Bakari Mashaka

Neil Mcbride

Incorporating indigenous perspectives in provision of egovernment services: The case of Tanzania

Keywords: Mobile phones, e-government, local communities, ICT4D. 1

This paper reports on the gap on perceptions of e-government for indigenous inclusion in Tanzania. E-government provisions in developing countries are linked with the use of ICT4D to support development plans. Literature indicates that development issues, cultural context and consideration of local communities' requirements play a crucial role in facilitating adoption of e-government systems. Use of mobile phones in local communities and sharing mobile device facilities presents a unique phenomenon on utilizing e-government services in Tanzania. Drawing from in-depth interviews from government officials and citizens, the paper argue that perceived gap between central government and local communities is caused by a number of issues. The results indicate that even with few available e-government services, citizens are still keen to use them. It also emerged that there is a gap on computing facilities, central government was found to have all required minimum devices and support to access e-government services and the same was missing to the local communities. Among citizens, mobile phones were preferred way of accessing e-government services as compared to other means since they are convenient and are more personal and hence providing feeling of ownership. For the e-government services to benefits indigenous communities there is a need to address problems associated with the lack of available key e-government services in rural areas, lack of skills among government officials on public administration and development issues as well as underutilization of mobile phone for e-government services.

Introduction

Provision of e-government services in developing countries is regarded as a critical aspects in ICT4D initiatives. To implement e-government projects, information and communication technology (ICT) is used to facilitate innovation and improve public service delivery [START_REF] Savoldelli | Understanding the e-government paradox: Learning from literature and practice on barriers to adoption[END_REF]. However the key e-government services have concentrated on transactional delivery such as payment of central government taxes, local council collections, fines and other forms of government payments. This approach hinders the potentials of reaching many local communities especially those living in rural areas who may not have interactions with these systems [START_REF] Guha | Making e-government work: Adopting the network approach[END_REF]. In developing countries, indigenous citizens mainly living in rural areas are more concerned with the provision of key social services such as health, education, food and water. However technology infrastructure in most of the rural areas is still a challenge. Technology infrastructure can support provision of basic services such as water supply, health facilities, education and communication [START_REF]Developing rural infrastructure[END_REF]. However most of these services can take a while before they are easily available in rural areas [START_REF] Heimerl | Analysis of Smartphone Adoption and Usage in a Rural Community Cellular Network[END_REF]. Lack of these services can hinder indigenous citizens mostly living in rural citizens to realize access to basic needs and lead a meaningful life. Malecki [START_REF] Malecki | Digital development in rural areas: potentials and pitfalls[END_REF] and Nandi [START_REF] Nandi | Computing for Rural Empowerment: Enabled by Last-Mile Telecommunications[END_REF] emphasize the needs to use information and communication technology (ICT) to address these challenges in rural areas. For example Malecki [START_REF] Malecki | Digital development in rural areas: potentials and pitfalls[END_REF] emphasize the need to send people with skills on various technologies including ICT to support rural citizens in learning and acquisition of new technology [START_REF] Malecki | Digital development in rural areas: potentials and pitfalls[END_REF] while Nandi [START_REF] Nandi | Computing for Rural Empowerment: Enabled by Last-Mile Telecommunications[END_REF] highlight the need to use affordable technologies such as access of ICT facilities for communication in rural communities.

The current practice in developing countries like Tanzania, central government is the one driving e-government projects and monitor the operations [START_REF] Kettani | E-government for good governance in developing countries: Empirical evidence from the eFez project London[END_REF]. This approach tends to ignore how people are working on their day to day activities and lean more on high level issues. Moreover most of the donors who fund e-government projects prescribe the requirements and thereafter solutions to the targeted developing countries. This create a donor receiver relationship which is referred by Zheng & Walsham [4,p.238] as "unfavourable inclusion". As a result most of the local communities perceive central government approach as interference and therefore causes a number of e-government initiatives not to work locally [START_REF] Foster | Why efforts to spread novel ICTs often fail[END_REF].

In another context, mobile phones are currently known to provide a unique avenue for digital access by availing various internet and mobile services traditionally accessed through desktop computers and laptops. ITU reports that by 2015, there were 7 billion people connected to various mobile phone services [6] with 5.5 billion people representing 92% residing in developing countries. The figure can even be extrapolated to 100% as people in developing countries have a tendency to share mobile phone because of their culture and living style [START_REF] James | Sharing mobile phones in developing countries: Implications for the digital divide[END_REF]. These statistics also show there is a potential for use of mobile phones services to support various social and economic activities. With more smart phones becoming cheaper, there is also an opportunity of mobile phone usage in many public services such as health, education and social care [6, 8-10] and even expanding participation of citizens in the government affairs [START_REF] Geldof | What are the key lessons of ICT4D partnerships for poverty reduction?[END_REF]. Considering the above key issues, mobile phones have emerged as one of the key tools to engage local communities in provision of e-government services.

Tanzania Context and Use of Mobile Phones

Tanzania is located on the eastern part of Africa with a population of 47 million people with more than 70% residing in rural areas [12]. Kiswahili is a national language spoken throughout the country. It is still a developing country with most of the citizens de-pending on the agriculture as their main economic activity. Other key sectors of the economy include tourism, mining, finance and construction. Although the real gross domestic product (GDP) is growing at the rate of 7%, most of the citizens are still leaving below poverty line [13]. This may be explained in terms of the inequality in the society whereby few citizens in towns enjoy comfortable life as compared to the majority residing in rural areas.

The number of people who own mobile phones in Tanzania has increased considerably. Tanzania Communication Regulatory Authority (TCRA) reported that in 1995 there were only 2 thousand mobile phone subscribers. This number had increased to 8 million in December 2007 and as of December 2015, there were 39 million mobile phone subscribers [14]. Comparing these figures with the country current population of 47 million [12], this is equivalent to 70 mobile subscribers per 100 people with majority of citizens residing in rural areas [12]. This proliferation of mobile phones provides a good avenue for the government to interact with citizens. In fact private sector has utilized this opportunity through varieties of initiatives including mobile money as mentioned above, mobile internet and mobile business. There is therefore a need for governments in developing countries to investigate on how the use of mobile phones and their associated platforms to facilitate understanding of social gaps in provision of e-government services for local communities.

Need for a study on e-government on social inclusion

The above discussion shows that e-government in development countries is linked with the ICT4D. However the literature reveals that most of the studies have been concentrated on the adoption of e-government on various sectors for transactional benefits [START_REF] Savoldelli | Understanding the e-government paradox: Learning from literature and practice on barriers to adoption[END_REF][START_REF] Alomari | Predictors for e-government adoption in Jordan: Deployment of an empirical evaluation based on a citizen-centric approach[END_REF][START_REF] Bwalya | A conceptual framework for e-government development in resource-constrained countries: The case of Zambia[END_REF][START_REF] Kamal | Investigating Factors Inhibiting e-Government Adoption in Developing Countries: The Context of Pakistan[END_REF][START_REF] Yonazi | Exploring Facilitators and Challenges Facing ICT4D in Tanzania Journal of e-Government Studies and Best Practices[END_REF]. Others have identified trust technology, trust in government, psychology of citizens and risk factors as barriers to the adoption of e-government among citizens [START_REF] Khasawneh | E-Government and Social Media Sites: The Role and Impact[END_REF][START_REF] Wang | Determinants of citizens' intent to use government websites in Taiwan[END_REF][START_REF] Abu-Shanab | Trust Dimensions and adoption of e-government in Jordan International[END_REF][START_REF] Rehman | Determinant of trust in e-government adoption: a case study of Pakistan in AMCIS 2012 Proceedings[END_REF][START_REF] Bannister | Trust and transformational government, a proposed framework for research[END_REF][START_REF] Alzahrani | Investigating the impact of citizens' trust towards the successful adoption of e-government: a multigroup analysis of gender, age and internet experience[END_REF]. Yet, most of these studies rarely focused on the perception of social gaps between central and local government in adoption e-government services.

In this paper, we consider local communities and indigenous citizens as key factors for the success of e-government service delivery. We question the importance of under-standing the social gap between central government and local communities for successful adoption of e-government systems.

2

Literature Review

E-government and ICT4D Context

Early literature has associated e-government with use of computers and automation of key public services functions such as finance and manpower [START_REF] Danziger | The impacts of information technology on public administration: an analysis of empirical research from the "golden age" of transformation International[END_REF]. With the wide spread of internet; e-government was later defined to include provision of online services using the web technology [START_REF]OECD The e-Government Imperative. Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Devel-opment OECD[END_REF][START_REF] Seifert | A primer on e-government: Sectors, stages, opportunities, and challenges of online governance Library of Congress[END_REF]. E-government is nowadays considered to be more than online presence through websites and e-mails as it also includes various stakeholders and provides special interest to citizens' involvement and consideration of wider issues, social media and mobile phones [START_REF] Savoldelli | Understanding the e-government paradox: Learning from literature and practice on barriers to adoption[END_REF][START_REF] Guida | E-government and e-governance in ICT4D Information Communication Technology Development Unwin[END_REF][START_REF] Heeks | Understanding and measuring eGovernment: international benchmarking studies[END_REF]. However, these defini -tions puts emphasize on the use of various information and communication technology (ICT) tools to provide e-government services. As a result they ignore needs to consider various processes within the public offices and citizens before attempting to apply any kind of technology. For example citizens in rural areas may need only to know the prices of agricultural products they grow in the market. In this case, a mobile phone can serve the purpose better than constructing a telecentre. In some cases, a technology may not be needed at all, only a need to reorganise the existing processes in public offices to get the desired result. Word Bank report shows digital divide is still a world issue with African countries facing "access digital divide" while Europe is facing "capability divide". The report also showed that, in Africa, the gap is double between rural and urban, mature and young as well as those with low income compared to those with higher income [30] . Digital divide is a challenge facing African countries and fails short of solution due to limited technological and economic resources. Example of this is the initiative by the some governments in Africa to rollout one laptop per child across all public schools. Most of these projects did not materialize [START_REF] Villanueva-Mansilla | One Laptop per Child (OLPC) Strategy[END_REF] as they did not consider other components of development such as availability of teaching facilities, teachers training, food for the students and electricity availability in schools [START_REF] Cristia | Technology and child development: Evidence from the one laptop per child program IDB[END_REF][START_REF] Hatakka | A: Students' use of one to one laptops: a capability approach analysis Information[END_REF]. This calls to link between social and economic issues when implementing ICT4D in developing countries where the social and cultural context are considered as opposed to the political ambitions. In order to link social and economic issues, the need of indigenous communities should be considered.

The other challenge on ICT4D initiatives is on the maintenance and sustainability. Once the donor fund is finished, these projects are rarely financed by a recipient government or benefited institutions. It is not strange to see a number of abandoned telecentres at the end of the ICT4D project left without any maintenance and thus jeopardizing their fundamental purpose of providing digital access to those in needs [START_REF]TCRA Report[END_REF]. This raises a fundamental question; how can ICT4D fulfil the promise to provide digital benefits to the developing countries? Unless the needs of local communities are ad-dressed, most of these ICT4D initiatives may end up not benefiting the intended local communities and remaining as white elephant projects.

Mobile Phones and Local Communities

In line with current context of e-government in developing countries, mobile phones have attracted attention of most governments in the world. These devices have multiple functions such as short messages (SMS), voice calls and simple calculations. With the spread of smartphones, there are even more added functions on top of those found in simple cell phones. While one can use smartphone for calls and SMS, the device can also be used with almost the same function as a desktop computer by connecting to the internet through Wi-Fi or using mobile network technologies (3G and 4G) [START_REF] Feijóo | Next generation mobile networks and technologies: Impact on mobile media in Routledge Companion Mobile Media[END_REF]. It is possible nowadays to receive and send e-mails while travelling attend office work or purchase and make payment. With the widespread of mobile phone to more than three quarter of the world population [30], mobile phones provides an immerse opportunity for governments to provides services and link with citizens. This is crucial in developing countries where only 34% of the citizens have access to computers or internet access but 91.8% use mobile phones [START_REF]ITU ICT Facts and Figures-The world in 2015[END_REF]. The use of mobile phones in providing government services has now become part of e-government [START_REF] Amailef | A mobile-based emergency response system for intelligent m-government services[END_REF]. The innovation and fast communication of mobile services is considered to be able to bring enormous benefits to the e-government services [START_REF] Amailef | A mobile-based emergency response system for intelligent m-government services[END_REF][START_REF] Hung | User acceptance of mobile e-government services: An empirical study[END_REF]. The ability of mobile devices to be accessed anywhere can allow citizens in remote areas to access government services without a need to travel long distances. For example an SMS can be send to citizens as a reminder to attend school meeting, appointment to see a medical doctor and so on. The mobile phone services can also be used in emergencies situations such as floods, fire [START_REF] Amailef | A mobile-based emergency response system for intelligent m-government services[END_REF][START_REF] Hung | User acceptance of mobile e-government services: An empirical study[END_REF] and in protecting vulnerable groups like people with albinism in Africa. Despite these benefits, there has been few initiative and studies on how mobile phones can be used to enhance government services in developing countries [START_REF] Wang | Antecedents and consequences of perceived value in Mobile Government contin-uance use: An empirical research in China[END_REF].

Use of mobile phone for providing government services has its own obstacles. Acquisition of appropriate mobile device and the mobile charges are among the issues that can hinder wider adoption by local communities in developing countries. At first is the costs of using mobile phones. Gilwald and Stock [START_REF] Gillwald | Gender Assessment of ICT access and usage in Africa[END_REF] pointed the cost of mobile airtime top up hindering use of mobile services among women in Africa. There is also a tendency for some government agencies to charge higher fees on the use of SMS based services than the market rate and thus hindering people from using their services [START_REF] Susanto | User acceptance of SMS-based e-government services: Differences between adopters and non-adopters[END_REF]. Unless the mobile based government services are provided with the incentive to reduce costs of usage or no payment at all, many local communities may run away from these services and therefore deprive indigenous communities access to these crucial services.

We therefore argue that consideration of local communities and their requirements is a key issue in developing and adopting e-government services in developing countries. The services when developed through local communities' perspectives, can facilitate local communities' participation and address most of the problems they are encountering in their areas.

Methodology

The study borrows tools from grounded theory [START_REF] Charmaz | Constructing grounded theory 2nd ed[END_REF] to conduct preliminary interviews aimed at identifying characteristics of the gap on e-government perception from the government and citizens as users. The study is making the ontological assumption that there is a gap between government agencies and the citizens when it comes to creation and utilization of e-government services in Tanzania. This relativist approach will lead to analysis of perceptions on how the central government on one hand and the local communities on the other side views related to e-government provision. As a result the study follows interpretive paradigm using in-depth interviews in order to understanding whether there is a gap between government and citizens and how the gap can be explained. The choice of interpretive approach as opposed to the posi-tivism is based on the fact that analyzing perceptions and generate understanding of the gaps between different groups [43] can lead to the development of framework.

In selecting participants, snow ball sampling technique was used [44 pp. 303]. The researcher used a contact person as a starting point and thereafter he was the one who pointed other people to participate in the interviews [45 pp. 3]. This approach ensured participants are comfortable to participate in the study. The problem with this method is getting a sample of respondents who may have similar [44 pp. 303]. However as this was a preliminary study, it was necessary to start with smaller sample to understand the kind of responses and themes before embarking to full data collection. Also four inter-views, two with citizens in Arusha, a local town where researcher lives and the other two with public officers at the government in institution in Dar EsSalaam. These four preliminary in-depth interviews were used to collect data for this study and generate issues surrounding the research questions. In-depth interviews were used so as explore how people view e-government and mobile government and how we can make meaning by analyzing the perceived gaps [START_REF] Saunders | A: Research methods for business students 7th ed. Pear-son Education[END_REF].

The interviews were recorded in a digital recorder after getting permission from the participants. They were later transcribed using oTranscribe web based application. The transcriptions were later analyzed manually to see the emerging coded by adopting grounded theory coding techniques and document the emerging themes [START_REF] Saldaña | The coding manual for qualitative researchers 3rd ed[END_REF] (Saldaña, 2015).

4

Findings and Discussion

Support and availability of e-government facilities

In this aspect, the interviews demonstrated that most government employees have access to computers with internet access. These staff are also provided with training on the use of computers to support the office work. Respondents from government institutions did not describe other type training related to e-government services such as public administration, customer services and government processes. This is justified by one of the staff when describing training on the use of e-government:

"Our office has a very clear policy on training. When I was employed, I was given a basic training on the use of the existing systems. There after we tend to have training whenever we acquire and install a new system. This has helped us to understand the way can use e-government services and how can get the best from it. We also get support from our suppliers if we face any problem from the systems we are using. There are also a number of manuals available and help from the IT Services directorate on the use of each of the system. So to be frank we have all support to make us use the systems".

Without key skills in public administration and citizen services, there is a potential of e-government to incline more on ICT than the whole spectrum of public administration. There is also a lack of training skills on development issues and this may lead of implementing e-government projects with a focus on ICT rather than development agenda [START_REF] Heeks | ICT4D 2016: New priorities for ICT4D policy, practice and WSIS in a post-2015[END_REF][START_REF] Walsham | Development informatics in a changing world: Reflections from ICTD2010/2012[END_REF].

Respondents representing citizens said they only get some information concerning e-government services through radios and televisions as they have not been involved in any training or advocacy on the use and adoption of e-government services.

"On training, I did not get it. I think there is more to be done. May be myself but I think many people are not conversant on the use of e-government services. Even citizen are not clearly involved in this. Even this concept of e-government is a new terminology to most of us which needs a discussion and analysis for understanding. In this way people can understand what you are talking about. It needs more advocacy and elaboration before people can understand". The respondent also showed has never heard availability public access areas for computer and internet. Considering citizens as key stakeholders, the lack of government promotion to this group poses a challenge in managing the gap between government and citizens on e-government adoption.

Citizens perceptions on e-government services

Respondents from citizens said that they would like to access or use e-government services in order to avoid unnecessary physical visits to the government offices, increase transparency in public services and easy access to health services. However they pointed hurdles in attaining these wishes. These include unstable e-government systems, lack of citizens' oriented e-government services and awareness of the available e-government services. "I think the government is trying to provide these services although is still in a very small scale. They are also provided mainly in town areas. Also most citizens do not have access to the internet and they do not even know how to use these ICT technologies. For example if they could know how to use these services, there could have been no queues in the payment of electrical bills or water utilities. Most people know there is Mpesa but they still go and queue, that is because they not have skills on using these devices. So there is a need for more training on the use of e-government". There is also a perception that these services are targeting urban areas. Considering most of the citizens in Tanzania are located in rural areas [12], this shows a gap between e-government services with the citizens.

Mobile phone use and e-government services

Citizens and government officers showed that mobile phone is currently used not only for communication but also for accessing financial services. People use mobile phones to make payments for water and electricity bills. Affording life through mobile phone was also another key aspect as cited by one of the respondent.

"Eh it has assisted me a lot. For example myself it has assisted me to learn a lot that is happening in the country, social issues and many other issues. Mobile phone is now a fashion and everyone is looking to own it. In this way it has assisted people to know many things happening on the phone. So I can say I got some government services through mobile phone and not computers. For example yesterday I was checking results of form four students through mobile phone and I manage to see my young sister results through mobile phone. Also how to pay and running family, my mobile phone is assisting me a lot". The same respondent also showed how he has used mobile phone to call someone to login to the internet and check the national examination results for his young sister. Although the respondent did not have access to the computer with internet access, he was able to get the results instantly. This demonstrates how mobile phone can mediate a communication with another person in order to get access to the internet based services. However the respondent was also concerned that government is not using mobile phone for providing services.

"You know let's be realistic. This issue of saying there is information from the government through mobile phones is not widely available. Say you can receive a text message about election but not that large extent. Even if you ask someone about last time has received information through mobile phone very likely they will not remember or know anything. This is different from the way people receive information from the televisions or radios. So in the mobile phone, I have not received any thing tangible from the government rather than getting messages from those who are contesting for the post. So I got many messages from contestants and not the government". There is still underutilization of mobile based services in providing e-government services. As mobile services can provide quick response to most of the developing countries problems, this creates a gap between the government and the citizens.

Discussion and Conclusion

The above analysis presented results on how gaps exists between central government and citizens. The notable areas of the gaps are in the areas of e-government facilities between central government and local communities. Central government was found to have all required minimum devices and support to access e-government services while the same was missing to the citizens. There was also a challenge in using e-government services as some services are yet to be available online and even those available are scattered across different government departments making harder for the citizen to access. This may have been caused by the lack of involvement of citizens as key stake-holders as pointed by the interviews participants. On the contrary, even on those e-government services currently used by citizens, most respondents showed they have accessed them through mobile phones. Mobile phones were preferred way of accessing e-government services as compared to other means since they are convenient and are more personal and hence providing feeling of ownership. While there is interest from the government to use of mobile phone for delivering services, the rate of adoption is slow and most citizens are not aware on these services. This study has tried to provide explanation on the gap available in the use of egovernment in Tanzania. The study showed challenges on using e-government for citizens and thus creates gap between citizens as users and e-government providers.

The results also shows mobile phones provides an important avenue for citizens to access e-government services. However the government is yet to make use proper use of the mobile services. Additionally, the results showed there is currently no linkage between e-government services and development aspects. This can lead to the adoption of e-government services which are not aligned with the life of the people and thus a failure of the initiatives.

The study recommends the need to empower local communities can be empowered to use mobile phones to access key services (health, agriculture, education etc.) from various government agencies. This can be developed through the use of shared mobile phone facilities among local communities as well as providing training on the use of mobile phones to access e-government services for their own benefits.

The major limitation of this study is a sample size. The sample size used for both citizens and government officials was small to claim saturation of the findings [START_REF] Fusch | Are we there yet? Data saturation in qualitative research[END_REF][START_REF] Lichtman | Qualitative research for the social sciences SAGE Publications[END_REF]. The sample did not capture the key areas both in the central government and citizens. As pointed above, citizens participants were selected using a contact person and there-fore raises a potential bias in their responses. Likewise, there was also a need to trans-late interview guide into Kiswahili language for the citizens which may also contribute to the loss of meaning. These deficiencies will be used as input for the full study.

The study did not also incorporate the theory. This was done purposely as it was aimed to get a taste of responses in order to apply appropriate theoretical lens. Future research direction will be on the use of theories to define the key issues for research framework and provide explanation for the gaps on e-government perceptions. In undertaking the full study, the researcher also aims to develop separate interview guides for the citizens and government official so as to analyze the gap between them.


Lars Rune Christensen

Hasib Ahsan

Badal Kumar Das

A Local Perspective: Working an Agricultural Information Service into a Rural Community

Keywords: ICT4D, agricultural information services, mobile agricultural advice, appropriation, technology, field study

Accounting for the ways in which ICT initiatives are worked into local communities is part of rendering "the local perspectives" within ICT4D. This paper is part of that. Based on in-depth fieldwork, we investigate the integration of an agricultural information service into a rural community in Bangladesh. We find that it takes work beyond the initial design and cursory introduction of the service to make the service work in a low-income rural community: it takes the strength of the farmers self-help groups to circulate the messages by word-ofmouth, it takes posters placed at key junctions according to a sociogeographic understanding of the village manifest in a map, and it (ideally) involves the support of the elite of the community via the broadcast of messages at places of high symbolic value. It takes all this in addition to a well-made information service delivering relevant and timely messages on for example agricultural matters. Hence, reducing the issue to one of technical delivery mechanism does not tell the full story.

Introduction

Information and communication technology enabled services has the potential to increase the reach of for example agricultural extension by providing agricultural advice to smallholder farmers in the Global South [START_REF] Heeks | Information and Communication Technology for Development (ITC4D)[END_REF]. Previous studies have presented and examined the different forms that such agricultural services may take, ranging from mobile services [START_REF] Christensen | Krishi Kontho: An Agricultural Information Service in Bangladesh[END_REF][START_REF] Patel | Avaaj otalo: a field study of an interactive voice forum for small farmers in rural india[END_REF], to radio [START_REF] Chapman | Rural radio in agricultural extension: the example of vernacular radio programmes on soil and water conservation in N. Ghana[END_REF][START_REF] Nyareza | Use of community radio to communicate agricultural information to Zimbabwe's peasant farmers[END_REF] as wells as Internet portals [START_REF] Aker | A" for agriculture: a review of information and communication technologies for agricultural extension in developing countries[END_REF][START_REF] Aker | The promise (and pitfalls) of ICT for agriculture initiatives[END_REF]. These studies, then, suggests that farmers in the Global South can benefit from agricultural information services receiving, e.g. agricultural advice, market information, and actionable information on local climate. However, these studies rarely focus on describing, in detail, the cooperative work of making these services work locally. Making the agricultural information service usable for the farmers may take considerable work and may only be achieved as it becomes embedded into a wider, trusted, socio-technical ecosystem. In the words of Donovan "technology cannot be airdropped into a situation and guarantee positive results" [9, p.57]. This is because technology is not really technology until it is part of a living practice [START_REF] Christensen | Techno-anthropology for Design[END_REF]. Generally speaking, research in HCI and HCI4D may (ideally) report on local experiences of adapting and implementing technology, including on how it may be made to work locally [START_REF] Suchman | Located accountabilities in technology production[END_REF]. In this paper, we aim to contribute to this agenda. Knowledge emerging from explicitly local or indigenous perspectives, approaches and experiences with ICT in the Global South has not yet become substantial within ICT4D and HCI4D [START_REF] Abdelnour-Nocera | A review of perspectives and challanges for international development in information and communication technologies[END_REF]. Indeed, there is a lack of research detailing, for example, the cooperative work of making technological initiatives work in disadvantaged communities in the Global South. Arguably, this is a piece of the puzzle that is crucial to understanding why some initiatives thrive where others fail.

In this paper, we report from a field study of the integration of an agricultural information service into a rural community in Bangladesh. We report from the CAIS project designed and implemented by Welthungerhilfe, mPower-Social, MMS, and FIVDB. Welthungerhilfe is an international, German based, aid organization, mPower-Social specializes in ICT interventions for development, whereas MMS and FIVDB are local non-governmental organizations specialized in aid work. In the paper we examine the cooperative efforts that enable smallholder farmers to benefit from an agricultural information service;

we investigate how the agricultural information service is worked into a wider socio-technical ecosystem. Our findings show that it took concerted effort past the initial design and introduction of the service to make the service work for the community: it took the drive of the farmers self-help groups to circulate the messages by word-of-mouth, it took posters placed at key locations according to a socio-geographic mapping of the village, and it (partly) involved the support of the elite of the community via the broadcast of messages at places of high symbolic value -although this was soon discontinued. It took all this in addition to a well-made information service delivering relevant and timely messages on agricultural matters to make the service work locally.

The paper will proceed as follows. First, we will consider related research. Secondly, we will turn to the field setting and the methods of the study. Third, we present an analysis of the integration of the agricultural information service into the rural community in question. Fourth, we will provide a discussion and concluding remarks.

Related research

Agricultural information services in the global south typically aim to overcome the shortfalls of information within smallholder rural communities by supplementing local knowledge with (expert) agricultural advice, local weather forecasts, or local market prices for agricultural products, or some combination of the three [START_REF] Donovan | Anytime, Anywhere: Mobile Devices and Services and Their Impact on Agriculture and Rural Development[END_REF][START_REF] Heeks | Information and Communication Technology for Development (ITC4D)[END_REF]. For example, the Knowledge Help Extension Technology Initiative (KHETI) in Madhya Pradesh, India, was used to raise awareness of agricultural extension services among farmers by providing them with mobile phones with short dialogues and videos [START_REF] Fu | The Impact of ICT on Agricultural Extension Services Delivery: Evidence from the Rural e-services Project in India[END_REF]. Another example is Gandhi et al. [START_REF] Gandhi | Digital Green: Participatory video for agricultural extension[END_REF], who developed Digital Green in India to provide targeted agricultural advice to farmers via video. Using a comparative experimental design, the authors found that Digital Green users had higher adoption rates for certain agricultural practices as compared to conventional extension approaches used by another group of farmers. Christensen et al. [START_REF] Christensen | Krishi Kontho: An Agricultural Information Service in Bangladesh[END_REF] examine the use of an agricultural advice service using voice messages pushed to the farmers feature phones synchronised with the growth stages of their crops. In addition, Patel et al. [START_REF] Patel | Avaaj otalo: a field study of an interactive voice forum for small farmers in rural india[END_REF] developed a voice message forum to foster the creation of online communities of farmers sharing advice and local knowledge. Some messages were on weather-related issues, others on pest control, irrigation, fertiliser use, and the crops cycles in general. The authors found that the farmers were mainly interested in (expert) technical agricultural advice, thereby suggesting the need for such advice. Other initiatives have focused on improving the bargaining power of smallholder farmers vis-à-vis traders by servicing them with market information for example by sending text messages with price information on several nearby markets [START_REF] Heeks | Information and Communication Technology for Development (ITC4D)[END_REF] -thereby ideally providing farmers with an informed choice on where to sell their produce. A key assumption of these services is that addressing a key market failurethat of imperfect information -will help poor rural populations sell their produce at higher prices [3, p.43]. While some studies have noted that access to markets information services actually have improved the livelihood of farmers, other studies have found that the lack of trust in unfamiliar traders, road distances, and long-standing ties with dominant traders, often weight heavy on the farmers decision making when it comes to deciding where to sell their produce [START_REF] Donovan | Anytime, Anywhere: Mobile Devices and Services and Their Impact on Agriculture and Rural Development[END_REF].

ICT initiatives may vary not only in terms of the types of agricultural services and the information they provide but also in terms of the human and institutional support that they are associated with. The least supported services offer access to voice-based or text-based databases of information regarding agricultural practice, weather predictions, or market prices -but no additional support. More integrated services may offer in-person technical and agricultural training, support by phone, or support through e-learning programs [START_REF] Aker | The promise (and pitfalls) of ICT for agriculture initiatives[END_REF]. Some services are part of a larger socio-technical environment comprised of, e.g. physical facilities, human expert advisers, and access to agricultural inputs. For example, the eChoupals initiative, operating in Madhya Pradesh in India, provides market prices and weather information integrated with crop transportation facilities, weighing and storage, and payment system (Kumar 2004). Another service is Grameen Foundations Community Knowledge Worker initiative in Uganda, which equips extension agents with smartphones to act as community agents of agricultural information [START_REF] Mccole | Addressing the challenges of extension and advisory services in Uganda: The Grameen Foundation's community knowledge worker program[END_REF]. The above studies, then, suggests that farmers in the Global South can benefit from agricultural information services receiving agricultural advice, market information, and actionable information on local climate. However, these studies rarely focus on describing in detail the cooperative work of making these services work locally. Making the agricultural information service usable for the farmers may take considerable work and may be achieved only as it becomes embedded into a wider, trusted, socio-technical ecosystem. To reiterate, there is a lack of research detailing the cooperative work of making technological initiatives work in disadvantaged communities in the Global South. However, one notable effort to fill this gap, albeit outside ICT for agriculture, includes O'Neill et al.'s [START_REF] O'neill | Working Digital Money into a Cash Economy: The Collaborative Work of Loan Payment[END_REF] ethnographic investigation of the work of making a new digital loan payment service for autorickshaw drivers work in Bangalore, India. O'Neil et al. [START_REF] O'neill | Working Digital Money into a Cash Economy: The Collaborative Work of Loan Payment[END_REF] describe how making the service useful took considerable cooperative work on the part of not only the drivers but also on the part of the employees of the local NGOs. It was largely achieved because the initiative was embedded into a wider established setting, and because of the commitment and work of the human actors within that setting. We take inspiration from this study.

Methods and setting

We conducted the field study of the practices associated with the introduction and use of the agricultural information service over a period of six months in late 2017 and early 2018. We conducted participatory observation and carried out six in-situ semi-structured interviews as well as three focus groups. The participatory observation was conducted mainly by the second author, while the focus groups and interviews, and a lesser part of the observations, was conducted jointly by the two authors. The focus groups with the farmers included questions on education; family; community; village life; financial circumstances; income; climate; farming; and their experiences with the agricultural information service. The interviews were conducted in Bangla, the language of Bangladesh. We conducted six semi-structured interviews with NGO staff and local government officials. The interviews with the NGO staff included questions on background; work experience; the NGO; relationships with farmers; village life; climate; and their experiences with the agricultural information service. We conducted observations of the use of the service in the villages. This included accompanying the NGO staff working in the villages during their employment of the information service, and it included being with the farmers as they used the service, shared and talked about the information, and farmed their land.

The data was recorded through extensive field notes, audio recordings and photographs. The interviews were translated and transcribed. Our analysis took a broadly practice-oriented perspective [START_REF] Christensen | On Intertext in Chemotherapy: an Ethnography of Text in Medical Practice[END_REF][START_REF] Christensen | Techno-anthropology for Design[END_REF][START_REF] Christensen | The Many Faces of Computational Artifacts[END_REF][START_REF] Schmidt | Practice and Technology: On the Conceptual Foundations of Practice-Centered Computing[END_REF][START_REF] Wulf | Socio-informatics: A Practice-based Perspective on the Design and Use of IT Artefacts2018[END_REF] with inspiration from ethnomethodology [START_REF] Garfinkel | Studies in Ethnomethodology1967[END_REF][START_REF] Randall | Fieldwork for Design -Theory and Practice[END_REF]. Practice studies, in our perspective, explicate how participants organise their practice and emphasise the ways in which technologies and artefacts are an integral and indispensable part of the accomplishment of that practice. The authors read through and discussed the data in various analytical session in person and on Skype. The data was organised into themes as topics emerged from the analytical sessions. A concerted effort was made to have the themes, and in turn, the findings emerge from the data itself.

The geographical setting of our study is part of the Chalan Beel wetland in the Sirajgonj District of Bangladesh. Surveys typically classify Bangladeshi smallholder farmers in this area as poor or extremely poor [START_REF] Rapsomanikis | The Economic Lives of Smallholder Farmers 2015, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations[END_REF]. Smallholders typically earn minor amounts on a seasonal basis depending on crop yields and prices. In addition to relying on their farms for financial income, the farmers in our study depend on their agricultural output for sustenance. Low crop yields, or outright crop failures, therefore represent a serious challenge to the farmers. During flooding or other agricultural crisis, the male household member often seeks alternative employment such as running a local tea stall or operating a rickshaw on the mainland. However, this alternative selfemployment is typically inadequate in terms of supporting a household of often ten members or more. Some of the households that were part of our study were struggling.

Working an ICT initiative into a rural community

It is little more than a truism that working an ICT initiative into the fabric of a rural community in the Global South requires collaborative work and effort. Relatedly, the interesting point is what kind of work it takes, whose work, what the modalities of this work are, and what social and technical infrastructure is it based on. We may dub such efforts integration work. These are the themes that we address below.

However, before doing so, it is timely to introduce the design of the agricultural service alluded to above.

The design of the agricultural information service

As indicated above, the service in question is a mobile service that delivers agricultural information to the handsets of smallholder farmers in Bangladesh. It was developed in a collaboration between mPower, the technical partner, the farmers and the local NGO called MMS. All funded by the German NGO Welthungerhilfe. During the development, mPower, the technical partner, visited the field site twice and facilitated a co-design process with representatives of the farming community together with the local NGO team. In this process it was agreed that the service should support smallholder farmers by (1) assembling weather forecasts from the public domain for the specific village locations, (2) associate agricultural advice with the weather forecasts, and (3) send text messages to the farmers with the weather forecasts and the associated agricultural advice. The rationale for this new service was that smallholder farmers in remote rural areas do not have access to such information. The governmental agricultural extension service does not have the resources to visit the farmers on the Char islands. Not only is the public agricultural extension service understaffed and underfinanced, it is also considered somewhat dangerous for the extension officer to visit the Char islands. In addition, there is no electricity on the Char islands other than one or two solar panels per villages. These are mainly used for charging mobile phones. Nobody owns a TV set. Hence, the farmers in the area do not have access to local weather forecasts, nor do they have access to expert agricultural advice.

The service was designed to send SMS messages to 250 farmers once a week during normal conditions and up to three times a week during disasters such as flooding. To make the service operational, basic data on the names of the farmers, their mobile phone numbers, crop types, crop stages, and more had to be collected by MMS and entered into the system. In addition, an initial series of alert types had to be created by agricultural experts working for the project. That is, for each crop types, crop stage, and weather condition an appropriate message for the farmers had to be created. Here is an example of a message sent by the service:

A cold wave with heavy fog may occur in your area in the next 2-3 days. During that time, to protect your tomato plants from fungal attack spray fungicide (Dithene M-45) onto the plants. Use

mg in 10 liters of water for every 5 decimals of land. (SMS sent 2nd Jan 2018)

Another example of the content of the service is a message which is also concerned with the prevailing cold weather and fog in the area. The concern here again springs from the fact that fog may leave dew on the leaves that in cold weather may lead to fungus. A method of removing the dew drops is advised:

The mild cold wave with heavy fog will continue this week too. Due to cold weather do not irrigate in the sweet gourd field at the flowering stage but do mulching. Remove dew (fog) from the upper leaf of the Boro rice plants by using a string moving across the field. (SMS sent 14th Jan 2018)

The designers of the service mapped the connections between crops type, crop stage, DAS stage, weather condition, threshold values, and SMS message texts. First, a list of priority crops was selected by the farmers in collaboration with the NGO field staff. Subsequently, a list of adverse weather conditions was drawn up defined by threshold values. The idea being that if real-life conditions at a given time meet the values of a defined "adverse weather condition" then the associated set of SMS messages would be sent to the farmers. The messages sent to 500 farmers designate as "lead farmers", i.e. those individuals leading a particular village self-help group. The lead farmers would receive only those SMS messages that pertained to his or her group, that is, their crop types and the stages of these crops. This logic required MMS staff to record data on the lead farmers (i.e. name, location, phone number, group) and record and update data on the groups continuously (i.e. crops types, sowing dates, and crop development). If was important to have accurate data on these items for the service to be able to function as planned. This data work was assigned to MMS staff.

Having presented the service, and the basic features of it, we are now in a position to consider how it was worked into the fabric of village life.

Word-of-mouth

At first, the main village studied resembled any other village in the Charlands of rural Bangladesh that the authors had visited during their stay in the Sirajgonj district. Yet, from talking to the villager's something about its organisation stood out. Assisted by the local NGO, the villagers had organised themselves into self-help groups each comprised of about ten farmers with one of the farmers acting as 'lead farmer' for the group. The lead farmer was someone with a certain standing in the local community and was, without exception, the owner of a mobile phone. Far from all the farmers in a self-help group owned such a device.

A shared consensus among the farmers, that village life benefitted from these groups, emerged from conversation. The self-help groups had mapped the village, created a savings scheme, and acted as conduits for the information delivered by the agricultural information system. The lead farmer of the group would receive the messages from the service and in turn relay the advice to the rest of the group (most of which had no phone). This oral retelling of the advice created a word-of-mouth network, where the lead farmer would tell one or two other farmers from her group, and these farmers would, in turn, tell other group members, and perhaps also the neighbours, and so on. In this manner, the advice would spread by word-of-mouth. Word-of-mouth would extend the digital infrastructure of the agricultural information service. This was necessary to reach more farmers.

During this process of retelling, of relaying the advice from the phones of the few to the ears of the many, the information would be contextualised through conversation, it would be interpreted, and instructive conversation sparked by the information would emerge.

"I could not at first understand the message about the fertiliser, but she explained it to me, and showed me how to mix the fertiliser and the water right."

By word-of-mouth the information from the service would be retold, lead to instruction and learning, and in this manner be far more valuable than mere 'objective' relaying of the messages could ever be. The point is that the engaged retelling of the information by the members of the self-help groups improved the service, it added value to the service. This is because the retelling created opportunities for conversation, instruction, and collaborative learning. This would happen, for example, in relation to understanding the use of fertiliser as the quote above indicates, and it would happen in relation to learning new farming techniques such as the removal of dew from plants to avoid fungus. One message from the service reads like this on a mobile phone:

The mild cold wave with heavy fog will continue this week too.

Due to cold weather do not irrigate in the sweet gourd field at the flowering stage but do mulching. Remove dew (fog) from the upper leaf of the Boro rice plants by using a string moving across the field. (SMS sent 14th Jan 2018)

Figuring out how exactly to move a cotton string across a rice field to drop dew from rice plants is not obvious if you have not tried it before a farmer told us. The retelling of a message, such as the one above, by one farmer to another may create a collaborative learning situation where the two farmers in collaboration figure out how this is done, or if need be, ask for further assistance from for example the lead farmers, who have often been educated in farming techniques by the local NGO. Another matter for deliberation among the farmers is the accuracy of the weather forecasts which were often part of the messages as seen above. On one occasion the weather forecast was off (as such forecasts occasionally are), that is, the message had predicted heavy morning fog, and the farmers had taken precautions by covering up some of their plants to lessen the risk of fungus, but in the morning no fog. This situation prompted some good-humoured mockery of the NGO staff by the farmers. The NGO staff who had introduced the service was seen as vouching for it, as responsible for it. When weather predictions were right, it would lead to praise of the NGO staff by for example farmers asking -half in jest and half in earnest -"are you some sort of magicians?". And when the predictions were off it would as mentioned lead to good-humoured taunts. This goes to show the degree to which the local NGO staff were strongly identified with the service that they introduced to the farmers (but only in part designed).

The weather predictions were more often right than wrong, and the farmers ended up mostly adhering to them, as ignoring them could have serious or even devastating consequences for their crops. Taking precautions against adverse weather such as fog (covering plants), or heavy rain (digging rain gutters), was at worst a waste of time if the weather forecast was wrong. It was not a disaster as ignoring the weather forecast might be as fungus-induced by fog or rain might take the plants. In this manner, there was a certain economy of practice is adhering to the weather forecasts, rather than ignoring them. The prediction of rain may also save on irrigation, but if the rain does not come, the plants are at risk of drying out. So, there is something at stake, and therefore the messages were often the object of reflection, conversation, and deliberation, rather than something which was followed 'mechanically'.

Posters

Another way of reaching those without phones where through posters placed at central spots in the village. Posters were most often handcrafted by the lead farmer, or NGO staff, and displayed the (phone) messages that were deemed to be of special importance to the farmers. Messages where at times, though not always, placed at spots where they were especially relevant. For example, messages about the risk of flooding were placed at flood-prone areas, posters on the risk of fog were placed where fog might gather, and messages about certain crops were placed at their fields. It emerged from conversations that the farmers had very good knowledge of the layout of the village. The farmers pointed to the collaborative creation of maps as contributing towards this understanding. Let us elaborate. The farmers had in collaboration with the local NGO created a map of the village which depicted the village, its households, and it (ecological) vulnerabilities (see figure 1). Lowland and saline-prone areas were singled out on the map as potential trouble spots. That is, areas that called for vigilance and a concerted collective effort. In addition, all the households were shown and given a number for easy reference on the map. Furthermore, important structures such as the village Mosque and the local boat mooring site is also shown. The map shows all 366 households of the village, it shows what kind of crops are planted where, and it shows what areas are flood-prone, what areas are drought-prone, and where fog may gather. Furthermore, it contains information on the quality and nature of the soil that are important parameters for agriculture. Furthermore, colour codes are used to designate households with for example pregnant women or children under the age of five. Both being indicators of a vulnerable householdsomeone to "look extra out for". Every six months or so the maps where to be updated -to reflect the development in each household and each crop field if any. This mapping of the village, this sense of place, was used by both those (lead) farmers that placed the posters and by those farmers that subsequently read them. The digital information service was extended by the posters, then, and in this work of integrating the advice into the fabric of the villages the maps played an important role as enabler. For example, from looking at the map, it was readily apparent to the farmers that messages concerning maize cultivation, maize pests, and maize diseases belong next to the maize fields. While, messages concerning fog were relevant to those farming the fields where the morning fog gather, and so on. In this manner (some of) the advice and forecasts stemming from the service were 'plotted onto the village map' and in the process gathered more meaning and significance. For whom, what, or where a message might be relevant was partly settled with the help of the village map. Not necessarily by overtly pointing to the map but more often by reference to the knowledge that the making of the map had created.

That the map of the village, and the knowledge made in the process of producing it, became a frame for appreciating the messages testifies to the importance of framing. That is, we may argue that the (fruitful) reception of the messages was in part due to the villagers own high level of self-understanding and appreciation of their situation which was (partly) generated in spatial terms via the map and mapping process. We should not overemphasise the importance of the map as an artefact but rather recognise the process of making the map as a contribution to the villages self-understanding and by extension also to their sense of community and solidarity.

The map, then, in its many incarnations and versions, is not a traditional map for travel, locomotion or navigation. Rather, the map is a depiction of the socio-spatial configuration of the village, including the vulnerabilities of the farmers, including their flood-prone fields, their drought-prone fields, their saline soil, and places where fog may gather and in turn fungus may appear. Moreover, one can see the placement of the posters as a direct extension of this mapping, this spatial view of the village. The poster was placed, assigned places, in accord with the villagers' socio-spatial knowledge of themselves and their lifeworld. Placing a poster well, where the message might be needed, is a way to continue to manifest socio-spatial knowledge.

The map reaches out beyond the agricultural and includes as mentioned all households, with an emphasis on vulnerable families with children, has landmarks such as the mosque and more. The local mosque, in the midst of the village, was also central to the circulating of the messages as we shall see next.

Public announcements

The village mosque lies at the centre of village life, metaphorically as well as physically. It is the spiritual, moral and religious epicentre of the village. Therefore, it was a blow to the project that the local Imam, after consideration, disallowed NGO staff's use of the mosque's PA system as a means to broadcast messages. The local Imam did not approve of the announcement of messages such as weather forecasts and associated agricultural advice, stemming from the service, in his mosque. The field officer assigned from the local NGO to the village comes every five days or so and was hoping to announce some messages and forecasts to the villagers using the mosque. Select messages on for example extreme weather predictions such as drought or flooding that may be considered important and even vital for the welfare of the village. And the NGO officer was hoping in the process to promote the service and the work of the NGO. A few messages were mic'ed in the Mosque -to use the expression of the NGO officerbefore this practice was discontinued. Using the Mosque as a platform would have not only potential practical benefits -i.e. a large audience for the messages -but also symbolic significance. That is, by broadcasting from the Mosque, by using the mosque as a broadcasting platform, the legitimacy and status of the service would be heightened considerably according to the NGO staff. As mentioned, this was not to be as the practice was soon discontinued by the intervention of the Imam. By this act the reverse of what the NGO hoped for happened, that is, the legitimacy of the agricultural information service decreased in the eyes of the villagers. In conversation with the local field officers if became apparent that the support of the local elite, including the Imam, was important to the implementation of any development initiative, including the agricultural information service in questions here.

Although the Imam, then, denied the NGO the legitimacy associated with speaking the messages in the Mosque, the promotion of the service outside of the Mosque was tolerated by the Imam. He just preferred to reserve the Mosque for the excursive of religious practice. The farmers, for their part, valued the weather forecasts. The records of the NGO show that approximately four out of five messages were accurate in terms of predicting the local weather. One has to keep in mind that prior to the introduction of the service the farmers had not experienced a digital service of this kind before. Previously their access to general regional weather forecasts was very limited as the village had no televisions nor radios. Mobile (feature) phones were the only communication technology available -and the village was without access to the Internet. Thus, information from beyond the island came with people coming and going to and from the village by boats and small ferries and by phone calls. Before the introduction of the service, accounts of the upcoming weather were anecdotal at best and based on regional forecasts that the travellers or commuting workers had seen or heard in the city perhaps the day before. In contrast, the weather forecasts of the service were local, rather than regional, and associated with agricultural advice such as "cover your tomato plants with plastic sheets due to upcoming heavy rain", or "dust your eggplants with ashes as fog is excepted tomorrow morning". One farmer told us that he lost almost an entire field of eggplants the year before the introduction of the service due to fungus infection, this year he spread ashes on the leaves to prevent morning fog from settling on the leaves, this, in turn, prevented the spreading of fungus and improved his yields. The farmers tell us that he hardly lost an eggplant to fungus this year. We heard many accounts like this. Obviously, the value of the service, especially in relation to crop yields, cannot be evaluated based on anecdotal evidence alone, and therefore we will make no sweeping claims regarding yields. Rather, we will suffice to say that it emerged through conversation that the farmers experienced the service as valuable and worthwhile.

Moreover, using the service can be characterised as a learning experience, rather than a mere 'consumption' of messages. For example, the technique of spreading ashes to prevent fungus was new to the farmers. It was something that they learned through the service, and through conversations with peers using the service. The farmers also learned to moderate their use of fertiliser and pesticides and thus save money, safe keep the environment, and improve crop yields. Just as they learned a number of other agricultural techniques associated with the crop cycle, weather, disease and pest prevention. In this manner, the experience of using the service, the outcome, was to a large extend educational. For example, once the farmers had learned that fog threatens fungus and that spreading ashes is the appropriate countermeasure against this threat, then this lesson had been learned, once and for all. That is, after having used the service for a while some of the advice associated with the weather forecasts became somewhat superfluous to some farmers. The weather forecasts in time became enough for those of the farmers that had learned the weather-related advice by hearth. They had, from engaging with the service, already learned the techniques and did not need to have them repeated. This testifies to the educational value of the service.

Discussion and concluding remarks

As mentioned in the introduction, research within HCI and HCI4D may (ideally) report on local experiences of adapting and implementing technology, including on how it may be made to work locally [START_REF] Suchman | Located accountabilities in technology production[END_REF]. In this paper we have aimed to contribute to this agenda as knowledge emerging from explicitly local or indigenous perspectives, approaches and experiences with ICT in the Global South has not become substantial as of yet in our field [START_REF] Abdelnour-Nocera | A review of perspectives and challanges for international development in information and communication technologies[END_REF]. Accounting for the work to make ICT work locally may arguably be a piece of the puzzle that is crucial to understanding why some initiatives thrive where others fail. Although all good technology may appear as magic to its users, none was involved in our case. Rather, it took hard work and a concerted collaborative effort to make the service work. To reiterate, our findings show that it took concerted effort beyond the initial design and cursory introduction of the service to make the service work in the community: it took the vigour of the farmers self-help groups to circulate the messages by word-of-mouth, it took posters placed at key placed according to a socio-geographic mapping of the village, and it involved the acceptance of the initiative by the community elite. It took all this in addition to a well-made information service delivering relevant and timely messages on agricultural matters to make the service work locally.

Our finding resonates with the work of O'Neill et al. [START_REF] O'neill | Working Digital Money into a Cash Economy: The Collaborative Work of Loan Payment[END_REF] that emphasises the collaborative effort of working an ICT initiative into a community in the Global South. There are many differences between the two studies, e.g. urban vs rural, finance vs agriculture, and more. However, common is the acknowledgement that ICT initiatives do not sort themselves out by default, it takes work to make them work. This point echoes the slogan purported by Donovan, namely, that "new technology cannot be airdropped into a setting" [START_REF] Donovan | Anytime, Anywhere: Mobile Devices and Services and Their Impact on Agriculture and Rural Development[END_REF]. The work to make ICT initiatives work, embed themselves, and become an integrated part of local practice may easily be overlooked. An agricultural information service in action may metaphorically speaking be described as a living and breathing entity, that needs nurturing, care, and legitimacy to work in a community. In the eyes of the users' legitimacy may be achieved through the demonstration of practical value as well as through more symbolic means -two distinct kinds of legitimacy.

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1: Map of the village made by local farmers in collaboration with MMS the locally active NGO. The map roughly represents an area of 2,25 km 2 .

Acknowledgements

We would like to acknowledge our indebtedness to Welthungerhilfe in Bangladesh, mPower (Mridul Chowdhury, Nazrul Islam, Masudur Rahman, Ahmed Sushmoy), MMS (Mr. Rafiq), and FIVDB. In addition we would like to warmly thank the farmers taking part in the study.