/, viz. / L Nbɔ̃Lmɔ/. A similar development of the sbr-cluster in this word has been attested in a number of peripheral Tibetan dialects, e.g. /Nbuma/ in Dárì 達日 <dar lag> (Gogog <mgo log>, Qīnghǎi Province), /Nba 4 se 3 / in Déqīn 德钦 <bde chen> (Díqìng) (Zhāng 1996: 24), or /bing 35 ma 55 ~bing 55 ma 53 / in Ménbā 門巴 <mon pa> (Tibet) (Lù 2002: 356). 33 This is, for this reason, an example of retention by periphery.

Similar to the WT words <lha> and <zla>, WT <sbrang> has two reflexes in Kami: / L Nbɔ̃Lmɔ/ for 'bee; wasp', and / H dʐɔ/ for 'honey; sugar'. (To compare, in the neighbouring Zhōngdiàn, Wáng 1996: 62, and Dōngwàng, Bartee, this volume, sbruniformly becomes a voiced retroflex fricative.)

No characteristic changes of the clusters considered in this section appear to be shared exclusively by Kami, Zhōngdiàn, Dōngwàng, and not by other dialects. Hence, if the three dialects can be grouped into one cluster, as proposed by [START_REF] Ǎitáng | Zàngyǔ fāngyán de yánjiū fāngfǎ 藏 語方言的研究方法 [Methods in the study of the Tibetan dialects]. Xīnán Mínyuàn Xuébào 《西南民院學報》[END_REF], the considered changes bear no witness to it.

History of Kami Rhymes

In conformity with general Kham developments, the original complex WT rhyme structure, yielding over 70 distinct rhymes, has been drastically simplified in Kami. All original consonantal codas are lost, transforming all closed syllables into open syllables. All OT simple rhymes develop shifted vowel qualities, whereas various OT closed rhymes containing old codas are transformed to replenish the vacated vowel space and to generate innovative vowels or diphthongs. The observed correspondences between OT and modern Kami rhymes in monosyllabic words are summarized in Table 6. The diphthong /ua/ has been attested only in roots of uncertain etymology. For this reason, this diphthong is not included in the table below. id, ig(s), il, ir, is, e, el, es, ud, ul, ol 33 See also Róna-Tás (1966: 183). 34 WT a-chung, used to write the absence of a consonant in the syllable-initial, word-medial or coda position, is known to have no attestable influence on the development of the rhyme, which is that of a simple nucleus vowel (e.g. Dégé, Häsler 1999: 55; Yùshù <yul shul>, Huáng et al. 1994: 121).

Kami OT i al, ib(s),

. Kami rhymes and their OT origins

In disyllabic words, sound changes in the first syllable of the word may be distinct from those summarized in Table 6. One reason for this dissimilarity is the process of resyllabification, as discussed in §3.4.3. For example, <skam po> / H ka-H Nbu/ 'dry' or <'khor lo> / H kʰu-H lu/ 'wheel'. In addition, a recurrent yet marginal change observed in the first syllable of disyllabic words is that of the original OT rhyme in the first syllable into Kami /a/. For example, <sen mo> / L sʰa-H mɔ/ 'nail, fingernail', <pus mo> / H pa-H Nbu/ 'knee', <thod pa> / L tʰa-H pɔ/ 'forehead'.

(1) OT simplex vowels All five OT simple rhymes a, i, e, u and o develop shifted vowel qualities in Kami. OT -a develop into Kami /ɔ/, -i to /ə/, -e to /i/, -u to /ə/ and -o to /u/. 35 Conforming to the important areal pattern in the Amdo and Kham regions, Kami merge the OT high vowels i and u into schwa (cf. a similar development in Zhongu, Sun 2003: 791). For example: <ba> / L pɔ/ 'cow' <ra> / L rɔ/ 'sheep; garden' <'bri> / H Ndʐə/ 'female yak' <ri> / L rə/ 'mountain' <bye> or <byi'u> / L ɕi/ 'sparrow' <spre'u> / H tʂi/ 'monkey' <bu> / H pə/ 'son' <lu ba> / L jə/ 'to cough' <'bo> / L pu/ 'to overflow, to spill' <ro> / L ru/ 'corpse'

(2) OT syllables with consonantal codas As in other Kham dialects (Gésāng 1989: 349-350;Gésāng and Gésāng 2002: 78), the depletion of OT consonantal codas in Kami result in the development of (i) innovative vowels, e.g. OT -ar > Kami /ɛ/, e.g. <dar> / L tɛ/, and -ang > /ɔ/, e.g. <tshang> / H tsʰɔ/ 'family, house; nest', and (ii) diphthongs. The developments of OT closed rhymes containing consonantal codas are summarized in Table 7. (Table 7 lists modern Kami reflexes supported by the majority of examples. Sporadic sound changes are listed in footnotes.) The variation between the modern reflexes of the OT rhymes -od, -or and -on (a simple vowel, /e/ and /ẽ/, vs. a diphthong, /ue/ vs. /uẽ/, respectively) appears to be phonologically conditioned by the modern initial of the word. Namely, words with bilabial initials cannot combine with the rising diphthong. For example, <bod> / L pe/ 'Tibet, Tibetan' vs. <mdzod> / H Ndzue/ 'room, chamber', <bor> / L pe/ 'to throw, to toss, to discard' vs. <lag kor> / L ja-H kue/ 'bracelet', <dpon> / H pẽ/ 'official' vs. <rngon> / H ŋuẽ/ 'to hunt'. The marginally attested diphthong /ie/ is likely to result from the ongoing process of palatalization conditioned by modern Kami front vowels. Hence, <skas> / H kie/ 'ladder' is likely to have developed through the following stages: <skas> > /kei/ > /kie/.

Overall, the drastic rhyme attrition is considered as one of the characteristic features of Kham dialects (e.g. Gésāng and Gésāng 2002: 78). While the precise developments of OT closed syllables containing codas are extremely variegated in Kham, the major trends, as characteristic for such well documented Kham dialects, as Bātáng (Gésāng 1989: 348) and Dégé (Häsler 1999: 51-75), can be summarized as follows (Hú 1991: 192): 36 Some sporadic examples of the change from OT -al to Kami /e/ have also been attested. For example, / L kʰe-H lə/ <mkhal ?> 'kidney', / H bu-H tɕʰe/ <sbub chal> 'cymbals'. 37 An exception to this change is the word 'ladder', <skas>, Kami / H ke/ [ H kie]. 38 An alternative development of this OT rhyme in Kami, as attested in one single word, is /ɯ/, <kha tig> / L kʰa-H tɯ/ 'bitter'. 39 A different development of this OT rhyme in Kami, attested in one single word, is /ue/, i.e. <gnyis> / L ɲ ue˜Hɲue/ 'two'. 40 An alternative development of this rhyme in some Kami words is /ẽ/, e.g. <ring> / L rẽ/ 'long'. 41 For example, <sreg> / H sa/ 'to burn; hot (as of weather); spicy (as of food)', <'dzeg> / L Ndza/ 'to climb', <'dreg> or <'breg> / L dʐa/ 'to cut one's hair'. 42 For example, <shel> / H ɕʰei/ 'glass', <khrel> / H tʂʰi/ 'shy, bashful'. 43 For example, <mdzub> / L Ndzui/ 'finger', <gtub> / H tu/ 'to cut off, to sever; to cut up, to slice'. 44 Some sporadic exceptions to this sound change include <'dug> / L Ndə/ 'to be; to sit; to dwell', and <dbugs> / L bu/ 'breath'. 45 For example, <shul> / H ɕʰei/ 'mark, trace', <dngul> / H ŋe/ 'silver; money', <'gul> / H Ngi/ 'to push', <brtul> / L tə-H tɯ/ 'blunt'. 46 For example, <lus po> / L li-H pu/ 'body', <rus pa> / L rə-H pɔ/ 'bone'. 47 There are only two examples of this rhyme in the sample, <yob> / L ʒu/ 'stirrup, steps' and <spobs> / H po/ 'to dare, to have courage'. 48 A different development of this rhyme is attested in the word / H l̥ ɤ/ <lhod> 'relaxed, loose'. 49 For example, <srog> / H so/ 'life, fate, destiny'. In a small number of words, this regular reflex of the OT rhyme -og, viz. /o/, appears to have followed an additional change, viz. from /o/ to /u/, as in <me tog> / L nbu-H ru/ 'flower', <thog> / H tʰu/ 'grain, crops'. Finally, some words with this OT rhyme result in Kami /ɤ/, e.g. <'og> / L xɤ/ 'below'. 50 For example, <gshol> / H ɕei/ 'plow', <sol ba> / L sʰi-H wɔ/ 'charcoal', <skol> / H ki/ 'to boil, to stew'.

OT -b/-d/-g > Vʔ (short checked syllables) OT -m/-n/-ŋ > Ṽ (long nasalized syllables) OT -r/-l/-s > Ø (long open syllables)
In addition, a number of OT closed syllables containing codas develop into modern diphthong finals, e.g. Bātáng /eĩ/ derives from OT -en and -an; /eiʔ/ from -ed, and /auʔ/ from -ab and -ob (Gésāng 1989: 349).

The number of diphthongs deriving from original OT closed syllables with codas varies considerably among Kham dialects and can thus be of interest for subgrouping purposes. It appears that dialects with large inventories of diphthongs are centered around Gānnán 甘南 <kan lho> Tibetan Autonomous Prefecture in Gānsù Province (represented by such dialects as Zhuóní 卓尼 <co ne> and Zhōuqǔ 舟曲 <'brug chu>) and around Díqìng Prefecture, with the dialects of which Kami is grouped in one sub-cluster (Qú 1991: 25-26). For example, Zhōngdiàn, one of the best-recorded Díqìng dialects has, in different analyses, as many of 23 diphthongs (Lù 1990: 150), or 11 or 9 diphthongs (Wáng 1996: 63-64;Hongladarom 1996: 76, respectively). The major source for diphthongs in these dialects is OT rhymes with the codas -s, -l, -n, and -d. Consider some examples from Qú (1991: 45-47):

OT -Vb > -Vu, e.g. Zhōngdiàn <thab> /tʰou 53 / 'solution, means, method' OT -Vl > -Vi, e.g. Zhōngdiàn <skol> /kui 55 / 'to boil', <drel> /tʂui 13 / 'donkey' OT -Vd > -Ve, e.g. Zhōuqǔ <bdud> /tye 22 / 'demon' OT -Vn > -Ve, e.g. Zhōuqǔ <gon> /kye 44 / 'to put on', <dran> /tʂie 44 / ' to think' OT -os > -ue/-ui, e.g. <dgos> 'to want': Zhōngdiàn /gue 55 /, Dōngwàng /gui 53 / The developments of OT rhymes with consonantal codas in Kami are similar to those described in Qú (1991: 25-26). One way to account for these developments in Kami is to hypothesize that all OT closed syllables with consonantal codas develop through a stage of diphthong reflexes of the original OT rhymes. 51 In this analysis, the original OT rhymes develop into diphthongs, in which the first target reflects the original OT nucleus vowel, and the second target reflects the original OT coda. In addition, OT rhymes with back rounded vowels u and o develop into rising diphthongs, e.g. <me thur> / L mo-H tʰui/ 'matches', <rna kor> / H na-H gue/ 'round earrings'. OT nasal codas contribute to the nasalization of the second target, e.g. <'don> / H Nduẽ/ 'to read out loud, to learn'. Notably, when the trajectory between the two targets in a diphthong is large, the two targets coalesce into one target, resulting in many cases into an innovative vowel, e.g. OT -ab > Kami /ɤ/, OT -ar > Kami /ɛ/. When, on the other hand, the trajectory between the two targets is short, Kami retains a diphthong, e.g. OT -el > Kami /ej/.

Based on the developments as summarized in Table 7, the development of OT rhymes with consonantal codas in Kami can be schematically presented as follows:

(a) rhymes with -l, -r, -s coalesce in /i/, e.g. <rul> / L pʰa-H ri/ 'to rot' (with the directional prefix /pʰa-/ 'outward'), <zur> / L sui/ 'corner', <? lus> / H wu-H li/ 'cat' (b) rhymes with -d develop into /e/, e.g. <red> / L re/ 'copula verb', whereas -n develops into /ẽ/, e.g. <'dren> / H Ndʐẽ/ 'to thread (a needle)' 51 These developments are also seen in other dialects with many diphthong reflexes of OT rhymes with codas (Qú 1991). In Kami, they additionally include (i) many innovative vowels (of which some are phonetically diphthongized), (ii) many diphthongs, (iii) absence of glottal stop codas.

(c) in rhymes with grave codas (-b, -m, -g, -ng), the stop finals are lost, while the original OT nasals leave their trace as the nasalization of the vowels. Before these changes, the velar finals conditioned the vowel /u/ to become /ɯ/. In sum, OT -ub becomes /u/, -ug first becomes -ɯg and then /ɯ/, -um becomes /ũ/, and -ung first becomes -ɯng and then /ɯ/. For example, <gtub> / H tu/ 'to cut off, to sever; to cut up, to slice', <gtsug> / H tsɯ/ 'calvaria, top of the head', <mig btsum> / H ɲi-H tsũ/ 'to blink, to wink', <dung> / L tɯ/ 'conch shell'

The diphthong /ua/ occurs only in words of unclear etymology. For example, / L gua-H ʃu/ 'yak' and / L kʰua-H la/ 'basin', cf. Shǐxīng / L qʰua-H la/, Púmǐ /kʰuA 35 lA 35 /, Lizu / H qʰwɑ-L lɑ/.

The development of OT closed syllables with codas in Kami with no modern glottal stop codas and no feature of length is quite unique both as compared to the bestdocumented Kham dialects and to the neighbouring dialects of Díqìng Prefecture. The development of OT rhymes with consonantal codas in Kami is closely related to the development of tones in this dialect, as discussed in the following section.

Development of Tones

Kami tones fall under two registers (High and Low). Their development is conditioned by two factors: (1) desonorization of initial consonants, and (2) the loss of prefixal consonants. Both are among the major trends in the development of tonal registers in Tibetan dialects (cf. Huáng 1995: 50;e.g. Dégé, Häsler 1999: 75).

The main trends in the development of tonal registers in Kami, as elsewhere in Kham, are for OT syllables with obstruent onsets to induce low register when the latter are voiced, and high register otherwise. In addition, OT syllables with sonorant onsets develop low register if OT prefixal consonants are absent and high register otherwise. For example: <zhing> / L ɕĩ/ 'land' <shing> / H ɕĩ/ 'wood, tree' <nga> / L ŋɔ/ 'I' <lnga> / H ŋɔ/ 'five' <nyan> / L ŋe/ 'to listen' <dngul> / H ŋe/ 'silver; money' Some of Kami tones appear irregular from the point of view of standard written Tibetan orthography. These irregular cases further fall into three categories:

(1) high tone in words related to WT words with voiced initial in the absence of a prefix, e.g. <myig> / H ɲi/ 'eye', <bu> / H pə/ 'son'

(2) low tone in words with a voiceless initial related to WT unprefixed words with a voiceless initial or to WT words with a voiceless prefix, e.g. <char pa> / L tɕʰɔ/ 'rain', <shwa ba> 'deer' / L χɔ/, <sna> / L n̥ ã/ 'nose'

(3) low tone (or variable tone) in words related to words with a WT voiced prefixal consonant and a voiced initial, e.g. <dbugs> / L bu/ 'breath', <dbun> / L dẽ˜Hdẽ/ 'seven', <'grang> / L Ndʐɔ/ 'to have one's fill', <mdzub> / L Ndzui/ 'finger', <dgon> / L guẽ/ 'abbey'. 52 These three categories are considered in turn below.

(1) The first category covers those etymons that have a prefix in OT, whereas this prefix is no longer reflected in WT. One of the most frequently quoted examples of such etymons is WT mig 'eye'. The reflexes of this word in many dialects point to the OT form *C-myig. This word is also attested as dmyig or gmyig in Dūnhuáng manuscripts (Huáng et al. 1994: 121). In Kham dialects, this word often carries a high tone reflex in Kham dialects, as it does in Kami, hence equally pointing to an earlier prefix. The same explanation may be in order in the case of the word for 'son', / H pə/, WT <bu>, or in the case of the word for 'body', WT <lus po>, variously / L li-H pu/, for my main consultant, or / H li-H pu/ for my other consultants. The latter word is irregular both in terms of its initial (for the OT unprefixed root initial l-normally becomes /j/ in Kami) and in terms of its high tone (the /L-H/ tone patter for the main consultant may be due to the iambic stress pattern). An elided prefixal consonant potentially offers an explanation for both the unchanged initial and the high tone.

(2) The second category groups together cases, in which low tone is conditioned by one of the morphologically opaque OT nominal suffixes -ba, -bo, -bu, -pa, -po, -ma, -mo, 'i, and 'u. Two additional points are in order. First, the initial of all suffixes may lenite tow-(in the case of -pa, -po through the intermediate stage of voicing, and in the case ofma, -mo with an accompanying nasalization). For example:

(i) -b-> -w-, e.g. <kha ba> / L kʰa-H wɔ/ 'snow' (ii) -p-> -b-> -w-, e.g. <sgog pa> > *sgog ba > / L gu-H wɔ/ 'garlic', <thag pa> > *thag ba > / L tʰa-H wɔ/ 'rope' (iii) -m-> -w-(+ nasalization), e.g. <tsher ma> / L tsʰə-H wã/ 'thorn', <ba mo> / L pã/ 'frost', <so ma> / H sɔ/ 'hemp'

Second, the outcome of the changes above, i.e. the intervocalic -w-, may be further lenited to zero, leading to the coalescence of open root syllable with the prefix into a diphthong, e.g. [ɑɔ] as in / L tʰɔ/ [tʰɑɔ 13 ] 'rope', or the simple vowel [ɔ], without a trace of lengthening. For example: <shwa ba> / L χɔ/ 'deer', <char pa> > *char ba > / L tɕʰɔ/ 'rain', <sna ba> or <sna ma> / L n̥ ã/ 'nose'. 53 Coalescence of open root syllables with the OT nominal suffixes is the predominant source of modern long tones in Tibetan dialects, analyzed as low register induced by rhyme length (Huáng 1995: 57;Sun 2001: 40). In view of Kami disyllabic examples such as / L kʰa-H wɔ/ 'snow' and / L tʰa-H wɔ/ 'rope', in which low register appears to 52 The anonymous reviewer notes that this is common in many Southern Kham dialects. The low tone in such cases in attributed to the second syllable that has coalesced with the root. This process is said to drop the tone down. 53 The nasalization of the rhyme triggered by the nasal onset, as possibly exemplified by <sna> / L n̥ ã/ 'nose', is another idiosynchratic feature of Kami. This development is attested in a considerable number of basic vocabulary words, e.g. <nya> / L ɲɔ/ 'fish', <ngu> / L ŋɯ/ 'to cry', <nga> / L ŋɔ/ 'I', <lnga> / H ŋɔ/ 'five', <ma> 'mother', <rma> 'wound, injury', both / L mɔ/.

have developed before coalescence, somewhat surprisingly suggests that low register may be induced by a suffix with a voiced initial, with syllable coalescence and length being secondary results in this process. 54 Alternatively, such words may be examples of a contracted syllable expanded again at a later stage (see §3.4.3).

(3) The third category brings together words related to WT etymons with a voiced initial and a WT voiced prefixal consonant. It can be further distinguished into:

(i) words with variable tones, e.g.: <gnyis> / L ɲue˜Hɲue/ 'two' <dbun> / L dẽ˜Hdẽ/ 'seven' (ii) words with a modern voiced initial and a low tone, e.g.: <dbugs> / L bu/ 'breath' (this word is also irregular in terms of the development of the OT rhyme) <'bu> / L Nbə/ 'insect, bug'

The development of OT clusters consisting of voiced initials and voiced prefixes is known for its heterogeneity in Tibetan dialects. This development, conditioned by the gradual process of devoicing of OT voiced obstruents, in which process prefixed obstruents are affected later than simplex obstruents (Sun 2001: 39), may variously lead to unstable tones, as in Dégé (Gésāng and Gésāng 2002: 109) and Kami, or to a distinct mid register, as in <rdza rdo> Záduō 雜多 Tibetan of Yùshù in Qīnghǎi Province (Sun 2001: 38), and, possibly, Dōngwàng (Bartee, this volume).

The situation in Kami is characterized by the pronounced tendency to correlate the endpoint of the process of devoicing with a stable low tone (cf. Häsler 1999: 88). Before the process of devoicing is completed, syllables with variable tones in Kami may tentatively be considered as atonal at this point of their development.

Word-internal Phonological Processes

Comparison with WT etymons reveals in Kami a number of phonological processes that target intervocalic consonants in the second-syllable-initial position. These processes include spirantizationn and voicing, which, in turn, may be accompanied by spirantization and resyllabification. In terms of frequency in the corpus, spirantization and voicing affecting velar stop initials, on the one hand, and resyllabification involving WT nominal suffixes, on the other hand, are most common. Altogether, these processes are not regular in Kami, and for some initials, even marginal and sporadic. All these processes in Kami have close parallels both in the best-recorded Kham dialects (Bātáng, 54 For some consultants, the process of syllable coalescence does lead to a long vowel, i.e. [kʰɔ: 11 ] 'snow'. Note that length is not contrastive in this dialect and the number of words undergoing syllables coalescence is restricted (hence precluding such syllables as a source for the rise of contrastive length). It is therefore conceivable that such words with non-phonemic long vowels will lose the feature length to develop into an open syllable with a low tone, similar to the examples above, i.e. / L kʰɔ/. Gésāng 1989: 340-342;Dégé, Häsler 1999: 13-16, Gésāng andGésāng 2002: 99-102) and in the dialects of Díqìng Prefecture (Zhōngdiàn, Lù 1990: 156-158; Dōngwàng, Bartee, this volume).

Spirantization

The process of spirantization primarily targets the voiceless aspirated velar stop /kʰ/, which, in the second-syllable-initial position, is often produced as a velar fricative, e.g.: <sog khang> / H sʰo-H xɔ/ 'thatched house' <pho khebs> / H pʰu-H xe/ 'quilt, blanket' <a khu> / L a-H xə/ 'uncle' <dud khug> / L ti-H xɯ/ 'tobacco pouch' Compared to, for instance, Dégé, where aspirated velar stops in the second-syllable-initial position are exceedingly rare and possibly limited to careful speech (Häsler 1999: 14), this process is irregular in Kami, where aspirated velar stops in the second-syllable position are common. For example: <sman khang> / H m̥ ẽ-H kʰɔ/ 'hospital' <gru khug> / L tʂə-H kʰɯ/ 'elbow' <a ? rang> / L a-L kʰə-H rã/ 'we, first person plural inclusive pronoun'

The remaining examples of spirantization are sporadic. They include the following changes:

(1) /pʰ/ to /h/, e.g.: <pho phag> / L pʰu-H ha/ 'boar, hog, male pig' <mo phag> / L mu-H ha/ 'sow, swine' <dpal? phor> / L pi-H hue/ 'incense burner, perfuming pan'

(2) /tɕʰ/ to /ɦj/ or /j/, e.g.: <lag cha> / L ja-H ɦjɔ/ 'tool, instrument' <mig chu> / H ɲi-H ɦjə/ ~ / H ɲi-H tɕʰə/ 'tears' <rdza chu> / L dza-H jə/ ~ / L dza-H tɕʰə/ 'Mekong' <kha chu> / H kʰa-H jə/ 'saliva'

(3) /n/ or /ɲ/ to /j/ <gnang nyin> / H nɔ-H jĩ/ 'the day after tomorrow' <na ning> / L na-H jĩ/ 'last year'

Voicing and Spirantization

The sporadic process of word-internal voicing changes voiceless unaspirated stops and fricatives into their voiced counterparts, e.g.: <rna kor> / H na-H gue/ 'round earrings' <ka to ra> / H ka-H də-H rɔ/ 'metal dish, round copper basin' <chu bya> / H tɕʰə-H ʒɔ/ 'water bird; crane; swan; goose' Voiced and, at times, also voiceless unaspirated stops become voiced. The process of voicing can be accompanied by that of spirantization. For example: <rdo dkar> / L du-H kɛ˜Ldu-H ɣɛ/ 'white stone'55 <rgya gar> / L dʒa-H ɣɛ/ 'India' <dkyil kung?> or <dkyil gung?> / H tɕi-H ɣɯ/ 'center, middle part' To this category also belongs the word 'rabbit'. Despite its WT spelling as <ri bong>, dialectal reflexes of this word suggest rather a voiceless velar stop initial in the second syllable. For example, in Lhasa Tibetan /ri 13 koŋ 55 / (Zhāng 1996: 24), Ménbā /re 35 koŋ 55 ˜ri 35 koŋ 55 / (Lù 2002: 354), Bātáng /ʐɪ 55 -ɣũ 55 /, Kami / L rə-H ɣɯ/.

Also to this category belong cases of intervocalic voicing involving OT suffixes, i.e. of -p-to -b-, with a subsequent spirantization of -b-to -w-, as discussed above.

The process of the intervocalic voicing of /t/ to /d/ is further followed in a number of words by the rhotacism of /d/ to /r/. Some relevant examples include <mchu to> / H tɕʰə-H ru/ 'lips', <me tog> / L Nbu-H ru/ 'flower', <sgo them> / L gu-H r̥ ẽ/ 'doorsill, threshold', <go thal> 'ashes/cinders in a hearth' > Kami / L ku-H r̥ e/ 'hearth'.

Resyllabification

The process of resyllabification applies with great frequency in Kami disyllabic words. It can be further distinguished into, on the one hand, compressions of earlier disyllabic collocations or expansions of an earlier monosyllabic form, and, on the other hand, syllable boundary re-adjustment, making the original coda part of the following onset syllable. Resyllabification is very common in OT as in modern Tibetan dialects (e.g. OT, Beyer 1992: 96;Bātáng, Gésāng 1989: 340;Zhōngdiàn, Lù 1990: 156).

(1) Compressions and expansions Kami provides additional evidence on the so-called "syllabic cycle" in Tibetan, whereby words alternately compressed and expanded into monosyllabic and disyllabic forms (Beyer 1992: 96). Syllable coalescence involving the open root coalescence with nominal suffixes has been discussed and exemplified in §3.3.

The process of expansion of earlier monosyllabic forms into disyllabic forms in the surveyed sample has been essentially noted in connection with the consonant codas -r and -b. For example: <phor> > *pho ri > / L pʰa-H rə/ 'bowl' <srab leb> > *sra bi leb > / H sə-H bə-H le/ 'flat'

(2) Syllable boundary re-adjustment

The process of syllable boundary re-adjustment, whereby the original coda forms part of the following onset, creates consonant clusters in the second-syllable initial position. These newly formed initial clusters further follow the regular development of such clusters in non-resyllabified words. A nasal vowel or a nasal coda in the first syllable leads to the formation of prenasalized clusters in the second-syllable-initial position. For example: <bum pa> > *bu mba > / L pa-H Nbɔ/ 'vase' <rngon khyi> > *rngo ngyi > / H ŋue-H Ndʒə/ 'hunting dog' An oral coda in combination with the initial l-preserves the initial quality of this initial, e.g. <'khor lo> > *'kho rlo > / H kʰu-H lu/ 'wheel'.

An oral coda in combination with a voiceless fricative initial acts as a buffer against aspiration of this initial, e.g. <yug sa> > *yu gsa > / L ʒɯ-H sɔ/ 'widow'.

An oral coda in combination with the initial r-in some cases develops into a retroflex initial, e.g. <phug ron> > *phu gron > / L pʰu-H dʐuẽ/ 'pigeon'.

Finally, the coda -d in combination with the initial r-has been attested in one case to develop into Kami /r̥ /, i.e. <bod rag> / L pe-H r̥ a/ 'Tibetan liquor', cf. <a rag> / H a-H ra/ 'arak, strong liquor, alcoholic drink'.

Irregularities, Dialect Mixture

Most Kami words are readily identifiable with known Tibetan roots with the knowledge of (regular and more sporadic) sound correspondences and phonological processes in disyllabic words as outlined above. The percentage of Kami words of unclear origin is relatively low and makes up approximately 15% in the surveyed sample of ca. 2,000 words. Compared to other peripheral dialects, such as Bāsōng <brag gsum> [START_REF] Ǎitáng | Wèizàng fāngyán de xīn túyǔ-Jì zuìjìn fāxiàn de Bāsōnghuà 衛藏方言的新土語--記 最近發現的巴松話 [A new subdialect of Central Tibetan: On the newly discovered Basong dialect[END_REF]), Yùshù (Huáng et al. 1994), Báimǎ (Zhāng 1994, 1997; Huáng and Zhāng 1995), or Zhongu (Sun 2003: 792), this percentage is relatively insignificant.

Kami by and large evidences regular changes with the phonological system of OT. The major source of irregularities and multiple sound correspondences is dialect interference, leading to the stratification of Kami lexicon into at least two basic layers: (1) one indigenous and altogether relatively archaic (and exhibiting such changes as OT lhto Kami /ɦj/, zl-to /l/, sbr-to /Nb˜m/), and (2) one of mostly culturally-bound interdialectal loans. 56 The latter layer is further stratifiable into a number of sub-layers as per different sound change, suggesting different donor dialects. Consider some examples: <rma bya> / H ma-H jɔ/ 'peacock' (OT by-> /j/, 57 Kami by-> /ʃ/) <bya ba?> / L ɕa-H pə/ 'thing (to do), activity, task' (OT by-> /ɕ/, Kami by-> /ʃ/) <sbrang yab> / L dʐã-H jɤ/ 'mosquito net' (OT y-> /j/, Kami y-> /z/) <g.yung drung> / H jɯ-H dʐɯ/ 'swastika' (OT g.y-> /j/, Kami g.y-> /z/) <tshe ring zhwa mo> / H tsʰə-H rẽ L ɕa-H mu/ 'traditional Tibetan hat' (OT zh(w)-> /ɕ/, Kami zh(w)-> /χ/) Kami words with unclear etymology, on the other hand, are dispersed all over the lexicon, including:

(1) a small number of basic vocabulary items, e.g. / H a-H mi/ 'breast' (by extension, also 'milk'), cf. WT <snying ga> or <nu ma>; / L a-H ɲu/ 'good', cf. WT <bzang po> or <yag po>; / L a-H bɛ/ 'bad', cf. WT <ngan> or <sdug po> (2) some cultural vocabulary, e.g. / H pi/ 'boat', cf. WT <gru> 58 (3) a number of kinship terms, e.g. / H a-H Nbu/ 'maternal uncle', cf. WT <zhang> (see §4.1) (4) some animal and plant names, as common in peripheral dialects, e.g. / L pʰə-L wu-L ma-H ki/ 'bat', cf. WT <lpags bye'u> or <rga wang krad kyi>; / L ku-H du/ 'walnut', cf. WT <star kha>.

The following observations about the Kami words of obscure origin can be made.

(1) Some words of unclear origin (including those that belong to basic lexicon) are shared with the neighbouring dialects of Díqìng Prefecture. Consider some examples from Kami and Dōngwàng:

'breast': Kami / H a-H mi/, Dōngwàng /miʔ 53 / 'good': Kami / L a-H ɲu/, Dōngwàng /a 13 ɲõ 55 / 'bad': Kami / L a-H bɛ/, Dōngwàng /a 55 baeʔ 55 / 'maternal uncle': Kami / H a-H Nbu/, Dōngwàng /a 55 mbə 55 / 59

(2) Perhaps, somewhat surprisingly, most of remaining words of unclear origin are not shared with the neighboring Qiangic languages. For example, 'walnut', Kami / L ku-H du/, Shǐxīng / L qʰa-H ra/, Lizu / H kʰa-L ɹ̩ /, Púmǐ / L kʰa-H ra/. Furthermore, local Qiangic languages appear, at times, to have donors for their Tibetan loanwords other than Kami. This is evidenced by the dissimilarity of the loan and 57 The change from WT b to /j/ is attested in a restricted number of Kami basic vocabulary words, e.g. <mtsher pa> / L tsʰa-H jɔ/ 'spleen', or 'frog', <sbal pa> / L bi-H jɔ/, where the intervocal -p-, conceivably, first changed to -b-, and then to /j/. 58 Based on the entry for 'boat' in Dài and Huáng (1992: 201), that lists this word in 50 Sino-Tibetan languages, the word for 'boat' in Kami bears a surface resemblance with the root 'boat' in some littleresearched languages of the border areas between China and India, e.g. Taraon /peŋ 35 /, Idu /peŋ 35 /. 59 Tentatively, this may be an irregular development of WT <zhang bu>, cf. Bātáng /xɑ̃1 3 mbʊ 53 /. the corresponding Kami word, and by sound correspondences of the loan with OT, which are distinct from those in Kami. For example, the word for 'the universe, the external world' is / H dʑi-H tɛ-H kʰɔ/ in Shǐxīng, WT <'jig rten khams>, and / L Ndzã-H lĩ/ in Kami, WT <'dzam gling>. The word for 'flower' is / L Nbu-H ru/ in Kami, and / L mɛ-H tɕo/ or / L mɛ-H to/ in Lizu, and /mi 55 -tɕo 31 / in Nàmùzī, WT <me tog>.

Areal Lexical and Structural Features

This section focuses on those salient lexical and structural features in Kami, noted in the surveyed sample, that may result from language contact in the area. It essentially focuses on kinship terminology, areal calques, and directional prefixes. 60

Lexical Features

Kinship Terminology

A comprehensive account (functional and historical) of the Kami kinship system and associated terminology is beyond the scope of this article, since collecting and interpretating sufficient genealogical data was impossible in the course of my linguistically-oriented fieldwork. Nonetheless, some mention of Kami kinship terms, be it even preliminary, is warranted in the context of the present discussion, given the exceptional status of Kami kinship terminology in the Tibetan context and its clear links to the kinship systems in neighboring languages.

Compared to kinship terminology, as reflected in Written Tibetan, Kami kinships terms are idiosynchratic. While some of them are traceable to WT, e.g. / H a-H ɲi/, <a myes> 'forefather'; / L a-H xə/, <a khu> 'paternal uncle'; some appear unrelatable to any Tibetan etymon, e.g. / L a-H ju/ 'elder brother', cf. WT <jo jo>, / L a-H ʑi/ 'elder sister', cf. WT <gcen mo> or <a cag >. 61 Altogether, as far as the written language is concerned, WT kinship terms have been analyzed as reflecting a partilineal exogamous social structure with a clear distinction between father's side and mother's side, and an emphasis on a continuous vertical line from grandfather to the father's sons (e.g. Nagano 1994: 105).

At odds with this conclusion, studies on peripheral Tibetan societies in central and southern Tibet (along with Tibetan communities in Nepal and India), reveal rather bilateral kinship systems (e.g. [START_REF] Aziz | Tibetan Frontier Families: Reflections of Three Generations from D'ing-ri[END_REF]: 117-122, Goldstein 1971, Levine 1988: 37-61). In these systems, descent reckoning is highly limited in its application, it is not simply patrilineal, and it operates chiefly at the periphery of society, among the nobles and outcasts. It is therefore not surprising that it is the marginal pattern of the society's elite, related to hierarchy, rank and lineage, that is reflected in the written language.

While our knowledge of Kham and Amdo societies remains sketchy, on-going anthropological and ethnographic work on non-Tibetan societies of South-West China 60 I use the term 'calque' to refer to compounds and phrases shared by a number of Mùlǐ languages that consist of language specific words in conformity with some shared model. For the moment, I leave aside the issue of the source of this model. 61 The words for 'older brother' and 'older sister' are shared by Kami with Dōngwàng, /a 13 jy 55 / and /a 13 ʐi 55 /, respectively (Bartee, this volume), and also with Shǐxīng, / L a-H ju/ and / H a-H ʑi/, respectively.

(the Moso, the Yí, the Púmǐ), including those of Mùlǐ, suggests a high degree of uniformity underlying areal kinship practices [START_REF] Hsu | Moso and Naxi: the House. Naxi and Moso Ethnography[END_REF][START_REF] Mckhann | Meng: Kinship, politics and ritual on the Yunnan-Sichuan frontier. Naxi and Moso Ethnography[END_REF], Lu 2000, Wellens 2006: 117-161). The following characteristics of these societies are most notable:

(1) a substantial degree of bilateral kinship reckoning underlying all local social systems (McKhann 1998: 41) (2) regional preference for cross-cousin marriage, together with high incidence of polygamous marriage: mainly fraternal or adelphic polyandry (in which two or more brothers take one wife), and to a lesser extent sororal polygyny (where sisters marry one husband) (Wellens 2003: 125) (3) residentially based principles of social organization, or 'houses', which are both residential and kinship groups (Aziz 1978: 117, 122-133;Wellens 2006: 143-149) (4) interplay of two kinship ideologies: the one bilateral and related to the 'house', and the other unilateral (matrilineal or patrilineal depending on the group) and concerned with hierarchy and rank (Hsu 1998: 90) The social organization of the Kami conforms to this profile. The importance of 'house', the residential and kinship group, can be glimpsed through the fact that every house in the Kami area is assigned a name, / L ɲi-H tsʰɔ̃ L ɲɯ/ <mi tshong mying> 'house name'. The name of the house, together with the village name, is ascribed to all its occupants. It is the name of the house by which one is known in one's own locality and in the wider community. In Shuǐluò, this practice is shared at least by the Kami, the Shǐxīng, and the Púmǐ. Take as an example the full name of my main language consultant, Mr. Yáng Lǔróng Túdīng / L tɕʰi-H ra H ja-L lɔ̃ H lu-H zũ L tʰu-H dĩ/. His two Tibetan names, / H lu-H zũ L tʰu-H dĩ/ <blo bzang stobs ldan>, are preceded by his native village name, / L tɕʰi-H ra/ Qílā, and his house name in the village, / H ja-L lɔ/. (In addition, having worked many years in the local administration, my main consultant also has a Chinese family name, Yáng 楊.)

The regional preference for cross-cousin marriage is also reflected in Kami kinship terminology.

The kinship system of the Kami is an ego-focused bilateral kindred simple system with distinctions according to the sex of the kin, according to the relative generation, and according to the age of the kin in relation to ego. Among siblings, the distinction according to the sex of the kin applies only to older siblings, whereas younger siblings are uniformly referred to as / L nɯ/ (<nu bo>) 'younger brother or sister'. (The same distinction is also characteristic, among others, for the Shǐxīng, / H gɔ/ 'younger brother or sister'.)

Father's brothers are called / L a-H xə/, <a khu> regardless of their respective age. The mother's brothers, again regardless of their respective age, are called / L a-H Nbu/ (<zhang bu?>), which is also the term for father's sister's husband. Father's sister is called / H a-H rẽ/ (<a sring?>), which is also the term for mother's brother's wife. Finally, mother's sister is called / L a-H sɯ/ (<a sru mo>), which is also the term for father's brother's wife. In sum, in this classification, ego's mother's sister's husband is his father's brother and his father's brother's wife is his mother's sister. If taken to reflect the ideal norm, as kinship terminology normally does, the ideal norm for the Kami is crosscousin marriage, consisting of sister's exchange. In practice, however, it is polygamous marriage that appears most widespread among the Kami.

At odds with the kinship terminology as reflected in WT with its emphasis on a continuous vertical line from grandfather (<mes>) to the father's sons (<pha spun>), the emphasis in the Kami system is rather on the mother's line, with the term / H a-H mɔ/ standing for the continuous vertical line from grandmother to sister: 'grandmother', 'father's elder brother's wife' (who at the same time is called / H a-H rẽ/) and 'ego's second sister'. / L a-H sɯ/ is at the same time 'maternal aunt' and '(male) ego's younger sister'.

In sum, Kami kinship terminology reveals a (etymologically) hybrid system, reflecting the areal pattern of social organization shared by all local Mùlǐ groups.

Areal Calques

A characteristic areal lexical feature is the high incidence of common patterns in word formation, common semantic distinctions and extensions, and calques. A further distinction may be drawn between those distinctions that are shared by Kami with all neighboring Qiangic languages, and those distinctions that are shared by Kami with some neighboring Qiangic languages and not with some other Qiangic languages of Mùlǐ.

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1) Word-formation: Diminutives

A pervasive areal pattern is to form diminutives with the diminutive suffix, derived from the word for 'child'.

In Kami, the word for 'child' is / L a-H ka/. The Tibetan etymology of this word is not clear. 62 The root /ka/ of this word is used as a diminutive suffix. For example, / L tʃʰə-H ka/ 'puppy', <khyi ?>; 'kitten' / L wu-H ka/, <?>. To compare, in Shǐxīng, the word for '(male) child, man' is / L zɔ/. This root is used as a diminutive suffix in a fashion similar to Kami, / H kʰuɜ-L zɔ/ 'puppy' (< / HL kʰuɜ/ 'dog'), / L ma-L zɹ̩ -H zɔ/ 'kitten' (< / L ma-H zɹ̩ / 'cat').

Both the WT diminutive root <phrug>, e.g. / L wu-H tʂʰə/ 'kitten', and the WT word for 'child' <a wo>, Kami / H a-H wɔ/, are also attested in the recorded sample. However, they are far less frequent than / L a-H ka/ and /ka/.

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2) Common semantic distinctions and extensions

Here is an incomplete list of characteristic examples of common semantic distinctions and extensions:

The verb 'to float' is a semantic extension of the verb 'to fly' (this homophony is already characteristic of WT). Both verbs are / H dĩ/, WT <lding> in Kami. The same applies to Lizu: / H bʑɛ/ 'to fly' vs. / H dɛ-L bʑɛ-L bʑɛ/ 'to float' (< /dɛ-/ is a directional prefix, meaning 'upward'). The two verbs are, however, distinct in Shǐxīng: / H dʑɛ/ 'to fly' and / H pu/ 'to float'.

The noun 'mute' (by extension, also 'dumb person, idiot') distinguishes between a male mute and a female mute, respectively, Kami: / L pə-H kɯ/ <bu skugs> and / L mə-H kɯ/ <mu skugs>, Shǐxīng: / L zo-H tɕɜ/ and / H mi-L tɕɜ/; or Púmǐ: /dzu 33 ɣiã 55 / and /m̥ ɛ 55 ɣiã 55 /. Conversely, this distinction is not made in Lizu, / L zɹ̩ -H ka/ 'mute', or in Nàmùzī, /a 33 -qa 55 / 'mute'.

(3) Calques

The verb 'to flow' is a nominal predicate expression consisting of the noun 'water' and the verb 'to go', e.g. in Kami / H tɕʰə L Ndʐu/ <chu 'gro>, in Shǐxīng / H dʑɜ H bi= H ji/ (< / H dʑɜ/ 'water', / L bi/ 'to walk', /ji/ is the progressive marker), or in Nàmùzī [ndʐʅ 55 =qʰae 11 bie 55 ] (< [ndʐʅ 53 ] 'water'; /qʰae/, (bound root) classifier for elongated objects; [bie 55 ] 'to go, to walk').

The verb 'to give birth' in Kami literally means 'to see (the child's) face', / H dɔ̃ L tʰɔ/ (< / L dɔ-H ku/ <gdong ?> 'face', / H tʰɔ/ <mthong> 'to see'). This formation has an exact parallel in Shǐxīng: /( L za-L mi) L pʰɑ-H dɔ/ (< / L za-H mi/ 'child', / H pʰɑ/ 'face', / L dɔ/ 'to see'). On the other hand, this calque is not shared by Lizu, which has a monosyllabic root, / HL dzɹ̩ /, to express the meaning 'to give birth'.

The few examples mentioned in this section suggest that it is a promising direction to consider Kami lexicon in its areal context in a more systematic fashion.

One more salient areal pattern adapted in the form of morphemic substitution in Kami is the use of verbal directional prefixes, as discussed in the following section.

Directional Prefixes and Miscellaneous Morphosyntactic Innovations

Directional prefixes (topography-based spatial deixis) are one of the essential features probative of the membership in the Qiangic subgroup of the Tibeto-Burman language family. In Huáng [START_REF] Bùfán | Yùshù Zàngyǔ de yǔyīn tèdiǎn hán lìshǐ yǎnbiàn guīlǜ 玉樹藏語的語音特點含歷 史演變規律 [Characteristics of Yushu Tibetan phonology and its rules of historical change[END_REF] analysis, the fact that this areally dominant yet strikingly non-Tibetan feature (at least as compared to WT and better-described Tibetan dialects) is also shared by Kami, suggests that its presence in Kami is due to language contact. 63 The following additional observations concerning the use of directional prefixes in Kami can be made.

(1) The use of directional prefixes is characterized by a certain degree of geographic, temporal and/or individual variation. This is evidenced by dissimilarities between my own recent fieldwork and Huáng's (1994) Kami data based on her fieldwork in the late 1980s. (Unfortunately, Huáng does not specify which sub-dialect of Kami she worked on.) Notably, of the five Kami directional prefixes quoted by Huáng, only four are shared with my data, namely, (i) /pʰa-/ <phar> 'away from the speaker', (ii) /tsʰa-/ <tshur> 'towards 63 It is noteworthy that the presence of directional prefixes in Kami is not unparalled in other Tibetan dialects. A relatively well known case is Báimǎ (Huáng and Zhāng 1995: 112-113), which has as many as 13 directional prefixes. Zhongu, on the other hand, exhibits a development of imperative markers from WT directional terms (Sun 2003: 797, footnote 51). Directional prefixes are also being discovered in a growing number of newly described dialects that are spoken in the historical frontier areas between Tibet and China. the speaker', (iii) /ja-/ <jar> 'upward', and (iv) /ma-/ <mar> 'downward'. The fifth prefix quoted by Huáng, /tae 13 -/ 'to the place of origin', which she analyzes as derived from the verb <bsdad> 'to dwell, to sit' and which is said to co-occur with verbs of posture, has not been attested in the speech of my language consultants. At the same time, my consultants marginally use one directional prefix that is not attested by Huáng: /nɔ-/ 'inward', <nang>, as in / H nɔ-L tʰẽ/ 'to look inside'.

(2) Dissimilarity of sound changes in Kami basic lexicon and directional prefixes, e.g. /ja-/ 'upward', from <yar> 'upwards, above, up' vs. <g.yar> / L ʒɛ/ (/ L zɛ/) 'to borrow (objects)'. Conversely, the modern Kami reflex -a of the WT rhyme -ur in the directional prefix <tshur> is conceivably due to analogical leveling with other directional prefixes.

(3) Restricted scope of use and lower degree of grammaticalization, as compared to directional prefixes in the neighboring languages.

In Kami, most verbs do not require a directional prefix when quoted in isolation, e.g. / H jɔ/ <long> 'to take, to hold', / H tʂʰi/ <khrid> 'to lead', / L gu/ 'to kneel' (the Tibetan etymology of this root is unclear). The use of directional prefixes on verbs serves either (i) to distinguish various meanings correlated with one stem, e.g. <'jus> / H Ndʑə/ 'to grab, to seize, to grasp' vs. / L ja-H Ndʑə/ 'to pick up' vs. / L tsʰa-H Ndʑə/ 'to hold', or (ii) to denote telicity and perfectivity, e.g. / L pʰa-H sa/ means both 'to burn down' and 'have burnt down'; or to form imperative, as in / H ma-L Ndə/, <mar 'dug>, 'sit down!'.

To compare, Shǐxīng has a more grammaticalized system of directional prefixes: (i) Shǐxīng has a larger number of directional prefixes (six in total), most of which (five) are used with high frequency, both on verbs in isolation and in connected speech; (ii) Shǐxīng's directional prefixes are associated with a larger range of contexts; (iii) They are more clearly associated with the grammatical meaning (with one prefix, /lɜ-/, denoting the perfective meaning exclusively); (iv) The use of directional prefixes in Shǐxīng is more obligatory than optional (see [START_REF] Chirkova | Approaching the prosodic system of Shǐxīng[END_REF] for an overview).

In sum, directional prefixes in Kami are characterized by geographic, temporal and/or individual variation, relatively low degree of grammaticalization and sound correspondences distinct from those in the basic lexicon. Hence, directional prefixes in Kami are altogether a relatively marginal and possibly recent feature. Some additional distinct morphosyntactic innovations of Kami, as compared to the better-documented Tibetan dialects (such as Dégé or Bātáng), are:

(i) the marginal use of numeral classifiers, / L ɲə-H Ngu L tɕi/ 'one person' <mi mgo gcig>, where / H Ngu/, WT <mgo>, is used as a classifier to count people (ii) the unusual types of adjective formation; these include (a) extensive use of reduplication (expressing intensification), e.g. / L ŋ̥ ũ-H ŋ̥ ũ/ <sngon sngon> 'green, blue', / L ʒɔ-H ʒɔ/ <yang yang> 'light'; (b) adjective formation with the prefix a-, e.g. / L a-H ɲu/ 'good', / L a-H bɛ/ 'bad'; (c) formation of adjectives of dimensional extent (i.e. those that form a semantic field of opposites, e.g. deep-shallow, long-short), whereby the negative extensives are partly or completely replaced by forms derived from the positive ones, e.g. / H tsɔ/ <gtsang> 'clean', / L ma-H tsɔ/ <mi gtsang> 'dirty'. 64 Taken in the areal context, all three types are characteristic for the neighboring Qiangic languages as well as Nosu [START_REF] Bradley | Grammaticalisation of extent in Mran-Ni[END_REF] (iii) finally, one more morphosyntactic innovation of Kami is an elaborate system of existential verbs, reflecting evidentiality distinctions (old knowledge vs. new knowledge). More precisely, Kami has a set of neutral existential verbs (for old knowledge) and a corresponding set of etymologically related verbs (tentatively, with an evidential morpheme coalesced with the verb root) for new knowledge, e.g. / L ʒu/ <yod> 'to have, to possess (by the speaker)' vs. / L ʒã/ <yod.?> 'to exist out there, beyond the speaker's control'. (Overall, peculiar forms and functions of existential verbs appear to be a widespread feature of many Kham dialects, see Hongladarom 2007: 123.) Interestingly, most of these innovative features appear shared by Kami with some neighbouring Southern Kham dialects (e.g. see Hé 1998:431 for numeral classifiers in Zhōngdiàn).

Summary and Discussion

Characteristics features of Kami as dissimilar from general Kham tendencies (such as the development of OT cluster with the prefixal consonant s-and a nasal root initial into voiceless nasals) can be summarized as follows:

(1) Conditioned split of OT palato-alveolars, leading to the development of distinct uvular reflexes before OT non-high non-front vowels

(2) OT Ky-and Py-clusters become palato-alveolar affricates and fricatives, respectively, for some speakers, and alveo-palatal affricates and dental fricatives, respectively, for some other speakers. For the latter category of speakers, in some words, OT skybecomes /ʂ/ (3) OT y-becomes /ʒ/ for some speakers and /z/ for some other speakers (4) The unprefixed OT root initial l-becomes /j/ (5) OT lh-becomes /ɦj/ and /l̥ /. In the latter case, some reflexes of OT lh-merge with the reflexes of the OT cluster sl-(6) OT zl-becomes /l/ and /Nd/ (7) OT sbr-becomes /Nb˜m/ and /dʐ/ 64 The majority of such adjectives are formed with the past (and imperative) negative marker /ma/, as in this example. A handful of adjectives are also formed with the non-past negative marker /mu/, e.g. / L mu-H gɔ/ 'disagreable, disgusting' (from <mi>, negator, and <dga'> 'to like').

(8) OT closed syllables with consonantal codas develop into innovative vowels and diphthongs, without glottal stop codas or contrastive vowel length (9) The development in (8) conditions a simple tone system with the basic register distinction, High vs. Low (and a number of atonal roots from OT prefixed clusters with a voiced initial, undergoing the process of devoicing) (10) A register tone system is combined in Kami with a system of metrical stress (with a iambic pattern for nominal constructions and a trochaic pattern for verbal constructions) (11) Presence in Kami of directional prefixes, marginally, also numeral classifiers, non-Tibetan types of adjective formation, an elaborate system of existential verbs reflecting evidentiality distinctions (old knowledge vs. new knowledge).

These characteristic features can be further divided into retentions, such as ( 5)-( 7), and innovations. Innovations can be further divided into those that have so far been documented only in Kami, such as ( 1) and ( 8)-( 10), and those that are attested in other peripheral Tibetan dialects, such as (3), ( 4) and ( 11).

In terms of its connection to the dialects of Díqìng Prefecture, of which only Zhōngdiàn and Dōngwàng have been documented to date, and with which Kami has been argued to constitute one sub-cluster, the following conclusions can be made. In view of its characteristic developments as summarized above, Kami is highly distinct from Zhōngdiàn. At the same time, Kami is closer Dōngwàng, with which it shares some retentions, i.e. ( 5) and ( 6), some innovations, i.e. ( 3) and ( 4), and some words of unclear Tibetan etymology. Conversely, the innovative developments, such as (11), as well as also some words of unclear Tibetan etymology, shared by Kami and Dōngwàng, are not restricted to these two dialects, and are being discovered in a growing number of lesserknown Tibetan dialects spoken in the historical frontier areas between Tibet and China.

The two prominent features of Kham dialects are, on the one hand, an unusually high degree of heterogeneity and individual innovation and the lack of common phonological innovations; and, on the other hand, the presence of unusual morphosyntactic innovations, setting these dialects apart from WT and Tibetan dialects outside of the area. In my analysis, both features result from contact-induced change-the defining conditioning factor in the formation of Tibetan dialects of the historically multilingual border areas between Tibetan and China. Hence, the high degree of heterogeneity and the lack of common innovations are attributable to local mechanisms of contact-induced change such as convergence of articulation modes and positions between the individual Kham Tibetan dialects and their respective (non-Tibetan) contact languages, incorporation of new phonemes, reorganization of the phonological system resulting in the substitution of some inherited phonemes by borrowed phonemes, and profound restructuring of the prosodic organization (for discussion, see Chirkova forthcoming). Conversely, the presence of unusual morphosyntactic innovations is equally attributable to contact-induced convergence with local non-Tibetan languages as well as, more broadly, to the transition in the area between distinct language types, namely, between (1) synthetic languages with both inflectional and derivational morphology to the north and northwest (e.g. Altaic, rGyalrongic), and (2) isolating aunt (wife of mother's brother); H a-H rẽ <a sring?> autumn; H tã-H Ngɔ <ston ka> axe; H ta-H rə <sta re> back; L ɕe-H gɔ̃ <*phyi? gong> back of hand; L ja-H gɔ̃ <*lag gong> back up, retreat; H ɕi-H Ndʐei <*phyir 'bros> bad, evil; L a-H bɛ; L ma= H zɔ <mi bzang> bag, sack; L ke-H tɔ <*bkal do?> balance, scale (large, e.g. for weighing skins); H sɔ̃ <srang> balance, steelyard (small); L tɕi <'jal?> bamboo; L ɲ̥ ũ-H wã <smyug ma> bamboo joint; L ɲ̥ ũ-H tsʰi <smyug tshigs> bamboo shoot; L ɲ̥ ũ-H gɔ <smyug ?> bank; H ŋe-H kʰɔ̃ <dngul khang> bark (V); L sɯ <zug> bark (of a tree) (N); L ɕĩ-H pa <shing lpags> barley; L sʰu-H wɔ <so ba> basin (wooden); L kʰua-H la, cf. Shǐxīng / L qʰua-H la/, Púmǐ /kʰuA 35 lA 35 /, Lizu / H qʰwɑ-L lɑ/ basket (for carrying a child); L dʐã-H Nga bat; L pʰə-L wu-L ma-H ki be, copula verb; L re <red> beads, rosary; H tʂʰɔ̃ <phreng ba> beam, rafter; H pʰo <phog> bean (Phaseolus vulgaris); H sa-H mɔ̃ <sran ma> bear (fruit); H sʰe L ta <*sil? (tog?) btag?> beard; L a-H tsʰɔ̃ <ag tshom> beautiful, good--looking; L tɕe-H tʂu bed; H tʂʰə <khri> bedbug; L tɕẽ-H ɕi <? shig> bee, wasp;

  e ad, eb(s), ed, er, ul, od ɛ ar a ag(s), eg(s) ə i, u, us ɯ ug(s), ig(s), ul u o, ub(s), ug(s), ob(s) ɤ ab(s), og(s), od o og(s), ob(s) ɔ a, a' 34 ĩ ing, eng ẽ an, en, em(s), in, ing, im(s), un, on ã am(s), root vowel+-ma ɯ̃ ung ũ um(s)

  ɔ̃ ang(s), om(s), ong, root vowel+-ma/-mo ei as, el, ul, ol, os ui ub(s), ur ue is, od, or uẽ on Table 6

  --, --g-χ sh(w)+a, (C)sh+a, zh(w)+a ʁ (C)zh+a, 'j? (as in / H ʁɔ/, from WT <'ja'>, OT <gzha'> 'rainbow') h h, h(w)? ɦj lh m m, (C)m, 'b (as in / L Nba˜Lma/ <'bag> 'mask'), sbr (as in / L Nbɔ̃Lmɔ/ <sbrang> 'bee; wasp') m̥ sm n n, (C)n, 'd, md (as in / L nã-H sõ H ʃə-H gə/ <mdang song ?> 'last night') ), hr?, --d--, --t--r̥ --th--, --d + --r--(as in / L pe-H r̥ a/ <bod rag> 'Tibetan liquor')

Table 2 .

 2 Kami consonant phonemes (Main consultant)

	Bilabial	Dental	Retroflex	Palato-alveolar	Alveo-palatal	Velar	Glottal
	p, pʰ, b	t, tʰ, d				k, kʰ, g
		ts, tsʰ, dz	tʂ, tʂʰ, dʐ	tʃ, tʃʰ, dʒ	tɕ, tɕʰ, dʑ
		s, sʰ, z		ʃ, ʃʰ, ʒ	ɕ, ɕʰ, ʑ	x˜χ, ɣ˜ʁ	h
	m, m̥	n, n̥			ɲ, ɲ̥	ŋ, ŋ̥
		l, l̥
	w	r, r̥			j

  H pu/ 'to move' /ph/ / H pʰɔ/ 'father', / H pʰə/ 'malt dregs after brewing beer', / H pʰu/ 'to punch' /d/ / L da/ 'to lick', / L dɯ/ 'to poke, to stab', / L du/ 'stone' /t/ / H ta/ 'tiger', / H tɤ/ 'to scatter, to cast', / H tu/ 'to pluck, to pick (flowers)' /tʰ/ / H tʰa/ 'texture, web', / H tʰɤ/ 'fireplace, stove, hearth', / H tʰu/ 'grain, crops' /g/ / H gɔ/ 'saddle', / L gɯ/ 'to wait', / H gu/ 'door; to divide, to share' /k/ / H kɔ/ 'gutter; pillar', / H kɤ/ 'to cover', / H ku/ 'to carve, to engrave' /kʰ/ / H kʰɔ/ 'mouth', / H kʰɤ/ 'needle', / H kʰu-Similar to stops, Kami affricates contrast in voicing; voiceless unaspirated affricates further contrast with their voiceless aspirated counterparts: /dz/ / H ti-H dza/ 'saber, small sword', / H dzɔ/ 'county', / L dzui/ 'to pasture, to herd' /ts/ / H tsa/ 'to sieve, to sift', / H tsɔ/ 'root', / H tsu-H wɔ/ 'grass'

	/tsʰ/	/ H tsʰa/ 'to marry a woman', / H tsʰɔ/ 'salt', / H tsʰu/ 'lake; to be busy'
	/dʐ/	/ H dʐɔ/ 'enemy', / H dʐɔ/ 'honey; sugar'
	/tʂ/	/ H tʂa/ 'to fear, to be afraid of', / H tʂɔ/ '(human) hair', / H tʂɔ/ 'to swell'
	/tʂʰ/	/ H tʂʰa/ 'blood', / H tʂʰɔ/ 'thin', / H tʂʰɔ/ 'beads, rosary'
	/dʒ/	/ H dʒɔ/ 'Chinese; hundred', / L dʒɔ/ 'intestines, bowels'
	/tʃ/	/ H tʃa/ 'to weigh', / L tʃɔ/ 'wall', / L tʃuẽ/ 'to put on, to wear'
	/tʃʰ/	/ H tʃʰə/ 'dog', / H tʃʰue/ 'thou, second person singular pronoun'
	/dʑ/	/ H dʑi/ 'heavy', / L dʑa-H mu/ 'heavy'
	/tɕ/	/

1) Stops Kami stops are pronounced at three different places of articulation: bilabial, dental, and velar. Kami stops contrast in voicing; voiceless stops are further distinguished by aspiration, e.g.: /b/ / H bɔ/ 'to bury', / L tʂi-H bə/ 'bell', / L bu/ 'breath' /p/ / L pɔ/ 'cow', / H pə/ '(animal) hair, fur; son', / H nbɔ/ 'house' (2) Affricates Kami affricates include more contrasts of place of articulation than stops, namely four: dental, retroflex, palato-alveolar, alveo-palatal. Words with palato-alveolar affricates are infrequent in the surveyed sample. H tɕa/ 'iron', / L tɕɔ/ 'tea', / L sʰu-H tɕo/ 'hoof, cloot' /tɕʰ/ / H tɕʰa L tɕi/ 'one pair', / H tɕʰə/ 'water', / H tɕʰo/ 'to be enough'

  Kami fricatives are pronounced at five different places of articulation: dental, palatoalveolar, alveo-palatal, velar(-uvular), glottal. Dental, palato-alveolar, alveo-palatal, and velar fricatives contrast in voicing (viz. /s/ vs. /z/, /ʃ/ vs. /ʒ/, /ɕ/ vs. /ʑ/, /x/ vs. /ɣ/). The voiceless glottal fricative /h/ does not have a voiced counterpart. Consider some examples of the former three voiceless-voiced pairs: The uvular pronunciation is common in the word-initial position before back vowels, whereas the velar pronunciation is common in the word-initial position with the front vowel /ɛ/, and in the second-syllable-initial position with all vowels.

	/ L sa-H mɔ/ 'edibles, food'	/ L za-H bɔ/ 'deaf' 10
	/ L ʃɔ/ 'bird; chicken'	/ L ʒɔ/ 'spouse'
	/ H ɕĩ/ 'wood'	/ H ʑĩ/ 'later, hereafter'
	I analyze the velar fricatives as having two allophonic realizations, viz. [x] and [χ], and [ɣ]
	and [ʁ].

11

In the wordinitial position, my main consultant accepts [x] and [χ] to be exchanged without a change or loss of meaning, e.g. [ H xu]~[ H χu] 'food, cooked rice'. He also accepts

[ɣ] and [ʁ]

to be interchanged before /ɛ/ without a change or loss of meaning, e.g. [ L ɣɛ]~[ L ʁɛ] 'to shave'.

/

  L ɕa-H pə/ 'thing, goods' / L ʃa-H pə/ 'feather, plumage' / L ʑa-H Nbɔ/ 'raw' / L ʒa-H wɔ/ 'poplar' / H ʑə/ 'four' /

H ʒə/ 'turquoise' / L ɕi/ 'little bird; sparrow', / H kɔ-H ʑi/ 'footprint'

Table 3 :

 3

	Bilabial	Dental	Retroflex	Alveo-palatal	Velar	Glottal
	p, pʰ, b	t, tʰ, d			k, kʰ, g
		ts, tsʰ, dz	tʂ, tʂʰ, dʐ	tɕ, tɕʰ, dʑ
		s, sʰ, z	ʂ	ɕ, ɕʰ, ʑ	x˜χ, ɣ˜ʁ	h
	m, m̥	n, n̥		ɲ, ɲ̥	ŋ, ŋ̥
		l, l̥
	w	r, r̥		j

Table 3

 3 Kami nasals are pronounced at the bilabial, dental, alveo-palatal, and velar places of articulations.All Kami nasals show the correlation voiced-voiceless, as the (near) minimal pairs below show. The voiceless nasals, /m̥ , n̥ , ɲ̥ , ŋ̥ / normally have homorganic voiced nasal onsets but voiceless, slightly aspirated release, i.e. respectively, [mm̥ ʰ], [nn̥ ʰ], [ɲɲh], [ŋŋh]. 12 / H mã-H Ngi/ 'chin, jaw' / L m̥ ã-H χu/ 'dinner' / H nã/ 'sky, heaven' / H n̥ ã/ 'snivel, snot' / H ɲi/ 'eye' / H ɲ̥ i/ 'to ripen' / H ŋuẽ/ 'to hunt' /

. Kami consonant phonemes (Other consultants) (4) Nasals H ŋ̥ uẽ/ 'front' (5) Kami liquids and approximants There are four central approximants and two lateral approximants in Kami: /w/, /j/, /r/, /r̥ /, /l/, /l̥ /. The approximants /l/ and /r/ demonstrate a two-way contrast in voicing. /r̥ / is restricted to the second-syllable-initial position. Consider these examples: /w/ / L wɔ/ 'fox', / H wu-H li/ 'cat' /j/ / L jɔ/ 'hand', / L ju/ 'year' /l/ / H lɔ/ 'moon; musk deer', / H lu/ 'bellyband, saddle girth' /l̥ / / H l̥ ɔ/ 'water or mountain spirit', / H l̥ u/ 'to deceive, to cheat' /r/ / L a-H ra/ 'arak, strong liquor, alcoholic drink', / L gu-H re/ 'old' /r̥ / / L pe-H r̥ a/ 'Tibetan liquor', / L gu-H r̥ ẽ/ 'doorsill, threshold'

  H kɔ/ 'foot' + / H ʑi/ 'trace' > / H kɔ-H ʑi/ 'footprint' / H kɔ/ 'foot' + / L Ndzui/ 'finger' > / H kɔ-H Ndzui/ 'toe' / L jɔ/ 'hand' + / H ʑi/ 'trace' > / L ja-H ʑi/ 'hand print, finger print' / L ʒa/ 'yak' + / H χɔ/ 'meat' > / L ʒa-H χɔ/ 'yak meat'

	Notably, this analysis has many counterexamples, chiefly resulting from a clear
	preference of my main consultant for the /L-H/ tonal pattern on disyllabic nouns,
	regardless of the tone of the word-initial syllable. For example:
	/ H pʰa/ 'pig' + / H χɔ/ 'meat' > / L pʰa-H χɔ/ 'pork' (expected, / H pʰa-H χɔ/)
	/ H tɔ/ 'horse' + / L rɔ/ 'pen, ring' > / L tɔ-H rɔ/ 'horse corral, stable' (expected, / H tɔ-H rɔ/)
	L Nbu-H ru
	L tɕɔ/ 'scented tea' (< / L Nbu-H ru/ 'flower', / L tɕɔ/ 'tea'); / L dʒa-H ɣɛ L xu-L wɔ/ 'traditional Tibetan hat' (> / L dʒa-
	H ɣɛ/ 'India', / L xu-H wɔ/ 'hat').

/

  Consider the following examples: <ba> / L pɔ/ 'cow' <pi wang> / H pi-H wɔ/ 'guitar, lute, violin' <spu> / H pə/ '(animal) hair, fur' <phag> / H pʰa/ 'pig' <dar> / L tɛ/ 'flag' <rdo> / L du/ 'stone' <rta> / H tɔ/ 'horse' <stag> / H ta/ 'tiger' <thab> / H tʰɤ/ 'fireplace, stove, hearth' <ga> / L ka˜Lkɛ/ 'where' <sga> / H gɔ/ 'saddle' <ka> 'pillar',<rka> 'gulley, gutter', both / H kɔ/ <kha> / H kʰɔ/ 'mouth' <rdzong> / H dzɔ/ 'county' <tshang> / H tsʰɔ/ 'household, family; nest' <rtsa> / H tsɔ/ 'root'

Table 7 .

 7 OT rhymes with consonantal codas and their Kami reflexes

		b(s)	d	g(s)	l	r	s	n	ng(s) m(s)
	a	ɤ	e	a	i 36	ɛ	ei 37	ẽ	ɔ̃	ã
	i	i	i	i 38	i	i	i 39	ẽ	ĩ 40	ẽ
	e	e	e	a 41	ei or i 42	e	i	ẽ	ĩ	ẽ
	u	ui or u 43	i	ɯ 44	ei/e/i/ɯ 45	ui	i or ə 46	ẽ	ɯ̃	ũ
	o	u or o 47	e or ue 48	o 49	ei or i 50	e or ue	ei	ẽ or uẽ	ɔ̃	ɔ̃

  L Nbɔ̃ L mɔ̃ <sbrang> beehive; L Nbɔ-H tsʰɔ̃ <sbrang tshang> beer; H tɕʰɔ̃ <chang>; (malt dregs after brewing beer) H pʰə beg (for food); H l̥ ɔ̃ <slong>, H xu-L l̥ ɔ̃ <bshos? slong> beige, light blue--grey; H ʃa-H bu-H lo <skya bo ?> bell; L tʂi-H bə <dril bu> bellows, instrument for blowing a fire; H bi-H pɔ <sbud pa> belly, abdomen; L sə-H pɔ <gsus pa> bellyband, saddle girth; H lu <glo> below; L xɤ-H rɔ <*'og ra?> bet, place a bet; H tɕẽ L ʁa <rgyan bzhag> bid sb welcome, greet; L ga H tʂu <dga' bro?> big; H tɕʰi <che>, L tɕʰə-H wu <che ba> birch; H tʂʰe <gro ?> bitter; L kʰa-H tɯ <kha tig> black; L na-H rã <nag ?> black bear; L tɔ̃ <dom> blacksmith; L Nga-H rɔ <mgar ba> bladder; L tsʰa-L mu-H rɔ blade of a knife; L tʂə-H su <gri so> blanket, rug; L ʃʰa-H rɔ <phya ra> blind; L ɲa-H ku <myig ?> blink, wink; H ɲi-H tsũ <myig btsum> blister; H pʰɔ-H dui <phol ?> block up, plug; H pʰa-L tsʰɔ̃ <phar tshang> blood; H tʂʰa <khrag> blossom, bloom; H xo <bzhad?> blow (as of wind); H lə L ɔ̃ <rlung 'ong> blow away (as of a speck of dust); H pɛ <sbar?> blue; L ŋ̥ ũ-H ŋ̥ ũ <*sngon sngon>; (heaven's blue) H nã-H Ndo <*gnam mdog> blunderbuss; H pã-H Ndɔ <? mda'> blunt, not sharp; L tə-H tɯ <*brtul brtul> board for kneading dough; L tɕʰa-H ʁɔ̃ <? gzhong> board, plank; H pɔ-H he <spang leb?> boat; H pi bodkin, awl; H Nbu-H lẽ <'bur len> body; L li-H pu <lus po> body (upper part of the body); L kʰo-H tue <khog stod> body (lower part of the body); L kʰo-H m̥ ẽ <khog smad> boil (a porridge), stew; L tsʰɔ-H ki <tsha? bkol> Bon priest, dōngbā 東巴; H a-H ɲi <a myes>;L gi-H l̥ ɔ <dge slong> cat (tomcat, male cat); L pʰu-H li <pho lus> cat (kitten); L wu-H ka; L wu-H tʂʰə <? phrug> cat (wild cat); H si-H rɔ <bye la?> catch (fire), be on fire; L Nbɛ <'bar>, L ɲi-H Nbɛ <mye 'bar> catch a cold / flu; L sʰa-H su catch up; L te <ded> cattle, ox, cow; L pa-H jɔ̃ <ba lang> cave (mountain); L tʂa-H tʂʰɯ <brag ?> ceiling; H nã-H tɕẽ <*gnam gcal?> cent, one cent; H ka H tɕi <skar (ma) gcig> center, middle part; H tɕi-H ɣɯ̃ <*dkyil gung?> central pillar; L tɕi-H kɔ <dkyil ka> chaff; L be-H la, cf. Púmǐ /be 55 lA35 / chaff, husk; L Ndʐei-H xɔ <'bras shun> change, exchange; L pʰa-H ʑi <phar brje> chase after; follow after; H kẽ cheap, inexpensive; L kɔ̃ H l̥ ɔ <*gong sla>; L kɔ̃ H l̥ ã <gong ?> cheek; H na-H tsɔ <rna rtsa>; L kʰe-H lə <mkhur ?> cheese, milk curd; H tʰi <thud>, L pa-H tʰi <ba thud> chess; H Ndʐi L dʒɤ <*'brel rgyab> chest; L tʂã-H Nga <brang kha> chest, cupboard; H ta-H dʐɔ̃ <sgam sgrom> chew; L tɕʰɔ <'cha' ba> chick; L ɕi-H ka <byi'u ?> or <bye ?> chicken; L ʃɔ <bya> chicken (hen); L ʃa-H mɔ̃ <bya mo> chicken (cock, rooster); L ʃa-H wu <bya po> child; L a-H ka; L a-H wɔ <a wa> chimney, skylight; L ka-H xɯ̃ <skar khung> China, inland; L dʒa-H na <rgya nag> Chinese; H dʒɔ <rgya> Chinese characters; L dʒa-H zi <rgya yig> chin, jaw; H mã-H Ngi <ma mgal> chisel; H zɔ̃ <gzong> choke on food; H nɔ̃ <rnang> choose, select; H se <gsed> chop (firewood) into chunks; H tʂo chop down (trees); H tsɤ <gtsab>; H ɕĩ H tsɤ <shing gtsab> chop, mince, cut (meat); H tsɤ <gtsab> chopsticks; L χə-H ɯ̃ churn; L tɕa-H Ndɔ̃ <ja mdong> cigarette; L ti-H dʐi <du sgril> circle, wheel; turn round; H kʰue <'khor> city, town; H dʒa-H dʐɔ̃ <rgya grong> clay baking pot; L za-H ɔ̃ <rdza ma> clean; H tsɔ-H mɔ̃ <gtsang> clear (know); L ku-H mu <go ?> clear (water); L tɔ-H mo <dwangs mo> clear (weather), sunny; H ji H zɔ̃ <yul bzang> clever, intelligent; L tʂʰɔ-H pɔ <khram pa?> climb; L Ndza <'dzeg> clock, hour; watch; L tɕʰi-H tsʰe <chu tshod> close (the door); H ti, possibly related to <rtul> 'gather into a place' or <btus> 'gather together', with a semantic shift from 'collect' to 'close' close (the mouth) slightly; H kʰɔ L ma-L tsɔ̃ <kha mar 'dzum> close, near; L tʰa-H tʰɯ̃ <thag thung>, H ka-H tsɔ <? rtsa> cloth; L rei <ras> cloth button; L rei L dʐo-H li <ras sgrog ril?> clothes; L kei <gos> cloud; H tʂẽ <sprin> cloudy, overcast; H nã L na <gnam nag> cobbler, shoemaker; tailor, dressmaker; L zu-H bɔ <bzo ba> coffin; L ru-H gã <ro sgam> cold; L tʂɔ-H kua <grang ?>, with the suffix /kua/ collar; L kɔ̃ <gong>, L kɔ-H wa <gong ba> color; (dyestuff) H tsʰei-H kʰɔ <tshos kha>; L Ndo-H kʰɔ <mdog kha> comb (N); H sə-H ɯ̃ <shad ma?> comb (V); H ɕe <shad>, (comb hair) H tʂɔ L ɕe <skra shad> come; L ɔ̃ <'ong>, (IMP) H xo <shog> come loose; H pʰa-L la <phar glod?> come out; H tsʰa-L pi <tshur 'bud> come out (as of the sun); L ɲɔ̃ H χɛ <nyi ma shar> comet; H kẽ-H Ndɔ <skar mda'> comfortable; H ɕi-H pu <skyid po> common people; L mi-H mɔ̃ <mi dmangs> conch shell; L tɯ̃ <dung> conifer, fir; (Faber's Fir, Abies fabri) H sɔ-H xə <gsom ?>; (silver fir, Cathaya argyrophylla) L Ndu-H ra <thang rag> consciousness; H ja-L tsʰue <yar tshor> cook; L zu <bzo> cooked, ripe; L ja-H tsʰei <yar 'tshos> cooking pot; H di copper; L sɔ̃ <zangs> copper pot; L sɔ̃ L lu-H ko <zangs ? ?> corn, maize; L kʰa-H ɕʰə corner; L sui <zur>, e.g. (corner of the eye) H ɲi-H zui <myig zur> corpse, carcass; L ru <ro> cotton; H tʂi-H Nbi <srin bal> cough; L jə <lu ba> country; L dʒa-H kʰu <rgyal khab> county; H dzɔ̃ <rdzong> courtyard; L kʰue-H rɔ <khor ra>; L ta-H rɔ <do ra> cover up; H kɤ <bkab>, e.g. cover (the mouth) H tɕʰə-H ru L kɤ <mchu to bkab> cover, hide from view; H pʰa-L ʒue <phar byibs> cow; L pɔ <ba> craftsman; H kʰa-H mɔ̃ <mkhan pa?> crawl, crumble off; L ko <gog> cremation grounds, cemetery; L ti-H tʂʰe <dur khrod> cross (a river); H Ngɔ̃ <'gom> crow (sound of chicken); L se crow, raven; L ʃa-H ro <bya rog> cry, weep; L ŋɯ̃ <ngu> cuckoo; H ku-H ku <ku ku> cucumber; L du-H kue <rdo gon?>, cf. Shǐxīng, / H duɜ-L xu/, Lizu / H tɕu-L qʰwɑ/, Púmǐ /do 35 kʰA 53 / curved, become curved; H pʰa-L Ngue <phar sgor?> cut (meat, grass), mow; H ŋɔ <rnga> cut (cloth); L kei-H tsʰe <gos 'tshem> cut off, sever (a rope); cut up, slice; H tu <gtub> cut one's hair, have one's hair cut; L dʐa <'dreg> or <'breg > cutting board; L tsa-H tẽ <gtsab gdan> cymbals; H bu-H tɕʰe <sbub chal> cypress; H tsʰã-H dẽ <tsan dan> dance (N); L tʂu <bro> dance (V); H tɕʰã <'cham> dandruff; H lu-H gu, with the suffix /gu/ dare, have courage; H po <spobs> dark; L na-H gɯ <nag ?> daughter; young girl, young woman; L pə-H ɯ̃ <bu mo> daughter--in--law, son's wife; H na-H ɔ̃ <mna' ma> dawn (of the day); light (bright); H si <gsal>; L si-H tẽ <gsal ston>; L si-H mu <gsal mo> day; L ɲɔ̃ <nyi ma> day after tomorrow; H nɔ-H jĩ <gnangs nyin> day before yesterday; L kʰa-H Nbɛ <kha ?> day, daytime; L ɲɯ-H Ngɔ̃ <nyin gung> daybreak, dawn; L nã-H si <gnam gsal> deaf; L za-H bɔ, cf. Shǐxīng / L zɜ-H bɔ/, Púmǐ /zɐ 35 bɔ̃3 5 /, Lizu / L nɑ-H Nbo/ debt; L pu-H lẽ <bu lon> deceive, cheat; H l̥ u <slu> deep; L sɤ-H mu <zab mo> deer; L χɔ <shwa ba> dew; L si-H hu <zil pa> dhole, wild dog; H pʰa-H rɔ <'phar> diarrhea, have diarrhea; H Ndʐẽ <'grim?>; L sə-H pɔ L Ndʐẽ <*gsus pa 'grim> die; H ɕʰə <shi> die out (as of fire), extinguish; L pʰa-H ti <phar gtul?> difficult, hard; L jei-H kã <las dka' mo?> dig, scoop out, excavate; H ku <rko> diligent, conscientious; H hu-H tʰa <hur thag> dimple; L Ndzẽ-H kʰɯ <*'dzum khug> dinner, supper; L Ndu-H xu <*'du? bshos?>; L m̥ ã-H xu <*smag? bshos?> dirty; L ma-H tsɔ̃ <mi gtsang> dirty, muddy water; H ʃa-H dɯ̃ disagreeable, disgusting; L mu-H gɔ <mi dga'> disappear; H pʰa-H tue <phar gtor?> divide, share (things); H gu <bgo> do, be in business; H tsʰɔ̃ L dʒɤ <tshong rgyab> do, make; L ʃe <byed>; H Ngi <'gul> dog; H tʃʰə <khyi> dog (bitch, female dog); L mu-H tʃʰə <mo khyi> dog (male dog); L pʰu-H tʃʰə <pho khyi> dog (puppy, pup); L tʃʰə-H ka <khyi ?> dog (hunting dog); H ŋ ue-H Ndʒə <rngon khyi> dog tooth, tusk; (human front teeth) L ŋ̥ uẽ-H su <sngon so>; (fang, canine teeth) L tɕʰui-H wɔ <mche ba> domestic animals, livestock; H sʰẽ-H tɕẽ <sems can> donkey; L tɕa-H wu <rkyang po> door; H gu <sgo>; (inner door) L nɔ-H gu <nang sgo>; (middle door) L pɛ-H gu <bar sgo>; (outside door) H dʒə-H gu <*skyi? sgo> door planks, shutters; L gu-H de <sgo ?> doorframe; H gu-H rɔ <sgo ra?> doorsill, threshold; L gu-H r̥ ẽ <sgo them> doorway; L gu-H Ndzã <sgo ?> doubt; L tu-H po L xue <*dogs pa 'khur?> doufu, bean curd; L sʰuẽ-H di <*son rdul> dove (turtledove); H tu-H du <dud dud> dove (pigeon); L pʰu-H dʐuẽ <phug ron> doze, fall asleep; H ɲi L tʂu <gnyid bro?> drag for, dredge up; L ja-H tɕɯ <yar bcug?> dragon; L Ndʐɯ <'brug> dragonfly; L tɕʰə-L Nbə L gu-H dɯ̃ <chu 'bu ?> dream (N); H ɲi-H ja <rmi lam> dream (V); H ɲue L ɲi <gnyid nyal> dregs, residue; L ʃʰa-H di <*phyags rdul> drink; H tʰɯ̃ <'thung> drop (N); H tʰi <thigs>; (one drop of water) H tɕʰə H tʰi H tɕi <chu thigs gcig> drop (V), fall from a height; H ma-L ɦjũ <mar lhung> drum; H ŋɔ <rnga> drumstick; H ŋa-H tɕa <rnga lcags> drunk; L zə <bzi> dry; H ka-H Nbu <skam po> dry (clothes) in the air; H pʰa-L kã <phar skam> dung beetle; H tʃa-H mɔ H li-H li <skyag ?> dung; manure; L pa-H tʃɔ <ba skyag> dusk, evening, dawn; L m̥ ã-H χo <smag ?> dust; L tʰi-H wɔ <thal ba> dustpan, winnowing fan; H ɲ̥ ũ-H gue <*snyigs kor?> or <*smyug kor?> dye; H tsʰei L tɔ̃ <*tshos btang>; H tsʰei L tsu <*tshos btso> dyestuff, paint; H tsʰei <tshos> dzo, a male hybrid of a yak and a domesticated cow; (male) L Ndzu <mdzo>; (female) L Ndzɯ̃ <mdzo mo> ear; H na-H wu <rna po> earlobe; H na-H tsɔ <rna rtsa> early; L ŋ̥ ã <snga po> earrings; H na-H lɯ̃ <rna long>; (round earrings) H na-H gue <rna kor>; H na-H tsʰe earth, soil; H sʰɔ <sa> earthquake; H sʰa-H Ngi <sa 'gul> earwax; L na-H pɤ <rna spabs> east; H χɛ <shar> easy, simple; H lei-L l̥ ɔ <las sla> eat; L tɕʰɔ <'cha' ba>, (IMP) L tɕʰu <'chos> edibles, food; L sa-H mɔ̃ <bza' ma> egg; L go-H wã <sgo nga> egg white; L gɔ-H tɕʰə <sgong chu> egg yolk; L gɔ-H se <sgong ser> eggshell; L gɔ-H ko <*sgong lkogs?> egg of a louse; H ɕi L gɔ-L wa <shig sgo nga> eight; eighth; L dʑe <brgyad> eight hundred; H dʑa-H dʒɔ <brgyad brgya> eighteen; H tɕə-H dʑe <bcu brgyad> eighth day of the month; H tsʰe-L dʑe <tshes brgyad> eighth lunar month; L dʑa-H pɔ <brgyad pa> eighty; H dʑa-H jə <brgyad cu> elbow; L tʂə-H kʰɯ <gru khug> elephant; H lɔ-H Nbu-H tɕʰi <glang po che> eleven; L tɕə-H ji <bcu gcig> eleventh lunar month; L tɕə-H ji-L pɔ <bcu gcig po> embrace, hug; H tsʰa-pɔ̃ <tshur pang> embroider; L Nbu-H ru H zu <me tog bzo> emperor; L kɔ-H mɔ̃ <gong ma> empty; L to-H Nbɔ <stong pa>; empty-handed; L ja-H tɔ̃ <lag stong> enemy; H dʐɔ <dgra>, H dʐa-H wu <dgra po> enough; H tɕʰo <chog> enter (a house); L ja-H ɔ̃ <yar 'ong> escape, run away; flee; H Ndʐei L Ndʐu <'bros 'gro> esophagus, throat; L sẽ-H ʒə <? yu> everyday; L ɲi-H mɔ̃ <nyin mo?> excrement; H tʃa-H wɔ <skyag pa> exhale, breathe; H bu L pʰɔ̃ <*dbugs phong> exist, be; (as of oneself) L Ndə <'dug>; (as of other people) H n̥ ɔ̃ <snang> expensive; L kɔ̃ H tʰu <gong ?> eye; H ɲi <myig> eyeball; L ɲi-H lu <myig zlum> eyebrow, eyelash; L zə-H ɔ̃ <rdzi ma>; L zə-H pɔ <rdzi pa> eyelid; L ɲi-H pa <myig lpags> face; L dɔ-H ku <gdong ?> faint, lose consciousness; L mu= H tsʰue <mi tshor> fall down, collapse; L di <rdib> fall ill, become sick; L nɔ̃ <na> false, fake; L dzẽ <rdzun> family, household; L ɲi-H tsʰɔ̃ <mi tshang> far, distant; H tʰa-H rẽ <thag ring> farmland, field; L ɕĩ <zhing>; H sʰa-H ʑĩ <sha zhing>; L pʰa-H ʑĩ <? zhing> fart; (N) H ʃʰẽ <phyen>; (V) H ʃʰẽ L tɔ̃ <phyen btang> fasten (a belt); H dã <bsdams> fat; L Ndʒa-H pɔ <rgyags pa> fat (meat); H kɛ <(sha) dkar> father; H pʰɔ <pha>; H a-H ba <a pa> father--in--law; H a-H ba <a pa> fear, be afraid of; H tʂa <skrag>, H tʂa-L tʂa <*skrag drag?> feather, plumage; L ʃa-H pə <bya spu> feed; fill in, stuff; (as of people) H xu L zẽ <bshos? ?>, (as of animals) H ju feeding trough, manger; L pʰa-H wɔ <? ba> feel dizzy, giddy; H Ngu L kʰue <mgo 'khor > female genitals, vagina; L ʁɔ̃ <gzhang> fence; L ra-H rɔ <ra ra> ferment (as of wine); (literally, 'to boil') H tɕʰɔ-H tsu <*chang btso>; (literally, 'to rise') H tɕʰɔ̃ L jɔ̃ <chang lang> fertile, rich (soil); L sɤ-H mu <zab mo> fertilizer, manure; L ji <lud> fester, suppurate; H na H ɦji <*rnags lhags?> field, rice field; H Ndʐei-H ʑĩ <'bras zhing> fifteen; H tɕẽ-H ŋɔ <bco lnga> fifth; fifth lunar month; H ŋa-H pɔ <lnga pa> fifth day of the month; H tsʰe-H ŋɔ <tshes lnga> fifty; H ŋa-H tɕə <lnga bcu> fight, wrestle; H da-H dɯ̃ <rdung rdung?> figure out answer, guess right; H tʰe L dzi <? zin> fill in, stuff into, cork; H ja-L dzɔ̃ <yar rdzong>, H ma-L dzɔ̃ <mar rdzong> filter, strain, sift; H tsa <btags> find; L jẽ <len?> fine, in small particles; L ɕi-L kə-H rə <zhib ?> finger; L Ndzui <mdzub> finger (thumb); L tʰa-H tɕʰẽ <theb chen> finger (index finger); L kɔ-H Ndzui <gong mdzub> finger (middle finger); L pɛ-H Ndzui <bar mdzub> finger (ring finger); L sʰẽ-H la <srin ?> finger (little finger); L Ndzui-H ka <mdzug ?> finger tip to finger tip of outstretched arms; L Nda-H Nbɔ L kɔ̃ <'dom pa gang> fingerprint; L rə <ri>; H tsʰu <mtsho> finish, exhaust; H pʰa-L se <phar zad> fir; H sũ-H xɤ <som ?> fire; L ɲi <mye> fireplace, stove, hearth; H tʰɤ <thab>; L ku-H r̥ e <go thal> firetongs; L ka-H Nbɔ <skam pa> firewood; H ɕĩ <shing> first; L tɔ-H Nbu <dang po> first day of the month; H tsʰe-H ji˜Htsʰe-H tɕi <tshes gcig> first lunar month; L Nda-H wɔ L tɔ-H Nbu <zla ba dang po> fish (N); L ɲɔ̃ <nya> fish (V); L ɲa-H kʰɤ L pʰɔ̃ <nya khab phong> fishbone; L ɲa-H rə <nya rus> fisherman; L ɲa-H wɔ <nya pa> fishing hook; L ɲa-H kʰɤ <nya khab> fishing net; L ɲa-H dʒɔ <nya rgya> fist; L kʰo-H dã <? dam?> five; H ŋɔ̃ <lnga> five hundred; H ŋa-H dʒɔ <lnga brgya> flag; L tɛ <dar>; (prayer flag) L ta-H tɕo <dar lcog> flame; L ɲi-H tsʰa <mye tshag?> flat; (as of an object) H sə-H bə-H le <srab leb>; (as of a piece of land) L da-H Ndʑa flea; L dʑi-H wɔ <lji ba> fleece, wool; L ra-H tsi <ra rtsid> fling, toss, throw (over here); H tsʰa-L pʰɔ̃ <tshur phong> flint; L du-H ɣɛ˜Ldu-H kɛ <rdo dkar> float; H dĩ <lding> floor; L tɕẽ <gcal> flour; L tsʰa-H ri <? ril> flow (as of water); H tɕʰə L Ndʐu <chu 'gro> flower; L Nbu-H ru <me tog>. The rhyme of the second syllable of this word possibly results from changes from OT --og > first to Kami /o/ > then to Kami /u/ flute; H tʂʰa-H lĩ <'phred gling> fly (N); L dʐã <sbrang bu?> fly (V); H dĩ <lding> foam, bubble; L bu-H ru <lbu ?> fog; L m̥ ũ-H ʒu <rmug~smug yod?> foggy; L m̥ ũ-H ʒu H tɕʰi <rmug~smug ?> fold up (a quilt); L ja-H tɕa <yar ?> folk song; H ʑei <gzhas> food, cooked rice; H xu <bshos?> food steamer; H pu-H rɔ, cf. Shǐxīng / H pɘ/, Púmǐ /bu 35 / foot of a mountain; L rə-H tsɔ <ri rtsa> foot, leg; L ku-H Nbɔ <rkang pa> footprint; H kɔ-H ʑi <rkang rjes> forehead; L tʰa-H pɔ <thod pa> foreign county, literally, 'other country'; L dʒa-H kʰu L kʰa-H xɔ <rgyal khab ? gzhan?> forest, wood; L na <nags> forget; L ʑe <rjed> four; H ʑə <bzhi> four hundred; H ʑə-H dʒɔ <bzhi brgya> fourteen; H tɕə-H ʑə <bcu bzhi> fourth; fourth lunar month; H ʑə <bzhi>, L ʑə-H pɔ <bzhi pa> fourth day of the month; H tsʰe-H ʑə <tshes bzhi> fourty; L ʑə-H tɕə <bzhi bcu> fowl, wild bird; L ʃɔ <bya>; L rə-H ʒɔ <ri bya> fox; L wɔ <wa (mo)> frequently, often; L a-H tɔ L a-H tɔ <da lta?> friend, companion, partner; L ro <rogs>; L ro-H pu <rogs ?> frighten, scare; H tʂo <'drogs> frog; L bi-H jɔ <sbal pa> front side, in front of; L ŋ̥ uẽ-H ʃʰo <sngon phyogs> frost; L pã <ba mo> fruit; H sʰe-H ru <sil? tog>. The rhyme of the second syllable of this word possibly results from changes from OT --og > first to Kami /o/ > then to Kami /u/ fry, stir fry; H ŋɯ̃ <rngo> full, filled up; L kɔ̃ <gang> full, have one's fill; L Ndʐɔ̃ <'grang> fungi, mushroom; L χã <sha mo> gall bladder; L tʂʰi-H pɔ <mkhris pa> gall, bile; L tʂʰi-H tɕʰə <mkhris chu> garbage, waste, dust; L di <rdul>; (swept dust) L ʃʰa-H di <*phyags rdul>; (used tea leaves) L tɕɔ-H ru <ja ro> garden; L rɔ <ra>; (vegetable garden) L kʰa-H tse L rɔ <kha tshal? ra> garlic; L gu-H wɔ <sgog pa> garrotte, strangle; H pʰa-H se <phar gsod> gather, assemble; H tsʰã H Ndzũ <tshang 'dzom> general; H ma-H pẽ <dmag dpon> germinate, sprout; L gɔ get, acquire, obtain; L ra <rag>, H ra L ʃɯ̃ <rag byung> ghost, evil spirit; (male ghost) H si-H pʰu <sre pho>; (female ghost) H si-H mɔ̃ <sre mo> ginger; L ga-H tɕɔ <sga skya> girdle, waistband; (traditional) L ka-H rã <ska/rked rags>; (contemporary) H tɕa-H Ngu <lcags mgo?> give a name; L ɲɯ̃ H ta <mying btags> give birth; child delivery; H dɔ̃ L tʰɔ̃ <gdong? mthong?>, cf. Shǐxīng / L pʰɑ-H dɔ/ 'to give birth', literally, 'to see (the child's) face' give or have an injection; H kʰɤ L dʒɤ <khab rgyab> glasses; H ɲi-H ɕʰei <myig shel> glede, eagle, hawk; H l̥ a <glag> glove; L ja-H xu <lag shubs> gnaw, scrape; L Ndʐe <'brad> go; L Ndʐu <'gro>, (IMP) H sʰɔ̃ <song> go downstairs; H ma-L Ndʐu <mar 'gro>; L ma-H ɔ̃ <mar 'ong> go upstairs; H ja-L Ndʐu <yar 'gro>; L ja-H ɔ̃ <yar 'ong> go out; H pʰa-L pi <phar 'bud> or <phar bud> go to war, battle; H dʐɔ-L dʒɤ <*dgra rgyab> goat; L rɔ <ra> goat (she--goat); L ra-H mɔ̃ <ra mo> goat (he--goat, billy goat); L ra-H ʃui <ra ?> goat (wild goat); L ra-H gue <ra rgod> god, deity, Buddha; H ɦjɔ <lha> gold; H se <gser> gong; L kʰɛ-H ŋɔ <mkhar rnga> good; (a general term) L a-H ɲu; (as of people) H zɔ <bzang> government; L lei-H kʰɔ̃ <las khang> grab, grasp, clasp (hands); H Ndʑə <'ju> grain, crops; H tʰu <thog> granddaughter; H tsʰa-H ã <tsha mo> grandfather; H a-H ɲi <a myes> grandmother; H a-H mɔ̃ <a mo> grandson; L tsʰa-H wu <tsha bo> grape; L lɛ-H dʐi, cf. Lizu / H la-L Ndʐɹ̩ / grass; H tsu-H wɔ <rtswa> grassland, meadow; L Ndʐo-H pɔ <'brog pa> green; L ŋ̥ ũ-H ŋ̥ ũ <*sngon sngon> grey, khaki; L sʰã-H Ndo <sa mdog> grind (flour); L tɕʰə-H kue L ta <chu 'khor btags> ground, foundation of a building; H mi <rming> group, one group of people; L ɲə L ta-H la <mi ?> grow (a boil); H mɔ̃ L ʃɯ̃ <rma byung?> grow up; H ɕi <skye> gruel, porridge; L tsʰɔ <tsha?> guest; L Ndʐa-H mu <mgron po> guinea pepper; H ʒa-H wɔ̃ <ljags pan> guitar, lute, violin; H pi-H wɔ̃ <pi wang> gulley, gutter; H kɔ <rka> gums; H su-H kẽ <so rkan> gun; L ɲi-H Ndɔ <mye mda'> gun powder; H Ndzei <rdzas> hail; L sʰa-H rɔ <se ra> hair (of animals), fur; H pə <spu> hair (of humans); H tʂɔ <skra> half; L ʃʰa-H kʰua <phyed ka> half a day; L ɲi-H ʃʰe <nyin phyed> hammer; H tʰu-H wɔ <tho ba> hand; L jɔ <lag pa> hand over, pass, give; H te <ster> handful of rice; H pa-H rə L kɔ̃ <spar gang> handle; L jɯ̃ <lung>; L jɯ-H Nda <lung ?> hand print, finger print; L ja-H ʑi <lag rjes> hang (on the wall); H ma-L ʃɔ̃ <mar dpyang> happy, glad, comfortable; H Ngə <mgu> hard; L sa-H kua <sra ?>, with the suffix /kua/ hat; L xu-H wɔ <zhwa>; straw hat; H sʰo-H ʁɔ <sog zhwa> hat (traditional Tibetan hat); L dʒa-H ɣɛ L xu-L wɔ <rgya gar zhwa mo> hat (festive Tibetan hat); H tsʰə-H rẽ L ɕa-H mu <tshe ring zhwa mo> hatch, incubate, sit on eggs; L ɕi-H ka L gɔ <byi'u ? ?> or <bye ? ?> hate; L mu= H gɔ <mi dga'> have, possess; L Ndə <'dug>; (old knowledge) L ʒu <yod>; (new knowledge) L ʒã <yod.?>; (as of others, possess) H n̥ ɔ̃ <snang> he, she (third person singular pronoun); H kʰə <kho>. The rhyme of this word possibly followed the change from OT --o to /u/, and from /u/ to /ə/. his (GEN); L kʰə= H i <kho'i> head; H Ngu <mgo> headache, have a headache; H Ngu L nɔ̃ <mgo na>; H Ngu L ze <mgo gzer> heap, stack (hay, grass); H ja-H pɔ̃ <yar dpung> hear; H tsʰue-L ʃɯ̃ <tshor byung> heart; H ɲ̥ ĩ <snying> heat up, warm up; H ma-L sa <mar sreg> heavy; H dʑi <ljid>, L dʑa-H mu <ljid mo> hedgehog, porcupine; H gɔ̃ <rgang> height, statute, build; L pa-H Ngi <dpangs> help; L ro-H dẽ <rogs ram>; L ra-H ro <*rogs rogs?> hemp; H sɔ̃ <so ma> hempen cloth, linen; H sɔ̃ L rei <so ras> here (at our place here); L ŋ e-H rã H Nde <nga'i rang 'di> hide oneself; H pʰa-L kɤ <phar gab> hide something; H pʰa-L kɯ̃ <phar skung> highland barley (Hordeum vulgare); H ka-H rə <ka ru> hit (a person), beat; L dɯ̃ <rdung> hit the mark, strike the target; H pʰo <phog> hog pen; H pʰa-H tsʰɔ̃ <phag tshang> hold (one's breath); H bu-H Ndʑã <dbugs ? > hold between the fingers and the thumb, mould; H li hole; (ditch) L tɔ̃ <dong>; (tear on clothing) L ke-H ke; (trench) L pɔ honey; H dʐɔ̃ <sbrang> hoof; (as of a horse or a mule) H ɲi-H wɔ <rmig pa>; (as of a cow or a bull) L sʰu-H tɕo <*sug lcog?> horizontal; H tʂʰa-H tʂʰe <*'phred 'phred> horn; L rə-H wɔ <*ru ba>; L rə-H tɕo <*ru lcog?> horse; H tɔ <rta> horse (mare); L ga-H mɔ̃ <rgod ma> horse (stallion); L sa-H tɕo <gseb ?>; H ta-H wu H m̥ ẽ-H kʰɔ̃ <sman khang> host, owner; L tɕʰe-H mɔ <khyo bo?> hot; H tsʰɔ <tsha>; H sa <sreg> house, building; H kʰu-H Nbɔ <khang pa> house (thatched house); H sʰo-H kʰɔ̃Hsʰo-H xɔ̃ <sog khang> house name; L ɲi-H tsʰɔ̃ L ɲɯ̃ <mi tshong mying> how; H tse-H Ndʒe L re, with the copula <red> how many; L mɔ-H jɯ̃ <mang nyung> huddle, curp up; L ja-H tʂi <yar sgril?> hug, embrace; H pɔ̃ <pang> hundred; H dʒɔ <brgya>; one hundred and one; H dʒɔ L ɲi H tɕi <brgya gcig>, numerals above one hundred are formed with the intrusive conjunction /ɲi/. This is identical to numeral formation in Shǐxīng. hundred million; H təŋ-H tʂʰəɹ H tɕi <dung phyur gcig> hungry; H to <ltogs>, H to L tʂa <*ltogs drag?> hunt; H ŋuẽ <rngon> hunter, huntsman; H ŋuẽ-H Nbɔ <rngon pa> husband; (spouse) L ʒɔ <bza'?>; (husband, literally, man) L ɲə-H gue <*mi dgon?>, cf. Lizu / H tsʰo-H sɑ-H pʰɑ/, literally, 'master, lord' I, first person singular pronoun; L ŋɔ̃Lŋɔ <nga> mine, my (GEN); H ŋe <nga'i> ice; L tɕʰa-H dʐɔ̃ <chab brom> idea, opinion, view; L tʂẽ-H gu <dran ?>, with the suffix /gu/ idle, have free time; L kʰɔ̃ <khom> immediately; L a-H tɔ <da lta?> in one year; H sʰɔ̃ <sang?> in the center, in the middle; H tɕi-H ke <dkyil sked?>, L pa-H la <bar la> in the future, later, hereafter; H ʑĩ <phyi ma> in the past, formerly; H ŋ̥ ẽ <sngon> incense (white sandal wood) burner, perfuming pan; L pi-H hue <*dpal? phor> incisor, front teeth; H su-H gu <*so mgo?> increase; H ja-L mɔ̃ <yar mang> infect; L rə-H Nbɔ <rims pa> inhale; H bu L tʰẽ <dbugs 'then> injure, hurt; L pʰa-H m̥ ẽ <phar rmas> ink; L n̥ a-H tsʰɔ <snag tsha> insect, bug; L Nbə <'bu> inside; L nɔ-H jə <nang ?>; L nɔ-H ɲi <nang ?> inside, lining of clothing; L nɔ-H pa <nang lpags?> intestines, bowels; L dʒɔ̃ <rgyu ma>; (large intestine) L dʒə-H ɣɛ <rgyu dkar>; (small intestine) L dʒə-H rã <rgyu ?> (the second syllable of this word is possibly the same as the second syllable in the word for 'black', L na-H rã) invite (guests); L Ndʐa-H mu L Nbei <mgron po bos> iron; H tɕa <lcags> iron pot, frying pan; H tɕa-H zɔ <lcags ?> ivory; L pa-H su <ba so> jackdaw, black bird with red beak and feet; L ʃa-H tɕɔ̃ H tɕʰə-H mɛ <bya skyung mchu dmar> jar, vat; H tɕʰə-H zɔ̃ <chu zom> joint, section; L tsʰa-H tsʰi <tshag tshig> jump (down); H pʰi, possibly related to <'phag> juniper (Himalayan/black; Juniperus indica); L xɯ-H wɔ <shug pa> key; L de-H ɲi <lde mig> kick, striking of feet, horse's hooves; H ju, L dzi-H du L ju kidney; L kʰe-H lə <mkhal ?> kill (a person); H se <bsad> kin, relative; L kʰue-H tɕi <'khor gcig?>; L kʰue-H tɕi H na-H sɔ̃ <'khor gcig ? ?> kiss (V); H pu-L ʃei knee; H pa-H Nbu <pus mo?> kneel; L gu knife; H tʂə <gri>; (chopper) L la-H bɛ; (small, pocket knife) L ku-H tʂə <gu? gri> knife handle; H tʂə L ʒə <gri yu> knife sheath; L tʂə-H xu <gri shubs> knot; L Ndi-H pɔ <mdud pa> know (to do smth), be able; H ɕʰi <shes> know; H hɔ-L ku <ha go>; (recognize) L ŋu-H ɕʰi <ngo shes> kowtow; H ʃʰa-L pʰi <phyag phul> ladder; H ke˜Hkie <skas> ladle; L za-H rə <za ru> lake; H tsʰu <mtsho> lama; (ordinary) H a-H ɲɔ; Living Buddha; H la-H mɔ̃ <bla ma>; H ku-H ʑu <sku rgyud?> lambswool; L jɯ L pi <lug bal> lameness; L ʁɔ-H lɛ <zha ?> lamps lighted before deities; H tɕʰa-H mĩ <mchod me> language, speech; L kʰa-H pi <kha dpe>; H ka-H tɕʰɔ <skad cha> lard, pig fat; L pʰa-H tsʰi <phag tshil> large bamboo wicker basket; H Nbɔ̃ <'bong> 'round?' lasso, noose; L tʰa-L wɔ H ʁa <thag (ba) bzhag> last month; H hẽ L Nda-H wɔ L tɕi <? zla ba gcig> last night; L nã-H sɔ̃ H ʃə-H gə <mdang song ? ?> last year; L na-H jĩ <na ning> late, to be late; H ʃə <phyi> laugh, smile; L gɔ <dga'> lay eggs; H gɔ, L go-H wã L gɔ̃ <sgo nga ?> lazy; L ma= H hue <mi hur> lead (the way); H tʂʰi <'khrid> leaf; L da-H ma <'dab>; H ɕĩ-H lu <shing lo> leak; L sa <zag> lean (meat), raw meat; H mɛ <(sha) dmar> left, leftside; L ʒə-H wu <g.yon> legging, puttee; H kɔ-H tʂi <rkang dkris> leopard; H zi <gzig> lick; L da <ldag> lid, cover; L kʰa-H le <kha leb> lie, lie down; H pʰa-L Ngi <phar 'gul?> life, fate, destiny; H so <srog> life, lifespan; H tsʰi <tshe> lift (the lid); L pʰa-H kua, cf. Shǐxīng / L bɘ-H quɑ/, Lizu /( H hɹa-L hɹa) L xwa/ lift up, carry, raise; L ja-H tʃa <yar bkyags> lift, raise (head); H Ngu L tʃa <mgo bkyags> light (not heavy); L ʒɔ̃ <yang>, L ʒɔ-H ʒɔ̃ <*yang yang> light a fire; L ɲi-H pɛ <mye spar> light, relaxed, loose; H l̥ ə <lhod po> lightning; H lu H Ndɔ <glog ?> like, love; L gɔ <dga'>; H tɕi <brtse> limbs, arms and legs; L kɔ-H ja <rkang lag> lion; H si-H Ngi <seng ge> lips; H tɕʰə-H ru <mchu to> lips (upper lip); L tĩ-H pa <steng lpags?> lips (lower lip); L xɤ-H pa <'og lpags?> listen; L ŋe <nyan> litter, nest; L ʃa-H tsʰɔ̃ <bya tshang>; L ɕi-H tsʰɔ̃ <byi'u tshang> or <bye tshang> little, few; L ɲɯ̃ <nyung>, L ɲɯ-H ɲɯ̃ <nyung nyung> live, reside, stay, dwell; L Ndə <'dug> liver; H tɕʰi-H Nbɔ <mchin pa> lock; L sa-H dzi, Chinese 鎖子, SWM /so 21 /, MC swaX lock (the door); H gu H tɕa <sgo lcags?> loess; L sʰa-H se <sa gser> log raft; L tɔ-H sɔ <? gtong sa?>, H pi-L tɔ-L sɔ long; L rẽ <ring>, L re-H Nbu <ring po> look at, watch; H tɔ <lta>, (IMP) H tei <ltos> look for, search; H tsi <btsal> loom; H tʰa-H ɦjɔ <thags ?> lose (a game); H pʰã <pham> lose (battle), be defeated; L ma-H po <mar ?> lose money in business, lose one's capital; H pʰã <pham> lose, mislay; H pʰa-H pʰɔ̃ <phar phong> louse; H ɕi <shig> low; H tɕʰɯ-H jɯ̃ <chung chung> lower (the head), surrender; H Ngu H ma-L gu <mgo mar sgur> lunar eclipse; L Ndã-H Ndzẽ <zla 'dzin> lunch; L Ndzɔ <'dzar?> lungs; H lu-H wɔ <glo ba> madman, lunatic; H ɲ̥ ĩ-H Nbɔ <smyon pa> maggot; H χa-H Nbə <sha 'bu> make money, make a profit; H kʰi <khe> malaria; L Nda-H rə <'dar ba> male musk deer; L la-H wu <gla po> man; L ɲi-H gue <*mi dgon?> mandarine; H tɕẽ-H du, cf. Shǐxīng and Púmǐ / H tɕĩ-L du/ mark, sign; (N) H ta <rtags>; (V) H ta L tsɯ <rtags btsugs> mark, trace, vestige; H ɕʰei <shul> marrow; H kɔ̃ <rkang>, H kɔ-H Ndɯ̃ <rkang ?> marry (a woman), take as bride; H tsʰa marry off a woman, be given in marriage; L ʁa <bzhag> marry, marriage; H tɕʰɔ̃ L tʰɯ̃ <chang 'thung> mask; L Nba˜Lma <'bag> matches; L mo-H tʰui <me thur> matter, business; L tʂu-H wɔ <brel ba?> or <spros pa?> mattress; H tẽ <gdan> measure unit for dry things as well as liquids, equal to 2 pints (SWM 筒 or 沖); (one measure unit) L dʐi-H kɔ̃ <bre gang>, (two measure units) H dʐi L tu <bre do> meat, flesh; H χɔ <sha> medicine; H m̥ ẽ <sman> meet, encounter; H tʂʰue L ʃɯ̃ <phrad byung> meldewed, become meldewed; H pʰa-H hã <phar ham> melt, dissolve; H xə <bzhu> mend, patch; L l̥ a-H Nba <lhan pa> metal dish, round copper basin; H ka-H də-H rɔ <ka to ra> middle storey of a house; L pɛ-H tʰo <bar thog> midnight; H tsʰuẽ <mtshan> milk; L u-H ɔ̃ <'o ma>; (mother's milk) H a-H mi mill, watermill; L tɕʰə-H kue <chu 'khor> millet; H tsi-H tsi <tsi tse> million; L Nbɔ̃ H tɕi <'bum gcig?> mirror; H ɕʰei-H gu <shel sgo> miscarriage, have a miscarriage; (as of people) H Ndʐẽ <'grim?>; (as of cattle) H pʰa-L pʰɔ̃ <phar phong> mix (powder) with water, knead dough; H tʂɯ <dkrug> molar teeth; L pʰə-H su <sbug so>, from an earlier form <*phug so>; L rɔ-H da <'gram ?> mole, freckle; L m̥ e-H ɔ̃ <sme ba> monastery; L rə-H tʂʰue <ri khrod> money; H ŋe <dngul> monk; L tʂa-H wɔ <grwa ba> monkey; H tʂi <spre'u> month; L Nda-H wɔ <zla ba> month (beginning of a month); L Nda-H Ngu <zla 'go> month (middle of a month); L Nda-H ke <zla sked> month (end of a month); L Nda-H Ndʑu <zla mjug> moon; H lɔ <zla>; L Nda-H wa <zla ba> morning; L xo-H pɔ <zhog pa>; L ŋ̥ ã <snga> mortar; L gu-H hue <? phor?> Moso, Na people; H Ndʑɔ̃ <'jang> mosquito; L tʰe-H ɕi <? shig> mosquito net; L dʐã-H jɤ <sbrang yab> mother; L mɔ̃ <ma>; H a-H ma <a ma> mother--in--law; H a-H ma <a ma> mountain; L rə <ri> mountain (midway up a mountain); L rə-H ke <ri sked> mountain peak; H gɔ̃ <sgang> mountain slope; L rə-H ba <ri ?>, cf. Shǐxīng / L bɜ-H bɜ/, Púmǐ /ba 35 / mountain top, summit; L rə-H Ngu <ri mgo> mountain valley, ravine; L ji-H Nbɔ <lung pa> mountain or water spirit; H l̥ ɔ <lha> mouse, rat; L ʃu-H wɔ <byi ba> mouth; H kʰɔ <kha> mouth organ (bamboo or copper); L pẽ-H pɔ̃ mouthful (of drink), bite (of food) (N); H su H tɤ <so btab> move; H pu <spo> move; stir, budge; H Ngi <'gul> much, many; L mɔ̃ <mang>, L ma-H mu <mang mo?> mud; L Nda-H Nba <'dam pa> mulberry (Himalayan; Morus serrata); L tɛ-H se, L tɛ-L se-H ɕĩ <dar ? shing> mule; L tʂei <drel> multicolored, variegated, striped; H tʂʰa-H tʂʰɔ <khra khra> muntjac; L kʰa-H χɔ <kha sha>; tufted deer; L na-H ji <nags ?> musk; H la-H tsə <gla rtsi> musk deer; H lɔ <gla ba>; female musk deer; L mu-H lɔ <mo gla> mute, a stupid person; (male) L pə-H kɯ <bu lkugs>; (female) L mə-H kɯ <mo lkugs> nail (V); beat; strike; L dɯ <rdung> nail (N), fingernail; L sʰa-H mɔ̃ <sen mo> nail (N), screw; H tɕa-H Ndze <lcags? gzer?> name; L ɲɯ̃ <mying> narrow; L tʂʰã <'phrang?> navel, belly button; H ti-H wɔ <lte ba> neck; L ki-H tsʰi <ske tshigs> needle; H kʰɤ <khab> needle point, point of a needle; L kʰɤ-H tsi <khab rtse> neigh; H tsʰe <mtsher> neighbour; L ɕʰi-H Ndzi <khyim mtshes>; L dʐo-H Nbɔ <grong pa> nephew; L tsʰa-H wu <tsha bo> nest; H tsʰɔ̃ H su <tshang ? > new; H sɛ-H wɔ <gsar pa> next month; L ue-H lu L Nda-H wɔ < ? zla ba> next year; L ta-H ʁa <da zhag?> niche, shrine; H tʰa-H Ngu <thab mgo>; L tʰa-H ta <thab ?> niece; H tsʰa-H ã <tsha mo> nine; H gə <dgu> nine hundred; H gua-H dʒɔ <dgu brgya> nineteen; H tɕə-H gə <bcu dgu> ninety; H gə-H tɕə <dgu bcu> ninth; ninth lunar month; L gə-H pɔ <dgu pa> ninth day of the month; H tsʰe H gə <tshes dgu> nod; L Ngu-H kɯ <mgo gug> noodles; L dʒa-H tʰɯ <rgya thug> noon, midday; L Ndzɔ <'dzar?>; L Ndza-H rẽ <*'dzar? ran?> north; L ʃɔ̃ <byang> north side of a mountain, where little light comes; L sə-H ma <srib ma?> nose; L n̥ ã <sna> nostril; L n̥ ã-H kʰɔ̃ <sna khung> Nosu; H lu-H lu not be, negated copula verb; L ma= H re <ma red> now, at present, nowadays; L a-H tɔ H <da lta?> nun; H gi-H wɔ̃ <dge ma> oak; L pi-H se <be shing> oats; L ʒə-H ke <yu khu?> obedient (child); L kʰɛ-H to <khar ?> official; H pẽ <dpon> oil; H n̥ ũ <snum> old (of an object); L gu-H re <gog ?>; (antique) H ɲĩ-H Nbɔ <rnying pa> old person; L gẽ-H go <rgan gog> old, to become old; H ma-L gei <mar rgas> on the top, above; H ka-H tĩ <ka? steng> one; H tɕi <gcig> one night (e.g. stay for one night), one day and night; L χa <zhag> open; H ɕi <phye>; (open the door) H gu L ɕi <sgo phye> open (e.g. an umbrella); H ja-L tʰẽ <yar 'then> open (eyes); H ɲi H ja-H tɔ <myig yar lta?> open (the mouth); H kʰɔ L dɔ̃ <kha gdang> opposite side; L pʰa-H ko <phar ?> orchid, literally, 'cuckoo flower'; L ku-H ku L Nbu-L ru <ku ku me tog> orphan; L ta-H li <d(w)a ?> other, the other one; L kʰa-H xɔ <? gzhan?> otter, waterdog; H sã <sram> outside; L pʰie <phyi> (this is possibly a recent loan) outside (of clothing); L tɕi-H pa <? lpags?> oval; L tʂʰa-H tʂʰe overflow, spill; L pu <'bo> or <bo> owl; H wu-H hu <'ug pa> oxter, armpit; L tɕʰẽ-H la L xɤ-H rɔ <mchan ? 'og ra?> pack sedal; L dʒɤ <rgyab> pad, cushion, mat; H Nbei <'bol?> pagoda; L tɕʰa-H tẽ <mchod rten> pair; H tɕʰɔ <cha>, one pair; L tɕʰa H tɕi <cha gcig> palm of hand; L ja-H ɣɯ̃ <lag kung~gung> pan, dish of a scale; H sɔ-H de <srang sder> pant, gasp; H bu L ma-L tʰẽ <dbugs mar 'then> paper; L χə-H wu <shog bu> parents; H pʰa-H mɔ̃ <pha ma> paste, stick, glue; H l̥ ẽ <lhan> pay salary; H te <ster> pea; H suẽ-H lu <sran ?> peach (Prunus persica); L dʒa-H xã <rgya kham>; L kʰa-H mbə <kham bu> peacock; H ma-H jɔ <rma bya> peanut; L sʰa-H sʰuẽ <sa son> pear; H sə-H li <? gli> pebble; L tɕʰu-H du <chu rdo> peck at (as done by chicken); H Ndʐei L də <'bras ?> pen, cattle shed, barn; L ra-H ɣə <ra skor?>; (stall for mule) L tʂei-H rɔ <drel ra>; (horse corral, stable) L tɔ-H rɔ <rta ra>; (goat pen) L ra-H tsʰɔ̃ <ra tshang>; (bird's cage) L ʃa-H kʰɔ̃ <bya khang> penis; L Ndʑi <mje> peppery, spicy, hot; H sa <sreg> perform a shaman's trance dance; L tɕʰã-H Nbɔ L tɕʰã <'cham po 'cham> person, people; L ɲə <mi> pestle; L go-H dɯ̃ <sgog gtun> petticoat, skirt; (festive) L Ndɯ-H huẽ <'dung phon>; (ordinary) L na-H dʐu pick up; H jɔ̃ <lang> (with an irregular tone) pick up (with chopsticks); L ja-H Ndʑə <yar 'ju ba> saw; H sʰo-H ji <sog le> sawdust; L sʰo-H tsã <sog ?> scallion, onion; H tsɔ-H gu <tsong ?>, with the suffix /gu/ scalp; L Ngu-H pa <mgo pags> scarf; (head wrapping cloth) L Ngu-H tʂi <mgo dkris>; (neck wrapping cloth) H ki-H tʂi <ske dkris> scatter; H tɤ <btab>; (scatter seeds) L sʰuẽ H tɤ <son btab> school; H l̥ ɤ-H kʰɔ̃ <*bslab khang> scissor, cut with scissors; H ɲa scissors; L tɕa-H Ndzə, L ʃe H ʃe˜Lʃe H tʃe <byad byed?> scoop up (water), ladle out; H tɕə <bcu> scratch, scrape; L Ndʐe <'brad> script, letter, syllable; L zə-H gi <yi ge>; Tibetan alphabet L pe-H zi <bod yig> seal; H tʰi <the'u> or <thel> second; H ɲue-H Nbɔ <gnyis pa> second day of the month; H tsʰe-H ɲue <tshes gnyis> second lunar month; L Nda-H wɔ H ɲã-H Nbɔ <zla ba gnyis pa> see; H tʰɔ-L ʃɯ̃ <mthong byung> see oneself in the mirror; H ɕʰei-H gu L tɔ <shel sgo lta> seed, seedling; L sʰuẽ <son> self, oneself; L ŋɔ H ta-H ra <nga ?> sell; H tsɔ̃ <btsong> separate, divide up; H pʰa-L ɕi <phar dbye> set (as of the sun); L pʰa-H tʰi <phar ?> set one's mind at rest, rest assured, feel relieved; H sʰẽ L di <sems bde> seven; L dẽ˜Hdẽ <bdun> seven hundred; H dẽ-H dʒɔ <bdun brgya> seventeen; H tɕə-H dẽ <bcu bdun> seventh; seventh lunar month; L de-H Nbɔ <bdun pa> seventh day of the month; H tsʰe-L dẽ <tshes bdun> seventy; H de-H Ndʑə <bdun bcu> sew (up), mend (clothes); L kei-H tsẽ <gos btsems> shadow; L na-H Ngo <nag ?> shake (one's head); H Ngu L ʒɯ <mgo g.yug> shallow; H sɤ <srab> sharp (as of a knife); H me-H rã sharp, pointed; H na-H mu <rno mo> shave (hairs); L ɣɛ <bzhar>, (shave the head) H tʂɔ L ɣɛ <skra bzhar>, H Ngu L ɣɛ <mgo bzhar>; (shave the beard) L a-H tsʰɔ̃ L ɣɛ <ag tshom bzhar> shed (tears); L sa <zag>; L Nbə <'bab> sheep; L jɯ <lug> sheep (ewe); L mə-H jɯ <mo lug> sheep (ram); L pʰu-H jɯ <pho lug> sheep (lamb, young sheep); L jɯ-H ka <lug ?> sheepfold, pen; downstairs; L ra-H ɣə <ra skor?> shell, peel (V); H l̥ i <lhud?>, cf. Bātáng /ɬyʔ 53 /; L pa-H ku L l̥ i <lpags ko lhud?> shiver, tremble; H Ndɛ <'dar> shoes, boots; H ɦjã <lham>; L za-H ku <? ko?> shoes (Tibetan--style shoes); L pe-H ɦjã <bod lham> shoes (straw sandals); H tsʰa-H ɦjã <rtswa lhan> shoot an arrow; H Ndɔ L dʒɤ <mda' rgyab> shop; H tsʰɔ-H kʰɔ̃ <tshong khang> short; L tʰɯ̃ <thung> (with an irregular tone), L tʰɯ-H nə <thung ?> shoulder; L tʂʰa-H wɔ <phrag pa> shout, yell; H zẽ Shuǐluò Tonwship 水 洛 乡 ; L ɕo-H lo <sho log>; some Kami villages in Shuǐluò: Qílā 其 拉 L tɕʰi-H ra; Dōnglā 东拉 H dɔ-H la; Dūlǔ 都 鲁 H tu-H ru shut, close (mouth); H kʰɔ L ma-L tsɔ̃ <kha mar btsums> shuttle (device used in weaving); L jɤ shy, bashful; H tʂʰi-L tʂa <*khrel drag?> sick, invalid; L na-H pɔ <nad pa> sickle; L sa-H rɔ <zor pa> side, near, in the vicinity; H ka-H tsɔ <? rtsa> sieve (V), sift; H tsa <btsag> sifter, sieve (N); L tʂʰɔ̃ <khrol ma> silk; L kei-H tɕẽ <gos chen> silver; H ŋe <dngul> sing; H ʑei-L tɔ̃ <gzhas btang>; H lə L lẽ <glu len> sink; L ma-H ɲ̥ i <mar snyigs> sip, suck (milk); L a-H mi L nã sister; (older sister) H a-H mɔ̃ <a ma>; L a-H ʑi, cf. Shǐxīng / H a-H ʑi/; (sisters) L pɯ H pẽ <bu spun?>; (younger sister) L nɯ̃ <nu mo>; H sə-H jɯ̃ <sring mo> sit down; H ma-L Ndə <mar 'dug> six; L tʂɯ <drug> six hundred; L tʂɯ-H dʒɔ <drug brgya> sixteen; H tɕə-H tʂɯ <bcu drug> sixth; sixth lunar month; L tʂɯ-H pɔ <drug pa> sixth day of the month; H tsʰe-H tʂɯ <tshes drug> sixty; L tʂɯ-H tɕə <drug cu> skin (as of an animal); L ku-H pa <ko lpags> skin color, complexion (human); L xa-H Ndo <sha mdog> skin, peel (N) (as of fruit or vegetables); L pa-H ku <lpags ko?> sky, heaven; H nã <gnam> sleep; L ɲi <nyal> sleepy, tired, fatigued; L ɲi-H gi H sã <gnyid ?> sleeve; L pʰə-H Ndũ <phu thung> or <phu dung> sliding weight of a steelyard; L tɕi-H du <'jal? rdo> slip, glide, trip, stumble; L Ndʐe <'gred>; (fall down) H ma-L Ndʐe <mar 'gred>; (fall on a flat surface) H pʰa-L Ndʐe <phar 'gred> slow, late; H l̥ ɤ <lhod>, L l̥ a-H l̥ ɤ <lhod lhod> small bag (for carrying rtsam pa); H tsã-H gə <*rtsam bkal?> small, little; H tɕʰɯ̃ <chung>, H tɕʰũ-H jɯ̃ <chung chung> smallpox, measles; L Nbu-H ru L no <*me tog nad> smell (N); H lɯ-H pɔ <rlung pa?> smell (V); H n̥ ũ <snom> smelt, temper metal; H tɕa L dɯ̃ <lcags rdung> smoke; L ti-H pɔ <du ba> smoke (a cigarette); L ti-H pɔ H tʰɯ̃ <du ba 'thung> smoke, fumigate; H ka snake; H dʐu-H lẽ <sbrul> snap (a thread); L pʰa-H tɕe <phar gcod> snap, break (a stick); L pʰa-H tʂo <phar dkrog?> sneeze; L dʐi-H pɔ L ʃe <sbrid po byed> snivel, snot; H n̥ ã <snabs> snore; H m̥ ũ-H wɔ L tʂi <sngur pa ?> snot rag, handkerchief; H n̥ a-H tɕi <snabs ?> snow (N); L kʰa-H wɔ <kha ba> snow (V); L kʰa-H wɔ L Nbə <kha ba 'bab> soda; L pu-H tu <bul tog> soft; L ɲ̥ a-H ũ <snyan mo?> soil, earth; H sʰɔ <sa> solar eclipse; L ɲi-H Ndzẽ <nyi 'dzin> soldier; H ma-H ɲə <dmag mi> solution, means, method; L lu-H tʰɤ <*blo thabs?> solve, resolve, settle; L ʁa-H so L zu <gzhag ? bzo> son; H pə <bu> son--in--law; L pu-H sə <bu ?> soul, spirit; H la-H ɔ̃ <bla ma?> sound, voice; H ke <skad> soup; L kʰu-H wɔ <khu ba> soup, meat broth; H χa-H xə <sha khu> sour; H ʃu-H kua <skyur ?>, with the suffix /kua/ south; H l̥ u <lho> sparrow; L ɕi <byi'u> or <bye> spatula, ladle; H tɕa-H zɛ <lcags gzar> speak, pike; H Ndɯ̃ <mdung> speak, talk; H ɕe <bshad>; (tell a story) H tã-L ɕe <gtam bshad> spider; H dʒa-H gẽ˜Hdza-H gẽ <rgya mkhan> spin (into yarn); H ki <bkal>; L pi H ki <bal bkal> spine, vertebra, backbone; H pi-H li spit; L pe <bor?> spittle; L tɕʰu-H wẽ <mchil ma> spleen; L tsʰa-H jɔ <mtsher pa> split open; H pʰa-L Ngei <phar 'gas> split up; become worn through, torn (as of clothing); L pʰa-H tɕʰa <phar chag> spoil (as of food), go off, go bad; H pʰa-H ʃui <phar skyur> spoon (wooden); L kʰa-H di <kha thur>, cf. Bātáng /kʰɑu 55 dʊ 53 / spring; L ʃə-H kʰɔ <dpyid ka> spurt, spray; H tɯ <gtor?> squat; L ma-H tsɯ <mar tsog?> squeeze (for milk); L ɔ-H ʁu <'o bzho> stand; L jɔ̃ <lang> star; H ka-H ɔ̃Hka-H mɔ̃ <skar ma> startled, shy (as of animals); H tʂo <'drogs> steal; H ki L ʃe <brkus byed> steam; H po, cf. Shǐxīng / H pɘ/, Púmǐ /bu 35 / steamed bread; L mo-H mɔ, Chinese 饃饃, <mog mog> steelyard hook; L tɕi-H Ngɤ <'jal? khab> steep; L ma-H di, possibly related to <rdib> 'fall down, collapse' steep cliff, abyss, precipice; L tʂa-H ŋei <brag ngos?> step (V), take a step; L ma-H dzə <mar rdzi> step over, pass over, cross; H Ngɔ <'gom> step, staircase; L du-H ke <rdo skas> stepfather, foster father; L a-H xə <a khu> stepmother, foster mother; L a-H sɯ̃ <sru mo?> stick into, stab; H tsɯ <btsug> stir; H tʂɯ <dkrug pa> stirrup, steps; L ʒu <yob> stomach; L ja-H Ngo <? khog> stone; L du <rdo>, L du-H lu <rdo ?>, L du-H bɔ <rdo ba> stone (as of fruit); L kʰa-H Ndza; (fruit seed) L sʰuẽ <son> storehouse, granary; L pɔ̃ <bang> story; H tã-H pi <gtam dpe> straight; L tʂɔ-H Nbu <drang po> or <'drong po> straw, rice straw; L Ndʐei-H sʰo <'bras sog> street; H dʒa-H jã <rgya lam> strength; L ɲã <nyams> stretch out (the arm); H pʰa-L tʃɔ̃ <phar rkyong> strike; H ju <'jog?>; H l̥ ẽ stroke, touch; get, obtain; L ra <rag> strong; L ja-H pu <yar spobs?> strong tasting (tea); L kʰa-H tɯ <kha tig> stupid, foolish; L ma-H tʂʰɔ̃ <mi khram?> subside (as of a swelling); L ma-H dʐi <mar grol> sugar; H dʐɔ̃ <sbrang> sugar cane; L pa-H rã H sʰo <bur ram sog> summer; L ʒɛ-H kʰɔ <dbyar kha> sun; L ɲɔ <nyi ma>, L ɲə-H mɔ̃ <nyi ma> sunny slope of mountain; L ɲi-H Nbu <nyin po?> sunrise; L ɲɔ̃ H χɛ <nyi ma shar> sunshine, sunray, light; L ue <'od> surrender, capitulate; H Ngu L ta <mgo btags> surround, encircle; H ja-L gue <yar skor> swallow; L ma-H ɲi <mar mid> swastika, supreme everlasting way; H jɯ-H dʐɯ̃ <g.yung drung> swear, vow, oath; H nɔ̃ L kʰui <*mna 'khur?> sweat, perspiration; L ŋe-H tsʰɔ <rngul ?> sweep; H ʃʰa <phyags>; H ʃʰa-H di L dʒɤ <*phyags rdul rgyab> sweet; H dʐɔ̃ <sbrang> swell, bulge (as of a tissue); H tʂɔ̃ <skrang>; H ja-H tʂɔ̃ <yar skrang> swim; H tɕʰə L tɕi <chu rkyal> table, stool, bench; L tɕɤ-H tsi <cog tse> tael, ounce; (one ounce) H jɔ L kɔ̃ or H jɔ L tɕi <? gang> or <? gcig>; (two ounces) H jɔ L tu <? do> tail; L Ndʑu-H wã <mjug ma> take apart, dismantle; H l̥ a <brlag> > <*slag> take off, undress; H l̥ i <lhud?>, cf. Bātáng /ɬyʔ 53 /; (take off clothes) L kei-H l̥ i <gos lhud?> take out (from in between, apart from a whole); L xɯ <shor?>, (as from a sheath) L tsʰa-H xɯ <tshur shor?>; (as from a drawer) H tsʰa-L tʰẽ <tshur 'then> take, hold, get; H jɔ̃ <lang> (with an irregular tone); H ɕa-H pə L jɔ̃ <bya ba? lang> tall, high; L tɕʰə-H wu <che bo>; H gɔ-H gɔ̃ <*sgang sgang> from <sgang> 'mountain peak' tasteless (not tasty); L ma= H ɕẽ <mi zhim> tasty, delicious; L ɕẽ <zhim>, L ɕe-H mu <zhim po> tea; L tɕɔ <ja> tea leaves; (scented tea) L Nbu-H ru L tɕɔ <me tog ja>; (brick tea) H zɔ-H dʑɔ <? ja> teach; learn, study; H l̥ ɤ <bslab> teacher; L gi-H gẽ <dge rgan> tear up, rip; L pʰa-H ri <phar hral> or <phar ral> tears; H ɲi-H tɕʰə˜Hɲi-H ɦjə <myig chu> tell (a story); H tã-H pi L ɕe <gtam dpe bshad> tell fortune; H tsi L dʒɤ <*rtse rgyab> tell; notify, inform; H ɕe <bshad>, H pʰa-H ɕe <phar bshad> ten; H tɕə <bcu> ten cents, dime; H tɔ̃ L tɕi <sdong (rtse) gcig> ten million; L tʂʰə-H tsʰu L tɔ-H tʂa <khri tsho stong phrag> ten thousand; L tʂʰə-H tsʰu H tɕi <khri tsho gcig> tent of hay, straw or grass; L kʰa-H wu tent, tilt; (cloth tent) L jɤ-H kɛ <yab sgar>; (tent made of yak--hair felt) H tʂɔ <sbra> tenth; tenth lunar month; H tɕə-H pɔ <bcu pa> tenth day of the month; H tsʰe H tɕə <tshes bcu> that; there (over there); L tei <de> these (all of these); L Nde-H kuẽ ( H tsʰɔ-H mo) <'di kun (tshang mo)> they (third person plural pronoun); L kʰə-H rã <kho rang> thick; L tʰa-H wu <tha bo> thick, dense, concentrated (as of drinks); L kã-H tɯ <? stug> thick, rough, coarse; H bɔ̃ <sbom>, L ba-H bɔ <sbom po> thief; H ki-H mɔ̃ <rkun ma> thigh; H ʃə <dpyi> thin (as of hair); H sɤ <srab> thin (not fat); H sɤ <srab> thin, emaciated, skinny (person); H kʰa-H di <kha rdib?>; H tʂʰɔ thing, object, goods; H ɕa-H pə <bya ba?> think; L sã-H Nbɔ L tɔ̃ <bsam pa btang> third; third lunar month; H sã-H Nbɔ <gsum pa> third day of the month; H tsʰe-H sũ <tshes gsum> thirsty; H kɔ̃ L tʂa <skom drag?> thirteen; L tɕə-H sũ <bcu gsum> thirty; H sʰũ-H tɕə <sum cu> this; H ne˜HNde <'di> this month; L a-H tɔ L Nda-H wɔ H tɕi <da lta? zla ba gcig> this year; L ta-H ju <da lo> thorn; L tsʰə-H wã <tsher ma> those; L te-H kuẽ <de kun> thou (second person singular pronoun); H tʃʰue <khyod> thine, your, yours (GEN); L tʃʰə= H i <khyod kyi> thousand; L tɔ-H tʂa L tɕi <stong phrag gcig> thread (a needle); H Ndʐẽ <'dren>; H kʰ ɤ L Ndʐẽ <khab 'dren> thread, string; H ki-H pɔ <skud pa> three; H sũ <gsum> three hundred; H sũ H dʒɔ <gsum brgya> throat; L ba-H ʒə <? yu> throw up, vomit; H ʃɯ <skyug> throw, toss, discard; L pe <bor> thunder; H Ndʐɯ L tʂa <'brug sgra> Tibet, Tibetan; L pe <bod> Tibetan woolen cloth; H tʂʰɯ <phrug> tie up, bind up, fasten a belt; H dã <sdom> tie, attach, fasten; H ta <btags> tiger; H ta <stag>, H a-L ɲə-H ta <a myes stag> tight, firm; L tã <dam po> timber; H dɔ̃ <gdung>; H ɕĩ-H tɕɔ <shing cha> time, leasure; L nã-H l̥ ɔ <na(m) ?> tinder; H tʂɔ <spra> tip of the nose; L n̥ ã-H gə <sna ?>, with the suffix /gu/? tired, fatigued; H tɕʰue L tʂa <*skyo drag?> tobacco pouch; L ti-H xɯ <dud khug> today; L ta-H jĩ <de ring>; then, today; L ta-H r̥ ẽ <dus deng?>, <de ring> or <da ran> toe; L Ndzui <mdzub>, H kɔ-H Ndzui <rkang mdzub> toenail; L ku-H Nbɔ L sʰa-L mu <rkang pa sen mo> tomorrow; L nə-H Nbɛ tomorrow evening; L nə-H Nbɛ H ʃə-H gə <nang ? phyi rgas?> tongue; H tɕi-H li <lce legs> tonight; L ta-H r̥ ẽ H ʃə-H gə <dus deng? ?> tool, instrument, implements; L ja-H ɦjɔ <lag cha> tooth; H su <so> torch; L dʐuẽ <sgron> trachea, windpipe; H lu-H ʒə <glo yu> treasured object, treasure; L rə-H Nbu-L tɕʰe <rin po che> treat (illness), cure; H m̥ ẽ H tɔ̃ <sman btang> tree; L ɕĩ-H mɔ̃ <shing mo> tripod (for cooking); H tɕa-H dʑe <lcags sgyid> troublesome, incovenient; H ka-H lei L tɕʰə-H wu <dka' las che bo> trousers, pants; L l̥ a-H Nbɔ <snam pa> true, real; L de-H Nbɔ <bden pa> tsampa, roasted (barley) flour; H tsã-H Nbɔ <rtsam pa> turn into, become; H ʑi <brje>, H ka-H lo L ʑi <? brje> turn one's head to the back; H pʰa-L gue <phar 'khor>; H tsʰa-L gue <tshur 'khor > turn over (on bed), roll back and forth; H ka-H lo L ʑi <? brje>, H tsʰa-L ka-L lo L ʑi <tshur ? ? brje>, H pʰa-L ka-L lo L ʑi <phar ? ? brje> turquoise; H ʒə <g.yu> twelfth lunar month; H tɕɯ-H ɲue-L pɔ <bcu gnyis po> twelve; H tɕɯ-H ɲue <bcu gnyis> twenty; L ɲə-H xə <nyi shu>; twenty--one; L ɲə-H tɕi <nyi (shu rtsa) gcig>; twenty--two; L ɲə-H ɲue <nyi (shu rtsa) gnyis> twist, wring, pinch; L pʰa-H tɕə <phar skyogs?> two; L ɲue˜Hɲue <gnyis> two hundred; L ɲə H dʒɔ <gnyis brgya> ugly; L ma= H Nbe <mi ?> umbilical cord; H ti-H wɔ <lte ba> umbrella; L tɕʰə-H də <char gdugs> uncle (father's brother regardless of age); L a-H xə <a khu> uncle (mother's brother regardless of age); L a-H Nbu <zhang bu?>, cf. Bātáng /xɑ̃1 3 mbʊ 53 / uncle (husband of father's sister); L a-H Nbu <zhung bo?>, cf. Bātáng /xɑ 13 mbʊ 53 / uncle (husband of mother's sister); L a-H Nbu <zhung bo?> unclear, fuzzy; L ma= H ku <mi go> understand (literally, 'have heard'); H tsʰue L ʃɯ̃ <tshor byung> understand (know); L ku <go>, H ku-L ʃɯ̃ <go byung> undo a knot, untie, loosen; H pʰa-L tʂei <phar 'grol> upper garment; H tue-H li <stod len> Chinese--style upper garment; H dʒɔ H tue-H li <rgya stod len> Tibetan--style upper garment; L pe H tue-H li <bod stod le> upstairs; H kʰɔ-H tĩ <khang steng> urine; H tɕẽ <gcin> use, employ; H ʃue <spyod> useless; L ʒu L me <yod med>; L mu= H Ndə <mi 'dug?> uvula; L ʃa-H kɤ vase; L pa-H Nbɔ <bum pa> vegetable oil; L je-H ʁa <? zhag> vegetable, greens; L kʰa-H tse <kha tshal?> vehicle, cart; L ga-H tʂi <kha khre?> vein; L tʂʰa-H tsɔ <khrag rtsa> vertical; L tʰa-H ko, possibly related to <thad kar> very; H ka-H pɔ, cf. Shǐxīng / H ka-H pɑɔ/ vibrissa; L n̥ ã-H pə <sna spu> village; L dʐɔ̃ <grong> waist; L ke-H tsʰi <sked tshigs> wait; L gɯ <sgug> wake sb up (TR); H ja-L Nbe <yar 'bod> wake up; H sʰe <sad> walk; L Ndʐu <'gro> walking stick; L pa-H gɔ <? mkha(r)>, cf. Shǐxīng / H pa-H gɑɔ/ wall; L tʃɔ̃ <gyang> walnut oil; L ku-L du L je-H ʁa <? ? zhag> walnut tree; L ku-H du, L ku-L du-H ɕĩ <? shing> want, need; H gei <dgos>; (not need) L mu= H gei <mi dgos> wart; L Ndza-H jɔ <mdzer pa> wash (clothes); L kei-H tʂə <gos 'khru> wash (hands); L jɔ H tʂə <lag 'khru> wash (oneself), bathe; L li-H pu H tʂə <lus po 'khru> water; H tɕʰə <chu> water bird; crane; swan; goose; H tɕʰə-H ʒɔ <chu bya> water trough, tank; L pʰa-H wɔ water, sprinkle, irrigate; H ju <'jug>, H tɕʰə L ju <chu 'jug?> watery, thin, weak (liquid); L ʃã wave; H pa-H l̥ ɤ <rba rlabs>, H tɕʰə L pa-L l̥ ɤ <chu rba rlabs> we, first person plural pronoun; (inclusive) L a-L kʰə-H rã <? rang>; (exclusive) L ŋə-H rã <nga rang> weak, feeble; L ɕẽ <zhan>, L ɕa-H Nbɔ <zhan po> wear (a hat, gloves, a bracelet); H kuẽ <gon> (with an irregular tone) wear, put on (clothes, shoes); L tʃuẽ <gyon> weasel; H ke-H də weave (basket), plait one's hair; H ɦjɔ <sle ba> or <lhe ba>, H tʂɔ L ɦjɔ <skra sle> or <skra lhe> weave, knit, loom (V); H tʰa-L ta <thags btags> weigh (on a scale); H tʃa <bkyags> weigh with a small steelyard (for medicine or jewelry); L xu <zho?> well; L tɕʰə-H gã <chu sgam?> west; L nũ˜Lnu <nub> wet; H lja-H Nbɔ <rlon pa> what; why; L ka-H Ndə <ga 'di?> wheat; L tʂu <gro> wheel; H kʰu-H lu <'khor lo> when; L nã <nam> where; L ka˜Lkɛ <gar> whet (a knife), sharpen; H dɛ <rdar>, H tʂə L dɛ <gri rdar> which; L ka-H tə <ga ?> whip, horse whip; L tɕa-H tsʰẽ <lcags tshan> white; L ka-H kɛ <*dka(r) dkar> who; H sʰə <su> wide, broad; L kʰua-H lə widow; L ʒɯ-H sɔ <yugs sa>; L mə-H ʒɯ <mo yugs> widower; L pʰə-H ʒɯ <pho yugs> wife; (spouse) L ʒɔ <bza'?>; (wife, literally, woman) L mə-H jɔ <mo ?> willow; H dʒa-H lɔ̃ <rgya lcang?> win, gain; H kʰi <khe> win, obtain victory; L tɛ <dar?> wind; H lɯ̃ <rlung> window; L gu-H jɯ̃ <sgo khung> wine jug; H ti-H dʐi wing; L Nda-H tʂʰɤ <'dab gshog> wink, close, shut (eyes); H ɲi-H tsũ <myig btsum> winter; L Nga-H Ngɔ <dgun ka> wipe (a table); L tʂi wither (literally, 'turn yellow'); L pʰa-H sʰe <phar ser> wolf; H ʃɔ̃ <spyang> woman; L mə-H jɔ̃ <mo ?> wooden bowl; L pʰa-H rə <phor>; H pɔ wooden house; L pɔ-H guẽ <bang ?> woodpecker; L ɕĩ-H tɔ L kʰu-H lu <shing rta ?> woollen cloth, felt; L gu-H n̥ ã <'go snam> work, labour; L jei-H Ngi <las 'gul> world, the external world; L Ndzã-H lĩ <'dzam gling>, L Ndza-L Nbɔ-H lĩ <'dzam ba gling> worry, feel anxious; H sʰẽ H tsʰu <*sems 'tshab> worship a god, offerings to divine spirits; H l̥ ɔ H su <lha gsol> wound, injury, sore, scar; H mɔ̃ <rma> wrap; H tɔ̃ <bstum> wrap around; H tʂi <sgril> or <dkri ba> wrist; L ja-H ki <*lag ske> write; H tʂə <'bri> Xùmǐ; H ʃə-H ɲə <skyi mi> yak; L gua-H ʃu; L ʒa <g.yag>; (female yak) H Ndʐə <'bri> yawn, gape; L lũ-H se L ʃe <glal ba byed> year (calendar year; year of age); L ju <lo> year after the next; L sa-H Nbɛ <sang ?> year before last; H ʑe-H ju <gzhes lo>; three years ago; H pʰe-H lu <? lo> yeast, fermenting agent; H pʰɤ <phabs> yell, shout; L Nbe <'bod> yellow; L sʰa-H sʰe <*ser ser> yesterday; L kʰa-H tsɔ̃ <kha rtsang> yoghurt; L xu <zho> yoke, oxbow; H ɲa-H ɕĩ <gnya' shing> you, second person plural pronoun; L tʃʰə-H rã <khyod rang> young (as of people); L ju H tɕʰɯ̃ <lo chung> young man, lad, chap; L pʰu-H sɛ <pho gsar> yuan (Chinese dollar); H tʂʰə L tɕi <khri gcig>

	<rta po>
	horse (foal, weanling); (yearling) L ti-H ka
	<rte'u ?>; (of 2--3 years of age) H ti-H ba
	<rte'u ?>
	hospital; SWM 剪 子
	/tɕian 53 tsɿ 53 /
	scold, curse;

I present Kami data in broad phonetic transcription that includes some common allophones, which result from irregular phonological processes, as well as uvular allophones of velar phonemes. Square brackets are used for narrow phonetic transcriptions (surface phonological representations) and slashes for broad phonetic transcriptions (the product of my analysis). Kami register tones are here marked by superscript letters (L for 'low' and H for 'high') (see §2.4 for discussion). WT forms (in Wylie's 1959 standard transcription) are provided in angle brackets alongside the corresponding spoken forms.The following conventions and abbreviations are used: > = changes into; < = develops from; -= syllable boundary within a lexical word; = = clitic boundary; ~ = variation between two forms; ? = a morpheme whose meaning is unclear or, if attached to a word, signals that the meaning or the etymon that this word represents is tentative; * = unattested form which has been historically reconstructed or, in the word list, a combination of two etymons that is not attested in WT (as based on the Rangjung Yeshe Tibetan-English dictionary, www.nitartha.org/dictionary.html); INTR = intransitive; MC = Middle Chinese (in Baxter 1992 notation); SWM = South-West Mandarin, represented by the dialect of Mùlǐ, recorded by Lǐ Lán 李藍 (p.c.); TR = transitive.

Púmǐ data from Lù (2001), from Guillaume Jacques (p.c.), and from personal research. Shǐxīng, Lizu and Nàmùzī data throughout the text are from mypersonal research.

The division into townships dates from 1953. My consultants, all from Shuǐluò, customary refer to these townships by their Chinese names. Only two non-Chinese names could be elicited.Here are some explanations for the names of the townships, as gathered from my language consultants, from[START_REF] Kessler | The Historical Kingdom of Mili[END_REF], and from Mùlǐ Gazetteers (1995). The name for Shuǐluò, / L ɕo-H lo/ <sho log>, is a Tibetan rendering of the original Xùmǐ toponym, the Xùmǐ people being the ethnic majority in this township. The first syllable stems from the autonym of the group / H ʂu-H hĩ/, literally 'the Shu people',

That said, however, I keep in mind that many a characteristic Kham feature is too general and noncommittal to make Kham (which is a rather heterogeneous collection of dialects) a coherent group, seeDenwood (1999: 31-32) andSun (2003: 794-796) for discussion. Nonetheless, in the absence of a more rigorous classification, I will use the proposed characteristic features as indications of most salient regional tendencies, whether retentions (e.g. simplified consonant clusters, voiced obstruent initials) or convergent developments (e.g. syllable canon reduction and tones).

Formally, this process (also shared with the neighboring Shǐxīng language, Chirkova and Michaud 2009) can be accounted for as left-to-right tone spreading. In this analysis, tonal patterns in polysyllabic domains are phonetic implementation of the lexical H and L tones on monosyllables. In other words, the /H-H/ and the /L-H/ tonal patterns are the extension of the lexical tones /H/ and /L/, respectively. The mode of association of tones to syllables as one-to-one mapping of tones to available syllables, followed by the spreading of the last tone and the addition of a post-lexical boundary H tone.

In careful speech, the verb root may be pronounced with the etymological tone on the verbal root and the high tone on the prefix, e.g. [pʰa 55 -tʰẽ 55 ], / H pʰa-H tʰẽ/, 'to pull up', [pʰa 55 -ʁa 13 ], / H pʰa-L ʁa/, 'put down'.

A system of stress accent has been described for some Amdo dialects, and Zhongu,Sun (2003: 778).

For example, Yǎjiāng 雅江 <nyag chu kha>,[START_REF] Acuo | Chéngzhāng Zàngyǔ de yīnxì 程 章 藏 語 的 音 系 / The phonological system of Chengzhang Tibetan[END_REF]; Shíbàzi 石壩子 <kun sngon> (Sōngpān 松潘),[START_REF] Kǎn | Zàngyǔ Sōngpānhuà de yīnxì hé yǔyīn de lìshǐ yǎnbiàn 藏語松潘話的音系和語音的歷史演變 [Sound system of Sōngpān Tibetan and its historical development[END_REF]; Zhongu (Sōngpān),Sun (2003: 782-783).

The WT sr-and sl-clusters are traditionally analyzed as the root initial s-followed by medials -r-and -l-. They are therefore discussed in the section on consonant clusters ( §3.1.3).

One exception is the word / H ta-H Ntʰui/ [ H ta-H n̥ tʰui] 'reins', <rta mthur>.

One exception can be noted, namely <phyi> 'outside, back' / L pʰie/. The WT root <phyi> has two reflexes in Kami: (1) / L pʰie/ in the meaning 'outside, back', and (2) / H ʃə/ in the meaning 'to be late'. Note that the latter reflex is irregular in that it lacks aspiration.

This is identical to Dōngwàng (Bartee, this volume), whereas in Zhōngdiàn, WT lh-changed to /ɬ/ and /t/ (Wáng 1996: 62).

One exception to the a to /ɔ/ change is <ga~gar> 'where', Kami / L ka˜Lkɛ/.

The same development involving the word for 'white' <dkar> has been described for Bātáng(Gésāng 1989: 341), Zhōngdiàn(Lù 1990: 156), and Zhongu,(Sun 2003: 793).

The stratification of Kami lexicon is an issue of considerable complexity, given the sheer number of sound changes discussed above. The challenging task of grouping various changes per layer merits a separate study.

This word is shared by Kami with Dōngwàng, /a 13 ka 53 /. However, the root /ka/ does not appear to be used in the formation of diminutives in this dialect. Dōngwàng uses the WT root <phrug> instead, e.g. 'puppy' <khyi phrug> /ɕə 55 tʂʰɯ 55 /, 'kitten' <? phrug> /wu 55 tʂʰu 53 ˜ly 55 tʂʰɯ 53 /.

* My fieldwork on Kami in 2006 was sponsored by the Royal Netherlands Academy of Sciences and the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in the framework of the Sino-Dutch 2005-2008 research programme "Trans-Himalayan database development: China and the Subcontinent". Fieldwork on Kami in 2008 and 2009 was supported by the Agence Nationale de la Recherche (France) as part of the research project "What defines Qiang-ness? Towards a phylogenetic assessment of the Southern Qiangic languages of Mùlǐ" (acronym PASQi) (ANR-07-JCJC-0063

). I owe a debt of gratitude to my Kami language consultants: Mr. Yáng Lǔróng Túdīng 楊魯絨圖丁 / L tɕʰi-H ra H ja-L lɔ̃ H lu-H zũ L tʰu-H dĩ/ <blo bzang stobs ldan>, Mr. Āgāo Lǔróng 阿高魯絨 / L a-H ŋɔ H lu-H zũ/ <blo bzang>, Mr. Lǔróng Cì'er 魯絨次爾 / H lu-H zũ H tsʰə-H rẽ/ <blo bzang tshe ring>, and Mrs. Qǐ Zhēn 啓珍 / L a-H lu H tɕʰi-H tʂẽ/ <chos sgron>, for the linguistic data, their kind patience, and their enjoyable company. (Names that are not reflected in the Tibetan orthography are house names, see §4.1.1 for discussion.) I am also indebted to the Mùlǐ liaison of the PASQi project, Mr. Lǔróng / for his efficient and enthusiastic help in facilitating and assisting this study, and for providing background information on Kami.

languages with mostly derivational morphology to the east and south (e.g. Chinese, Ngwi-Burmese). Consequently, further advances in Kham dialect research are critically contingent on careful case studies that delve into the causal contact-induced mechanisms in the area and carefully place each dialect in its immediate linguistic context.

Appendix 1 Summary table of Kami initials and their OT origins

The following additional conventions apply to the summary table of Kami initials (based on the speech of my main consultant) and their OT origins.

"(C)" indicates one or two optional prefixal consonants. For example, "(C)k--" stands for bk --, dk--, sk--, lk--, rk--, bsk--and brk--. If one of a set of possible prefixal consonants triggers changes distinct from the remaining prefixal consonants that may be taken by the same initial, combinations of this prefixal consonant with this initial are listed separately. For example, combinations of the prefixal consonant s--with the root initial n--(resulting in /n̥ /) are listed separately from those of this initial with the prefixal consonants g--, r--, and m--(all resulting in /n/). In addition, combinations of a root initial with the nasal prefixes m--and n--(WT ') are always listed separately, as Kami reflexes of OT clusters with these prefixal consonants are irregular ( § 3.1.2.1).

"i" stands for high front vowels, "a" stands for non--high, non--front vowels.

A consonant between two dashes, e.g. --kh--, stands for the initial of the second syllable of a disyllabic word, as in / L a-H xə/ <a khu> 'uncle'.

Kami OT

Appendix 2 English--Kami Word List

The following English--Kami word list comprises circa 1,500 common lexical items with their suggested etymologies. Following Sun (2003: 803), I provide Tibetan etymologies underlying the modern Kami forms in question rather than their standard Written Tibetan meaning equivalents. Combinations of etymons corresponding to Kami expressions that are not attested in WT, as based on the Rangjung Yeshe Tibetan--English dictionary (www.nitartha.org/dictionary.html), are marked with an asterisk. For example, / L ʃʰa-H di/ '(swept) garbage, waste', <*phyags rdul>; / L Nbu-H ru L no/ <*me tog nad> 'smallpox, measles'.

Uncertain origins are indicated by question marks in the corresponding syllable slot. For example, / L jɯ-H ka/ <lug ?> 'lamb, young sheep', where the etymology of the diminutive root /ka/ is unknown. Alternatively, question marks beside suggested etymons signal that the etymons in question are tentative. For example, / H dõ L tʰõ/ <gdong? mthong?> 'to give birth; child delivery', is taken to be tentatively related to the etymons <gdong> 'face' and <mthong> 'to see'. This is based on a parallel formation in the neighboring Shǐxīng language, where the meaning 'to give birth; child delivery' is denoted by the expression that literally means 'to see the (child's) face' (see §4.1).

Exceptions to the sound correspondences, as discussed in the main part of the article, are highlighted by boldface. For example, the Kami word for 'mouse, rat' / L ʃu-H wɔ/ is likely to be related to <byi ba>, but the first syllable of the Kami word is at variance with the expected correspondence OT --i > Kami /ə/. abbey; L guẽ <dgon>, L guẽ-H bɔ <dgon pa> ache, be sick; L nɔ̃ <na>; L ze <gzer> adam's apple, larynx; L sẽ-H kɔ add; H ja-L dɔ̃ <yar sdom> afternoon, evening; H ʃə-H gə <phyi rgas?> again; L ʒɔ̃ <yang> agaric, wood ear; L ɲi-H gei H na-H wu <mi rgas rna bo>, literally, 'old man's ears' air; L lɯ-H pɔ <rlung pa> airplane; H tɕa-H ʒɔ <lcags bya> alive (not dead); L ma= H ɕʰə L n̥ ɔ̃ <ma shi snang> all; H tsʰɔ-H mɔ̃ <tshang ma> aluminium; L ji, possibly from Chinese 鋁, SWM /ny 53 /, MC ljoX. This is an early loan, for it followed the change l--> /j/ angry, take offence; H ɲ̥ ĩ L kʰɔ <snying ?> animals; L rə-H da <ri dwags> ankle; L tsʰi-H bɔ <tshigs pa> answer, reply