Antonio Luiz

Joia

Alexander Kuhl

Smart City for Development: A conceptual model for developing countries

Keywords: ICT4D, Smart City, Capability Approach

The present article addresses how smart city initiatives can positively impact development, with a special emphasis on developing countries. Extant definitions and maturity models on smart cities have a very strong focus on the mere use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT), thereby ignoring the special needs and factors to be considered in developing countries. Thus, by using the extant literature on Smart Cities and Information and Communication Technology for Development (ICT4D), a comprehensive Smart City for Development (SC4D) model is introduced. The article argues that a favorable ecosystem for SC4D is one that is backed by both national and local sustainability, infrastructure, human capital, services, apps, and data. Moreover, successful SC4D initiatives include bottom-up approaches, citizen participation, a fit with both the national and the local culture, as well as a fit with the United Nations' Sustainable Development Goals and the Capability Approach.

Introduction

While the study field of ICT has been receiving increased attention and significance throughout the past few decades, the conventional wisdom has become that, if they are conducted efficiently, ICT projects in the public sector enable citizens to access services of higher efficiency [START_REF] Bussell | Explaining Cross-National Variation in Government Adoption of New Technologies[END_REF]. In developed countries, this translates into increased productivity, whereas in developing countries the impact of ICT4D is far more meaningful and may, for instance, help eradicate poverty, handle problems related to climate change or enable people's inclusion in economic, social and political life [START_REF] Heeks | The ICT4D 2.0 Manifesto: Where Next for ICTs and International Development[END_REF].

Recently, a topic closely related to ICT and ICT4D has emerged: the idea of making cities smarter to take advantage of the benefits of the digital age. As of 2012, there were around 143 self-declared smart city projects worldwide, most of which were located in Europe, North America and Asia [START_REF] Lee | Towards an effective framework for building smart cities: Lessons from Seoul and San Francisco[END_REF]. These numbers show that the relevance and existence of smart city initiatives are higher in developed than in developing countries. Yet, at the same time, smart cities have a lot of potential to foster sustainable development in developing countries -a potential that is not being completely achieved so far -and worse, structural problems might even extend the gap between this potential and the reality [START_REF] Estevez | Smart Sustainable Cities Reconnaissance Study[END_REF].

In that context, the present paper aims to provide a framework that may support developing countries policymakers to recognize the potential of smart city initiatives to foster development in their respective developing country.

Thus, this article addresses the following research question: How can smart city initiatives impact development in developing countries?

Methodological Procedures

The methodology supporting this article involves three main research stages, namely:

1. Literature review: to identify and discuss the most significant research literature that treats ICT4D and the smart city knowledge fields; 2. Model development: built upon the knowledge taken from the literature review, a vision for SC4D and its conceptual framework are determined. Then, considering this vision, the structure of a conceptual framework for SC4D is created. This model aims to guide how smart city initiatives in developing countries must be designed by governments and supported by ecosystems in order to lead to the desired positive impact on development. 3. Synthesis: implications for public policies accrued from this work.

Literature Review

ICT for development (ICT4D)

The United Nations Economic and Social Council emphasizes the potential impact on the social and economic development of a country related to ICTs that, if applied in a strategic manner, can lead to increasing growth, create income sources for poor people and reduce poverty [START_REF]Fourth annual report of the Information and Communication Technologies Task Force[END_REF]. In addition to such social and economic aspects, the European Parliament mentions the possibility of better outcomes in the areas of healthcare and education for developing countries that make use of ICTs [START_REF]ICT in the developing world[END_REF]. Thus, in a wider sense, ICT4D endeavors intend to harness digital technologies in the service of the world's most pressing problems, addressing the needs of the poor [START_REF] Heeks | The ICT4D 2.0 Manifesto: Where Next for ICTs and International Development[END_REF]. In regard to the latter, it is argued that ICT4D initiatives should be inclusiveincluding the poor in improved services and opportunities -, enabling -supporting policies that improve the lives of the poor -and focused -aiming at the poor's rights, interests, and needs -, yet at the same time sustainable, scalable and effective [START_REF]ICTs for Development: improving policy coherence[END_REF].

While ICT initiatives have in the past mainly focused on tangible benefits of ICTs that are easily measurable and quantifiable, there was a shift in that focus towards intangible benefits, such as empowerment, self-esteem, and social cohesion, since these are more important from a developmental perspective [START_REF] Gomez | ICT evaluation: Are we asking the right questions?[END_REF].

A similar approach to the evaluation of ICT4D initiatives is offered by [START_REF] Kleine | ICT4what? -using the choice framework to operationalise the capability approach to development[END_REF], who argues that instead of trying to make ICTs fit with a linear conceptualization of impacts and an often economistic view of development, an ICT4D endeavor is a development process that needs to be analyzed in a holistic way based on Amartya Sen's capability approach. Development should be seen from the perspective of individual freedom rather than as mere economic growth [START_REF] Sen | Equality of What? Tanner Lectures on Human Values[END_REF][START_REF] Sen | Development as Capability Expansion[END_REF][START_REF] Sen | Development as Freedom[END_REF]. In this context, capabilities are factors that determine the freedom of choice regarding the question of how to live one's life. They are therefore the central element to consider in the assessment of human development.

Eventually, the application of the capability approach to ICT4D has not only remained an academic idea but also been put into practice, for instance, with regard to the World Bank's development strategy: instead of solely considering new technologies and the introduction of such, the focus of ICT4D projects increasingly lies on people and on how a meaningful use of ICTs enhances both the individual human capabilities and the collective social capabilities inside a community [START_REF] Gigler | Informational Capabilities'-The Missing Link for the Impact of ICT on development[END_REF].This focus on the people should also be considered in the initial design of ICT4D initiatives and the way in which they are directed: while top-down approaches may be necessary to create a favorable environment for the use and diffusion of ICTs, there is a need for more and innovative bottom-up approaches, since it is crucial to include and empower local stakeholders in order to create ICT4D projects that are actually sustainable [START_REF] Pedrelli | Developing countries and the ICT revolution[END_REF]..

Digital inclusion

Digital inclusion means to provide opportunities for people to be included in the current digital society [START_REF]What is Digital Inclusion? Retrieved from[END_REF]. Yet, merely making ICTs available is not enough and the political, social, cultural and institutional environment needs also to be taken into account, since these are factors that influence the access to ICTs and the ability to make effective use of them [START_REF] Warschauer | Technology and Social Inclusion: Rethinking the Digital[END_REF]. In this context, [START_REF] Joia | Inclusão digital no Brasil: um modelo heurístico de natureza dinâmica[END_REF][START_REF] Joia | ICT-equipped bank boat and the financial inclusion of the riverine population of Marajó Island in the Brazilian Amazon[END_REF] provides a model that includes the key success factors and processes that should underlie the promotion of digital inclusion in a country (Figure 1). According to that model, the primary requirement is economic, political, ethical and legal sustainability, meaning that the government's actions need to support a favorable ecosystem. Secondly, infrastructure and access need to be made available. Thirdly, local content and education must be provided, being same relevant and customized for the needs and interests of the local community or target group with the particular objective of empowering socially excluded groups. Lastly, the model emphasizes the digital inclusion as a dynamic process. Thus, the model features a socalled virtuous participation and empowerment cycle that includes four stages: at the first stage, an ICT initiative and corresponding tools are implemented; subsequently, at the second stage, people become increasingly aware of the possibilities and benefits connected to these tools; this ought to lead to the third stage, in which current participants increase their demand for the implementation of further tools, applications and IT infrastructure in general; consequently, at a fourth stage, those people that are already included in the process give feedback on it and, at the same time, have a feeling of involvement and empowerment, while the number of new users grows as well [START_REF] Teles | Assessment of digital inclusion via the actornetwork theory: The case of the Brazilian municipality of Piraí[END_REF].

Smart cities

According to the United Nations, nowadays the resources and energy consumption of cities are dramatically high [START_REF]World Urbanization Prospects: The 2007 Revision[END_REF]. Moreover, while more than 50% of people worldwide were already living in urban areas by 2008, this figure is expected to further rise to 70% by 2050; in Europe, about 80% of people are already living in urban areas, and both the mentioned changes and their impacts are going to be much more significant in regions such as Asia, Latin America, and Africa, where the diffusion of megacities of more than 20 million people is already a reality [START_REF]World Urbanization Prospects: The 2007 Revision[END_REF].

In light of this, cities worldwide are required to become "smart", or in other words, to find intelligent and innovative ways to tackle the upcoming challenges effectively [START_REF] Chourabi | Understanding smart cities: An integrative framework[END_REF][START_REF] Monzon | Smart Cities Concept and Challenges: Bases for the Assessment of Smart City Projects[END_REF]. However, the definition and purpose of a so-called smart city have led to controversy in Academia, having a variety of proposals on this matter [START_REF] Albino | Smart Cities: Definitions, Dimensions, Performance, and Initiatives[END_REF]. In fact, there is no one-size-fits-all definition, neither for the smart city term nor for the successful conceptualization of a smart city [START_REF] O'grady | How Smart Is Your City?[END_REF]. What is noteworthy is that while at the beginning, most of the definitions of smart city had a very strong focus on the diffusion of ICTs and tended to disregard the importance of other crucial factors besides technology, recent approaches have shifted towards the needs of people and communities [START_REF] Albino | Smart Cities: Definitions, Dimensions, Performance, and Initiatives[END_REF], such as the quality of life [START_REF] Batty | Smart cities of the future[END_REF]. Indeed, it is important to acknowledge that within the concept of successfully creating a smart city, ICTs are just one thread in the system as the deployment of such must follow an integrative and multidimensional approach [START_REF] Repko | Smart Cities Literature Review and Analysis[END_REF]. In a truly smart city, adopting new technologies is not an end in itself as innovation in technology must be complemented by innovation in management and policy [START_REF] Nam | Smart City as Urban Innovation: Focusing on Management, Policy, and Context[END_REF]. Besides, progressive smart city initiatives must start with the focus on human capital -people, their interaction, knowledge, skills, and participation -rather than with the blind belief that ICTs can automatically transform and improve cities [START_REF] Hollands | Will the real smart city please stand up?[END_REF]. Thus, some authors developed one of the most recent approaches for a unified definition of a smart city and came to the result that there are 25200 potential components of a smart city: the more components a city is composed of, the smarter it is [START_REF] Ramaprasad | A Unified Definition of a Smart City[END_REF].

The Vision for a Smart City for Development Model (SC4D)

As the concept of ICT4D was introduced in order to customize the concept of ICT diffusion to lead to a positive impact on development in developing countries [20, the idea behind the concept of SC4D envisioned by the present article is to adapt the concept of smart cities in order to create customized smart city solutions with the objective of positively impacting development in developing countries. This customization is important because responses to challenges in cities inside developing countries will need to be tailored and framed differently from those in cities inside developed countries, due to the fact that urban growth will be a bigger phenomenon and therefore a more present problem in the developing world [START_REF]World Urbanization Prospects: The 2007 Revision[END_REF]. Because of this and against the background of the vague and broad conceptualization of smart cities [START_REF] Ramaprasad | A Unified Definition of a Smart City[END_REF], it is first necessary to redefine and narrow down the term to make it appropriate for developing countries.

Due to its focus on development, a feasible definition might be one that has been introduced by the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) [START_REF] Bouskela | The Road toward Smart Cities: Migrating from Traditional City Management to the Smart City[END_REF]. According to that definition, a smart city is an innovative city that uses a holistic approach -including both ICTs and other means -in order to improve the quality of life, efficiency of urban operations and services, as well as competitiveness, while ensuring that it fulfils both present and future generations' needs related to economic, social, urban and environmental factors, thus placing people at the center and implementing collaborative planning activities and citizen participation methods.

Yet, if the question is how smart cities can foster development, the term of development itself needs to be defined as well. The inspiration for this can be found within the process that the ICT4D movement has gone through: after initially focusing too much on technology, an increased shift towards other factors took place over time. Within the context of smart city initiatives in developing countries, this means viewing development as freedom [START_REF] Sen | Development as Freedom[END_REF] in a city context, such as an increase in a city's citizens' well-being, as well as in their capabilities [START_REF] Gigler | Informational Capabilities'-The Missing Link for the Impact of ICT on development[END_REF][START_REF] Sen | Development as Capability Expansion[END_REF] -capabilities meaning the different ways of living a life that are possible to be achieved and freely chosen [START_REF] Kleine | ICT4what? -using the choice framework to operationalise the capability approach to development[END_REF]. A shift towards SC4D also means acknowledging the significance of intangible benefits of smart city initiatives, such as empowerment, social cohesion, and self-esteem, as done for ICT4D [START_REF] Gomez | ICT evaluation: Are we asking the right questions?[END_REF]. The focus on bottom-up approaches [START_REF] Prahalad | The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid[END_REF] and the society's poorest [START_REF]ICTs for Development: improving policy coherence[END_REF] should be further points, in which the modern approach within ICT4D may serve as a role model for the conceptualization of SC4D. With regard to the latter suggestion -targeting the society's poorest -the vision of SC4D suggested in the present article is that instead of improving the lives of those citizens that are already highly privileged, relevant SC4D initiatives should aim at targeting those people that are most in need, namely the world's four billion poorest people with an income that is too low to sustain a decent life [START_REF] Prahalad | The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid[END_REF]. Moreover, an additional guideline can be the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which have been declared by the United Nations (UN) and include "no poverty", "zero hunger", "good health and well-being", "quality education", "gender equality", "clean water and sanitation", "affordable and clean energy", "decent work and economic growth", "industry, innovation and infrastructure", "reduced inequalities", "sustainable cities and communities", "responsible consumption and production", "climate action", "life below water", "life on land", "peace, justice and strong institutions" and "partnership for the goals" as facets of development [START_REF]Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development[END_REF].

In summary, any smart city initiative that targets the underprivileged citizens of any city inside any developing country, improves their quality of life, enhances their capabilities, and significantly and positively contributes to one or more of the 17 SDGs, is a smart city initiative that fosters development and may therefore be considered a successful SC4D initiative.

The SC4D model underlying rationale

Considering the implications from the literature review and the defined vision for SC4D on the basis of ICT4D, a framework that effectively describes the nature and ecosystem of successful developing countries SC4D initiatives needs to comprehensively involve the success factors already discussed, be a dynamic model [START_REF] Joia | Bridging the digital divide: some initiatives in Brazil[END_REF], involve participation [START_REF] Pedrelli | Developing countries and the ICT revolution[END_REF], focus on development and capabilities [START_REF] Gigler | Informational Capabilities'-The Missing Link for the Impact of ICT on development[END_REF][START_REF] Gomez | ICT evaluation: Are we asking the right questions?[END_REF][START_REF] Kleine | ICT4what? -using the choice framework to operationalise the capability approach to development[END_REF][START_REF]ICTs for Development: improving policy coherence[END_REF],487and also factor the indigenous contextual or cultural component in. Besides, the model should be based on academic rather than anecdotal, practitioneroriented reasoning.

None of the extant smart city assessment models is able to fulfill all of the necessary characteristics that have been defined before [START_REF] Afonso | Brazilian Smart Cities: Using a Maturity Model to Measure and Compare Inequality in Cities[END_REF][START_REF] Clarke | Business Strategy: IDC Government Insights' Smart City Maturity Model -Assessment and Action on the Path to Maturity[END_REF][START_REF] Coelho | Analysing ICT and development from the perspective of the capabilities approach: a study in South Brazil[END_REF][START_REF] Sen | Development as Capability Expansion[END_REF][START_REF]Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development[END_REF]. Thus, the rationale for developing the SC4D model is based on the need of a very dynamic model that balances ICTs with other crucial factors and has a high level of visualization, comprehensiveness, development focus and academic background.

The SC4D model

Based on the literature review and the vision for SC4D and taking the rationale for developing a new model into consideration, the SD4D model has been developed and is depicted below in Figure 2. Most of the model's components, especially the empowerment and participation cycle surrounding the pyramid, have been inspired by the digital inclusion model introduced by [START_REF] Joia | Bridging the digital divide: some initiatives in Brazil[END_REF][START_REF] Joia | ICT-equipped bank boat and the financial inclusion of the riverine population of Marajó Island in the Brazilian Amazon[END_REF], due to its comprehensiveness and dynamic nature. However, some elements have been adapted or added with regard to the topic of smart cities. Besides, the research areas of ICT4D and digital inclusion, as closely related to the research area of smart cities, served as sources of information for the development of the SC4D model. Thus, all of the SC4D model's constituent components are further explained in the upcoming section.

Sustainability

An economic, political, ethical and legal sustainability is fundamental to a successful development project in the areas of ICT and digital inclusion [START_REF] Joia | Bridging the digital divide: some initiatives in Brazil[END_REF]. Nevertheless, there are different understandings of what sustainability actually means. In a developmental context, it is understood as meeting the needs of the present without compromising future generations' ability to meet their needs, or more basically, something is sustainable if it is capable of being sustained [START_REF] Beaumont | 5 Definitions of Sustainability[END_REF]. Applying the latter definition to the before mentioned areas that need sustainability, an SC4D initiative requires a stable economy and a predictable political setting, as well as a legal system and ethical values that are coherent with the well-functioning of the project. This also implies that the situation in terms of sustainability might differ from city to city. Thus, in the assessment of a smart city project, both national and local sustainability play a role. Past failures of ICT4D initiatives have taught that a short-term focus on the initial investment can be fatal and instead, project managers must consider the sustainable viability of the respective initiative [START_REF] Kleine | Technological Revolution, Evolution and New Dependencies: what's new about ict4d?[END_REF]. Apart from the financial aspect, a sustainable effect of ICT implementation can only be achieved if the ICT initiative also encompasses the creation of economic, social, political and cultural capabilities [START_REF] Gigler | Informational Capabilities'-The Missing Link for the Impact of ICT on development[END_REF]. Accordingly, among the leading questions for the assessment of an SC4D initiative regarding this component must be:

 How economically, politically, ethically and legally sustainable is the country?  How economically, politically, ethically and legally sustainable are the city and its region? Infrastructure This component addresses the ICT infrastructure, including available high-quality, high-security and privacy-ensuring wireless infrastructure and service-oriented information systems [START_REF] Chourabi | Understanding smart cities: An integrative framework[END_REF]. The implementation of ICT infrastructure may lead to economic growth and development and thus significantly contribute to the eradication of poverty [START_REF] Beuermann | Mobile Phones and Economic Development in Rural Peru[END_REF]. Simultaneously, it gives low-income people the opportunity to partake in the digital society and to profit from it both economically and socially [START_REF] Coelho | Analysing ICT and development from the perspective of the capabilities approach: a study in South Brazil[END_REF]. Thus, ICT infrastructure and access potentially offer the chance to increase citizens' levels of choice and are therefore of crucial value from a capability approach point of view [START_REF] Kleine | ICT4what? -using the choice framework to operationalise the capability approach to development[END_REF]. After all, infrastructure is a key input inside any ICT4D value chain and a necessary element to ensure the readiness for ICT4D projects [START_REF] Heeks | Impact assessment of ICT-for-development projects: A compendium of approaches[END_REF].

Accordingly, among the leading questions for the assessment of an SC4D initiative regarding this component must be:

 How developed is the city's ICT infrastructure?  Is the ICT infrastructure sufficiently developed for a smooth functioning of the smart city project?

Data, apps, and services

The significance of data for smart cities has been made clear in several of the extant smart city assessment models: a smart city should aim at achieving an ever more sophisticated and comprehensive [START_REF]Smart cities: How rapid advances in technology are reshaping our economy and society[END_REF] as well as centralized data analytics system [START_REF] Clarke | Business Strategy: IDC Government Insights' Smart City Maturity Model -Assessment and Action on the Path to Maturity[END_REF]. And though highly developed data systems are more common in highly developed countries and cities, an effective usage and processing of available data is also a precursor [START_REF] Heeks | Impact assessment of ICT-for-development projects: A compendium of approaches[END_REF] and likely to have a positive impact on SC4D initiatives. Indeed, advanced data systems should be complemented by apps and services for citizens.

Modern and digital services that target the poor underlie the idea of inclusive innovation [START_REF] Heeks | Inclusive Innovation: Definition, Conceptualisation and Future Research Priorities[END_REF], which translates into the use of digital services to empower samethe core of the vision for SC4D. Accordingly, among the leading questions for the assessment of an SC4D initiative regarding this component must be:

 How developed is the city in terms of data collection, integration and centralization?  Are there services that facilitate citizen engagement with smart city initiatives?  Does the local government support smart city initiatives through apps?

Human capital

By definition, human capital comprises people's education, skills, competencies, and knowledge [START_REF] Keeley | Human Capital: How What You Know Shapes Your Life[END_REF]. One emphasizes the importance of education within the context of digital inclusion, underlining however that education involves more than simply training the citizens and should be considered as more important than ICTs themselves [START_REF] Joia | Bridging the digital divide: some initiatives in Brazil[END_REF]. Accordingly, the objective is that people become aware of the opportunities offered by ICTs or, in the present case, SC4D initiatives. A lack of skills and knowledge, however, might prevent any development initiative from achieving its purpose of inclusion [START_REF] Heeks | Inclusive Innovation: Definition, Conceptualisation and Future Research Priorities[END_REF]. One emphasizes other factors related to human capital apart from education, such as participation, quality of life and accessibility of ICTs for everyone [START_REF] Chourabi | Understanding smart cities: An integrative framework[END_REF]. Besides, what can be learned from ICT4D initiatives is that educating people about the initiative and its possible benefits for them is even more important than providing ICT infrastructure and access itself [START_REF] Gigler | Decentralization, clientelism and Popular Participation: Is there a role for ICTs to improve local governance? International Conference on Information and Communication Technologies and Development[END_REF]. Relating this to the concept of SC4D, for a successful SC4D initiative, citizens need to be sufficiently educated and know about the opportunities the SC4D initiative brings about, while users should be skilled and competent enough.

Accordingly, among the leading questions for the assessment of an SC4D initiative regarding this component must be:

 How developed is the city in terms of human capital?  Is the level of education in the city sufficient for a successful smart city initiative?  What kind of training is offered in order to enable people to engage with the smart city initiative?

Contextual fitness

The importance of respect for the local context has been emphasized before with regard to digital inclusion [START_REF] Joia | Bridging the digital divide: some initiatives in Brazil[END_REF]. The same is valid for SC4D initiatives: those projects that are in line with the indigenous culture are more likely to be widely accepted and spread among the community. An example for this can be taken from the area of ICT4D: one found that in certain communities, certain individuals have influence and therefore play a decisive role during the process of popularizing innovative digital technologies [START_REF] Andrade | Mavericks, mavens and social connectors: computer-mediated information seeking behaviour in rural societies[END_REF]. There are several ways how ICTs and culture are intertwined: culture has an impact on the way ICTs are developed, adopted, diffused, used and managed, as well as on their outcomes, which may lead to vision, system or contribution conflicts [START_REF] Leidner | A review of culture in information systems research: Toward a theory of information technology culture conflict[END_REF]. Thus, the conclusion with regard to SC4D projects is that what works well in some cultural areas might not necessarily be appropriate for developing countries and what is in line with one city's local context is not necessarily applicable to all cities in the respective country. Accordingly, among the leading questions for the assessment of an SC4D initiative regarding this component must be:

 Is the SC4D initiative compatible with the national indigenous context?  Is the SC4D initiative compatible with the local indigenous context?

Development

This component of the SC4D model is the most important one, on the top of the pyramid. Development is the objective behind the concept of SC4D and all other components within the pyramid are supporting ones. The development component derives directly from the vision for SC4D. This vision is defined by three main ideas of development. Firstly, any SC4D initiative should work towards one or more of the SDGs [START_REF]Transforming our world: the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development[END_REF]. In this context, the International Telecommunications Union [START_REF]ICTs for a Sustainable World #ICT4SDG[END_REF] gives concrete examples regarding each of the 17 goals for ICT4D projects that had a significant and positive impact on development. Secondly, development means increasing people's capabilities and freedom [START_REF] Sen | Equality of What? Tanner Lectures on Human Values[END_REF][START_REF] Sen | Development as Capability Expansion[END_REF][START_REF] Sen | Development as Freedom[END_REF]. The choice framework [START_REF] Kleine | ICT4what? -using the choice framework to operationalise the capability approach to development[END_REF] involves a successful example taken from the area of ICT4D and serves as a role model for what an SC4D initiative needs to take into account to meet this second requirement. Thirdly, development means focusing especially on those people at the BOP [START_REF] Prahalad | The Fortune at the Bottom of the Pyramid[END_REF]. Accordingly, among the leading questions for the assessment of an SC4D initiative regarding this component must be:

 Does the SC4D initiative contribute to the fulfillment of the SDGs?

 Does the SC4D initiative improve people's capabilities and levels of choice?

Empowerment and participation cycle

The dynamic way in which the SC4D model respects the integration of citizens in SC4D initiatives is one of its main differentiating factors compared to formerly developed assessment models for smart cities. This dynamic approach is adopted from [START_REF] Joia | Bridging the digital divide: some initiatives in Brazil[END_REF] and -adapted here to the concept of SC4D -means that after the government implements an SC4D initiative, the targeted citizens should become aware of the initiative and the benefits for them related to it. They start giving feedback and feel involved and empowered by the SC4D initiative, consequently engaging more and demanding for an expansion of the SC4D initiative, while the total number of engaged citizens grows as well. It is expected that the government and project managers react and interact appropriately. Indeed, three of the stages of the virtuous cycle of empowerment and participation -increased awareness, increased demand, and feedback and growth -can be seen as capabilities inside the whole SC4D system [START_REF] Joia | ICT-equipped bank boat and the financial inclusion of the riverine population of Marajó Island in the Brazilian Amazon[END_REF]. When it comes to citizens' freedom and their opportunities of choosing on how to live their lives [START_REF] Kleine | ICT4what? -using the choice framework to operationalise the capability approach to development[END_REF][START_REF] Sen | Equality of What? Tanner Lectures on Human Values[END_REF][START_REF] Sen | Development as Capability Expansion[END_REF][START_REF] Sen | Development as Freedom[END_REF], said components of the pyramidal SC4D model have a direct and positive effect. At the same time, there is a direct link between the background of the empowerment and participation cycle and development.

Accordingly, among the leading questions for the assessment of an SC4D initiative regarding this component must be:

 Up to which extent does the SC4D initiative include bottom-up elements?  Does the government take measures in order to increase people's awareness and demand?  Is the initiative open to receiving and implementing citizens' feedback?

Conclusions

The SC4D model might be a helpful tool for governments and smart city project managers in developing countries to implement and/or evaluate SC4D initiatives.

Governments might use this model because it offers a holistic approach that balances ICT with other needs. Smart cities have in a recent past been established with a bias towards the mere diffusion of ICTs. Yet, the SC4D model changes the focus towards further components, such as sustainability, infrastructure, data, apps, services, human capital, cultural and contextual fitness, and citizen empowerment and participation. Thus, governments of cities in developing countries might adapt their smart city endeavors accordingly in order to ensure that same are successful, targeting people most in need.

Fig. 1 :

 1 Fig. 1: The Dynamic Infoinclusion Model[START_REF] Joia | Bridging the digital divide: some initiatives in Brazil[END_REF]

  Fig 2. The SC4D Model


Peter Makamba

Chido Matewa

Janneke Van Dijk

Gertjan Van Stam
email: gertjan@vanstam

Peter Vhoko

Participatory Video, giving Voice and Respect to the Epistemic Sovereignty of communities in rural Zimbabwe

Keywords: Participatory video, health, Zimbabwe

To inform program development in health in the rural areas of Masvingo Province in Zimbabwe, Ministry of Health and Child Care authorised cooperating partners to execute participatory video projects in rural districts in Masvingo Province. The Participatory Video process was a result of the desire to go beyond prescribed, non-participative or cultural insensitive data gathering methods. Two videos were produced that significantly shaped thinking of stakeholders being informed on health-seeking behaviours and utilisation of services. This use of Information and Communication Technologies proved a fruitful way to engage, interact, and develop public conversations, giving a voice to formerly disenfranchised groups (e.g. ostracised religious groups or 'closed' communities'). Participatory Video is recognised as a culturally aligned method appropriate for a setting other than the West.

Introduction

Health research in the context of African rural communities in sub-Saharan Africa often uses extraneous approaches that leave little space for indigenous, rural perspectives [START_REF] Mawere | Research in Africa for Africa? Probing the Effect and Credibility of Research Done by Foreigners for Africa[END_REF][START_REF] Van Stam | Method of Research in a We-Paradigm, lessons on Living Research in Africa[END_REF]. Long established and prescriptive methods tend to pre-organise and regurgitate topics and practices. Most data gathering methods used are not participatory, with limited community involvement. Further, data collecting procedures observe a distance between the researcher and the researched. In practice, such approaches can be perceived as alienating, as the methods rely upon normative epistemologies that obscure local, dynamic and integral ways of knowing [START_REF] Bigirimana | Beyond the thinking and doing dichotomy: integrating individual and institutional rationality[END_REF]. The authors engaged in an effort to push the boundary of the established ways of information gathering for health, utilising Information and Communication Technologies in the form of media. The engagement aimed to unlock local knowledge and indigenous perspectives to provide evidence on possible contentious subjects to inform health planning. In this paper, authors represent groups of community members and present the background, the context, and the cases and lessons learned from utilising participatory video in a health context.

Although Participatory Video (PV) already emerged in the 1980s, its existence and employ were unknown to the communities and cooperating partners in health care in Masvingo Province. PV utilises ICTs to facilitate community members to express themselves in ways they are used to: in orality. Some of the authors were sensitised to the existence of PV, having been involved in the method in Macha, Zambia, years ago. Activating the method in health became possible after hearing about activities in PV by a group of women in Zimbabwe. Cooperating partners agreed to trial the technique for matters related to maternal and sexual reproductive health care; to gather evidence on local perceptions on family planning and care surrounding deliveries, and for exploring the practical experiences and barriers to related health care in their geographical areas.

This paper uses the extended case method to study the PV cases presented here, by valorising the intervention, process, structuration, and theory as they live in their extra-local and historical context [START_REF] Burawoy | The Extended Case Method[END_REF]. We explain how PV was applied ethically and fruitfully to create a community-led information base as a repository for change in the quality of care by presenting two consecutive cases of the use of PV in 2016 and 2017.

Participatory Video, a theoretical-practical overview

Participative Video was proposed as a tool that respects self-determination across connected identities and dimensions within community life. It represents a method that allows disenfranchised people to be the authors, architects and arbiters of their development [START_REF] Matewa | Media and the empowerment of communities for social change[END_REF]. The method provides means to access narratives and content that communities ascribe to their situation. Shaw and Robertson [START_REF] Shaw | Participatory video: A practical guide to using video creatively in group development work[END_REF] situate participatory video "as a social and community-based tool for individual and group development […] to develop their confidence and self-esteem, to encourage creative selfexpression, and to develop a critical awareness". The first documented participator film process, at Fogo Island, Newfoundland, in 1967, used an iterative process of production and multiple screenings to an aggregated audience of 3,000 persons in isolated communities [START_REF] Roberts | Critical-Agency in ICT4D: a case study of Zambian women's use of participatory video technology to challenge gender inequality[END_REF]. Participatory processes provide means for communities to communicate among themselves and with other communities of practice, in this case in health care. It allows community members to be collective prosumers -being both producers and consumers -in the production and incorporation of data, analysis, and knowledge. PV was considered a method appropriate for settings other than the West [START_REF] Van Stam | Method of Research in a We-Paradigm, lessons on Living Research in Africa[END_REF]. PV allows for community engagement [START_REF] Bishi | Community Engagement for eHealth in Masvingo, Zimbabwe[END_REF], the first step in a three-step strategy for access to services, with the others being workforce development and thought leadership [START_REF] Van Stam | A Strategy to make ICT accessible in rural Zambia: A case study of Macha[END_REF]. The developments emerging from community engagement are distinctly different from most empowerment approaches that target the economic situation of individuals using externally, non-African developed schemas [START_REF] Tandon | Participation, citizenship and democracy: reflections on 25 years of PRIA[END_REF]. With outcomes in the form of recorded narratives, PV unearths collective knowledge -that what is integrally known in a community in embodied formats [START_REF] Bigirimana | Beyond the thinking and doing dichotomy: integrating individual and institutional rationality[END_REF][START_REF] Mawere | Oratio: A Framing of Knowledge in the Context of Technology and Academia[END_REF][START_REF] Van Stam | Information and Knowledge Transfer in the rural community of Macha, Zambia[END_REF].

The participatory video method aligns with Freire's [START_REF] Freire | Pedagogy of the Oppressed[END_REF] arguments that disadvantaged people groups must be the principal protagonists to engender transformative change. Participative Video is participatory in that those involved are actively engaged participants and actors rather than 'objects of observation' and 'sources of data' [START_REF] Chambers | Rural development: Putting the Last First[END_REF]. It avoids extractive research, where the primary target is the increase in knowledge in an external researcher [START_REF] Fals-Borda | Action and Knowledge: Breaking the Monopoly With Participatory Research[END_REF]. Participative Video represents a form of transdisciplinary, multilevel action research that is respectful of ecological and psycho-political aspects [START_REF] Christens | Transdisciplinary, multilevel action research to enhance ecological and psychopolitical validity[END_REF]. It seeks out human-centred conceptualisation of development in line with the position of Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere [START_REF] Nyerere | Freedom and development: Uhuru na maendeleo. A selection from writings and speeches 1968-1973[END_REF] who argued that "people can't be developed, they can only develop themselves."

As a technique, Participatory Video was approached as a process and not an event. The lengthy process empowers communities, facilitating ownership of the activities and the outcomes. Contemporary reports of PV practices mainly discuss cases where cameras are being provided or used by people of the community. This situation allows community members to produce works from local agency 'reading reality through the camera'. For instance, Tony Roberts [START_REF] Roberts | Critical-Agency in ICT4D: a case study of Zambian women's use of participatory video technology to challenge gender inequality[END_REF] describes such a PV process applied by Asikana Network in Zambia. In the cases presented in this paper shows that PV is not necessarily a technical process. It is a social one, where the complex role-plays with stakeholders, communities, and national authorities interface with the use of technologies.

Two Cases of PV in Masvingo Province

The first case in this paper is "Khuluma", a documentary film that highlights the causes of unmet need for family planning in Bikita District, Masvingo Province, Zimbabwe in 2016. A second film was produced to determine the reasons why some women deliver at home. This PV took place in the neighbouring Zaka District in 2017.

The facilitation and resourcing of the PV process were facilitated through a Public Private Community Partnership. The partners are a national organisation with PV facilitators and experts (Africa Women Filmmakers Trust, AWFT), the Ministry of Health and Child Care, and a Private Voluntary Organisation (SolidarMed). AWFT is a Trust and Arts Organization registered with the National Arts Council of Zimbabwe. The collective of women pioneered the use of participatory video in Zimbabwe during the 1990s [START_REF] Matewa | Media and the empowerment of communities for social change[END_REF]. SolidarMed a Private Voluntary Organisation (PVO) in Zimbabwe with a supporter base in Switzerland and Liechtenstein. The organisation cooperates with the Government of Zimbabwe for over 50 years. In daily practice, the PVO focuses on the support and execution of Zimbabwe's National Health Strategy through activities in HIV and TB care, Maternal and Newborn Health, Non-Communicable Diseases, and eHealth. The Ministry of Health and Child Care is the government ministry responsible for health in Zimbabwe.

In an effort to gather fresh evidence beyond enshrined methods of informing health care planning, Participatory Video was selected because of its engagement in community dialogues and community conversations, right where community members live. PV captures conversations on health that can include cultural, social, economic, religious and service provider aspects which are difficult to obtain through other means and cannot be found in spreadsheets. By amplifying the 'local voice', the partners hypothesised that PV allowed for epistemic sovereignty to all stakeholders in the cascade of health care provisioning and access to the vocalised communal and embodied knowing [START_REF] Mawere | Oratio: A Framing of Knowledge in the Context of Technology and Academia[END_REF].

After several months of preparation and stakeholder engagement, the community interactions for the first case using PV took place during September and October 2016. The women of AWFT facilitated both process and content when they recorded focus group discussions, non-structured interviews with community members in Bikita district, and semi-structured interviews with health care professionals at the local, provincial and national levels. The second PV process took place the following year, with recordings being done during September and October 2017. This PV applied the lessons learned during the first PV process. Instead of a focus in one area, contributions were gathered from a wider area, at selected sites scattered over Zaka district and, consecutively from academia in Zimbabwe providing a precise framing. Consent was sought for the videos to be used as a pinpointed facility to inform communities, stakeholders and policymakers, respecting the sequencing and hierarchy of stakeholders [START_REF] Kroczek | Stakeholder Theory and ICT in rural Macha, Zambia[END_REF]. Therefore, the results are not made generally available or put on the internet.

Process

Although a Participative Video process is theorised as 'free-flowing', the complex networking of stakeholders and partners and cultural codings necessitates a purposeful embedding of activities. To ensure 'all aboard', both in the health chain (e.g. government agencies at the national, provincial and local level) and the communities (e.g. chiefs, headmen), the process focused on the incorporation of all guidance and the securing of all appropriate formal and informal permissions. This lengthy and involving process focused on:  involving all service providers and policymakers to include their considerations for the PV process, by seeking continuous guidance through visits and updates  the extensive use of embodied knowledge in local leaders -e.g. traditional and religious leaders -to structure access, location, and invitations for involvement  empowerment of communities and individuals to identify and challenge cultural, religious and societal norms, using PV's iterative processes  the creation of a collective of stakeholders and communities who act together along the way, for instance, through an all-inclusive and public launch of the video. Africa Women Filmmakers Trust is, to our knowledge, the only organisation in Zimbabwe facilitating Participatory Video processes. They use PV as a development and intervention tool, facilitating the PV process and the production of the final video. AWFT facilitates community gatherings and the operating of the media equipment. Continuous attention is given to content decisions to be taken by the community and ensuring active community gatherings by monitoring of group dynamics in manners respectful to local culture and contextual governing structures. The results provide different evidence on how the community understands their domestic situation, often better than outsiders [START_REF] Matewa | Media and the empowerment of communities for social change[END_REF]. Hence, through PV, the community contributes their collective knowing and their view on problems and challenges, therewith engaging in the health planning processes.

The PV process, in the two cases, presented, built upon three main pillars: 1) expository videos and written report on process and content, systematically drawing attention to the nature and extent of the subject matter 2) community participation and sensitisation, enabling other communities to use the videos to hold a mirror to themselves, and 3) skill and experience in operating both at the grassroots level and policy advocacy level, ushering the possibility of justice and change.

Receiving access to communities in rural Zimbabwe is laborious. Custom requires adherence to complex and reiterative protocols of respect and reciprocity. As mentioned, at the start of the PV projects, the use and the content of the method and its practices were unknown in the communities and stakeholders. Therefore, the projects took long periods of introduction and sensitisation on the method and process, involving many meetings with governing authorities and the communities involved. During these periods, the focus was gaining and establishing trust. At provincial and district levels, permissions were sought from government authorities as well so-called traditional leaders in line with their authority in their respective areas.

In rural communities, informed consent does not necessarily relate to a project or a specific set of questions but is given for the people involved as a validation of their credibility [START_REF] Smith | Decolonizing Methodologies. Research and Indigenous Peoples[END_REF]. In the process, the AWTF facilitators were required to obtain press cards.

Content

In the preparations leading up to community encounters, a basis of understanding about the PV method was established in all stakeholders and collaborators. Developments included extensive reading and preliminary research on the literature on the subjects' matter and learning extensively about the contexts. Semi-structured interviews were videoed with academic stakeholders at the national level. These interactive and elaborate preparation processes ensured a framing for the result. Broad cooperation and interaction proved crucial for alignment during communications with stakeholders and authorities [cf, 18]. Gender and age are critical factors that impact access to people groups and leaders, especially in rural areas in Zimbabwe. Therefore, process and execution were managed by Zimbabwean women. Female leadership is conducive for both female and male voices to be able to express their views, while the opposite might not be the case. The inclusive socialities of the rural Zimbabwean communities are embedded in Ubuntu/Unhu, the epistemology emerging from an African paradigm [START_REF] Metz | A Life of Struggle as Ubuntu[END_REF][START_REF] Mawere | Ubuntu/Unhu as Communal Love: Critical Reflections on the Sociology of Ubuntu and Communal Life in sub-Saharan Africa[END_REF]. The inclusive and convivial values of the communities led the PV discussions to gravitate to the subject matter studied by the cooperating partners involved.

After been introduced and getting to know people, local ways of knowing are revealed to those involved in and co-habituate in the community, over time and through the stories shared by others in the vicinity [START_REF] Mawere | Oratio: A Framing of Knowledge in the Context of Technology and Academia[END_REF]. For instance, in one of the cases, during familiarisation in the communities, some women belonging to African churches brought up how some religious groups seem to discourage 'modern' (Western-constructed) health care seeking. As a result of this sensitisation, the AWFT strove to include members and leaders from religious groups in the PV process. The targeted inclusion of apostolic religious groupings ensued previously unrevealed evidence of neglected perspectives. For instance, in the case of the PV on family planning, apostolic women explained how they were accessing family planning services creatively. From the same group, in the case of PV on why women deliver at home, women told how they would mediate their health care by periods of geographic separations, especially near the period of delivery. The process and inclusion provided unique insights into how community members manage their multiple identities, for instance, being community members, members of religious groupings, and being travellers. They narrated about switching paradigms, aligning with local realities in, for example, religion or secular concepts of health care in the demanding context of rural community members in Zimbabwe.

During the process, Participative Videos were produced involving discussions during both large community gatherings and in smaller group settings. The setting up and execution of such meetings were done following the local, cultural practices and protocol. In the two cases, the PV method was applied during church meetings, gatherings of women at sheltered waiting areas, at men discussion meetings, or during meetings in the community or with spiritual leaders. Also, the PV process involved the governmental health care providers, officials, and academic stakeholders wherever they were positioned, at a local, district, provincial or national level.

No representatives of any of the cooperating partners were present during introductions and PV recording processes in the rural communities. The AWTF facilitators positioned themselves as Zimbabwean compatriots and as experts in the operations of media equipment like the video camera or light sources. The absence of outsiders was intentional to minimise sources of influence to the community deliberations. Assimilation of PV in the community was to alleviate, as much as possible, external control and cultural biases affecting the language, content and form of deliberations [cf, 12]. All conversations were made in the first language in the community: Shona. The expert team stayed in the community and was included in the daily routines and rhythms of community life.

Participatory Video captures both the content and the interactions in manners set by the community. The subjects that are discussed are the subjects that the community has reason to value. PV allows for multiple approaches, ranging from communities determining both the themes and questions to pre-set themes or questions. In the two cases described here, the context was proposed by a coopering partner to align with its planning for work in support of the Ministry of Health and Child Card in Maternal Neonatal Health support. However, beyond this meta-frame, the AWTF experts and the communities were given no guidance as to what or how to discuss. Therefore, the PVs were developed within the communities according to conventional, local practices. Subsequently, the content addressed issues of shared concern. In the second PV on home deliveries, the framing of the final video was synced with inputs from academics in the national university, aligning the content with academic models gleaned from national research by African researchers. The final product, therefore, provided scientific veracity that bolstered acceptance at the stakeholder level.

The videos triggered lively dialogues during the numerous screenings of the resulting video at community meetings, just like was reported in Fogo. These public conversations were lively due to a recognition of the views expressed in the videos. During sensitisation meetings, communities build upon the work by adding specific views, insights and expand on the issues triggered upon by the videos. PV thus accelerates the processes of learning by providing evidence at different levels of consciousness of the various stakeholders. Such differentiation of views came out emphatically during the official launch of one of the videos. This video provided evidence that few health service providers were trained in long-acting reversible contraceptives. The necessity of such training was taken up during the launch, and included in future health program planning, indicating how 'community knowledge' became 'stakeholder knowledge'.

Discussion

The Participative Video method aligns with observations from communications professor Francis Nyamnjoh. In his assessment of Journalism in Africa, Africa in Journalism, Nyamnjoh [START_REF] Nyamnjoh | Journalism in Africa, Africa in Journalism[END_REF] cites Servaes and Arnst who argue that it is about time the poor and the illiterate became actively involved. They "have always been researched, described and interpreted by the rich and educated". Servaes and Arnst argue the poor and the illiterate should take over the research on their predicaments, especially, as often, "they best know their situation and have a perspective on problems and needs that no outsider can fully share". PV can be instrumental to such epistemic justice, where it relies upon local community dialogues and community conversations that are effusive, addressing broad subjects expansively. In the two cases, the inclusive process substantiated the local understanding of a variety of cultural, social, economic and religious causes of unmet family planning needs and home deliveries. The videos exposed how, according to the community, related issues interplay at a community level. Uniquely, it made the voice heard of (religious) groups in rural communities that are commonly not included in community dialogues.

The PV approach encouraged participants to share experiences, provide observations and relate narratives with insights on content and future scenarios. These insights could well remain undisclosed using other methods, and, thus, be overlooking in the planning of health care interventions. The public ways of information sharing that the PV method calls for are crucial to sustaining an embedded, unpressured way of evidence gathering. The process allows for involvement and scrutiny by all. The process, therefore, allowed for rural communities to discuss contentious and potentially sensitive health issues. This empowered communities to contribute to the professional discourse and pinpoint previously underrated issues that affect familyplanning in Bikita district and why women deliver at home in Zaka district.

In the rural setting in Zimbabwe, we found that community members value a quality-of-the-interaction. Adherence to cultural scripts was essential. The process, therefore, supersedes addressing of content. Adhering to the convivial principles of appreciative inquiry -being asked 'nicely'-enabled communities to disclose ways and content of their knowing. Community members were remarkably free, in-depth and open about their perceptions of social, cultural, religious influences and guidance. Also, they were open about their perceptions of behaviour and attitude of health service providers. In the process, poignant aspects and significant influences concerning the subjects' matter were put in the limelight. The PV process provided tangible and stark evidence on the content of beliefs, material realities and socialisations in rural communities. The videos sparked lively debate on the content of the videos both in the institutionalised health chain as in the communities. The videos proved to be a sensitisation tool on the subject matter in consecutive community screenings. The PV method, therefore, showed value in providing visible and readily accessible input for change processes. The tangible evidence offers a base for informed policy and subsequent potential change in programmatic areas.

As PV involves the rendering of a vast repository of video material into a relatively short video, its tangible outcomes provide both lean and thick descriptive evidence. Both forms of evidence proved substantial for ongoing change processes to improve local health care provisioning and systems continuously. The videos contain evidence from communities affirming their views on subject matters within the existing cultural realities. The method unsubalternising the local view, showing individual community members display an appreciation of contemporary realities and indicate the perceived benefits of specific measures of intervention. At the same time, there is a useable source showing a local narrative and comprehension of particular interventions, indicating the local understanding of realities, as well as the local, cultural processes involved with health care decision making. For instance, the videos show bounded ambivalence about the reasoning and intended outcomes of specific interventions. The ongoing showing of the videos in communities in Masvingo province sparked inclusive debates along a continuum from 'closed' via 'arrested' to 'open' to conversion.

During the described PV cases, processing of the orally stored information within the community was done in a verbal equivalent of 'social networks ' [cf., 12]. In the process of producing video compilations, community members and stakeholders interacted in the framing of the data. Outputs, therefore, were more helpful in communicating to both the local and the broader contexts of health care in (rural) Zimbabwe. The result provided input for subsequent community meetings in other communities, evoking a response to the subjects' matter. These screenings ensured continuous production of embodied knowledge and unearthing of a public knowing.

Participative Video bridges the insider/outsider segregation. Research methods, for instance, using surveys or the handling of aggregated data, position the researchers as outsiders. Such a position is, often, assumed necessary for objectivity and neutrality. However, in rural areas of Zimbabwe, communities engage in continuous, inclusive conversations, from which regularly tested conclusions are drawn [START_REF] Van Stam | Information and Knowledge Transfer in the rural community of Macha, Zambia[END_REF]. Communities commented positively on researchers participation in community life and talks.

The tangible expression of the result of the PV processes is a product set in an oral format, albeit digitalised. The oral form aligns with how information is starting to permeate within a rural community. Oral culture relies upon continuous conversation, often in scripted manners. The conversation is the knowing [START_REF] Mawere | Oratio: A Framing of Knowledge in the Context of Technology and Academia[END_REF] which structures restrict experimentations or adding new information without communities' involvement. The process of 'orally' processing new information' by itself is a tool for community engagement and acceptance [START_REF] Van Stam | Information and Knowledge Transfer in the rural community of Macha, Zambia[END_REF][START_REF] Van Stam | Inclusive Community Engagement in Social Innovation, case Africa[END_REF]. The ways of information and knowledge conceptualisation align with the ways that Participatory Video processes deal with information. These emerge naturally through the process of verbalisation while, often, incorporating aspects of the immediate, familiar environment. As such, a 'new world' becomes assimilated into the 'old world'. For instance, high-technology interventions, like the introduction of ICT or an aeroplane, are described in a context of events involving people [START_REF] Van Stam | Reflections: a narrative on displacement of technology and meaning in an African place[END_REF]. This assimilation correlates with the fact that oral culture, in general, does not include counts, statistics or facts, but, instead, keeps track of activity or activities in which humans are involved [START_REF] Ong | Orality and Literacy. The Technologizing of the Word[END_REF]. The process of PV, recording the verbalisation of community perspectives, let to an opportunity to analyse and discuss the information with the community itself.

The resulting videos were intended to align partners and communities in their focus of health interventions and to promote advanced quality of care in the subject areas. The PV process provided affordances (allows and enables) for expressions in the local language, local ways of doing, without intruding external parties. Taking the six affordances of Tony Roberts [START_REF] Roberts | Critical-Agency in ICT4D: a case study of Zambian women's use of participatory video technology to challenge gender inequality[END_REF], the movies allowed for:  Reflection. Respectful to the primacy of the local community, PV created the space for local reflections on the subject matter and the valuing of local perspectives. Secondly, through the execution of 'official launches' of the videos, stakeholders and those involved in the video reflected on the content, openly. Thirdly, the broader health community in Zimbabwe use the videos to reflect and assess the potential to improve quality of care. The PV process in itself, brought conscientisation for all involved as this was unusual -though culturally alignedmanner of being confronted with information and bringing knowledge into a broader realm.  Engagement. In one of the video activities, the PV process, unexpectedly, brought the views of a religious grouping to the fore. This development was appreciated as opening contemporary facilities to enhance communications. Previously, interactions with, especially, so-called indigenous African churches were strained in the context of 'modern' health care. Through the PV process, the engagement of all involved was appreciated, including members and leaders of African churches. Through these engagements, various views became accessible and became seeds to surmount barriers of institutional ignorance or incomprehension.  Dialogue. Respectful to the primacy of the local language, the PV method allows for interactions in the vernacular language, Shona in these cases. Allowing the process to be in the local language from start to finish strengthened communications in a situation where 'normally' conversation take place 'in translation' [START_REF] Ezema | Semiotic translation and the expression of African thoughts and cultural values in English[END_REF]. Stories and words used in the videos allowed for proper depth and cultural consciousness that sustains an impact beyond the normal 'text focused' social-political-culture structures in healthcare research and dissemination.  Intent. The PV method builds upon a shared intention to allow a collective voice to be expressed. Structuring processes in tune with local cultures brought to light local ways of dealing with the subjects at hand. Such input validated the complex and in-depth local knowledge and perceptions, its systems of knowing, and sets the scenes for change.  Voice. PV alleviates the conundrum of how to accord 'voice to the rendered voiceless' [START_REF] Spivak | Can the Subaltern Speak?[END_REF], In the process, due diligence is given to issues of language, the identification and categorisation of local problems and their articulation in context. Further, the videos provide insights into the contemporary and shifting local priorities, the critical, local questioning of common knowledge and the addressing of taboos.  Action. The video output of the PV process travels quickly, allowing for its agency to be felt widely. Although controlled by stakeholders, the video 'artefact', can move on USB sticks, exerting influence in a fluid and helpful way. The Participatory Video process was particularly compelling to engage the community. Engagement, of course, took much time and effort. The whole process took about half a year each. In that manner, it proved difficult to reconcile this fluid and qualitative method in the quantitative focused health care planning processes. However, the commitment to engage allowed inclusion and active involvement of what would be considered 'closed communities', where thinking is considered to be set in strict value systems without much agency for change [START_REF] Van Stam | Inclusive Community Engagement in Social Innovation, case Africa[END_REF]. Access to various religious groups is deemed very difficult as they are depicted as 'closed'. Subsequently, their 'underutilisation' of 'modern health care' has been criticised [START_REF] Abdul-Karim | There is no development here": Social Power and the Shaping of a Southern Zambian Community[END_REF]. However, the leadership of a large religious grouping in Bikita embraced the participatory video process, and, subsequently, contributed significantly. Through the inclusiveness and openness of PV, members of all groups in the communities could participate and engage in discussions.

Conclusions

This extended case study of the use of Participative Video shows its feasibility in rural Zimbabwe. In an environment where the method was unknown, it succeeded to provide input into health planning processes through a representation of the local voice and showing respect to the epistemic sovereignty of communities in rural Zimbabwe. The method unearthed collective knowledge and validated Zimbabwean academic models contributing material information in a new format for a health care development environment 'set in its ways'. The method succeeded to carry input from a context in culturally appropriate ways to the stakeholders involved in (provincial) health planning in Zimbabwe. Community views provided inputs that were previously subalternised and, therefore, relatively unknown to those facilitating public health interventions and health care. From the two case studies presented, we conclude that Participative Video is a method that facilitates information gathering that increases social and political engagement of groups in rural Zimbabwe through a means of community engagement. The videos continue to raise awareness about the local views on the matter being discussed. They provide entry points in conversation through subsequent showing in other communities. By allowing the voice to marginalised communities, PV allows for social-emotional learning that expands beyond the ideas presented in the videos. Also, the videos have a transformational agency as they frame the follow-ups in the designs of the related health intervention program in rural communities.

The PV process facilitation was done by Zimbabwean women, allowing for the participation of all genders while embedding access control to tools and framing within the context of the areas involved. The cases show how Participatory Video is instrumental in improving and deepening healthcare practices in alignment with 'local ways of knowing' and the cultural and political realities of the Zimbabwean, rural context. The PV process, though, is extensive and caters for involvement instead of 'token participation'. PV exposes local perspectives on complex social issues and reveals subjective, emotional and dynamic factors in rural communities, also on sensitive topics. It is a method to bring community voices to the fore, not to solve health issues there and then, and therefore provides for qualitative inputs. The process can engage local, rural communities, health care providers and decision makers at district, provincial and national levels in Zimbabwe to engage subsequent communities and inform policy and program design aligned with the realities in context.