Silvio Enea

; Piccolomini

Silvius Aeneas

Piccolomini

I Ferrante

René D'anjou

Michael V Cotta-Schönberg

Michael Von Cotta- Schönberg

Sylvius Aeneas

Aeneas Piccolomini

Silvius

Van Den Baar

Van Den Baar

Philippe Labbé

Gabriel Cossart

Etienne Baluze

Niccolò Colet

Jean Hardouin

Sacrosancta Concilia

Albrizzi & Colet

Émile G Léonard

Giannozzo : Manetti

De Vita Ac Gestis Nicolai Quinti

Ianottii Maneti De Vita Ac Gestis Nicolai Quinti

Anna Modigliani Roma

Michael Von Cotta-Schönberg

dem tatsächlichen Vorgang entspricht

Foreword

In 2007, I undertook a project of publishing the Latin texts with English translations of the orations of Pope Pius II. Altogether 801 orations (including papal responses to ambassadorial addresses) are extant today, though more may still be held, unrecognized, in libraries and archives.

At a later stage the project was expanded to include ambassadors' orations to the pope, of which about 40 are presently known.

I do not, actually, plan to publish further versions of the present volume, but I do reserve the option in case I -during my future studies -come across other manuscripts containing interesting versions of the oration or if important new research data on the subject matter are published, making it appropriate to modify or expand the present text.

I shall much appreciate to be notified by readers who discover errors and problems in the text and translation or unrecognized quotations.

July 2019 MCS

Table of volumes in

Context 1

The political and strategic situation of Italy in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance was conditioned by its division into, roughly, four regions:

• Northern Italy, comprising the powerful, independent states of Milan, Venice, Genoa and In 1442/1443, the King of Aragon, Alfonso V, after years of warfare, defeated King René d'Anjou and in his turn ousted the Angevins from the Kingdom of Naples which was then reunited with the Kingdom of Sicily.

When Alfonso died, in 1458, the Kingdom of Naples passed to his son, Ferrante I, while the Kingdom of Sicily passed to his brother, Juan II, King of Aragon.

The popes had staunchly supported the French Angevin rule in Naples, but after the Aragonese conquest in 1442/1443 the military and political realities made them bow to necessity and recognize the Spanish Aragonese rule.

In 1458, both King Alfonso and Pope Calixtus died. The king was succeeded by his son, Ferrante I, who took over the Kingdom peacefully, being recognized by his own subjects and by the Italian powers, which were bound to do so by the treaty of the Italian League (1455). 1 The pope was succeeded by Pius II who, as one of his first acts of government, formally invested Ferrante with the Kingdom and sent a cardinal to crown him.

He also summoned the Italian and European powers to a Congress in Mantua with the purpose of organizing a joint military response to Turkish expansion into Europe. The congress effectively began its work in September 1459, but the embassy of the French king only arrived towards the end of the congress, in late November. It soon became clear that they had not really come to contribute to a crusade against the Turks, but to put pressure on the pope to revoke the investiture of King Ferrante with the Kingdom and to invest King Rene with it in stead.

At this time, relations between the papacy and France were burdened by three important issues:

• The Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges which had been approved by King Charles VII in 1438.

It heavily restricted papal authority in France in general and over the French Church in particular and greatly limited the financial flows from France to Rome (e.g. in connection with episcopal and other appointments). The popes evidently wanted the French to revoke the Sanction and to restore papal authority in France and papal incomes from France.

• The Kingdom of Naples which the French wanted to be taken away from the Spanish House of Aragon and restored to the French House of Anjou, and which the pope wanted to keep in Spanish possession so as to avoid encirclement of Italy and the Papal States by the French (from the North and from the South).

• The crusade against the Turks towards which the French king had been very skeptical ever since the idea had been launched by the rising House of Burgundy, and for which the pope definitely needed a strong French contribution.

A side issue -to further complicate matters -was

• the pope's alliance with Duke Francesco Sforza of Milan, who in 1450 had succeeded to Visconti dynasty, in spite of French claims to the duchy (via the House of Orléans), and who for this reason was quite nervous about having the French Royal house in control of Southern Italy. 1 So, in November/December 1459 the situation between France and the Papacy was quite complicated: The French wanted the restoration of the French House of Anjou in the Kingdom of Naples and had not given up their designs on Milan; they also wanted to maintain the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges; and finally they did not want to join the crusade against the Turks.

The pope, on the other side, wanted to keep the French out of Italy by maintaining the Spanish House of Aragon in the Kingdom of Naples and the new Sforza dynasty in Milan; he also wanted the French to abolish the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges; and finally he wanted the French to join the crusade.

At the formal reception of the French embassy in Mantua, on 21 November 1459, one of the French ambassadors, Bishop Guillaume Chartier of Paris, held an oration, the "Maximum et amplissimum onus", in which he declared his king's filial obedience to the pope, and omitted any criticism of the pope's investiture of King Ferrante with the crown of Naples, leaving that matter for later. The papal court had actually expected that his oration would contain such a criticism, a severe one even, and therefore the pope had prepared a response, the oration "Placuit audisse" in which he replied to the attacks of the French. Since they were not forthcoming, he had instead to improvise another oration, the "Multa hic hodie", without a defense of his Neapolitan policies. However, he re-used a number of the arguments on this matter from the "Placuit audisse" in his later oration "Responsuri".

Some days after the reception of the French embassy, the bailli of Rouen, Guillaume Cousinot, in a meeting held on 30 November, 1 delivered an oration in which he politely, but unmistakably criticized the pope for his investiture of King Ferrante with the Kingdom of Naples and demanded that the pope revoke the investiture and invest King René instead.

In his Commentarii, Pope Pius wrote about the -quite dramatic -meeting with the French ambassadors, to which the ambassadors unexpectedly brought a number of ambassadors of other powers, making it a very public meeting:

When silence fell the bailli launched into a long speech in praise of the great deeds which the French (whom he called "the People of the Lily") had performed in defense of the faith and the many things they had done for the Apostolic See. He explained how the kingdom of Sicily had come to them and how much blood it had cost. Alfonso, he said, had been entirely unjustified in ejecting them by force of arms. The pope had acted unfairly in putting Alfonso's undeserving bastard son on the throne of such a kingdom and rejecting René, the rightful king. Even Calixtus, Aragonese though he was, would never have done such a thing. The pope had done the French wrong. He had been poorly advised; he had rejected the blue blood of the Lilies and preferred the Aragonese. He would be wise to undo an unwise decision: the bailli asked that he proclaim René king, reject Ferrante, and thus compensate the French for the insults they had suffered.

This was the gist of the speech. The language was pompous and bombastic, peppered with boasts and threats in the French fashion. As he spoke, the friends of France all shook the crests of their helmets 2 and, thinking the pope would not dare to reply, exulted in their triumph. For the moment, Pius made only a brief response: "Royal ambassadors, we have heard you plead René's case and lay charges against ourselves. What we have done in the matter of Sicily was carried out in consultation with the college of cardinals. If you now demand that it be revoked as unjust, it is only right that we ask their opinion. When we have done so, we will speak to your complaints and requests. Then he dismissed the meeting. 3 The day afterwards, on 1 December, the pope received the ambassador of King Ferrante and heard him argue for the Aragonese position in the oration "Responsurus". 4 Then he fell ill:

After this, the pope suffered a serious bout of stomach trouble and was so racked by a dry cough that both he and his physicians had doubts whether he would live. When they heard this, the French claimed it was a sham and that the pope was not truly sick. They required, demanded, insisted on an answer. They imagined their arguments had got the better of the pope and that he was trying to avoid making a reply. When Pius heard this, he said: "I'll answer that vexatious legation even if I drop dead on the assembly floor doing so. I will not give in to pain, and I won't let illness make me look a coward."

He then called the cardinals together and told them the reply he meant to make. Some thought he should communicate this to a small gathering, but he ordered that all the ambassadors should be summoned along with the chief officials of the Curia. 1 Some days later he received a written memorandum from the French ambassadors, with the demands presented orally by Guillaume Cousinot on 30 November (see Appendix 2).

Then, on 11 December (probably, or some days earlier), the pope replied to the ambassadors with the oration "Responsuri".

In the Commentarii the pope wrote about the event:

When this crowd had gathered, the pope, though weak and in great pain, emerged from his chamber and entered the audience hall. After silence was called, he sat on his lofty throne, pale, in some distress, and barely able to speak. But his spirits soon revived and the words came flooding to his lips. Rising above his pain, he spoke without the slightest difficulty for three hours, a speech that commanded their rapt attention.

In his speech, the pope delivered a far better eulogy of the French than the bailli had done. It was true that they had done much good to the Church, but they had received no less in return. The measures taken in regard to the Kingdom of Sicily were neither unjust nor unreasonable. It was the French complaints which were unjust, since their rights had been completely respected. There was no denying, in fact, that they themselves were in the wrong, for they had passed a law in their kingdom to the detriment of the Apostolic See, an act that was sending many souls to Hell.

oration recur in the pope's. Remarkably, the pope does not mention the Aragonese ambassador's intervention in his Commentarii 1 CO, III, 38, 4-5 (Meserve, II, pp. 169)

This oration is published 1 with the others so that there is no reason to give the parts of it in detail here. If anyone wants to know how conclusively the arrogant French were refuted, the text can be found in the collected speeches. 2 The French ambassadors were, as might be expected, dissatisfied with the pope's reply, 3 quite uncompromising, 4 but the cardinals and the curials were highly complimentary and thought that Pius had preserved "the honor of the See; … they especially applauded the things he had said about the Pragmatic Sanction." 5 The next day, on 12 December (probably, or some days earlier), a new meeting was held with the French ambassadors, this time with a very restricted audience of eight cardinals. For two hours the French ambassadors pleaded King René's case, 6 but their arguments were systematically and effectively rebutted by the pope, and in the end the ambassadors, according to Pius himself, threw themselves at his feet and begged his pardon. 7 Already on the same day as the last meeting, 12 December, the pope wrote the first of two letters to King Charles (see appendix 4) in order to expose the papal position on the matter directly to the king and to avoid that the king would only know of his position through the presumably biased reports of his ambassadors. 8 Also on that day, the French ambasadors presented certain objections to the pope's oration (see Appendix 3).

Afterwards, King Ferrante sent a letter of thanks (see Appendix 5) to the pope for defending his position, and especially for upholding the legitimation of him as heir of King Alfonso made by the previous popes.

1 "scripta" 2 CO, III, 38, 5-7 (Meserve, II, pp. 169-171) 3 CO, III, 38, 8 4 Abulafia, p. 246 5 CO, III, 38 (Meserve, II, p. 171) 6 See French ambassador's oration, Appendix 2 7 CO, III, 39 (Meserve, II, p. 173) 8 Papal letter of 12 December 1459 and 10 January 1460 to King Charles VI, see Appendix 3

Pius' contemporary biographer, Platina, just wrote: On three occasions, he vigourously refuted the complaints of the French and the calumnies of King René concerning his confirmation of Ferrante, son of Alfonso, as King of Naples and his grant to him of the crown of the kingdom. 1 The discussions and the orations could not solve the complicated problems of the Kingdom of Naples and the Pragmatic Sanction, and subsequent events showed that in no case was the French king willing to effectively join a crusade.

So, for the time being, the Kingdom of Naples remained in the hands of the House of Aragon and the French were kept out of Southern Italy, the Pragmatic Sanction remained in force, and the French did not promise to join the crusade.

Themes

Kingdom of Naples 2

Pius consistently presents the French (Anjou) possession of the Kingdom of Sicily as one of the great favours bestowed upon the French House in recognition of the considerable merits of the Franks towards the papacy:

And who does not see that the transferral of the Kingdom of Sicily to the family of France, was a great and honourable gift -as also related by you? [Sect. 19] On their part, the French seem to have expressed the notion that the papacy granted the Kingdom to the French because it was too weak to hold on to it itself:

Somebody may say, as you did in your oration, that the kingdom was occupied by tyrants and that the powerful Manfred could not be expelled. Therefore the Roman See granted what it could not keep on its own, preferring to give it away rather than to lose it. [Sect. 19] They were both right. In their fight against the German conquerors, the popes certainly did not want Sicily to continue or come back under German, imperial lordship when the Hohenstauffen dynasty fell in 1266. As they were indeed not strong enough to hold Sicily directly, they had to find another ruling house who could. It would not be the Spaniards since they now presented the danger of a new, Mediterranean hegemony. The popes, therefore, first turned to the English offering them the crown of Sicily, and only when the English said no, did they offer it to the royal house of France. 1 For almost two centuries after the accession of Anjou to the crown of Sicily in 1262/1266, the alliance between the Sicilian Angevins and the papacy generally held firm, directed as it was against the main European competitor of both the French and the papacy, i.e. the Holy Roman Empire with its Ghibelline supporters in North and Central Italy. Relations, though, could become quite strained when one of the two parties began to encroach on the other's dominion and interests.

So, Pius is basically correct in pointing to a series of popes actively supporting the House of Anjou in Sicily, though he carefully avoids to mention the exceptions and the crises in the relationship.

And Pius' defense of his own actions as pope, based on the legal, political and military situation of the day (see below), appears to be quite convincing: his version of the chain and state of affairs may have been heavily -and expectedly -slanted towards giving a favourable picture of his predecessors' and his own actions, but in essence it was correct.

The big unsaid, however, was that in the meantime the French claim on the Duchy of Milan and more broadly its power plays in Northern Italy had raised the spectre of an another -this time a French -encirclement of the Papal State, which made it imperative for the popes to block the French interests in Southern Italy, an imperative with which the Sforza dynasty in Milan, Pius'allies, obviously agreed.

This strategic issue was evident to all, and it made Pius' declarations of impartiality in the fight between the French Angevins and the Spanish Aragonese appear hypocritical and insincere:

If the due course of law is chosen, weapons must be laid down, and the dispute must continue with legal arguments: We Ourselves shall have the part of the just judge. For why should We care which of you possess the Kingdom? Indeed, if the judicial investigation proves that it is René who has the right to the Kingdom, We shall do as you require, nay even more. [Sect. 52] Nobody would have been fooled.

Military imperatives

The last pope to defend the House of Anjou as rulers of the Kingdom of Naples was Eugenius IV who fought bitterly and as long as he possibly could against Alfonso of Aragon. In the end, the military situation left him no other choice than to switch sides and recognize Alfonso as king and legitimize his illegitimate son, Ferrante, as heir to the kingdom.

In the "Responsuri", Pius told the French ambassadors:

On one side, the King of France, against the custom of his ancestors, allowed the Roman Church to be troubled, and René did not send help nor keep his promises. On the other side, King Alfonso put the lands of Saint Peter under pressure and molested and abused them with great armies. Morever, Francesco Sforza Visconti, now Lord of Milan, had invaded the territory of Piceno, and the Basilians had, under the name of a General Council, stirred up new troubles. Under those circumstances, Eugenius accepted the advice proffered by cardinals as well as by insightful men. We do not here discuss the rights of the [two] parties; that must be decided in a proper suit of law. At any rate, Eugenius accepted a peace with Alfonso that was not only useful, but even necessary: he allowed Alfonso the kingdom, and moreover he handed over to him some cities from the Lands of the Church, among them Terracina, once called Anxur. This is the custom of war: peace is had on the conditions of the victor. It is for these reasons that Eugenius granted Alfonso the title to the Kingdom of Sicily, in a situation where René did not posses a single house or a single piece of land in the Kingdom. [Sect. 33] The assessment of Eugenius' hopeless military situation is shared by modern historians. Ryder wrote:

The Aragonese triumph in the of opposition from Eugenius IV gave Alfonso not only an immense advantage in resolving the juridical issue, but a position overshadowing the papal states. The old enemy had become Rome's most powerful neighbour, controlling the whole length of its southern frontier, his armies camped barely 50 miles from Rome itself. Eugenius, still in his Florentine exile, had no choice but to come to terms or risk seeing his states handed over to his conciliar rival Felix. First he had to steal from Florence to Siena in order to free his hands for so spectacular a diplomatic somersault. Once there, he deputed Ludovico Scarampo, Cardinal of Aquileia, a warrior cleric of Vitelleschi stamp but a good friend of Piccinino and well disposed towards Alfonso, to go as legate to Naples and arrange everything. The King met him at Terracina in June 1443 with an impressive display of cordiality and military power … By the end Alfonso had scored another notable victory in his long-running battle with the papacy. He had won the investiture of Naples for himself, Ferdinando (whom the pope was to legitimize) and their heirs; possession of Benevento and Terracina for life; and promotion of two loyal bishops, Arnau Roger de Palars and Alfonso Borja, to the college of cardinals. In return he promised to withdraw his delegates from the Council of Basel and end all dealings with Felix. 1 Against the French accusations, Pius maintained that the military force of Ferrante, aided by Jacopo Piccinino's invasion of the Papal States, constituted a mortal threat to the papacy, forcing Pius to come to terms with the Aragonese -just as had his predecessor, Pope Eugenius IV, in 1443. Had the French been present with a military force great enough to defeat Ferrante and to protect the papacy, the situation would have been completely different, but they were not, and the pope had had to bow to necessity.

In his oration Pius said that when he became pope Jacopo Piccinino, one of our time's outstanding captains, had invaded the lands of the Church. A traitorous commander had turned the castle of Assisi over to him, and afterwards he also gained control of the city. He had also attacked Nocera, and, having conquered the city of Gualdo, he attacked the castle there vigourously. The people of nearby Fulgino were trembling with anxiety, as were the people of Spoleto, where the commander of the castle seemed to favour Piccinino. Some of fortresses of the Church were in the hands of the Catalans, and though We thought that they would remain loyal and steadfast, We had to fear that patriotism would make them side with Ferrante who ruled the Kingdom of Sicily unopposed… [Sect. 41] Piccinino had now taken three cities from the Church, and if We did not give the Kingdom to Ferrante, for whom he was fighting, he would inflict the greatest possible damage upon Our subjects. The Romans asked for peace, the Umbrians asked for peace, the people of Piceno asked for peace, and all the neighbours asked for peace: all believed that denying the request would have serious and dangerous consequences. … If We opposed the demands of Ferrante, a most serious and dangerous war threatened the Church. We were not strong enough to resist him, and the Bishop of Marseilles, sent by René, had brought nothing but sweet words and uncertain promises. Hopes in René were farfetched and all help doubtful, whereas in Ferrante We would have an enemy close by and evident ruin. And though We see that you believe so, We did not have an envoy from the King of France with Us, for the dean of Chartres, who was then in Rome, had been sent to Calixtus to negotiate the matter of the Turks, not the matter of the Kingdom of Sicily. After the death of Calixtus, he had no business with Us, and as his mission was ended, his words carried no weight… [Sect. 42] Pius' arguments concerning the military situation were really quite convincing, and King René's complete military passivity with regard to the Kingdom of Naples since his defeat the hands of King Alfonso in 1442/1443 had left the popes without the means to resist the Aragonese claims on the Kingdom. It is difficult to disagree with Pius that in this respect the accusations of the French ambassadors were unjust.

Legal situation

The Aragonese takeover and possession of the Kingdom of Naples had been recognized by Pius' predecessors, Eugenius IV, Nicolaus V and Calixtus III. The two first popes had also recognized Ferrante's right to succeeed his father Alfonso as king, but when Alfonso died in 1458, Calixtus denied this right and declared that the Kingdom had reverted to the pope as feudal overlord.

In the Italian peace treaty of 1455, the Italian powers, including the Apostolic See, had directly recognized the Aragonese rule in the Kingdom of Naples and Ferrante's right of succession. Thus, the pope was bound by a major treaty to invest Ferrante with the Kingdom when he requested it.

Indeed, all the Italian powers had demanded that the pope respect the stipulations concerning Ferrante in the treaty establishing the Lega Italica, and moreover the princes, barons and subjects of the Kingdom had uninamously recognized Ferrante's kingship.

Concerning the French argument that Pius' direct predecessor, Calixtus III, had denied Ferrante the investiture, Pius told the ambassadors that Calixtus had not done so because he wanted to invest King René, but because he had other plans, as was well known at the Roman Curia. He did not say it directly, but at the curia it was general knowledge that the Borgia pope had planned to make one of his own nephews, don Pedro, King of Naples1 -as was also known to Italian ambassadors at the Papal Court and thus to their masters. 2 As Pius told the ambassadors, there were legally three possibilities:

1) Kingdom had returned to the pope as feudal overlord: in that case the pope was free to appoint the king he wanted to, and he had been forced to appoint Ferrante. Thus, the French had no legal cause for complaint.

2) The Kingdom had been lawfully inherited by Ferrante: in that case, too, the French had no cause for complaint.

3) The Kingdom was lawfully due to King René: in that case, the pope had reserved René's rights -or, more precisely, the rights of other parties when he invested Ferrante with the Kingdom, 1 and the French were welcome to pursue the matter through a proper suit of law in which the pope would be the judge.

In his oration, Pius said:

In no way have We diminished your rights. Though Ferrante may have had certain advantages, it was Our Kingdom to dispose of since it had either reverted to Us or was due to Ferrante by right of inheritance. Who can criticise Us for that? If Ferrante's father was the king and had made him the legitimate heir, it would be unjust to deny him the paternal kingdom. If the kingdom had reverted to Us, it was Ours to give to whom We wanted to, and We wanted to give it to Ferrante. If it belonged to the French, or to King René, or to somebody else, We did not give or wanted to give it to Ferrante, for in Our letters We reserved the rights of other parties, something that Our predecessors had not done. 2 Maybe someone will say: "But if the kingdom had reverted to You, You should have preferred the French." Indeed, We would have preferred the French if they had been as close by as Ferrante, and if We had not been threatened by so great a danger and pressured by so great a necessity. "But that Ferrante was also crowned is a very serious matter." If it was lawful to invest him [with the Kingdom], then it was also lawful to crown him. And if it was unlawful, then the crown as such does not give him anything. "But yes, it will ensure him the people's favour." But when We commanded that he be crowned, he did not need that, for he already had the favour of all the nobles and the people. Moreover, it had previously been settled that he should be given the crown when he requested it, as Our predecessors Eugenius and Nicolaus had agreed with Alfonso. We simply could not deny his request and go against their promises. For if private people are bound by their agreements, then princes are undoubtedly bound even more so. Nothing is more shameful than a prince who breaks faith. [Sect. 45] It is difficult to see how the legal arguments of the French could be stronger than the pope's, especially if they did not wish to engage in a law suit. At any rate, in that age conquest by arms was considered legitimate, and the French themselves had acquired, kept and lost the Kingdom of Naples by arms. If they could reconquer the Kingdom by arms, the matter would of course be quite different, but under the present circumstances the pope was bound by honour to support the king he had himself recognized and invested with the Kingdom.

Political agenda

The French ambassadors accused Pius of having spurned and rejected the House of France because he despises the French Nation [Sect. 39].

There is no doubt that Pius shared the general gallophobia of the Italians and that he really did not like the French -witness many remarks scattered around in his works, e.g. his remark in the Commentarii on ambassador Cousinot's speech to him: The language was pompous and bombastic, peppered with boasts and threats in the French fashion. So, in this sense he had a clear cultural prejudice against the French which may have influenced his actions in the matter of the Kingdom of Sicily. 1 But, more importantly, he had two clear political motives:

Firstly, he and his ally, the Duke of Milan, wanted to limit the French influence in Italy, and they therefore certainly did not want the Kingdom of Naples to revert to a French dynasty (see above).

And secondly, French military pressure from the South might force the pope to go back to Avignon. For example, a French Neapolitan army advancing on Rome at the time of a papal election -as had happened on other occasions -might result in the election of a French pope who would bring the papacy back to Avignon and France, something which must at all costs be avoided. That this issue was acute and important for Pius is shown by his description of the Conclave of 1458 where he states that the clinching argument against his main competitor in the conclave, the French Cardinal d'Estouteville, was the risk of the papacy returning to France. 1 So, not just cultural prejudices but clear political reasons motivated Pius to support the Spanish Aragonese House in the Kingdom of Naples and to keep out the French Angevins.

However, he could not very well admit such considerations to the French, and therefore a very important reason for his policy in the matter of Naples was left unsaid in his oration.

As everybody, including the French ambassadors, would be quite aware of the pope's political motives in this affair, their absence from the pope's otherwise convincing argumentation leaves the impression of a brilliant, but not completely sincere defense.

So, when he told the ambassadors: Why should We want to exclude the House of France, so noble, so fond of virtue, and so well deserved by our See? [Sect. 10] or Why should we care which of you posses the kingdom? [Sect. 52], he may have been overwhelmed -as happens to brilliant and passionate orators -by momentary sincerity and believed his own words, but nobody else would have.

France and the crusade 2

Having rejected the French complaints and accusations in the matter of Naples, Pius took up the matter of the crusade which was indeed the main purpose of the Congress. By the time the oration was delivered, it was probably quite evident that the French would not commit

Genoa

In May 1458, the French took over Genoa, and the son of King René, Jean, entitled Duke of Calabria, was appointed governor, using the appointment to launch the Anjou war against King Ferrante. The French rule, this time, only lasted some years before the Genoese rebelled against the French.

When, in December 1459, the French ambassadors in Mantua recommended Genoa to the pope, they were really asking for the pope's recognition of the French takeover. In his answer, the pope said: Firstly, you recommended the people of Genoa to Us. We shall keep this city in high regard both by virtue of its own merits and because of the king's recommendation [Sect. 9]. This very diplomatic answer of the pope would have given the French satisfaction without expressing any support for the French takeover.

The French request for the removal of Archbishop Paolo Campofregoso, a leader of the Genoese opposition against the French, was left in abeyance, and when the French were ousted in 1461, he actually became doge of the city.

Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, 1438 1

In view of the French unwillingness to commit themselves in the matter of the crusade, the pope seemingly felt that he had nothing to lose in taking up the matter of the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges. The Pragmatic Sanction had been issued by King Charles VII of France on 7 July 1438. It was based on a number of key decrees of the Council of Basel limiting the power of the popes in general and over the national churches in particular. It required election rather than appointment to ecclesiastical offices, prohibited the pope from bestowing and profiting from benefices, and limited appeals to Rome, with the consequence of greatly restricting the financial flows from France to Rome. 1 The Papacy considered the Pragmatic Sanction a mortal danger and worked systematically to obtain its abrogation and to prevent it from "spreading" to other countries, in particular Germany.

In his oration, Pius seems to consider that some form of compromise might be found concerning ecclesiastical appointments and the appeals from French courts to Rome. But he would not and could not condone that clerics would be judged by secular courts and not by ecclestiastical courts, and generally he could not accept that the French Parliament would have greater authority in religious matters in France than the pope himself.

We are not overly concerned with the audition of legal cases, the granting of benefices, or many other things We believe can be remedied. No, what worries Us is that We see the perdition and ruin of souls and the vanishing glory of this noble kingdom. For how can it be tolerated that laymen have been made judges of clerics? … The Roman Bishop, whose parish is the whole world, and whose province is only limited by the Ocean, only has as much jurisdiction in France as the Parliament allows him. He is forbidden to punish a blasphemer, a murderer of near relatives, a heretic -even if he is an ecclesiastic -unless Parliament gives its assent. Many believe that its authority is so great that it precludes even Our censures. Thus the Roman Pontiff, judge of judges, is subjected to the judgment of Parliament. If We allow this, We make a monster of the Church, create a hydra with many heads, and completely destroy unity. [Sect. 62] In this area, the pope was fighting to uphold the authority of one of the two supranational institutions in which he passionately believed, the Empire and the Papacy, against the developing European nation states.

As an inveterate believer in monarchic government, he was also fighting the rise of democracy and warned the King of France of the consequences to his own authority:

This would be a dangerous thing, venerable brothers, and one which would overturn all hierarchy. For why would subjects obey their kings or other bishops, for that matter, if these themselves do not obey their own superior? Whoever makes a law directed against another, must consider that he should obey it himself. [Sect. 62].

Here, Pius follows in the footsteps of his predecessor, Eugenius IV, who -when faced with the rebellious, conciliarist council fathers at the Council of Basel -wrote in a circular letter, the Liber Apologeticus of June 1436, to the princes of Europe: Why are they [i.e. the council fathers] so eager to reduce this monarchy [i.e. the papacy], which God has established by his own word, to a popular state and to a democracy? 1 , warning the princes that the revolt of the council against the papal monarch was a threat to all monarchic governments. 2 The princes would not have been deaf to this argument and eventually came to support the pope against the council -though for other reasons, too.

Translation of the empire 3

In his oration, Pius claims that his predecessor, Pope Leo III, formally transferred the whole Roman Empire from the Greek emperors in Constantinople to the Franks, in the person of Charlemagne:

… but the Roman Pontiff, Leo III, granted Charles an even greater one [boon]. Leo IV, who reigned [in Constantinople] between two Constantines, one his father, and the other his son, neglected Italy, and fell into heresy as he abhorred and forbade the cult of images. Scandalized [at this development], Pope Leo transferred imperial rule from the Greeks to the Germans in the person of Charlemagne. What greater [boon] could the Apostolic See bestow on the House of the Franks than honouring it with Roman imperial power and giving it lordship over the lands and princely power over peoples and nations? What is there that I ought to do more to my vineyard, that I have not done to it?, says the Lord in the person of the prophet. The family of the Franks was honoured above all others, having received imperial power and being placed on the summit of the mountains by the Roman Church.

[Sect. 17]

Scholars have debated what exactly happened when Pope Leo put an imperial crown on the head of Charlemagne on Christmas Day 800, in Rome, and how it was understood by Charlemagne himself and his subjects. 4 However, it is quite certain that the pope did not have the legal right and the power to make such a decision and that he did not, in fact, make it. 5 Most probably, the imperial coronation was a symbolic-but politically very important -recognition of Charlemagne's conquest and rulership over most of Europe, more or less the old Western part of the Roman Empire. 1 It is true, as Pius claimed, that it was Charlemagne's negotiations with the Imperial Court in Constantinople and recognition by the Byzantine emperor as Western emperor (but not as Roman emperor) which formalized the state of the double empire,2 but this did not happen in contravention of a papal act translating the whole Roman Empire from the Byzantines to the Franks.

It is worth noting that, actually, Pius himself, in the oration, states the it is not the coronation which makes the king:

"But that Ferrante was also crowned is a very serious matter." If it was lawful to invest him [with the Kingdom], then it was also lawful to crown him. And if it was unlawful, then the crown as such does not give him anything. [Sect. 45] The thesis of a papal translation of the Roman Empire from the Greeks to Charlemagne had not been invented by Pius II. It developed gradually from the second half of the 9 th century, nourished by the conflict between popes and emperors, and found its succinct scholastic formulation by Pope Innocent III, for whom the translation was not the result of historical circumstances but an expression of the papal supremacy over the whole world, including the empire and the emperors. 3 Through its inclusion in the decretal Venerabilem, the translation of the empire became firmly embedded in the official teaching of the Church from where Pius had it.

Pius also knew the theory from Otto von Freising, whom he much admired, and who had written, in his Chronica from 1143-1146, as follows:

Anno ab incarnatione domini DCCCI … Karolus XXXIII regni sui anno a summo pontifice, ablato patricii nomine, coronatus omni populo ter acclamante: "Karlo Augusto, a Deo coronato, magno et pacifico Romanorum imperatori vita et victoria." Exhinc regnum Romanorum, quod a Constantino usque ad id temporis in urbe regia, scilicet Constantinopoli, fuit, ad Francos derivatum est. 1 In this respect Pius was not innovating, but simply repeating traditional church doctrine.

Also Pius' claim that it was Pope Zacharias who took the intiative to depose the Frankish King Childeric III and to bestow the royal power on Pepin the Short, father of Charlemagne, was incorrect, though this claim, too, had become part of traditional Church teaching:

In the hands of the useless King Childeric their kingdom lost its vigour and was sliding towards extinction. Our predecessor, Zacharias, would not tolerate the ruin of this noble realm, but sent legates who tonsured the king and enclosed him in a monastery. Then they gave the title of king and the government to Pepin, the majordomus [of the kingdom]. [Sect. 16] What happened was that Pepin had effectively supplanted Childeric. It is true that he required the pope to legitimate his rule, when he asked him: "The kings in our kingdom do not exercise their royal power. Is this good or bad?" The pope obligingly answered that "it is better to call him king who effectively exercizes power so that order is not troubled,"2 but the reality of the power change was created by Pepin and the formal decision bodies of the Franks, not by the pope.

Date, place, audience and format

According to Piccotti, the oration "Responsuri" was probably delivered by Pius between 10 and 12 December 1459, in reply to the oration of the Bailli of Rouen, held on 30 November at the Congress of Mantua. 3 The audience were the ambassadors from King Charles VII of France, of King René d'Anjou, and important members of the Papal Court.

The format was a papal oration from the throne in reply to royal ambassadors.

Text 1

The oration "Responsuri" is extant both individually in a number of humanist collective manuscripts, 2 and as part of the Collected Orations of Pius II, prepared under his own direct supervision in 1462. 3 On the basis of the patterns of variants, a distinction is made between an Early Version (the collective manuscripts) and a Final Version, only slightly reworked (the Collected Orations of Pius II).

Early Version

Manuscripts 4 5

The Early Version is contained, among others, in the following manuscripts:

• Admont / Stiftsbibliothek 535, ff. 128r-149v*

• Basel / Universitätsbibliothek E III 15, ff. 46r-80r

• Bologna / Collegio di Spagna 81, ff. 302v-312v

• Budapest / Országor Szechenyi Könyvtar Clmae 372, ff. 84r-105v

Final Version

The Final Version is included in the seven manuscripts containing the Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, produced under the pope's personal supervision in 1462, as well as, individually,2 in three other manuscrips (Bibliothèque Royale, Bruxelles; Biblioteca Marciana; British Library)

• Bruxelles / Bibliothèque Royale Ms. 15564-67, ff. 19r-43v (R) *

• London / British Library Add MS 15336, ff. 81v-93r (M) *

• Mantua / Biblioteca Comunale 100, ff. 238v-262v

• Milano / Biblioteca Ambrosiana I. 97 inf., ff. 142v-159v The Bruxelles, London and Venice manuscripts are assigned to the Final Version because -with a few exceptions -they do not share those variants which are common to the manuscripts containing the Early Version, agreeing instead with the Final Version. They may, however, derive from some Intermediate Version between the Early Version and the Final Version or -possiblyfrom Cardinal Todeschini Piccolomini's anthology of Pius' major orations, produced in 1464, 1 to which the Responsuri was apparently added in some versions.

The Final Version has not been published as such, but the Chisianus J.VIII.284 was collated in Tummulilli's Notabilia Temporum, see above.

Present edition

For principles of edition (incl. orthography) and translation, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 9-10.

Text:

The present edition of the Responsuri is based on all the manuscripts listed above marked with the siglum plus the edition by D'Achery, with the Chis. J.VIII.284 as the lead manuscript.

Pagination:

Pagination follows the lead manuscript.

Textual apparatus:

The variants common to the manuscripts containing the Early Version are given in bold types.

History of the text

Filiation of collated mss. containing the Early Version: 1 On the basis of the presently collated manuscripts, the following -tentative -filiation of the manuscripts is established as the one which accounts for most of the variants found, but it would have to be developed and supported by collation of further manuscripts. It appears unlikely, however, that collation of more manuscripts will give better knowledge of the Early Version of the text: As he usually did, especially in the case of longer and important orations, Pius wrote a preliminary version of the text which he then delivered either having learnt it by heart or supported by notes. He probably did not read it from the manuscript. After delivery, the text was probably revised before copying and dissemination -which would have begun immediately as the Papal Court would be eager to spread its own version of the conflict with the French over the Kingdom of Naples. This would be the text in the manuscript A*, containing the Early Version. The number of extant manuscripts containing this version is indicative of its broad dissemination. 1 When the papal Collection of Orations was produced towards the middle of 1462, this very important political oration was of course included, only slightly reworked.

Still later, the text was included in some editions of the Cardinal Nephew's anthology of important orations from Pius' pontificate which was first produced in 1464.

Sources 1

In this oration, 59 direct and indirect quotations from various sources have been identified, the majority, 33, from the Bible.

Biblical: 33 Classical: 11 Patristic and medieval: 14 Contemporary: 1 All: 59

Biblical sources: 33

Old Testament: 10

• Leviticus: 1 • Isaiah: 1 • Lamentations: 1 • Psalms: 7
New Testament: 23

• Matthew: 6 • John: 5 • Acts: 1 • 1. Corinthians: 1 • 2. Corinthians: 1 • Ephesians: 1 • Hebrews: 1 • 1. Peter: 2 • 2. Peter: 1 • Romans: 3 • 2. Thessalonians: 1
Classical sources: 11

• Cicero: 2 Patristic and medieval sources: 14

• Ambrosius: 1 We bestowed the Kingdom of Sicily on the family of Aragon. In this matter you criticize not only Us, but also Our predecessors, and you accuse the Roman and First See of injustice as well as ingratitude.

[4] His nos morsibus impetiti 1 , his colaphis caesi, his vulnerati sagittis 2 sumus 3 , sic vos 4 testimonium de malo nostro 5 6 perhibetis 7 . Non 8 dicemus hic, quod 9 ex officio dignitateque 10 nostrae 11 sedi 12 competit: oves pastorem suum non accusent, neque reprehendant; non damnabimus serram [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] , tamquam surgat adversus illum, qui trahit in ea. 14 Beatum Petrum, apostolorum principem, cujus locum tenemus 15 [4] This is your testimony concerning our injust actions: We are wounded by these attacks; We have been slapped in the face; We have been hurt by these arrows. Here, We shall not insist on the respect owed to the office and dignity of Our See: the sheep should not accuse or criticize their shepherd, 1 and we shall not blame the saw, turned against the one using it. Instead we shall imitate Saint Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, whose place We hold, though unworthy: for when he was rebuked for going to the gentiles, he did not refuse to give an account of his actions. 2 And, if needful, We shall not hesitate to follow Saint Leo IV 3 who wrote thus to Emperor Ludwig: 4 If we have erred and strayed from the path of law when dealing with our subjects, we shall rectify all according to your and your emissaries' judgment. 5 Thus, Our predecessors often and humbly endeavoured to give an account of their actions, even the smallest of them. For We should not be lording it over the clergy, but being made a pattern of the flock from the heart. [5] And We should always remember that We have been given power in the Church not for destruction, but for edification, and that the greater the gifts and the grace We have received from the Lord, the more We should be ready to give an account of ourselves. For many things that would be unimportant and forgiveable in others, are deadly sins for Us. 1 Indeed it is true what is said by a secular and pagan author:

The greater the sinner's name, the more signal the guiltiness of the sin in his soul. 2 Everybody should live justly and piously, and especially the Roman Pontiff who, as shepherd of the Lord's flock and head of the Church should set an example to others: not only must he be good for his own sake, but he must also be seen to be good for the sake of others.

[6] Neque cuiquam 1 tam necessarium est 2 quam summo sacerdoti 3 famam 4 servare 5 bonam, cujus neglectores testimonio Salomonis crudeles habentur. Feretis igitur aequo animo, praestantissimi oratores, si nominis nostri 6 curam gerentes innocentiam 7 nostram cum 8 ceteris omnibus, tum regi vestro 9 excellentissimo notam 10 facere studebimus, et de his, quae nobis sunt objecta 11 12 , purgabimur. Etenim quamvis per infamiam et [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] [6] And for the High Priest it is more necessary than for others to maintain a good reputation for, according to Solomon, those who fail to do so must be considered as cruelhearted. So, distinguished ambassadors, you will bear it with equanimity if We care for our good name and make Our innocence known to all, and in particular to your excellent King, by clearing Ourselves of your accusations. For though the apostle says that we must accept both evil report and good report 1 , We must endeavour with all our might to stop false rumours, to keep the odour of a good name, and to remove all slander. We really thought that the King of France2 did not think badly of Us, and especially in matters concerning His Serenity. For God -lying to whom is a grave sinis Our witness that We have always extolled [the king's] honour and his glory, the nobility of his House, and the power of his realm, and that We have said much in his praise, both publicly and privately.

[7] Nunc 1 de nobis cur 2 male sentiat, aut 3 cur sibi 4 putet injuriatum non possumus non 5 mirari. Delatorum haec jacula sunt 6 , Suggesserunt impii pio 7 regi non vera; falsa calumnia nobis 8 imposita est. Angeremur, cruciaremurque vehementer 9 , nisi sciremus apostolicam cymbam solitam esse 10 saepenumero fluctuare et procellis agitari frequentibus. Semper virtutes invidia sequitur, feriuntque 11 summos fulgura 12 montes. Symmachum et Damasum, praedecessores nostros, falsi [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] accusatores in magna dejecere 14 pericula. Nec 15 Petro nec 16 Paulo calumniatorum verba pepercere. Non est discipulus supra magistrum, neque [START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] servus major [START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] [7] So, We cannot but wonder why he should be angry with Us now, and why he should consider himself to have been injured by Us. [What we see] here are the spears of slanderers. Impious men have told lies to the King and caused troubles for Us with false calumnies. We should be greatly distressed and wounded if We did not know that the apostolic ship is often thrown about and agitated by storms. Envy always preys on virtue, and lightnings strike the high mountains.

Our predecessors, Symmachus 1 and Damasus, 2 were thrown into great perils by false accusations. And the words of slanderers did not spare Peter and Paul. The disciple is not above the master, nor the servant above his lord. 3 4 And men lied about the Saviour, some claiming that he was a drunkard 5 and others that he had a demon. 6 So, it is not strange that We, too, who are but mean dust and ashes, must suffer slanderous speech. It does not pain Us to be persecuted by deceitful tongues, but We are gravely and bitterly wounded that the good King trusts those evil tongues. Quite rightly Pythagoras 7 said that one should not keep a swallow, a chatterbox that is, in one's home, 8 and the prophet wished to be delivered from wicked lips, and a deceitful tongue. Genuenses N, S, V; Januam P, AC [8] So, We have been grievously hurt by the words of wicked men, and the wise King must believe Us to be a fool -a fool, We say, for arguably all unjust people are fools. We have been accused of injustice and ingratitude because, as they claim, We have denied justice to King René in spite of his merits towards Us. Shall We tolerate this infamy? Or should We rather prove to all Our innocence and the clemency, the justice, the equity and the benevolence of the Apostolic See? Since you, royal ambassadors, are sons of the Apostolic See, you will be pleased to hear your mother defend herself against these accusations. And since you are learned and just, you will gladly hear what is just. You greatly revere your king, and therefore you will be pleased to hear that no words of Ours should have been injurious to him. The King himself, We think, must greatly desire that those things he has heard about our being an enemy to himself and to his [family] are proven to be false. We shall satisfy his wish and yours too, for though We have been greatly wounded by your speech, We know that you did not speak in your own name, but on behalf of the king. Since he lives far from Us, it has been easy to make him believe false [rumours] about Us. But let Us now come to the matter at hand and answer each of your points. The main issues brought forward by you are two: the first one concerns Genoa, and the second King René.

[9] In primo commendastis nobis nobilem populum Januensem 1 . Commendatissimus nobis 2 erit, et suis meritis et regia commendatione 3 . Petivistis 4 archipraesulem ejus urbis tamquam 5 majestatis 6 reum ad aliam ecclesiam transferri. Obstant desiderio vestro decreta 7 summorum pontificum, quae 8 praelatos invitos non cognita 9 causa transferri 10 prohibent, quod etiam in concilio Constantiensi extitit repetitum. Placet 11 tamen 12 vobis requirentibus causam adversus [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] eum 14 committere et 15 juxta canonicas sanctiones 16 procedere. Supplicastis deinde, ut haeredibus quondam Perrini 17 18 , ducis Januae 19 20 , in ea causa, quam habent [START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] adversus mercatores Avinionenses 22 , silentium imponamus. Non est moris nostri cuiquam 23 silentium 24 imponere, nisi causa diligenter inspecta. Suspendemus tamen censuras jam fulminatas ad aliquod 25 tempus, ut interim negotium discuti possit, et justitia vobis favorabiliter ministrari. 1 Genuensem N, S, V; Janue qui P, AC 2 is add. I 3 em.; contemplac/tione A, B, C, D, I, J, L, M, N, O, P, R, S, V, AC 4 De januensis presuli translatione nota marg. D 5 regiae add. V; laesae add. P, AC 6 magestatis V 7 Romanorum add. S 8 quo J 9 precognita O 10 causa transferri : transferri causa I 11 placeat AC 12 in M 13 adversum AC 14 omit. L 15 ut S 16 rationes J [START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] Fulgosi add. J 18 quondam Perrini : Perrini quondam I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC 19 Ja-et passim corr. ex. Ge-L 20 ducis Januae : Genue ducis L, N, S, V; Janue ducis I; Januensis ducis O, P, AC [START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] habuerat O, P, AC 22 Arimotienses M 23 cuipiam R 24 cuiquam silentium : silentium cuiquam O, P, AC 25 aliquot R 1. Genoa [9] Firstly, you recommended the noble people of Genoa to Us. We shall keep this city in high regard both because of its own merits and because of the King's recommendation.

You have petitioned for the archbishop of that city1 to be transferred to another see because of a crime against majesty. However, the decrees of the Supreme Pontiffs, as confirmed by the Council of Konstanz, forbid that prelates be transferred against their own will without a proper investigation of the case, and therefore your wish cannot be granted. But in view of your petition, We have decided to initiate a procedure against him and to proceed according the canonical rules.

You have also petitioned Us to impose silence on the heirs of Perrini, former doge of Genoa,2 in their suit against some merchants from Avignon. It is not our custom to impose silence on anyone without careful investigation of their case. But We shall postpone the sanctions already issued against the merchants so that there will be time for further discussion of the matter and for justice to be administered with a view to your interests.

68 [10] In [10] In the second and principal part of your oration We noted four parts: firstly, the rights of the illustrious King René to the Kingdom of Sicily; secondly, the glorious deeds of the French; thirdly, the affront made to them; and fourthly and lastly, the petitions of the king. A clear and concise response must be given to each point, though -in view of the importance of the matter -it will be a brief one. [cont.]

Kingdom of Naples

[10 cont.] Nam 1 quod 2 primo 3 dicitis regnum Siciliae regi 4 Renato deberi, neque probamus neque improbamus, priusquam causa 5 discutiatur. Quod si 6 dicat aliquis 7 , "Cur ergo indiscussa et incognita causa Ferdinando regnum 8 commisisti 9 ?", reddetur inferius ratio 10 . Nunc tantum hoc dicimus nos vestro juri 11 minime adversari, neque ullam esse gentem 12 , cui de regno illo [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] magis quam Francis faveamus, si constiterit eis 14 jus 15 For why should We want to exclude the House of France, so noble, so fond of virtue, and so well deserved of our See? We have not excluded the French, but We found them to have been excluded. We have not preferred anyone to your blood, but We found that someone else had been preferred. We have not trodden a new path, but followed an old one. Though We have indeed conceded the Kingdom and the crown to Ferrante, 2 We have in no way infringed upon the rights of the French, as We shall explain in detail later. So, if there is disagreement about the rights of the matter, We must simply hear the parties to the case and render judgment. For there can be no doubt that it is We who, on behalf of the Roman Church, have direct lordship over the Kingdom of Sicily. So, for the present, We neither deny nor approve your statements concerning the rights of King René.

[11] Ita et illa [11] However, We emphatically and wholeheartedly confirm your statements concerning the magnificent achievements of the French and their immense merits. Great praise is due to Charles Martel, 1 even greater praise to Pepin, 2 and the greatest praise to his successor Charles, 3 who by virtue of his great deeds acquired the surname of "Great", which also Alexander the Macedonian 4 merited when he conquered the whole world, as did Pompey 5 and Constantine I 6 by virtue of their famous deeds. Every history of the Franks is full of such praises, and no age will ever forget the glory of your people. [cont.] 75 [11 cont.] For who tamed the Aquitanians and the Normans who persecuted the religion of Christ in Gaul? 1 The Franks! 2 And who broke the Saxons all the times they rebelled against the Catholic Faith? The Franks! And who checked the Bohemians and the Poles when they trampled on the Christian name? The Franks! And who subdued the Hungarians when they laid vaste to Pannonia?

The Franks! And who crushed the Lombards when they were pillaging the Roman Church? The Franks! And who drove the Greeks from Puglia and Campania? The Franks 3 ! And who ejected the Saracens from Sicily? 4 The Franks! And who took Nearer Spain 5 away from the Maurs? The Franks! And who undertook to tear Antioch, Ptolemais, Alexandria, and Jerusalem, the workplace of our salvation, from the teeth of barbarians? The Franks! 6 [cont.]

1 Cf. the note by D'Achery: here Pius exaggerates the deeds of the Franks and the French to the point of ridicule:

The French certainly did not tame the Normans except that having been defeated by them they offered them the Duchy of Normandy in 911, by the Treaty of Saint-Clair-sur-Epte. It was the same Normans -and not the Frenchwho conquered Southern Italy, creating the Kingdom of Sicily. And the Franks did not subjugate the Hungarians 2 In this section, Pius uses Francus to designate both the Franks in general and the French in particular 3 Here the French Normans 4 Here the French Normans 5 "Citerior Hispania" [11 cont.] And who dared to carry the sign of the cross as far as Euphrates and Tigris, and bring the Mesopotamian City of Edessa back to Christendom? The Franks!1 And who restored the Apostolic See to its former liberty and glory when it was being harassed, trampled upon, and oppressed by tyrants in every way? The Franks!2 [12] These matters are well-known: a city cannot not be hidden on a mountain. 3 No people is so barbarous, so primitive, and so isolated that it has not heard of the glory of the French. The illustrious name of that people will endure through the ages: from generation to generation fathers will tell their sons and sons their grandsons of the excellence and famous deeds of this glorious family. The strength and courage of the French have earned them a monument more lasting than bronze and one that cannot be destroyed by age.

[13] Sed 1 cur haec ante oculos nostros 2 commemorantur, qui numquam ea 3 negavimus 4 , sed publice ac 5 privatim honoris causa saepe 6 recitavimus 7 ? An istec 8 commemoratio exprobratio 9 est 10 immemoris beneficii? Nemo quidem 11 , qui 12 vos audiverit [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] [13] But why are We being reminded of these things that We have never denied, but have often spoken about with respect, both in public and in private? Is this reminder a reproach of ingratitude? No one who heard you, ambassadors, can understand you differently -and with cause! For why have you brought before us the emblems of the forefathers? Why have you paraded before Us the images of the old ones? Why have you commemorated the triumphs and the trophees of your people and described how the Roman Church was aided by them, unless you belive that the French have been molested since the Kingdom of Sicily was their due after so many favours both to the Catholic Religion and Faith and to the Roman Church? Therefore, the Apostolic See must be ungrateful, as We must be ungrateful, having robbed the well-merited of their rights and granted them to the undeserved.

[14] Excusanda 2 est hoc loco sacrosanctae 3 Romanae 4 et 5 apostolicae sedis auctoritas, et ab ingratitudinis nota eximenda 6 tanta majestas. Ad quam rem necessarium est, ut 7 et 8 beneficia referantur 9 , quae Romani praesules in Francorum familiam contulerunt 10 , neque erit inutile et 11 hanc partem cognovisse. Fatemur, magna sunt neque quispiam parva dixerit, quae Franci Romanae sedi praestiterunt [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] , sed et mater 14 apostolica sedes 15 and the other his son, 3 neglected Italy and fell into heresy as he abhorred and forbade the cult of images. 4 Scandalized [at this development], Pope Leo transferred imperial rule from the Greeks to the Germans in the person of Charlemagne. 5 6 What greater [boon] could the Apostolic See bestow on the House of the Franks than honouring it with Roman imperial power and giving it lordship over the lands and princely power over peoples and nations? 7 What is there that I ought to do more to my vineyard, that I have not done to it?, 8 says the Lord in the person of the prophet. The family of the Franks was honoured above all others, having received imperial power and being placed on the summit of the mountains by the Roman Church [18 cont.] When the imperial office passed to the Franks, they were in possession both of Gaul and of Germany, but later it remained with those who rule Germany. Still the Franks who stayed in Gaul and from whom Charles1 descends were not abandoned by the Apostolic See. Who but the Roman Pontiff created all those pontifical and metropolitan sees in the Kingdom of France? Who but the Roman See granted all those privileges, all those concessions of grace, and all those indulgences to your churches and monasteries? Who but the successors of Saint Peter favoured your universities2 and especially the School of Paris, 3 famous and acclaimed in the whole world. Indeed, they could hardly have dared to hope for all those grants they received from [the popes].

[19] Illud quoque, quod a 1 vobis relatum est 2 de regno Siciliae in Francorum familiam 3

Kingdom of Naples

[19] And who does not see that the transfer of the Kingdom of Sicily to the family of France was a great and honourable gift -as also related by you? Somebody may say, as you did in your oration, that the Kingdom was occupied by tyrants and that the powerful Manfred1 could not be expelled. Therefore the Roman See granted what it could not keep on its own, preferring to give it away rather than to lose it. 2 3 But, this is hardly so. When Innocent IV, 4 Bishop of Rome and himself of the Genoese nation, had deposed Friedrich 5 6 and returned to Italy from France, he went to Naples 7 and was received there as lord. Almost all the nobles of the realm came to meet him and committed themselves and theirs to him. Among them was Manfred, and there is no doubt that Innocent would have become master of the whole realm if he had not died suddenly. 8 His successors could have hoped for at least as much if they had shown the same courage and initiative as Innocent.

[20] Sed defuncto 1 Alexandro IV. apud Ananiam 2 , qui successerat 3 Innocentio, Urbanus IV. 4 [20] When Innocent's successor, Alexander IV 1 , died at Anagni, 2 [he was succeeded by] Urban IV 3 , who came from Troyes. Abhorring the business of armies and troubles of war 4 -as was quite right -he decided to call Charles d'Anjou 5 of the House of France to the Kingdom of Sicily, but died 6 before Charles could enter Italy. But under Clemens IV 7 , Charles did come to Rome 8 with 30 galleys and functioned as senator there for a year. 9 Then, at the pope's command, he was crowned at the Lateran as King of Sicily together with his wife Beatrice. 10 Afterwards he left for a war 11 in which he was victorious 12 -but with considerable support from the Roman Church [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] and gained quiet and indisturbed possession of the kingdom. Others would eagerly have accepted this charge with its great honour and emoluments, but the Apostolic Majesty preferred the "Lilied", as you call them, to all others. 14 [cont.] [20 cont.] Thus the French entered the Kingdom and conquered it with the support of the Roman Church1 which granted them the title to the Kingdom as well as military aid. It also excommunicated their enemies,2 something which had great importance. Afterwards, the French held the Kingdom for a long time -that We do not deny. First there was Charles, then another Charles, 3 then Robert, 4 and then Giovanna I 5 : they all enjoyed the favour of the Roman pontiffs and were greatly assisted by them. And when Konradin, 6 grandson of Friedrich II, came from Germany to Italy with a great army and tried to reclaim the Kingdom of his forefathers, he could only be defeated and taken prisoner with the help of the Roman Pontiff. 7 [21] Johannes XXI. [21] Johannes XXI 1 loved Charles [I] so much that he considered granting him the Greek Empire. And if sudden death had not put an end to his plans and activities, he would have done as he wished, depriving Michael Palaeologus 2 of the empire because he had not kept the agreements of Lyon. 3 Martin IV, 4 who followed Nicolaus III, 5 had the same wish. Indeed, he reappointed Charles 6 as Senator [of Rome] and excommunicated Michael of Constantinople. 7 However, his plans were hindered by the Sicilian rebellion 8 and Pedro of Aragon: 9 when Sicily 10 rebelled against Charles, Pedro came sailing with a strong fleet and conquered it. 11 There followed many battles between Charles and Pedro, both on land and at sea. The Kingdom suffered immense misfortunes, and it could only be kept by the French with help from the Apostolic See. 12 Charles II was taken prisoner in a naval battle [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] 4 , in Apuliam trajecisset 5 . At 6 sequestro 7 Romano pontifice Clemente VI. 8 , qui legatum 9 ad 10 eam rem misit 11 Guidonem, episcopum 12 Portuensem, pax his legibus dicta [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] est, ut 14 Johanna regnum 15 recuperaret. [24] His successor, Bonifacius IX, 5 took the opposite course. He gave back the Kingdom to Ladislas 6 and sent him a crown -to the great frustration of the supporters and friends of Louis. 7 On the Roman side, the papacy passed through various hands until it came to Johannes XXIII 8 who was deposed at the Council of Konstanz 9 duting the schism (after the death of Boniface IX, Innocent VII, 10 Gregory XII, 11 and Alexander V 12 had each occupied the Apostolic Chair). Johannes XXIII favoured the Anjou party to the extent that he had to suffer being driven out of Rome before he would be reconciled with Ladislas. [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] [25] Quid 1 [25] What about Martin V? 1 How great troubles did he not suffer in order to keep the Kingdom for the House of Anjou? 2 Giovanna II 3 had adopted Louis [III] d'Anjou 4 as her son, and Martin had confirmed the adoption. 5 But when Giovanna changed her mind and instead called Alfonso of Aragon 6 [to the Kingdom], Martin did not change his mind or his decision, 7 but always remained the friend of Louis and the enemy of Alfonso. 8 Braccio da Perugia 9 had attacked and besieged Aquila, an important city in the Abruzzi. 10 If he conquered it, he would undoubtedly take over the whole Kingdom, so great was his authority among the captains of war. But Martin collected an army and spending large funds he mobilized great forces. Among the captains of his army was Francesco, 11 the son Sforza, 12 [25 cont.] Braccio was defeated and taken prisoner, and shortly afterwards he died of a wound. 1 The besieged city 2 was liberated, and the Kingdom was saved for the family of Anjou -the Roman Church covering the costs. When Alfonso invaded the Kingdom now here, now there, all the time pressing his enemy with fresh fleets, he always had Martin as his adversary. As long as Martin was alive, he could not achieve his goal: the pope's captains kept him at bay, and he was deprived of the sacraments and the communion of believers. 3 And though the costs were quite a burden on Martin, he did everything he could to keep the whole Kingdom from Alfonso and in the hands of the French. Martin favoured the lordship of Anjou like Samuel 4 favoured the kingship of David. [26] Eugenius IV1 succeeded Martin 2 and, following the same course, he withheld with all his might the Kingdom from Alfonso. 3 He sent against him Giovanni Cardinal Vitelleschi 4 and Giovanni 5 Cardinal of Taranto. Often the king's and the pope´s troops fought in pitched battles. And though René 6 withdrew from the Kingdom and gave in to Alfonso as victor, Eugenius himself did not give up, but took on the whole burden of the war. If We told how much gold the Roman Church spent to keep the Kingdom for the French, you would scarcely believe it: Eugenius alone used far more than 500.000 ducats on military campaigns. We pass over the robberies, the burnings, the killings and the countless evils suffered by the subjects of the Church, as well as the loss of the March of Ancona, and the rebellion of many cities: all these Eugenius accepted rather than to give in to Alfonso and oppose René whom he never deserted.

[27] Sed neque rex ipse Carolus, qui tempestate nostra Franciae

Peace of Arras

[27] Nor was King Charles1 himself who now rules France, ever given up by the Apostolic See. Twice in our memory, Cardinal Niccolò2 of Santa Croce was sent to France to provide for the tranquility of that Kingdom. The first time was at the decision of Martin, 3 the second time at the decision of Eugenius. 4 All know the learning, holiness and authority of this man from whose household two men have risen to become popes, Nicolaus V and Pius II. We were both his disciples and companions, and we were both called to the Supreme Apostolate from his school, through God's incrutable judgement. As young men in lesser circumstances, 5 we both served him at the great Congress of Arras, 6 but as Nicolaus was older and had greater merit, he occupied a higher position in his household. Though there was mortal enmity between King Charles of France and Duke Philippe of Burgundy, 7 and their mutual hate was almost inextinguishable, the cardinal as apostolic legate to the congress managed to reconcile the two and establish the Peace of Arras, That peace bolstered and strengthened Charles' kingship and gave peace to afflicted and war-torn France. 8 [28] Saepe in hunc modum Romana sedes consolata est Francos, neque umquam regnum 1 in calamitatem aliquam 2 prolapsum 3 est, quin vigili cura nostri 4 antecessores ejus saluti studuerint. Longum esset singula 5 commemorare, quae Franci ex nostra sede 6 beneficia receperunt 7 . Illud exploratum manifestumque 8 est 9 , nulli umquam genti praecessores 10 nostros majores honores 11 , majores favores 12 praestitisse quam Francis. Quibus ex rebus non est, cur prima [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] sedes ingratitudinis accusetur 14 .

1 umquam regnum : regnum unquam O, P, AC 2 omit. P, AC 3 lapsum P, AC 4 iam O 5 omnia P, AC 6 nostra sede : sede nostra I, J, L, M, N, O, P, R, S, V, AC 7 beneficia receperunt: acceperunt beneficia P; receperunt beneficia AC 8 manifestum B; manifestissimumque P, AC 9 omit. Q 10 praedecessores B, D // I, N, S, O, P, AC 11 favores corr. ex honores M 12 majores favores omit. M; favoresque P, AC [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] apostolica J 14 acensetur M 121 [28] In such ways the Roman See often came to the assistance of the French, and whenever their kingdom suffered some disaster, Our predecessors intervened vigourously and energetically in its favour. It would indeed take a long time to mention all the cases in which the French benefited from Our See. But it is clear and evident that Our predecessors have granted greater honours and greater favours to the French than to any other people. Therefore, there is no reason why the First See should now be accused of ingratitude.

[29] Sed dicitis tacite non bona esse opera 1 , quae lapidantur 2 , sed mala 3 ; atque idcirco displicatis regum 4 Franciae laudibus ac 5 meritis, ad ea transivistis 6 , quae contra liliatos sive per nos, sive per nostros antecessores facta esse dicuntur. Tertium hoc vestrae orationis membrum, cui 7 nunc satisfaciendum est 8 . Gravior 9 hic locus ceteris est, in quo palam animadvertimus 10 regem vestrum 11 de rebus gestis non bene instructum esse, nec vobis ipsis 12 omnia cognita sunt. Multa enim quasi [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] vera dixistis, quae sunt a vero remota. Non impingimus modestiae vestrae mendacium, nec 14 vos quovis modo 15 accusamus; ex alieno relatu locuti estis. Verba 16 ipsa vestra 17 18 cum grano salis 19 -ut ajunt -pronuntiata sunt; audita et vobis commissa 20 exposuistis. Illos poena dignos censemus, qui vel regi, vel vobis ficta pro veris [START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] That was the third part of your oration which must now be answered. This is a more serious issue since We plainly see that your king has not been informed correctly about past events and that they are not all known to you yourselves. For you talked about many things as if they were true, but which are in fact far from the truth. You did speak with restraint and We do not criticize you for lying nor accuse you in any way whatsoever since you have been speaking on hearsay. Indeed, your words were spoken with a grain of salt, as they say: you have simply related what you had heard and what you were charged to say. In our judgment, it is those men who have told your king and you yourselves lies instead of truths who merit punishment. Evil is their mind and evil their soul. They wanted to harm Us and therefore they have set their mouth against heaven;1 but they could not maintain the lightnings and the flames formed in their mouth; the wicked are alienated from the womb; they have gone astray from the womb: they have spoken false things;2 but inquity hath lied to itself;3 and the arrows of children are their wounds. 4 [cont. 29] Great is the power of truth which emerges, easily and by itself, against all the plots and all the machinations of men. Rightly did Pythagoras say that after God we must serve truth which alone makes men close to God. Nothing is stronger than truth, as it is said in the [Book of] Esdras. 1 And in the Gospel, Our Saviour calls himself The Truth. 2 So let us follow truth, let us bow to it, and let us never stray from it. Now, let us consider your complaints.

[30] Accusatur Eugenius, praedecessor noster 1 , quod 2 Alfonso Hispano et 3 Renati hosti 4

Eugenius IV

[30] Our predecessor, Eugenius, is accused of having bestowed the Kingdom of Sicily on Alfonso who is from Spain and an enemy of René, and of having rejected the blood of France. This is claimed to be an injury and an insult to the King of France whose noble House is the most eminent in Europe, the most highborn in the world, well-merited of the Roman Church. Oh, what shameful deed: the Aragonese have been preferred to the French! What shall We say to this? We do, after all, have weapons with which to repel the arms of our opponents. We do not deny that the Kingdom of Sicily has been bestowed upon the Aragonese. But We do invite the French to remember their own actions and to give an account of themselves, and -as Pythagoras bids -to not step not beyond the beam of balance 1 when they judge others. Nobody should be too lenient towards oneself. Often the man who loves himself too much may be blamed for hating God, and too great piety towards oneself is an impiety towards God. Anyone who judges others must be a severe judge of himself. So, We shall examine, lucidly and closely, the actions of both René and Eugenius and relate them here. Afterwards the world, nay even God, with whom there is no respect 2 of persons, 3 may judge who has molested whom. [31] Adversatus est diu Alfonso -ut dictum est -Eugenius, et potius extrema omnia 1 passus, quam illi regnum committeret 2 .

Justum et tenacem propositi 3 virum 4

Non civium ardor prava 5 jubentium 6 , Non vultus 7 instantis tyranni 8 Mente movit 9 solida.

Et quamvis rex 10 vester 11 alieno auscultans 12 consilio novam quandam [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] legem et inauditam et incognitam prius, quam vocatis pragmaticam, servari 14 ac 15 Romanam ecclesiam in juribus 16 suis antiquis [START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] et diutius observatis [START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] turbari permisisset 19 , non tamen 20 perduci [START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] [31] As We have already said, Eugenius opposed Alfonso for a long time and would rather suffer anything than bestow the Kingdom upon him.

The man of integrity who holds fast to his purpose is not shaken from his firm resolve by hot-headed citizens urging him to do wrong, or by the frown of an oppressive despot. 1 Heeding the advice of others, your king allowed a new law, unheard of and unknown in former times, called the Pragmatic [Sanction] to be passed and the Roman Church to be deprived of ancient rights that had been in force for ages. Still Eugenius could not be induced to deprive the French of the Kingdom of Sicily, which is the special property of the Church. Indeed, when René was under siege in Naples, the pope assisted him with such troops as he could muster, and sent large supplies of grain to keep the besieged and starving people loyal.

[32] Cumque paulo post Alfonsi armis 1 cedens Renatus ad Eugenium Florentiae agentem venisset, ab eo benigne susceptus, investituram, ut ajunt, regni tum primum consecutus est 2 . Ibi multa Eugenio promissa 3 a Renato rege 4 , quae minime observata sunt, ex quibus quinque 5 hac in 6 parte reserare 7 libet 8 , quae suis in 9 10 litteris continentur aurea bulla munitis, quae apud nos custoditur. Primum 11 enim 12 auri quinque milia nummum brevi [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] se numeraturum promisit, quae postea numquam 14 dissoluta 15 [32] When, shortly afterwards, René yielded to the arms of Alfonso and came to Eugenius, then residing in Florence, 1 he was kindly received by the pope and invested with the Kingdom 2 -which he had not been before. 3 King René gave many promises to Eugenius, but he did not keep them. Of these promises five should be mentioned here. They are contained in a letter with a golden bull, which is in Our keeping. Firstly, René promised shortly to pay 5.000 ducats. They were never paid. [Secondly,] he promised that when his conditions improved he would pay another sum of 31.000 ducats; that sum, too, was never paid.

[Thirdly], he promised to hand over the Church of Arles to Eugenius's procurator. He did not hand it over. [Fourthly,] he promised the Cardinal of Anjou 4 to grant him possession of his Church. 5 He did not grant it. [Fifthly,] he promised to do everything in his power to assure the annulment of the Pragmatic Sanction. It has not been annulled. We do not accuse René of not keeping faith or of breaking his promises. There may have been reasonable excuse for not keeping some of them, and others he may simply not have been able to. But he never made a proper excuse to Eugenius. [33] On one side, the King of France against the custom of his ancestors allowed the Roman Church to be harassed, and René did not send help nor keep his promises. On the other side, King Alfonso put the lands of Saint Peter under pressure and molested and abused them with great armies. Morever, Francesco Sforza Visconti, now Lord of Milan, had invaded the territory of Piceno, and the Basilians had, under the name of a General Council,1 stirred up new troubles. Under those circumstances, Eugenius accepted the advice proffered by cardinals as well as insightful men. We do not here discuss the rights of the [two] parties; that must decided in a proper suit of law. At any rate, Eugenius accepted a peace with Alfonso that was not only useful, but even necessary: he allowed Alfonso the Kingdom, and moreover he handed over to him some cities from the Lands of the Church, among them Terracina, once called Anxur. [33 cont.] It is for these reasons that Eugenius granted Alfonso the title to the Kingdom of Sicily,1 in a situation where René did not posses a single house or a single piece of land in the Kingdom.

As if he had given up all hope of reclaiming it later, he had even sold Castel' Nuovo in the vicinity of Naples to his enemy2 and had freed many from their oaths of fidelity. Alfonso was not ungrateful to Eugenius: by arms he forced the Picenes to renew their obedience towards the Church.

[34] Idem [34] By apostolic authority Eugenius also enabled Ferrante, the illegitimate son of Alfonso, to succeed to the Kingdom of Naples (or Sicily). 1 Indeed, apart from the blemish of his birth there was no impediment whatsoever [to his succession] since he has been well taught, both with regard to letters and conduct. And it is certainly not new for such men to be elevated to the summit of royal government. For though it is a venerable law that bars men from high office if they are born of forbidden intercourse (for this is a strong restraint on lax morals), it is the fault of the father, not of the son, and it is a fact that famous kings have been born of illicit or otherwise unworthy intercourse: Romulus 2 was born of the priestess Rhea 3 , and Servius 4 of a slavegirl, but both ruled over Rome. Among the Greeks 5 , Hercules was greatly honoured though he had been born in adultery by Alcmene 6 . And it is told that even Alexander of Macedonia, 7 lord of the world, was conceived by Olympias 8 from another man than Philip. 9 10 [35] Et in 1 Numidia 2 natus ex ancilla Massinissae 3 Jugurtha 4 regnum tenuit. Inter Hebraeos Jacob ex ancillis magnos sustulit 5 patriarchas, et Phares ex 6 Thamar Judae 7 natus est, ex cujus progenie Christi 8 nativitas 9 secundum carnem trahit 10 originem. Et Jephte 11 meretricis filius Israel judicavit. Et Salomon ex ea 12 , quae fuit Uriae, prognatus [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] est, cum qua lege nostra matrimonium contrahere non licuisset. Et 14 ne pluribus utamur exemplis, satis est 15 Constantinus magnus 16 , qui quamvis ex Helena stabularia [START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] , sicut ait Ambrosius, genitus esset, Romani tamen imperii {126v} monarchiam [START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] [35] And in Numidia,1 Jugurtha2 ruled the kingdom, though he was born of one of Masinissa's3 slavegirls. Among the Hebrews, Jacob4 sired the great patriarchs from slavegirls, and Phares5 was born of Judah's6 daughter, Tamar,7 from whom Christ Himself descended in the flesh. And Jephthah,8 one of the Judges of Israel, was the son of a harlot. Even Solomon9 was born from the woman10 who had been the wife of Uriah11 and who -according to our law -would not have been able to marry [David]. We shall not cite more examples except this one: according to Ambrose, 12 Constantine the Great was born of Helena [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] who worked in the stables,14 but nonetheless he rose to become single ruler of the Roman Empire, and he reigned splendidly. And even Charlemagne appointed his illegitimate son, Charles, as ruler of a noble kingdom. 15 We shall say no more in defense of Eugenius.

[36] Nunc ad Nicolaum transeundum est, qui nationi 1 vestrae 2 amicissimus fuit, et tamen 3 Alfonso regnum confirmavit, et Ferdinandi legitimationem ratam gratamque 4 habens, extendit, ampliavitque. Quid 5 hic? Si salvatur 6 Eugenius, et 7 Nicolaus salvus est. Ille principium 8 dedit his 9 , quae postea 10 secuta sunt 11 . Sed procedamus ulterius. Per tempora Nicolai flagrabat 12 omnis Italia bello: hinc Alfonso Veneti

Nicolaus V

[36] Now We must pass on to Nicolaus. 1 Though he was a great friend of your nation, he nevertheless confirmed Alfonso's kingship and ratified and approved the legitimation of Ferrante, even extending and enlarging it. 2 If Eugenius is vindicated, so is Nicolaus for it was Eugenius who set the later events in motion. But let Us proceed further. At the time of Nicolaus, all Italy was aflame with war: on the one side Alfonso and the Venetians had joined arms, and on the other side Francesco Sforza, having become the master of Milan, allied himself with Florence and made war together with them. Everything was in uproar, everywhere there was slaughter and robbery, and neither the secular nor the holy things were safe. And elated by the victory in Constantinople, 3 the Turks, without serious opposition, laid waste to Serbia and Albania and threatened the Hungarians with complete destruction.

[37] Operae pretium Nicolao visum est in tantis periculis de pace Italiae agere et arma, quibus cives urgebantur, in hostes vertere 1 . Conventus 2 apud Neapolim dictus 3 est. Eo cardinalis Firmanus 4 ex decreto Nicolai legatique 5 ex tota Italia se contulere: inter quos pax tandem 6 conclusa est et foedus percussum 7 , cujus 8 conservatorem Romanum 9 praesulem 10 designavere 11 .

In eo foedere 12 ab omnibus recepto inter alia cautum est, ut quaecumque cum Alfonso rege ordinata essent, eadem omnia cum Ferdinando filio contractata [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] et recepta esse intelligantur, quem futurum 14 regni 15 successorem 16 idem foedus appellat, quod apostolicae sedis legatus amplexus [START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] est, omnis [START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] Italia recepit 19 , et 20 [37] Faced with such dangers, Nicolaus considered it worthwhile to begin negotiations about peace in Italy1 and turn the weapons menacing its citizens toward the enemies. 2 3 A conference was summoned in Naples, 4 and, as decided by Nicolaus, the Cardinal of Fermo5 and legates from all of Italy gathered there. In the end, they agreed on peace and made a treaty whose overseer was to be the Bishop of Rome. In the treaty, which was accepted by all, it was stipulated, among other things, that whatever had been agreed with King Alfonso was to be considered as having been agreed and arranged also with his son, Ferrante, who is even designated by the treaty as the future succesor to the Kingdom. This was approved by the legate of the Apostolic See, accepted by the whole of Italy, and afterwards ratified and confirmed by Nicolaus. Calixtus did the same. And after Our coronation, We, too, on the advice of our brethren and following in the footsteps of Our predeccesors, approved the treaty so that the bond of this salutary peace should not be broken. But We shall be dealing with Our own actions later.

[38] Nunc expositis Eugenii et Nicolai 1 operibus 2 , quae quantum 3 calumniari carpive 4 possint 5 plane cognoscitis, ad Calixtum transeamus, quem magnificis verbis ac laudibus prosecuti estis, neque 6 ab 7 re. Fuit 8 enim 9 doctrina singulari praeditus, et suo tempore civilis sapientiae facile 10 princeps, et rerum maximarum 11 experientia callens, ut 12 qui multorum mores vidit et urbes. Dicitis hunc, quamvis ejus nationis esset cujus Alfonsus illique multa deberet 13 14 , non tamen justitiam ejus causa 15

Calixtus III

[38] Now that the actions of Eugenius and Nicolaus have been explained, you can clearly see to what extent 1 they may be critizised and censured. So, let Us move on to Calixtus 2 whom you praised extravagantly and with good reason, for he was a man of singular learning, and in his own time he easily surpassed all in knowledge of civil law. He had experience of great affairs, and he saw the ways and cities of many men. 3 You say that though he was from the same nation as Alfonso and owed much to him, he did not wish to violate justice for Alfonso's sake, but deprived his son of the Kingdom. We do not deny this. But it is unfair not to tell all, so We shall supply what is lacking from your oration. As soon as Calixtus became pope, he ratified and accepted the treaty mentioned above, and when Jacobo Piccinino made war on the Sienese, Calixtus even by right of treaty 4 enjoined the Venetians and the other Italian powers to come to his help. And he would not have denied investiture with the Kingdom if Alfonso had not requested that the Anconitan March and other places be added to the the feudal domains of the Kingdom. [cont.] [38 cont.] However, when Alfonso died, Calixtus for unknown reasons1 deprived Ferrante of the Kingdom,2 though he had [previously] accepted the treaty declaring him to be Alfonso's succesor to the Kingdom of Sicily 3 . What is certain is that he declared the Kingdom of Sicily as having reverted to the Roman Church, not to the family of France. This is witnessed by his letters and known as recent fact to the members of the Curia: We are not saying anything that We cannot readily prove. If this sagacious and magnanimous Pontiff had lived longer, all would have seen what he intended and aspired to do. At any rate, nobody believed that he meant to seek and keep this realm for the French dynasty. 4 So, even though Calixtus did endeavour to deprive Ferrante of the Kingdom, there is really no reason for you to insist that it was René's cause he defended. 5 [39] Ceterum, eo in aliam vitam translato nos ei, quamvis indigni et tanto ponderi 1

Pius II

[39] When Calixtus passed on to the next life, We -God willing -were elected to succed him, though unworthy and unfit for this heavy burden. So, now we come to Our own role in this whole affair, criticized and censured by many people. We are a man and fragile: We fail, We make mistakes, We are deceived. [40] Sed non deest nobis animus, quo purgemur 1 . Dominus auxiliator noster, non timebimus quid faciant nobis 2 homines.Bonus et misericors Deus est 3 , qui non patitur 4 tentari homines 5 supra vires 6 suas, neque nobis impingi 7 falso 8 crimina sinit 9 10 , quae 11 refellere 12 non {127v} valeamus [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] . Comprehendimus ex dictis vestris 14 15 , neque vobis, neque regi vestro veritatem omnem 16 17 esse detectam [START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] , sed dicta esse, quae contra nos viderentur 19 , tacita, quae pro 20 nobis [START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] 1 God is good and merciful and he will not allow men to be tested beyond their strength. He will not allow Us to be accused falsely of crimes that We cannot refute. From your speech We understand that the whole truth is known neither to you nor to your king. Moreover, you only said such things that might be in Our disfavour, whereas you remained silent on such things that are in Our favour. But what carries most weight: to follow or to preceed? We have simply been following the path opened by Our predecessors and kept to the road shown to Us. We have done no more than We find Our predecessors to have done. Here someone may say: "Do not walk on the public road," which, according to Jerome, was a precept of Pythagoras.

[cont.]

[40 cont.] Sed 1 hoc exponitur: idest 2 multorum ne 3 sequaris errores. Nos nihil errasse 4 aut 5 Eugenium aut 6 Nicolaum 7 arbitramur 8 , quos fuisse praesules rectissimi judicii et integerrimae vitae constat.

[40 cont.] This means that one should not follow the errors of many. 1 We believe, however, that neither We, nor Eugenius, nor Nicolaus have erred -two pontiffs who were honest in their judgments and irreproachable in their lives.

[41] Sed aperiamus amplius innocentiam nostram factaque [41] But let Us go deeper into the matter of Our innocence and defend Our actions not only with precedents and authority, but also with rational arguments, showing in what state was the Church when We were raised to the Chair of the Supreme Pontificate. Listen now: it can be explained briefly and will not take long. Jacopo Piccinino, one of the outstanding captains of our time, had invaded the lands of the Church. 2 A commander had treasonably turned the castle of Assisi over to him, and afterwards Piccinino also gained control of the city. 3 He had also attacked Nocera, and, having conquered the city of Gualdo, he attacked the castle there vigourously. 4 The people of nearby Fulgino were trembling with anxiety, as were the people of Spoleto, where the commander of the castle seemed to favour Piccinino. Some fortfied places of the Church were in the hands of the Catalans, 5 and though We believed that they would remain loyal and steadfast, We had to fear that patriotism 6 would make them side with Ferrante who ruled the Kingdom of Sicily unopposed. At a meeting of the Kingdom's princes in Capua all had sworn the oath of loyalty to Ferrante as their king, and not one word was heard in favour of René. Thus, there was peace everywhere in the Kingdom. All said that We could not deny Ferrante the Kingdom which he had received by virtue of his father's last will and with the assent of all the peoples. 1 Piccinino had now taken three cities from the Church, and if We did not give the Kingdom to Ferrante, for whom he he was fighting, he would inflict the greatest possible damage upon Our subjects. The Romans asked for peace, the Umbrians asked for peace, the people of Piceno asked for peace, all the neighbours asked for peace. All believed that delay and refusal would have serious and dangerous consequences. [42 cont.] And though We see that you believe so, We did not have an envoy from the King of France with Us for the dean of Chartres, then in Rome, had been sent to Calixtus to negotiate in the matter of the Turks, not in the matter of the Kingdom of Sicily. After the death of Calixtus, he had no business with Us, and as his mission was ended, his words carried no weight, though at some occasion he was pressured by others1 to adress Us concerning this matter.

[43] Quid faceremus 1 ? Armane movere pro regno ejus 2 opportuit, qui nihil curare videretur , otiosam vitam domi agens? Imparibusne 4 hosti 5 viribus 6 occurrendum illidendumque 7 muro caput fuit, castra et arces ecclesiae perdere 8 , patrimonium 9 beati Petri dilapidare 10 , subditos omnes rapinae ac 12 neci 13 objicere 14 , defensionem fidei negligere debuimus? Profecto non ita nobis et fratribus nostris 15 then it was also lawful to crown him. And if it was unlawful, then the crown as such does not give him anything. 1 "But yes, it will ensure him the people's favour." When We commanded that he be crowned, he did not need that for he already had the favour of all the nobles and the people. Moreover, it had previously been settled that he should be given the crown when he requested it, as Our predecessors Eugenius2 and Nicolaus had agreed with Alfonso. We simply could not deny his request and go against their promises. For if private people are bound by their agreements, then princes are undoubtedly bound so, too. Nothing is more shameful than a prince who breaks faith. 3 [46] Nota est nobis modestia et integritas 1 vestri regis. Numquam ille ex nobis peteret, ut promissa rescinderemus 2 , quorum tanta vis est, ut 3 Deus etiam 4 ex his compellari possit 5 , dicente propheta: Memento, domine, verbi tui, in quo mihi spem dedisti. Dicitis 6 fortasse nos 7 coronam non debuisse promittere. Verum est 8 , si non licuit investire 9 ; at 10 si licuit illud, et 11 hoc licuit. Sed de justo licitoque certamen 12 contendentibus inter se partibus dimittamus. Nos 13 si de facto nostro conveniamur 14 , non reperiemur inermes 15 . Et jam satis nostra in hac 16 [START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] in hac : hac in J [START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] nostra add. O

[46] We know your king's moderation and integrity. Never would he ask Us to break Our promises, for the strength of promises is so great that even God is bound by them, as the prophet says: Be thou mindful of thy word to thy servant, in which thou hast given me hope. 1 Maybe you claim that We ought not to have promised the crown. That is only true if it was unlawful to make the investiture. But if the investiture was lawful, the promise of the crown was lawful, too. However, the dispute about what is just and lawful in this matter We shall leave to the contending parties. But if Our own actions are questioned, We shall not be found unarmed.

And this must suffice to show that We have acted rightly in this matter.

[47] Nunc illud 1 attingamus 2 , quod de Aquilanis et aliis plerisque objectum est, quos sese 3 nobis dedere volentes 4 rejecimus 5 , ut asseruistis, ne 6 Ferdinando incommodaremur 7 . Laus nostra haec est, qui 8 Ferdinando fidem 9 servavimus 10 ; neque parti vestrae injuriati 11 [48 cont.] Indeed, whenever the prince wrote to Us, he called Ferrante king, and the only thing he requested of Us was security, so that he would not perish under Ferrante as king. And that We promised him. Otherwise, We were obliged not to help anybody taking up arms against his lord nor to make it possible for others to give such help. Instead, We sent a legate to investigate the situation in the Kingdom and to effect a reconciliation between the king and the prince. This was actually done, with the assistance of ambassadors from Venice. Afterwards new conflicts arose, showing that the reconciliation was not genuine -pretense does not last long! Whoever the Kingdom belonged to, René or Ferrante, it was our duty to let it have peace so that it would obey its master undivided rather than torn apart.

[49] Sed imputatis nobis, quod Jacobo Piccinino in regnum 1 transire volenti, quamvis 2 Renato stipendia faciat, iter 3 praeclusimus. Nihil 4 nobis certi 5 de his 6 [49] You also rebuke Us for denying transit to Jacopo Piccinino, 1 wishing to go the Kingdom, though he was in the pay of René. Though it is a common rumour, We know nothing for certain about such an arrangement2 -and we have often seen rumours to be empty and false. 3 What is certain is that Jacopo never requested transit from Us. The claim that We have denied it is based on the fact that We sent troops to Toscana from the territory of Bologna and from peoples, whom We ordered to protect the passes through the March and the Apennines. 4 This We did as a defensive measure, fearing that the passage of Piccinino, said to have a large force, would be detrimental to Church territory or cause a revolt in Our cities, as it had done previously -for in those cities there are many restless and rebellious men. Nobody can be blamed for defending his own with diligence: indeed in this regard it is more dangerous to hope too much than to fear too much. 5 [cont.] [49 cont.] This must suffice as a reply to your various objections. All may not believe Our words, but for Us it is enough that nobody can, without lying, say anything against what We have said.

For never have We sought to harm the King of France or René, whether you look at Our words or Our actions.

[50] Sed minime pari modestia erga nos Renatus 1 est usus 2 3 . Testis est ipse 4 modestissimus Francorum rex, qui Renati oratores 5 adversus nos multa locutos audivit 6 . Testes sunt quamplurimi Germaniae principes, ad quos Renati litterae pervenerunt, nos partiales atque 7 injustos appellantes, qui domum Franciae regno Siciliae privaverimus 8 . Testes sunt subditi ejus et in 9 Provincia et in Lotharingia, quibus imperatum est, ne nostra mandata susciperent 10 . Testis est 11 cardinalis Fuxi 12 , grandaevus et fide dignus senex, qui ad nos scribens idcirco litteris [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] suae legationis per 14 Provinciam jussu {129v} Renati non esse paritum affirmat, quoniam in earum calce pontificatus 15 [50 cont.] We hear the apostle say: Revenge not yourselves, my dearly beloved; but give place unto wrath, for it is written: Revenge is mine, I will repay. 1 But We do not want revenge. Rather, We ardently ask and pray that God will be benevolent and merciful towards this king since he has publicly declared his obedience to the Roman See and has become reconciled with his mother and nurse. As We see, this good and gracious prince has not been been correctly informed about the truth of the matter, and believing himself to be injured he had to strike back -which is only human. But a burning reed-pipe soon falls silent, and without nutriment the flame gradually dies away. However, if the king molests the Apostolic See, let him beware of those punishments that befall vassals acting against their lords.

[51] Illud autem nobis grave et Christianae reipublicae 1 Nulla fides pietasque viris, qui castra sequuntur [START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] , venalesque manus: ibi [START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] fas, ubi 19 maxima 20 merces. This, too, is said -and truly so:

Men who follow the camp have no loyalty, no sense of duty: their swords are for sale; the cause that offers immediate reward is the good cause.

Conclusion

[54] We shall endeavour to defend the Church both with arms and with the prayers of the pious. If We are disappointed, if We suffer violence, then Our judge will be God who said to Peter: O thou of little faith, why didst thou doubt? 1 Both the present and the future is in the hands of God. He rules according to His own will, and He bends the hearts and minds of your kings to it and urges them to [work for] peace among Christians. Nothing is sweeter, nothing is more delightful than that peace. 2 Indeed, why not lay down your arms and settle this conflict either through mutual friends or through legal procedure? If you choose war, you do as the soldiers want. Indeed both knights and common soldiers desire that war should be permanent, since they are living by war, grow fat by war, and aspire to princedoms and kingdoms through war. 3 It would be better to lose the Kingdom than to foster those dogs who devour all the wealth of a kingdom and finally the kings themselves. 1 Matthew, 14, 31 2 Cicero: Philippicae, 13.1.1 3 As had the pope's own ally, Francesco Sforza, who from condottiero had become Duke of Milan. And as Jacobo Piccinino had been trying to, when he attacked Siena in 1456. The duke might not have appreciated the reference to the dogs of war [55] Exposcit praeterea tempus hoc, ut Christiani 1 sepositis 2 inter 3 se 4 odiis, concordibus animis 5 atque studiis 6 , ad tutelam 7 fidei se accingant 8 et tela, quae viscera nostra 9 fodiunt, Turcorum pectora feriant. Juvate nos, oratores, et ingenia vestra 10 intendite, aperite media 11 , excogitate 12 vias, quibus non solum hae [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF]

French contribution to the crusade

[55] Moreover, the times require that Christians should put an end to their enmities and prepare themselves for the defense of the Faith with united minds and energies: indeed, the weapons now piercing our own entrails should be turned against Turkish breasts. Help us, ambassadors; turn your minds towards, be open to and think of ways to solve not only the conflicts concerning this Kingdom, but also the other conflicts between Christians. Let Us hear your advice, indeed We attach the greatest importance to your opinions. Do not fail Us, do not fail Christ, for this matter is Christ's own. On Our side nothing will be lacking. Whatever We have, counsel, help, energy and diligence, We shall share with you and the Commonwealth.

[56] Nostro 1 judicio nullo 2 pacto ferendum est 3 , ut haec regni 4 dissensio 5 latius efferatur: aut pace aut 6 indutiis 7 componenda est. Si ferro dimicatur 8 , actum est 9 de regno et verendum, ne hoc incendium 10 per omnem Italiam latius 11 evagetur. Injuriosi essemus et inimici 12 patriae [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] , si 14 pro nostra 15 virili 16 pacare Italiam non curaremus. Dissidentes in Germania principes per legatos conciliavimus [START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] , et nunc viscera nostra patiemur evelli, Italiam lacerari, regnum ecclesiae incendi, diripi [START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] , desolari? Non fient 19 haec nobis 20 volentibus [START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] [56] In Our own judgment, it is intolerable that this conflict about the Kingdom be carried any further: it should be settled either through a peace or by way of a truce. If fighting continues, the Kingdom is finished, and it must be feared that the fire spreads to all of Italy. We would harm the fatherland and be its enemy if We did not with all Our strength seek to make peace in Italy.

Through Our legates we have reconciled the warring princes in Germany, so why should We now tolerate that our own entrails be torn out, that Italy be destroyed, and that the realm of the Church 1 be set on fire, robbed, and wasted? This will not happen if We can prevent it. Every true Christian must arm himself against the Turks and spare Christian blood. It should not seem hard to René if for the sake of the common good he is asked to refrain from war for a period, considering that he has stayed passive for so many years when nobody asked him to. So, let Us consider how this Kingdom can have peace, and let Us not allow the gate to be opened to the Turk. 2 [cont.] 1 The Kingdom of Naples 2 The Turks could easily invade Italy through the harbour cities in the South and actually did so 20 years later 198 [56 cont.] Nihil 1 ille 2 magis cupit, quam vires Italicas inter se concurrere, ut 3 tandem ab his vocetur, qui fuerint 4 debiliores 5 , sicut in Graecia factum est 6 . Dissidentibus 7 enim 8 inter se Constantinopolitanis imperatoribus vocati in auxilium Turci ab his 9 , qui erant inferiores, utramque 10 denique partem 11 oppresserunt. Agite, praestabiles oratores, incumbite huic parti, consulite in medium, quae pacis sunt. Nam hoc 12 potissimum est, quod sapientissimum regem [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] vestrum vobis 14 mandasse in litteris ejus vidimus. [57] In his great wisdom, His Serenity knows that peace and concord among Christians is necessary in order to tame the savage Turks, and he has entrusted this matter, in this Congress, to your sagacity. We are waiting to hear how you will contribute to the quest for peace. You are acting on behalf of a great and mighty king, and much depends on you. The emperor believes that peace must be restored throughout all of Christendom, and We share this belief. If your king agrees, many others, too, will agree, and in the end civil and internal wars will end. The weapons of the Christians will be turned against the enemies of the Faith. [57 cont.] Indeed, just like sovereignty, eminent surnames are easily preserved by those practices which brought them into being in the first. 1 In the beginning, the Franks feared no dangers, refused no labours, and spared no costs for the protection and glory of the Roman See and for the defense and expansion of the Catholic Faith. Indeed, they gave up delights, pleasures, kingdoms, empires and even their own lives for the sake of the common good, and they fought the enemies of the Cross sometimes in Europe and sometimes in Asia. Rightly they were called Most Christian. Now the same path must be followed if the inheritance of this great name shall be maintained.

1 Sallustius: Bellum Catilinae, 2.5: Imperium facile his artibus retinetur quibus initio partum est 204 [58] Venistis, oratores, ad hunc conventum, qui de communi Christianorum salute sollicitus est. Rex maximus et potentissimus vos misit, in quem omnium oculi 1 respiciunt 2 , cujus progenitores saepe rem Christianam tutati sunt. Audiamus, quam rebus afflictis consolationem affertis 3 . Non ambigimus 4 , quin 5 vobis multa commissa sint 6 . Consulite in medium, quae pacis inter Christianos, quae belli contra Turcos sint; et spem, quam de vestro 7 adventu concepimus 8 , implete. Sapientes 9 viri estis, et periculum 10 , {131v} in quo 11 sumus, agnoscitis 12 . Christi an Mahumeti 13 lex plus valeat, in 14 certamen 15 venit. Jam 16 ferus ille et [START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] terribilis coluber evangelium salvatoris nostri [START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] [59] Taedet referre, quanta 1 patiuntur infelices Christiani, qui proximi sunt 2 rugienti et saevissimo leoni. In servitutem pueri rapiuntur 3 4 . Matronae ac 5 puellae libidinem foedissimae gentis explere 6 coguntur. Virorum alii cruces, alii palos 7 subeunt. Quidam exemplo Isaiae per medium 8 secti 9 animas tradunt. Quibusdam etiam 10 vivis 11 in morem 12 Bartholomaei cutis adimitur [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] . Nullum tormenti genus 14 nostri non ferunt. Non aetati, non sexui parcitur. Sanguis omnium, qui pereunt, ex nostris manibus 15 [59 cont.] This will happen easily if your great and pious king gives his support and help to the cause, and if you yourselves, in his name and to your greatest ability, consult, direct and act, omitting nothing, until there is peace between Christians and a land army and a naval force is sent against the Turks, whom we have rarely fought successfully without the participation of French royal family1 .

[60] Ceterum, quia pragmaticae sanctionis superius incidit mentio 1 , cujus secreta magis pulsavimus, quam aperuimus, urget nos 2 conscientia 3 immo vero 4 caritas, qua genti vestrae devincti 5 sumus, priusquam 6 finem dicendi 7 facimus 8 , de hac re pauca 9 libare , ne taciturnitas nostra indulgentia videatur 11 , et quod 12 sanabile vulnus est [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] , fiat mortale 14 , et nos a consortio vestro oporteat 15 abstinere, quoniam sicut 16 in veteri lege sancitum est , super [START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF]

Pragmatic sanction of Bourges, 1438

[60] There has been mention of the Pragmatic Sanction, whose secrets We have just touched upon, and not gone deeply into. 1 Now, before We finish this oration, Our conscience and indeed the love We have for your people urge Us say a few words on this matter so that Our silence shall not be seen as tolerance and a healable wound become mortal and make it necessary for Us to keep apart from fellowship with you. 2 For in the Old Law it is written that the High Priest shall not go in at all to any dead person, 3 which according to Jerome means that wherever a sin has been committed and there is death in that sin, there the high priest shall no go. 4 5 We desire the French people to be holy and unblemished, and to say with the apostle: For I have espoused you to one husband that I may present you as a chaste virgin to Christ. 6 But this cannot happen unless the blemish or the wrinkle of the sanction is removed. You yourselves know how it was established: certainly, it was never accepted by the authority of a general synod 7 nor by any decree of the Roman pontiffs, but since it deals with ecclesiastical matters it is not valid without the assent of the Roman See.

[61] Ferunt aliqui 1 initium ei 2 datum, quia nimis onerarent Romani 3 pontifices regnum Franciae nimiasque pecunias inde 4 5 corraderent 6 . Mirum 7 si haec ratio Carolum movit, quem praecessoris 8 sui magni Caroli imitatorem decebat 9 10 esse, cujus haec verba leguntur: In memoriam 11 beati Petri apostoli honoremus sanctam Romanam ecclesiam et 12 apostolicam sedem [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] , ut quae nobis sacerdotalis mater est dignitatis, esse debeat 14 ecclesiasticae magistra rationis. Quare servanda est cum mansuetudine humilitas, et licet vix ferendum 15 As she is our mother by virtue of her priestly dignity, she should also be our teacher by virtue of her ecclesiastical office. Therefore, we should be subservient to her with all meekness, and even when a barely tolerable yoke is put upon us by that Holy See, we should carry it and bear it with pious devotion. 2 It is not believable that the Charles who reigns now could have introduced the Pragmatic Sanction on his own initiative. We believe that he was deceived and that falsities were presented to his pious mind. For how could a religious prince allow such things that serve as a pretext for damaging and undermining the supreme authority of the Apostolic See, for weakening the sinews of our religion, and for destroying the unity and liberty of the Church? The words are hard, but the deed is even harder. We exhort you to listen patiently. Festering wounds are cleaned not with mild oil, but with sharp wine.

[62] Non ponderamus causarum auditiones 1 , non beneficiorum collationem 2 , non alia multa, quae curare putamus. Illud nos angit, quod animarum perditionem ruinamque cernimus et nobilissimi regni gloriam labefactari 3 . Nam quo pacto tolerandum est clericorum judices laicos esse factos? Pastorum causas oves 4 cognoscere? Siccine regale genus et sacerdotale sumus 5 ? Non explicabimus honoris causa 6 quam 7 diminuta est in Gallia sacerdotalis auctoritas: episcopi 8 melius norunt 9 , qui pro nutu saecularis potestatis 10 spiritualem gladium nunc exerunt 11 , nunc recondunt 12 . Praesul vero Romanus, cujus parrochia orbis est, cujus provincia nec [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] Oceano clauditur, in regno Franciae tantum 14 jurisdictionis habet 15 , quantum placet parliamento. Non sacrilegum, non paricidam 16 , non haereticum punire [START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] [62] We are not overly concerned with the audition of legal cases, the granting of benefices, or many other things We believe can be remedied. No, what worries Us is that We see the perdition and ruin of souls and the vanishing glory of this noble kingdom. 1 For how can it be tolerated that laymen have been made judges of clerics? That the sheep examine the cases of their pastors? 2 Are we not a royal and priestly race? 3 For the sake of honour We shall not explain how greatly priestly authority has diminished in France: the bishops know it better who, at the whim of the secular power, now take out their spiritual sword, and now put it back. The Roman Bishop, whose parish is the whole world, and whose province is only limited by the Ocean, only has as much jurisdiction in France as the Parliament allows him 4 . He is forbidden to punish a blasphemer, a murderer of near relatives, a heretic -even if he is an ecclesiastic -unless Parliament gives its assent. Many believe that its authority is so great that it precludes even Our censures. Thus the Roman Pontiff, judge of judges, is subjected to the judgment of Parliament. If We allow this, We make a monster of the Church, create a hydra with many heads, and completely destroy unity.

[cont.] ] This would be a dangerous thing, venerable brothers, and one which would overturn all hierarchy. For why would subjects obey their kings or other bishops, for that matter, if these themselves do not obey their own superior? Whoever makes a law directed against another, must consider that he should obey it himself. We must fear that the event mentioned by the apostle to the Galatians1 is approaching: after the revolt the man of sin be revealed. 2 Those who wish to leave the Roman Church are in reality inciting the advent of Antichrist. And leaving the Church is precisely what they seek who support the Pragmatic Sanction.

[63] Sed credimus haec, ut ante diximus, regi vestro incognita esse, cujus natura benigna est et inimica mali. Docendus est et 1 instruendus 2 , ne pestem hanc in 3 suo regno 4 5 debacchari amplius et animas interficere sinat. Vos episcopi 6 lucernae estis ardentes coram eo et candelabra lucentia in domo domini. Sic lucete, ut lux vestra tenebras omnes ac caligines pragmaticae sanctionis ex nobili ac 7 8 Christianissima Francorum gente depellat, solumque 9 lumen solis 10 , idest veritatis splendor et claritas 11 12 eluceat. Quod si rex vester opera vestra fecerit, et vos mercedem prophetae [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] recipietis 14 a domino, et ipse 15 par suis progenitoribus ac major 16 per omnes [START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] orbis ecclesias et in Romana potissimum [START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] [63] But, as We have said before, We believe that these things are not known to your king, who is kind by nature and an enemy of evil. He must be advised and informed so that he will not allow this plague to run wild in his kingdom and kill souls. You bishops are the candles before God and the shining lights in the house of God. Shine so that your light will drive all the shadow and darkness1 of the Pragmatic Sanction out of the noble and Most Christian people of France so that only the light and clarity of the sun, that is of the truth, will shine forth. If the king does this for you, you will receive the prophet's reward from the Lord, and he himself will equal or even surpass his ancestors, and he will rightly be and be called Most Christian by all the churches of the world and especially by the Roman Church. servitutibus ageretur. Sed de templis, de aris 1 , de sacramentis, de sepulchris, de parentum ossibus, de imaginibus, de annalibus, de litteris, de legibus nostris delendis atque perdendis intendunt. Sanctorum patrum editae constitutiones sunt, ac per duos immediatos praedecessores sanctitatis vestrae litterae publicatae omnibus Christifidelibus, quibus mandatur hoc tempore per Christianos principes contentiones et arma deponi.

Andreas de

[4] Qui ergo inter Christianos principes novas contentiones adducunt et arma, rem tempori inconvenientem agunt, ac contra expediens Christianae religioni de directo mandatis apostolicis adversantur 2 . Principes ii 3 , quorum nomine agitur, sunt ex Christianissima Galliarum gente contra potentissimam Italiae partem, a quibus duabus potestatibus potissima sperantur 4 hujusmodi 5 belli praesidia. Sacris litteris mandatum est populo Dei bellum agente: qui non venient, gladio esse perdendos, ut de Jahel 6 Galaad 7 judicum quinto 8 legitur esse factum. 9 Et Caesar in quinto commentariorum libro in fine asserit hoc esse moris Gallorum, ut qui ad commune bellum vocatus novissimus venit, in conspectu multitudinis cruciatibus omnibus affectus necatur. Si qui ad bellum non veniunt aut ultimi, gladio perdendi sunt.

[5] Quid contra eos, qui bellum contra hostes ordinari impediunt, ut bellum fidelibus inferant? Qui ergo hoc tempore de bello inter fideles agunt, rem eorum dignitatibus inconvenientem attemptant, ac divinas ipsorumque Gallorum consuetudinis poenas incurrunt. Concluditur ex his, quae pridie hoc in loco dicta fuere, nec loco nec tempori nec dominis eorum, qui praemissa exposuere, dignitatibus convenisse. Et hoc pro responso dari sufficeret. Sed ut auribus vestrae sanctitatis et aliorum, qui praemissa audierunt de jure {333} praefati serenissimi 10 regis Ferdinandi, satisfaciam, non ut judiciales contentiones adducam, et jura breviter enarrabo, referamque primo, in quibus ambo convenimus, demum veras juris conclusiones eliciam.

[6] In hoc, beatissime pater, ambae partes pariter convenimus. Siciliae regnum ad Romanam spectare ecclesiam jure directo, Christiano principi infeudandum. Hoc Rogerii I. regis et Guilelmi II. 11 [14] Demum Italicorum dominos de mutua occupatione certantes {338} adeo exercitualibus tumultationibus terruit, ut arma deponere et ejus timore fodera ligamque inire didicerint [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] , quam ipse ut pacis amator amplexus est, totamque Italiam foedere pacis univit 14 . Romanum pontificem pro pacis conservatore deputari voluit, omnesque qui sibi adversati fuerant, ad gratiam recepit, tantaque justitia et pace ipsum regnum ejusque populum gubernavit, ut non lictoribus, non fascibus aut securibus, non armatis militibus, sed inermis ephebum 15 principum juvenumque 12 , in quos paterna fides fuerit commutato, tanto amore devotos patrios prosecutus est, ut ea sola in eum dilectionis causa susceperit, si patrius devotus extiterit [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] .

[28] Religionis sacrarumque ceremoniarum observantiae adeo genitoris imitator extitit, quod etsi sanctae memoriae Alfonsus maximus 14 ceremoniarum cultor cultor fuerit, in eo eum praevenerit, quo junior aetas, ut senem non ita patienter inclinet, in ipsum etsi aetate juvenem tantus inest observandarum sacrarum ceremoniarum zelus, ut si quem ex principibus senioribus astantibus sacris in jocum aut risum prosilire 15 aut verbum 16 a sacris alienum proferre contingat, tanta [29] Quid dicam de imitatione paternorum morum in servanda justitia, ut a muneribus illibata servetur 1 ? Quid de ejus moderatione in verbis? Quid de vitae continentia? Prudentia in consiliis? Quid de linguae disertione atque verborum gravitate et moderantia in responsis? Quid de familiae cultu? Quid de militari disciplina? Quid de clementia in subjectos 2 ? Quid de severitate in rebelles? Quid de animositate et constantia in rebus adversis? Quid de fortitudine et indefesso corporis labore {345} et exercitatione? Quid de ejus placabilitate in caros? In quibus omnibus patrem excedere et se suamque aetatem superare omnium judicium extat.

[30] De prudentia et sapientia plura referrem, quae in tam juvenili aetate admiranda ab omnibus judicantur, nisi quia convenientius est 3 nota relinquere, quam si inchoato principio abluvionis instar tanta occurreret dicendorum copia, ut aut omissis injuriam aut omnibus explicatis vestrae sanctitatis auribus taedium afferrem. Unius solius exempli relatione contentus ero, ut Salomonis primo inter concertantes mulieres de filiatione judicio eum recta 4 ratione comparem. In conventu omnium principum et populorum in Capuana civitate, de supra 5 verbum fecimus, a pluribus exhortabatur, ut ad conciliandos sibi dominorum principum populorumque animos in eo sui principatus exordio ex publicis oneribus populis aliqua relaxaret. Regio animo omnibus consulentibus respondit regia consueta jura diminui non convenire, nec velle fidem populorum pretio sibi quaerere. Cujus animum omnes admirati aequa mente reverentiaque amplexi sunt. Omnesque tam principes quam populorum legati solitas functiones exsolvere promiserunt. Rex habito omnium assensu plura, quam petita fuerant, populis sua liberalitate dimisit, regem intrepidum, liberalissimum ac paterni animi imitatorem uno exemplo se exhibens.

[31] Ex quibus recte concluditur Ferdinandum regem patris voto ac 6 testamento, populorum electione, divina pontificalique auctoritate, et paternarum virtutum imitatione in regnum Siciliae legitimum successorem et regem.

[32] Superest videre, an sanctitas vestra recte fecerit 7 Ferdinandum regem investivisse 8 et coronasse 9 , et an ejus investitur veniat revocanda, et an alius investiendus sit, et an transire volentibus in regnum Siciliae contra Ferdinandum regem et bellum inferre debeat de jure aut 1. Kingdom of Sicily [2] Et primum quantum ad factum regis Siciliae attinet,

• quod in propositum extitit prae suppositis juribus et titulis notoriis praedicto regi Renato in regno Siciliae pertinentibus et competentibus, prout die praescripta latius declaratum fuit et, dum opus fuerit, declarabitur,

• continuata insuper liliatorum possessione in regno praedicto CLXXXXIIIIorum annorum spatio vel circa,

• gravaminibus, vitiis et oppressionibus nihilominus illatis dicto serenissimo Siciliae regi Renato in hac parte et ad utilitatem favoremque Ferdinandi praedictum regnum manu violenta occupantis,

• consideratis etiam obsequiis retroactis temporibus assidue sedi apostolicae er fidei orthodoxae per Christianissimos Francorum reges, consanguineos proceres, magnates et regnicolas suos impensis, quae orbi universo nota sunt, quam ob causam ipsos inter ceteros principes catholicos ac universos Christicolas sedes apostolica commendatissimos semper habuit, quos praeterea praesens negotium cum pro interesse generali tum particulari multifarie concernit, petunt et requirunt praefati oratores ea, quae sequuntur:

1 30 November 2 After the verbal presentation of the French demands made to the pope on 30 November, the pope had evidently asked the ambassadors also to present them in writing. See oration "Responsuri", sect. 1: … in reply to your speech to Us some days ago -which was much longer than the written document presented over afterwards … [2]

Status of Genoa

[6] Alterum et secundum membrum insignis Januae dominii statum concernens tripliciter extat divisum:

[7] Primo igitur iidem 1 In his Commentarii, Pius wrote briefly about him and his visit, adding:

When he came to Mantua, the Cardinal of San Pietro 3 left the ranks 4 and went out to meet him.The pope received him at a public audience and showered him with praise for his prompt and generous promises of support against the Turks. He also presented him with a thousand ducats and two horses from Puglia. As part of the festivities for Epiphany, he awarded him the sword which was traditionally granted to the most worthy secular prince present at Christmas, as well as a cap adorned with pearls. 5 6 Voigt wrote:

Der letzte, der nach Mantua kam, war der Liebling des Papstes unter den deutschen Fürsten, das Haupt und das Schwert der kaiserlichen Partei, Markgraf Albrecht von Brandenburg. … Im öffentlichem Consistorium versprach Albrecht mit grossherzigem Feuer seine Hülfe im Kampfe gegen die Ungläubigen, der Mann nach dem Herze des Papstes, wie er dastand, straff und fest an Gestalt, das kühne Antlitzt von der Sonne gebrannt und von Narben eher geziert als gestellt. Gerade auf diesen Fürsten hatte Pius immer ein merkwürdiges Vertrauen gesetzt … 7

There is no doubt, that Albrecht's appearance at the Congress of Mantua was a great comfort to the pope, and it possible that Albrecht would have accepted command of a German crusade army had one been formed, but it was not, neither in Mantua nor later. The pope received Albrecht in a public meeting (publico auditorio), where the Dean of Bamberg, Hertnidt vom Stein, gave the oration "Non ullam"1 on Albrecht's behalf, and the pope replied with the oration "Advenisse te citius". Later, on the Feast of Epiphany, the pope gave the margrave the papal sword, traditionally bestowed at Christmas on a secular prince. This may indicate that Albrecht arrived after Christmas day, otherwise the sword would traditionally have been granted to him on that day. That the public reception and the bestowal of the papal sword were separate events, is shown by the wording in the Commentarii: Pontifex in auditorio publico eum excepit laudavitque magnificis verbis 2 … In festo vero Epiphaniae … ensem … et pilleum … inter solemnia dedit.

Themes

In the oration the pope expressed his great satisfaction at the margrave's arrival.

He claimed that the margrave's energy and leadership skills were such that he could personally ensure that there would be peace in Germany, allowing the promised German army to be gathered.

He complimented him on his military skills, acquired and demonstrated in many wars.

But such wars, against other Christians -the pope said -necessarily brought guilt for the crimes of war, slaughtering of innocents, rape of women, burning of monasteries etc.

All these sins would be expiated if the Margrave joined the crusade.

Date, place, audience and format

The oration was probably delivered in the last week of 1459.

According to the Ottobon. Lat. 905, f. 52r, the oration on behalf of Albrecht was delivered by Hertnidt vom Stein after the solemn mass on the Feast of Epiphany, 6 January 1460, i.e. in connection with the bestowal of the papal sword. But since the pope's own description of the events in the Commentarii (see above) clearly distinguishes between the reception of the margrave in a consistory where he praised him, evidently in response to an ambassadorial address on behalf of the margrave, either this dating is erroneous, or the pope's memory may have faltered. For the purpose of the present edition, the date of late December is retained, and the date of Hertnidt's oration in the Ottobon. 951 is considered to be erroneous.

The audience consisted of the cardinals, ambassadors, and members of the papal court present in Mantua and other participants in the congress.

The format was a papal oration from the throne, in reply to an address made on behalf of the margrave (Probamus, quae tuo nomine dicta sunt, sect. 1)

Text 1

The oration is included in a special Collection of Responses of Pope Pius II (1460)2 largely consisting of responses to addresses by ambassadors, presently known to be extant in five manuscripts:

Manuscripts

Editions

The oration was published by Mansi twice:

Present edition

For principles of edition (incl. orthography) and translation, see Collected Orations of Enea Silvio Piccolomini / Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 9-10.

Text:

The present edition is based on the manuscripts from Lucca, the Archivio Segreto Vaticano and the Chisianus, with the Chisianus as the lead manuscript.

Pagination:

Pagination is from the lead manuscript.

Sources 1

In this oration, three direct or indirect quotations have been identified: one from the Bible, one from a classical source (Homer), and one from a medieval source (Innocent III).

Bibliography

Annales 1 and We shall discuss it separately with you.

[2] The glorious and mighty German nation, from which you come, has promised 42.000 soldiers to the expedition for the Christian religion against the Turks. We consider two things to be necessary for the fulfilment of this promise: the first is the stability of the Peace of Nürnberg from last year, and that a new conflict be not allowed to break out. Otherwise an army cannot be mobilized. The second is that great energy and careful diligence be shown in gathering the troops. Both depend on you. If you will, all will be at peace. And if you show diligence, a strong army against the Turks will not be lacking. We know your energy and your diligence: if you apply your mind, all -and even the most difficult -things will happen [as you wish]. Therefore, act, apply yourself to this task, and avail yourself of those things that can make you happy and immortal. [3] We believe that the wars you have conducted were just, but still you have been fighting Christians which easily leads to sin. Often the blood of innocents is shed, and girls and married women are raped. While the wicked glory, the poor are burnt, churches are robbed, monasteries set on fire, and the divine is getting mixed up with the human. For victors the thirst for revenge is more important than moderation. So, We do not doubt that many things must be burdening your conscience: you could not avoid harming many.

[4] But all these [sins] you may easily expiate through the Turkish war. Until now you have been fighting for the world: now fight for Christ. You have been fighting for the body: now fight for the soul. You have been fighting for a fragile and vain glory: now fight for immortal and eternal honour. 1 Exert yourself in this war in which you may wash away all the stains of old guilt and make yourself pleasing to your Lord. Do act, and do generously accept this crusade. If We see you armed for it, We shall have great hopes for victory. For We hope that you will be another David in battle, about whom they sang that Saul slew his thousands, and David his ten thousands. 2 Your person will count as much as a great army. We shall consider you to be another Judas Machabee or another Samson. So, be brave and strong, and when you return to your brothers, the German nobles, please endeavour to settle internal conflicts, if any are still festering, and to gather the promised army in Germany and lead it against the enemies. In his mercy, the Lord God will make all else go well. Amen. [8] Praeclara haec sunt et infinita, quae de ingenti virtutum tuarum ac meritorum acervo enervari possent, quae subticenda mihi potius esse censeo, quam ex multis pauca in modum referre, ne tenuiter referendo odiosus me potius reddam quam attentum. Hoc jure me dixisse velim pro singularissimis virtutibus tuis et mira in omnes pietate.

Appendix: Oration "Non ullam" of Hertnidt vom Stein

[9] Se2 satis atque satis obnoxium tibi profiteri, testis enim mihi potest esse tota Germania, quanto labore, industria ac diligentia insudaveris 3 . Ac compositis quamplurimis Germaniae partium dissidiis ipsa quieta esset et tibi, ut te exoptare cognoscebat catholico more oboedientiam reddere non denegaret.

[10] Testes mihi praeterea esse possunt oratores tui, quos cum bellorum furor insonaret et quadrupedante putrem sonitu quateret ungula campum 4 nostris in regionibus esse voluisti, qui luce clarius cernere poterant non absque gravi jactura sua cum paci consultasse, cum si bellum illud prosecutus fuisset 5 , se victore palmam in manibus habere cognoscent. Videbat enim bellum illud, quod tum imminebat, tuae deliberationi impedimento fore. Quare tamquam oboediens filius paci manum imposuit furentemque bello Alamaniam totam quiescere cooperatus est.

[11] Testis est mihi -quod quidem potissimum arbitror -praesentia sua. Non enim tot aut frigora aut venti aut pluviae aut nives aut tot bellorum discrimina eum tenuere quin, ut toto affectabat animo, te peteret.

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Context 1

The Congress of Mantua lasted from June 1459 to January 1460, though it only began its work towards the end of September. It had been summoned by Pope Pius II in fulfillment of an oath made immediately after his election and in accordance with an electoral capitulation signed by all cardinals at the conclave in August 1458, where he was elected pope. The purpose of the congress was to discuss a joint European military response to the Turkish invasion of Europe, in the form of a crusade. At the end of the Congress, on 14 January 1460, the pope gave an oration, the "Septimo jam exacto mense", in which he summed up the contributions to the war effort promised by the European nations. The results of the Congress were meager, but according to the pope they were acceptable, though they did not live up to his hopes and expectations.

The following months would show that the promises of the powers were not sincere and would not be kept. Already at the end of the congress this was probably clear to all -even to the pope himself, an experienced politican with an intimate understanding of the European power plays. But for honour's sake, he had to uphold some degree of official optimism, and on 15 January 1460 he issued the bull Ecclesiam Christi in which he declared war on the Turks. 2 In his Commentarii, Pius included a brief description of the event and an abbreviated version of the oration, beginning with the words "Octavum hic mensem." 3 Pius' contemporary biographers do not describe the end of the Congress and its results 4 -quite understandably so, since by the time of their writing it had become painfully obvious that the Congress of Mantua had been an embarrassing fiasco as had Pius' whole crusade adventure.

Still, the oath Pius had sworn to do everything in his power to organize a crusade against the Turks had been kept. The honour of the pope and of the Apostolic See had been upheld, and the Europeans could not have any doubts that after Calixtus III they had another pope who was fiercely engaged in the defense of Christianity.

And though Pius may have been disappointed at the results, his hopes for the conference may have been fulfilled, as Housley conjectures:

For all his own spin-doctoring, Pius did not really expect Cum bellum hodie, any more than he had Constantinopolitana Clades, to turn the situation around. He knew that the purpose of the Mantua Congress was to make possible a series of gruelling but indispensable bilateral negotiations. And it was these that enabled him, in his second major Mantua address, Septimo jam exacto mense given on 14 January 1460, to expound in detail the various promises that had been made as well as the hopes that he still entertained of the uncommitted. Much as the imperial diets of 1454-55, the function of deliberative oratory at the congress was to set out one's stall, providing information, arguments, and perspectives that furnished a backcloth to more detailed discussions. 1

Themes

The main theme of the oration was the list of contributions, confirmed and expected, from the European powers to the crusade.

With some justice, Pius could claim that not all have been achieved as We intended to, but neither have all failed. What the Christians princes have promised is not much, but it is not little, either, and at any rate it is much more than many thought possible. [Sect. 4] Reinhardt has this comment:

Mitte Januar 1460 zog der Papst die Schlussbilanz seines Kongresses. Er beurteilte die erzielten Ergebnisse als unbefriedigend, doch nicht als aussichtlos. Er hatte eine vollständige Kompromittierung des Heiligen Stuhls in letzter Minute und mit viel Glück verhindern können. Persönlich hatte er sein Gesicht gewahrt. An eine baldige Verwirklichung des

Kreuzzugs konnten jedoch nur unverbesserliche Optimisten glauben. 2 Quite remarkably, in the oration the pope endeavours to persuade the audience that, from the beginning, he had not pleaded for a war of aggression against Turks with the aim of regaining lost territories and particularly Constantinople and Jerusalem: from the outset, he had been quite aware that this would be impossible. He said:

We know that many men, hearing about the convocation of this council and learning about Our departure from the City, thought that Our plan was rash, reckless and too daring, as if

We had intended to call the kings to arms against the Turks and reclaim all of Greece and Asia from the enemies enemies' hands ... Our idea was not to drag Muhammad away by his beard, nor to take the Turks and the Arabs away in chains, nor to reclaim Jerusalem and Constantinople -for We are not that headstrong and conceited -but to safeguard what was left of the Christian name. And We did not imagine that this could happen immediately, but considered that We should take counsel on this matter with the Christian princes. [Sect. 1-2] Indeed, in the bull of summons to the congress, the Vocavit nos pius of 12 October 1458, the pope had only spoken of the defense of Christianity, and not of reclaiming lost lands. 1 And in his oration "Magna pars vestrum" [43], at the formal beginning of the congress on 1 June, the pope's focus had been on a defensive war against the Turkish invasion of Europe: So, it is not without danger that We have left the patrimony of the Church in order to come to the aid of the Catholic Faith which the Turks are seeking to destroy. We saw that their strength grew daily and that their armies, which had already conquered Greece and Illyria, were laying waste to Pannonia 2

and wreaking many calamities on the loyal people of Hungary. We feared what will happen if We are unwise: the Hungarians and the Germans and the Italians or indeed all of Europe will be defeated, something which will inevitably lead to the ruin of our religion. [Sect. 1]

But in his great oration, the "Cum bellum hodie" [45], delivered on 26 September 1459, he had also said:

There are two very important reasons [for going to war against the Turks]. The first one is to avenge the wrongs we have suffered and to regain what has been lost. The other is to escape the dangers that are threatening us. [Sect. 7]

Here, he clearly speaks not only of defending Europe against further losses, but also about regaining what had been lost, which actually included not only Asia Minor, but also Northern Africa, and the Levant with Jerusalem, as he said later in the oration: … that Jerusalem, mother of the Old and New Testament, is now in the power of our enemies, we cannot lament and mourn enough: no effort must be spared to recover it and no war refused… Do come to your senses, wise men, regain your courage, strive to recover what has been lost and avenge the injuries suffered by you. [Sect. 13, 16].

And lastly, speaking about the rewards of the war, he said:

Firstly, you will legitimately possess whatever weapons, horses, garments, silver, gold, gems, servants, slave girls, territories, cities, provinces, and kingdoms that you acquire in this war -to be distributed by Ourselves. [Section 37] Territories, cities, provinces and kingdoms to be distributed by the pope to the victorious Christians were not the fruit of a war of defense against further losses, but of a war to reclaim what had been lost previously.

So, the war of defense against the Turkish invasion of Europe might have been the real and central focus of the pope´s endeavours, but he had, as matter of fact, also been arguing for a war to reclaim what had been lost in former ages, e.g. the Holy Land. 1 The abbreviated and revised version of the oration, the "Octavum hic agimus", included in the the pope's Commentarii compiled in 1463 and 1464 only consists in a brief summary of the contributions promised by or expected from the European nations. The sections on the results of the congress in relation to the pope's expectations are not included. This might have been because the pope, in his Commentarii, did not wish to admit the failure of the congress, but as he does exactly that elsewhere in the Commentarii, the omission may not have any particular significance.

Date, place, audience and format

The oration was delivered on 14 January 1459, at the closing of the Congress of Mantova. 2 The venue was the cathedral of Mantua.

The audience consisted of the cardinals, ambassadors and members of the Papal Court present in Mantua and other participants in the congress.

The format was a papal oration from the throne.

Text 1

The oration is extant in two versions. The first version is the "Septimo jam exacto mense" which is identical with or close to the oration as actually delivered at the Congress of Mantua. The second version is the "Octavum hic agimus", a greatly abbreviated version of the original oration.

Version One: Septimo jam exacto mense

Manuscripts

The first version is known to be extant in two manuscripts:

The earliest version is contained in a manuscript in Göttingen. It was later included -in a revised version with some additions -in one of the seven manuscripts (and a somewhat late one) containing the Collected Orations of Pope Pius II,2 compiled in 1462. It is not known why the oration was not included in the earlier manuscripts containing that oration, but the reason may have been that the text was not available at the time, or that it had already been decided to include a thoroughly revised version in the Commentarii. 3 • Göttingen / Niedersächsische Staats-und Universitätsbibliothek 8 Philos 88, ff. 122r-126v (H)

• Milano / Biblioteca Ambrosiana I. 97 inf., ff. 160r-163r (E)

Editions 4

The text was published twice by Mansi, probably on the basis of a handwritten copy of the text in Milan (E), sent to him by one Cl. Saxius 5 :

•

Version Two: Octavum hic agimus

The text of the "Octavum hic agimus" is known only from Pius' Commentarii, bk. In this context, it must be kept in mind that Pius' Commentarii was not destined for publication in his own lifetime, but was to be a monument of his pontificate, aimed at future generations.

The version "Octavum hic agimus" thus gave a picture of the Congress not for contemporary propaganda purposes, but as Pius wished it to be remembered in the future.

The main manuscripts containing the Commentarii, with the oration, are:

• Roma / Accademia dei Lincei Corsinianus 147, ff. 114r-114v (S)

• Roma / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Reginensis Latinus 1995, ff. 174r-175r (R)

Of these, the Reginensis contains the First version of the Commentarii and the Corsinianus the Final Version, both made under Pius' personal supervision.

For the main editions and translations of the Commentarii, see Collected Orations of Enea Silvio Piccolomini / Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 11: General bibliography.

Present edition

For principles of edition (incl. orthography) and translation, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 9-10.

Text:

Septimo jam mense

The edition is based on both manuscripts listed, with the Milan manuscript as the lead text.

Variants from Mansi's edition (MA) are given either as emendations or simply as variants.

The additions to the (later) version in the Milan manuscript are given in bold types.

Octavum hic agimus

The Corsinianus has been chosen as the lead manuscript.

Pagination:

Septimo jam mense

Pagination is from the lead manuscript.

Octavum hic agimus

Pagination is from the lead manuscript.

Sources 1

In this oration, 25 direct and indirect quotations from various sources have been identified, the majority, 21, from the Bible, and 4 from classical sources (Horace, Vergil, Vegetius). Oration of Pius II at the departure from or at the end of the Congress of Mantua [1] Venerable brethren in Christ and beloved sons, now that the seventh month has passed and we are in the middle of the eighth, it is time to close the Congress of Mantua. We do not dissolve the congress, but shall bring it with Us and by apostolic authority transfer it wherever We take our curia. Thanks to our merciful Saviour our business here has ended well: therefore We must thank the Divine Piety and say, with the prophet: give ye magnificence to our God. The works of God are perfect, and all his ways are judgments. 1 But maybe someone will say. "What good has been done here? What may Christians hope for and Turks fear? Or what has been achieved here for which we should eagerly thank God?" Men and brothers, We know that many men hearing about the convocation of this council and learning about Our departure from the City thought that Our plan was reckless and too daring, as if We had intended to call the kings to arms against the Turks in order to retake all of Greece and Asia from the enemies' hands.

[2] Even now malicious and wicked men claim that nothing praiseworthy has been achieved here. They distort, despise, and deride everything. It is against such that Wisdom rightly says: Cast out the scoffer, and contention shall go out with him. 2 In reality, when We heard that Greece was lost, that the Christian people was under daily and increasing pressure from the Turks, that our holy places were being profaned, and the sacred Gospel trod underfoot, Our idea was neither to drag Muhammad away by his beard, nor to take the Turks and the Arabs away in chains, nor to reclaim Jerusalem and Constantinople -for We are not that headstrong and conceited -but to safeguard what was left of the Christian name. And We did not imagine that this could happen immediately, but considered that We should take counsel on this matter with the Christian princes.

[ [3] The Lord has not given Us Eugenius' elevated spirit nor Nicolaus' sublime mind, nor Calixtus' great soul -no: Cold blood gathers around our heart. 1 They declared war on the Turks by themselves, they mobilized armies, they prepared navies. We, however, have never believed that the Roman Church could sustain such a great burden of war on its own, but We did think that a congress of Christians had to be summoned for common discussion of common interests, remembering the saying that designs are strengthened by counsels: and wars are to be managed by governments. 2 This is what they criticize Us for, calling Our fear audacity and Our deliberation temerity. But the chatterboxes, and there are many of them, claim that it was in vain that We left the City, came here, and spent many days in vain, since nothing has been achieved which can give good hope to the Christian3 people. This is foolish slander and unjust criticism. Should we be rebuked for not knowing the future which God has hidden in a great darkness? 4 By the Lord shall the steps of a man be directed: 5 [4] Though the heaven above, and the earth beneath, and the heart of kings is unsearchable, 1 We could reasonably have great and magnificent hopes of the Christian princes and believe that great results would come from this congress. Counsel in the heart of a man is like deep water. 2 There are many thoughts in the heart of a man: but the will of the Lord shall stand. 3 We did believe that the Christian kings would do much. But only God, who alone is good 4 and wise, knows what is good for us. What we have achieved here is what He wanted. No human curiosity can penetrate his designs. We admit that We have not achieved all that We intended to, but neither have all failed. What the Christian princes have promised is not much, but it is not little either, and at any rate it is much more than many thought possible.

[5] Another might try to embellish the matter with highsounding words, but Our task is to show the simple truth and nothing else, and to say with the prophet: Give ye magnificence to our God. The works of God are perfect, and all his ways are judgments. 5 "What works?," someone may say. Indeed those works which the Lord did in this congress, for it is by His will that all participants with one mind and one mouth have agreed to declare war on the Turks. [6] Italy, the noblest of the provinces, promised a tenth from the clerics, a twentieth from the Jews, and a thirtieth from the laypeople. You have heard the great promises for the defense of the faith from the ambassadors of King Juan of Aragon, 1 who -because of Sicily and Sardinia -is counted among the Italians. You have also heard the ambassadors of King Ferrante of Sicily, 2 who, though involved in a civil war, will not refuse to come to the aid of his religion. Francesco Sforza, 3 Duke of Milan, you saw yourselves when he was here and you remember his words, demonstrating a truly Christian soul and a pious mind. You know of the generous and magnificent offer of Borso, 4 Duke of Modena: his envoys made offers binding their lord to the amount of 300.000 ducats. Marquess Ludovico 5 of Mantua, an illustrious and modest prince, wants to help the Church more than he is really able to. The Florentines, that mighty and rich people, made binding offers through their envoys. The same did the important cities of Siena and Lucca. Gulielmo, 6 brother of the Marquess of Monferrat, 7 a prince of old nobility, 8 promised that the marquess would follow in the footsteps of his ancestors. [7] If the Genoese spoke truly, great help can be expected from that noble and powerful city. Duke Louis of Savoy, 1 who possesses a large territory in Italy, has not yet given his answer. We are confident, though, that he will not fail the son whom he sent to Cyprus as king. 2 Concerning the great and mighty republic of Venice We say nothing, but their silence in itself may give hope.

In Italy there are also the Roman Church and the City of Rome, capital of the world, opulent Bologna, noble Perugia, old Ancona, and the whole territory of Piceno, all of Umbria, and the whole Patrimony of Saint Peter 3 whose lord We are: We shall not contribute less than We have promised in the letter that will be read out shortly. There are also Our brethren, the cardinals of the Holy Roman Church, and the officials of the curia: they will all contribute to the war as much as they can. This is what mother Italy will do. And thus the works of God are perfect.

[8] But neither will Germany, mighty in arms, nor glorious Emperor Friedrich 4 be passive, nor the noble dukes, margraves, and counts of Austria, Bavaria, Saxony, and other lands, nor the powerful peoples of that nation. They have promised to bring 42.000 soldiers against the enemies, a great and strong force of soldiers who do not know how to flee. You have heard Margrave Albrecht 5 whom you see before you: he is not a common soldier or a small princeling, but a highly experienced general who has gained more victories over his enemies than any other in our time. Great is his promise, and his person alone is like a large army.

[9] Let us now pass over to Gaul. Duke Philippe of Burgundy, 6 of eminent nobility and great power, whose domains stretch far and wide across Germany and Gaul, has promised 6.000 soldiers. We believe that this nobleminded prince will do even more, intent as he is on a brilliant revenge for his father's capture. The Hungarians, whose business it really is, declare that they will mobilize a large force consisting of 12.000 horse and foot soldiers.

And if We have the means We expect to, shall personally provide a troop of horse soldiers of the same size. [10] This is the promised army: 70.000 soldiers or more. Anyone who does not believe that this is enough does not know about military matters nor does he have faith in the Lord. The Romans who conquered the whole world considered four legions with their auxiliary troops enough for countering all military opposition,1 and they did not allow the auxiliary trops to be larger than the [regular] legions. 2 We admit that such an army was not sufficient for Xerxes 3 or Darius 4 or Tamerlane 5 who, in the memory of our fathers, is said to have had 900.000 men under arms. But for Alexander the Great, 6 Hannibal the Carthaginian, 7 Scipio Africanus, 8 Gnaeus Pompejus, 9 and Julius Caesar 10 smaller forces than those were enough and more than enough: often they destroyed innumerable enemy troops with a small force. Just think of what we read the Lord said to Gideon 11 in the books of the Judges: The people that are with thee are many, and Madian shall not be delivered into their hands: lest Israel should glory against me, and say: I was delivered by my own strength. 12 The Lord must be given his honour, and something must be reserved for him.

For the name of the Lord is a strong tower: the just runneth to it, and shall be exalted. [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] Let us put our hope in the Lord, and he will bring our enemies to nothing. 14 He that feareth man, shall quickly fall: he that trusteth in the Lord, shall be set on high. 15 However, we may also hope for victory by virtue of human effort, by attacking the enemy with large forces both on land and at sea, for We have also undertaken to prepare a strong fleet as you will hear about later.

of the ancient world, stretching from Greece to Egypt and into present-day Pakistan [11] And Christian soldiers are not effeminate like the Turks. Our army is an army of men, theirs is an army of women. And we do not need to fear their numbers, for -as We have said -also the the Christian troops will be enormous, to which will be added the bands 1 of those who have taken the cross, whose courage and strength was proven three years ago when they won a great and noble victory. 2 These are the forces which the Lord wished to prepare. His works are perfect 3 and He can win just as easily with few as with many.

We have now enumerated those forces which have been promised as certain. We shall now speak of the forces we may hope for.

[12] Who can believe that Charles, 4 the most religious, the most powerful, and the most noble King of France, will fail the orthodox Faith. His ancestors were called Most Christian because they splendidly defended the Law of Christ against the barbarians. His distinguished ambassadors gave us great hope that this king will make a contribution worthy of his line.

Nor will Spain, that noble and mighty country, fail Christianity in its need. Though Enrique, 5 the great and famous King of Castile, is occupied with war in Granada, 6 he will not refuse to make a pecuniary contribution. Juan of Aragon, king of several realms and ruler of large territories in Italy and Spain, declares that he will boldly come to the defense of Faith not only as an Italian, as explained before, but also as a Spaniard. And though King Afonso 7 of Portugal -he, too, magnanimous 8 -is busy attacking the enemy in Ceuta and Mauretania, he will remember his vow and prepare something against the Turks.

1 "cunei" 2 At the Battle of Belgrade 1456 3 Deuteronomy, 32, 3 4 Charles VII (1403-1461): King of France from 1422 to his death 5 Enrique IV (1425-1474): King of Castile from 1454 to his death 6 The muslim kingdom of Granada which finally fell to Castile in 1492 7 Afonso V the African (1432-1481): King of Portugal and the Algarves. His sobriquet refers to his conquests in Northern Africa 8 Allusion to Alfonso V the Magnanimous, King of Aragon and Naples [13] [13] King Henry of England 1 would have sent an important embassy, but was prevented by civil war. When that war is over, this pious prince will surely not desert the Christian religion. And though Scotland seems to be outside our world, James, 2 its king, will not refuse to aid the Catholic Church. Nor will Kazimir, 3 King of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania, fail to avenge the soul of his brother, Wladislaw, 4 savagely killed by the Turks. Nor will George, 5 who governs the Kingdom of Bohemia, deny religion his strong troops whose bravery equals their strength. And Christian, 6 King of the Danes and the Swedes, and ruler of people of the Goths, will not want to be last among the kings who care about the Faith. These are the contributions We may reasonably hope for, whereas those We mentioned before, have to a large extent already been promised and confirmed. Therefore, with the prophet we may say again and again: Give ye magnificence to our God. The works of God are perfect, and all his ways are judgments.

313

[14] But, brethren, maybe you ask how this army may be formed since new conflicts have arisen in Germany, and the emperor is engaged in a struggle for the kingship of Hungary. We shall answer that the ways of the Lord are unsearchable, 1 and his judgments are a great deep. 2 But he that walketh sincerely, walketh confidently. 3 We shall send Our venerable brother, Bessarion, Cardinal of Nicaea, 4 a learned and experienced man, to Germany to make peace or arrange a truce. What will be the result, We cannot know. The expectation of the just is joy; but the hope of the wicked shall perish. 5 If we do good works, if we serve God faithfully, the enemy shall have no advantage over him: nor the son of iniquity have power to hurt him. 6 That which the wicked feareth, shall come upon him: to the just their desire shall be given. 7 It is enough for us to do what we can. All else must be left to God, all his ways are salvation. If we deserve it, He will be our protector and champion. Until now He has directed matters at this congress in such a way that we owe him immense thanks, for he has looked to us with merciful and pious eyes. Concerning the rest, we must beg that He will show us mercy when judging us. Therefore We invite you all to send up prayers, together with Us, to pious God and to respond with devotion to the verses that We shall recite in the manner noted below:

[Here follows a long prayer composed specifically for the occasion] [3] Classem pecunia italica parabit si non Venetiis at saltem Genuae aut in Aragonia, nec minor erit, quam res ipsa deposcat. Hungari viginti milia equitum armabunt, peditum haud minorem numerum, qui Germanis juncti ac Burgundis duodenonaginta milia militum in castris habebunt. Et quis non his copiis superatum iri Turcos arbitretur? His accedet Georgius Scanderbechius et Albanorum fortissima manus, et multi per Graeciam ab hoste deficient. Et in Asia Caramannus et Armenorum populi Turcos a tergo ferient.

315 [1] Brothers and sons, we have now been waiting eight months1 for those who were summoned to this congress. You know who have come. It is foolish to wait longer for the arrival of others who might contribute to our cause. So, we are free to leave now. We have done what we came here to do. May God's cause have been served well though We had planned for more than We got. But all is not over, nor has all hope vanished. We must now declare the results so that all may know what to hope for and which kings and peoples are ready or negligent with regard to defending the Faith.

[2] If we help the Hungarians, they will attack the Turks with all their might and all their forces. The Germans promise an army of 42.000 soldiers, and Burgundy 6.000. With the exception of the Venetians and the Genoese, the Italians promise a tenth of the yearly revenues of the clergy, a thirtieth of the yearly incomes of the people, and a twentieth of the fortunes of the Jews, for the maintenance of a naval force. The same does Juan, King of Aragon. The Ragusans offer two galleys, the Rhodians four. These promises have been formally confirmed by those princes and their envoys. Though the Venetians have promised nothing in public, they will not -when they see that the expedition is ready -fail us nor suffer to be seen as inferior to their ancestors. The same applies to the French, the Castilians, and the Portuguese.

England is torn by civil war and gives no hopes, and neither does Scotland, hidden away in the inmost Ocean. Denmark, Sweden, and Norway too, are provinces so far away that they cannot possibly send soldiers, and content with fish alone they cannot contribute money. The Poles are neighbours of the Turks in Moldavia so they will not dare to fail their own cause. The Bohemians may be hired as soldiers since they will not fight for free outside their own country. This is the situation in the Christian lands.

[3] A fleet will be prepared at the expense of the Italiens, if not in Venice, then in Genua or in Aragon, and it will be as big as necessary. The Hungarians will come with 20.000 armed horse soldiers and at least as many foot soldiers. Joined to the Germans and Burgundians they will form an army of 88.000 soldiers. 2 Who does not think that such a force may defeat the Turks? To this should be added George Skanderbeg3 and a strong troop of Albanians. Moreoever, many in Greece will fall from the enemy. And in Asia, Karaman 4 and the Armenian peoples will attack the Turks from the back.

Appendix: Papal bull Ecclesiam Christi of 15 January 1459

From Rainaldus, ad ann. 1460, nos. 1-6.

[ Sigla

II. TEXT AND TRANSLATION

1.

To the cardinals on new cardinals: Messis quidem 2.

To the cardinals on the newly promoted cardinals: Quamvis non dubitamus 3.

To the new cardinals 3.1. Vocati estis 3.2. Maxima third one to the new cardinals on the virtues required of them, the "Vocati estis" with the alternative version, the "Maxima".

Concerning the first oration, the "Messis quidem", Pius wrote in his Commentarii:

Once he was sure he would get much of what he wanted, he convened a sacred consistory on the Wednesday traditionally reserved for debating the creation of cardinals, and spoke as follows: "The Harvest truly is great…" [here follows the text of the oration]. 1 Concerning the "Quamvis non dubitamus" and the "Vocati estis" or rather the "Maxima" he wrote:

Pius called a consistory in the cathedral that Saturday and gave orders that the three new cardinals who were present in Siena should be summoned to attend. Before they entered, he spoke at length about their election, and their individual merits, proving to everyone's satisfaction that their appointment had been both necessary and well deserved. Then the new cardinals came in. Pius had them take their places at the chancel and addressed them with these words: "My sons…" [here follows the text of the "Maxima"]. 2

Themes

Need for a sufficient number of active cardinals

The Council of Constance had decided that the number of cardinals should not exceed 24. By March 1460, three of the places in the College of Cardinals were vacant which was in itself sufficient reason to appoint new cardinals. Moreover, eight cardinals were more or less permanently absent from Rome so that Pius only had 15 cardinals available, and of those several were too old and sick to be useful.

Pius told the cardinals:

The harvest indeed is great, but the labourers are few. Brethren, our harvest is the salvation of souls. The field where we harvest is the Church whose government We have been given by your counsel. We must protect it against Turks and other infidels, and we must uproot the brambles and the weeds -heresies and bad morals that is -if we want to bring an abundant harvest to the Lord's treshing floor and in the end store much wheat, pure and cleansed, in his barn. Together with Us, you are the appointed workmen in this task. But you are few, and several of you are too old and sick to be used by Us. Therefore it is necessary to increase your number and to appoint some others to bolster your feeble strength. ["Quamvis non dubitamus", sect. 1]

Criticism of cardinals

The pope took the opportunity to criticize the cardinals as a body for its habits of high living and conspicuous consumption, a theme to which he would return later during his papacy:

…

Virtues required of cardinals

The virtues which Pius required of the new (and old) cardinals he described in the "Vocati estis" with these words:

We do not ask you to strip yourselves of the old man, but rather to still be him, unless there is something hidden in you which is unsuitable for this honourable office. Until now you have been humble: keep that distinction. You have been chaste: make that virtue grow. You have been sober, abstinent, religious and pious: now these virtues must flourish more than ever. We give you no other precept than be such as you thought cardinals should be, before you yourselves attained this splendid state.

Vocati estis

The oration is included in the Collection of Pius II's Responses (1460):

Manuscripts

• Lucca / Biblioteca Capitolare Feliniana 544, ff. 180r (G) *

• Roma / Archivio Segreto Vaticano Arm. XXXII 1, ff. 64r-64v (J) *

• Roma / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Barb. lat. 1499, ff. 77v-78r Barb. lat. 1692, ff. 99r-99v Chis. J.VII.251, ff. 178r (H) *

Editions

The oration appears not to have been published previously.

Maxima

This text is a heavily edited version of the "Vocati estis". It is only known from Pius' Commentarii, bk. IV, ch. 11, where it forms part of the description of the promotion of new cardinals in March 1460.

• Roma / Accademia dei Lincei Corsinianus 147, ff. 123r-123v

• Roma / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Reg. lat. 1995, ff. 186r-186v

The text was published by Rainaldus -on the basis of "Gobellinus", i.e. the first edition of Pius' Commentarii from 1584/1614:

• Annales ecclesiastici ab anno MCXCVIII ubi Card. Baronius desinit. Auct. Odoricus Raynaldus. Tom. XVIII-XIX. Roma: Varesius, 1659-1663 // ad ann. 1459, nr. 30

Present edition

For principles of edition (incl. orthography) and translation, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 9-10.

Text:

"Messis quidem" and "Maxima": Based on the Reginensis and the Corsinianus, with the Corsinianus as the lead manuscript.

"Quamvis non dubitamus" and "Vocati estis": Based on the three listed manuscripts, with the Chisianus as the lead manuscript.

Pagination:

Pagination is from the lead manuscript.

Sources 1

In these texts, 8 direct and indirect quotations have been identified, all from the Bible.

Biblical: 8 Classical: 0 Patristic and medieval: 0 Contemporary: 0 All: 8

Biblical sources: 8

Old Testament: 3

• Deuteronomy: 1 • Isaiah: 1 • Machabees: 1
New Testament: 5

• Matthew: 2

To the cardinals on appointing new cardinals: Messis quidem

[1] The harvest indeed is great, but the labourers are few. 1 Brethren, our harvest is the salvation of souls. The field where we harvest is the Church whose government We have been given by your counsel. We must protect it against Turks and other infidels, and we must uproot the brambles and the weeds2 -heresies and bad morals that is -if we want to bring an abundant harvest to the Lord's treshing floor and in the end store much wheat, pure and cleansed, in his barn. Together with Us, you are the appointed workmen in this task. But you are few, and several of you are too old and sick to be used by Us. Therefore it is necessary to increase your number and to appoint some others to bolster your feeble strength. Though it is difficult we must take care to select only such men as are worthy of this high office, so that nobody may say: Thou hast multiplied the nation, and hast not increased the joy. 3 If We may [only] give the red hat to those who truly merit it, We would really have to search for them in Heaven. But we are men who have to chose other men since we are not governing Heaven and angels, but Earth and men.

[2] Miramur autem tantam esse petentium turbam, nam quis est clericali caractere insignitus, qui non se dignum cardinalatus honore dijudicet, qui non petat, qui non instet et inter candidatos, ut ita dicamus, videri et esse velit? Nimium viluit haec dignitas, quando vel pueri eam sibi deberi existimant. Fecerunt hoc nostri praedecessores, qui nonnullos prorsus indignos assumpsere. Licet de mortuis loqui: cardinalem Sancti Marci novistis, quem scurram vestri ordinis quidam appellavere. Vos quoque in causa estis, qui non eam gravitatem ac sanctimoniam servatis, quae hoc sit culmine digna [2] We do wonder about the great crowd of candidates, for apparently all men of ecclesiastical rank believe themselves to be worthy of the office of cardinal. Who does not seek it, who does not pursue it, and -to put it that way -who does not want to be and to be seen as a candidate? This dignity has really been devalued if even boys believe that they deserve it. This is a result of the actions of our predecessors promoting several who were completely unworthy. Here it is allowed to speak of the dead: you knew the Cardinal of San Marco whom some called the clown of your order. 1 And to some extent this also applies to you, for you do not maintain the seriousness and holiness of life that this great office deserves. You live as if you had not been chosen to govern the commonwealth, but to enjoy the pleasures of life. You do not avoid hunting, or games, or the company of women. You arrange indecently opulent banquets. Your clothes are far too costly. You fairly swim in gold and silver. You have more horses and servants than necessary. All men seek such delights, and everybody is apt to pursue such pleasures. But if only strictness, seriousness, abstinence, learning, and holiness could qualify people for this high office, much fewer would seek it. But this is how it is: We cannot prevent people from seeking this office -but We can easily prevent them from obtaining it. Consider who are suitable. We Ourselves will determine their number, taking care neither to debase that honourable office by having too many or to fail the needs of the commonwealth by having too few.

Quamvis non dubitamus

Ad cardinales de noviter promotis cardinalibus [3] {176r} Quamvis non dubitamus, venerabiles in Christo fratres ac dilecti {176v} filii, notissimas vobis esse 1 personas 2 eorum 3 , quos feria quarta proxime decursa in sanctae Romanae ecclesiae cardinales assumpsimus, pro veteri tamen consuetudine de meritis ipsorum pauca dicemus. Quinque viri sunt, quos et nos et sacrum collegium fratrum nostrorum ad cardinalatus honorem hoc tempore duximus assumendos.

[ [8] Last comes Francesco,1 administrator of the Church of Siena, our nephew after the flesh, specialist in pontifical law. There is no reason to speek about him both because Our praise would be suspect, and because he was considered worthy of this office not only by Us but also by the cardinals. Since they requested his promotion, We granted it. They will see if their advice was good.

[9] Francesco has been assigned to the order of cardinal deacons, the others to the order of cardinal priests. It is Our hope that this promotion will prove beneficial, for except Our nephew all are of mature age, none being less than forty years old. They have remarkable learning, wisdom, and great experience in all areas. There is no meanness in them, no ambition, no arrogance, and no greed which blinds man and makes him an idolater. Also there is no licentiousness which makes man weak as a woman. They are not given to drunkenness and crapulence. They have defeated vice, and they all have clean hands, sincere souls, and clearseeing, astute minds. Indeed, they are perfectly capable of assisting and advising the Vicar of Jesus Christ. You have now heard whom We have promoted and should now see the three who are present. Go, cardinal deacons, and bring them here to take their seat with you as members of your college.

To the new cardinals

Vocati estis

Ad novos cardinales, qui aderant [10] {178r} Vocati estis, filii, fratres nostri, ad cardinalatus honorem. Magna vobis dignitas credita est. Collegium enim venerabilium fratrum nostrorum, ad quod modo recipiendi estis, nihil aliud est quam Christiani orbis senatus et militantis ecclesiae supremum tribunal. Judicare de religione, de fide, de omni majori causa vestri ordinis est. Curate ut tanto digni fastigio sicut crediti1 estis, ita reperiamini. Non petimus, ut veterem hominem exuatis, sed potius retineatis, nisi si quid est latens, quod tantae gloriae non conveniat. Fuistis humiles hactenus: servate hoc decus. Fuistis casti: augete hanc virtutem. Fuistis sobrii: abstinentes, religiosi, pii, nunc his dotibus maxime pollere oportet. Non dabimus vobis aliam doctrinam, nisi ut tales esse conemini, quales existere cardinales debere judicastis, priusquam ipsi hunc splendorem consequeremini. Amen. [11]

Maxima

Maxima

[11] My sons, the office1 bestowed upon You is a very great and excellent one. You have been called to the Apostolic College to be Our advisors and co-judges of the world. You shall have to judge between blood and blood, cause and cause, leprosy and leprosy. 2 As successors to the apostles you will be seated around Our throne. You will be senators of the City and like to kings. A new Angevin embassy, led by Gerard de Harancourt and Raymond de Puget, arrived in Mantua on 4 January 1460, but was not received by the pope before he left Mantua for Siena. The Angevins followed Pius to that city but had to wait until the month of May before they were given an audience, during the pope's stay at the Baths of Macereto. During this audience they presented the Angevin claims to which the pope responded some days afterwards, back in Siena, with the oration "De regno Siciliae".

In his Commentarii, the pope wrote about the event:

Meanwhile ambassadors from L'Aquila reached the pope, followed soon after by envoys from Jean of Anjou, 2 who urged him to abandon Ferrante and either support the cause of René or withdraw from the war altogether. The ambassadors presented letters from many lords and communes of the Kingdom who were bitterly opposed to Ferrante's regime. When the pope heard them, he said that his sole object in the war was to put a stop to the violence and then settle the quarrel over the Kingdom by mediation. If René would agree to that, hostilities might cease. … And so the envoys departed, with nothing achieved. 3 The Angevin victory at the Battle of Sarno, on 7 July, however, gave Pius such a shock that -in spite of the heroic staunchness expressed in the Commentarii -he did for a moment consider giving in to the French, at least according to the Milanese ambassador at the papal court. And finally, he cited the military pressure exerted by Jacopo Piccinino who at the time fought for King Ferrante.

Concerning the two other Angevin requests, one for military support to King René's cause, and one for withdrawal of papal auxiliary troops from King Ferrante, the pope's main argument was his moral obligation to support the king whom he had himself invested with the Kingdom -at least as long as this investiture had not been proven unlawful.

The pope also rejected the Angevin claim that Ferrante had attacked King René's lands before the Angevins attacked the Kingdom: this claim was unproven and unsubstantiated and therefore it did not release the pope from obligations towards Ferrante incurred under the Italian peace treaties.

The pope declared the Angevin invasion of the Kingdom as illegal and in contravention of his own rights as feudal overlord of the Kingdom. He criticized the Angevin rejection of papal mediation and denounced various Angevin abuses against the papacy.

Several times he reiterated the offer to King René of a fair trial to determine the rights of the case, assuring him of his future support, should it be proven that it was René who had the right to the Kingdom.

In spite of the pope's offer to act as a fair judge in the case, it would have been clear to all that the pope's policies and his alliance with the Duke of Milan to keep the French out of Southern Italy in reality precluded a judgment in favour of King René. The offer of a fair lawsuit was, therefore, not very attractive to the Angevins who instead put their hopes on a continuation of the war.

Date, place, audience, and format

According to Voigt, the oration "De regno Siciliae" was given in May 1460 in Siena. 1 And according to Pius himself, the ambassadors were received after his return to Siena from the Baths of Macereto, which he visited in May.

[ 5 , sibique bene cupimus.

[2] [FV] Firstly, We agree with what you said concerning the nobiility and eminent virtue of the king himself and of the distinguished family of Anjou. 1 We know the high nobility of the family descending from the noble line of Charlemagne2 and the Franks3 . We know its integrity, and We do not deny the excellent merits of the Anjou family in relation to the Roman Church, since the Frankish services to the Christian religion and this Church also distinguish the Angevins. So We feel great love for King René and his House and wish him well.

[ 2. Demand for investiture of King René [4] [FV] When it pleased the Almighty 2 to call Us to the exalted Supreme Apostolate, 3 We did not find the Kingdom of Sicily without a possessor for it was actually in the possession of Ferrante, 4 son of King Alfonso. 5 Our predecessors, the Roman Pontiffs Eugenius IV 6 and Nicolaus V, 7 had granted Alfonso both the investiture, the name of king, the right to name an heir, and the legitimation and habilitation of his son [to inherit] this kingdom. And before he died, Alfonso did appoint Ferrante heir to the kingdom. The barons and cities of the realm were summoned and swore to him. And although Calixtus III, 8 Our immediate predecessor, declared that at the death of Alfonso the kingdom had reverted to the Roman Church, all the nobles and the communities of the kingdom met in Capua, and desiring Ferrante to reign over them they took a new oath of homage to him. No one in the whole Kingdom dissented. Therefore they begged Calixtus, before he died, and Us when We had succeeded him, to ensure peace in the Kingdom by deigning to grant them the king whom the people desired unanimously. 3. Demand for recall of papal troops aiding King Ferrante [9] [FV] But you added a third petition: if We will not send aid to René, then at least We should recall the troops from the Kingdom of Sicily1 which We have sent as aid to Ferrante. And you considered that this one thing could not be refused, as it would be the only fair and just thing to do. We would wish that this were true. Indeed, We really do not like to do anything contrary to the interests of King René and his House, and We do not approve of Our subjects fighting between them. And concerning the troops sent in aid, We should happily be relieved of those costs. But the highest obligation of a prince is to keep faith. We referred, above, to the treaty between the powers of Italy made by Nicolaus in the name of the Apostolic See, and later confirmed by Calixtus and by Ourselves so that the peace of Italy be not disturbed and an immense gate to the Christians be not opened to the Turks. In that treaty it is stipulated that if any party named in the treaty be molested or attacked, the others should come to their aid. We were not at liberty to break this agreement and refuse to help him who sought help by virtue of the treaty.

[ [12] [FV] You said that René had the right to expel him who had earlier expelled him, without consulting the Apostolic See which has direct lordship over the Kingdom. We do absolutely not agree with this, and kings do not act thus towards their own vassals. Maybe it could be tolerated that someone who had recently been expelled from a kingdom -without any changes having afterwards been made by the feudal lord -should quickly attack the one who expelled him. But in the case of the Kingdom of Sicily, the one who had been expelled did not make war on the one who expelled him neither directly after the expulsion, nor at all3 . For it was hardly Ferrante who expelled René: he is the heir of the man who expelled him. And between that expulsion and the beginning of the present war 18 years have passed. Moreover, the status of the Kingdom is no longer the same as at the time of the expulsion for afterwards Eugenius, Supreme Pontiff and overlord of the Kingdom, invested Alfonso with it, legitimating his son and giving him -as We have already said -the right to appoint an heir. All this was confirmed by Nicolaus, and Our own investiture of Ferrante took place only afterwards. If René had shown proper respect for the Bishop of Rome, as he was bound to, then he would certainly not have gone to war in the Kingdom without Our knowledge, but he would have followed the course of law and trial We offered to him. If he had won, he could then have proceed to make war, justly and with Our help. But as you said, he considered that he had the right -even after the long time passed and without the permission of the direct lord -to reclaim with arms the Kingdom which he lost to arms. And he did not fear to war against him whom his overlord, the Supreme Pontiff, had invested. This we consider to be completely illegal. And therefore We decided to come to the assistance of the one who had actual possession [of the Kingdom] and sent Our troops in order to prevent that the one who had been made king by Our authority be deprived of the Kingdom without a proper legal investigation of the matter.

[ [13] [FV] But before deciding to send help, We wished to try the path of mediation. Therefore We sent Our brother, Archbishop Bartolomeo of Ravenna,1 to the Kingdom to persuade both parties to lay down weapons and accept a peace. 2 He was well received by King Ferrante, but treated so contemptuously by the opposite party that they would not even grant him safe passage. Therefore, We could not say no, when the injured king asked for help, since your party would accept neither mediation nor the course of law. As long as the causes for sending auxiliary troops persist, nobody may claim that the troops should be recalled. Thus, you have no reason to complain of Our sending these troops, nor is it not proper for Us to recall them, for they were sent to protect the one who refused neither judgment nor mediation.

Angevin rejection of papal mediation

[ , with orders to read a note to Our legate and other officials wherein he complained of the mission of the Archbishop of Ravenna, declaring that the man We sent to the Kingdom in order to arrange peace and a cessation of hostilities had in reality been sent to act against himself and his followers. He also stated that We Overselves were suspect to him and greatly vexatious. And, using words that do not befit his dignity, he appealed to a future council, ignoring the perils and noose he is moving into. For unless he quickly revokes that appeal, he will undoubtedly incur the punishments and censures stipulated by the decree which, on the advice of the congress, was issued in Mantua against those who appeal to a future council. Out of paternal love, We exhort him to abandon this course and take care not to offend his benevolent mother, the Apostolic See. So, he should not wonder that We do not agree to his wishes since decency and justice prevent it. But he should know that We greatly care for his honour, and that We shall never deny him such petitions as We may honourably grant.

[

Context

After the Congress in Mantua, Pope Pius II went to Siena where he stayed most of 1460.

While there, he received ambassadors from King Enrique IV of Castile,1 with his offers of contributing to the crusade against the Turks.

Pius gave a very short reply to their address,2 the oration "Claritudo sanguinis".

In his Commentarii, he wrote:

… King Henry of Castile and León, who ruled a large part of Spain but had sent the Congress of Mantua an insignificant embassy unworthy of his standing, now sent the bishop of León to the pope together with one of the first nobles of his realm, as if to repair his reputation. These men entered Siena with a splendid retinue; the pope received them at a public consistory where they delivered a speech more distinguished for its lofty elegance than its sincerity. For when they were asked about the extent of their authority, it emerged that they had no power to offer the pope anything for the defense against the Turks.3

Themes

As Pius, possibly with some degree of exasperation, reminded the Spanish ambassadors, an embassy from the king had already the year before come before him and delivered a traditional speech with effusive and lengthy praises of both king and pope. Pius therefore felt that he could dispense with answering those parts of the ambassadors' speech and quickly came to the issue at stake, the crusade.

By now, he was able to see clearly -and to tell the ambassadors -that the Congress of Mantua had failed to unite the European kings and princes in the common cause of a crusade against the Turks:

The Christian princes prefer fighting each other to opposing the enemies of Faith. Some, in their lust for power, drive their neighbours from their homes; others resist being driven away, and all are more concerned about their own injuries than about Jesus Christ. All are occupied with their private matters and neglect the public. Some are slothful and only care for pleasure and enjoyment, totally forgetting about Christian religion. [Sect. 2]

But, unshaken in his belief that the crusade was God's cause, the pope remained staunchlysome would say foolishly -optimistic:

The Saviour's Church shall not lack men who will take arms against the enemies. And though many kings are now sluggish, the Lord will enflame their hearts when He wants to, for He can clothe even nude bones with flesh and put the soul back [in the body] that it left. We are sure, that, among the others, Our dear son, your king, will not desert the faith in which he was born. [Sect. 3] He would become sorely disappointed.

Date, place, audience, and format

The Castilian ambassadors were received by Pope Pius during his long stay in Siena which lasted for most of 1460. It is not known exactly when, but in the Commentarii the event is reported after the initiation of canonical procedures, in autumn 1460, against Archduke Sigismund of Austria and Gregor Heimburg -in connection with the archduke's violent undertakings against the Cardinal of Cues. However, according to Trame, the Castilian ambassadors appeared before the pope in Siena on 17 June, and this date has been retained for the present edition. 1 The venue was, at the pope says, the Cathedral of Siena, and the occasion must have been a public consistory in which participated the cardinals, ambassadors with their retinues, curials, and other interested persons.

The format was a papal response from the throne to an ambassadorial address.

Present edition

For principles of edition (incl. orthography) and translation, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 9-10.

Text:

The present edition is based on the manuscripts from Lucca, the Archivio Segreto Vaticano and the Chisianus, with the Chisianus as the lead manuscript.

Pagination:

Pagination is from the lead manuscript.

Sources 1

In this oration, 7 direct and indirect quotations from various sources have been identified, 6 from the Bible one one from Seneca.

Biblical: 6 Classical: 1 Patristic and medieval: 0 Contemporary: 0 All: 7

Biblical sources: 6

Old Testament: 3

• Job: 1 [3] When We saw the peril threatening the Faith and the calamity hanging over the Commonwealth, We left Our own see and went to Mantua, not without great physical discomfort. What happened there, all Christians knows. There was great hope that Christendom would be brought into safe harbour. But the son of iniquity 1 does not sleep, but goeth about seeking whom he may devour. 2 The old serpent helps his followers. The old one of evil days strives to overthrow all that is done in God's honour. But We trust that Christ will be victorious and that Muhammad's horns will gradually be broken. Christ's Church is built upon solid rock. 3 The winds blow, but they do not destroy the building. The waves overflow Peter's Bark, but they do not sink it. Wild beasts of the wood have invaded the Lord's vineyard, but they shall not gather the vintage, 4 for the Lord has promised that He will be with us even to the consummation of the world. 5 The Saviour's Church shall not lack men who will take arms against the enemies. And though many kings are now sluggish, the Lord will enflame their hearts when He wants to, for He can clothe even nude bones with flesh and put the soul back [in the body] that it had left. We are sure, that, among the others, Our dear son, your king, will not desert the Faith in which he was born. In Mantua, he made magnificent offers, and so he does now. We shall listen, separately, to what else you have to say in his name, and hear, clearly and in detail, his desires, advice, and requests, and We shall in no way fail to grant his just wishes. 1 The devil 2 1. Peter, 5, 8: circuit, quaerens que devoret 3 Matthew, 16, 18 4 Cf. Job, 24, 6 and Psalms, 79, 14 5 Matthew, 28, 20 Advantages to the Romans accruing from the papacy [6] 5.

Pius' return to Rome [7] 6.

Reasons for the delay [8] Pius' 19 th century biographer, Georg Voigt, had this comment on the oration:

Die längere, zum Teil strafende Rede, die er ihnen seinen Commentarien gemäss gehalten haben will, is so unpassend, dass wir sie für eines der oratorischen Kunststücke erklären müssen, mit denen er faule Flecke zu verhüllen pflegt. 1 However, the text of the oration contained in the Commentarii appears to be neither negative nor severe towards the Romans at all, and the judgment of Voigt seems not to be well founded.

Themes

Usefulness of the Congress of Mantua

By autumn 1460, it had become abundantly clear that the Congress of Mantua had been a failure in terms of organizing a crusade against the Turks. This was, of course, a bitter disappointment to the pope, as he himself states, since the European and in particular the Italian princes and powers -for various reasons -did not wish to engage in a war against the Turks.

However, it would also have been made clear to the world that the pope had honestly and energetically endeavoured to fulfil his oath -and the electoral capitulation at the conclave which elected him in 1458 -to make the crusade against the Turks his highest priority. 2 The responsibility for European inactivity versus the Turks was squarely and manifestly placed on the European princes and states.

In his oration Pius said: It is the princes of this world who must be blamed for their indifference: they did not want to hear the Vicar of Christ when he came to take counsel for the Commonwealth. So We returned as victors, not over the Turks, but over all the Christian princes. We may not have gone [to war] against the enemies, as We had wished to, but We do hope that a seed has been sown whose grain we may later harvest. Sweet is the memory of Our labours: God will not deprive Us of their reward. [Sect. 3-4] It was a bitter consolation, but somehow a consolation, not the least to a man who held the honour of the papal office as dear as Pius did.

Advantages to the Romans accruing from the papacy

Another theme, and one Pius would take up again and develop in his later oration to the Roman citizens, the "Ingentes vobis gratias" [61], was the advantages to the Romans accruing from the papacy, not only in terms of the supreme status and prestige of the papacy, but also in terms of economic benefits:

In the oration he said:

You are wise, men of Rome, to respect, revere, and venerate your lord for it is he who gives you fame and wealth and who brings you riches from the whole world. Indeed, the Roman Curia which you nourish nourishes you in return and brings you gold from all countries.

[Sect. 6]

Date, place, audience, and format

The date of the oration is probably 1 October 1460, and the place Viterbo.

The audience consisted of the Roman ambassadors and their retinues, and the cardinals and curials present.

The format was a papal response to representatives of his Roman subjects.

Present edition

For principles of edition (incl. orthography) and translation, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 9-10.

Text:

Though the Commentarii have already been edited a number of times, the text of the oration has -as a matter of principle -been collated directly from both manuscripts, with the Corsinianus as the lead manuscript.

Pagination:

Pagination is from both the lead manuscript.

Sources 1

In this oration 5 direct and indirect quotations from various sources have been identified, all from the Bible.

Biblical: 5 Classical: 0 Patristic and medieval: 0 Contemporary: 0 All: 5

Biblical sources: 5

Old Testament: 3

• Deuteronomy: 2 Pius' response 1. Introduction [1] When We left the City, 1 the people was desolate and crying, and so were We, for the City is Our fatherland just as much as Siena. Indeed the House of the Piccolomini, from which We descend, in former times migrated from Rome to Siena -as witnessed by the frequent occurrence of the names Enea and Silvio in our family. In Rome We were created cardinal and in that City We were raised to the Supreme Pontificate. We saw how greatly the Romans rejoiced when they heard that the Cardinal of Siena had succeeded Calixtus: you are my 2 witnesses that never, within living memory, had the citizens been so happy. 3 [2] Therefore it was extremely hard for Us to leave the City to which We owed so much, especially since We had forebodings of your later troubles. But We had to consider the urgent needs of the Church and the Catholic Faith, which the Turks are aiming to destroy, as well as the fact that the only way to save Christianity was to meet with the princes and plan for defending religion with joint resources and minds. Therefore We set off both unwillingly and willingly: unwillingly because We had to leave Our beloved spouse, 4 and willingly because We were eager to come to the aid of our beloved mother. 5 1 To go to the Congress of Mantua 2 Pius almost always used the plural of majesty in his orations as pope, but not here -probably a lapsus 3 CO, I, 37 (Meserve, II, p. 203): Old men said they had never seen such delight among the people of Rome 4 Rome 5 The Church

Congress of Mantua at least proved the pope's dedication to the defense of Christianity

[3] Though We did not achieve the results We had hoped for, We do not regret the idea and the efforts spent on it. The whole world now knows that what We lacked was not courage, but resources. Now, nobody can accuse Us of staying comfortably in Rome while letting the true Faith be destroyed, for though We are old and burdened with illness, We feared neither cold, nor snow, nor rain. We travelled far and stayed under foreign roofs. 1 We summoned the princes, admonished the peoples, waited long, and did everything We could to provide for the common good. Very few came, and even fewer treasured religion higher than their own comfort. So what can anybody criticize Us for now? [4] It is the princes of this world who must be blamed for their indifference: they did not want to hear the Vicar of Christ when he came to take counsel for the commonwealth. So We returned victorious, not over the Turks, but over all the Christian princes. We may not have gone [to war] against the enemies as We wished to, but We do hope that a seed has been sown whose grain we may later harvest. Sweet is the memory of Our labours: God will not deprive Us of their reward.

Troubles in Rome

[5] But We were greatly worried by the news from Rome. We are grieved at the reports of the many plunders, killings, rapes, and sacrileges perpetrated by your young men. We do not blame you, for you were ready to punish the crimes if only Our own magistrates had been willing. No, We blame those who out of cowardice and indolence let the young men run wild. We commend your loyalty, for though you received many tempting offers, you did not fail in your duties. Indeed you are honest and prudent men, for you staunchly serve your lord, to serve whom is lordship.

[ 5. Pius' return to Rome [7] We are happy that you acknowledge and care for your advantages, and We are happy to be expected by a joyous City since that is where We are going now -and with joy. An hour seems like a year to Us, so intensely do We desire to see the holy walls of the City again, the shrines of the martyrs, the bones of the apostles, the soil irrigated with pious blood, and the dear citizens whom We love as sons. No people is more dear to Us than the Roman people. With desire We desire 3 to be with Our family and peculiar people, 4 in Our own See -and the sooner the better.

[8] Quod si Mantuano peracto conventu non statim huc advolavimus et Senis

Reasons for the delay

[8] There are three reasons that We did not came straight back here after the Congress of Mantua, but stayed for a time in Siena: firstly, We took the baths for reasons of health. Secondly, We did not want to come to Rome during the summer when the climate is harmful and dangerous to people coming from the milder climate in Northern Italy. Thirdly, We wanted to give some relief to the Sienese, exhausted by civil and foreign war, by Our Curia staying there for some time.

To assist them is to assist Rome, too, for Siena is the western wall of Rome. And We have not lied to you or to anybody else, for We are returning when We promised to. Our eagerness to return is even greater than your eagerness to receive Us. We are only staying here 1 for a short period while the necessary preparations for a safe travel are made -for it is unsafe to travel further without a guard. 2 We shall decide the day of departure on the advice of Our brethren, 3 and you will be informed as soon as the decision has been made. 1 In Viterbo 2 The rebellious barons around Rome made it unsafe for the pope to travel without a strong military guard. Indeed, Pius' ally, the Duke of Milan, sent the pope an escort of 500 horse soldiers as his escort to Rome, cf. Sigla

II. TEXT AND TRANSLATION

He did, however, have a problem of public relations: many Romans felt, that if he had not intervened militarily in the Kingdom of Naples on the side of King Ferrante, he would not have incurred the enmity of the Angevins and created the basis for an alliance between Piccinino, the rebellious barons, and the youth in Rome.

The pope therefore summoned representatives of the people at the Apostolic Palace and in the oration "Ingentes vobis quirites" he explained the facts of the matter to them, i.e. why the war in Naples and the war with the barons was unavoidable and not due to his personal bellicosity.

In his Commentarii, Pius wrote about the oration:

… in the City all sorts of things were said about the pope's actions. Many criticized him for the war he had undertaken in support of Ferrante, and the French cardinals 1 were spreading dark rumours. Wishing to have the people's goodwill, Pius then summoned the cardinals and the magistrates and the leading citizens of the City and held the following oration to them [here follows the text of the oration]. When he finished, the Romans were overjoyed, seeing not only the courage and determination of their lord but also the great legitimacy and justice of his actions. They thanked him profusely for explaining to them the origins, the course of the war, and its motives, which many had not known. They put their possessions, their wives, and their children at the disposal of the pope to meet any danger in the evil and unjust war started by enemies.2

Themes

The main themes of the oration are the war between Aragon and Anjou in the Kingdom of Naples and the rebellion of the Ghibelline Roman barons and the youth in Rome. To these are added the pope's defense against accusations of personal bellicosity, and a brief reference to papal supremacy.

Wars

Concerning the war between Aragon and Anjou in the Kingdom of Naples, Pius repeated the arguments in defense of his actions that he had advanced in the oration "Responsuri" [52] to the French ambassadors in December 1459, in Mantua, and in the oration "De regno Siciliae" [58] to the Angevin ambassadors earlier in the same year of 1460, in Siena.

Concerning the Roman rebellion, Pius described the military measures and the intrigues of the condottiero, Jacopo Piccinino, in French service, and his collusion with the Ghibelline barons of Rome, the Savelli and the Colonna, and with the rebellious youth of Rome led by Tiburzio di Maso.

His description of the rebels' plans to attack and plunder the rich citizens of Rome would undoubtedly have made them reflect carefully on whom to support in this conflict, as would the pope's reminder of the enormous economic and other advantages which the presence of the Church government, the Curia, brought to Rome, advantages which would no longer accrue to the City if it rejected papal government.

Defense against accusation of bellicosity

D.S. Chambers1 has presented Pius II as an irascible and surprisingly bellicose pope2 who reveals a fascination or even positive zest for war, although he sometimes attempted to deny it. 3 He therefore took an ambiguous but generally approving stance about papal commitment to military violence. 4 Pius also declared to the cardinals, says Chambers, that he would not engage himself in combat, he was not strong enough 5 -making it appear that the reason he would not fight in person was lack of strength, not lack of will. Chambers also claims that Pius' campaigns may well have reinforced the general trend in contemporary warfare of employing ever more violent firepower.

That Pius had a vivid interest in things military, the res militaris, is confirmed not only by the material used by Chambers, but also by a number of others texts in Pius' works. For example, in his Commentarii, he mentions that his own father in his youth fought in the armies of the Duke of Milan.1 Also, in his orations at the German crusade diets in 1454-1455, he had revealed some knowledge -partly based on classical authors like Vegetius -of military matters. And Chambers understandably quotes the Commentarii where Pius talks about the troop of soliders accompanying him to Tivoli in the summer of 1461:

On the farther bank he was met by Federigo and the Cardinal of Teano with ten squadrons of cavalry who accompanied him as a bodyguard as far as Monte Lucano. The Pope was delighted with the brightness of their arms and the equipment of horses and men. For what fairer sight than troops in battle array? The sun flashed on their shields and from their helmets and crests was reflected a dazzling light. Every armed company seemed a forest of lances. The youth dashed hither and thither making their horses caracole, brandishing their swords, whirling their spears, and making a show of fighting. 2 Furthermore, it is no coincidence that the three princes Pius most admired were great military leaders: Duke Philippe of Burgundy, Duke Francesco Sforza of Milan, and Margrave Albrecht of Brandenburg, whom he had even named the German Achilles for his personal bravery in war and his military expertise.

The claim that Pius was bellicose would appear to be unwarranted, however. The wars he fought in the Church State and in the Kingdom of Naples were vital to the survival of the papacy's temporal dominion which it would be his primary responsibility to defend. 3 4 And the war against the Turks he perceived as necessary to the survival of Christian Europe. So, his wars were not the outcome of a personal penchant for war, but a necessary -and pugnaciously fought -defense of the essential interests of the papacy and of Europe.

In no way was he a bloodthirsty and bellicose personality. His personal attitude to war and enemies -partly based on Cicero -is very well summed up in his oration -or moral treatise -"Non est apud me dubium" [6] And finally, Chambers' claim that Pius' campaigns may well have reinforced the general trend in contemporary warfare of employing ever more violent firepower exaggerates Pius' importance for the development of canons in European warfare: princes and their military advisors were quite able to pursue that development on their own -without the help of the pope. Indeed, the Fall of Constantinople in 1453, seven years before, had been decisively helped by German canon specialists working for the Turkish sultan.

Papal supremacy

As he had done in many responses to princely ambassadors, Pius in this oration, too, affirmed the claim of papal supremacy:

What can be more glorious than to be subjects of the lord who has power over all men, who is the successor of Saint Peter and the Vicar of Jesus Christ, whose feet all kings wish to kiss, and whom God has given the right to open and close the gates to Heaven. [Sect. 1]

Date, place, audience, and format

It is not clear from Pius' Commentarii how soon after his return he summoned the leading citizens of Rome and gave the oration "Ingentes vobis quirites". According to Pastor, the pope returned on 6 October and immediately ("alsbald") summoned the leading citizens to a meeting where he delivered the oration. In view of Pastor's expression "alsbald", the date is given here as the 6 October, but it may have been somewhat later.

The place was the Apostolic Palace.

The audience consisted of the cardinals and the leading citizens of Rome.

The format was a papal oration from the throne to his Roman subjects. In view of the fact that the Roman citizens addressed by Pius probably did not understand Latin at all or very well, it is quite possible that Pius delivered his oration in Italian, though it was written in Latin.1

Text 2

The text is extant in two versions, the Early Version beginning with the words "Fatemur quirites", and the Final Version beginning with the words "Ingentes vobis quirites".

hand as the rest of the manuscript. This incidentally supports the notion that Vat. lat. 1788 was produced before the Chis. J.VIII.286.

The Final Version was also included in Pius' Commentarii from 14631 and is thus contained in the two main manuscripts containing that work:

• Roma / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Reg. lat. 1995, ff. 230v-235v (R)

• Roma / Biblioteca dell'Accademia dei Lincei Corsinianus 147, ff. 152v-156r (S)

Editions and translations

The Final Version, too, was published by Mansi:

• For the Final Version, Sandei used the copy of Cardinal Todeschini Piccolomini, whom he knew personally, the Chisianus J.VI.211.

When more than one version of Pius' orations are extant, the Early Version may usually be considered as the one closest to the oration as actually held. In this case, however, it is possible that the Early version ("Fatemur quirites") was just a draft contained in the Chis. J.VII.251, which Sandei somehow got access to and published in his collection together with the oration actually held, the Final Version ("Ingentes vobis quirites").

Sources 1

In [1] [FV] Citizens, while We were in foreign parts, occupied with public affairs, the unruly youth ran riot in the City, 1 and rapacious barons laid waste to the fields and plotted for a change of regime. 2 But you remained loyal and when We came back, you returned the city to Us safely. For that We owe you immense thanks. We must praise both your loyalty and your prudence: your loyalty because you did not heed those persons who tried to estrange you from your true lord; and your prudence because you have protected your own interests so well. For what can be more advantageous to the City of Rome than to sustain the Curia which in turn sustains you and brings you wealth from everywhere? 3 And what can be more glorious than to be subjects of the lord who has power over all men, who is the successor of Saint Peter and the Vicar of Jesus Christ, whose feet all kings wish to kiss, and whom God has given the right to open and close the gates to Heaven. 4 You are indeed wise to keep faith with a lord to serve whom is to rule. 5

Introduction: Loyalty and prudence of the Romans

1 Urbs = Rome 2 The barons in the Church State more or less permanently plotted to become more independent lord of their papal overlord 3 The presence of the Papal Curia was a major economic advantage to a city because of the consumption (wine, food, housing, clothing etc.) of the court and the curials, the closeness to a great power center, and the great number of visitors. In the classical ages, unsurprisingly, the imperial court had had the same importance to Rome and the Romans, as did the Papal Court in the Middle Ages, see Gregorovius 2. Unjust criticism of the pope [2] [FV] But We have not summoned you here today in order to praise you. Its is for another reason that you have been invited. We hear that many are filling your ears with pernicious and false rumours and accuse Us of loving war because We prefer to have war when We could have peace, and because in the Kingdom of Sicily We are defending a bad cause1 which has resulted in war both within and around the walls of the City, and therefore you suffer through of Our fault. This is why We have found it necessary to summon you to this assembly in order to tell you about the true reasons for this war. Thus you will understand that We both hate war and desire peace and quiet, and that this war is not only just, but has also been forced upon Us by necessity.

469 [3] [FV] We shall not be talking about those dreams and that empty nonsense which delights and sustains Our enemies. No, We shall speak that pure and naked truth which if you could see it directly shines brighter than Lucifer1 and Hesperus2 and alwas wins in the end. For God alone knoweth the hearts of men and searcheth our reins, 3 and He sees and knoweth that We lie not. 4 Nothing is more dear and pleasing to Us than peace, whose name, as the Orator5 says is sweet, the reality brings welfare. 6 During peace laws are obeyed, subjects are looked after, God is served, no one may commit crimes with impunity, virtue is rewarded, and vice gets its just deserts. War, on the contrary, fosters every kind of all evil, and throws the divine and the human into disorder. We detest any war whose end is not peace. We abhor the slaugther of men, We do not thirst for human blood, and it is not the task of Our See to wield weapons or to sow discord. Our heart always desired quiet and peace for Our subjects. But hear now how We were drawn into this war: it will not take long to tell.

470 [4] 3.3. Legal situation [6] [FV] So, either the Kingdom belonged to Ferrante by virtue of his father's testament and was lawfully granted to him. 1 Or it belonged to René, but in that case nothing had been taken from him since the apostolic letter preserved the rights of all other parties. But since there was doubt about the legal issue, and both Ferrante and René advanced a specious title to the Kingdom, it was legitimate to prefer the one who had actual possession of it. 2 If none of them had the right, none of them suffered any damage. But if the Kingdom had indeed reverted [to the Papacy] and Calixtus' declaration was valid, then why could René or anybody else complain that We, together with Our brethren, granted Ferrante the Kingdom which had reverted to the Church? Each time René's ambassadors brought up this matter, both here in Rome, before We left, at the Congress of Mantua, 3 and [afterwards] in Siena, 4 We offered him the course of law.

War in the Kingdom started by King René

But while We were occupied in Mantua with [the crusade] against the Turks, René -trusting more in arms than in justice -sent his son with a strong fleet to the Kingdom, a fleet raised with funds gathered three years before by the Cardinal of Avignon5 from tithes on the French clergy and destined for use against the Turks. He incited the barons of the Kingdom to rebellion, disturbed the peace of those regions, polluted all with robbery, killing, and fire, impeded the expedition against the Turks, and -as far as he could -endeavoured to destroy Christian religion, though We still hope that Our own efforts for the common good will not be have been completely in vain. [7] [FV] Seeing that his subjects were deserting him and that the forces of the enemy grew stronger every day, Ferrante realized his extreme danger and requested help from Us as the direct overlord of the Kingdom. He also invoked the treaty mentioned above, asking Us not to abandon him in his critical need nor to set aside Our promise. So We promised him help, asking him not to despair. But before sending troops into the Kingdom, We dispatched the Archbishop of Ravenna, a serious and just man, 1 to invite both parties to desist from war and seek the path of peace2 either through the mediation of friends or through the course of law. As he was to travel through territories now loyal to René, the archbishop requested a safeconduct from René's son who answered that he had not been sent by his father to seek peace, but to wage war. [7 cont.] [FV] In the meantime, he pressed Ferrante more and more with his troops and was almost at the point of driving him from the Kingdom -so much had the inconstancy and perfidy of the subjects of the Kingdom changed the situation. We considered it to be completely unacceptable if he whom We Ourselves had appointed king should be expelled from his father's kingdom with arms, without a judgment, without a trial, and without a proper investigation of the matter. So We sent troops, not to deprive René of the Kingdom, but to protect Ferrante in his possession of it. We were obliged to do so not only by virtue of the treaty, but also as direct overlord of the Kingdom which belongs to the Roman Church. Though We have not been succesful -for Our troops were defeated, and the enemies have now turned theirs weapons against Us and lay waste to Our lands -We still trust in the justice of Our cause. It is not always the just cause that wins: if victor had the gods on his side, the vanquished had Cato,1 as the Poet2 says.

Ferrante's demand for aid

[
[ 3.6. Legitimacy of the pope's actions [8] [FV] Often, Christians and Jews have fallen in war, fighting for religion. We declare that all victories come from God, but some are ordained by Him, whereas others are only allowed. And We cannot penetrate the secrets of God whose judgments are a great deep. 1 But as men must judge, nobody can say that Our war is unjust. It is true that Our side was defeated once2 , but this happened because it was God's will, not because the enemy['s cause] was just -nay, it is rather the height of injustice. As the prophet says, The Lord hath chastised me: but he hath not delivered me over to death; 3 Many are the afflictions of the just; but out of them all will the Lord deliver them. 4 There is no reason to discuss the justice of the cause of the adversary since he has rejected the justice offered by the true judge, chosen the course of violence, and taken arms in spite of the prohibition of the overlord. That action has deprived our adversary of any rights he may have had, especially since it interfered with Our own efforts for the defense of the Faith against the Turks, as We have said. Thus, citizens, you clearly see the justice of Our cause and that We leave our adversaries no ground for legitimate complaints.

[9] [EV] Sed audite ulterius, si nos de ipso justam habemus querelam vel de suo genitore. Praeterimus quod scripta multa contra nos et legationes miserit ad reges 1 et populos nostram innocentiam accusans. Tacemus illud quod paulo ante attigimus, quod conventui Mantuano et fidei defensioni 2 plurima 3 impedimenta praestititerit. Tacemus, quod Jacobum Piccininum ad sua stipendia conduxerit, qui vexilla ecclesiae sine nostro jussu deferre ausus est. Tacemus alia multa, ut breviores simus. [9] [FV] Nunc quas ipsi nobis injurias intulerint, audite. Praeterimus scripta multa, quibus nomen nostrum dehonestare conati sunt, et legationes ad concitandos contra nos principes missas. Tacemus impedimenta 4 expeditioni contra Turcos apparandae, quae possunt trahi ad causam fidei. Omittimus Jacobum Piccininum eis militantem vexilla nostra injussu nostro detulisse Aesculanamque urbem nobis furto surripere temptavisse. Silemus alia multa, ut breves simus.

1 nationes G1 2 dissensioni G1 3 multa G1 4 praestita add. D, G2, R, S 483 4. Rebellion of the Roman barons and the youth in Rome 4.1. Actions of Jacopo Piccinino [9] [FV] Hear now what injuries they have inflicted upon Us. We pass over the many writings wherein they endeavoured to blacken Our name, as well as the embassies sent to other princes to stir up opposition against Us. We remain silent on the obstacles to Our preparations for the crusade against the Turks, and what they could contribute to the cause of Faith if they wished to. We pass over how Jacopo Piccinino while fighting for them 1 hoisted Our standards without Our command and tried to steal the City of Ascoli from Us. And for the sake of brevity, we remain silent on many other things as well.

[ 1 omnino G12 erat G13 deprensi G14 Urbinos B, C5 urbem ingredi : ingredi urbem G2 485 [10] [FV] But We cannot pass over that the same Piccinino has just informed Us that he now fights for Duke Jean of Calabria, 1 and that he has received orders to attack not just the Orsini, 2 but Us, too, and Our subjects, the Romans, the City, and the whole Patrimony of Saint Peter. 3 Until now he has done less than ordered to, but now he will do as ordered and lay waste to all with fire and sword. Inded, from prisoners taken and from letters of the conspirators having fallen by divine intervention into Our hands, We now know that Jacopo Piccinino had agreed with Tiburzio 4 and several barons from around the City to devastate the Roman territory, to pillage Tivoli, 5 to enter the City through gates opened by the youth, to plunder the homes of the officials of the Curia, the merchants, and the wealthy citizens, to take the Camerlengo6 prisoner and divide his fortune between them, to kill Our nephew, 7 to rape your daughters and wives, to carry off your sons to military service, and to do many other horrible things. And they would undoubtedly have done so if Our army had not hastened back from Abruzzo to face the rapidly approaching Piccinino, and We Ourselves had not returned quickly to the City.

[ [13] [FV] So, We do not love battles; We do not willingly make war; and it is not a trifling cause that We are fighting for. No, We have gone to war to protect the Faith and to preserve the authority of the Church. Citizens, We have gone to war for the peace of Our subjects, for the safety of Our citizens, for your hearths, your altars, your wives, and your children. And We are not the first to have taken up arms for the Kingdom of Sicily which belongs to the Church. Almost all of you will remember Eugenius IV1 and Martin V,2 as your fathers would remember popes like Clemens, Bonifacius, and Nicolaus. 3 Which of them did not go to war in order to keep the kings appointed by them in possession of the Kingdom -to the honour of the Apostolic See? So, away with false rumours, and let those be silent who accuse Us of fighting without good cause. And you, beloved sons, do not hear such voices. Restrain the evil-speakers. Only lend your ears to those who speak the truth. If any pope ever loved tranquility and cherished this city's peace, it is We, who love Rome as Our own fatherland. The dignity of Our See makes Us consider and respect you as sons, the love of Our fatherland as brothers, and the glory of Our ancestors as parents. For We, too, are of Roman origin: the House of Piccolomini, from which We descend, migrated to Siena from this City as witnessed by the very frequent occurrence of the names of Aeneas and Silvius in Our family.

Conclusion

[14] [FV] Our adversaries claim that We hate this city. 1 On what grounds do they say this? Here, in this City, is the origin of Our family; the Romans and the Sienese were always friends. Here We were ordained priest, 2 here We were appointed bishop, 3 here We became a cardinal, 4 and here We were elevated to the Supreme Apostolate. 5 Who could hate a city where he had received such great honours, where he was always loved, and never harmed? We love you, citizens, and We esteem you above all other men. Our greatest desire is to heap honours and wealth on the Roman people. But this is not possible without peace, and that is why We have always sought peace. But when justice and necessity require it, We are ready not only to fight, but to give Our life to preserve the dignity and honour of Our See, and the glory of this City. However, We have never refused and shall never refuse an honest and honourable peace.

This, citizens, is what We wanted you to know. We have recited a leaf of the Sibyl. 6 Anyone who claims the opposite is a liar and false. Do not listen to liars, and do not let a few setbacks discourage you. After the storm comes peace. Bear up a little more 7 : this war will soon be over, and sweet peace will be restored, to your glory and Ours. Like many of his predecessors, Pius II systematically promoted the interests of his family, andin Pius' case -also those of his home city, Siena. 2 He appointed many Sienese to official positions in the Papal States and at the Curia, and in 1460, he bestowed the papal "Golden Rose" on the city government of Siena, granted it the city of Radicofani, and raised Siena from a diocese to an archdiocese.

In 1461, the time had come to grant the city another saint, Catherine of Siena, besides Bernardino da Siena who had been canonized by Pius' predecessor, Nicolaus V, in 1450. As canonizations at that time were much less frequent than in later periods, the canonization of two saints from Siena in eleven years was quite remarkable, as Pius himself says in the oration.

Catherine of Siena was actually quite worthy of being proclaimed a saint. Indeed, her canonization was a popular measure since she was already considered a saint in parts of Europe, 3 and her role in the restoration of the papacy was generally believed to have been quite important. 4 Her canonization had been prepared by former popes, 5 and Pius himself had already discussed it at the Congress of Mantua 6 where it met with some resistance from the Franciscans who preferred the canonization of one of their own, friar Giovanni da Capistrano. 7 Pius does not mention it in his oration, but Catherine of Siena had actually been a great believer in the idea of a crusade, and in that sense her canonization might indirectly promote the crusade project so dear to Pius. 8 In his Commentarii, Pius wrote about the event and the oration:

Meanwhile the pope had been asked by his fellow citizens to enroll the blessed Catherine of Siena among the holy virgins of Christ; 9 he called a meeting of the bishops then in Rome, where three cardinals who had investigated her life and miracles reported all that they had learned. When the assembly was asked its opinion, they unanimously approved her canonization. Pius had a stage erected in Saint Peter's Basilica: here, after celebrating mass, he delivered a sermon on the merits of the maid. 1 This we will not insert here, since it is included in the volume of his collected speeches. When he had finished, he decreed that Catherine be enrolled with the usual ceremonies in the catalogue of sainted virgins, and he established an annual feast day in her honour. He granted a seven-year indulgence to all who visited the tomb where her bones are kept. The cardinals, bishops, and other prelates present all voiced their approval. He himself dictated the bull of canonization which is included in the volume of his collected letters. 2 Pius' contemporary biographer Campano just wrote that, with splendid ceremony, 3 he entered the name Catherine of Siena, who was said to have performed many miracles, in the list of holy virgins.4

Themes

The four major themes of the oration are Concerning the concept of holiness, Pius distinguishes between three subconcepts:

•
• holiness in the senses of "religious"

• holiness in the sense of "inviolable" (e.g. ambassadors), and • holiness in the sense of "divine"

Concerning the concept of canonization, Pius carefully explains that the canonization is not an act by which the Church makes somebody a holy saint, but a declaration that the Church believes somebody to be a holy saint, having already entered Heaven, and allows worship of the saint in the form of veneration (cultus duliae), but not of worship which is reserved to God (cultus latriae). The Church also allows the faithful to pray to the saints for their intercession with God. This is quite important, since the veneration of saints and prayers for their intercession give people hope for divine assistance, and therefore they form the basis for a whole system of religious beliefs and practices and for a large economy or industry of holiness, viz. pilgrimages, sale of relics, and offerings to the saints and the churches where they are buried. There was also a political dimension of sainthood when a royal or princely family wanted to improve its reputation and legitimacy through the canonization of one its members. Canonizing saints and regulating their veneration are therefore significant elements and symbols of papal power.

Pius also explains why it is the Roman See that has the sole right to canonize people. If it was up to the people or local authorities to decide who was a saint or not, it was likely that quite unworthy persons might gain the status of saints -as had indeed happened a number of times.

Concerning the life and miracles of Saint Catherine, Pius is not sparing in his praise. He does not dwell overly on the miracles, though.

As might be expected, however, he describes in some detail Catherine's contribution to the return of the papacy from Avignon to Rome. It had not been forgotten by the papacy, and indeed her achievement in this respect had been of the utmost importance to the development of the papacy. In the context of an ongoing war of succession in the Kingdom of Naples, where Pope Pius II and the Duke of Milan had made an alliance to keep the French out of Italy (and implicitly to prevent the return of the papacy to Avignon after the election of a French pope), the pope's insistence on Saint Catherine's role in the return of the popes from Avignon to Rome was highly politically significant.

Concerning the canonization of Saint Catherine, Pius carefully points out that all the usual criteria of sainthood are present in this case and that the canonization is requested by the faithful and approved by the hierarchy. He may have felt this declaration to have been necessary in view of his rather unhibited expressions of local, Sienese patriotism in connection with the canonization, even in the papal canonization bull.

Present edition

For principles of edition (incl. orthography) and translation, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 9-10.

Text:

The edition is based on the manuscripts listed above with the siglum, with the Chisianus J.VIII.284 as the lead manuscript.

Pagination:

Pagination follows the lead manuscript.

Textual apparatus:

The variants common to the manuscripts H, L, R, T, i.e. the manuscripts with the Cardinal Nephew's Anthology of Pius II's major orations from 1464, are given in bold types.

Sources 1

In this oration, 23 direct and indirect quotations from various sources have been identified, of which 16 from the Bible and 6 from classical sources. Patristic and medieval sources: 1

• Decretum Gratiani: 1

Contemporary sources: 0

Pro Archia Thebais Aeneis 522 [9] Nostri vero antecessores idonei dispensatores ministeriorum Dei omnia secundum ordinem statuerunt. Ii 1 cum animadverterent defunctorum memoriae modo imagines, modo statuas, modo etiam fana dicari et sacra peragi, veriti 2 ne plebes deciperentur aut daemonibus 3 aut damnatis animabus litantes, eos tantum pro sanctis colendos esse mandavere, quos Romana primaque sedes recepisset, quae non levi rumore aut opinione vana, sed maturo consilio et longa digestione sanctorum canonizationes admittit, nec sanctum aut beatum aut immortalem effecit 4 quem canonizat, sed sanctificatum a Deo, immortalem factum, ac beatitate donatum esse declarat.

[10] Neque hodie demum beata virgo Catherina caelum ingreditur, sed tum 5 [9] But as proper dispensers of the ministries of God, Our predecessors established an orderly practice: when they saw that people sometimes dedicated images, statues, and even shrines to the memory of the dead and performed sacred rites to them, they feared that people would be deceived into making offerings to demons or damned souls. Therefore they decided that only those who had been accepted as saints by the Roman and First See might be revered as saints. This See only permits the canonization of saints after mature deliberation and lengthy procedures, and not on the basis of superficial rumour or fickle public opinion. And when it canonizes a person, it does not make it holy or blessed or immortal, but only declares that he or she is made holy and immortal and blessed by God Himself.

[10] Moreover, the blessed virgin Catherine does not enter Heaven today for she already entered it when she left this world. Nor is it only on the last day of the great judgment that the Lord Saviour says: Come, ye blessed of my Father, possess you the kingdom. 1 No, whenever people die well and piously, he says: My saints, who fought when you were in the flesh, I shall reward you for your labours. 2 Nobody will deny that this is what he said to the blessed Catherine when she left the prison of the body, saying: Lord, into thy hands I commend my spirit. 3 Thus, today We do not make this virgin holy, but We only declare that she is holy and may be venerated publicly.

Concerning her merits We shall only say a few things now, since you have heard so many and so great things about her life and miracles over the last days. But it is not proper to completely omit her praises at this solemn feast of her canonization. So let Us just say a few words -We believe that you will hear them gladly. 3.2. Asceticism [13] What shall We say about her austerity of life? We admire Moses and Eliah who were able to fast for 40 days: this virgin extended the fast from Ash Wedneday to Pentecost, having the Eucharist for her only food. We admire the abstinence of an Antonius, a Paulus, a Macharius, and a Hilarion who only ate cabbages and legumes: this virgin ate even less, subsisting, for almost eight years on vegetable juice, and she was even only able to keep a little of it down. We admire the Brahmans, the Indian gymnosophists, who are reported to sustain both cold and hot weather, though nude: this virgin suffered even more, though clothed, for she lay on hard bed, slept neither day or night, and did not rest even for a twentieth part of her time. She disciplined her flesh with knotted strings, had almost permanent headache, burnt from fever, and suffered back pain. She also fought with demons and was much plagued by them. But even in such difficult circumstances she did not neglect the works of charity. She assisted people who were treated badly; she rebuked sinners and called them to penitence; she made peace among people quarrelling; and she gladly gave precepts for salvation to all.

Role in the return of the papacy to Rome

[14] She even went to Avignon in a matter of peace for the Florentines. The Italians owe her thanks because it was through her efforts that the Roman Curia returned to them. Hear it, Romans, hear it, all of you for it is a matter worthy of being recorded in the sacred annals and an important event in recent history. For 74 years the Roman Curia had been residing in foreign country, beyond the Alps. 1 The Apostolic See passed through many hands and finally came to Gregory XI,2 whom many consider to be a saint. When he rebuked a bishop for living far away from his church and spouse, the bishop answered him: "Why do you rebuke me, Holy Father, when You yourself do not stay with your own Church, and much more than I disdain your spouse who is far away from you?" The Pontiff was struck by this answer as if it was a rebuke from God. He went into his private rooms in the palace, and when he was alone he swore to God that he would return to Rome as soon as possible, telling nobody about it. But when he tried to leave, the King of France [15] This virgin also had the spirit of prophecy and predicted many things before they happened. Apart from the vow of Gregorius, she revealed many other hidden things, too. Frequently her spirit left the body, and floating above the ground she enjoyed the vision of God. She cured many melancholics. She commanded fevers and other illnesses in the name of Christ. For these reasons, two Roman Pontiffs, Gregory whom We have just mentioned, and Urban VI,1 held her in the greatest esteem, used her on missions, and granted her many and great spiritual boons of grace.

Miracles

Canonization of Catherine of Siena

[16] Oh glorious and blessed virgin, who has so greatly contributed to the reputation of our fathers and has adorned the City of Siena so magnificently. We rejoice, brethren, and are proud that this splendid honour has been given to Our fatherland after the flesh and that, in our time, two Sienese have been inscribed in the Heavenly Jerusalem. It is a rare distinction, indeed, and otherwise unheard of in our time. Bernardino,1 who came from a noble family in Siena, was entered into the catalogue of the Holy Confessors of Christ by Our predecessor, Supreme Pontiff Nicolaus V. You yourselves have not only heard from others about his excellent virtues and admirable works, but you have seen them yourselves for he was renowned in your own time and filled the world with his teaching. And Catherine, a native daughter of the same city, We Ourselves shall now declare to be among the virgins pleasing to God and given to Heaven. Though she died 80 years ago, her fame is so great and illustrious as if she had died only some days ago. For great deeds are not easily forgotten.

[17] Catherine and her signs and miracles are told, admired, and celebrated not only by the people of Siena, where she was born and grew up, or of Rome where she died, but also by the people of Florence, Pisa, Lucca, Genoa, and even Avignon beyond the Alps where she lived for a time in great honour. Also the Venetians bear witness to this virgin, moved by the wonderful odour of her virtues. The splendour of her holiness has even reached the Germans and the Hungarians. Indeed the King of Hungary, the Duke of Austria, and the Bishop of Passau have sent envoys and letters to Our predecessors requesting her canonization. And the August Emperor of the Romans, Friedrich, 2 Our dear son in Christ, has begged Us to do the same.

[ In 1458, the fourteen year old Princess Charlotte de Lusignan, succeeded her father, Jean II, on the throne of Cyprus. She was crowned on 7 October, and a year afterwards she married her cousin, Louis de Savoie, who arrived in Cyprus on 4 October 1459 and was crowned king. The couple was not to enjoy their lordship over Cyprus for long, for already the year after, in 1460, the queen's illegitimate halfbrother, Jacques II de Lusignan, claimed the kingdom for himself.

Louis was besieged in the castle of Kyrenia, and Charlotte fled to Europe to raise help to regain the kingdom.

First she came to Rome, in October 1461. She was received by Pius II on the sixteenth2 and made her plea to him for help. 3 Pius responded courteously, in the oration "Pone lacrimas", and provided money and horses for her travel to her father-in-law, Louis I of Savoy, who gave her a very cool reception, whereafter she returned dejectedly to Cyprus.

The royal couple was finally deposed in 1464 and came to Europe. Charlotte died in Rome, in 1484.

Themes

In his oration, Pius gave the queen words of comfort and assurance of aid for her further travel.

However, he could not resist the temptation to blame her misfortunes on the unfriendly attitude towards the papacy of the House of Savoy, and especially the refusal of Duke Louis I of Savoy to contribute to the crusade. It also rankled the pope that Charlotte's husband had not made an appearance at the Congress of Mantua on his way to Cyprus in September 1459.

The pope said:

Your sufferings are cruel, but not rare. The throne of a realm is unstable. No power lasts long. Fortune rejoices in elevating some and tearing others down, and now it is playing with your family: it has given the throne to your brother and sent you into exile. We believe that you are expiating the sins of your father-in-law and your husband. For when your father-in-

  Collected Orations of Pope Pius II. 12 vols. Edited and translated by Michael von Cotta-Schönberg.

  The concept of holiness • The concept of canonization • The life and miracles of Catherine of Siena, and • The canonization of Catherine of Siena

  Jus etiam, quod quicumque de terris Ecclesiae, seu Tusciae, vel Lombardiae, aut Romanae Ecclesiae fideles in comitatibus, civitatibus, terris, castris, villis, seu locis a sede Apostolica seu a Regibus, seu principibus sibi concessum obtinent, nec non jus, quod privati a jure, vel per processus apostolicos olim habebant, si eos ad illud apostolica auctoritate legitime restitui contingat, etiam penitus salvum erit, nec per praesentem regni & terrae concessionem comitatuum, seu aliorum concessorum hujusmodi cuiquam quoad proprietatem et possessionem praejudicium aliquod generetur, regio jure in his omnibus semper salvo [Margin note: Jura sua cunctis illaesa servanda]. Rainaldus, ad ann. 1458, nr. 30; Müller, pp. 698-708 2 Actually, already in 1445 Eugenius IV may have expressed -in a declaration to the French ambassadors -the intention not to prejudice the rights of the House of Anjou, see Du Fresne de Beaucourt, IV, pp. 222: Eugène répondit que, pour éviter un plus grand mal et conjurer un péril imminent, il avait été obligé de céder aux exigences du roi your pious king and you yourselves have been told nonsense since you believe that We have deprived the glorious House of France of the kingdom, whereas in fact We have deprived nobody of it and have deprived nobody of their rights. [Sect. 44]

So, why are We being slandered? What are We rebuked for? Who does not understand that 1 Papal bull Divina disponente clementia of 10 November 1458 bestowing the Kingdom of Naples upon King Ferrante, with the reservation of others' including King René's rights: d'Aragon, mais qu'il n'entendait pas préjudicer au droit de la maison d'Anjou. See also Pope Calixtus' words to the Milanese ambassador [in Pastor's translation]: Wir hätten noch härter gegen ihn [King Ferrante] vorgehen und ihm jedes Recht aus Nachfolge absprechen sollen. Das haben Wir nicht thun wollen, aber zur Vertheidigung der Rechte der Kirche haben Wir diese gerechte und heilige Bulle erlassen … In derselben haben Wir seine [King Ferrante's] Rechte, wie diejenigen der anderen Prätendenten reserviert, denn Jedem soll sein Recht werden (Pastor, I, p. 602)

  in any way to the crusade, so Pius' exhortation to them to give their advice on this matter was really a challenge: Help us, ambassadors; turn your minds towards, be open to, and think of ways to solve not only the conflicts concerning this kingdom, but also the other conflicts between Christians. Let Us hear your advice; indeed We attach the greatest importance to your judgments. Do not fail Us, do not fail Christ, for this matter is Christ's own. [Sect. 55] … We are waiting to hear how you will contribute to the quest for peace. You are acting on behalf of a great and mighty king, and much depends on you. [Sect. 57] …. Let Us hear what comfort you are bringing in these calamities. We do not doubt that you hold great things in trust. Please give your advice on what should be done about peace between Christians and war against Turks, and do fulfil the hopes kindled by your arrival. [Sect. 58]

1 CO, I, 36 (Meserve, I, pp. 187-189). See also Nowak, pp. 415-426 2 On Pius' crusade, See Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 6.1.1.

themselves

  • Labbé, Philippe, Gabriel Cossart, Etienne Baluze, Niccolò Colet, Jean Hardouin: Sacrosancta Concilia Ad Regiam Editionem Exacta quae olim quarta parte prodiit auctior. Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, in qua praeter ea quae P. Labbeus et G. Cossartius et novissime N. Coleti in lucem edidere, ea omnia insuper suis in locis optime disposita exhibentur quae J. D. Mansi evulgavit. Ed. Novissima ab eodem Patre Mansi curata Accedunt etiam notae, et dissertationes quamplurimae, 31 vols. Florentiae, Venetiis: 1759-1798 / T. 32: 1798. Facs. Ed., Paris, 1902, Coll. 230-251 [Reproduces Labbé]

	• London / British Library Add. MS 22161, ff. 2r-36r (L) * • Lucca / Biblioteca Capitolare Feliniana Ms. 541, ff. 167r-181r 1 (N) * T. XIX. Venetiis: Albrizzi & Colet, 1732 / Coll. 203-205 • Madrid / Biblioteca de Palacio [Reproduces d'Achery] [Reproduces d'Achery]
	• Mansi, Giovanni Domenico:
	• Göttingen / Niedersächsische Staats-und Universitätsbibliothek
	8 Philos 88, ff. 136r-163v
	• Liege / Bibliothèque du Grand Séminaire
	6.H.6, ff. 186r-201v (O) *

• Pius II: Orationes politicae et ecclesiasticae. Ed. Giovanni Domenico Mansi. 3 vols. Lucca: Benedini, 1755-1759 / II, pp. 40-77 1 • De regni Neapolitani jure pro Tremollio duce. 1647. / Nr. 4, pp. 15-39 • Chroniques relatives à l'histoire de la Belgique sous la domination des ducs de Bourgogne. T. I. Bruxelles: Hayez, 1870, pp. 367-394 • De Tummulillis da Sant'Elia, Angelo: Notabilia temporum. Cur. Constantino Corvisieri. Roma, 1890 / pp. 233-264 [On the basis of the ms. Roma / Archivio delle Eccma Casa Boncompagni / F, 7, with corrections from BAV Chis. J.VIII 284, see below]

  1

  2

  3

  4

  5

  6

  8

  9

Pontificis Maximi data in concilio Mantuano oratoribus Caroli regis Franciae 1

  Abulafia, David: Ferrante I of Naples, Pope Pius II and the Congress of Mantua (1459). In: Montjoie. Studies in Crusade History in Honour of Hans Eberhard Mayer, ed. by B.Z. Kedar et al.[1] {119v} Responsuri 2 verbis vestris, insignes 3 oratores, quae superioribus diebus ad nos 4 habita 5 longe plura continuerunt6 , quam scripta nobis postmodum 7 reddita 8 , non audemus cum salvatore nostro9 dicere: Quis vestrum10 de peccato nos arguet? Sumus enim peccatores, non negamus, et iniquitate circumdati. Solus ille bonus, solus11 immaculatus et innocens agnus, solus irreprehensibilis in hoc mundo versatus est, quem digito Johannes12 ostendit dicens: Ecce agnus Dei, ecce qui tollit peccata mundi. Possumus 13 tamen et audemus his 14 verbis uti, quibus salvator usus est cum impie nefarieque caederetur: Si male locutus sum, testimonium perhibe15 de malo; si autem bene, quid me caedis?

	6. Bibliography
	Città del Vaticano, 1984 (Studi e testi; 312-313)
	Aldershot, 1997, pp. 235-249
	• Commentaries. Ed. M. Meserve and M. Simonetta. Vols. 1 ff. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
	Ady, Cecilia M.: Pius II (AEneas Silvius Piccolomini) -the Humanist Pope. London, 1913 University Press, 2003 ff.
	Annales ecclesiastici ab anno MCXCVIII ubi Card. Baronius desinit. Auct. Odoricus Raynaldus. Tom. Pius II: Orationes. [1436-1464]
	XVIII-XIX. Roma: Varesius, 1659-1663 1
	• Pius II: Orationes politicae et ecclesiasticae. Ed. Giovanni Domenico Mansi. 3 vols. Lucca:
	Benedini, 1755-1759
	• Bracciolini, Poggio: 1 11
	De officiis 1; Philippicae 1 5 adhibita S
	Phonissae 6 omit. N, S
	Odyssey 7 nobis postmodum : postmodum nobis O
	Carmina 8 sunt add. I; sunt add. in marg. L
	De bello civili 9 salvatore nostro : nostro salvatore M
	Catilina 10 nostrum J
	De vitis Caesarum / Julius 11 ille add. O
	De obitu Ambrosii 12 digito Johannes : Johannes digito V
	Epistolae 13 possemus P, AC
	Chronica 14 ipsis AC
	Invectiva in delatores 15 testimonium perhibe : perhibe testimonium O

• Otto von Freising: 4 10 Contemporary sources: 1 Baldi, Barbara: Pio II e le trasformazioni dell'Europea cristiana (1457-1464). Milano, 2006 Boulting, William: AEneas Silvius (Enea Silvio de' Piccolomini -Pius II.) -Orator, Man of Letters, Statesman, and Pope. London, 1908

Bracciolini, Poggio: Invectiva in delatores.

• In: Poggius Bracciolinus: Opera Omnia. A cura di R. Fubini. 4 vols.

Torino, 1964-1969.

(Monumenta politica et philosophica rariora; ser. 2, nr. 5). / T. II, pp. 170 ff.

Burley, Walter: Liber de vita et moribus philosophorum. • Gualteri Burlaei Liber de Vita et Moribus Philosophorum mit einer altspanischen Übersetzung der Eskorialbibliothek herausgegeben von Hermann Knust. Stuttgart: Litterarischer Verein, 1886. (Bibliothek des Litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart; 177) Chroniques relatives à l'histoire de la Belgique sous la domination des ducs de Bourgogne. T. I. Bruxelles: Hayez, 1870 Combet, Joseph: Louis XI et le Saint-Siège (1461-1483). Paris, 1903 Cotta-Schönberg, Michael von & Anna Modigliani: Nicholas V's only surviving oration the Nihil est of 24 March 1447. In: Roma nel Rinascimento, 2016, pp. 271-288 • Otto Bischof von Freising: Chronik der Geschichte der zwei Staaten. Übersetzt von Adolf Schmidt. Herausgegeben von Walther Lammers. Berlin, 1960 Paparelli, Gioacchino: Enea Silvio Piccolomini (Pio II). Bari, 1950 (Biblioteca de cultura moderna; 481) Pastor, Ludwig: Geschichte der Päpste im Zeitalter der Renaissance. 16 vols. Freiburg i.B., 1886-1933 Pellicia, Alessio Aurelio: In orationem Andreae de Sancta Cruce Commentarius praevius. In: Raccolta di varie Croniche, Diari et altri Opuscoli così italiani, come latini, appartenenti alla storia del Regno di Napoli. Tom. IV. Napoli, 1782, pp. 299-328 Pellicia, Alessio Aurelio: Raccolta di varie Croniche, Diari et altri Opuscoli così italiani, come latini, appartenenti alla storia del Regno di Napoli. Tom. IV. Napoli, 1782 Petriboni, Pagolo di Matteo & Matteo di Borgo Rinaldi: Priorista (1407-1459). Ed. By Jacqueline A. Gurwirth. Roma, 2001 Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: Europa. [1458] • Enee Silvii Piccolominei postea Pii II de Europa. Ed. A. van Heck. Città del Vaticano, 2001. (Studi e testi; 398) • Enea Silvio Piccolomini: Europa. Herausg. von G. Frank und P. Metzger. Übersetzung von A. Hartmann. Heidelberg, 2005 • Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini: Europe (ca. 1400-1458). Transl. by Robert Brown. Washington, DC, 2013 Picotti, Giovanni Battista: La dieta di Mantova a la politica de' Veneziani. Venezia, 1912 Pillinini, Giovanni: Il sistema degli stati italiani, 1454-1494. Venezia, 1970. (Seminario di Storia, Studi e Ricerche; 1) • Commentarii rervm memorabilivm que svis temporibus contigervnt. Ed. A van Heck. II vols. • Collected Orations of Pope Pius II. Edited and translated by Michael v. Cotta-Schönberg. 12 vols. 2019-2020 Rainaldus SEE Annales Regis Ferdinandi et aliorum epistolae ac orationes utriusque militiae. [Vico Equense, 1586] Reinhardt, Volker: Pius II. Piccolomini -Der Papst, mit dem die Renaissance begann. München: Beck, 2013 Ryder, Allan: Alfonso the Magnanimous, King of Aragon, Naples, and Sicily, 1396-1458. Oxford, 1990 Setton, Kenneth M.: The Papacy and the Levant. Vols. 1-4. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1976-1984 (Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society; 114+161-162) Soranzo, G.: La Lega Italica (1454-1455). Milano, 1924 Stieber, Joachim W.: Pope Eugenius IV, the Council of Basel and the Secular and Ecclesiastical authorities in the Empire -the Conflict over Supreme Authority and Power in the Church. Leiden, 1978. (Studies in the History of Thought; 13) Stolf, Serge: Les Lettres et la Tiare. E.S. Piccolomini -un humaniste au XVe siècle. Paris, 2012. (Etudes et Essais sur la Renaissance; 98) Van Den Baar, P.A.: Die kirchliche Lehre der Translatio Imperii Romani bis zur Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts. Roma, 1956 (Analecta Gregoriana; 78) Villeneuve Bargemont, F.L. de: Histoire de René d'Anjou, Roi de Naples, Duc de Lorraine et Comte de Provence. Paris, 1825, t. I. Voigt, Georg: Enea Silvio de' Piccolomini als Papst Pius der Zweite und sein Zeitalter. 3 vols. Berlin, 1856-63 Werner, Karl Ferdinand: Les origines -avant l'an mil. Paris, 1984. (Histoire de France; 1) Zimolo, Giulio C. (ed.): Le vite di Pio II di Giovanni Antonio Campano e Bartolomeo Platina. Bologna: Zanichelli, 1964. (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores; t. III, p. II) 7. Sigla A = Roma / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana / Chis.I.VIII. 284 B = Roma / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana / Vat. Lat. 1788 C = Roma / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana / Chis.I. VIII. 286 D = Roma / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana / Chis.I.VI. 211 I = Paris / Bibliothèque Nationale / Nouv. Acq. lat. 3198 J = Venezia / Bibl Marciana / Lat. XIV.265 L = London / British Library / Add. MS 22161 M = London / British Library / Add MS 15336 N = Lucca / Biblioteca Capitolare Feliniana / Ms. 541 O = Liege / Bibl. du Grand Séminaire / 6.H.6 P = Paris / Bibliothèque Nationale / Ms. lat. 4314 R = Bruxelles / Bibliothèque Royale / Ms. 15564-67 S = Strängnäs / Domkyrkobiblioteket / Ms. 7 V = Venezia / Bibl Marciana / Lat. XI.77 AC = D'Achery, Luc: Veterum aliquot scriptorum qui in Galliae bibliothecis maxime Benedictinorum latuerant spicilegium. T. 1-13. Paris: 1655-1677 Responsio Pii II. 1 Responsio … Franciae : Pii II. Pont. Max. Responsio data etc. D; Pii II. pontificis maximi responsio ad Francorum oratores in in concilio Mantuano pro Ferdinando rege I; Oratio Pii pontificis maximi II. ad legationem regis Francorum habita in conventu Mantuano Decembris … J; Oratio Pii secundi summi pontificis responsiva in Gallos habita Mantuae in publico et generali consistorio L; Oratio sanctissimi domini, domini nostri Pii Papae II. Mantuae habita in publico universalique consistorio pro responsione ad clarissimos oratores sacrae majestatis regis Francorum M; Responsio Papae Pii Secundi ad Francorum obiecta habita Mantuae N; Pii pape secundi oratio responsiva ad oratorem episcopi Parisiensis in celebri conventu mantuano publice habita O; Pii pape secundi responsio ad oratores gallicos in celebri conventu mantuano publice habita et divinitus uno spiritu pro sua excusatione recitata P; Responsum Pii Secundi Pontificis Maximi Datum in concilio Mantuano Oratoribus Caroli Regis Franciae R; Responsio sanctissimi domini nostri Pii papae II. ad Francorum proposicionem in congregacione Mantuana S; Laurentii Valle oratio dum esset in romano papatu responsum ad legatos francorum V; Responsio ad orationem oratorum Gallicorum in celebri conventu Mantuano publice habita, et divinitus uno spiritu pro sua excusatione recitata AC 2 Comodatissimum exordium in marg. Q 3 omit. O 4 ad nos omit. J, N, S

Response of Pius II, Supreme Pontiff, to the ambassadors of King Charles of France, at the Congress of Mantua 0. Introduction [

  1] Distinguished ambassadors, in reply to your speech to Us some days ago1 -which was much longer than the written document presented afterwards 2 -We do not dare to use the words of Our Saviour: Which of you shall convince me of sin?3 For we do not deny that We are sinners, mired in evil. Only He is good, only He is immaculate, only He is the innocent lamb, only He lived irreproachably in this world, whom John pointed to, saying: Behold the Lamb of God, behold him who taketh away the sin of the world. Verba vestra 1 , quamvis modesta fuerunt 2 , et nihil a vobis 3 dictum est4 impudenter, nihil insolenter, existimationem tamen nostram 5 apud intelligentes et oculatos 6 viros non parum laesere. Nam quid aliud vestra insinuavit7 8 oratio, quam Siciliae regnum Renato regi 9 exploratissimo jure deberi10 ; et nos a rectitudinis11 tramite deviasse, qui12 illud alteri concessimus, et inclytam Francorum domum de[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] Romana 14 ecclesia15 optime meritam negleximus atque contempsimus, ex qua Renatus ipse natus est. Haec 16 enim, licet ea reverentia exposuistis, quae[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] hoc loco digna est, et qua tanti regis oratores uti decuit, reprehensos nos tamen et caesos18 19 20 esse his sermonibus nemo sanae mentis ignorat. Licet igitur dicere cum magistro et domino nostro: Si male locuti sumus[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] , idest si quid injuste circa regni Siciliae dispositionem egimus, testimonium perhibete de malo22 ; sin 23 autem bene, quid nos 24 caeditis? Though your speech was restrained and neither impudent nor insulting, We -as well as intelligent and perspicacious men -consider that they were rather hurtful. For what did your oration imply other than that René 1 is most assuredly the lawful King of Sicily, and that We have strayed from the path of rectitude by granting it to another, disdaining and spurning the great merits of the illustrious House of France towards the Roman Church, that House from which René himself descends. Even though you set forth these matters with the respect which is due to this place and which befits orators of a great king, everybody of a sane mind knows that We stand rebuked and castigated by your speech. Therefore We may say, with our master and lord: if We have spoken evil, that is if We have acted unjustly with regard to the Kingdom of Sicily, then give testimony of the evil; but if well, why strikest thou me?[3] Sed minime hoc testimonium neglexistis: ostendere enim 1 conati estis multis rationibus regnum2 Siciliae ad Renatum 3 pertinere, cujus progenitores ab ecclesia Romana investiti possessionem 4 ejus diuturnam 5 obtinuere 6 ; a Carolo scilicet7 , quem primum in eo regno {120r} vocant, usque 8 ad hunc Renatum quem Alfonsus, rex Aragonum, armis deturbavit. Etenim quamvis aliquando Hungariae reges9 , quos vocant Dyrrachienses 10 , regnum11 obtinuere12 , a Caroli tamen sanquine, ex quo illi 13 descenderant 14 , non abiit; jus autem Dyrrachiensium 15 a regina16 Johanna prima 17 ex 18 voluntate ac 19 decreto Romanae sedis in Ludovicum Andegavensem, regis 20 Francorum sanguine 21 genitum 22 , postea transfusum est, [cont.] But, indeed, you have not omitted to provide such testimony for you have endeavoured to show, with many arguments, that the Kingdom of Sicily belongs to René, whose forefathers were invested with it by the Roman Church and had possession of it for a long time, from King Charles I 1 to René who was forced out by King Alfonso of Aragon with military means.2 Though for some time the Kingdom was held by Hungarian kings of the so-called Durazzo dynasty,3 it still belonged to the family of Charles from whom these kings descended, too. Later, and with the permission and formal assent of the Roman See, Queen Giovanna I.4 transferred the rights of the House of Durazzo to Louis d'Anjou, 5 born of the blood of the King of France. [cont.] in quo successit filius sui nominis, et iterum nepos Ludovicus III., et denique Renatus, de quo nunc agitur, et cui regnum hoc non solum ex concessione Romani pontificis Eugenii, sed paterno et avito 1 successionis jure deberi putatis. Commemorastis 2 deinde Francorum in apostolicam sedem 3 et 4 praeclara et multa merita, quibus postergatis et 5 oblivioni traditis haud 6 recte 7 a nobis factum esse 8 9 contenditis 10 , quod regnum Siciliae 11 in Aragonensem 12 familiam transmiserimus[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] . In qua 14 re 15 non solum nos, sed praedecessores nostros arguitis, et cum 16 injustitiam, tum ingratitudinem 17 Romanae 18 primae 19 sedis accusare 20 videmini. He was succeeded by a son of the same name and later by a grandson, Louis III,1 and finally by René, whom We are talking about now. You believe that the Kingdom is rightfully his not only because he was granted it by the Roman Pontiff, Eugenius, 2 but also by right of lawful succession from his father and grandfather. Afterwards you dwelt on the many and great merits of the French towards the Apostolic See, claiming that We unjustly ignored and forgot them when

	1 nostra AC
	2 fuerint M, O, P, AC
	3 nobis J 1 omit. AC
	4 omit. J 2 regnatum O
	5 vestram N, AC 3 Regnatum franciae O
	6 acutos N; occultos S 4 investiti possessionem : possessionem investiti O
	7 insinuabit I, L 5 diuturne P, AC
	8 vestra insinuavit : insinuavit vestra O, P, AC 6 obtinere M
	9 Renato regi : regi Renato S 7 a Carolo scilicet : scilicet a Carolo M
	10 debere N 8 ut B; hiisque M 6 aut O
	11 certitudinis I 9 rex N, S, V 7 rectum O
	12 quid O 10 Chrachienses M 8 omit. O
	13 a S 11 illud add. AC 9 factum esse : esse factum P, AC
	14 omit. M 12 detinuere M; obtinuerint AC 10 contemnitis I, L
	15 Romana ecclesia : Romanis N, S; ecclesia Romana V 13 ille N, S, V 11 sit O; sic P
	16 nec N, S 14 descenderat N, S, V 12 Aragonensium N, S, V
	17 qua L 15 Chrachiensium M 13 transmissimus J; transmisimus O
	18 cessos M; laesos AC 16 omit. AC 14 quo AC
	19 et caesos : excessos N; omit. S 17 primo S 15 omit. P
	20 nos tamen et caesos : tamen et caesos nos L 18 cum I
	21 fuimus AC 19 et M, R
	22 malis S

4

But We can and We will dare to use those words which the Saviour uttered when he was beaten, impiously and horribly: If I have spoken evil, give testimony of the evil; but if well, why strikest thou me?

5

[2] 23 si I, L, N, O, P, S, AC

24

vos O

[2]

20 regem P, AC; ex add. S 21 Francorum sanguine : sanguine Francorum I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

22

natum add. M

[3]

54

[3 cont.]

1 paterno et avito : avito et paterno J

2

commemorasti O; commemonistis P 3 omit. M 4 omit. O, P, AC 5 aut L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

16

tum M, S, O, P, Q, AC; non R 17 magnitudinem B 18 ac add. I 19 primaeque L, N, O, P, Q, S, V, AC

20

omit. M

[3 cont.]

  indigni, potius imitabimur, qui reprehensus, quod16 ad gentiles 17 divertisset[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] , rationem facti sui 19 reddere non recusavit. Neque beatum Leonem 20 IV., si oportuerit, sequi pigebit, qui ad Ludovicum imperatorem scribens: Nos, inquit, si quid incompetenter[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] egimus et in subditis22 justae legis tramitem non servavimus23 , vestro24 ac missorum vestrorum cuncta volumus emendare 25 judicio. Sic enim ex humilitatis dispensatione saepe nostri praedecessores factitarunt, ut rationem 26 omnibus, etiam minimis redderent eorum, quae fecissent 27 .

	1 impediti O
	2 sagitti N
	3 sagittis sumus : sumus sagittis O
	4 nos M
	5 omit. I, L; vestro AC
	6 malo nostro : malis nostris S
	7 perhibitis C
	8 nos O
	9 quid S
	10 dignitatique M
	11 nostro N
	12 nostrae sedi : sedis nostrae P, AC
	13 scienter O; feram P, AC
	14 eam J, M, O, P, AC; illa S
	15 omit. O
	16 quando M
	17 ad gentiles : a gentilibus P; gentibus O, AC
	18 divertisse O
	19 facti sui : sui facti O
	20 papam add. V
	21 non competenter O
	22 subdito N
	23 servamus O, I, L, N, S
	24 vestrorum L
	25 emendari P

26

eorum add. O; de add. P, AC 27 quae fecissent omit. O

  Neque enim 1 tamquam 2 dominantes in cleris3 , sed forma facti gregis esse debemus, non ignorantes potestatem in ecclesia nobis4 ad aedificationem, non in destructionem5 attributam, et quod 6 tanto promptiores ad reddendam rationem nos ipsos exhibere debemus, quanto majoribus cumulati donis et praeventi 7 gratiis a domino sumus. Nam multa, quae aliis essent levia8 et digna venia, peccata 9 nobis capitalia sunt. Verum est enim10 , quod ille ait, quamvis11 profanus et ethnicus12 auctor: Quod si juste et pie15 vivere16 17 praeceptum omnibus[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] est 19 , hoc tamen 20 Romanum praesulem prae ceteris decet21 22 , qui gregis dominici pastor et caput ecclesiae suo 23 exemplo reliquos trahit. Hunc non solum esse propter se ipsum, sed videri quoque 24 bonum 25 propter proximos decet 26 .

	Omne animi vitium tanto conspectius 13 {120v} in se
	Crimen habet, quanto major 14 , qui peccat, habetur.
	6
	1 omit. M
	2 tam M
	3 clerum P, AC
	4 omit. P, AC
	5 nobis add. P, AC
	6 pro M
	7 prevenienti M
	8 brevia O; minora P, AC
	9 peccato N
	10 est enim : enim est Q
	11 quamquam O, P, AC
	12 heretic(h)us O, P, AC
	13 despectius O
	14 omit. B
	16 viveret O
	17 pie vivere : previvere M
	18 praeceptum omnibus : omnibus preceptum I
	19 omnibus est : est omnibus B
	1 Decretum, C.2.7.40 20 tantum L
	2 Acts, 10-11. Decretum, C.2.7.40 21 docet M
	22 Romanum praesulem … decet omit. O
	23 suorum J
	24 omit. N
	25 bonus I

3

Leo IV (790-855): Pope from 847 to his death. Saint

4

Louis II (825-875): King of Italy and Roman Emperor from 844, co-ruling with his father Lothair I until 855, after which he ruled alone 5 Decretum, C.2.7.41

6

1. Peter, 5, 3 58 [5] 15 juste et pie : pie et juste I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC 26 oportet I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

nobis sunt objecta : sunt nobis objecta I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

  bonam famam transeundum esse, apostolus ait, summo tamen studio innitendum 14 est, ut falsi rumores cessent, et boni nominis odor custodiatur, et omnis calumnia procul15 absit. Putabamus quidem 16 regem[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] Franciae 18 nihil sinistre 19 de 20 nobis[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] credere in his praesertim rebus, quae suam serenitatem 22 concernunt. Nam teste Deo, cui 23 mentiri sceleratissmum est, suum honorem, suamque 24 gloriam, et domus suae claritatem regnique potentiam semper magnifecimus 25 , et multa in 26 ejus laudem publice privatimque 27 locuti sumus 28 .

	1 cuique M
	2 omit. I
	3 summo sacerdoti omit. B
	4 formam O
	5 observare J
	6 nominis nostri : nostri nominis O, P, AC
	7 eminentiam O
	8 tum S, P, AC
	9 nostro B, M
	10 notum M
	11 nobis sunt objecta : nobis objecta sunt B
	12 13 ad I, L
	14 immittendum M
	15 omit. C
	16 equidem S
	17 vestrum add. in marg. S
	18 omit. J
	19 sinistri N, AC; sinestre V
	20 a I, L
	21 sinistre de nobis : de nobis sinistrie S
	22 suam serenitatem : serenitatem suam I, L
	23 omit. B
	24 suam P, AC
	25 magnificemus N, M; magnificamus S
	26 multam in : multam M
	27 et privatim O

28 locuti sumus : sumus locuti I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

  domino suo. Salvatorem nostrum alii vini potorem19 , alii 20 daemonium habere mentiti sunt. Quid mirum, si et nos, vilis pulvis ac[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] cinis, labiis 22 subjacemus 23 iniquis? Non dolemus, quod nos lingua dolosa persequitur 24 , sed regi optimo pessimam linguam fecisse fidem molestissime 25 et 26 amarissime ferimus.27 Recte Pythagoras hirundinem, idest garrulum 28 29 in domo non esse tenendum monuit, et propheta liberari 30 sese 31 32 optat 33 a labiis iniquis et 34 lingua dolosa.

	11 feruntque B
	12 fulgora C
	13 falsos O
	14 dei ecclesie O
	15 at P
	16 ne Q
	17 nec M, P, AC
	18 servus major : maior servus N
	19 potentem B; potatorem I, L, M, S, O, P, AC
	20 alium M
	21 et N, S, V
	22 gladiis N, S, V
	23 subiaceamus O, P; subjaceamur AC
	24 prosequitur C, M, AC
	25 modestissime M
	26 ac C
	27 tulimus J
	28 garolum V

1 hunc M 2 de nobis cur : cur de nobis I 3 et I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

4

se S 5 omit. M; nunc O 6 omit. N 7 pro M 8 omit. M 9 vehementius P, AC 10 apostolicam … esse : solitam esse apostolicam cymbam I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC; solitam esse cymbam Q 29 et verbosum add. in marg. D; et verbosum add. I, L, O, N, S, V; et verborum relatorem add. P, AC 30 liberali M; liberalis O 31 saepe P, AC 32 liberari sese : sese liberari S 33 liberari sese optat : sese optat liberari J 34 a add. I, J, L, N, P, S, V, AC

nihil nos : nos nihil I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

  Vulneraverunt nos verba 1 malorum, et apud sapientem regem veluti 2 stulti habiti sumus; stultos dicimus, quia omnis injustus stultitiae 3 argui potest. Injustitia nobis et ingratitudo imputata est, qui4 Renato regi {121r} benemerenti jus suum abstulisse dicimur. Tolerabimusne hanc infamiam? An 5 potius innocentiam nostram et apostolicae sedis {296} clementiam, justitiam, aequitatem benignitatemque 6 omnibus 7 ostendemus 8 ? Vos, regii oratores, filii estis apostolicae sedis: non audietis inviti matrem vestram 9 objecta 10 sibi diluere crimina. Docti et justi estis: libenter11 , quae justa sunt, audietis. Regem vestrum magnopere colitis: gratum vobis12 erit illi nihil nos[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] injuriatos fuisse verbis nostris intelligere. Ipse quoque rex, ut nostra fert opinio, quae sibi de 14 nostro in se aut suos15 odio relata sunt, ut falsa demonstrentur, plurimum cupit. Satisfaciemus desiderio suo, et vobis, qui etsi vestra oratione 16 aestimationem 17 nostram 18 haud parum 19 laesistis, non tamen vestro 20 nomine locuti[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] estis, sed regis, cui remote 22 a nobis 23 agenti facile fuit 24 falsa pro veris inculcare. Sed jam ad rem veniamus, vobisque per singula capitula respondeamus. Duo 25 principaliter per vos 26 27 proposita 28 sunt. Primum Januenses 29 respicit, alterum regem Renatum.

	9
	1 omit. O
	2 velut P, AC
	3 stultitia S
	4 quoniam P, AC
	5 at P; et O, AC
	6 benignitatem I, N, S, P, AC
	7 omit. I, P
	8 ostendamus I, L
	9 nostram M
	10 obiecti J
	11 libenterque M
	12 nobis M
	13 14 deo add. N
	15 suo M
	16 ratione N
	17 extimacionem L; extimationem P; existimationem I, J, N, S, V, AC
	18 vestram O, P, AC
	1 Symmachus (d. 514): Pope from 498 to his death 19 haud parum : aut si Petrum J
	2 Damasus I (ca. 305-384): Pope from October 366 to his death in 384 20 nostro J, N, M
	3 Matthew, 10, 24 21 leniti J
	22 remoto M
	23 vobis P
	24 sint M

4

Pius uses the same quote from the Bible in the introduction to his Commentarii where he touches on the same theme: The treacherous tongue that has not spared so many of Christ's vicars, nor Christ himself, will not spare Pope Pius II (Meserve, I, p. 3)

5

Matthew, 11, 19 6 John, 8, 48 7 Pythagoras (ca. 570-ca. 495 BCE): Greek philosopher and mathematician 8 Burley: Pythagoras 9 E.g. Psalms, 119, 2 64 [8] 25 Divisio nota marg. A; Responsio ad petita in marg. L 26 principaliter per vos : per vos principaliter O 27 per vos omit. I 28 preposita J, M 29

  1 secundo principali membro 2 quattuor capita esse notavimus: primum jus Renati regis illustris in regno Siciliae; secundum 3 gloriosa Francorum gesta; tertium 4 contumeliam eis factam; quartum 5 ac postremum petitiones regias 6 conclusit 7 . Reddenda est 8 sua cuique9 particulae responsio et 10 succincta et pro rei magnitudine brevis11 . [cont.]

	Divisio secundi membri nota marg. A; Divisio marg. note D
	principali membro : membro principali O
	secundo I
	tertio I
	quatuor B
	regis O, P, AC
	concludit S
	omit. O

sua cuique : unicuique N, S; sua unicuique I, L, O, P, AC; cuique sue J omit. M, AC brevissima I

  competere. Nam cur nos Francorum genus excluderemus, {121v} quod 16 cum[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] nobilissimum, tum virtutis amantissimum est 18 ac de nostra sede19 optime meritum? Non exclusimus nos Francos, sed exclusos invenimus; non praetulimus aliquem sanguini vestro, sed praelatum invenimus 20 ; non viam novam repperimus, sed veterem tenuimus. Nihil 21 juri Francorum detraximus, quamvis regnum et 22 regni coronam Ferdinando certo modo concessimus 23 , sicut postea suo loco pressius 24 ostendetur 25 . Hic 26 ubi de jure contentio est 27 , nil 28 aliud nobis incumbit, quam partibus auditis jus reddere, qui regni 29 Siciliae directum dominium 30 Romanae ecclesiae nomine, nullo dubitante, retinemus. Verum, sicut ea quae de Renati 31 jure dixistis neque negamus, neque probamus.

	6 omit. O
	7 alius O
	8 regimen N
	9 consisti M; commisistis I
	10 inferius ratio : ratio inferius N, S
	11 regi P
	12 esse gentem : gentem esse R, S
	13 regno illo : illo regno O, P, AC
	14 ei J; ei corr. ex eis V
	15 jure I
	16 omit. L
	17 tum M, O, P, AC
	18 sit I, L
	19 saepe N, S
	20 non praetulimus … invenimus omit. N, S
	21 nil I
	22 ac P, AC
	23 concesserimus corr. ex concessimus D; concesserimus I, L; commisimus J
	24 expressius I, P, S; omit. AC
	25 ostendemus O, P, AC
	26 sic O, P, AC
	27 omit. AC
	28 nihil P, AC
	29 regi M
	30 dominationem N

1

Ad particularia nota marg. L 2 omit. J, M 3 primum AC

4

omit. B, I, L

5

omit. P 31 regis add. I, L, N, O, P, S, V,

AC

2.1. Rights of King René to the Kingdom of Naples 1

  [10 cont.] Your initial statement that the Kingdom of Sicily legitimately belongs to King Réne We shall neither approve or disapprove before the case has been properly discussed. Someone may object: "But, then, why have you entrusted the Kingdom to Ferrante while the case has not been discussed or investigated?" This will be explained later. At this point We shall only say that We do absolutely not obstruct your rights and that We should favour the French most of all if it be proven that they have the right [to the Kingdom].

Merits of the French and of the Roman See 2.2.1. Merits of the French towards the Roman See

  1 manifeste atque 2 apertissime confirmamus, quae de gestis Francorum magnificentissimis et eorum ingentibus meritis in medium attulistis. Magna est Caroli Martelli 3 laus,4 major Pipini, maxima sequentis Caroli, qui ob ingentia facta id magni 5 cognomen adeptus est, quod Alexander Macedo orbe subacto et Gnaeus 6 Pompejus et7 Constantinus primus clarissimis 8 rebus 9 gestis meruere. Plena est 10 omnis historia Francorum 11 praeconiis12 , nulla umquam[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] aetas vestrae gentis gloriam obliterabit 14 . [cont.]

	1 ille O
	2 et J
	3 Marcelli P
	4 jam AC
	5 maius O
	6 gens O
	7 omit. N, S, V
	8 clarissimus S, V
	9 omit. N

10

preconiis add. P; iis add. AC

11

historia Francorum : Franchorum gistoria P; Francorum historia AC

12

peniis M; omit. P, AC

[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF]

numquam P 14 oblitaverit O; conticescet P, AC 73 2.2.

  Quis 1 usque ad Euphratem 2 et Tigrim signum crucis portare et Edissam 3 , Mesopotamiae urbem, Christiano nomini restituere ausi sunt? Franci! Quis 4 vexatam, laceratam, conculcatam, et omnibus modis a tyrannis 5 oppressam apostolicam sedem in pristinam libertatem et gloriam reduxit? Franci![12] Non 6 sunt haec ignota7 8 , non potest abscondi 9 civitas 10 supra montem posita11 . Nulla gens tam barbara, tam inculta, tam inhospita est, ad quam Francorum gloria 12 non 13 pervenerit 14 . Illustre 15 gentis 16 nomen[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] in omne permanebit aevum: patres filiis et[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] filii nepotibus in generatione et generationem nobilissimi sanguinis excellentiam et clarissima facta reserabunt19 . Exegit 20 sibi {122r} Francorum virtus monumentum aere perennius[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] , quod nulla 22 possit 23 destruere 24 vetustas.

	6 nota S
	7 quis add. S
	8 non sunt haec ignota : nota sunt haec non ignota N
	9 ascondi R
	10 abscondi civitas : civitas abscondi I
	11 positam J
	12 Francorum gloria : gloria Francorum J
	13 gloria non : gloriam O
	14 pervenerunt O; pervenit N, P, AC
	15 genus add. I
	16 vestrae add. O, P, AC
	17 omit. I
	18 omit. AC
	19 reservabunt O
	20 exigit P, AC; exigit corr. ex exurgit V
	21 perennis N; perhenne O
	22 mala M
	23 potest I

6

Here the French 76

[11 cont.]

1 qui I, L, N, S, O, P, V 2 Eufraten C, I, L, M 3 et Edissam : ac ipsam O, P, AC

4

qui I, L, O, P 5 a tyrannis : et damnis N 24 possit destruere : destruit O; destruet P; destruat AC

  oratores, alio sensu locutos putat. Et sane ita est. Nam cur vos haec 14 retulistis majorum insignia? Cur veterum imagines ante oculos nostros posuistis15 ? Cur triumphos et vestrae gentis trophaea 16 commemorastis[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] et ecclesiam Romanam18 19 suis adjutam 20 viribus[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] exposuistis, 22 nisi quod indigna perpessos esse Francos arbitramini, quibus post 23 tot beneficia cum 24 religioni tum 25 fidei Catholicae et26 Romanae ecclesiae praestita regnum Siciliae est ademptum. Ingrata igitur sedes apostolica, ingrati et nos, qui benemerentibus jus suum auferimus 27 , indignis 28 alienum 29 concedimus.

	4 negabimus O; negabamus P
	5 et V
	6 omit. M
	7 recitaverimus O, P
	8 isthaec N; ista I, L, O, P, AC; istic S
	9 exprobatio J, M, O, P
	10 omit. M
	11 omit. J, O, P, AC
	12 per M
	13 audierit I, L, N, S, V; audit O, P, AC
	14 vos haec : haec vos O, P, AC
	15 proposuistis I
	16 tropheas N
	17 commemoratis B
	18 non add. M
	19 ecclesiam Romanam : Romanam ecclesiam I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC
	20 auctam N; auditam S
	21 juribus AC
	22 omit. P, AC
	23 omit. N, S, V
	24 tum A, C // J, M, N, S, V, P, A, C; omit. O
	25 cui O; et P
	26 tum P

1 Accusatio nota marg. D 2 omit. M 3 numquam ea : ea numquam V 27 abstulimus S; alias auferimus add. in marg. S 28 indigne corr. ex. indignum N 29 alienis O

  benemerentes 16 filios[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] suos non rejicit[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] , nec laborantes in vinea domini mercede debita fraudat. Horum 19 siquidem, quae liliati 20 gesserunt[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] , perpetuo memor 22 23 , quaecumque hactenus potuit 24 , quaecumque habuit 25 , in augmentum gloriae eorum 26 salutisque 27 contulit, semperque ut 28 domum illam praecipuam 29 tenuit, cujus praesidio in suis adversis se tueretur; sic et primam habuit, in quam omnem 30 amoris et 31 benignitatis suae signum 33 effunderet.[cont.]

	1 excusando O
	2 Excusatio nota marg. D
	3 sacrosancta AC
	4 ecclesiae add. M
	5 omit. J
	6 est add. V
	7 omit. J
	8 omit. I
	9 omit. J
	10 contulerint O
	11 omit. N
	12 Franci Romanae sedi : Romanae sedi Franci I
	13 prestiterint M
	14 maior L
	15 apostolica sedes : apostolice sedis P
	16 promerentes L
	17 omit. O
	18 reiicet V
	19 olim corr. from horum D
	23 et add. I
	24 hactenus potiut : habuit J
	25 quaecumque habuit omit. M
	26 omit. V; eorumque L, P, AC
	27 salutis L, P, AC
	28 omit. I, L
	29 perpetuam C

20

quae liliati : quae praelibati I; qua libati L; que labiati M; que libati O; que libata P; qui libata AC

21 gessere I, L, N, O, P, S, V

, AC 22 perpetuo memor omit. M [blank space]; perpetuo memoria O; memoratur P, AC 30 omne J; omit. O 31 omit. O 32 et benignitatis : benignitatisque P, AC 33 sinum I, L, N, S, O, P, AC

2.2.2. Merits of the Roman See towards the French 2

  .2.2.1. In the spiritual domain[14] Here We must [rise to the] defense of the authority of the Holy Roman and Apostolic See and clear this great majesty of the accusation of shameful ingratitude. To do this We must first relate the favours granted to the family of the Franks by the Roman Pontiffs; indeed, it will be useful to also know this part. We certainly admit that the Franks have greatly benefited the Roman See and nobody may belittle those achievements. But as a mother, the Apostolic See does not reject its well-merited sons, and she does not rob the labourers in the vineyard of the Lord of their earnings. It has always been mindful of the achievements of the Lilied [House], and it has given all it could and had to further its glory and prosperity. Always it regarded that House as special which protected it in times of danger, and it was the first House to receive the signs of its love and favour. [cont.] [14 cont.] Nam si 1 vetera simul et nova 2 recolimus, beneficentissima 3 semper inventa4 est beati Petri et summi praesulis cathedra cum 5 in ceteros omnes, tum vestros 6 in Francos 7 .[15] Insistamus hic paululum8 , et quantum generi vestro profuerit, quantum faverit, quantum consuluerit10 , animadvertamus. Quis vobis lumen fidei, quis legem evangelicam, quis Christi sacramenta, quis viam vitae nisi sedes apostolica monstravit? Eratis aliquando tenebrae, nunc lux in domino estis. Eratis mancipia Sathanae, nunc filii Dei 12 per adoptionem facti estis[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] ; eratis Gehennae 14 servi15 , nunc 16 haereditatem regni caelestis expectatis. Et 17 unde vobis[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] haec libertas nisi per primam sedem, quae missis in 20 Galliam ac[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] Germaniam praedicatoribus verbi Dei extirpato 23 lolio 24 bonum 25 tritici 26 semen in cordibus patrum vestrorum seminavit, et aberrantes Francos ad ovile Christi perduxit? Nihil his majus inveniri 27 potest; nulla his compensari dona 28 , nulla beneficia, {122v} nulla obsequia possunt. Spiritualia 29 haec et tam vestrae 30 quam 31 aliis nationibus communia 32 . For if we consider both the old and the new, the Chair of Saint Peter and the Supreme Pontiff has always been extremely benevolent to all but especially to you Franks.[15] Let us dwell on this a little and look at how greatly the [Apostolic See] has benefited, favoured, and cared for your people. Who but the Apostolic See showed you the light of Faith, the law of the Gospel, the sacraments of Christ, and the way of Life? For you were heretofore darkness, but now light in the Lord. Walk then as children of the light.1 Your were the servants of Satan; now you have been made sons of God by adoption.2 You were the slaves of Hell; now you look forward to inheriting the Kingdom of Heaven. And how did you obtain this freedom except through the First See which sent preachers of the Word of God to Gaul and Germany, uprooted the weeds, sowed the good seed 3 of wheat in the hearts of your fathers, and brought the straying Franks to the flock of Christ? Nothing can be greater than these[deeds]; no favours, no benefits, and no services can match them. But these spritual benefits are common to your nation and all the others.[16] Ad saecularia veniamus. Et in his quoque multa sunt, quae recenseri 1 possunt ab apostolica majestate 2 in Francorum prosapiam 3 congesta cumulataque 4 dona. Languebat eorum regnum, et ad 5 internecionem 6 defluebat in manibus Childerici 7 inutilis regis. Non tulit Zacharias, antecessor noster, nobilissimi regni ruinam, sed missis legatis regem totondit et 8 in monasterio 9 reclusit 10 , Pipinoque, qui majordomus 11 esset 12 , regium[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] nomen et gubernationem commisit14 . Atque ita servatum est Franciae regnum et in gentem, quae nunc regnat15 , derivatum, quod per rectam lineam in 16 aliam familiam[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] differebatur 18 . Nam Pipinus, quamvis Francus 19 regis 20 sanguine natus, gradu tamen remotior 21 erat. Hanc ille ex apostolica sede 22 gratiam tulit 23 , nec minorem filius ejus Carolus consecutus est. Nam cum defuncto patre, germanus quoque 24 Carlomannus obiisset, uxor ejus Berta Hildegardae, uxoris Caroli, gloriae invidens, ad Desiderium Longobardorum regem cum liberis confugit 27 , quos ille benigne excepit 28 , existimans per eos Francorum vires se facile concussurum, praesertim si Romanus praesul ex filiis Carlomanni alterum 30 in Franciae regem inungeret 31 . [cont.]

	1 et add. O [14 cont.] 1 recensere O
	2 simul et nova : et nova simul O 2 sede B, I
	3 beneficentissimo O 3 prosapia O, P
	4 iniuncta O 4 cumulatique O
	5 tum M, P, S 5 eorum add. P
	6 nostros J, N, S, V 6 internitionem B, C, D, J, R, N, S, V; interemptionem I, L; interiectionem M; intiuncionem O; eorum
	7 vestros in Francos : Francos in vestros O, P; in Francos in vestros AC interem(p)tionem P, AC
	8 paulum P 7 (H)ildebrandi A, B, C, D, J, N, O, P, R, S, V; Hildibrandi I; Hilabrandi L; Ildebraud M
	9 quantumque AC 8 omit. J
	10 consulerit J; omit. M 9 mundo M
	11 autem add. O, P, AC 10 reconclusit N; reduxit S
	12 de O 11 maior regni P
	13 eratis mancipia … facti estis omit. P, Q
	14 iehenne S
	15 omit. N, S, V
	16 omit. M
	17 omit. P, AC
	18 nobis M; omit. N
	19 prima add. Q
	20 per C
	21 et I, R; atque O, P, AC
	22 verbis O; verbum Q
	23 extricato Q
	24 lollio A, B, D, R
	25 boni O, P, AC
	26 omit. I
	27 adinveniri O, P, AC
	28 bona O, P, AC
	29 spiritalia A, B, C, R, V
	30 vestris N
	31 tam … quam : tum … cum I, L
	32 coram O, Q

12 et ingenio valeret add. I, L, N, O, S, V, AC; ingenio valeret add. P 13

  Then they gave the title of king and the government to Pepin, the majordomus [of the kingdom].3 Thus Frankish royal power was preserved, though it passed, in direct line, to another family, for though Pepin was born of the blood of the French king, he belonged to a sideline. This was the great favour that he received from the Apostolic See, and the favour obtained by his son, Charles, was just as great. For when after the death of his father, his brother Carloman 4 died too, Carloman's wife Gerberga 5 became jealous of the high state6 of Charles' wife Hildegard 7 and fled with her children to King Desiderius of the Lombards.8 Desiderius received them well, thinking that through them he might easily overcome the Frankish forces, especially if the Roman Pontiff would anoint one of Carloman's sons as King of the Franks. Praesidebat tunc in apostolica sede Hadrianus I., qui neque precibus, neque minis, neque promissis ullis flecti potuit, ut 1 impio Desiderii 2 desiderio consentiret, quamvis exarchatus3 Ravennas et omnis 4 ager 5 ecclesiae Longobardorum ferro diriperetur et igne devasteretur6 . Quae res Carolo unitum 7 regnum retinuit. Magnum hoc 1 , sed majus 2 illud, quod Leo III.3 , Romanorum 4 praesul, in eumdem Carolum contulit. Etenim 5 Leone IV., qui duos inter Constantinos imperavit, alteri6 pater, alteri 7 filius 8 , Italiam negligente et in haeresim lapso, qui culturas 9 imaginum exhorrebat 10 prohibebatque, indignatus Leo pontifex maximus 11 imperium ex12 Graecis ad Germanos in personam[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] magnifici This was certainly a great boon, but the Roman Pontiff, Leo III, granted Charles an even greater one. Leo IV 1 , who reigned [in Constantinople] between two Constantines, one his father,2

	regnum L; regum M; regni I, N; regimen P, AC 14 Zacharias Pipinum regem dicit nota marg. A 15 regnato O 16 omit. N 17 in aliam familiam omit. M 18 deferebatur I; deferrebatur L; defferebatur M; differebat N; deferebatur O, P, AC 19 Franci M 20 ab add. AC 21 remotiori V 22 apostolica sede : apostolice sedis R 23 retulit corr. ex tulit I 24 ejus I; omit. J, L 25 Karolus magnus O, P 2.2.2.2. In the secular domain 2.2.2.2.1. Kingdom of the Franks [16] So, let Us move on to the secular domain. In this area, too, We can mention many gifts which the Apostolic Majesty heaped upon the family of the Franks. In the hands of the useless King Childeric 1 their kingdom lost its vigour and was sliding towards extinction. Our predecessor, Zacharias, 2 would not tolerate the ruin of this noble realm, but sent legates who tonsured the king and enclosed him in a monastery. [cont.] quam eam Romano imperio decorare 17 , provinciarum 18 dominam et principem populorum, gentium nationumque constituere? Quid 19 potui facere vineae meae 20 , inquit propheta in persona 21 domini, et non feci? Honorata est prae ceteris Francorum gens et in sublimi vertice montium a Romana ecclesia suscepto imperio collocata. 1 magnum hoc : magna haec N, S; huius O 2 magis M 3 quartus J 4 Romanus O, P, AC 5 et I; in add. O, P 6 alterius M 7 alterius M 8 alteri … filius : alter pater, alter filius O, P; alterius filius alterius pater AC 9 sculpturas alias culturas P; sculpturas AC 10 omit. I 11 magnus D 12 de O, P, AC 13 persona P, AC 14 Leo papa III. imperium transtulit nota marg. A 15 quod J, R [16 cont.] 1 et O 2.2.2.2.2. Holy Roman Empire [17] Caroli Magni transtulit. 14 Quid 15 majus potuit apostolica sedes praestare Francorum domui 16 [17]
	26 desideriorum J 2 omit. S 16 Francorum domui : domui Franchorum M
	27 fugit O 3 exortatus P; exharcatus V 17 decoraret M; omit. S
	28 accepit M; suscepit I, O, P, AC 4 omnes O 18 provinciam N
	29 Karoli magni O, P 5 agri M, O 19 quod R
	30 Albertum M 6 vastaretur L, N, S, O, P, AC 20 omit. M
	31 iniungeret M, R 7 unicum N, S 21 personam M
	89

, L, N, S, O, P, AC

  And, contrary to what you said, the Franks were not granted half an empire nor were two empires created, one belonging to the Greeks and the other to the Latins. Never would the Roman pontiffs have committed the absurdity of entrusting a sword to an enemy of the Faith.1 Et quamvis imperium ad eos 1 Francos transierit 2 , qui tum 3 Galliam Germaniamque possidebant4 , et postea in eis continuatum sit, qui Germaniae 5 praesunt 6 , non tamen Franci, qui remanserunt in Gallia, quorum Carolus soboles est, ab apostolica sede relicti sunt. Quis enim 7 tot pontificales, tot metropoliticas8 9 sedes in regno Franciae, nisi Romanus pontifex erigi jussit? Quis tot privilegia, tot gratias, tot indulgentias vestris ecclesiis ac monasteriis nisi Romana 10 concessit? Quis gymnasia 11 litterarum12 , scholam illam Parisiensem, orbe toto 13 celebrem 14 et fama15 claram, nisi beati Petri successores illustraverunt 16 , a quibus ea indulta consecuta sunt[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] , quae vix[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] optare 19 audebant 20 .

	[18] Neque, ut 1 vos 2 asserere visi 3 estis, dimidiatum 4 imperium ad Francos dimissum 5 est, sive duo imperia facta, Graecorum alterum, Latinorum alterum. Numquam Romani praesules hanc absurditatem commisissent, ut hosti fidei gladium dimitterent. Totum et solidum translatum est imperium 6 . Sed Carolus ipse cum Irene prius, imperatrice et Constantini VI. matre, et deinde cum Nicephoro 7 patricio, et cum eodem {123r} postea imperatoris nomen 8 9 adepto, imperium partitus est 10 , et quod 11 totum accepit 12 , dimidiatum retinuit, orientales Graecis 13 partes 14 dimittens, sibi occiduas servans. [cont.] [18] The empire was transferred [to Charles] entire and undivided. It was Charles himself who shared the empire, first with Irene, 2 empress and mother of Constantine VI, and afterwards with Nicephorus, 3 first as patrician and later as emperor. Thus, he kept only half of what he had received as a whole, leaving the Eastern parts to the Greeks and keeping the Western parts for himself. [cont.] [18 cont.] 1 ipsos V
	2 transierint O
	3 tunc I; cum O, S
	4 possidebat O
	5 Germanis O, P, AC
	6 et postea … praesunt omit. J
	1 ut corr. ex cur N; cur S; et AC 7 omit. O
	1 Leo IV the Khazar (750-780): Byzantine emperor from 775 to his death 2 nos N, S 8 metropolitanas I, P, AC
	2 Constantine V (718-775): Byzantine emperor from 741 to his death 3 nisi M 9 tot pontificales tot metropolicas : tot metropolicas tot pontificales S
	3 Constantine VI (771-805): Byzantine emperor from 780-797 to his death 4 dimidium I 10 sedes add. B, I, V; ecclesia add. suprascr. L; ecclesia add. M; Romanus pontifex O, P, AC
	4 Iconoclasm (banning the use and cult of icons) had been initiated by Leo III (emperor 717-741), grandfather of Leo 5 transmissum I, L, N, S; transmissum corr. ex dimissum V 11 gignasia O, P
	IV. Leo IV pursued his grandfather's iconoclastic policy, first with moderation, but later with great intensity 6 omit. M 12 nisi Romanam … litterarum omit. N, S
	5 Otto von Freising: Chronica, V, 30 7 et add. N 13 orbe toto : toto orbi N; toto orbe S, V
	6 Pius' linking of the Byzantine emperors' iconoclasm with the coronation of Charlemagne does not appear to be 8 nomine M, P 14 percelebrem O, P, AC
	historically correct. In fact, Byzantine Empress Irene (at that time regent for her Son, Constantine VI) had already in 9 imperatoris nomen : nomen imperatoris V 15 famam B, J
	787 (13 years before the coronation of Charlemagne) secured the condemnation of iconoclasm by the Second 10 Imperii divisio nota marg. C 1 I.e. by giving half of the empire to the heretical emperor in Constantinople, Constantine VI, who was thought to 16 illustrarunt C; illustraverint M
	Ecumenical Council of Nicaea and its official abolishment. The Roman pope, Hadrian I, was directly represented at 11 quid M have iconoclast sympathies, like his father Leo IV 17 est L, N, S
	the council and officially approved its decrees 12 recepit R 2 Irene (ca. 752-803): Byzantine empress. Wife of Byzantine Emperor Leo IV, Regent 780-790, and from 797 to her 18 uis J, M
	7 Lamentations, 1, 1 13 omit. J; Graetiae N Byzantine ruler in her own name. Abolished iconoclasm in 787 19 optari M
	8 Isaiah, 5, 4 14 Graecis partes : partes Graecis I 3 Nicephorus I [Nikephoros] (d. 811): Byzantine emperor from 802 to his death. Cf. Otto von Freising: Chronica, V, 31 20 audebat I
	91 92

13 et Manfredus : Manfredusque I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC 14

  translato, quis non intelligit praeclarum 4 et maximum5 fuisse munus 6 ? Dicit 7 fortasse quispiam8 , et vos idem9 oratione vestra 10 sentire videmini: "Occupabant 11 tyranni regnum, et12 Manfredus 13 armis 14 potens 15 expelli non poterat. Largita est16 Romana sedes, quod sibi obtinere nequibat,

	donare quam perdere maluit." Haud quidem ita est. Innocentius enim 17 IV., Romanae 18 urbis
	antistes, natione Januensis 19 , cum deposito Friderico, ex Gallia in Italiam 20 rediisset, Neapolim
	se 21 contulit, ibique tamquam dominus receptus est 22 23 , ad quem salutandum omnes ferme
	regni 24 proceres concurrerunt se suaque illi 25 committentes. Inter quos etiam 26 Manfredus fuit,
	nec 27 dubium erat 28 , quin regno toto potitus fuisset Innocentius, nisi morte immatura rebus
	excessisset humanis. Nec minor spes successoribus offerebatur 29 , si non minor illis animus, non
	segnior cura fuisset quam Innocentio.
	1 est O
	2 omit. AC
	3 familia O
	4 clarum V
	5 translato quis … maximum omit. S
	6 familiam translato … munus : familiae fuisse manus N
	7 dicet P, AC
	8 aspiam M
	9 deinde O; domini P, AC
	10 idem oratione vestra : vestra oratione idem I, L; oratione vestra : vestra oratione V
	11 occupabunt O
	12 de M
	auus N; armi P
	15 armis potens : armipotens M
	16 omit. P
	17 omit. B
	18 Romani N
	19 Genuensis N, V
	20 ex Gallia in Italiam : in Italiam ex Gallia L
	21 sibi O
	22 omit. I, L
	23 receptus est : est receptus P, AC
	24 regis M
	25 suaque illi : sua illique O
	26 et N, S
	27 neque O, P, AC
	28 omit. P, AC
	29 auferebatur O; afferebatur P, AC
	95

  , natione Trecensis5 , armorum curam et belli molestias, ut par erat, execratus 6 , Carolum 7 Andegavensem 8 ex9 Francorum domo ad hoc 10 regnum vocandum 11 censuit. Sed prius obiit, quam Carolus intraret Italiam. Intravit 12 autem sub Clemente IV.[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] cum XXX 14 triremibus Romam

	petens, ubi per annum senatoria dignitate functus et deinde cum conjuge Beatrice jussu pontificis
	apud Lateranum Siculi regni coronam adeptus ad bellum profectus est, in quo victor non sine
	magnis ecclesiae Romanae auxiliis possessionem regni 15 quietam et tranquillam obtinuit.
	Fuissent 16 et alii, qui hoc oneris 17 cum tanto honore et 18 tanto 19 emolumento cupide 20
	suscepissent 21 22 , sed liliatos, ut vos 23 appellatis, praeferendos 24 omnibus censuit apostolica
	majestas. [cont.]
	1 omit. N, S
	2 Ananiam corr. from Anagniam A; Inaniam O; Anarniam aut Avarniam P; Anagiram Q; Anaginam S; Avarinam
	AC
	3 successut [sic!] R
	4 omit. P
	5 Tricensis N
	6 exercitus B; exoratus Q
	7 Karolus O
	8 Andegavensis O
	9 et O
	10 omit. O
	11 omit. O
	12 omit. O
	13 omit. N
	14 XXXI N, S
	15 omit. P, AC
	16 fuerunt N
	17 onus M, S
	18 cum add. N, S, V
	19 omit. P, AC
	20 cuspide M; omit. O
	21 suscepisset R
	22 cupide suscepissent : suscepissent cupide P, AC
	23 nos M, V
	24 omit. O

17 Romani pontifices : Romanorum pontificum I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

  Anjou defeated Manfred at the Battle of Benevento, 26 February, 1266, in which Manfred was killed[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] The pope was as poor as Charles and could not provide substantial funds for the venture. But he did guarantee some important bankers' loans to Charles, even pawning some of the Roman churches, see Léonard, p. 5514 Actually, the first choice of the popes appears to have been the English Royal house, which however declined, see Léonard, pp. 38, 39, 41[20 cont.] Intrarunt 1 Franci 2 regnum, eoque 3 armis potiti sunt4 -at 5 non {123v} sine Romanae ecclesiae6 praesidio, quae non solum titulum dedit, sed etiam 7 arma conjunxit, et anathema in hostes8 promulgavit, quod non parvi momenti 9 fuit 10 . Tenuerunt Franci exinde11 regnum longo tempore -non imus 12 inficias 13 : Carolus 14 et item Carolus, et Robertus, et Johanna, quae prior dicta est, at15 non sine 16 favore et magna ope Romani pontificis[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] . Neque enim[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] Conradinus 19 , Friderici II. nepos, qui conflato 20 numeroso exercitu ex Germania 21 in 22 Italiam venerat, et 23 avitum 24 regnum vendicare 25 conabatur 26 , absque27 Romani praesulis auxilio 28 vinci capique potuisset.

	1 Alexander IV [Rinaldo di Jenne](1199 or ca. 1185-1261): Pope from 1254 to his death 2 Alexander IV died on 25 May 1261 3 Urbanus IV [Jacques Pantaléon] (ca. 1195-1264): Pope from 1261 to his death 4 Léonard, p. 41: Le Francais Urbain IV entreprit aussitôt de réunir les forces que l'Italie pouvait mettre en ligne contre le roi de Sicile [Manfred] et de trouver l'homme à qui les confier. … Quant à l'adversaire à opposer contre Manfred, Urbain IV se dégagea (September 1262) des négociations avec l'Angleterre. … il avait déjà envoyé, dès le début de l'année [1262], mâitre Albert de Parme reprendre à Paris les pourparlers tendant à la designation d'un prince francais. Louis IX … refusant pour lui et pour ses fils le trône de Sicile, … laisse Albert de Parme aller le proposer à nouveau à son frère Charles d'Anjou 5 Charles I [Charles d'Anjou] (1227-1285): Son of King Louis VIII of France. Conquered the Kingdom of Sicily from the Hohenstauffen in 1266, having received it formally as a papal grant in 1262. Expelled from the island in the aftermath of the Sicilian Vespers of 1282, he thereafter resided in Naples 6 Urbanus IV died on 2 October 1264 7 Clemens IV [Guy Fouquois] (1190/1200-1268): Pope from 1265 to his death 8 Charles d'Anjou arrived in Rome in March 1265 9 Léonard, p. 54: Il [Clemens IV] proclama, aussitot couronné, la décheance d'Edmond d'Angleterre et autorisa Charles à accepter la sénatorerie romaine. … Le 21 juin [1265] il [Charles d'Anjou] recut le insignes de sénateur et, le 28, quatre cardinaux l'investirent, à Saint-Jean de Latran, du royaume de Sicile, dont il porta désormais le titre 10 Charles d'Anjou was crowned King of Sicily on 6 January 1266, in Saint Peter's Basilica -not in the Lateran, where he had been invested with the Kingdom, in June, see Léonard, p. 56 11 Charles d'Anjou left Rome, with his army, on 20 January 1266 2 Franciae N, S 3 eorum B 4 omit. O, P, AC 5 ac N, S, O, P 6 Romanae ecclesiae : ecclesiae Romanae AC 7 et N, S 8 hostem J 9 monumenti M 10 est J; omit. M 11 Franci exinde : exinde Franci O, P, AC 12 virus O 13 imus inficias : imus in inficias R; verum infitiar P; verum infitior AC 14 omit. N 15 ac M, O, P 16 magno add. N, O, P, AC 18 tantum M 19 Corrardinus L; Coradinus N; Corardinus O, P 20 conflicto S 21 Germanis O, P 22 ante O, P 23 ut AC 12 Charles d'1 intravit N, S 24 agnitum O
	25 vindicaret AC
	26 omit. O, P, AC
	27 ab O
	28 dum add. M

fecissetque I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

  1 adeo2 Carolum dilexit, ut ei Graecorum imperium committere 3 cogitaverit4 . Fecisset 5 suo desiderio satis, privato Michaele Palaeologo, qui conventa6 Lugduni non servaret, nisi cogitationes actionesque suas repentinus interrupisset obitus. Simile studium fuit et Martini IV., qui Nicolaum III. secutus est7 . Is 8 enim senatoriam dignitatem Carolo restituit et9 Michaelem Constantinopolitanum excommunicavit10 . Impedivit autem Martini 11 conatus12 Siculorum novitas et Petrus Aragonensis, qui rebellantem Carolo Trinacriam advectus 13 eo 14 cum15 valida classe sibi 16 subegit. Multa inter Carolum et Petrum 17 terra marique 18 secuta sunt proelia 19 , et 20 ingentibus cladibus 21 concussum est regnum; neque 22 servari a Francis potuisset, nisi 23 sedes apostolica adjutrix fuisset. Captus fuit navali proelio Carolus II. et apud Aragoniam in carcere detinebatur 24 , cum 25 Carolus pater 26 vita excessit. Nutabant 27 sine principe, sine auxiliis Neapolitani, {303} Capuani, Cajetani 28 , ceterique regni 29 incolae 30 . [cont.]

	1 XXII A, B, C, D, M, R, V
	2 omit. J
	3 comitem J
	4 cogitavit O, P
	5 6 idem add. J
	7 omit. N, S
	8 ipse S, O, P, AC
	9 omit. AC
	10 omit. N, S
	11 Martinus M
	12 conatum N
	13 adducto M
	14 eam P, AC
	15 tamen O
	16 omit. P, AC
	17 Carolum et Petrum : Petrum et Carolum N, S
	18 terra marique omit. M
	19 pericula I
	20 ab O; ab add. P, AC
	21 classibus D, N
	22 nec O, P, AC
	23 ni AC
	24 tenebatur L
	25 tum I; tunc L
	26 e add. P, AC
	27 vacabant P, AC
	28 Sareptani N; Saretani S
	29 omit. B
	30 accolae I

, L, N, O, P, S, AC

13 pervenisset I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC [22

  and was being kept prisoner in Aragon when his father, Charles, died. Without its prince and without help, the Neapolitans, the Capuans, the Gajetans, and the other inhabitants of the Kingdom vacillated. [cont.][21 cont.] Sed affuit apostolicae sedis 1 legatus, qui consolatus afflictum et paene desperantem populum in fide retinuit3 ; neque ullum Petrus Aragonensis apud Romanam ecclesiam remedium invenire5 potuit, quominus6 cum filiis et uxore extra ecclesiam fieret, quoniam Francis fuisset injuriatus. Martinus IV. anathema in eum promulgavit, quod etiam Honorius IV., gente Sabella natus, innovavit8 . Nisi 9 Romani praesules10 Francorum partes enixissime11 adjuvissent, emarcuisset12 in carcere Carolus II., et regnum Siciliae in alienas manus haud dubie venisset[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] . ] Quid 1 Robertus, Caroli hujus 2 filius? An et 3 hic Romanam ecclesiam sibi clementem ac benignam expertus est? Qualia ei 5 et quam inextricabilia6 cum Romano imperatore Henrico VII. certamina imminebant, nisi Clemens V. auxilio fuisset7 , qui etiam ejus 8 causa Clementinam eam 10 edidit, quam vocant Pastoralis 11 ? Quid12 Carolus, Roberti filius, qui Florentiae dominatum obtinuit? Quos[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] et illi favores Johannes XXII.

	14 adversus Vicecomites Mediolanenses praestitit,
	qui etiam Johannem 15 gente Ursina {124r} cardinalem, magni nominis virum, in Etruriam, ut sibi
	obsisteret 17 , legatum mittere non dubitavit? [cont.]
	1 quod R; qui O, P
	2 omit. B
	3 hujus … an et : filius hujusmet O, P, AC
	4 et B, I
	1 apostolicae sedis : sedis apostolicae P, AC
	2 desperatem C; desperatum D
	3 optinuit O
	4 add. in marg. A; praesidium I, L, V, P, AC; omit. M, R, N, S
	5 inveniri N, S
	6 quo modo N
	7 fuerat R
	8 et add. I
	9 omit. M
	10 consules AC
	11 enixissent J
	12 evanuisset P, AC

, L, R, N, S, V, O, AC

	5 omit. S
	6 explicabilia O; inexplicabilia P, AC
	7 affuisset V
	8 sui I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC
	9 clementiam M, R; Clementinamque V
	10 omit. O
	11 Pastorale I, L
	12 quod C, M, R; quod nos O
	13 quot V
	14 XII. A, C, M
	15 omit. N; Johannes e AC
	16 ipsi AC

17 absisteret D, V; assisteret I, L, N, O, P, S, AC 105 [22

  ] What about Robert,1 the son of Charles II? Did he not also find the Roman Church benevolent and well-disposed towards him?2 He would have been sorely threatened by his inextricable conflicts with the Roman Emperor, Heinrich VII, 3 if he had not been helped by Clemens V,4 issuing the Clementine [constitution] called Pastoralis 5 in his favour. And what about Robert's son, Charles,6 who obtained the lordship of Florence?7 Johannes XXII 8 granted him many favours against the Visconti of Milan 9 and did not hesitate to send the highly respected Cardinal Giovanni Orsini 10 as a legate to Toscana to assist him.11 [cont.]

	[22 cont.] Quid Johanna? Numquid et 1 ipsa sedis hujus 2 auxilia persensit 3 ? Fugerat ipsa cum
	secundo viro in proviciam Narbonensem, cum Ludovicus, rex Hungariae, ulturus fratrem, quem
	Johanna virum suum interfici jussisse ferebatur, magnis congregatis copiis
	1 Robert of Anjou (1277-1343): King of Naples from 1309 to his death. Rejected imperial rule, see Léonard, p. 222:
	Le roi Robert accepta la mission que lui donnaient les faits en proclamant la decheance de l'idée imperiale et
	l'avènement des nationalismes dans une protestation solennelle contre Henri VII où l'on pouvait lire: "Autrefois
	l'empereur était mâitre de tout et de tous et s'intitula pour cela 'mâitre du monde'. Aujourd'hui, … les rois de France,
	de Sicile, d'Espagne, d'Aragon, d'Angleterre, de Portugal … et presque sans distinction tous les rois du monde
	échappent à son pouvoir et ne lui obéissent pas, en sorte que ce n'est qu'abusivement que l'on peut parler d'une
	autorité et d'un pouvoir impériaux"
	2 Pope Clemens VI was quite happy to use King Robert and the Kingdom in his own conflict with Emperor Heinrich
	VII, see Léonard, p. 213-214: Il [Clemens VI] parlait de la venue du Roi des Romains [Heinrich VII] comme d'un heureux
	évènement … En fait, ce n'était là de la part du pontife … qu'acceptation de ce qu'il ne pouvait empêcher et
	précautions déstinées à masque les maneuvres defensives auxquelles il se livrait d'autre part, et don't l'essentiel
	consistait à opposer à Henri VII le roi de Naples
	3 Heinrich VII (ca. 1275-1313): King of Germany (or Rex Romanorum) from 1308 and Holy Roman Emperor from 1312.
	He was the first emperor of the House of Luxembourg
	4 Clemens V [Raymond Bertrand de Got] (ca. 1264-1314): Pope from 1305 to his death in 1314. Infamous for
	suppressing the order of the Knights Templars, and as the pope who moved the Curia from Rome to Avignon,
	ushering in the period known as the Avignon Papacy
	5 The papal bull Pastoralis Cura, issued at Carpentras on 19 March 1314, in support of King Robert, against Emperor
	Henrich VII, see Setton, I, 171
	6 Charles (1298-1326): Son of Robert of Anjou, King of Naples. Died before his father. Father of Giovanna I
	7 1426
	8 Johannes XXII (Jacques Duèze or d'Euse) (1244-1334): pope from 1316 (in Avignon) to his death
	9 Visconti Family: important Italian noble dynasty of the Middle Ages. Rose to power in Milan, where they ruled from
	1277 to 1447
	10 Giovanni Gaetano Orsini (ca. 1285-1335): Cardinal 1316 until his death. A Roman nobleman, nephew of Pope
	Nicolaus III. In 1326 the Avignon Pope John XXII sent him as his legate a latere to Italy, then much troubled by civil
	wars, with the task of bringing peace
	11 For a period the pope and King Robert were allies and friends, but after the pope allied himself with the imperial
	house (John of Bohemia) and the King of France, they became adversaries, see Léonard, p. 267-268

4 deposceret I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

  Scissum est deinde regnum, et1 ipse Francorum sanguis inter sese 2 collisus est. Nam cum Ludovicus, rex Hungariae, iterum necis 3 fraternae memor Carolum in Italiam misisset, qui poenas interfecti viri ex Johanna reposceret4 , et jam 5 hic deletis6 Johannae copiis et capta Neapoli regnum in potestate sua 7 redegisset 8 , Johannamque 9 nova 10 in arce 11 clausam12 obsedisset,

	[23] Ludovicus vero 13 Andegavensis ad eam liberandam 14 cum magna equitum manu in regnum
	venisset 15 , et jam schisma 16 esset in ecclesia Dei, et Franci atque 17 Hispani Clementem VII.,
	Romani et reliqui ferme omnes Urbanum VI. beati Petri successorem putarent, ut quisque 18
	pontifex sibi consultum ratus est, sic favores suos impartitus 19 est; nec tamen a Francorum
	sanguine recessum 20 21 , siquidem 22 et Dyrrachienses et Andegavenses 23 a Francorum 24 stirpe
	duxerunt originem. [cont.]
	1 ut N
	2 se P, AC
	3 legis O
	5 et jam : eciam L
	6 delectis N; delectis corr. ex deletis S
	7 potestate sua : sua potestate I; potestatem suam AC
	8 redigisset M, V
	9 Johannaque M
	1 omit. I 10 novam M
	2 hujus sedis : sedis hujus O, P, AC 11 arcem M
	3 presensit O, P 12 omit. V
	4 magnis … copiis omit. AC 13 omit. N
	5 trasiecisset P; trameasset Q 14 deliberandam V, P, AC; libertatem S
	6 et M; ac P, N, S 15 ivisset N, S
	7 sequestre D 16 sisma M
	8 VII. A, B, C, D, N, R, S 17 et N; omit. S
	9 legationem J 18 qui N; quisquis S, V
	10 omit. J 19 impertitus AC
	11 rem misit : remisit I, L; ad O 20 est add. I, L, M, N, V; recessit P; regnum recessit AC
	12 Guidonem episcopum : episcopum Guidonem O 21 nec tamen … recessum omit. S
	13 facta I; data P, AC 22 sic quidem M; si quidem S
	14 uti V 23 Dyrrachiensens et Andegavenses : Andegavenses et Dyrrachienses J
	15 regna O 24 a

Francorum : Francorum a I, L, O, N, P, V, AC; Francorum

  ex S[23] Then the Kingdom split into two,1 and a conflict arose within the French dynasty itself. For King Louis of Hungary once again remembered the murder of his brother and sent Charles 2 to Italy 3 to demand reparation from Giovanna for the murder of her husband.4 5 He destroyed Giovanna's army, conquered Naples, and had the Kingdom in his power. As he was besieging Giovanna in Castel' Nuovo,6 Louis[I] d'Anjou 7 arrived in the Kingdom with a large force of knights in order to free her. At that time the schism had arisen in the Church of God: the French and the Spanish recognized Clemens VII8 as Saint Peter's successor, whereas almost all others opted for Urban VI.9 Each pope distributed his favours as his own interests dictated, but neither one deserted the French dynasty, since both the House of Durazzo and the House of Anjou descended from that dynasty. [cont.] Urbanus VI. primo 1 amicus, deinde hostis Carolo Dyrrachiensi 2 fuit, quem etiam 3 regno 4 privasse fertur cum circumseptus5 in Nuceria 6 ab eo 7 teneretur 8 , nec filio ejus Ladislao impuberi placatus est, cui et regni possessionem adimere conatus est9 , et10 Ludovici Andegavensis partibus favit.[24] Contrariam viam tenuit Bonifacius IX., successor ejus, qui Ladislaum ad regnum restituit11 et coronam mandavit, Ludovici fautoribus et amicis prorsus attritis12 . Derivatus 13 est in parte Romana 14 summus pontificatus15 per 16 varias manus usque ad Johannem XXIII., qui Constantiae in magna[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] synodo, durante schismate[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] , depositus est 19 , cum defuncto Bonifacio IX., Innocentius VII. 20 et Gregorius XII.[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] et Alexander V. in apostolica cathedra sedissent. Johannes autem adeo 22 parti Andegavensi 23 studuit 24 , ut prius Roma pelli sustinuerit 25 quam Ladislao conciliari vellet.

	1 Between the line of Giovanna I and the House of Durazzo, both Angevin 2 Charles III of Durazzo (1345-1386): King of Naples and titular King of Jerusalem as Charles III from 1382 to 1386 and King of Hungary from 1385 to 1386 as Charles II 3 1381 4 Andrew 5 Charles of Durazzo's successful expedition (with French and Hungarian troops) to the Kingdom in 1380 when he deposed Giovanna and later had her imprisoned and murdered, see Léonard, p, 467 6 Castel Nuovo [Maschio Angioino]: medieval castle located in front of Piazza Municipio and the city hall (Palazzo San Giacomo) in central Naples, Italy. First erected in 1279 7 Louis I d'Anjou (1339-1384): Second son of Jean II of France and the founder of the Angevin branch of the French royal house. (Valois). Adopted as son and heir by Giovanna I on 29 June 1380. After her death he effectively succeeded to the counties of Provence and Forcalquier. He also inherited from her a claim to the kingdoms of Naples and Jerusalem. In 1384 he led an army into Italy to claim his Neapolitan inheritance. He died on the march and his 2 omit. N 3 et J; autem O, P 4 omit. N 5 circumspectus N, S 6 Etruria P, AC claims and titles fell to his son and namesake, Louis II d'Anjou [cont. 23] 1 primus S 7 in Nuceria ab eo : ab eo in Nuceria I

8 detineretur I, L, N, O, P, S, AC; deteneretur V

  Urban VI was first the friend of Charles of Durazzo but later became his enemy, and he is even said to have deprived Charles of the Kingdom when he was besieged by him in Nocera.1 Nor was the pope pleased with Charles' underage son, Ladislas: 2 indeed he tried to deprive Ladislas of the Kingdom 3 and favoured the cause of Louis d'Anjou.4

	[cont. 23]
	9 omit. C
	10 omit. J
	11 restitui AC
	12 a gentis O
	13 dirivatus O
	14 parte Romana : partes Romanus P, AC
	15 pontifex N, S
	16 qui M
	17 magno L, AC
	18 sismate M
	19 omit. R, P, AC
	20 VIII. S
	21 XImus S
	22 omit. O
	23 parti Andegavensi : partem Andegavensem I, L; partem Andegavensium N, S; parti Andegavensium V;
	partibus Andegavensium O, P, AC
	24 su(b)stinuit I, L, N, S, V; favit P, AC
	25 sustinuit P

brutiorum I, L; Prutiorum V; Abruciarum O; Aprutiorum N, P, AC; Apriciorum S

  Martinus V.? Quanta hic pontifex 2 incommoda 3 passus est, ut generi Andegavensi 4 regnum 5 servaret 6 ? Adoptaverat Johanna secunda7 Ludovicum Andegavensem 8 sibi filium; id ratum Martinus habuit. Cum mutasset Johanna 9 propositum et Alfonsum ex10 Aragonia vocavisset, non mutavit Martinus 11 aut 12 animum aut[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] sententiam, sed amicus Ludovico, Alfonso

	semper infestus fuit. {124v} Invaserat Braccius Perusinus Aquilam, haud 14 contemnendam
	Brutiorum 15 urbem, eamque 16 cinctam 17 obsidione premebat; neque dubium videbatur, quin ea
	potitus universum ad se regnum traheret, tanta ejus inter belli duces auctoritas erat. Martinus
	collecto milite et magnis copiis 18 magno aere 19 paratis, inter quarum ductores 20 Franciscus,
	Sfortiae filius 21 , qui nunc 22 Mediolanensibus dominatur, tum 23 admodum adolescens, egregiam
	navavit operam. [cont.]
	1 quod A, C, M; quis O
	2 omit. O, P, AC
	3 hic pontifex incommoda : incommoda hic pontifex V
	4 Andegavensis B, C
	5 omit. O, P, AC
	6 serviret P, AC
	7 omit. N; illa P, AC
	8 servaret adoptaverat … Andegavensem omit. O
	9 mutasset Johanna : Johanna mutasset J
	10 in S
	11 omit. N
	12 autem M
	13 omit. M
	14 aut M
	15 Ap/16 sam S
	17 auctam M
	18 magnis copiis : magno copio O
	19 genere N; generi S
	20 auctores I, L, M, N, O, P, S, V
	21 Sfortiae filius : Sfortia O, P, AC
	22 omit. N
	23 tunc I, L, N, S, V; tamen O

in dies : dietim I, J, L, M, N, O, P, S, V, AC

  Victus est in proelio Braccius captusque, paulo post ex vulnere mortuus, obsessa civitas liberata, et regnum Andegavensi 2 familiae 3 Romanae ecclesiae sumptibus reservatum4 . Cumque Alfonsus modo una, modo altera via 5 regnum invaderet, et recentibus in dies6 classibus urgeret8 , Martinum semper 9 adversum habuit; nec, eo vivo, potiri suo desiderio 10 valuit 11 , illius ducibus impeditus et ab eo extra sacra12 et communionem fidelium factus. Et quamvis graves hi essent 14 Martino 15 sumptus, non tamen destitit 16 quin omnia experiretur[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] , per quae[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] regnum Alfonso negatum ad Francos integrum deveniret. Non aliter Samuel regno David quam Martinus Andegavensi dominio 19 favit.

	who now rules Milan. Though Francesco was very young, he did 1 Martinus V [Oddone Colonna] (1369-1431): Pope from 1417 to his death. His election at the Council of Konstanz splendidly. [cont.] effectively ended the Western Schism (1378-1417) 2 Martin V recognized Giovanna II as Queen of Naples in 1419, but only after obtaining considerable favours and lands for his own family, the Colonnas, in the Kingdom. Afterwards he he plotted, with Muzio Attendolo Sforza, to remove Giovanna from power, and in December 1420 the pope declared the French Louis III and his descendants as heirs of Giovanna, if she died withour heirs of her body -as was then expected, see Léonard, p. 485 3 Giovanna II (1373-1435): Queen of Naples from 1414 to her death 4 Louis III (1403-1434): titular King of Naples 1417-26, Count of Provence, Forcalquier, Piedmont, and Maine and Duke of Anjou 1417-34, and Duke of Calabria 1426-34. He was the eldest son and heir of Louis II of Anjou 5 Opposing the French succession, Giovanna invited King Alfonso of Aragon to come to the Kingdom and become her [25 cont.] 1 obses et O, P, AC heir, which he did in 1421. The pope was quite irritated at this development, but did accept Giovanna's adoption of 2 Andegavensis C Alfonso. Later the agreement between Giovanna and Alfonso broke down. The queen annulled the adoption of 3 reservatum add. I Alfonso and reinstated Louis III as heir (1 June 1423). After a stay in Spain, Alfonso returned to the Kingdom in 1424 4 omit. I and was reinstated as Giovanna's heir in 1431. But as soon as the immediate danger passed, Giovanna once again 5 modo altera via : via modo altera N annulled the adoption of Alfonso and reinstated Louis III as heir (June 1433). Then Louis died on 15 November 1434, and Giovanna in her turn died on 2 February leaving René d'Anjou, brother of Louis III, as heir to her Kingdom 6 7 omit. B (Léonard, pp. 485-487) 8 urgeret : vigeret AC 6 Alfonso V the Magnanimous (1396-1458): King of Aragon, Valencia, Majorca, Sardinia and Corsica, Sicily and Count 9
	of Barcelona from 1416, and King of Naples (as Alfonso I) from 1442 to his death
	7 Gregorovius, III, 1, p. 7: Dies brachte den Papst auf; denn wie durfte er den Thron Neapels von einem Monarchem
	einnehmen lassen, welcher bereits Aragon, Sizilien und Sardinien besass?
	8 Pastor, I, p. 209: Alfonso V von Aragonien verfolgte Martin V. mit bitterem Hasse, weil der Papst seine Ansprüche
	auf das Königreich Neapel nicht unterstützte, vielmehr seinen Gegner Ludwig von Anjou anerkannte
	9 Fortebraccio, Andrea (AKA Braccio da Montone) (1368-1424): Italian nobleman and condottiero
	10 1424
	11 Sforza, Francesco, I (1401-1466): Italian condottiero, the founder of the Sforza dynasty in Milan, Italy. Duke of
	Milan from 1450 to his death
	12 Muzio Attendolo Sforza (1369-1424): Italian condottiero

Martinum semper : semper Martinum I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

	10 potiri suo desiderio : suo desiderio potiri S
	11 ab add. AC
	12 sacram N; sacramenta O, P, AC
	13 omit. O, S
	14 hi essent : inessent N; ei add. O
	15 Martini N, P, AC
	16 desistit P
	17 experietur M
	18 quem L
	19 familiae I; domino N, S, O, P, AC

  Successit Martino Eugenius IV. et idem iter 1 2 secutus 3 summa vi4 regnum Alfonso 5 prohibuit. Missus est adversus eum Johannes cardinalis Vitellius 6 et Johannes cardinalis7 Tarentinus. Saepe collatis signis et 8 regis et9 pontificis copiae inter se dimicarunt. Et quamvis Renatus regno 10 excesserit 11 , visusque12 fuerit victori[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] Alfonso cedere, Eugenius tamen illi non cessit, sed omnem belli molem 14 in se suscepit. Incredibile fuerit, si auri pondus retulerimus, quod Romana ecclesia pro servando15 Francis regno profudit16 . Nam solus Eugenius longe supra quingenta[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] millia auri nummum ipse[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] in 19 expeditionibus absumpsit 20 . Tacemus rapinas, incendia, caedes, et innumerabilia[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] damna, quae subditi ecclesiae pertulerunt 22 , et Anconitanae Marchiae perditionem23 , et 24 multarum urbium rebelllionem, quae omnia passus est potius quam regi 25 Alfonso blandiretur, Renato 26 adversaretur, quem numquam reliquit 27 .

	[26] 1 omit. O, P, AC	5
	2 idem iter : iter idem N
	3 prosec/quutus O, P, AC
	4 in M
	5 Regnum Alfonso : Alfonso regnum V
	6 Vitellinus I; Vitellus P, AC
	7 Vitellius … cardinalis omit. R
	8 omit. L
	9 omit. M
	10 omit. A, B, C, J, M, R; regno add. in marg. D
	11 concesserit L; egesserit O
	12 iussusque M
	13 victoria N, S, V
	14 modum S
	15 pro servando : preservando M
	16 profugit C, O
	17 quinquaginta M, S, O, P, AC
	18 omit. O, P, AC
	19 omit. J
	20 assumpsit O, S
	21 invariabilia N
	22 protulerunt O
	1 1424 23 proditionem O, P, AC
	2 Aquila 24 ut AC
	3 I.e. he was excommunicated 25 omit. O, S
	4 Old Testament prophet 26 Renatoque I; Renatoque corr. ex Renato L
	5 King David of Israel 27 relinquit P
	116

20 Ducem Burgundiae : Burgundiae ducem I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

  1 praesidet 2 , ab apostolica sede3 relictus est. Bis enim memoria nostra Nicolaus4 , cardinalis5 sanctae crucis, in Galliam missus est , ut7 quieti ejus regni consuleret, primo ex8 Martini decreto, secundo Eugenii. Norunt 9 omnes, cujus doctrinae, cujus sanctimoniae, cujus auctoritatis hic 10 vir fuerit, ex cujus familia duo Romani praesules assumpti11 sunt, Nicolaus V. et Pius II. Ambo enim illius12 discipuli et contubernales fuimus, ambo ex illius[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] schola ad summum apostolatum 14 inscrutabili Dei judicio vocati fuimus16 . Ambo 17 in minoribus agentes in Atrebatensi[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] magno conventu ei servivimus; sed {125r} Nicolaus major natu et meritis majori loco apud eum fuit 19 . In eo conventu legatus apostolicus, quamvis capitales inimicitiae inter Carolum regem Franciae et Philippum ducem Burgundiae vigerent, odia hinc 21 atque 22 inde paene impacabilia 23 starent 24 , alteri tamen alterum conciliavit, et pacem illam Atrebatensem confecit, ex qua regnum Carolo firmatum est et solidatum 27 , et afflictae lacerataeque Franciae 28 quies data.

	1 Franci O
	2 praesidebat N
	3 omit. O
	4 omit. AC
	5 omit. P
	6 in Galliam missus est : missus est in Galliam I
	7 et O
	8 et M
	9 gnorunt P; noverunt S
	10 auctoritatis hic : hic auctoritatis O, P, AC
	11 absumpti I
	12 eius M; ipsius L, N, S, V
	13 ipsius R, S
	14 summum apostolatum : apostolatum summum P, AC
	15 sumus O, P, AC
	16 ambo ex illius schola … fuimus omit. B
	17 omit. P, AC
	18 enim add. P, AC
	19 fuit add. O, P, AC
	21 huic M
	22 ac P; et O, AC
	23 impatibilia N; incompatibilia S; implacabilia J, AC
	24 exstarent AC; extarent P, I, L, N, S
	25 alteri tamen alterum : alterum cum altero S
	26 omit. J

27 est et solidatum : et solidatum est I, L, M, N, O, P, S, V, AC 28 fumces M

Wrongs allegedly done to the French by the Roman See [

  suggesserunt22 . Mala illis mens23 , malus animus. Ut nocerent nobis, os in caelum posuerunt24 , fulmina 25 et flammas 26 ore conceptas tenere non potuerunt: Alienati sunt peccatores a vulva, erraverunt ab utero, locuti sunt falsa. Sed mentita est iniquitas sibi, et sagittae parvulorum factae sunt plagae eorum. [cont.] 29] But you object, silently, that you do not criticize the good deeds, but the bad. For when, in your oration, you had set forth your praises and the merits of the kings of France, you passed on to what you claim that Our predecessors and We ourselves have done against the Lilied [House].

	16 omit. O
	17 omit. N
	18 verba ipsa vestra : vestra ipsa verba J
	19 grano salis : grani scilo S
	20 iussa P
	21 nobis O

1 esse opera : opera esse I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

2

lapidentur O, P, AC

3

sed mala omit. I, L, N, P, S 4 regnum M, R, N, S 5 et N, S; atque O, P, AC

6

transmissis N, S 7 fuit an N, S 8 omit. O, P, AC

9

graviter M; nunc add. S 10 animadvertamus O, P 11 nostrum N

12

per add. P 13 tamquam ex quam corr. Felinus N 14 neque C, // I,

L, M, N, O, P, R, S

, V 15 vos … modo : quovisque modo vos P; quovis modo vos AC 22 suggessere I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC 23 et add. N, S 24 posuere I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC 25 fulgura S 26 flamma C 123 2.3.

  Magna 1 vis veritatis2 , quae contra omnes hominum insidias, omnes artes per se ipsam facile emergit3 . Recte Pythagoras post Deum veritatem4 colendam affirmavit, quae sola homines Deo proximos facit. Nihil 5 veritate fortius, ut in Esdra legitur. Et in evangelio salvator noster sese 6 veritatem appellat. Consentiamus igitur 7 veritati, eique 8 caput inclinemus, neque recedamus ab ea. Audiamus quid objiciatur.

[cont.] 124 [cont. 29] 1 est add. J 2 est add. I 3 vergit O, P 4 esse add. O, P, AC 5 nil I 6 sepe M; se AC 7 omit. O 8 ei cui O

  regnum Siciliae commisit5 , Francorum sanguinem sprevit. Haec 6 injuria, haec contumelia regi Franciae facta 7 contenditur 8 , vilipensa, et contempta 9 est nobilissima domus, tota eminentior Europa, toto generosior orbe, de Romana {125v} ecclesia optime 10 merita. Indignum facinus: Aragonenses 11 praelati sunt Francis12 . Quid hic[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] respondebimus? Non desunt arma, quibus adversantium tela repellantur. Non negamus regnum Siciliae Aragonensi commissum esse; sed hortamur Francos 14 , ut facta sua meminerint et de se ipsis rationem reddant, et judicantes alios, ut jubet Pythagoras, stateram ne15 transiliant 16 . Nemo sibi ipsi ignoscat 17 ; saepe Deum 18 odisse deprehenditur, qui sese 19 nimium diligit, et grandior in se ipsum 20 pietas, in Deum impietas est. Acrem 21 se sui 22 judicem 23 24 exhibeat 25 necesse est, qui alios censet 26 . Intelligamus igitur dilucide presseque cum 27 Renati tum Eugenii opera, eaque hoc loco referamus. Exinde mundus judicet, immo vero 28 Deus, apud quem non est acceptio personarum, quis alter alteri fuerit injurius.

	8 conceditur O
	9 contemnata M
	10 bene I
	11 Feragonenses V
	12 et add. O, P, AC
	13 omit. I
	14 omit. O
	15 non C, I
	16 transileant M
	17 dignoscat O, P
	18 saepe Deum : deum sepe O
	19 se P, AC

1 praedecessor noster omit. N 2 quid J; qui L, AC 3 omit. J 4 omit. J 5 et add. AC

6

nec N, S 7 esse add. M; omit. O 20 ipso I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF]

ante N; arcem S 22 se sui : sui se I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

23

judicio O, P 24 se sui judicem : sui judicem se J

25

exhibebat B; exhibere O, P, AC 26 cesset O, P; lacessit AC 27 tum J, M, O, P, AC 28 omit. O

  potuit, ut regnum Siciliae, quod est ecclesiae peculiare 22 , Francis adimeret, sed obsessum in23 Neapoli Renatum, quibus potuit auxiliis, consolatus est 24 , frumentique magnam vim ei 25 26 misit, quo clausum populum et fame pereuntem in fide conservaret 27 .

	2 committere L
	3 omit. N, S
	4 impium et N, S
	5 parva A, B, C, S
	6 jubentum M, V
	7 vis I
	8 et add. N, S
	9 quatit scripsit Horatius
	10 res R
	11 noster M
	12 auscultans consilio : consilio auscultans J
	13 quidem S
	14 quam vocatis pragmaticam servari : pragmaticam servari quam vocat O; quam pragmaticam servari vocat P;
	quam pragmaticam vocat servari AC
	15 atque O, P, AC
	16 omnibus I
	17 juribus add. I
	18 non add. I, L
	19 promisisset L
	20 tantum O
	21 produci O, S

1 extrema omnia : omnia extrema I 22 peculium corr.ex petulantia N; petulantes S 23 omit. I, L 24 omit. J 25 eo I, L 26 magnam … ei : copiam maximam atque vini magna ei vi P; copiam maximam atque vini magnam ei vim AC 27 contineret I, L, N, O, P, S, V,

AC

  sunt. Promisit16 17 et, cum[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] pinguioris fortunae fieret 19 , alia 20 unum 21 et 22 triginta milia; neque 23 haec 24 numerata fuerunt. Promisit ecclesiam Arelatensem 25 procuratori Eugenii tradere; non est tradita. Promisit cardinali Andegavensi ecclesiae suae possessionem concedere; non est concessa 26 . Promisit se curaturum 27 summo studio, ut pragmatica sanctio deleretur; non est deleta. Non accusamus 28 Renatum fractae fidei aut promissi non servati. Fortasse 29 et 30 sibi excusatio est, cur haec non fecerit, et aliqua sunt, quae non erant 31 in sua 32 33 potestate. Ipse tamen Eugenio numquam 34 satis excusatus est.

	21 nummum S
	22 ei S
	23 vero add. M
	24 omit. S
	25 Atrebatensem J; Aretalensem O
	26 promisit cardinali … concessa omit. AC
	27 se curaturum : curaturum se L, N, S, V, P, AC
	28 accusabimus S
	29 fortassiss P, AC
	30 etiam AC
	31 fuerant S
	32 eius M

1 Alfonsi armis : armis Alfonsi I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC 2 omit. I 3 permissa V 4 omit. S 5 quandoque I; omit. J; cumque S 6 hac in : in hac M, N, O, P, AC

7

referre O, P, AC

8

licebit P 9 omit. I 10 suis in : in suis M 11 primo AC

12

omit. O 13 premii I, L 14 postea numquam : numquam postea P, AC

15

soluta S 16 quin add. M; omit. O, P, AC 17 quae postea … promisit omit. N 18 et cum : cum et M 19 fuerit P, AC 20 omit. N, S, V 33 L: Here begins a lacuna which ends in sect. 34 34 non R 131

  Cum ergo 1 hinc rex Franciae Romanam ecclesiam adversus consuetudinem progenitorum 2 impediri 3 {126r} sineret4 , et Renatus neque auxilia mitteret5 , neque promissa servata apparerent, illinc rex Alfonsus patrimonium beati Petri magnis exercitibus urgeret6 , premeret, laniaret, et Franciscus Sfortia Vicecomes, nunc Mediolanensium 7 dominus, agrum Picenum invasisset, et Basilienses 8 sub nomine generalis concilii novas 9 excitarent 10 turbas, cepit11 consilium Eugenius, quod cardinales et viri prudentes12 sumendum pro tempore suaserunt. Non 13 disputamus 14 nunc15 de jure inter partes; hoc 16 est agendum 17 et 18 in judicio. Pacem Eugenius ab 19 Alfonso non utilem tantum, verum etiam necessariam accepit, eique 20 non solum regnum 21 permisit 22 , sed ultro 23 etiam 24 nonnulla de patrimonio ecclesiae oppida tradidit, inter quae Terracina 25 fuit, quae olim Anxur 26 appellata est. Sic 27 consuetudo belli est: pax pro 28 victoris 29 libidine semper emitur 30 . [cont.]

	10 excitaret P, AC
	11 coepit N
	12 prudentissimi B
	13 nunc N
	14 disputavimus O
	19 absque J
	20 eiusque M
	21 omit. O
	22 promisit J, M, S, O, P, AC
	23 ei J
	24 omit. P, AC
	25 Terracena M; T(h)arentina P, AC

1 Priorista, p. 307: A dì 15 di luglio 1442 … entrò in Firenze il re Rinieri con grande honore, et fue allogiatio nella chasa di Lorenzo del Larione de' Bardi et il Comune gli fece le spese, e lla Parte Guelpha gli dava ongni in dì f. 25, et durò insino a dì 22 di settembre ch'egli se n'andò per la via di Pisa … 2 Villeneuve, I, p. 334: Le pontife recut René avec la plus haute distinction et lui donna même solennellement l'investiture du royaume auquel il renoncait. Mais ce fut en vain qu'Eugène voulut persuader au monarque fugitif de ne point abandonner l'Italie … Gregorovius, III, 5, p. 39: Eugen verhöhnte nur das Unglück des Flüchtlings, indem er ihm das Investiturdiplom für ein verlorenes Königreich ausstellte. (!!) 3 Ryder, p. 247: Early in July René bade farewell to his phantom kingdom, leaving Castelnuovo to a Genoese creditor as a Genoese ship bore him off towards Florence. … In Florence he was received with great honour -Eugenius even handed over the bull of investiture for Naples without further payment or ado -but René realized as the weeks passed that he could expect no more than gestures of that kind. In October he made his way back to Provence. Pius had written about René's visit to Eugenius in Florence in his De Europa of 1458, see Piccolomini: De Europa (Heck), p. 271: Renatus ad Eugenium Florentiae morantem sese contulit. René's visit to Florence was a diplomatic embarrassment to the Florentine government who, on July 14, sent a letter to Alfonso in Naples downplaying René's presence in the city (Maxson, p. 110) 4 Cardinal Guillaume d'Estouteville. Pope Eugenius IV appointed him cardinal in 1439 and, 30 March in the same year, bishop of Angers, the main city of Anjou (Andegavium), after which he was called of Cardinalis Andegavensis. Never having gained possession of the Diocese of Angers, he was appointed Archbishop of Rouen in 1453 after which he was called Cardinalis Rhotomagensis (Du Fresne de Beaucourt, p. 191; and Nowak, p. 100, n. 14) 5 Angers 132 [33] 1 igitur I 2 suorum add. M; progenitoris O 3 impedire O 4 sinet C 5 admit/cteret O, P, AC 6 intraret AC 7 Mediolanensis I, M, N, R, S, V, O, P, AC 8 Basiliensis O, P, AC 9 omit. AC 15 non … nunc : nunc hic disputamus S; nunc non disputemus P; nunc non disputamus AC 16 hic corr. ex hoc N; hic S 17 est agendum : agendum est J 18 omit. P, AC 26 Ausur N; Ansur I, O, R, S; Anser P, AC 27 si I, O, P 28 que N, S 29 victoriae N 30 omit. M [blank space]

  2 This is the custom of war: peace is bought on the victor's terms. [cont.] [33 cont.] His de 1 causis Eugenius Siculi regni titulum Alfonso largitus est, cum jam Renatus nec unam 2 domum nec unam 3 terrae 4 glebam in regno possideret, et tamquam spem omnem 5 vendicandi 6 posthac 7 regni prorsus amisisset, arcem novam, quae Neapoli adjacet, hosti vendidisset 8 et nonnullis9 fidelitatis juramenta remisisset10 . Nec Alfonsus ingratus Eugenio fuit, qui Picentes 11 in oboedientiam12 ecclesiae suis armis reduxit[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] .

	his de : istis O, P, AC
	minimam N
	nostram N
	fre-M
	omit. J
	vindicandi AC
	omit. I; post hec O, V; post ac S
	propter quod videbatur juri suo cessisse add. nota marg. D
	nonnulla J
	hosti … remisisset omit. B
	Picenas R; Picenos P, AC
	oboedientia P
	redigeret S

  1 Eugenius Ferdinandum Alfonsi filium extra matrimonium natum ad regni Neapolitani 2 sive Siciliae successionem 3 auctoritate apostolica idoneum reddidit, cui praeter geniturae maculam nil obstabat, litteris et moribus egregie4 instututo. Neque novum est hujusmodi 5 viros ad regni 6 fastigia 7 provehi. Nam quamvis sancta lex est, quae vetito natos 8 coitu dignitatibus arcet -sic enim incontinentia non parum coercetur9 -id 10 tamen 11 vitium patris, non12 filii est13 14 , et15 clarissimos reges tam 16 ex illicito quam ex[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] alio minus digno concubitu natos constat: Romulus ex Rhea 18 sacerdote natus et Servius ex ancilla Romae regnaverunt. Apud Graecos Hercules clarus 19 habetur, quamvis Alcmena ex adulterio eum 20 21 genuerit 22 ; et Alexandrum 23 Macedonem, orbis dominum, Olympias ex alio quam ex Philippo concepisse traditur.

	1 id R
	2 regni Neapolitani : regnum Neapolitanum I, P, AC
	3 successorem C
	4 egregio O
	5 infrascr. N; homini add. N
	6 regna O
	7 vestigia O
	8 reatos O
	9 arcetur S
	10 et AC
	11 tantum O
	12 L: here ends the lacuna which begins in sect. 32
	13 fuit I
	14 filii est : est filii O
	15 omit. AC
	16 omit. M
	17 omit. M

[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF]

Reha J; omit. O [blank space]; Reba N 19 omit. I 20 omit. O, P 21 ex … eum : eum ex adulterio I, AC 22 peperit M 23 magnum add. S 137

  conscendit 19 et magnifice gubernavit. Et Carolus item 20 magnus Carolum filium extra matrimonium genitum non ignobili 21 regno praefecit. Nec plura in Eugenii apologiam.

	6 et N
	7 inde J, M, N, P, AC
	8 Christiana J
	9 civitas J; nativitatis N
	10 traxit M
	11 inepte M
	12 qua C
	13 procreatus S; progeneratus O, P, AC
	14 sed I, L
	15 omit. L
	16 omit. R
	17 et stabulario N; stabilaria O
	18 monarcham N; tamen O
	19 consendit M
	20 etiam P, AC

1

omit. N, P, AC

2

Numida N; Humida S; Humidia V 3 Massinissa C; Maximisse L; omit. O [blank space]; Mansinisse V 4 incognita O, P, AC

5

sustinuit M; suscitavit S 21 ignobiliter O, P, AC

  [START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] socia 14 arma conjunxerant15 ; inde Francisco 16 Sfortia 17 Mediolani 18 19 potito 20 Florentini ex foedere juncti communibus 21 viribus bellum administrabant. Ardebant omnia, ubique caedes, ubique rapinae 22 , neque 23 profana neque sacra tuta 24 erant. Elati Constantinopolitana victoria Turci et impune 25 per Rasciam 26 et Albaniam debacchati27 , extremum Hungaris 28 excidium minabantur.

	12 fragrabat O
	13 Alfonso Veneti : Veneti Alphonso M
	14 sorcia O
	15 conjunxerunt J, P, AC
	16 Franciscus N
	17 Sforcie L; fortia S
	18 Mediolanensi L; Mediolano I, S
	19 dominus add. N
	20 et corr. ex potito N; petito O; potitus S
	21 omnibus I
	22 rapina V
	23 nec I, L
	24 tota O
	25 nuperrime N
	26 Asiam N, S

1

rationi C; nationis I; natione L 2 nationi vestrae : vestre nationi O 3 inde L; cum S 4 ratam gratamque : gratam ratamque I, O 5 quod P, AC

6

salvator O 7 omit. M 8 privilegium P, AC

9

is A, C, D, M, R; iis L 10 quae postea : postea que M 11 confirmavit add. M 27 et add. O, AC

28

Ungari O; Ungarie S

  Nicolaus postea ratum habuit et confirmavit. Similiter et Calixtus egit. Et nos post coronationem nostram ex consilio fratrum vestigia praedecessorum 21 sectati 22 , ne 23 tam salutaris pacis vinculum solveretur, foedus ipsum comprobavimus. Sed de rebus nostris paulo post agemus 24 .

	14 futuri P
	15 regem J
	16 possessorem S
	17 complexus M
	18 omit. M; scimus O; omnia S, V
	19 recipit V
	20 esse O

1 convertere J 2 convertere [sic!] J

3

celebratus P 4 Firmianus J 5 legati I, L, N, O, P, V, AC; legatus S 6 pax tandem : tandem pax M, P, AC

7

promissum P, AC

8

tamen add. O, P, AC

9

et J

10

conservatorem Romanum praesulem : Romanum presulem conservatorem S

11

designantes O; designarunt P, AC

12

in add. O 13 contractata corr. ex contracta; tracta M; tractata I, L, N, O, P, R, S, V, AC

[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF]

nostrorum add. O, P, AC 22 secuti M; sectati corr. ex sequuti N; sectantes O, P, AC 23 ut ne I 24 agimus M

11 rerum maximarum : maximarum rerum I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC 12

  violare voluisse, sed filium ejus regno privasse. Nihil horum negamus, verum incivile est non totum referre. Supplebimus nos, quod 16 vestrae orationi defuit[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] . Calixtus enim[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] mox ut pontificatum adiit, id19 foedus, cujus supra 20 mentionem fecimus, ratum gratumque {127r} habuit, eoque usus est, cum Jacobus Piccininus[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] Senenses bello quateret, adversus quem vi 22 foederis23 et Venetos 24 et 25 reliquos Italiae potentatus excitavit; neque 26 Alfonso regni 27 investituram 28 negasset, nisi Marchiam 29 Anconitanam et plura alia regni feudo adjici 30 petivisset 31 . [cont.]

	2 partibus P
	3 quanto O
	4 carpique J
	5 possunt J
	6 nec P, AC
	7 abs AC
	8 fuerat S
	9 cui O
	10 omit. S
	16 que M
	17 et deficit add. AC
	18 vero O
	19 ad S
	20 suis M
	21 Picelinus S
	22 in I, M
	23 virtute add. I; utile add. suprascr. L
	24 vinctos M
	25 alios add. R
	26 in M
	27 regi M
	28 regni investituram : investituram regni V
	29 monarchiam S

1 Eugenii et Nicolai : Nicolai et Eugenii J, O, P, AC et O, P, AC 13 debere I; deberi P 14 et urbes … deberet omit. O 15 omit. M; tandem O, P, AC 30 feudo adjici : feudatalia N 31 petiisset N; potuisset I, J, S

  Alfonso autem vita functo1 , qua ratione incertum est, Ferdinandum, quem ex foedere successorem Alfonsi 2 in regno Siciliae acceptaverat, a regno 3 removit 4 . Illud certum est5 , quod regnum Siciliae non ad Francorum prosapiam, sed ad Romanam ecclesiam devolutum esse 6 declaravit7 . Testantur hoc 8 ejus litterae, et recens curialium extat9 memoria. Nihil dicimus10 , quod non 11 in 12 promptu probare 13 possimus 14 . Si vixisset diutius providus et magnanimus pontifex, vidissent omnes, quo suus ferebatur et aspirabat15 animus, quem nemo regnum hoc generi Gallico aut quaerere aut servare arbitratus est. Non est igitur, quod 16 magnopere ad Renati causam assumatis facta Calixti, quamvis Ferdinando regnum adimere conatus sit.

	1 defuncto S
	2 Alphonsus J
	3 a regno omit. S
	4 removerit I, L
	5 omit. N
	6 omit. J
	7 omit. J
	8 hec O
	9 exstat AC
	10 dicemus O
	11 omit. M, S
	12 omit. O, S
	13 non add. M
	14 possumus I, O
	15 aspirabatur P
	16 cur J
	147

1

I.e. to what little extent

2

Calixtus III [Alfons de Borja] (1378-1458): Pope from 1455 to his death in 1458. The first Borgia Pope 3 Homer: Odyssey, 1.3-4

4

The treaty establishing the Lega Italica, 1455 146

[38 cont.]

  prorsus insufficientes, ut altissimo placuit, suffecti sumus. Ad res nostras modo veniendum est, quas multi lacerant carpuntque2 . Homines sumus et fragiles: labimur, fallimur, decipimur. Inviti tamen erramus, et cum recognoscimus errorem, malumus 3 illum potius cum nostro4 revocare rubore quam cum subditorum scandalo damnoque5 retinere. Verum in hoc negotio regni Siciliae nihil 6 a nobis 7 factum est8 , quod reprehensione dignum existimemus, quamvis illud Ferdinando concesserimus9 . Sed accusamur, quod illegitimo10 , quod indigno11 , quod12 inhabili eximiam regni dignitatem et coronam elargiti sumus; quod inclytam Francorum domum[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] sprevimus et 14 abjecimus15 , nec oratores Caroli et Renati regum 16 audire dignati[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] sumus. Haec summa est accusationis; huc[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] omnes orationis vestrae 19 nervi tenduntur 20 . Parum est, quod Eugenius, quod Nicolaus, quod Calixtus fecit. Pius est, qui plus ceteris ausus videtur[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] . Pius est, qui Francos, qui nationem Gallicam, qui aequitatem justitiamque contemnit. In Pium 22 omnia tela cadunt. Tolerabilia sunt, quae nostri antecessores fecerunt; quod nos facimus 23 , ferri 24 non potest 25 . Illi excusati, nos injusti, nos ingrati, nos impii sumus, quamvis Pii nomine vocitemur.

	14 atque S
	15 abiecit J; abicemus M
	16 regnum S; omit. J, AC
	17 audire dignati : dignati audire O
	18 ut O; eo AC
	19 orationis vestrae : vestre orationis O
	20 tendunt J, P, AC
	22 Piumque V
	23 fecimus P
	24 fieri N, S
	25 possunt I

1

tanto ponderi : tanti ponderis O, P 2 carpunt C, M 3 malimus L, R; maluimus O, N, S, V 4 potius cum nostro : cum nostro potius I, L, S, V, O, P, AC; cum nostro potius corr. Felinus ex potius cum nostri N

5

scandalo damnoque : damno scandaloque J 6 nil I 7 a nobis omit. C 8 a nobis factum est : factum est a nobis P, AC

9

concessimus M, O, P, AC

10

legitimo M 11 quod indigno omit. O, P, AC

12

omit. O; et P, AC

[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF]

Francorum domum : domorum Francorum M

[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF]

Pius est … videtur omit. J, M, AC

  1 But We do not err willingly, and when We recognize that We are in error, We will rather blushingly make amends than persist in it, causing scandal and misfortune among Our subjects. However, in this affair of the Kingdom of Sicily, We have done nothing We consider worthy of reproach though We bestowed it on Ferrante. Still, We are being accused of having given the eminent dignity and crown of the Kingdom to someone who is illegitimate, unworthy and unfit; of having spurned and rejected the illustrious House of France; and of not having deigned to hear the ambassadors of kings Charles and René. This is the accusation in brief,

and this is what your whole oration was about. What Eugenius, Nicolaus and Calixtus did is unimportant. Pius it is who has dared to do more than the others. Pius it is who despises the French nation, as well as equity and justice. Pius it is at whom all your weapons are aimed. What Our predecessors did is acceptable, but what We are doing is unacceptable. They are being excused, whereas We are ungrateful and impious, though called Pius.

  adduci poterant22 . Nam 23 quid 24 majus est 25 : sequi an praecedere? Nos apertum 26 a praedecessoribus 27 nostris 28 iter secuti sumus, et monstratam viam 29 tenuimus. Nihil plus egimus quam nostros antecessores 30 egisse repperimus. Dicat aliquis: "Per viam publicam ne ambules 31 ," quod Pythagoreum fuisse praeceptum 32 Jeronimus affirmat.[cont.]

	1 purgamur O
	2 mihi P
	16 omnium N
	17 veritatem omnem : omnem veritatem O
	18 detritam M
	19 videntur N, S
	20 omit. M
	21 omit. O
	22 omit. L
	23 an O
	24 quod I, L, N, S, V, O, P, AC
	25 omit. M
	26 apertam M
	27 apertum a praedecessoribus : a praedecessoribus apertum I

3

omit. O, P, AC

4

patietur J, O, P, AC

5

bonus et misericors … homines omit. N, S 6 viros J, V 7 omit. O 8 falsa I 9 sunt L; possunt corr. Felinus ex sunt N 10 crimina sinit : crimine sinet O, P, AC

11

quod O, P, AC

12

refellunt S; refellerem V

[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF]

valemus J, O 14 omit. O 15 ex dictis vestris : vestris ex dictis P, AC 28 omit. I, L, S, O, P, AC 29 publicam viam add. C 30 nostros antecessores : antecessores nostros N 31 ambulemus M 32 fuisse praeceptum : preceptum fuisse M [40] But We certainly intend to clear Ourselves. The Lord is Our helper, We shall not fear what men will do to us.

  1 nostra non solum exemplis 2 et auctoritate, verum etiam ratione defendamus, et quo in statu esset 3 ecclesia cum summi praesulatus ascendimus cathedram, ostendamus4 . Audite: non 5 longa 6 res est, et breviter 7 explicabitur. Invaserat Jacobus Piccininus agrum ecclesiae, non ignobilis nostri temporis copiarum ductor. Assisiorum arcem per proditionem praefecti arcis obtinuerat et urbem exinde in 8 potestatem 9 acceperat. Nuceriam 10 quoque 11 invaserat, et oppido12 Valdi 13 potitus 14 , arcem summa vi oppugnabat. Timebant15 vicini Fulginates, nec minus Spoletani, quorum arcis praefectus ad Piccininum inclinare videbatur, munita 16 quaeque17 18 loca ecclesiae in manibus19 Catelanorum 20 detinebantur, quos etsi fideles constantesque putaremus, nexus[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] tamen et amor nationis22 timorem incutiebat, ne cum 23 Ferdinando sentirent, qui regno Siciliae, nemine 24 adversante, potiebatur25 . Fuerat apud Capuam conventus principum regni 26 : omnes illi jurejurando 27 fidem ut regi suo praestiterant, nec una 28 quidem 29 vox audita fuerat, quae Renatum desiderare videretur 30 . Quieta omnia in regno erant 31 .

	1 facta O
	2 exemplo P, AC
	3 omit. V
	4 ostendemus M
	5 nunc P, AC
	6 longua P
	7 brevior I
	8 omit. O
	9 potestate P
	10 Niceriam N, S
	14 potius R
	15 enim add. M
	16 minuta M; munite O
	17 quoque O
	18 munita quaeque : munitaque J, P, AC
	19 manus I
	20 Castellanorum M, N, S
	21 nixus M
	22 nationem M
	23 tum N
	24 nemo M; nomine O
	25 paciebatur O
	26 omit. O, P, AC
	27 iureiurandi O
	28 omit. I
	29 omit. N, S
	30 videbatur O
	31 erunt M

11

Nuceriam quoque : Nuceriamque I 12 oppidum L, M, O, P, AC

[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF]

Gualdi I, L, O, N, S, V; Evarardi P, AC 155 2.3.4.1. Investiture and coronation of Ferrante of Aragon 2.3.4.1.1. Military imperatives 1

  Petebatur a nobis, ut Ferdinandum investiremus. Instabant Veneti jure foederis. Instabat dux Mediolani. Instabant Florentini. Ajebant omnes non posse illi 1 regnum 2 negari, quod3 patris ultima voluntate et omnium populorum assensu4 recepisset. Piccininus, qui jam tria ecclesiae oppida5 occupasset, nisi Ferdinando, cui militabat, regnum 6 committeremus, maximum subditis 7 nostris malum illaturus videbatur. Pacem Romani, pacem Umbri, pacem Picentes, pacem omnes 8 per 9 circuitum petebant: omnis mora gravis, omnis contradictio periculosa judicabatur10 . Nobis nihil11 antiquius videbatur, nihil animo nostro 12 fixius 13 haerebat 14 quam conventum Christianorum facere, in quo de retundenda15 Turcorum insolentia et Christiano 16 sanguine defendendo[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] tractaremus. Imminebat ecclesiae[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] gravissimum 19 et 20 {128r} periculosissimum bellum, si Ferdinandi postulatis adversaremur, nec nobis vires erant, quibus resisteremus, nec Massiliensis 21 episcopus a Renato missus aliud attulerat 22 23 quam verba dubia et 24 incertas promissiones 25 . Spes 26 in Renato longinqua 27 et auxilium dubium; in Ferdinando propinquus hostis et apertissimum damnum. [cont.] At that time] We were requested to invest Ferrante [with the Kingdom]. The Venetians insisted on it by right of the treaty, the Duke of Milan insisted on it, the Florentines insisted on it.

	[42] [
	12 meo J
	13 infixius J
	14 habebat N; herebatur S
	15 retrudenda P
	16 Christianorum I, O, P, AC
	17 omit. M
	18 ecce M
	19 grandissimum L
	20 ac C
	21 Malsiliensis O; Marsiliensis P, AC
	22 tulerat O, P, AC
	23 aliud attulerat : attulerat aliud V
	24 dubia et : de M
	25 et add. S
	26 spem N
	27 longinquo S

1 Baldi: Pio, p. 92: La presenza minacciosa del Piccinino all'interno delle terre della Chiesa e l'occupazione di Assisi; il possesso di molte fortezze delle Chiesa da parte di Pier Luigi Borgia … rendevano quanto mai incerto e insecuro il controllo del nuovo eletto, e constuivano un grave elemento di instabilità interna, capace di suscitare nuovi disordini da parte di altri signori feudali

2

Ferente, p. 76-77: Il conte Jacopo non perse il tempo. … il 15 agosto, a una settimana dalla morte del papa, si presentò con qualche squadra davanti ad Assisi … contrattando con il catalano che teneva la rocca, mentre Gualdo, Bevagna e Nocera gli si consegnevano spontaneamente. … Sulle sue intenzzione solo ipotesi. Sperava forse il conte Jacopo di approfittare del vuoto sul soglio pontificio per crearsi une posizione di forza tale che al nuova papa non restasse che nominarlo vicario?

3

15 August 1458

4

Some days after the coup in Assisi, see Nowak, pp. 427-428

5

Appointees of Pius' predecessor, the Catalan Pope Calixtus III, who had placed many of his countrymen in positions of strategic importance. They would now be inclined to side with Ferrante as Catalan ruler of the Kingdom of Naples 6 "amor nationis" 156 [42] 1 jure add. M 2 illi regnum : regnum illi O 3 quid V 4 ascensu M; omit. N 5 ecclesiae oppida : oppida ecclesiae J, O, P, AC 6 regimen N 7 rebus I 8 pacem omnes omit. B 9 qui M 10 omit. M; indicabit N; videbatur J, R 11 nobis nihil : nihil nobis P

  To Us nothing was more important and more firmly fixed in Our mind than to hold a congress for Christians where We could deal with ending the insolence of the Turks and defending Christian blood. If We opposed the demands of Ferrante, a most serious and dangerous war threatened the Church. We were not strong enough to resist him, and the Bishop of Marseilles, sent by René, had brought nothing but doubtful words and uncertain promises. Hopes in René were farfetched and all help doubtful, whereas in Ferrante We would have an enemy close by and evident ruin.[cont.][42 cont.] Nec rex1 Franciae apud nos legatum habuit, ut vobis 2 persuasum esse videmus3 , quamvis decanus Carnotensis 4 Romae tunc ageret, qui ad Calixtum missus Turcorum, non regni Siciliae causam tractaturus 5 venerat 6 , et mortuo Calixto nihil habebat, quod nobiscum ageret, nec verbis pondus inerat 7 extincta legatione, quamvis 8 impulsus ab aliis 9 aliquando nos in hac parte compellaverit10 .

	1 res M
	2 nobis J, L, M, P, AC
	3 videremus J, P, AC
	4 Carotonensis M
	5 Est alia responsio data per Pium oratoribus Renati incipiens De regno Siciliae, quae est in libro responsionum Pii,
	ubi late probat, quod Renatus non potuit omissa via juris movere arma, et quod papa tene[ba]tur defendere regem
	Ferdinandum a se investitum nota Felini N
	6 venerit P

7

verbis pondus inerat : verba ponderis habebat I, J, L, M, N, O, P, S, V, AC

8

omit. N 9 alio O 10 interpellaverit S

  visum est16 , sed cum[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] aliter[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] non possemus, Ferdinando potius morem gerere quam Romanam ecclesiam tot periculis exponere, quam religionis, quam fidei defensionem19 negligere20 . Conceduntur enim multa necessitati[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] , et inter duo mala minus eligitur. Quid igitur 22 fecimus 23 ? Nil amplius sane quam nostri antecessores 24 fecerant, quamvis illi Alfonso, nos Ferdinando regnum commisimus25 . At cui Ferdinando? Nempe filio regis, etsi non legitime nato, auctoritate tamen apostolica legitimato 26 , haeredi a patre rege destinato 27 et instituto, et a regnicolis recepto 29 , nobisque 30 vi 31 percussi 32 pridem 33 foederis ab universa34 Italia commendato, regni etiam possessori, sive, ut vos vultis35 , occupatori. So, what should We do? Should We fight for the kingship of someone who seemed not to care for it, living a peaceful life at home? But to meet an enemy with unequal forces was to knock Our head against a wall. Were We really obliged to lose the castles and fortresses of the Church, to waste the Patrimony of Saint Peter, to expose all Our subjects to plunder and killings, and to neglect the defense of the Faith? This is definitely not what We and Our brethren 1 thought, and since there were no alternatives, We would rather accomodate Ferrante than expose the Roman Church to so many dangers and neglect the defense of religion and Faith. Much must be done because it is necessary, and of two evils the smallest one should be preferred. So what did We actually do? No more, indeed, than our predecessors had already done, though they gave the Kingdom to Alfonso, whereas We gave it to Ferrante. But to which Ferrante? To a Ferrante who was the king's son, who though illegitimate had been legitimated by apostolic authority; to a Ferrante who had formally been made his father's heir; to a Ferrante who was accepted by all the subjects of the Kingdom; to a Ferrante whom all of Italy recommended to Us, by virtue of the treaty; to a Ferrante who actually possessed the Kingdom -or occupied 2 it, if you prefer.[44] Nihil juri vestro detrahimus; nec tamen huic tot favoribus 1 munito aliter regnum commisimus, quam si nostrum 2 esset, idest si ad nos devolutum existeret, aut si illi jure haereditario deberetur. Et quis 3 hoc damnare potest? Si pater ejus rex fuerat eumque 4 legitimatum haeredem instituerat, injuria erat paternum ei regnum 5 negare. Si nostrum ex6 devolutione fuit, licebat nobis cui vellemus dare, et illi dare7 voluimus. Si ad Francos regemve 8 Renatum 9 aut 10 alium pertinuit, nihil ei dedimus neque dare 11 voluimus12 . Reservavimus enim nostris in litteris aliorum jura, quod[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] nostri 14 antecessores 15 non fecerant16 . Quid igitur 17 calumniamur? Quid reprehendimur? Quis non intelligit pio 18 regi 19 vestro 20 et vobis[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] dictas esse nugas, quibus {128v} persuasum est nos Francorum inclytam domum regno privasse, qui neminem privavimus 22 , nemini jus abstulimus 23 ? In no way have We diminished your rights. Though Ferrante may have had certain advantages, it was Our Kingdom to dispose since it had either reverted to Us or was due to Ferrante by right of inheritance. Who can criticise Us for that? If Ferrante's father had been the king and had made him the legitimate heir, it would be unjust to deny him the paternal Kingdom. If the Kingdom had reverted to Us, it was Ours to give to whom We wanted, and We wanted to give it to Ferrante. If it belonged to the French, or to King René, or to somebody else, We did not give or wanted to give it to Ferrante, for in Our letter We reserved the rights of other parties, something that Our predecessors had not done. So, why are We being slandered? What are We rebuked for? Who does not understand that your pious king and you yourselves have been told nonsense since you believe that We have deprived the glorious House of France of the Kingdom, whereas in fact We have deprived nobody of it and have dispossessed nobody of their rights.[45] "At 1 si devolutum erat," dicat fortasse aliquis, "praeferendi fuerant Franci 3 ." Praetulissemus, si tam 4 prope fuissent quam Ferdinandus, et non tantum 5 nobis 6 7 impendisset 8 discrimen atque necessitas9 . "At 10 grave est coronatum esse Ferdinandum." Certe, si jure investitus11 est, juste quoque coronatus est. Si jure caret, nihil ei corona confert. "At 12 populorum favorem ei conciliat." Cum jussimus coronari, non erat favore 13 opus: omnes enim proceres populique15 favebant. Conventum insuper 16 erat coronam illi[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] dandam esse, cum peteret, quemadmodum antecessores nostri Eugenius et Nicolaus cum Alfonso patre convenerant. Non potuimus petenti[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] negare et promissis obviam ire. Nam si privati 19 ex pacto tenentur, et 20 principes teneri non est ambiguum. Nihil 21 foedius est 22 quam princeps 23 fidei fractor . Maybe someone will say: "But if the Kingdom had reverted to You, You should have preferred the French." We would indeed have preferred the French if they had been as close by as Ferrante, and if We had not been threatened by so great a danger and pressured by so great a necessity. "But that Ferrante was also crowned is a very serious matter." If it was lawful to invest him [with the Kingdom],

	1 fecerimus N 2 regno ejus : eius regno P 3 videbatur S 4 imparibusve I 5 hostis corr. ex hosti V 6 hosti viribus : viribus hosti M 7 illudendumque P, S 8 omit. M 9 patriomonio O 10 delapidato O 11 subiectos I 12 et R; O, P, AC 13 cedi M 1 ac M 2 fuerunt P, AC [43] 1 fautoribus S [45]
	14 adjicere R; subicere O, V 2 necessarium O, P, AC 3 Gallici O
	15 ita O 3 equius M 4 tamen J
	16 fuit R 4 eum N 5 tamen M
	17 tamen O 5 paternum ei regnum : ei regnum paternum J, M; paternum regnum ei O, P, AC 6 vobis M
	18 alias O, P; aliud AC 6 omit. N, S, O, P, AC
	19 defensorem O 7 omit. J
	20 maluimus add. AC 8 aut regem M; regemque C
	21 necessitate N; necessitates O 9 pertinuit add. AC 10 et M
	22 ergo M 10 ad add. P, AC 11 investiture M
	23 certe add. P 11 donare S 12 atque contra M
	24 nostri antecessores : antecessores nostri O, AC; predecessores nostri P 12 volumus N 13 non erat favore : favore non erat S
	25 concessimus J 13 quae I 14 ei J, V, O, P, AC
	26 et add. O, P, AC 14 autem O 15 proceres populique : populi proceresque I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC
	27 omit. M 15 nostri antecessores : antecessores nostri P, AC 16 iuris O
	28 ac N 16 fecerunt AC 17 ei R, S
	29 suscepto O 17 omit. O 18 petente O
	30 nobis O, P, AC 18 proh J; pro N 19 homines add. P, AC
	31 in M 19 rege N 20 omit. N, S
	32 promissi M 20 nostro N 21 nil I
	33 quidem M, N; omit. S 21 nobis N 22 omit. O, P, AC
	34 universali P, AC 22 privamus P, AC 23 principes M
	35 etiam add. M 24 factor S

23

nemini derogavimus add. in marg. D; nemini derogavimus add. I, L, N, V; nemini derogamus add. O, P, S, AC 163 2.3.4.1.2. Legal situation [44] 7 tantum nobis : nobis tantum // I, L, S, V, O, P, AC 8 omit. M; impedisset N 9 coegisset add. P, AC

14 regi principem : regem principi I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

  sumus12 , cum nobis illi, non Renato sese[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] subjicere 14 vellent. Nos certe nihil15 aliud facere decuit, sive ante investituram sive post, ne16 regnum divideremus, quod tunc erat unitum[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] . Rursus 1 et illud reprehendistis, quod equites regnum petentes, qui militare Ferdinando vellent, transire permisimus, qui ei 3 adversarentur, his 4 iter 5 clausimus 6 . Neque hoc 7 negamus. Sed decuit nos ita facere. Et hoc quoque 8 ad fidem nostram spectabat, ut eum 9 salvum esse vellemus, qui ex nobis 10 regnum accepisset. Neque hoc Francis 11 molestum esse debui. Nemo ex nobis 13 transitum 14 petiit, qui Renati causam esset acturus15 , cujus nominis in regno mirum silentium erat. Princeps Tarenti 16 primus omnium adversari Ferdinando 17 coepit, non quod regem eum esse 19 negaverit 20 , sed quod[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] insidias ab eo sibi 22 23 paratas diceret 24 . [cont.] Moreover you have reproached Us for allowing some knights, who were going to the Kingdom to fight for Ferrante, to pass through [Our territories], whereas We denied transit to some who wanted to fight against him. We do not deny it, but this is what We were bound to do. For to desire the safety of him who had received the Kingdom from Us was also a matter of keeping faith. That ought not be injurious to French. Actually nobody going to fight for René has requested transit from Us, and, quite remarkably, there was no talk about him whatsoever in the Kingdom. The Prince of Taranto 1 was the first of all to oppose Ferrante, not because he denied that Ferrante was king, but because he claimed that Ferrante was plotting against him. [cont.] [48 cont.] Nam quotiens ad nos scripsit, semper {129r} Ferdinandum regem 1 appellavit, nec aliud a 2 nobis 3 petiit 4 quam securitatem, ne sub illo rege periret5 . Promittebamus id sibi. Ceterum, sumenti6 arma contra dominum ministrare 7 auxilia8 9 non debuimus 10 neque 11 ministrantibus locum dare. Sed misimus legatum, qui12 rebus inspectis[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] regni regi principem 14 conciliaret, quod et15 factum est, intervenientibus etiam 16 Venetorum 17 oratoribus18 19 , quamvis postea nova exorta discidia 20 simulatam fuisse concordiam 21 ostenderunt 22 , ut 23 ficta 24 quaecumque 25 diuturnitate 26 carent 27 . Nostri 28 officii erat pacem in regno quaerere, ut sive Renati, sive Ferdinandi sit, integrum potius quam lacerum 29 suo 30 domino pareat.

	2.3.4.3. Denial of transit through the papal territories [48] 4 petit N, S 5 pertineret O 6 administranti J 7 omit. S [48] 1 rursum P, AC 8 auxiliari S
	2 militare Ferdinando : Ferdinando militare I 9 ministrare auxilia: auxilia administrare J
	3 eis A, B, D, I, M, R 10 debemus P, AC
	4 iis I 11 nec I
	5 inter O 12 ex add. M
	6 claudimus J 13 inspecti O
	7 haec N, S, V, O, P, AC
	1 omit. C 8 quidem J 15 omit. M
	2 attendamus I 9 omit. P, AC 16 et add. N
	3 se P, AC 10 vobis N, S, V 17 Frenetorum S
	4 nolentes M 11 Franci AC 18 intervenientibus … oratoribus : Venetorum oratoribus intervenientibus etiam I, L; Venetorum oratoribus
	5 reicimus M 12 neque O, P, AC intervenientibus O, P, AC
	6 neque M 13 vobis J, N, S, AC 19 Venetorum oratoribus : oratoribus Venetorum J
	7 incommodaremus I, N, S, V; incommoda daremus corr. ex incommodaremus L; incommoda daremus P, AC 14 iter add. J 20 desidia O; dissidia I, P, AC
	8 incommodaremur … qui omit. M 15 tracturus O 21 fuisse concordiam : concordiam fuisse V
	9 Ferdinando fidem : fidem Ferdinando I, L, N, O, S; fidem Ferranteo V 16 Taranti M 22 ostenderint corr. ex ostenderunt N; ostenderent O, P; ostenderint AC
	10 servamus V; conservavimus P, AC 17 omit. N, S 23 ne O
	11 injuriat R 18 quia AC 24 omit. N, S, V
	12 injuriati sumus : injuriam fecimus I 19 eum esse : esse eum O 25 quaeque I
	13 omit. J 20 negavit O, P, AC 26 diurnitate N
	14 subiacere M 21 quia AC 27 continet M; rerum O; rerum innotescunt P, AC
	15 nil I, O, P 22 omit. P, V 28 nostrique I, L
	16 nec V 23 ab eo sibi : sibi ab eo J, L, N, O, S 29 laceratum I, O, P, AC
	17 unicum S 24 dicerat P 30 sub V

1

Ferdinandum regem : regem Ferdinandum I 2 omit. M; ex N, S, O, P, AC

3

aliud a nobis : ex nobis aliud V

  stipendiis constat, licet vulgo ita feratur, cujus rumores saepe inanes falsosque vidimus. Illud certum est, iter a nobis Jacobum numquam 7 petivisse 8 . Sed arguitur negatio ex copiis, quas misimus in Etruriam ex agro Bononiensi ac ex aliis gentibus, quas 9 jussimus 10 Marchiae saltus11 et Apennini 12 claustra[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] tueri. Id 14 nos tutelae15 nostrae causa fecimus, veriti ne Piccinini transitus, cujus non parvae copiae feruntur esse16 , agrum ecclesiae laederet[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] aut mutationem aliquam in[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] oppidis nostris ut 19 antea faceret, in quibus plurimi sunt20 21 inquieti homines et rerum novarum cupidi. Nec quisquam 22 arguendus est 23 , si res suas diligenter custodit, in qua parte 24 periculosius 25 est nimis 26 sperare quam nimis 27 timere 28 . [cont.]

	1 regno J
	2 quamquam I; quam M; quanto O
	3 itur O
	4 nihilque I
	5 nobis certi : certi nobis I, L, N, S, V; certe nobis O, P, AC
	6 omit. O, P, AC
	7 omit. C
	8 petiisse J
	9 quos AC
	10 misimus P, AC
	11 saltum AC
	12 omit. O [blank space]
	13 Apennini claustra : Apeninum P, AC
	14 quod N
	17 everteret J; ederet M
	18 etiam M
	19 autem add. O
	20 omit. O
	21 plurimi sunt : sunt plurimi J
	22 quispiam I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC
	23 omit. M, O, P
	24 in qua parte omit. J
	25 periculosus V

15

quas jussimus … tutelae omit. M 16 feruntur esse : esse feruntur I,

J, L, M, N, O, P, R, S, V

, AC 26 minus M, N; nimis corr. ex minus S 27 minus J 28 nimis timere : timere nimis O, P, AC

  nostri16 annus annotatus[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] est. Dolentes[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] haec 19 et inviti referimus20 , non ut[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] Renatum sugillemus22 , sed ut nostram patientiam23 ostendamus24 . Nam 25 quantum ad regem attinet26 , nos eum et 27 pium 28 et mansuetum existimamus, et accusari potius ab eo quam accusare eum volumus 29 , injuriam 30 pati quam 31 facere. [cont.] René's campaign against the pope[50] But René has certainly not shown Us the same consideration. Witness is the most honorable French King himself, who has heard René's ambassadors say much against Us. Witnesses are also the many German princes who have received letters from René, calling Us partial and unjust because We have robbed the House of France of the Kingdom of Sicily. Witnesses are René's own subjects in Provence and Lorraine who were ordered not to receive our letters. Witnes is the old and trustworthy Cardinal of Foix 1 who has reported to Us that on the order of René Our letters concerning his legation in Provence are not obeyed because the year of Our pontificate is written at the end.2 We are pained and unhappy to relate this, and We do not do it in order to humiliate King René, but only to show Our own patience. For We consider the king to be pious and clement, and We would rather be accused by him than accuse him, and rather suffer harm from him than harm him in any way. [cont.] [50 cont.] Audimus 1 apostolum dicentem: Non 2 vos ulciscentes, carissimi, sed date locum irae. Scriptum est enim3 4 : mihi vindictam 5 et ego retribuam. Sed neque 6 vindictam poscimus. Deum 7 potius 8 rogamus et obnixe 9 precamur 10 , huic regi 11 benignus sit12 et clemens, quando per oboedientiam publice praestitam Romanae sedi[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] , matri et alumnae suae, reconciliatus est. Fuerat bonus et mitis princeps, ut videmus, de veritate non vere 14 instructus; et15 quod humanum est, credens se laccesitum injuriis, non potuit 16 non 17 lacessere[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] . Sed cito ignis stipulae conticescit19 , et exundans flamma deficientibus nutrimentis paulatim emoritur 20 . Caveat tamen rex ipse, ne[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] sedem apostolicam lacessendo eas incidat poenas, quibus vassalli 22 contra dominos committentes plectuntur.

	1 omit. M
	2 omit. AC
	3 est usus : usus est N, O, P
	4 ratione O
	5 omit. B
	6 audiunt M
	7 nos M; ac O, P, AC
	8 privavimus O, P, AC
	9 et in : de P, AC
	10 exequantur P 1 audivimus M, P, AC
	11 omit. V 2 omit. M
	12 Faxi M 3 da add. I, L
	13 est ne O; litere P 4 scriptum est enim omit. O, P, AC
	14 omit. O 5 vindicta S
	15 pontificis N 6 nec P, AC
	16 omit. N, S 7 dominum B
	17 armotatus M 8 Deum potius : potius Deum O
	18 dolent M; nolentes P, AC 9 enixe O, P, AC
	19 enim O, P, AC 10 ut add. O, P, AC
	20 repetimus I 11 legi L
	21 regem add. I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC 12 est I
	22 sigillemus I, N 13 et add. O, P
	23 obedientiam O, P, AC 14 bene O, P, AC
	24 ostendimus M 15 omit. J
	25 nos J 16 tacere add. AC
	26 pertinet J; adtinet corr. ex pertinet V 17 omit. O
	18 alias tacere add. P
	19 conticessit M, O, L, S, V
	20 evanescit P, AC
	21 ut C
	22 vaxalli D

27 omit. L, N 28 pium corr. from purum D; purum A, B, C, M, R 29 et add. I, L, N, P, R, S, V, AC 30 de iniuria O 31 injuriam add. V 2.3.4.4.

Investiture of René with the Kingdom of Naples In

  periculosum et valde noxium est, quod stante hoc conventu Mantuano et nobis pro tutela fidei laborantibus classis Januae 3 armata est et in regnum missa, et novus ignis accensus, et omnis Italiae 5 turbata 6 quies. Non erant haec tempora, quae novas inter Christianos lites cuperent.7 Cum Turcis nunc 8 depugnandum 9 erat, pro fide, pro religione certandum, divinus honor tuendus, quem Turci conculcare nituntur. Quo 10 loco satis admirari 11 non 12 possumus 13 de 14 prudentia15 et in commune bonum caritate16 regis, qui cum annos 17 circiter 18 duodeviginti 19 tacuisset, nunc demum arma sumere et regnum vendicare adorsus est iniquo[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] et importuno 22 tempore, idque clam nobis, ad quos directum regni hujus dominium spectat et de omni controversia in eo judicium. [cont.] René's attack against Ferrante[51] But this We must consider a grave and extremely harmful danger to the Christian Commonwealth that as We are labouring here at the Congress of Manua for the protection of the Faith, a fleet was prepared in Genua and sent against the Kingdom, and a new fire lit, and the calm of all Italy disturbed. This is certainly not the time for new conflicts between Christians. Now, we should be fighting for Faith and Religion against the Turks, and we should be defending the honour of God that the Turks are endeavouring to destroy. Thereforefore, We must wonder about thus king's wisdom and love of the common good, who, after 18 years of silence, has now suddenly begun to take up arms and claim the Kingdom at a most unfortunate and inappropriate time. Moreover, it has been done without Our knowledge, though the direct lordship over this Kingdom and the judgment in all its conflicts belong to Us. [cont.] [51 cont.] For these reasons, you plainly see, learned ambassadors, that it is not Us who have injured the noble kings Charles and René or the House of France, but that it is Us and the Roman See who have suffered injury. For the sake of God, Our Saviour, We make little of this injury, knowing that when We are scourged, blamed and treated scandalously, then We are in God's care, for as Scripture says: Woe to the world because of scandals,1 and whom the Lord loveth, he chastiseth and he scourgeth.2 Sed jam tempus est, ut ad petitiones vestras descendamus 1 , quae hujus sententiae 2 sunt: ut rescindantur quaecumque Ferdinandi gratia facta sunt; regnum Renato concedamus; homagium ab eo recipiamus; legatum mittamus, qui Renati partes consoletur, Ferdinandi 3 terreat; huic4 favores accumulet, illi auferat; Piccinino denique iter in regnum aperiamus. Postulata 5 haec cum 6 audimus7 , intelligimus8 omnes in sua causa nimis 9 affectos 10 esse, id quoque 11 vobis 12 accidere[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] . Nam cum paulo ante questi essetis 14 , quod inaudito Renato rege, incognita causa Ferdinando regnum commisissemus15 , nunc 16 tamen inaudito Ferdinando[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] , quae sunt ei concessa[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] rescindi postulatis. Cur hoc vestrae 19 parti arrogatis, quod alteri non debuisse concedi affirmatis? "Ut par pari referatur," dicat aliquis. Verum 20 haec imparia sunt. Nos Renato nihil abstulimus, ut ante monstravimus; vos quidquid concessum est[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] Ferdinando retractari revocarique 22 23 petititis. sum, they are that all concessions to Ferrante should be annulled; instead, We should give the Kingdom to René and receive homage from him; We should send a legate to help those on René's side and scare away those on Ferrante's; We should heap favours on René, and take them away from Ferrante. And finally We should open the way to the Kingdom for Piccinino. When We hear such demands, We see that all are too deeply engaged in their own cause and that this applies to you, too. For a short while ago you complained that We had bestowed the Kingdom on Ferrante without hearing King René and without a proper investigation of the matter, and now you demand that the concessions made to him be annulled without him having been heard. Why At 1 ubi de jure alieno2 3 abrogando agitur4 , audienda est altera 5 pars et 6 consulte 7 matureque 8 procedendum 9 , ne 10 sine causa jus quaesitum, si quod est, auferatur. Cumque non ipsi simus11 , qui primo 12 in Aragonenses 13 jus 14 regni15 transmisimus, et adversarius vester magnam regni partem obtineat, suadet 16 ratio, exposcit aequitas, requirit consuetudo, jubet antiquitas prius audiri[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] partes quam juri 18 cujuspiam 19 detractio fiat. Quod si juris iter placet, deponenda sunt arma et legibus disputandum: nos aequi judicis partes 20 tenebimus. Nam quid nostra interest, uter vestrum 21 regnum possideat 22 23 ? Quippe, si discussa causa constiterit Renati regnum esse aut ei deberi 24 , non solum quae petitis, sed majora horum faciemus. But whenever another party's rights are to be revoked, then that other party should be heard, and the procedure should be careful and considered, so as to avoid that the rights demanded [by one party], if indeed it has any, should be taken away from [the other] without cause. And since it is not Us who first gave the Aragonese the right to the Kingdom, and your adversary has actual possession of the major part of it, reason urges, justice demands, custom requires, and fairness 1 enjoins Us to hear [both] parties before any of them is deprived of its rights. If the due course of law is chosen, weapons must be laid down, and the dispute must continue with legal arguments: We Ourselves shall have the part of the just judge. For why should We care which of you possess the Kingdom? 2 Indeed, if the judicial investigation proves that it is René who has the right to the Kingdom, We shall do as you require, nay even more. De itinere comiti 1 Jacobo 2 aperiendo 3 , nisi ab eo petatur, et nisi 4 se Renato militare fateatur, non videmus 5 , quid respondere possimus 6 , nec 7 nobis 8 satis est, quod 9 securitatem promittitis10 . Nam contra tenentes arma sola post Deum securitas est in armis. Noscimus 11 nostri temporis milites, et quantum eis credere oporteat, non ignoramus. Tritum 12 est 13 illud apud eos 14 detestabile verbum15 : si violandum est jus16 , regnandi causa {130v} violandum. Et illud quoque verum:

	[cont.]
	1 ac M
	1 religioni O, P, AC 1 conscendamus I 2 omit. S
	2 quia AC 2 summae O, P, AC 3 at … alieno omit. O, P, AC
	3 Genuae N, V 3 Ferdinando O; Ferdinandum P, AC 4 igitur O, P, AC
	4 aut O 4 cui O, P 5 alia O, P, AC
	5 Italia O 5 postulanda O; postulando P 6 omit. AC
	6 est add. N, S 6 omit. O 7 consulto O, P, AC
	7 lites cuperent : cuperent lites V 7 audivimus I, M, P, AC 8 consulte matureque : mature consulteque M
	8 nec O 8 intelleximus AC 9 est add. P, AC
	9 pugnandum N 9 omit. J 10 nec M
	10 in add. J 10 effectos O 11 sumus N, O
	11 admirandum O 11 id quoque : idque C, M, O, P, AC 12 primi V
	12 omit. O, P 12 nobis J, M 13 Arrogonensem O; Ar(r)agonensem P, AC
	13 et add. N 13 accidit M 14 eius J
	14 omit. O 14 estis O, P, S, V; sitis AC 15 possessionem add. J
	15 providentia I 15 commisissimus V; commisimus J, P, AC 16 exigit AC
	16 prudentia … caritate : providentia et intentione O, P, AC 16 nec N 17 audire O, P, AC
	17 annis L 17 regnum comississemus … Ferdinando omit. Q 18 juris N, S, O, P, AC
	18 circa J; omit. O, P, AC 18 sunt ei concessa : ei concessa sunt S 19 cuipiam M
	19 nostrae I 20 partem J
	20 omit. I 21 uter vestrum : ute O
	21 concessum est : concessimus R 22 obtineat N, S
	22 revocari N, S

19

circiter duodeviginti : circiter duoviginti M; duos et viginti O, P, AC

20

vindicare J, M, AC

[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF]

in quo B 22 inopportuno AC 23 regni hujus : hujus regni I, J, K, S, P, AC 183 2.3.4.5. 1 Mathew, 18, 7 2 Hebrews, 12, 6: Quem enim diligit Dominus castigat: flagellat autem omnem filium, quem recipit [52] 23 retractari revocarique : retractarique O; revocari retractarique I

2.4. Petitions of the French king

[52] But now it is time to deal with your petitions.

2.4.1. do you demand something for your own party which you would deny the other? "So that both parties will be treated equally," someone may say. But, really, that would be to treat the parties unequally, for as shown before We have not deprived René of anything, but you request that what has been given to Ferrante should be taken back and revoked. [cont.] [52 cont.] 23 regnum possideat : possideat regnum O, P, AC 24 debere M; obedire O [52 cont.]

1 "antiquitas" 2 This statement by the pope would not have seemed credible to the audience since it was clear to all that the papacy had aligned itself with Milan to keep the French out of Southen Italy

[53]

AC 2.4.2. Right of transit through papal territories [

  53] In the matter of letting Count Jacopo pass through [Our territories], We do not see what We can answer unless he makes a request, and unless he states directly that he is fighting for René. And is not sufficient that you promise security, for against people holding arms the only security, after God, is in arms. We know the soldiers of this age, and We are quite aware to what extent 1 they can be trusted. There is a common and detestable saying among them that If wrong may e'er be right, for a throne's sake were wrong most right.2

	1 comitis O
	2 comiti Jacobo : comitis Jacobi P, AC
	3 arripiendo M
	4 non O
	5 audemus M
	6 possumus O
	7 neque A, B, C, D, J, M, R, N, S, V; nam I
	8 vobis V
	9 quia AC
	10 promittat N; promittit S
	11 nescimus C; non scimus O; cognoscimus AC
	12 tutum M
	13 esse M
	14 illud apud eos : apud eos illud V
	15 proverbium S, V; proverbium corr. ex verbum N

16

est jus : jus est I, N, S, V

[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF]

et illud … sequuntur omit. N, S

[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF]

ubi M 19 ibi O 20 plurima I, N, S, V, O, P,

  3 Nos et armis et orationibus piorum 1 res ecclesiae servare studebimus 2 . Si decipiemur 3 , si violabimur4 , ipse dominus 5 judex 6 erit, qui ait Petro: modice fidei, quare dubitasti? Et 7 praesentia et futura in manu Dei sunt: ipse nos 8 secundum suam voluntatem9 dirigat, et ad eam vestrorum etiam10 11 regum 12 corda 13 mentesque trahat 14 , pacemque15 illis 16 Christianam suadeat, qua[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] nihil dulcius, nihil suavius inveniri potest. Etenim cur non potius dimissis[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] armis aut per communes amicos aut legibus 19 et 20 jure haec lis[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] regni dirimitur? Si bellum eligitur 22 , hoc est, quod milites optant, equites, pedites 23 hoc illi immortale 24 cupiunt 25 esse: hinc aluntur, hinc 26 pinguescunt, hinc et ad principatus et ad regna conspirant. Satius 27 fuerit 28 regnum amittere, quam eos alere canes, qui omnes regni opes et 29 ipsos denique reges devorent.

	2 studuimus I
	3 dejiciemur I; decipimur M, S
	4 violamur O, S
	5 Deus I; ut O
	6 vindex N, S, V
	7 omit. AC
	8 ius O
	9 suam voluntatem : voluntatem suam O, P, AC
	10 quoque I
	11 vestrorum etiam : etiam vestrorum O, P, V, AC
	12 regnum M
	13 regum corda : manus AC
	14 trahant O
	15 pacem I
	16 illi O
	17 quia O
	18 dimissis corr. ex. admissis N; admissis S
	19 juribus M
	20 aut I, P, AC
	21 lex O
	22 omit. V
	23 peditesque N, S, V; omit. O, P, AC
	24 immortales O; mortale R
	25 capiunt J
	26 omit. O
	27 sanctius I
	28 fuit P
	29 omit. S

1

I.e. how little

2

Verse from Euripides: The Phoenician, 524-525, quoted by Cicero, in Latin, speaking of Caesar. Cicero: De officiis, 3. 21.82: Nam si violandum est jus, regnandi grati violandum est; aliis rebus pietatem colas. See also Suetonius: De vitis Caesarum, 1 [Divus Julius], 30.5 3 Lucanus: De bello civili, 10.407-408 192 [54] 1 pias N; omit. S

  lites regni, sed aliae quoque Christianorum controversiae sopiantur. Audiemus consilia vestra, judiciis vestris plurimum tribuemus. Nolite nobis, nolite Christo deesse. Christi hoc negotium est. Ex latere nostro 14 nihil15 deerit. Quidquid 16 in nobis aut[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] consilii aut auxilii erit[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] , studii 19 20 , diligentiae[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] vobis et 22 reipublicae in hac parte 23 communicabimus.

	1 Christianis S
	2 suppositis M; depositis R
	3 in B
	4 inter se : intestinis I
	5 armis I
	6 stipendiis J
	7 cautelam O
	8 attingant M, O
	9 viscera nostra : nostra viscera M
	10 ingenia vestra : vestra ingenia M
	11 montes J; medias S
	12 L: Here ends the lacuna which began in sect. 51
	13 hec J, M
	14 ex latere nostro omit. AC
	15 nil I
	16 que quidem S
	17 omit. O, P, AC
	18 et O
	19 ac add. J
	20 erit studii : aut studii erit N
	21 diligentes N; diligentis S
	22 ac J

23

hac parte : parte hac O

  . In Turcos, qui vere Christianus est22 , in Turcos 23 24 armari debet et Christiano parcere sanguini25 . Non debet Renato durum videri, si pro communi salute paululum 26 arma {131r} continere 27 rogatur 28 , qui per tot annos nullo rogante continuit29 . Cogitemus tandem 30 31 quo pacto regnum hoc32 quietum reddatur, et non 33 sinamus hanc 34 portam 35 aperiri Turco 36 . [cont.]

	1 vestro N, S
	2 vestro N, S
	3 omit. O, P, AC
	4 regna M
	5 discensio M; discencio O; dissentio P
	6 omit. O
	12 iniuria O
	13 patris O
	14 sed N
	15 nostro B
	16 vi S; parte add. O, P, AC
	17 conciliamus AC
	18 dirimi et I; dirrupi M
	19 fiunt J
	20 haec nobis : nobis hec O
	21 nobis volentibus : volentibus nobis I, V
	22 omit. J, M
	23 Turchorum M
	24 in Turcos omit. S
	25 sanguine S
	26 paulum I
	27 arma add. M
	28 cogatur P, AC
	29 conticuit N, S, V, O, P; conticuit corr. ex continuit AC
	30 demum C
	31 cogitemus tandem omit. N
	32 regnum hoc : hoc regnum N, S
	33 omit. O
	34 hac M

7

judiciis M, O, P, AC

8

dimicatur corr. ex dimittitur D; dimittitur A, B, C, J, M, R, L, N, V; dimittitur et in marg.: vel dimicandum I; demittitur O; commictitur S; dirimitur P, AC

9

omit. V 10 et add. M 11 per omnem Italiam latius : latius per omnem italiam S 35 hanc portam : portam hanc O, P, AC 36 aperiri Turco : Turco aperiri P, AC

  For his greatest wish is a conflict between the powers of Italy, leading, in the end, to his being called in by the weaker part, as happened in Greece. For when during a conflict between Constantinopolitan emperors the weaker party called in the Turks,1 and then the Turks eventually subjugated both parties. So, act now, distinguished ambassadors, take up this matter,2 and give your advice on how to make peace. For, as We have seen in his letter, this is what your most wise king has commanded you to do above all. Intellexit prudentissima serenitas sua 1 ad domandam 2 Turcorum ferociam3 Christianorum pacem atque 4 concordiam necessariam esse 5 ejusque rei curam in hoc conventu vestrae circumspectioni commisit. Expectamus 6 , quae media quaerendae pacis afferatis. Maximi et potentissimi7 regis vices geritis, multum in vobis 8 situm 9 est 10 . Imperator eo animo est11 , ut pax per omnem Christianitatem reformetur; idem propositum nostrum est. Si 12 concurrit 13 rex vester, concurrent 14 et 15 alii 16 quamplurimi, et cessabunt tandem[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] civilia et intestina bella, vertentur Christianorum tela in hostes fidei, sentient[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] Turci, quid19 valeat Christianus miles, et quantus in hostem 20 assurgat. Christianissimus 21 rex vester 22 consensu populorum, gentium 23 nationumque vocitatur 24 , magni honoris nomen gerit 25 ; servanda est et ad posteros transmittenda haec dignitas virtute majorum 26 quaesita. [cont.]

	2 evitandum I; domandum O
	3 saevitiam P, AC
	4 pacem atque : pacemque M
	5 omit. O
	6 exspectamus O
	7 potissimi O
	8 nobis V
	9 scitum M
	10 omit. L
	11 eo animo est : est eo animo L
	12 eo add. O, P, AC
	1 nil I; enim add. O, P, AC 13 concurrerit I
	2 enim D 14 concurrunt S
	3 et M 15 omit. J
	4 fuerunt J, O 16 et add. S
	5 fuerint debiliores : debiliores fuerint N 17 omit. N
	6 omit. L 18 sentiant O
	7 desidentibus M 19 quam P, AC
	8 autem M 20 hostes I, M, O, P, AC
	9 iis I 21 omit. O; Christianus P, AC
	22 noster M
	23 omit. AC
	24 Christianissimus add. P, AC
	25 erit M
	26 aliorum O
	201

10

utrumque O, P, AC

11

omit. O, P, AC

12

quod add. O 13 omit. O 14 nobis M, N, V, S, P, AC 199

[56 cont.]

200

[57]

1 prudentissima … sua : prudentissima sua serentias O; sua prudentissima serenitas P, AC

  The Turks will know what a Christian soldier is worth and how he stands up against the enemy. The peoples and the nations agree in calling your king Most Christian. This title carries great honour, It has been obtained through the virtue of his ancestors and must be kept and handed on to his descendants. [cont.] [57 cont.] Verum 1 sicut imperia, ita et egregia cognomina his artibus retinentur, quibus ab initio parta 2 sunt. Franci, cum 3 ab initio pro defensione et augmento catholicae4 fidei, pro tutela et 5 gloria6 Romanae sedis, nulla timerent 7 pericula, nullos declinarent 8 labores, nullos fugerent 9 sumptus 10 , sed delicias, voluptates, regna, imperia, et11 ipsam denique vitam pro communi salute contemnerent12 , et nunc in Europa, nunc in Asia[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] , adversus 14 inimicos crucis depugnarent15 , Christianissimi 16 jure 17 merito 18 vocati sunt. His nunc itineribus incedendum est, ut haereditas tanti nominis conservetur.

	1 rerum N
	2 parta corr. ex. parta A; parata N, S
	3 tamen N; autem P, AC
	4 apostolicae I
	5 pro M
	6 omit. O
	7 timuerunt O, P, AC
	8 dedignarentur M; dedignarent R; declinaverant O; declinaverunt P, AC
	9 fugerunt P, AC
	10 sumptos O
	11 omit. P, AC
	12 comntemnerent corr. ex contempserunt P; contempserunt AC
	13 cum add. AC
	14 versus N
	15 pugnarent J
	16 Christi N
	17 omit. S
	18 meritoque J
	203

  ex19 Asia deturbavit. Aegyptios, Afros 20 , Mauros, et Hispaniae partem[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] suae 22 vesaniae subegit, et diebus nostris Bizantium 23 , regiam 24 urbem et orientalis imperii 25 quondam 26 27 caput, armis evicit, et usque ad Danubium et Savum 28 signa 29 protulit 30 . Jam Hungaris imminet 31 , jamjam32 Germaniae et Italiae servitutem minatur, nec cessabit victoriam sequi, nisi magno resistamus 33 animo 34 . You have come, ambassadors, to this congress which is dealing with the common safety of the Christians. You have been sent by a great and mighty prince, whom all are looking to, and whose ancestors often defended the Christian cause. Let Us hear what comfort you are bringing in these calamities. We do not doubt that you hold great things in trust. Please give your advice on what should be done about peace between Christians and war against Turks. And do fulfil the hopes kindled by your arrival. You are wise men, and you know our danger. A battle is coming which will decide whether it is the law of Christ or the law of Muhammad which will prevail. Already this savage and terrible serpent has driven the Gospel of Our Saviour from Asia. He has subjected the Egyptians, the Africans, the Moors and a part of Spain to his own folly, and in our own time he has conquered Byzantium, royal city and once the capital of the Oriental Empire. He has now sent his standards forward to the Danube and the Savus. He is now looming over the Hungarians, and he is already threatening Germany and Italy with servitude. He will not stop pursuing victory unless we resist him courageously.

	4 ambigemus M 5 quoniam N 6 sunt N, S; sint corr. ex sunt V 7 nostro L 8 concipimus M 9 sapienti N 10 in periculo M 11 estis et add. P, AC 12 cognoscitis J 13 Maumethis A, B; Mahumetis C 14 inter I 15 certamine M 16 venit jam : jam venit O, P, AC 17 est S 18 salvatoris nostri : nostri salvatoris P, AC 19 de S 20 Asios P 21 partes R 22 sui M 23 Birantum M 24 egregiam J; regina O 25 orientalis imperii : imperii orientalis P, AC 26 omit. S 27 imperii quondam : quondam imperii N 28 Samum I; Sanium M 29 arma C; insignia I 30 pertulit P 31 eminet L, P 32 Januam N, S; jam I, O, V 33 resistemus N, S; resistimus P, AC 34 omit. V [58] 206 205

1 omnium oculi : oculi omnium O, P, AC 2 conspiciunt S 3 fertis N; affertis corr ex. fertis S; afferatis M, O, P, AC

  requiretur16 . Jam Rasciani[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] aetate nostra desciverunt[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] a fide, jam Bosnenses 19 defecerunt. Bulgaria 20 et Graecia tota Turcorum est, nisi Peloponnesi[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] portio quaedam. Albani exhausti sunt, Hungari fessi, Valachi exterriti 22 : nisi opem ferimus, aut fugere aut sese dedere 23 et cum perfido24 Mahumeto Christum blasphemare 25 cogentur. Et nos interim miseri inter nos contendimus.26 Absint 27 hae 28 lites, facessant 29 Christiana 30 jurgia 31 , resurgat pax, si non perpetua saltem temporalis, donec Turcorum pestis ab Europa ejiciatur 32 . [cont.] It would be sickening to relate the great sufferings of the unhappy Christians living as neighbours of the roaring and ferocious lion. Boys are carried into slavery. Matrons and girls are forced to satisfy the lusts of this shameless people. Of the men some die on the cross and some on the stake. Others like Isaiah give up their souls being sawn in two parts. Others again are flayed alive like Bartholomew. Neither age nor sex is spared. We shall be held to account for the blood of all who perish. Now, in our own time, the Serbians have fallen from the Faith, and the Bosnians have deserted. All of Bulgaria and Greece is in the hands of the Turks, except a part of the Peloponese. The Albanians are worn down, the Hungarians are exhausted, the Wallachians are terrified. Unless we bring them help, they will be forced to flee or to surrender and blaspheme Christ with the infidel Muhammad. And in the meantime we miserable men fight between ourselves. Away with these conflicts, away with quarrels between Christians. Let peace arise again, if not forever then at least until the Turkish plague has been driven out of Europe. [cont.] Quod facile fiet, si magnus et pius rex vester 1 suas manus, suas operas interposuerit, et vos ipsi suo nomine 2 totis assurgatis viribus, consulendo, dirigendo, agendo, nihil omittendo usquequo 3 pace inter Christianos composita4 , terrestris et maritimus exercitus ducatur in Turcos, adversus quos raro 5 sine6 Francorum sanguine feliciter pugnatum est.

	1 quanto O
	2 omit. M
	3 capiuntur P, AC
	4 qui proximi … rapiuntur omit. O
	5 et J
	6 replere O, P, AC
	7 palas AC
	8 medios J
	10 omit. V
	11 iuris L; viris N, S
	12 modum I
	13 eximitur I
	14 est quod add. suprascr. V
	15 nostris manibus : manibus nostris I
	16 requiritur M
	17 Rasienses N; Rusciani AC
	18 desiguerunt B; desiverunt C; desinerunt M, R
	19 Bohemi O, P, AC
	20 Hungaria N; Burgaria S, V
	21 Peloponensi L, N; Peloponensis S; Peloponesi V
	22 extincti N; exterminati S
	23 aut fugere aut sese dedere : aut sese dedere aut fugere S
	24 perfide M
	25 et cum perfido … blasphemare omit. J
	26 contendemus AC
	27 abeant J; absunt O 1 rex vester : vester rex P, AC
	28 hec M 2 suo nomine omit. O, P, AC
	29 fatisgant M; cessent S 3 us S
	4 posita I
	5 Caroli N
	6 sive N
	209

9

per medium secti : septi per medium L, O; secti medium V; secti per medium I, N, S, P, AC

30

omit. P, AC

31

Christiana jurgia : jurgia Christiana M 32 dejiciatur I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

207

[59] 208

[59 cont.]

  omnem animam, quae mortua est, non ingredietur pontifex, quod teste Jeronimo perinde 19 accipiendum est, ac si dicat: ubicumque peccatum est, et in peccato mors20 , illuc[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] pontifex non accedat 22 . Cupimus sanctam esse Francorum gentem et omni carere {132r} macula et cum apostolo dicere: Despondi 23 enim vos uni viro virginem 24 castam exhibere Christo 25 . At hoc fieri non potest, nisi haec sanctionis macula 26 seu ruga deponatur, quae quomodo introducta sit, ipsi 27 nostis 28 . Certe non auctoritate generalis synodi nec Romanorum 29 decreto pontificum recepta est, quamvis de causis ecclesiasticis 31 tractans 32 absque placito Romanae sedis stare non possit.

	1 ratio R
	2 non M
	3 congruentia O, P, AC
	4 verus S
	5 devicti J
	6 quam S
	7 finem dicendi : dicendi finem M, N, S
	12 quidem N, S
	13 omit. J; et N, S
	14 immmortale N, S, V
	15 oportet S
	16 omit. M, O
	17 omit. V
	18 supra P, AC
	19 proinde J, O, P, AC
	20 et in peccato mors omit. J
	21 illic N; illud O
	22 accedet I, L, N, P, S, AC; accedit O
	23 dispondi M
	24 omit. P
	25 omit. J
	26 sanctionis macula : macula sanctionis N
	27 ipsa O
	28 nostri N; nescitis P, AC
	29 Romano O
	30 accepta N, S
	31 ecclesias L
	32 tractarunt O; tractatus AC

8

omit. O; faciamus J, N, P, AC

9

de hac re pauca omit. P; hac re pauca : ea aliqua AC

10

libet dicere N 11 reputetur I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

  ab illa sancta sede imponatur jugum, tamen feramus et pia devotione toleremus. Non est credibile Carolum, qui modo regnat, suo sensu 16 hanc pragmaticam introduxisse. Deceptum putamus et piae menti[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] suggesta fuisse 18 non vera19 . Nam quo pacto religiosus princeps 20 ea servari sivisset[START_REF]Sicily would undoubtedly have fallen into other hands[END_REF] , quorum praetextu 22 summa 23 sedis apostolicae auctoritas laeditur 24 , et 25 religionis nostrae26 vires enervantur, unitasque 27 ecclesiae et libertas perimitur? Durum verbum 28 , durius 29 factum. Audite patienter, hortamur30 . Vulnera, quae putrescunt, non olei lenitate, sed vini potius 31 austeritate sanantur32 . Some say that that it was caused by the Roman pontiffs overtaxing the Kingdom of France and collecting too much money from it. It would be remarkable if such a reason could have moved Charles, 1 who ought to imitate his predecessor, Charlemagne, writing as follows: In memory of the blessed Apostle Peter, let us honour the Holy Roman Church and the Apostolic See.

	[61]
	11 memoria N, AC
	12 omit. J
	13 omit. O
	14 debebat S
	15 omit. J
	16 suo sensu omit. N
	17 piae menti : pia mente S
	18 esse R
	19 fuisse non vera : non fuisse vera C
	20 omit. R
	21 sinisset corr. ex sivisset L; scivisset J, M, V; sinisset N, R
	22 praetexta N
	23 summae N
	24 legitur J
	25 omit. O, P, AC
	26 vestre R
	27 unitas B, M, P
	28 durum verbum : verbum durum O, P, AC
	29 durum M
	30 et add. M
	31 vini potius : pocius vini J, S
	32 satiantur N; sanentur S

1

idcirco add. in marg. D; idcirco add. I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC

2

initium ei : ei initium J

3

Romanos O 4 unde J; omit. AC

5

pecunias inde : inde pecunias O, P 6 corroderent J, M, P, N, S

7

dirum M 8 praecessoris corr. ex precessores A; precessores C, J, R; praedecessoris D, I, L, N, O, S, AC; predecessores P, V 9 dicebat C, M; decebant J 10 imitatorem decebat : decebat imitatorem I, L, O, P, S, V, AC; dicebat imitatorem N

  permittitur, quamvis ecclesiasticum, nisi parliamenti consensus adsit, cujus tantam 18 esse 19 auctoritatem nonnulli existimant 20 , ut censuris 21 etiam 22 nostris praecludere aditum possit 23 . Sic judex judicum 24 , Romanus pontifex, judicio 25 parliamenti subjectus est. Si hoc admittimus, monstruosam 26 ecclesiam facimus, et hydram 27 {132v} multorum capitum introducimus, et unitatem prorsus extinguimus. [cont.]

	2 collationum M
	3 labefacturi O
	4 causas oves : oves causas P
	5 suum P, AC
	6 causam J
	7 quantum AC
	8 et P, AC
	9 gnorunt P
	10 status I
	11 exercent N, S, O, P, AC
	12 recludunt I, L; recludunt N, S; excludunt O, P, AC
	13 omit. N
	14 quantum O
	15 habebit AC
	16 parricidam D, I, L, N, S; patricidam P, AC
	17 puniri C, R
	18 totam O
	19 tantam esse : esse tantam J
	20 extimant M
	21 censurus M
	22 ex O
	23 sit V
	24 judicium B
	25 omit. M
	26 monstrosam AC

1

auditores M; auditionem C, I, J, L, N, O, P, S, AC 27 ideam condram P; quamdam add.

AC

  Periculosa haec 1 res esset2 , venerabiles fratres, quae 3 hierarchiam 4 omnem confunderet5 . Nam cur regibus, cur aliis praesulibus 6 sui subditi 7 pareant 8 , cum ipsi superiori suo non 9 pareant 10 ? Quam quisque legem in alium statuerit11 , eam sibi servandam putet. Verendum est, ne prope adsit, quod ad Galatas 12 significare videtur[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] apostolus, quia post discessionem 14 revelabitur15 homo 16 peccati. Adventum 17 quippe[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] Antichristi 19 sollicitant, qui discessionem 20 a Romana 21 ecclesia quaerunt 22 , quam 23 prae se ferre 24 videntur, quae sub obtentu pragmaticae 25 fieri dicuntur.

	1 omit. J
	2 est B, I, J
	3 qui J
	4 ierarchiam A, B, C, D, S; gerarchiam O, P
	5 confunderent O
	6 praesidibus O, P, AC
	7 subiecti N, S
	8 parerent P, AC
	9 omit. M
	10 cum ipsi … pareant omit. B, J, M
	11 statuunt O; statuit P, AC
	12 Thessalonicenses em. AC
	13 significare videtur : videtur significare O, P, AC
	14 dissessionem B, S, O, P; discensionem J
	15 omit. O, P, AC
	16 hora P, AC
	17 adventi O
	18 qui prope L
	19 Antechristi A, B, D, M, R
	20 discensionem J; dissessionem S, O, P
	21 Roma O
	22 ferunt M

1 The Kingdom of France 2 Cf. Decretum, C.2.7.40: Oves pastorem suum non accusent nec reprehendant (The sheep should not accuse or criticize their shepherd) 3 1. Peter, 2, 9: Vos autem genus electum, regale sacerdotium [62 cont.] 23 qua A, C // M, R; qualem I, L, N, O, P, S, V, AC 24 prae se ferre omit. O 25 sanctionis add. O, P, AC [62 cont.

  jure merito et erit et 19 vocabitur Christianissimus 20 .

	1 omit. O
	2 est et instruendus : et instruendus est V
	3 omit. J
	4 suo regno : regno suo P
	5 in suo regno omit. AC
	6 omit. O, P, AC
	7 omit. N, S; et I, L, O, P, V, AC
	8 nobili ac : nobilitate J
	9 solum J
	10 lumen solis : solis lumen I
	11 caritas I; veritas AC
	12 et claritas omit. J
	13 omit. P, AC
	14 recipiet N
	15 omit. O, P, AC
	16 ac major : majorque O, P, AC
	17 omnis I
	18 potissime D
	19 omit. N

20

Finis add. I, L, M, P, R, V; Laus deo add. N; explicit add. O; Amen add. S

Sancta Cruce jur. peritissimus consistorialis advocatus inclyto Ferdinando regi SAP 1

  Scribit Plinius Isocratem viginti talentis unam suam vendidisse orationem, Demosthenem vero quinquaginta. Ego jussu tuae Majestatis Mantuam ad Universalem omnium Christianorum regum et principum conventionem per Pium II. Pontificem Maximum indictam accessi, ubi orationem infra descriptam pro tuorum regnorum defensione disserui. Scio nec materia, nec personis, nec loco aliquam per quemquam habitam orationem majori praemio dignam, nisi quod 2 pronuntiantis 3 verborum ornatus inaequalitas esse posset. Recipiat eam Majestas tua, in qua titulos omnes tui principatus ascripsi et tuae personae ad regium solium meritum, postquam nostrorum temporum gesta rem publicam concernantia per me fideliter scripta. Si haec suo pretio compensabitur, destinare curabo, in quibus tui genitoris in Italia gesta ac tuos ad regni adeptionem successus perleges ad tuorum consiliorum ingerendis normam, cum ut plurimum ex praeteritorum notione praesentia et futura prudentius et accuratius ordinantur.

1

Andreas … SAP : Ferdinando Regi Siciliae Andreas de Sancta Cruce Advocatus PE Andreae

de Sancta Cruce, juris peritissimi 1 advocatique consistorialis et Ferdinandi regis, oratio adversus Gallorum oratores habita in concilio Mantuano 2

  [1] {331} Responsurus, sanctissime pater, ad ea, quae per illustres Christianissimi principis, Francorum regis, aliorumque principum Galliarum oratores pridie hoc in loco contra jura serenissimi3 principis Ferdinandi, regis Siciliae, vestrae sanctitatis devotissimi filii, dicta fuere, deducam brevissime ejusdem in regno Siciliae jura, per quae omnium aliorum jura hoc loco exposita inefficacia esse, manifestissime apparebit verbis caritate plenis, ad pacem et ad armorum depositionem tendentibus, et ad finem hujus sanctae4 congregationis et desiderii vestrae sanctitatis facientibus.[2] In 5 primo hoc unum praemisero, quod ea, quae per dictos oratores pridie hic dicta fuere, nec hujus sanctae conventionis loco nec tempore nec eorum dominis, pro quibus verba fecere, convenisse. Venit sanctitas vestra, maximo cum sui corporis ecclesiasticique status incommodo, zelo tutandae Christianae religionis incensa, ad hanc Mantuanam civitatem, ut devotissimos Christianae religionis principes conveniret exhortareturque, ut murum se facerent in die belli, ut uno spiritu, anima una, mutuaque caritate bellum contra fidei hostem inirent, dimisso contentionis tribunali judicio Romae, ne vestrae sanctitatis mens huic sanctae rei intenta privatis contentionibus turbaretur. Nec conveniebat hostibus fidei, quorum exploratores plurimos hic esse credendum est, nostras Christianorum principum infirmitates detegere, sed unanimi voluntate principum Christianorum eos terrere.[3] Qui ergo hoc in loco Christianorum principum contentiones adducunt, rem loco impertinentem faciunt et contrariam 6 ejus 7 , ad quod 8 haec conventio {332} extitit instituta. Tempore hoc Christianae religioni bellum indictum est per hostes fidei, in pudicitias nostrarum virginum debacchantes. Veniunt contra nos unita potentia, quorum exercitus strepitum audimus. Et utinam solum de propagandis finibus, tollendis sedibus hominum natorumque nostrorum 1 em.; peritissimi P 2 Andreae … Mantuano : Responsio facta oratoribus regis et aliorum principum Galliae pro Ferdinando rege Sicilie in dieta Mantuana per Andream de Sancta Cruce utriusque juris doctorem regium et sacri Apostolici consistorii

	advocatum PE
	3 sacratissimi PE
	4 omit. P
	5 si PE
	6 contrarium P
	7 eis PE
	8 quae PE

  recognitiones et investiturae demonstrant, qui regnum hoc signis, armis, et impensa Romanae ecclesiae acquisitum ab ecclesia Romana reverentissime receperunt. In hoc etiam convenimus ad Fredericum II., Germaniae principem, Romanorum imperatorem, ut Romanae ecclesiae feudum devenisse, ac eo suis demeritis et sententiali judicio fuisse privatum. In hoc etiam pariter convenimus Carolo, secundogenito Francorum regis, pro se suisque filiis masculis tantum et una femina deficientibus masculo per Clementem papam IV. primo fuisse concessum, ita ut suis armis et impensa Manfredum ex Frederici jure venientem ex1 regno ejiceret, quadraginta octo millia ducatorum annis singulis Romanae ecclesiae pro censu daret, Bevenetanam civitatem pro sede summi pontificis designaret, certamque militiam sua impensa pro singulis Romane ecclesiae necessitatibus paratam haberet. Et 2 his modis et conditionibus in Lateranensi ecclesia Clementis papae IV. auctoritate extitit investitus et coronatus anno MCCLXV. [7] Cui Carolus II., ejus filius, successit in regnum, qui de eodem a Coelestino V. extitit investitus et coronatus anno MCCLXXXXV. Hic rex quinque filios procreavit, cujus primogenitus Carolus, {334} Martello cognominatus, in regem Hungariae electus est. Secundus filius, Ludovicus, sanctam religionem minorum professus et sanctorum catalogo ascriptus. Tertius vero filius Robertus, sapientissimus princeps, in Siciliae regno patri successit. Quartus in principatum Tarenti, et quintus in ducatum Dyrachii est evectus. Hic sapientissimus Robertus post patris obitum in Siciliae regno succedens a Clemente V. extitit investitus et coronatus anno MCCCV. Cumque unicus filius, Calabriae dux, patri praemoreretur, relictis duabus filiis, Johanna primogenita et Elisabeth, licet fratres et fratrum filios haberent, cupiens primogenituram fratri regi Hungariae et ejus filiis restituere, primogenitam Johannam et filio Andreae secondo genito regis Hungariae in uxorem dedit, ut tam primogeniturae jure quam 3 matrimoniali vinculo Andreas in regno succederet. Secundogenitam neptem primogenito fratris regis Hungariae matrimonio copulavit, sicque sapientissimus princeps neptes ambas reginas fecit, et Siciliae regnum primogeniturae restituit, et suae proli conjunxit.[8] Et in hoc, beatissime pater, pariter convenimus. Succedentibus in regno Andrea et Johannaut supra relatum est -mortuo Roberto, cum juvenculus puer in Neapolitano palatio inter puellares delicias versaretur, ut virum cum uxore decet, praefata Johanna spiritu diabolico incensa factione plurium astantium puellarum virum juvenculum laqueo apud fenestram suspendit. Cumque ob scelestissimum facinus Romanae ecclesiae vindictam, cujus auctoritate plurimi interempti fuerunt facinoris conscii, Johanna vereretur, ac timens exercitum Ludovici, qui ex regno Hungariae ad vindicandam fratris mortem magno cum exercitu veniebat, ipsa in Gallias in provinciam Provinciae et civitatem Avinionensem, quae suae erant, aufugit 4 ducto secum Carolo, filio ducis Dyrachii, sibi consobrino patruele. Cumque ob Caroli pueritiam eum bello praeficere non posset, ut sibi praesidia conciliaret, Andegaviae ducem adoptavit. Hoc Andegaviae domus juris principium {335} ex viricida, e 1 regno exule, Romanae ecclesiae hoste, nullum 2 in Regno jus habente, cum viro competiisset ex Roberti patris institutione. Et si quod jus habuisset feudorum jure ex homicidio ipso jure privata extitisset.[9] Abeuntibus Hungaris regina Johanna praeparata classe in regnum reversa est ac per regnicolas spe Caroli, patruelis filii, Dyrachii ducis juvenis, in regnum recepta. Haec videns Carolum, ducis Dyrachii filium patruelem, in virtutibus adolescere, ad quem regnum de jure spectabat, semotis regis Hungariae filiis, adoptionem de domo Andegaviae ducis 3 factam revocavit. Et ne frustratus dux Andegaviae 4 videretur 5 , eidem provinciam Provinciae in compensam dedit, Avinionense civitate partim ob delicti poenam, partim pecunia accepta6 Romanae ecclesiae relaxata.[10] Ea mortua Carolus, Dyrachii dux, ex filiis Caroli II. tertius cognominatus, successit in regnum, de quo per Urbanum VI. extitit investitus et coronatus anno MCCCLo. Hic mortuo Ludvico rege in regnum Hungariae vocatus est, illucque accedens, Hungariae regnum pacifice assecutus, aliquorum factione extitit interemptus, remanente sibi Ladislao et Johanna filiis. Cumque Ladislaus minor7 esset, Andegaviae dux, adoptione Johannae I. ad regnum aspirans regimine 8 {34v} destitutum exercitum potentissimum paravit ac regnum quasi totum occupavit. Sed a Ladislao, Caroli filio, suffragio Cajetanae civitatis, quae eum in regem recepit et recognovit, Andegaviae dux cum omni exercitu extitit e regno expulsus, ipseque rex Ladislaus pacificus per Bonifatium papam VIIII.9 in ecclesia principis apostolorum extitit investitus et coronatus anno MCCCC. Hic ad Hungariae regnum et ad 10 patris vindictam aspirans, et, cum maximo ac potentissimo exercitu progrederetur, veneno interemptus est et 11 absque filiis decessit. Cui Johanna soror secunda12 cognominata successit in regnum, quae felicis recordationis Martini papae V. auctoritate extitit investita et coronata anno domini MCCCCXVII. Et licet contra eandem Ludovicus, Andegaviae dux, bellum movere praesumpsisset, nullo jure suffultus, eam in reginam {336} recognovit et veneratus est. Et cum ipse Ludovicus, Andegaviae dux, ipsi reginae , omnis spes suae adoptionis, quam sibi vendicare praesumpserat, sua morte evanuit, Johanna regina omnium approbatione, omni jure Andegaviae domus excluso, manente.[11] Vexata Johanna praefata a praefato 1 Ludovico, Andegaviae duce, et ejus gentibus oppressa, gloriosae memoriae Alfonsi, regis Aragonum, contra infideles bellum agentis, bello strenui, proximitate regni ulterioris Siciliae vicini, praesidia imploravit. Praefatus gloriosissimus rex, videns se juramento astrictum viduis oppressis auxilia petentibus non deesse, sed eas pro posse tueri, sua impensa et militia personaliter ad regni protectionem venit. Quo factum est, ut maternalem affectionem adoptionisque jus in dicti regni successione merito conquisierit eaque motus ad regni gubernacula protectionis jure vocari meruerit2 . Et licet sanctae memoriae Eugenius papa IV. pro Romana ecclesia, non pro principe aliquo regnum acquirere optaret3 , destitutus spe certas conditionales dispositiones4 in Renatum, Ludovici filium, fecit5 , videlicet si Pragmatica Sanctio 6 contra ecclesiae libertatem facta ex regno Franciae tolleretur, Andegavensis et Arelatensis ecclesiarum possessio eis, quibus apostolica sedes contulerat, pacifice assignaretur7 , et certa pecuniarum summa infra tempus certum pro necessitatibus recuperationis status ecclesiae incumbentibus solveretur, et Basiliense concilium ad schisma anhelans dissolveretur.[12] His non secutis, ut dominorum et populorum regni Siciliae desideriis 8 satisfaceret, ne destrueretur, ipsique regno et terris Romanae ecclesiae pacem daret, revocatis quibuscumque aliis dispositionibus -ut dictum est -conditionaliter factis et non impletis, jure et necessitate status ecclesiae tam in temporalibus quam in spiritualibus exigentibus, regnum ipsum praefato gloriosissimo principi, Alfonso regi, qui pietate vocatus venerat, qui regnum protexerat, a quo recognoscebatur in regem9 , qui ecclesiae terras a tyrannis oppressas protegere sperabatur, concedere statuit ac eum in regem praeficere, destinatoque {337} legato apostolico in Terracinam civitatem de regno investivit, ac per bonae memoriae cardinalem Sancti Pauli vulgariter nuncupatum, ad eum regem missum, bullam destinavit, qua ut ab omni catholico antistite coronam recipere posset permisit. Hic glorisissimus rex Alfonsus 10 volens sibi Romanam ecclesiam et regni jura benemeritis vendicare, videns marchiam Anconitanam praecipuasque Romanae ecclesiae terras, Assisium et Tudertum pluresque in patrimonio beati Petri a tyrannis PE oppressas, propriis 1 regni 2 sumptibus laboribusque 3 non parcens magno cum exercitu personaliter in Marchiam profectus est. Quo factum est, ut omne patrimonium ecclesiae ad sanctae memoriae Eugenii papae manus et oboedientiam redire coegerit, ipso Eugenio ejusque fidelibus se non mediocriter juvantibus.[13] Reversoque in regnum dicto rege, mandatis Eugenii papae obtemperante4 , iterum congregato exercitu prope urbem venienti 5 ad 6 civitatem Tiburtinam, ut hiemaret, injunctum7 est. Quo tempore praefatus pontifex Eugenius e vita assumptus est ac ab hoc saeculo migravit. In cujus pontificatus vacatione tanta cum reverentia ad ecclesiae unitatem et pacem se habuit, sacrum collegium exhortando ad futuram liberam sanctam futuri pontificis maximi electionem, optimos cives patriae monendo, discolos astantes minis et terroribus comprimendo, ut maxima pars pacis patriae et pacificae electionis secutae sibi ascribi potuerit. Relaxatis quoque 8 omnibus terris sanctae memoriae Nicolao papae V. 9 pontifici assumpto, dimissaque libere Tiburtina civitate, et pro receptis dignis muneribus pro reparatione publicorum locorum compensata mutuatisque eidem pontifici, qui cum maxima paupertate pontificatum 10 ingressus fuerat, ducatis quadraginta quinque millibus dandis certis armigeris, qui civitatem Esium Marchiae occupabant, eaque recepta per pontificem, omnibusque in pace dimissis, illatoque bello ad poenam his, qui ecclesiae occupatoribus praesidia publica praestiterant eisque parumper11 afflictis, in regnum Siciliae 12 reversus est.

	1 omit. P
	1 de aris omit. PE 2 nullo PE
	2 adversantes PE 3 em.; duce P, PE 1 omit. PE
	3 hii PE 4 facta revocavit … Andegaviae omit. PE 2 eaque motus … meruerit omit. PE
	4 sperantur P 5 videret PE 3 optavit PE
	5 hic P 6 recepta PE 4 depositiones P
	6 Jabes PE 7 iunior P 5 fecerit P
	7 Galaath PE 8 regine P 6 omit. PE
	8 XIX PE 9 IV. PE 7 assignarentur PE
	9 Judges, 4-5 10 omit. P 8 omit. P
	10 sacratissimi PE 11 omit. PE 9 in regem : integer P
	11 primi PE 12 sua PE 10 omit.

ambo praedecesserit

  1 caterva comitatus spatiaretur in silvis ibidemque ut plurimum pernoctaret. Auditaque Constantinopolitanae civitatis clade omni 2 populo ex Graecis, qui Christianam religionem tuebantur3 , praesidia non mediocria praestitit, tandemque a sanctitatis vestrae4 praedecessore, Calixto papa, excitatus crucem5 assumpsit. Et nisi ipse pontifex secum de prudentia et certis privatis affectibus contendisset, talia Christianae religioni praesidia praestitisset, quod pericula, quibus agitamur, et pro quibus haec sancta conventio facta est, minime imminerent.[15] Postremo, cum se morti proximum vidit, Ferdinandum filium, trium summorum pontificum auctoritatibus ad regni Siciliae successionem admissum, et quem ad regni gubernacula adeo instruxerat, ut figuli more alterum sibi constituisset, haeredem testamento instituit, eumque in solio regio ante obitum videre voluit, ac per eum primo, demum per alios omnes astantes principes adorari {339} et revereri6 , consignatisque eidem 7 sceptro, fortissimis ac inexpugnabilibus arcibus, omnique regia suppellectili religiosissimus princeps animam Deo dedit.[16] Et licet defecta omni Caroli prole, omnique Andegaviae domus jure sublato, triumque8 summorum pontificum auctoritatibus jus suum usque ad obitum fuisset firmatum ac stabilitum, ut sibi jus 9 in nullo deesset, et ne ea, quae eo vivente facta fuerant, ejus reverentia facta fuisse per aliquos dici possent, Calixtus pontifex post ejus obitum, cum contra eum ejusque prolem minas et odia fulminaret, bullam edidit, per quam10 , etsi contra Ferdinandum filium injuste inveheret, jus regium Alfonsi regis comprobavit et stabilivit, statuens usque ad ejus obitum ipsum regem fuisse. Quisque ex his11 faciliter, quod juris est, potest elicere, et quantae differentiae sit Andegaviae domus principium, medium et finis ab Alfonsi regis principii, medii et finis juribus.[17] Inchoavit Andegaviae domus a Johanna expulsa nullum habente jus, vocatus ad regni occupationem et Italiae pacis12 perturbationem. Alfonsus rex a vera regina, in quam vera Caroli I. progenies declinaverat et finierat, vidua oppressa ad defensionis jus naturali jure permissum[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] ad regni tutelam et pacem. Medium Andegaviae domus fuit jus nullum habuisse, si quod jus sibi pollicitum fuisset, jure legitimo perdidisse et Siciliae regnum et ecclesiae terras saepius bello turbasse atque inquietasse. Medium Alfonsi regis extitit regnum quietasse, delinquentibus pepercisse, ecclesiam tutasse, ac optimis meritis jura regni continuo auxisse.[19] Finis autem nostrorum temporum est Andegaviae domus, ut defecto omni jure successionis Caroli I. et sic nullo existente ex ipsius {340} Caroli vocatione jure ipsa, Andegaviae domo nullum jus habente cum de inferendo bello contra fidei hostes agitur, Christianorum conventionem impedire atque turbare. Finis vero Alfonsi et Ferdinandi est quattuorum summorum pontificum auctoritate regium jus firmasse, jura omnia ecclesiae recognovisse, omnes subditos in eorum justitia et pace confovere, ac 1 contra infideles, si non inquitetur, arma convertere.[20] Explicato jure aeternae memoriae Alfonsi regis superest, ut ad serenissimi2 Ferdinandi regis jura condescendam. Etsi ex praemissis satis clare appareant sacratissimi Ferdinandi regis successionis jura3 , tamen4 ut uberius ac manifestius sua post patris obitum jura innotescant, dico Ferdinandi regis in Siciliae regni successione legitimam successionem firmari, primo, patris desiderio et testamento, secundo, omnium principum et populorum unanimi electione, tertio, vestrae sanctitatis et Romanae ecclesiae auctoritate, quarto, paternarum virtutum imitatione.[21] Primum 5 fuerit sanctae memoriae Alfonsi regis continuatum desiderium, ut Ferdinandus filius sibi in Siciliae regno succederet, ex hoc facile comprehendi potest, cum XVIII continuis annis post prima litterarum rudimenta eum, ut sibi assisteret, injunxit feceritque, ut nihil verbo vel scripto regia auctoritate mandaretur, quin ejus filiationis et progeniturae denominatione fieret, nil regium expediretur, divinum humanumque jus concernens, quin Ferdinandus ut filius interesset, ac in eum regiam disciplinam figuli more componeret, omnium regni principum filios Ferdinando coaetaneos secum ali ac secum regia disciplina imbui injunxit, ut sicut regni gubernacula ita et regiarum disciplinarum amicorumque6 notitiam relaxaret nulla in his mandandi, sed interessendi sola auctoritate concessa, ut primo in eum animam, postea linguam faceret eruditam regiae disciplinae. O clarissimum et perseverans regium desiderium! O maximam filii in patrem oboedientiam! O utriusque in alterum assensum pientissimum! O sapientissimum consilium ad constituendum sibi {341} idoneum successorem! O per singulos orbis principes imitandam in natos regiam disciplinam7 ! Erudiendum 1 apud se sapientissimum regem tot 2 annis continuo regia dignitate educatum filium tacentem, nulla dicendi, sed solum 3 audiendi auctoritate praeditum educasse, ut facile dici possit consilio fecisse, quod natura impossibile est patris in filium perseverasse substantiam. Compositis, quae in regno perfici poterant, cupiens Ferdinandi filii perfectionem in regiam dignitatem eum extra regnum regio exercitui praefecit, quod nisi experimento et decernendi auctoritate perfici non poterat. Demum completis omnibus regi convenientibus disciplinis, senio gravis4 , superveniente obitus tempore, quod scriptis ac5 editis publicis praeconiis6 notum fecerat, executionem habere cupiens, Ferdinandum filium in solio sedentem videre voluit et ut regem per se primum, demum per cunctos alios astantes principes adorari. Sacris omnibus omnique thesauro regiaque suppellectili, fortissimis arcibus consignatis eum regem voluit vivens moriendo sentire. Ex quibus, quantum7 fuerit Alfonsi regis desiderium8 , ut Ferdinandus filius in regno succederet, cunctis clarissime innotescit. Quod fuit primum, quo dixi, regium jus in Ferdinandum patris voto legitime fore transfusum.[23] Superest, ut ad secundum deveniam, ut ostendam, quantus fuerit populorum assensus, ut Ferdinandus patris voto ac testamento haeres praeficeretur in Siciliae regnum. Omittam id, quod Alfonso rege vivente ostensum est, ne ipsius Alfonsi reverentiae ascribi posset. Mortuo Alfonso convocatis omnibus regni principibus communitatumque oratoribus in Capuanam civitatem tam concors9 quam unanimis, tam liber et prompto desiderio omnium regni procerum populorumque accessit assensus, ut regno praeficeretur, quod 10 neglectis minis et tumultuationibus, quae in limitibus regni fremebant, eundem in regem eligunt, et unicum regem regis haeredem filium et legitimum successorem laeto animo recognoscunt omnibus acclamantibus: "Vivat rex Ferdinandus," publicas {342} functiones et alia regia jura prompto animo offerentes, ad quae nullus ex regni principibus aut populis defuit, et ante alios Tarentini principis oratores. Et deputatis totius regni nomine ad bonae memoriae Calixtum papam, et demum eo mortuo ad sanctitatem vestram ex primoribus regni principibus illustribus, duce Andriae, comite Sancti Angeli, et Carolo de Campo Basso11 , quibus demum adjunctis extitit reverendus pater dominus Ea a praefato praedessore et eo tunc vita functo a sanctitate vestra petierunt, quae regis filio haeredi et legitimo successori de jure et infeudationis forma bullarumque apostolicarum tenore ab apostolica sede debebantur, idest eundem de regno investiri et debite coronari, et ut a turbulentis comminationibus praefati sanctitatis vestrae praedecessoris 1 desisteret, nec eos in eorum pace turbaret, asserentes hanc omnium principum populorumque mentem fore, et ut eorum justis desideriis satisfieret, adjicientes feudi dominum eadem lege astringi praefixo a jure tempore ad praebendam petitam investituram, quibus et vasallus ut petat, et quorum culpa deficeret easdem esse comminatas a lege poenas. Haec tam publica et nota sunt, ut non oporteat verbis ulterioribus magnifieri, ex quibus constat Ferdinandum in regem populorum voto et electione assumptum, quod fuit secundum.[25] Quantum divina pontificalisque auctoritas ceremoniarumque forma regiae dignitati Ferdinandi regis ejusque successioni accesserint, repentina comminantis pontificis {343} mors et divina vestrae sanctitatis electio, illico post Alfonsi regis obitum non humanae cogitationi, sed miraculis ultra vires et potentias naturales emanantibus ascribenda judicium perhibent, de quibus plurima commemorarem, quae ad divinam voluntatem et miraculo ascribi necessario fore concluderem, nisi defunctorum piacula suaderent silentium. Notissimum est divinum coruscasse judicium, cui quantum sanctitas vestra adhaeserit et Dei sententiam et juris secuta absque alicujus praejudicio cunctis constat.[26] Ceremoniarum debita forma quam 2 publica, quam 3 celebris omnium applausu4 et devotione servata sit in ejus investitura et coronatione omnibus, qui in his 5 interfuerunt, innotuit. Factae fuerunt coram omni populo, omnibus regni principibus ac populis praesentibus. Et post coronationem juramenta fidelitatis praestantibus eo 6 ordine et modo, ut legibus injunctum 7 est: vexillo sanctae Romanae ecclesiae pro investiturae signo eidem devotissime tradito, per ipsum sanctae Romanae ecclesiae et sanctitatis vestrae legato8 et omnibus succesoribus legitime intrantibus juramentum fidelitatis, et observantiae omnium, quae in forma infeudationis continebantur, praestitum est 9 , praecedentibusque jejuniis, poenitentia, et lotione corporis praeparatis sacris inter missarum sollemnia oleo sacro unctus, regiis insignibus decoratus: solio et sceptro regiis, ut judicando cunctis regni populis recta judicaret; gladio et armis, ut populos in die belli praecederet et eos ab hostibus tueretur; trabea veste, ut religioni et consiliis intenderet; regia corona et 1 regalia insignia jure debito, ut 2 certa decertatione cepisse omnibus innotesceret 3 ; pomo regio, ut eo regni possessionem sub sua potestate tenere omnibus appareret. Triumphali equitatu omnium applausu et oboedientia investitus et coronatus fuerit, ut recte dici possit in ejus dignitatis assumptione nil ex divinis favoribus et4 sacrorum sollemniis et ceremoniis defuisse, sicque in eum nil defuisse5 , quod in vetere6 pontificali approbatione divino scriptoque jure pontificalibusque decretis sancitum est. Quod fuit tertium.[27] Superest, ut ostendam {344} Ferdinandum regem paternae virtutis et sapientiae imitatorem et legitimum successorem fuisse, quod fuit ultimum. Maximum 7 est ad regiam succesionem, ut in regno successor a praedecessoris virtutibus non declinet. Indignatur populus, si filius a parentum virtutibus deviaret. Ideo ad Samuelem clamavit populus dicens: "Ecce tu senuit8 , et filii tui non ambulant in viis tuis. Constitue nobis regem etc 9 " 10 (Primo Regum VIII. capitulo11 ). Ferdinandus rex apud Alfonsum patrem -ut praemissum est -educatus tanta cura ejus virtutes studuit imitari, ut primo fidem et patrium affectum omnibus fidelibus conservaverit, nullo arcium custode, nullo praeside aut magistratu, nullis privilegiis contrariis aut immunitatibus post patris obitum ab iis

	1 persone P 2 regiis P 3 laboribus P 4 obtemperans P 5 veniens P 6 in P 7 ventum P 8 relaxatis quoque : relaxatisque PE 9 omit. PE 1 omit. PE 2 omnium PE 3 tutabantur P 4 sanctitatis vestrae : vestrae sanctitatis P 5 calicem PE 6 et revereri omit. PE 7 ibidem P [22] 1 erudiendos PE 2 quinquaginta P 3 sola P 4 gravius P 5 et PE consilii regni oratoribus. [24] 1 em.; praedecessor P, PE 2 atque PE 3 quae PE [18] 1 et PE archiepiscopus Beneventanus ex insigni regni prosapia, et doctoribus duobus ex primoribus diebus septem,
	10 pontificium PE 8 trium P 2 sacratissimi PE 6 ut add. P 4 plausu P
	11 patratis pro PE 9 omit. P 3 omit. P 7 quantus PE 5 locis PE
	12 rebus add. PE 10 per quam : pro qua PE 4 tum P 8 desiderius PE 6 et PE
	13 didicit P 11 iis PE 5 quantus PE 9 consors PE 7 juris statutum PE
	14 vinxit PE 12 partis PE 6 animorumque PE 10 quo PE 8 legatum P
	15 omit. P 13 promissum PE 7 regiam disciplinam : regia disciplina PE 11 Basio P; Vasio PE 9 praestitum est omit. P
	230 231 233

nobilium

  Stat ergo juris necessitas3 : quod4 etsi proprietatis jura ita notoria non extarent, prout sunt, et superius clarissime est deductum, non potuisse successori Alfonsi regis regni titulum et regni possessionem et investituram denegare, nisi voluisset jura 5 feudi et vassalagii obsequia perdidisse. Non enim minus dominus feudi vassallo tenetur ad dandam infra tempus investituram et ad juris feudalis amissionem, si denegaverit, quam vassallus, si feloniam domino commiserit. , oporteat omnia, quae facta sunt, revocare et in pristinum casum reducere. Namque {44r} et supremus princeps sicut et contractu, ita et rescissione contractus tenetur, suadente naturali jure, quibus et supremi principes obligantur. Qui haec assereret, non recte saperet. Petitur, ut Renatus de Andegavia, qui 1 viginti annorum cursu regem Alfonsum passus est, investiatur. Qui haec petit, quid sit investitura, ignorat. Investitura est enim, prout lege deciditur, aut possessionis traditio aut recipiendae possessionis facultas, aut ad receptam superioris auctoritas. Clarum est duos non posse in solidum possidere eodem tempore. Sicque casu nostro Ferdinando rege possidente alteri possessio dari non potest. Possessorem etiam injustum possessione ejici causa non cognita leges prohibent. Sicque primo modo investitura alteri dari non potest.[35] Secundo esset bellum inferre, quod 2 contra oboedientem 3 filium, juri se offerentem, contra pacificum possessorem, contra domino obsequentem in omnibus juri feudi convenientibus prohibitum est et ab omni humana lege alienum, cum superior legibus eum teneatur tueri et ab eo injurias propulsare. Sicque secundus modus investiturae alteri dari non potest.Italicoque jure gauderet pro posse studuit; qui ergo de ejus dominio se immiscuit, inconsulto pontificio, imperiali regioque Italico jure, etsi hoc fecerit inferiorum auctoritate pacto assensu juramentis, quae in hoc nulla sunt, indivisibiles leges Christiani ordinis pontificis imperialisque potestatum violat atque perturbat. Sicque tyrannicum jus usurpat, quod satis est ad omnem regiam dignitatem denigrandam, a quo quantum quilibet rex maxime, qui Christianissimum nomen sibi vendicat, cavere habeat diligenter advertat. Sunt enim indivisibilia jura regnorum nec inferiorum assensibus aut submissionibus violanda, nec ipsorum regum pactionibus et juramento {349} vallati, sine imperiali pontificalique potestate, si Christianam legem profitemur ac patrum terminos egredi non intendimus.[38] Requirit igitur ipse Ferdinandus Rex vestram sanctitatem, hunc sacrum ordinem, omnesque astantes principes principumque oratores, ut sancta jura non violentur, arma contra eum deponantur, sua jura ad regnum a vestra sanctitate, cui immediate subjicit 1 , protegantur et defendantur, nec permittatur, ut sibi bellum aliquod inferatur.

	aequitate vestra sanctitas assentire, quae et per hos Galliae oratores fuerunt in medium ducta
	atque petita. Hoc quidem de jure notissimum est dominum {346} feudi et quemlibet [1] {53v} Quamvis, beatissime pater, ea, quae praeposita fuerunt ultima Novembris 1 in praesentia
	jurisdictionem investiendi habentem denegare non posse investituram et haereditariorum vestrae beatitudinis per oratores Christianissimi Francorum regis, ab eadem beatitudine seriose
	bonorum possessionem exhibenti legitimum testamentum non cancellatum, non abolitum 1 , et et luculenter resumpta sint et sufficienter suae excellenti memoriae commendata, ita ut ulteriore
	ad feudi successionem et investiturae concessionem admittere debere eum, si is 2 , ad cujus scripto minime opus esse videretur, ordinationi tamen vestrae sanctitatis parendo praefati
	successionem venit, in possessione feudi usque ad mortem extiterat. Hoc feudorum oratores substantiam expositorum et requisitorum sub brevi compendio in hanc formam
	consuetudines mandant. Hoc divi Hadriani edictum constituit, nec expedit in hujusmodi bonorum redigerunt 2 :
	consignatione de proprietate tractare, sed necesse est talem successorem haberi, qualis et
	mortuus habebatur, proprietatis juribus in eorum jure manentibus, nec ex eo juri alicujus
	praejudicantibus.
	ad instar superioris formata sit, vivere volumus, nec patrum terminos egredi. Januensis civitas juris Italici, quae ad censum, quo se aeternae memoriae Alfonso, regi Siciliae, obligaverat et solvere denegaverat, bello se subjecit ac plures ex optimatibus civibus debitum jus regium recognoscere [33] Restituemus et Assisium et Gualdum. Renuntiabimus et census promissioni. Vendicabimus volentes e civitate expulit, quo eidem jure legitimo indictum est bellum, non ad dominii civitatis
	amicum vicinum regem in hostem acerrimum. Cum jure suadente, cum de contractus rescissione submissionem, sed ad optimatum civium ad civitatem restitutionem contra tyrannidem contra
	1 tuetur PE jura civitatis exortam. In hoc bello jure pietate suffulto Ferdinandus rex haereditario jure 2 subjectis PE 3 ut add. PE 1 obolitum P successit. Sicque justum bellum habuit, et de Januensi civitate status alteratione nullatenus se
	4 certa P 2 jus PE immiscet; sed ut exclusa tyrannide civibus indebite exclusis ad civitatem admissis, suis legibus 1 subjicitur PE
	5 super PE 3 necessitate PE 2 et ut arma deponantur add. PE
	6 et PE 4 qui PE 3 omit. PE
	7 fecit PE 5 regna P 1 jugi add. PE 4 regumque PE
	8 investisse P 6 jugi add. PE 2 qui PE 5 confirment PE
	9 ornasse PE 7 pacifice PE 3 obedientiam P 6 jugi add. PE

Quis sanae mentis vestrae beatitudini persuasisset investituram et coronationem debitas denegare, jura feudalia ob denegationem amittere, vicinum regem ex illata injuria hostem sibi vendicare? Investivit et coronavit sanctitas vestra eorum jurium, quae Alfonso regi competebant, et in quorum possessione pacifica

6

viginti annorum totius Christianitatis et ipsius Francorum regis approbatione pacifica fuerat. Conquisivit sibi censum ecclesiae debitum et Beneventanam civitatem, ipsius Ferdinandi regis filialem oboedientiam, ac beneficium maximum, cum suis pecuniis, suo imperio. Jacobus Piccininus, strenuissimus capitaneus, civitatem Asissii et terram Gualdi, quas -ut asserebat -suo juri occupaverat, liberaliter restituit. Investivit sanctitas vestra, qui pacificus 7 erat possessor, regis filium, per tres vestrae sanctitatis praedecessores ut succederet habilitatum, pro quo jure foederum Italicorum et ligae omnis {347} Italiae potentatus instetit, et quibus, nisi omnis Italiae bellum in se convertere voluisset, contradicere recte non poterat, et hoc fecit absque alicujus injuria et juris praejudicio.

[34] Tractemus -si sapimus -de eorum retractatione. Restituemus et Beneventanam urbem.

agitur

[36] Tertio modo clarissimum est dari non posse, cum nisi possessori pacifico non competat, sicque ex his clare apparet, quam a jure alienum sit investituram petiisse. Quare transitus ad offendendum oboedientem regem petatur, non sine admiratione est, tum eo ipso, quo quis vim infert, contra se offerentem juri acquiescere, jus quod alias sibi de jure competeret, amittit, teneturque {348} superior jurisdictionali auctoritate, qua fungitur, armis suam jurisdictionem tueri. Sicque si aliena a jure sint, quae hoc in loco exposita fuere, vestra sanctitas et et hic sacer ordo dijudicet.

[37] Tetigerunt aliqua civitatem Januensem concernantia, in qua cum serenissimus Ferdinandus rex maximum interesse praetendat, pauca dicam, ut nil intactum remaneat. Est potentissima orbis terrrarum caput Italia, pontificali, imperiali regioque jure decorata et sine horum jurium auctoritate indivisibilis, si monarchico ordine, quo Christiana religio gubernatur, cum

2

Alias protestatur se suumque regnum divino ac 3 gentium humanoque juribus permittentibus armis tueri nec per eum stare quominus bellum in infideles inferatur, considerentque, qui ea agunt, quibus legibus, quibus divinis praeceptis contravenire nituntur. Insurgat pro Deo sanctitas vestra et illustrissimi principes, regum

4

et principum oratores requirant Christianissmum regem et principes Galliarum, ut arma deponant, legibus, locis et temporibus se conforment

5

, divinas ultiones effugiant. Sunt principes gentium Christianissimarum, qui potentiam omnem saepius pro Christianae religionis tutela liberaliter posuere, facile est, ut assentiant Christianorum votis, ut arma hoc tempore deponant, et quod 6 viginti annorum curriculo passi sunt, non innovent. Quod si fiet, maxima pars desiderii sanctitatis vestrae complebitur, quod Deus vestrae sanctitati et nobis concedere dignetur, qui vivit et regnat trinus et unus per infinita saecula saeculorum. Amen. Finis.

  Primum est quatenus omnia facta et gesta ad utilitatem et in favorem Ferdinandi praejudiciumque et dispendium regis Renati cassare et annullare ac in pristinum statum reducere dignetur vestra sanctitas tam super infeudationem quam super coronationem dicti Ferdinandi ac aliis quibuscumque declarando ea cassa et nulla nulliusque roboris et efficaciae.

	[3] Secundum, ut serenissimi regem Renatum Siciliae in vassallum ecclesiae recipiat vestra
	sanctitas, investituram praedicti regni sibi conferendo prout dictis liliatis tempore Caroli 1 primi
	semper continuatum extitit, et ut in talibus fieri est assuetum.
	[4] Tertium dignetur praelibata sanctitas destinare legatum vel legatos sufficienti potestate
	suffultos ad praetactum Siciliae regnum praelatis, proceribus ceterisque viris ecclesiasticis et
	saecularibus significaturos declarationem pariter et investituram praemissas, ut deinceps parere
	et oboedire habeant serenissimo regi Renato veluti regi vero, ecclesiae vassallo, regni domino
	haeredique indubitato.

[5]

Quartum, ut hoc rationabile et canonicum opus debitum et congruum sortiatur effectum dignetur saepefata 2 sanctitas mandare capitaneis et rectoribus exercitus seu armatae ecclesiae quatenus impedimentum nullatenus inferre habeant comiti Jacobo Piccinino et suis nec aliis quibuscumque in auxilium domini ducis Calabriae ad recuperationem regni progressuris. Qui potius favores omnes licitos passagia {54r} et quaevis viveramina

3

praestent, adeoque per universas terras et exercitum ecclesiae dicto comiti Jacobo et aliis quibuscumque, ut praedicitur, tutus sit accessus revocando et revocari faciendo omnes et singulos, qui sub praetextu mandatorum sanctitatis vestrae vel suorum ordinati sunt ad impediendum transitum dicti comitis Jacobi, suorum et aliorum quorumcumque ad succursum et auxilium praefati domini ducis Calabriae, offerentes saepefati oratores nomine serenissimi principis, regis Renati praedicti, talem securitatem praestare sanctitatis vestrae, quod per antedictum comitem Jacobum aliosque suae comitiae nullum inferretur damnum terris et dominiis ecclesiae, et si quae facta forent, taliter reperabuntur quod saepefatam sanctitatem vestram merito debebit contentari.

Response "Jam certis lapsis diebus" of French ambassadors (12 December 1459)

  oratores Christianissimae majestatis nomine ejusdem celsitudini regiae sanctitatem vestram exorant, ut Januenses tam in generali quam in particulari ejusdem majestatis subditos et oboedientes eorumque jura, facta et negotia dominumque Calabriae ac alios officiales auctoritate regia commissos ad regimen et tuitionem civitatis et dominii Januae in sua speciali gratia singulariter commissos suscipiat eos omni favore prosequendo, prout celsitudo regia per dominum Cozeraneum certiorata spem et fiduciam singularem in eadem sanctitatem gerit.[8] Secundo oratores praedicti nomine quo supra beatitudinem vestram 2 exorant, quatenus privilegia, jura et praerogativas3 Christianissimae majestatis conservando et protegendo attentis saepefactis criminibus et delictis commissis et patratis per Perrinum quondam de Campo Fregoso processibus super hoc agitatis sententiis, declarationibus et bonorum publicationibus idem et adversus eum secutis cassare dignetur vestra sanctitas et mandare cassari, seu pro infectis reputari omnes sententias obtentas pro parte dicti Perrini aut suorum in curia Romana vel coram quocumque judice ecclesiastico in praejudicium bancariorum de Avinione occanx 4 obligationis vel fidejussionis factarum praedicto primo propter et ob causam reductionis civitatis Januae Sanctitas cum reverendissimis Patribus dominis Cardinalibus cogitare poterit, ut ipsius Regni praedicto domino Renato, cui debitum est, justa restitutio fiat, quam nullatenus in praejudicium succursus fidei Catholicae cedere putavimus; quin potius ad ejus auxilium singulare, dum ille strenuissimus & victorisissimus Princeps dominus Dux Calabriae filius praenominati Regis, qui restititionem Regni paterni, auxiliante sibi divino praesidio, manu valida prosequitur virtutibus optimis praeditus, in aetate convenienti constitutus, Regibus et magnis Principibus omnium fere nationum religionis Christianae conjunctus, magna auxilia ipsi fidei Catholicae Altissimo dirigente ferre poterit. [4] Sed dum his in rebus super nostris petitionibus responsum disertissimum oratione 1 Vestrae Sanctitatis dictum est, aliqua dicta fuere, quibus pro tuendo Christianissii domini nostri Regis honore, jure & fama cum omni reverentia vestrae Beatitudinis & Sanctae Sedis Apostolicae, ut fideles nuntii tanti Regis aliquid respondere compellimur. Unum aliud in postrema parte praelibatae orationis tactum est, cui aliqua ex parte etiam respondere cogimur. Arguitur quidem ipse dominus noster Rex, quod pragmaticam sanctionem in suo Regno sustinet, quae privilegiis sedis Apostolicae derogare praetenditur; atque exinde Regnum ipsum rugam atque maculam contraxisse allegatur. In qua re pro defendendis ipsius Regis et regni innocentia, honore, & fama, ut tenemur, aliqua in praesenti explicare duximus. Nec aliquis de scitu ipsius Christianissimi Regis in Regno suo sibi quippiam eorum usurpare praesumpsit, quae ad solum summum Pontificem pertinere noscuntur. Et ulterius, Legatis & Nuntiis per eamdem sedem missis saepenumero oblationes & variae aperturae factae sunt, in quibus semper benigne et pie Regis & Praelatorum animis ad quaeque rationabilia se dedidit inclinatum. Et quidquid Canonice & rationabiliter in hac parte videbitur fiendum, ad hoc christianissima Majestas paratam se exhibebit, & observabit inconcusse. {327} Curiae existunt, quamplurimum necesaria est ad conservationem Ecclesiarum & jurium suorum, & de quibuscumque ad eos querimonia defertur, sive de Officiariis Regis, sive de quibuscumque aliis in ipso Regno, quantumcumque potentibus, per ipsam cuique Justitia ministratur. Quod si ita per omne regione Orbis Christiani fieret, non ita in multis patrimonia Ecclesiarum direpta et delapsa forent, sicut, proh dolor!, esse referuntur. Tantaque ab antiqua fama est illius Curiae, quod nedum subditi aliorum Regnorum Christianorum in causis privatis ad judicium illius Curiae recurrere voluerunt, prout & adhuc multi faciunt, sed etiam infideles interdum hoc idem fecerunt. Nec est verisimile quod tam solemnis Curia aliquid sinistrum agere vellet, quod sibi ad culpam & notam imputandum esse videretur. [12] Super omnibus tamen praemissis Christianissimus dominus noster Rex pleniore deliberatione habita, & consultis viris peritis juris divini & humani, quorum in Regno suo copiosa est multitudo, poterit exinde quidnam agendum sit maturius & sanctius advisare. Sed haec pauca nos sui Oratores effari ad praesens duximus, ne defensionem justitiae, honoris, & famae ipsius domini nostri Regis intactam praeteriisse videamur. Et in his ad honorem Dei, universalis Ecclesiae, & sanctae Sedis Apostolicae obsequium, utilitatemque ac prosperitatem fidei Catholicae, & totius Christianitatis, & apud ipsum dominum nostrum Regem, & ubicumque poterimus pro viribus laborare curabimus. Regi nostro supremo & coronae servierunt prudenter, efficaciter & indefesse, unde vocem, famam, & nomen in Franciae Regno non modicum & merito meruerunt. Et cum de tanta materia, prout est fidei defensio, locus erit sermonem facere, eorum vox & opinio non mediocris erunt importantiae.

	After D'Achery: Spicilegium, tom. IX (1669), pp. 323-329 Responsio legatorum Caroli VII. Regis Francorum ad orationem a Pio Papa II. Habitam in Conventu Mantuano, quae edita est in tomo VIII. Spicilegii, pag. 292 nihil unctione, tum in miraculis dietim coruscantibus, tum in curatione ulcerum, quae vulgariter frater est, Principisque Walliae eorum heredis avunculus, & in parentela proximior … in rem suam restitui, & in contrarium acta cassari. unctio, & alia quae divinitus recepit, quae usque in hodiernum diem tum in … tum in sacra Angliae ipsius Regis filius in affinitate. Dominus Dux Calabriae praedictorum Regis & Reginae competit: justamque rem petere arbitrate suus, quaerendo praefatum dominum Siciliae Regem quis fuit Clodoveus ille Christianissimus Rex, ad quem e caelo lilia transmissa fuere, sacraque soror in secondo gradu. Regina autem Angliae filia est legitima praedicti Regis Renati, Rexque agunt, sed duntaxat juris prosequendi gratia, quod praefatis regibus & incytae domui eorum concipiatur, scimus ex Historiographis & Chronicis authenticis ac probatis, quibus fides adhibetur, fere omnibus majoribus Principibus Regni in tertio gradu. Christianissima Regina Maria Renati diximus animo quempiam accusandi, aut eorum qui jam vita functi sunt, aut qui adhuc in humanis authenticis clare constabit Pippinum praefatum a stirpe Clodovei & successoribus ejus descendisse, & a sanguine Regio processisse. [7] In quantum vero Regem & Regnum ipsum tantis insignibus donis caelitus decoratum & illustratum concernit, certum est eosdem nulli in terra subjici, nec cuiquam humanae subjacere potestati. Intellexit praeterea haec decreta sacris Canonibus antiquorum Conciliorum, ac decretis summorum Pontificum confirmari, propter quae sicut devotus Ecclesiae filius, sicut Princeps Catholicus & Christianissimus eadem decreta cum aliquibus additionibus, quae Apostolicae Sedi nequaquam derogare videbantur, acceptare duxit. [16] Et sit tanti Principes & nobiles quilibet suo respectu effectualiter cognoscant, vestram Sanctitatem erga dictum Regem Renatum in suis supplicationibus aures benignas inclinare, sibique in suis jure & ratione legitime favere, eorum ex parte nulli dubium est in materia praedicta fidei ferventiores & animosiores se praebere, ac exhortationibus & desideriis sedis Apostolicae promotiores & inclinatiores. ….¨ fiendum sit, vestra [6] Ut autem hujus rei veritas omnibus innotescat, nec quidquam sinistrum animis audientium [8] [14] Nam praedictus Rex Renatus consanguineus est in linea masculina Chrristianissimo Regi, & [17] Similiter ut jura & praerogativae Christianissimae Majestatis {329} illibatae remaneant,
	escroüelles, latine vero scrophulae nuncupantur, & in vexillio auriflammeo ad Francorum Reges consanguinei sunt germani idem Princeps, & filius praelocuti domini Ducis Calabriae. Dominus [3] Super his cum ea modestia qua scivimus & potuimus {324} locuti sumus, sicuti Vestra Sanctitas caelitus emisso, tum in aliis … singularitatibus, & specialissimis praerogativis pluribus, & diversis etiam Comes Cenomaniae, qui a juventute continuam traxit moram cum Christianissimo Rege, in pro sua clementia benigne interpretata est cum primum super his respondit, & quid insuper modis impensis apud Francorum Reges permanent. E perlectis ad plenum historiis, & chronicis cujus domo alitus ac suus praecarus & dilectissimus, germanus est ipsius Regis Siciliae.

hosque bancarios a sententia vel sententiis excommunicationis in eorum latis causis praemissis absolvi, silentium imponendo quibuscumque dicti Perrini sese haeredes dicentes aut jus suum habere praetendentibus, ne occanx

5

praemissa adversus dictos bancarios quicumque attentare praesumant, constitutoque de processu contra dictum Perrinum agitato, de quo saepefati oratores promptam offerunt facere, fidem declarare obligationes, nomina et bona praedicta praefato Christianissimo Francorum regi pertinere, mandando insuper, ut sententiae pro jure praedictae celsitudinis regiae late in hac parte libere exequantur.

[9] Tertio attenta infidelitate archipraesulis Januae, praedicti Perrini fratris ipsiusque criminis conscii

6

, et ea de causa sit minus rationi consonum praedictum archiepiscopum in ea civitate moram protrahere et cives carere antistite, exorant dicti ambasiatores nomine quo supra quatenus vestra sanctitas praedictum archipraesulem ad aliam ecclesiam transferre dignetur, dictae civitati Januae talem praeficiendo pastorem, qui sedi apostolicae sacrosanctae sit obsequiosus, Christianissimae majestati fidus, civibus gratus et acceptus.

Appendix 3:

[1] {323} Jam certis lapsis diebus, beatissime pater, ad praesentiam vestrae Sanctitatis jussu Majestatis Christianissimi domini nostril Regis Francorum, veniam primum eidem, obedientiam et reverentiam filialem, siccut … ejusdem Majestatis consuetum est, cum ea qua potuimus reverentia & devotione praestitum.

1

Nos quoque ad concludendum de succursu praestando fidei Catholicae, ob quem haec Conventio indicta est, venisse insinuavimus, paratissimos nos esse audire quae in praesenti Conventione aperientur, & in his cooperari omnibus modis rationabilibus. Quibus auditis vestra Sanctitas benigne nos suscepit, plures & celeberrimas laudes suis elegantissimis sermonibus Regi nostro Christianissimo attribuens. 2 [2] Altera autem die 3 ad ejusdem vestrae Sanctitatis praesentiam pro materia Regis Siciliae, & insignis Januae civitatis accessimus, vocatis tamen nobilibus Principibus, seu Principum Ambaxiatoribus qui domino nostro Regi faederibus, amicitia singulari & cognatione juncti sunt, sicut nobis in instructionibus expresse mandatum fuerat: in quibus causis quas pro tuendo non solum jure praefati domini Regis Renati, sed totius domus Regiae Francorum deduximus: [5] Non enim in primis subticere possumus unum, quod ipsius domini nostri Regis honorem admodum concernit: illud videlicet, quod inter cetere praelocuta enarrando beneficia Regibus & Regno Francorum a Sede Apostolica praestita dictum est, Zachariam Papam Legatum in Franciam mississe, & et per eundem tonsum fuisse Hildericum Regem, atque Pipino, Caroli Martelli filio Majori domus Regiae, longe tamen distanti a sanguine Regio ipsius Regni regimen concessum extitisse, quo mortuo succedentibus sibi & Carolomanno & suis fiiis, mortuo Carlomanno postulantibus Sedi Apostolicae Desiderio, relictaque dicti Carolomanni, & suis filiis, ad Regnum seu portionem Regni praedicto Carolomanno contingentem eosdem filios vocari. Sedes Apostolica rejectis supplicationibus praefatis, omnia {325} jura Regni collata in Pippinum, praefato Carolo Magno confirmavit, & in eum contulit. Quibus verbis ennui videtur, Christianissimos Francorum Reges exhinc successores non ex vera stirpe Clodovi descendisse necnon Regni dispositionem sedi Apostolicae competere. [9] Praesentata olim fuerunt decreta Concilii generalis Basiliensis Christianissimo nostro Regi, praesentibusque quamplurimis Principibus & Proceribus Regni sui, necnon {326} etiam absentium Oratoribus : ipse habita consultatione Archiepiscoporum, & Episcoporum atque Universitatum, aliorumque peritorum & prudentium Regni, informatus est quomodo haec erant edita auctoritate praefati Concilii, quod ex institutione duorum praecedentium Conciliorum Constantiensis & Senensis, necnon etiam duorum Romanorum Pontificum Martini quinti, & Eugenii quarti, ad reformationem Ecclesiae in capite & in membris fuerat convocatum. [10] Nec in acceptatione praedicta ullatenus praejudicium privilegiis Apostolicae sedis afferre putavit, quam semper & venerari, et honorare decrevit. Quin etiam ab illo tempore ad Summum Pontificem subditi Regni illius, sicut ad Christi Vicarium et Pastorem summum recursum semper habuerunt. [11] Quantum vero ad ea quae adversus Curiam Parlamenti ipsius domini nostri Regis objecta sunt, omnibus intelligere placeat, quod haec venerabilis Curia ex Ecclesiasticis & saecularibus viris jurisperitiam habentibus constituta, usque ad numerum octuaginta personarum, absque duodecim Patribus Ecclesiasticis & secularibus, & octo Magistris hospitii regis, qui omnes de corpore ipsius [13] Quia tamen in articulis praecedentibus de facto Regis Siciliae mentionem facientibus verbis generalia sunt, & absque specificatione, ut de intentione dictorum Oratorum in materia praedicta sanctissimus dominus noster plenius valeat certiorari, supplicant Oratores praefati eidem sanctissimo domino nostro, quatenus supplicationes hac in re suae Sanctitati ex parte dictorum Oratorum porrectas admittere dignetur. Ad quae vestra Sanctitas, ultra rationes alias in parte hac allegatas, inclinari debere videtur zelo defensionis {328} fidei, ut votivus inde sequitur effectus cauis & rationibus sequentibus. [15] Et ultra haec, inter ceteras provincias, nationes, & territoria Regni nostri, citra praejudicium quorumcumque aliorum, nobiles & Proceres Andegaviae & Cenomaniae praefati Regis Renati subditi, placeat Sanctissimo domino nostro mandare sententias contra Perrinum de Campefrigoze latas per judices competentes, occasione maleficiorum & delictorum per dictum Perrinum perpetratorum in & adversus Regiam Majestatem : de quibus sententiis, necnon & de processu in hac materia agitato, iidem Oratores promptam offerunt facere fidem executioni debitae demandari, silentiumque imponi praetendentibus se illius Perrini heredes, aut ab eo causam habere super censuris & sententiis excommunicationis per eos, ut fertur, obtentis adversus mercatores Avenionenses, eosdemque mercatores absolve, quietos vero & pacificos erga praedictos, se, ut praemittitur, jus habere dicentes, teneri.

Letter

of Pius II to King Charles VII of 12 December 1459

  Cum audivimus oratores tuae sublimitatis ad dietam hanc Mantuanam venire, vehementer Deo teste sumus laetati. Postquam etiam Mantuam attigerunt, in eorum ingressu et cum publice sunt auditi tot eos honoribus accumulavimus, quot potuerunt a nobis excogitari: nihil protinus omittentes, quod ad honorandum tuum regium nomen ac ad declarandam nostram in te charitatem spectaret. Sequentibus vero diebus, cum iidem oratores commendatum venissent charissimum in Christo filium nostrum Renatum regem illustrem et dilectos filios communitatem , quae petitionibus eorum non assentiri nos pateretur : denique nullum verbum fuit, nulla particula nostrae responsionis, quae non summam gloriam progenitorum tuorum et tuam, atque adeo totius gentis Gallicae resonaret. Factum semper nostrum, in quo notati maxime eramus, ea modestia excusantes, ut apud justos judices solam innocentiam ejusdem Sedis nisi fuerimus velle probare. Quod si secus tuae celsitudini relatum jam esset vel forsitan referetur, sciat longe a vero esse quidquid aliter dicitur, nec nos, qui nomen tuum privatim et publice dignis continue laudibus celebravimus, potuisse in hoc conventu Christiano, ubi de tota religione nostra tractatur, in diversum sentire et loqui. Affuerunt principes nonnulli et principum oratores, affuerunt praelati quamplures hujus nostrae excusationis locupletissimi testes, ex quibus bonitas tua integram veritatem poterit, cum volet, cognoscere. Haec duplici ex causa ad te scribenda putavimus, primum quia malignantium et detractorum plena omnia etiam noveramus, quibus more Sathanae omnis conjunctio molesta est, et charitas odiosa; deinde quia serenitatem tuam magni facimus plurimumque sicut debemus, et tormenti instar nobis esset, si causam alienori animo a Sede praedicta malorum artificiis esse intelligeremus etc.

	After Rainaldus, ad annum 1459, nr. 69
	Pius Papa II Regi Franciae. Dat. Mantuae XII Decembris anno II.
	Charissime in Christo fili, salutem, etc.

tuae civitatis Januensis, praeter expectationem nostram nonnullos principes et oratores ex iis, qui dietae causa hic sunt, vel testes vel spectatores expositionis suae secum duxerunt; auditi nihilominus a nobis patienter benigneque sunt. Verum quia omnis eorum oratio non tam praedictorum commendationem, quam accusationem nostram et Apostolicae Sedis continere est visa, ob id praecipue, quod charissimo in Christo filio nostro Ferdinando de Aragonia Neapolitanum regnum et regni coronam concessimus, non judicavimus maculam hanc per eos impositam eidem Sedi, cujus defensores sumus, tacendo relinquere, praesertim cum nos tibi, et clarissimae domui tuae graviter injuriatos assererent. Exemplum itaque ipsorum secuti, die responsionis nostrae convocari et nos aliquos fecimus, qui defensae innocentiae nostrae auditores adessent: purgavimus in respondendo, quantum Deus largitus est nobis, objecta : ostendimus quae tuo nomine nobis imputabantur non tibi nos imputare, sed detractoribus nostris qui tuae pietati non vera inculcassent : aperuimus quoque praesentem necessitatem

Letter of Pius II to King Charles VII of 10 January 1460

  Venerunt ad nos oratores celsitudinis tuae, viri praestabiles et digni, qui a tanto rege ad Apstolicam Sedem, et in negotium fidei mitterentur. Gesserunt se omnibus in rebus diligenter ac studiose, nihil judicio nostro praetermittentes, quod ad officium fidelium oratorum pertineat. Si petitiones tuas omnes illis instantibus non adimplevimus, Deo teste, non minor est nobis, quam tuae majestati anxietas : honor Apostolicae Sedis quam tueri toto posse debemus, et justitiae debitum, in qua obligati omnibus sumus, facere hoc nos compulerunt : quod est necessitas pro Deo, tua bonitas imputare voluntati non velit. Amamus et in cordis visceribus gerimus tuum

	After Rainaldus, ad annum 1460, nr. 17
	From: Regis Ferdinandi et aliorum epistolae ac orationes utriusque militiae. [Vico Equense, 1586],
	Pius Papa II Regi Franciae. pp. 304-305
	Charissime in Christo fili, etc. This letter was probably written by Antonio Beccadelli (see Abulafia: Ferrante, p. 239)
	{304} Pio Papae,
	tuam more
	progenitorum suorum negotium religionis Christianae, cujus causa conventum hunc
	Christianorum tanto labore peregimus gloriose esse amplexuram, nos, ne quid ad hoc
	exequendum piae voluntati tuae obstaret, dietam unam indiximus et ad eam legatum nostrum
	obtulimus, qui inter inclytum regnum tuum, et charissimum in Christo filium nostrum Anglorum Haec atque talia cum copiosissime ac constantissime disseruisses, omnibus quidem, qui aderant,
	regem illustrem et alios, quos negotium hujusmodi tangit, pacem seu treuguas componat : tui animi generositatem, tuae amplissimae sedis dignitatem ac dignitatis majestatem exhibuisti,
	tempus conveniendi proximum Joannis Baptistae festum duximus opportunum : loca quoque ea mihi etiam pietatem atque justitiam.
	delegimus, in quorum aliquo partes ipsas consensuras facile putaremus. etc.
	Quibus ex rebus tantas sanctitatis tuae laudes et gratias habeo, quantas nec verbis enarrare nec
	Dat. Mantuae, X Januarii, Anno II. opera aut rebus satisfacere umquam possem. Obligasti me, obligasti progeniem meam in

Christianissimum nomen, cujus veri praedicatores, quantum in nobis fuit, semper sumus inventi, et auctore Deo inveniemur in posterum. Negationes nostrae singulares tibi non sunt : facimus hoc idem cum reliquis Christianis regibus ac potentatibus, quibus frequenter non damus quod concedere cum Deo non possumus : hanc nostram institutionem. Tibi, qui veri ac justi es cultor, non dubitamus pro tua bonitate probatissimum esse. Quae autem ad negotium regni Siciliae pro officio nostro respondimus : oratores tui praedicti, et noster quem ad te destinabimus, eadem plenius referent. si fideliter omnia exponent : non dubitamus, quin necessitatem nostram habeas excusatam. Unum hoc vere affirmamus : intentionem nostram erga charissimum in Christo filium Renatum regem illustrem optimam esse, et nec alienam ab officio indulgentissimi patris : cum quaecumque facultas se offeret contemplatione Christianissimae tuae domus, et sua, reipsa probabimus quod nunc verbis testamur. Et quoniam non dubitamus serenitatem Clarissima multorum voce ac litteris nobis renuntiatum est, Pie pater beatissime, quam magnifice et tuae auctoritati convenienter insolentiae Gallorum responderis. Nam cum me illi minus legitime regno investitum ac recte creatum regem, mirabili copia et eloquentia declarasti. Attulisti in medium concessiones superiorum pontificum, fratrum cardinalium consensum, populorum ac procerum meorum atque adeo totius Italiae voluntatem propitium, optimi patris Alfonsi in catholicam ecclesiam benemerita, contra Gallorum regem male merita, quique ex rege Christiano nihil hodie praeter nomen obtineant: omnia officia, omnia beneficia, quae papae propria sunt, usurpasse ac profanasse; contumacias eorum prope innumerabiles, dominandi libidinem, in Italicos perpetua odia, conversationes intolerabiles.

Sed et illud jucundissimum auditu fuit, quod cum me propter natales meos regno indignum esse exclamarent, te palam fecisse nonnullos ex Hispanorum regibus, nonnullos ex Gallorum natu similes extitisse. Herculem {305} praeterea, Romulum, Alexandrum, Salomonem et alios plures reges, quos mortales universi divinis laudibus ferunt, illegitimo matrimonio ortos. Quippe neque ortum aut originem verum regem statuere, sed animi excellentiam morum sobrietatem, humanitatem, clementiam, liberalitatem, religionem, sapientiam et denique pontificum, quique Christi domini vicarii gerunt, oboedientiam atque observantiam. perpetuum. Continue te benefactorem, te dominum, te patronum decantabimus, nec minus semper et ubique gentium nos sacrosanctae Romanae ecclesiae observantissimos filios, beneficiarios clientes esse profitebimur. Ita te justissimus Deus justitiae assertorem in pace et tranquilitate incolumen invictumque conservet.

Appendix: Oration "Non ullam" of Hertnidt vom Stein to Pope Pius II (6 January 1460, Mantua) 1. Context 1

  In late December 1459, when the business of the Congress of Mantua was almost concluded, Margrave Albrecht Achilles of Brandenburg finally arrived in Mantua. He was no stranger to the princely court of Mantua since his niece, Barbara, was the spouse of Margrave Ludovico Gonzaga. Albrecht was Pope Pius II's favourite German prince and one whom he thought might be an excellent commander of a joint European army against the Turks. 2

	Table of contents
	I.	INTRODUCTION
	1.	Context
	2.	Themes
	3.	Date, place, audience, and format
	4.	Text
		4.1. Manuscripts
		4.2. Editions
		4.3. Present edition
	5.	Sources
	6.	Bibliography
	7.	Sigla
	II.	TEXT AND TRANSLATION

  1] {181v} Advenisse te citius, dilectissime fili, et optavissemus quidem, et rebus gerendis nostro judicio non parum conduxisset. Sed curasti1 , ne bellum civile inter Alemannos exoriretur: non minus reipublicae profuisti, quam si hic affuisses. Venisti tamen modo et omnes difficultates superasti. Nulla te potuerunt impedire impedimenta, quominus nostro desiderio 2 satisfaceres. Neque fluminibus, neque montibus retineri vera caritas 3 potest. Et praesentia tua et verbis tuis mirum in modum nos recreas. Probamus, quae tuo nomine dicta sunt, et consilia tua non aliter quam viri prudentis et qui multa viderit et probaverit, amplectenda esse ducimus, de quibus tecum seorsum agemus.[2] Verum quia natio germanica, ex qua tu ortus es, inclyta et potens, in4 expeditionem contra Turcos obeundam duo et XL 5 millia pugnatorum Christianae religioni pollicita est, ut hoc fiat, quod promissum est, duo necessaria esse videmus: unum, ut pax proximo anno Norimbergae 6 composita stabilis sit, {182r} et nihil novi discidii7 suboriri sinatur, neque enim aliter educi exercitus posset. Alterum, ut ad cogendas copias ingens studium et diligentia solers adhibeatur. Beloved son, We had really hoped that you would arrive earlier, and We believe that it would have greatly facilitated the matter at hand. But since you were endeavoring to prevent a civil war in Germany, you have benefited the [Christian] Commonwealth as much as if you had been present here. But now you have arrived and surmounted all difficulties. No barriers could prevent you from fulfilling Our wish. True charity cannot be held back by rivers or mountains. Your presence and your words are a tremendous comfort to Us. We approve of what was said in your name, and We wholeheartedly accept your advice as being from a wise man who has seen and experienced much,

	Ad Albertum marchionem Brandeburgensem To Margrave Albrecht of Brandenburg
	[1]
	A van
	Heck. II vols. Città del Vaticano: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1984 (Studi e testi; 312-
	313) 1 sed curasti : securitati J
	2 nostro desiderio : desiderio nostro G
	3 retineri vera caritas : vera charitas retineri G
	4 omit. J
	5 XLta G
	6 proximo anno Norimbergae : Norimbergae proximo anno G
	7 dissidii G, J
	8 cum G
	9 manibus G
	10 mirantur J

ecclesiastici ab anno MCXCVIII ubi Card. Baronius desinit. Auct. Odoricus Raynaldus. Tom. XVIII-XIX. Roma: Varesius, 1659-1663

2

Mansi, Giovanni: Ad concilia Veneto-Labbeana Supplementum.

Sanctorum

conciliorum et decretorum collectio nova: seu collectionis conciliorum Supplementum. 6 vols. Luca: ex typographia Josephi salani, & Vincentii Junctinii, 1748-1752 Moore, John C.: Pope Innocent III (1160/61-1216) -To Root Up and to Plant. Leiden, 2003 Pastor, Ludwig: Geschichte der Päpste im Zeitalter der Renaissance. 16 vols. Freiburg i.B., 1886-1933 Pius II: Commentarii rerum memorabilium quae suis temporibus contigerunt. [1464]

• Pius II: Commentarii rervm memorabilivm que svis temporibus contigervnt. Ed.

[Utrumque in te situm est. Si voles, pacata erunt omnia, nec deerit validus contra Turcos exercitus, ubi tua solertia incubuerit. Novimus studium et diligentiam tuam: omnia fiunt quamvis difficillima, ubi tu 8 animum intenderis. Age igitur, erige mentem, et his te rebus accinge, quae te possunt beatum et immortalem reddere. Multa hactenus bella gessisti: in Franconia, quae tibi patria est, in Misna, in Saxonia, in Bohemia, in Slesia, in Polonia, in Hungaria, in Austria, in Bavaria, in Svevia: nulla regio in Germania est tui non plena sudoris. A teneris, ut ajunt, unguiculis, versatus in armis adeo clarum gessisti militem et deinde ducem, ut non ab re Theutonicum te Achillem quidam nominaverunt. Tulisti saepe optima ex hoste spolia. Saepe vallum, saepe murum primus hostilem ascendisti. Erexisti pluribus in locis victoriarum trophaea, et ex manubiis

9

hostium tua templa ditasti. Si cujuspiam nostri temporis viri victura est fama, tua profecto victura est. Injuriam enim scriptores tuo nomini fecerint, nisi te priscis aequaverint, quos Graecia et quos Roma miratur

10

, belli ducibus.

  Many are the places where you have raised memorials of victory, and you have enriched your temples with the spoils from your enemies. If there is anybody today whose fame will last, it is certainly you. An author would insult your name if he did not compare it to the generals of Antiquity, admired by Greece and Rome.[3] Verum quamvis te justa secutum bella putemus, inter Christianos tamen hactenus proeliatus es, quod difficile sine peccato fieri potest. Saepe innocens sanguis {182v} effunditur, interveniunt puellarum et nuptarum raptus. Dum superbit impius, incenditur pauper, diripiuntur ecclesiae, monasteria incenduntur, divina et humana miscentur. Apud victorem raro moderatio magis quam libido vindictae potest. Multa urgent conscientiam tuam, non dubitamus: non potuisti non laedere multos.[4] At haec expiare Turconico bello facile poteris. Pugnasti pro mundo hactenus; pugna nunc pro Christo. Pugnasti pro corpore; pugna nunc pro anima. Pugnasti pro fragili et caduca gloria; pugna nunc pro immortali et aeterna laude. Exerce te in hoc 1 bello, in quo possis omnes veteris culpae maculas expurgare, et te gratum creatori tuo reddere. {183v} Age, amplectere volenti animo hanc expeditionem, in qua si te armatum esse senserimus, magnam victoriae fiduciam capiemus. Nam te alterum in proelio David futurum speramus, de quo canebant, quia Saul mille et David X millia stravisset hostium. Tua persona pro magno nobis erit exercitu, et in te alterum Judam Macchabaeum, aut alterum Samsonem esse censebimus. Confortare igitur et esto robustus, et cum redieris ad fratres tuos, Germaniae proceres, stude, ut sedatis domesticis contentionibus, si quae pullulant, exercitus, qui promissus est, in Germania confletur, et in hostes ducatur. Reliqua dominus deus pro sua misericordia felicia esse praestabit. Amen.

Until now you have conducted many wars: in Franconia, your fatherland; in Meissen, in Saxony, in Bohemia, in Silesia, in Poland, in Hungary, in Austria, in Bavaria and in Swabia. There is no region in Germany where you have not sweated and toiled. You have been at war ever since your tender years 2 , first as a splendid solider, later as a commander. It is not without reason that some have called you the German Achilles.

3

Often you took spoils from the enemy. Often you were the first climb up the rampart and the enemy's walls.

1 to Pope Pius II (6 January 1460, Mantua)

  According to Matthias Thumser, Hertnidt vom Stein arrived at the Papal Court, then residing in Siena, probably in the beginning of March 1459, to present Margrave Albrecht Achilles' declaration of obedience to the new pope. Afterwards, he stayed with the court and followed the pope to Mantua.2 He left Mantua before September 1459. Thumser does not mention him as a companion to Albrecht Achilles von Brandenburg, when this prince came to Mantua towards the end of December 1459: Nur kurze Zeit darauf und wahrscheinlich entgegen den Instruktionen seines Herrn verliess er Mantua und die Kurie und machte sich auf den Weg nach Bamberg … So musste der Fürstenkongress im September desselben Jahres seine Beratungen ohne ihn aufnehmen. … Obwohl Markgraf Albrecht um die Jahreswende doch noch persönlich nach Mantua kam un auch er feierlich seine Mitwirkung beim Kreuszug gegen die Türken beteuerte, blieben Taten letztlich aus.

	Oratio

3

That Hertnidt vom Stein actually accompanied Albrecht Achilles on his journey to Mantua has been confirmed by Thumser in a personal communication of 30 June 2019.

4

Among the other orations of Hertnidt vom Stein are his De rectoralis dignitatis acceptatione et pro ipsesi honoris gratiarum actione (Thumser, p. 19), and an oration to Emperor Friedrich III in the matter of the succession conflict in Stettin (Thumser, p. 193).

habita per venerabilem et eximium doctorem dominum Hertardum de Lapide, decanum Parmbergensem, praesente illustri domino Alberto, Marchione Brandiburgensi, nomine et vice dignationis suae in ecclesia cathedrali in die epiphaniae immediate post missam celebratam per reverendum dominum cardinalem Rothomagensem [

  1] {52r} Non ullam, pontifex alme, huic principi meo negligentiam assignabis, si, ut summo opere exoptabat, tuam tam cito haud adierit sanctitatem. Non profecto Arpinati 1 illa explicari posset lingua, quanto desiderio quantaque gratia ac diligentia videre te et coram alloqui concupierit, cum praesertim se eum profiteatur, qui pro innata tibi humanitate et singulari virtute magis tibi quam sibimetipsi debere soleat. Nonnullorum enim, qui potius bello quam pace gaudent, impedimento detentus ab itinere hucusque ad te revocatus defecit. Suam tamen in te mirificam oboedientiam, devotionem et affectum singularem demonstrare cupiens, gubernandae 2 patriae causa postposita, uxoriae affectionis zelo semoto 3 ac cunctis suis, quae permaxima sunt, negotiis posthabitis, bello nunc paene fulminantem patriam deserere et tuae sacratissimae beatitudinis pedes promptus petere non dubitavit. Cujus animi magnitudo, corporis vires {52v} in rebus agendis, consilium in capiendis, administratio in gerendis, perseverantia ac labor haud umquam in eo, quod exoptaveras, tuae defuerint sanctitati. Non enim, ut nonnulli facere consueverunt, verborum prolixione homines sibi conciliare solet, sed quod semel dixerit, id regere vehementer exoptat.[4] Primus igitur tibi, alme pontifex, immensas suo nomine et ago et habeo gratias, qui pro tua singulari in eum pietate postquam negotiorum, quorum te gratia in hanc urbem recipere et Christiani nominis principes accersiri voluisti, salubrem deliberationem fecisti, ut ipsum iter jam agentem intellexisti, in hos dies operiri eum dignatus es. Verum etsi non tanti se meriti aut dignitatis esse cognoscat, adauctae tamen affectionis et paternae tuae in eum pietatis officia, quibus eum adhuc te in minoribus existente fovebas, mirum in modum jucundum reddidere. Exhortantur etiam eum et sibi animum adjungent accumulatissime tibi attributae virtutes non tibi solum, sed apostolicae sedi et universae Christianae religioni plurimum congratulari te hac nostra tempestate in summi apostolatus apicem deductum esse, cum Christianae fidei necessitati magna virtute, ingenti animo, plurimo labore succurendum sit atque prae ceteris in utramque partem exercitatus et tam pii operis percupidus omnium judicio comprobatus haberis.[5] Non sane latet principem hunc meum, quanto consiliorum pondere, quanta animi magnitudine, quanta prudentia ac fortitudine, cum te Germani tenerent regiones, reipublicae et Romani praesulatus auctoritatis ferventissimum amatorem, eruditissimum expertissimumque advocatum et procuratorem exhibueris. Hac consilia principum, hic regum conventus, hic urbium concursus ac potentatuum et nobilium plebeorumque exercitus aderant, quibus omnibus operae et sollicitudines tuae non deerant, propter quod primus in aula Caesareae majestatis venerabaris.[6] Fuit nonnumquam et hic princeps 1 majus consiliorum tuorum particeps. Saepenumero audivit te cum summa animi admiratione inflexibiles Germanorum animos singulari eloquentia exorantem in tuam sententiam duxisse. Et ut ex reliquis unum, quorum tamen princeps ipse plurima saepe solet ex innumeris virtutibus tuis recensere, commemorem quam divino eloquio in Francfordensi contione cum de expeditione contra inimicos Christi provide ageretur, eorum principum et legatorum, qui aderant, animos in commiserationem commoveras, ut neminem ipsorum hic audiveris, qui non se adjutorem hujus profectionus sanctae adversus Christianae gentis turbatores profitentur. Multa denique commemorare solet, quae tua prudentia consilio, auctoritate, cura, gratia et sollicitudine in catholicae fidei utilitatem ac sedis tuae auctoritatem et conservandam et augendam ingenii tui subtilitate persuadendi acumen obtinueris, dicendi faciendique sollertia fueris consecutus.[7] Jure igitur cum universa Christianorum plebe gaudendum sibi esse arbitratur eum pontificem, cunctorum moderatorem in terris et coadjutorem Dei creatum esse, qui priusquam dignitatem fuerit consecutus, eam prae cunctis tuebatur. Et veluti bonus imperator exercitus nonnisi virtute bellandi expertus {53r} et ex multis laudabiliter consecutis victoriis comprobatus 2 diligitur, sic te quoque, qui inter tantos vitae fluctuosas undique procellas et sirenarum cantus naufragae paene naviculae Petri succurrebas ejusque nonnumquam gubernatori ferens auxilium, temone appenso in solidum, adjutabas producere portum, non injuria uti vigilem et expertum nauclerum in summum gubernatorem delectum hac in parte salubriter Romanae sedi consultum esse vehementer exultat, quod ad hujus tuae profectionis in hanc urbem desideratam utilitas … 1 testatur.

[2]

Ignosces igitur, alme pontifex, potissimum mihi, qui ista oratoria arte omnino nudus in medio adire haud dubitaverim. Non enim temeraria honoris ambitio aut major gloria quaedam

4

ad hoc me compulit, sed potius huis principis mei de me siquidem bene meriti officiorum magnitudo, cum equidem pro singularibus virtutibus suis et animi magnitudine obnoxium me etiam atque etiam profiteor. Porrecta igitur fronte accipies, accipies -inquam -barbaram hanc potius orationem quam luculentam. Non enim ex iisdem orta est locis, ubi tenuiori -ut ajunt -Minerva, sed potius pinguiori homines erudiri solent. Me enim abunde satis dixisse puto, sed oratorio isto dicendi genere derelicto hujus principis mei tantum denudavero tibi voluntatem, cum igitur, clementissime pontifex, qualem vides, offero.

[3]

  12] Veram itaque, alme pontifex, morem, qui magis commendari tibi quam laudari voluit. Accipe igitur principem ipsum ex innata bonitate et commendandum in sedem tuam et devotionem et operibus fidelem et multa virtute approbatum, qui postquam a tua sanctitate accersitus ad hanc urbem extitit, etsi parum utilitatis praesentia sua afferre cognosceret ad eam rem, quam se consequi arbitrabatur. Voluit tamen6 inter ea impedimenta et varia pericula quibus hactenus 277 detentus fuit, ut tua potuit clementia jamdudum novisse partimque ab eo semotis 1 arbitris intelliget tibi morem gererere, etsi in eam deliberationem incidit, quam salubriter conclusam intelligit, tametsi nihil consultatio sua praeter divina illa ingenia, quae ex tua diligentia ad eam rem et exquisita et audita sunt, afferre posset. Nam quod suae fuerit sententiae, novit sanctitas tua, ipsum in Franckfordensi conventu 2 , cum simul imperiales collegae fuere, edidisse juxta 3 facultatem suam offerre se ad tam sanctam expeditionem praesto esse. Et futuris non deerit diebus legatis tuis in Nurembergensi dieta secundum facultatem personae et dominorum suorum et cooperari et efficere, quod tibi placitum et Christianae religioni utile videbitur.

Appendix: Papal bull Ecclesiam Christi of 15 January 1459

	Table of contents
	I.	INTRODUCTION
	8.	Context
	9.	Themes
	10. Date, place, audience and format
	11. Text
		11.1. Version 1: Septimo jam exacto mense
		11.1.1. Manuscripts
		11.1.2. Editions
		11.2. Version 2: Octavum hic agimus
		11.3. Present edition
	12. Sources
	13. Bibliography
	14. Sigla
	II.	TEXT AND TRANSLATION
	9.	Septimo jam exacto mense
	10. Octavum hic agimus

  Mansi, Giovanni: Ad concilia Veneto-Labbeana Supplementum. Sanctorum conciliorum et decretorum collectio nova: seu collectionis conciliorum Supplementum. 6 vols. Luca: ex typographia Josephi salani, & Vincentii Junctinii, 1748-1752 // V, coll. 305-309

	• Pius II: Orationes politicae et ecclesiasticae. Ed. Giovanni Domenico Mansi. 3 vols. Lucca:
	Benedini, 1755-1759 // II, pp. 78-86 (MA)

  3, ch. 46, where it forms part of his description of the end of the Congress of Mantua, in January 1460. It is a heavily abbreviated and revised version of the "Septimo jam exacto mense".

•

  Pius II: Commentaries. Ed. and transl. by M. Meserve and M. Simonetta. Vols. 1 ff. Cambridge, MA, 2003 ff. (The I Tatti Renaissance Library)

	7. Sigla 1.
	E = Milano / Biblioteca Ambrosiana / I. 97 inf Pius II: Orationes. [1436-1464] H = Göttingen / Niedersächsische Staats-und Universitätsbibliothek, 8 Philos 88
	R = Roma / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana / Reginensis Latinus 1995
	• Pius II: Orationes politicae et ecclesiasticae. Ed. Giovanni Domenico Mansi. 3 vols. Lucca: S = Roma / Biblioteca dell'Accademia dei Lincei / Corsinianus 147
	Benedini, 1755-1759
	• Collected Orations of Pope Pius II. Edited and translated by Michael von Cotta-Schönberg.
	12 vols. 2019-2020
	Rainaldus SEE Annales Ecclestiastici
	Berlin,
	1856-63
	Zimolo, Giulio C. (ed.): Le vite di Pio II di Giovanni Antonio Campano e Bartolomeo Platina.
	Bologna, 1964. (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores; t. III, p. II)

Reinhardt, Volker: Pius II. Piccolomini -Der Papst, mit dem die Renaissance begann. München, 2013 Setton, Kenneth M.: The Papacy and the Levant. 4 vols.. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1976-1984 (Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society; 114+161-162) Stolf, Serge: Les Lettres et la Tiare. E.S. Piccolomini -un humaniste au XVe siècle. Paris, 2012. (Etudes et Essais sur la Renaissance; 98) Vegetius Renatus, Flavius: Epitoma rei militaris • Flavi Vegeti Renati Epitoma rei militaris. Rec. C. Lang. Stuttgart: Teubner, 1957 (Bibliotheca scriptorum Graecorum et Romanorum Teubneriana) Voigt, Georg: Enea Silvio de' Piccolomini als Papst Pius der Zweite und sein Zeitalter. 3 vols.

Septimo jam mense Oratio Pii papae secundi in discessu vel in fine dietae 1 Mantuae 2

  [1] {160r} Septimo jam exacto 3 mense, venerabiles in Christo fratres ac filii dilectissimi, et octavo currente finis4 adest Mantuani conventus, quem

non dissolvimus, sed nobiscum, quocumque duxerimus curiam nostram, transferendum duximus et auctoritate apostolica transferimus

  5 . Sed6 quoniam salvatore propitio finis bonus concessus est earum rerum, quae hic tractandae fuerunt7 , gratias reddere diviniae pietati convenit et cum propheta dicere: date magnificentiam Deo nostro, Dei perfecta sunt opera, et omnes viae ejus judicia. Sed ait fortasse quispiam: "Quid hic boni factum est? Quid sperare Christiani, quid timere Turci debent? Aut quae hic conclusa sunt, propter quae gratias Deo reddamus alacres?" Non latet vos, viri fratres, fuisse complures, qui audita convocatione hujus concilii et intellecta profectione nostra ex urbe, consilium nostrum vel temerarium vel nimis audax judicarunt8 , tamquam reges armare in Turcos et omnem Graeciam atque Asiam ex manibus hostium vendicare cogitaverimus.

	3 peracto H
	4 et octavo currente omit. H
	5 quem non dissolvimus … transferimus omit. H
	6 et H
	7 earum rerum … fuerunt omit. H
	8 judicarent MA
	9 omit. H
	10 contendunt H
	11 exhibit E
	12 animadverterimus H

[2]

Nunc quoque non desunt malivoli et iniqui homines

9

, qui nihil hic actum esse laudabile dicunt et omnia depravant, contemnunt

10

, irrident, adversus quos recte inquit sapiens: Ejice derisorem, et exibit 11 cum eo jurgium. Nos sane, cum animadverteremus

12

perdita Graecia Christianam plebem dietim acrius urgeri a Turcis, sacra nostra foedari et sanctum evangelium conculcari, non Mahumethem barba praehensum trahere, non Turcos aut Arabes in vincula {160v} rapere, non Jerusalem aut Constantinopolim recuperare, non ea vis animo, nec tanta superbia nostra, sed conservare, quod reliquum est Christiani nominis cogitavimus. Neque hoc nobis persuasimus statim fieri posse, sed consilium ejus rei cum principibus Christianis capiendum esse putavimus. 1 em. MA; dietis E 2 Oratio … Mantuae: Oratio Pii Secundi Pontificis Maximi pro conclusione conventus Mantuani habita H

  3] Non altus ille spiritus Eugenii datus est nobis a domino, neque sublimis concessa Nicolai mens, neque vastus Calixti permissus animus. Frigidus haeret nobis circum praecordia sanguis. Illi per sese Turcis indixere bellum, copias armavere, classes instruxere. Nos tantam belli molem per se solam sustinere posse Romanam ecclesiam nequaquam arbitrati sumus. Sed conventu Christianorum indicto, res communes communi consilio gerendas censuimus, memores ejus sententiae: quoniam cogitationes consiliis roborantur, et gubernaculis tractanda sunt bella. Reprehenduntur haec in nobis, et timor audacia, consilium temeritas 1 appellatur. Garruli vero, quorum non parva copia est, nos urbem frustra reliquisse dicunt et frustra huc profectos, frustra hic dies plurimos consumpsisse, quoniam nihil 2 actum sit, de quo bene sperare fideles populi queant. Stulta calumnia, injusta reprehensio. Arguimur, quia futurum nescimus 3 , quod magna caligine Deus 4 occuluit 5 . A domino diriguntur gressus viri: quis autem hominum potest intelligere viam suam?

	1 temeritatis E
	2 nil H
	3 non videmus add. E
	4 magna caligine Deus : Deus magna caligine H
	5 occulit MA
	299

  what man can understand his course?[4] Quamvis caelum sursum1 , et terra deorsum, et cor regum inscrutabile, nostrum tamen fuit de principibus Christianis bene ac 2 magnifice sperare, et hunc conventum magnos effectus pariturum credere. Verum sicut aqua profunda, sic consilium in corde viri: multae cogitationes hominum, voluntas autem domini permanet. Existimavimus Christianos reges multa facturos. Deus autem, qui solus bonus est et solus sapiens, solusque novit, quid nobis expediat, hoc tamen 3 fieri voluit, quod factum est, ad cujus consilium nulla potest curiositas hominum pervenire. {161r} Fatemur: non sunt facta omnia, quae putavimus, sed neque omnia praetermissa. Neque maxima, neque minima sunt, quae Christiani principes promisere. Et longe plus factum est, quam multi judicarint4 .[5] Alius haec magnificis ampliaret verbis, nostrum est solam et nudam veritatem ostendere et dicere cum propheta: Date magnificentiam Deo nostro: Dei perfecta sunt opera, et omnes viae ejus judicia. "Quae opera?" dicit fortasse aliquis. Opera certe, quae in hoc conventu operatus est dominus, cujus voluntate factum est, ut omnes, qui convenerunt, uno animo et uno ore bellum Turcis indicendum suaserint. Ad quod nutriendum, quae subsidia promissa sint, et quae sperentur, quam 5 brevissime referendum est. In qua re non servabimus dignitatum ordinem, sed ut quisque memoriae se obtulerit, ita et recensebitur.

	1 rursum H
	2 et H
	3 tantum E
	4 judicaverint H
	5 quae E

  To further the matter, We shall briefly resume what aids have already been promised and what we may reasonably hope for. In this, We shall not follow the order of rank, but mention them as they come to mind.[6] Nobilissima provinciarum Italia clericorum decimas, Judaeorum vigesimas, laicorum trigesimas pollicita est. Audistis oratores inclyti Johannis, Aragoniae regis, qui propter Trinacriam atque Sardiniam Italis 1 annumeratus est, quam multa pro tuenda fide promiserint. Audistis et oratores Ferdinandi, Siciliae regis, qui, quamvis domestico implicitus bello est, Christianae tamen religioni suae praesidia non denegat. Franciscum Sfortiam, Mediolanensium principem, ipsi praesentem vidistis: verba ejus memoriae tenetis, quae Christianum animum et religiosam mentem ostendere. Quam liberalis et magnifica 2 fuerit Borsii, Mutinae ducis, oblatio non ignoratis: ad trecenta usque millia auri nummum legati ejus obligare dominum potuere. Ludovicus, marchio Mantuanus, insignis et modestissimus 3 princeps, plus cupit ecclesiae subvenire, quam possit. Florentini, potens et praedives populus, per legatos suos sese obligarunt. Idem fecere4 Senenses et Lucani non contemnendae civitates5 . Marchionem Montis Ferrati, antiquae nobilitatis principem, {161v} progenitorum suorum vestigia secuturum frater6 Guilelmus obtulit.

	1 Italicis H
	2 et magnifica omit. H
	3 moderatissimus H

4

per legatos … fecerunt omit. H 5 non contemnendae civitates : benigni homines per legatos suos sese obligarint H 6 ejus add. H 303

  Si vera locuti sunt1 Genuenses, ex illa quoque nobili ac potenti civitate non parva expectanda sunt auxilia. Ludovici, Sabaudiae ducis, qui non parvum in Italia dominium possidet, nondum responsum habemus; confidimus tamen filium, quem Cypris regem dedit, non derelinquet. De maxima et potentissima Venetorum republica nihil dicimus; ipsum tamen silentium nonnihil spei praestare potest. Est praeterea in Italia Romana ecclesia, urbs Roma, caput orbis, opulenta Bononia, nobilis Perusia, vetus Ancona et 2 omnis ager Picenus, omnis Umbria, omne Patrimonium beati Petri, cujus nos potentes 3 sumus, nec minora praestabimus, quam litterae nostrae promittunt, quae mox legentur. Sunt et fratres nostri sanctae Romanae ecclesiae cardinales, sunt officiales et ministri curiae: omnes suis opibus bellum juvabunt. Sic mater Italia sese exhibet. Sic4 Dei perfecta sunt opera.[8] Sed neque armipotens Germania, neque gloriosissimus imperator Fridericus, neque nobilissimi Austriae, Bavariae, Saxoniae ceterique duces, marchiones, comites populique potentes nationis ejusce otiosi esse volunt. Duo et quadraginta pugnatorum millia in hostes educere promiserunt, magnam militum et praevalidam manum, quae fugere nesciat. Audistis 5 Albertum marchionem, quem coram cernitis: non hic gregarius miles aut infimus princeps, sed dux 6 peritissimus est, qui plures ex hoste victorias tulit, quam alius nostri temporis legerit: multum est, quod ipse promittit, in cujus persona instar est non parvi 7 exercitus.

	1 oratores add. H
	1 Juan II (1398-1479): King of Navarre from 1425 and of Aragon from 1458 to his death. King of Sicily and Sardina. 2 omit. H
	Brother of Alfonso V of Aragon 3 parentes MA
	2 Ferrante I (1423-1494): King of Naples from 1458 to his death 4 omit. H
	3 Francesco Sforza I (1401-1466): Italian condottiero, founder of the Sforza dynasty in Milan, Italy. Duke of Milan 5 et add. H
	from 1450 to his death 6 belli add. H
	7 magni H
	8 transeamus in Galliam omit. H
	9 animum principis : principis animum H
	10 factorum E

4

Borso d'Este (1413-1471): Duke of Ferrara, and the first Duke of Modena, which he ruled from 1450 to his death

5

Ludovico Gonzaga III [Lodovico] (1412-1478): Marquess of Mantua from 1444 to his death

6

Guglielmo VIII Palaeologos (1420-1483): Marquess of Montferrat from 1464 to his death

7

Giovanni IV Palaeologus IV (1413-1464): Marquess of Montferrat from 1445 to his death

8

They descended from the Byzantine imperial Palaiologos dynasty

[7]

[9] Transeamus in Galliam

8

. Philippus, Burgundiae dux, et nobilitate et potentatu admodum excellens, cujus dominia per Germaniam ac Galliam latissime patent, sex millia bellatorum pollicitus est. Credimus generosum animum principis

9

, ut captivitatem patris magnifice ulciscatur, etiam majora facturum

10

. Hungari 11 , quorum res agitur, duodecim millia equitum peditumque non {162r} parvum numerum sese armaturos affirmant. Et nos, si facultas aderit, quam speramus, parem equitum alam adhibebimus.

11

quoque add. H

  Hic est exercitus, qui promitttur: septuaginta millium bellatorum et ultra, quem qui 1 non sufficere arbitratur, is neque rei bellicae peritiam habet, neque spem in domino. Romani, qui orbem armis subegerunt2 , quattuor legiones cum auxiliis ad omnem vim 3 belli sustinendum4 idoneas putaverunt, nec plures in auxiliis milites, quam in legionibus esse sinebant. Fatemur non satis fuisse 5 hic exercitus Xersi, neque Dario, neque Tarmerlanio 6 , quem patrum 7 nostrorum memoria denescentena 8 millia hominum in armis habuisse proditum est. Sed Alexandro magno, sed Hannibali Poeno, sed Scipioni Africano, sed Gnaeo9 Pompejo, sed Julio Caesari minores quam hae copiae satis superque satis fuissent, qui parva saepe manu innumerabiles hostium turmas delevere. Considerandum et est illud10 , quod ad Gedeonem in libris Judicum dixisse dominum legimus: Multus, inquit, tecum est populus, neque tradetur Madian in manus ejus, ne glorietur contra me Israel et dicat: "Meis viribus liberatus sum". Tribuendus est domino 11 suus honor, et aliquid sibi reservandum 12 est. Nam turris fortissima nomen domini, ad ipsam currit justus et exaltabitur. Speremus in domino, et ipse ad nihilum deducet inimicos nostros. Qui timet hominem, cito corruet. Qui sperat in domino, sublevabitur, quamvis et humana ratione sperare nobis victoriam 13 licet, cum terra marique magnis viribus aggressuri hostem simus. Curavimus enim et validam classem armari, sicut postea suo tempore cognoscetis.

	1 si quis H
	2 qui orbem … subegerunt omit. H
	3 omit. H 1 Louis I of Savoy (1413-1465): Duke of Savoy from 1440 to his death. Son of Duke Amédee VIII, AKA antipope Felix 4 molem add. H
	V, one-time employer of Enea Silvio Piccolomini 5 fuisset H 2 Louis of Savoy (1436/1437-1482): King of Cyprus, reigning together with and in the right of his wife, Queen Charlotte 6 Tamerlani H
	of Cyprus until the couple was deposed in 1464. He was the second son and namesake of Louis I, Duke of Savoy 7 patruum E 3 In a general sense: the Church States 8 decies centena H 4 Friedrich III (Habsburg) (1415-1493): Duke of Austria (as Friedrich V) from 1424. Elected King of Germany and Holy 9 Greco H
	Roman Emperor in 1440, crowned in Rome in 1452 10 est illud : illud est H
	11 Deo H
	12 servandum MA
	13 victoria H

5

Albrecht III Achilles of Brandenburg (1414-1486): Margrave of Brandenburg. Prince elector from 1470

6

Philippe III le Bon (1396-1467): Duke of Burgundy 1419 to his death 306

[10]

solum ut Italus, sicut praedictum est, sed etiam sicut Hispanus

  Neque Christiani milites effeminati instar Turcorum sunt. Virilis exercitus noster, ille muliebris 1 erit. Neque multitudo timenda hostium est, nam et Christianorum -ut diximusingentes erunt turmae, quibus et cruce signatorum accedent cunei, quorum virtus tertio ab hinc anno probata magnam et praeclaram 2 victoriam peperit. Haec sunt auxilia, quae dominus parare voluit, cujus {162v} perfecta sunt opera, et 3 cui tam facile est cum paucis quam cum multis vincere. Numeravimus ea, quae tamquam certa promissa sunt auxilia: nunc sperata referamus.[12] Quis Carolum Franciae regem tum religiosissimum tum potentissimum et nobilissimum orthodoxae fidei defuturum putet4 , cujus majores idcirco Christianissimi dicti sunt, quia legem Christi adversus barbaros magnifice defenderunt? Oratores ejus, viri praestantes, optimam spem nobis fecerunt, regem hunc digna suo genere praestaturum 5 auxilia. Nec Hispania, terra nobilis et praepotens, Christianae necessitati 6 defutura est. Henrici, Castellae regis maximi et clarissimi, quamvis Granatensi bello detinetur, pecuniaria tamen subventio non denegabitur. Johannes Aragonensis, qui pluribus regnibus7 praeest, et in Italia et in Hispania late imperat, magno animo fidem non 8 se tutaturum 9 asserit. Alphonsus Portugalliae rex et ipse magnanimus, quamquam 10 Ceptensem 11 Mauritanumque hostem premit, voti tamen memor adversus Turcos aliquid molietur.

	[11] 1 mulieribus E 7 Hannibal Barca (247-ca. 183 BCE): Punic Carthaginian military commander 2 magnam et praeclaram omit. H 8 Publius Cornelius Scipio Africanus the Elder (236-183 BCE): one of the greatest generals of ancient Rome. His main 3 omit. H
	achievements were during the Second Punic War where he defeated Hannibal at the final battle at Zama 4 putetur E 9 Pompeius Magnus, Gnaeus (106 -48 BCE): military and political leader of the late Roman Republic 5 prestatur E 10 Julius Caesar, Gaius (100-44 BCE): Roman general and statesman 6 Christiani necessitati : Christiana necessitate H
	11 Gideon [Gedeon]: (Bible) Judge of the Israelites 7 regibus H
	12 Judges, 7, 2 8 non solum … Hispanus omit. H
	13 Proverbs, 18, 10 9 staturum MA
	14 Psalms, 107, 14 10 quamvis H
	15 Proverbs, 29, 25 11 Certensi H

  Henricus, Angliae rex, haud contemnendam legationem missurus erat. Impedivit civile bellum, quo composito non est credibile pium principem Christianam religionem deserturum. Nec Scotorum rex Jacobus, etsi extra orbem positus esse videtur, auxilia sua Catholicae negabit ecclesiae. Neque Casimirus 1 , Poloniae rex Lituaniaeque magnus dux 2 , inultam esse animam patietur Vladislai fratris, quem Turci crudeliter obtruncarunt. Nec Georgius, qui regno Bohemiae praesidet, fortes suorum turmas religioni negaturus est, cujus non minor est animus, quam potentia. Christiernus quoque Dacorum 3 Svetiorumque rex 4 , Gothicae gentis rector, nequaquam ultimus esse volet eorum regum, qui fidei curam gerunt. Verum haec sperata sunt auxilia. Illa, quae supra diximus magna ex parte promissa et affirmata, propter quae libet iterum atque iterum cum propheta dicere: Date magnificentiam Deo nostro, Dei perfecta {163r} sunt opera, et omnes viae ejus judicia.

1 Calimirus E 2 Lituaniaeque … dux omit. H 3 Danorum H 4 et add. H

  7 Sed quaeritis fortasse, fratres, quo pacto fiet hic exercitus, cum novae inter Germanos exortae lites ferantur, et Caesar de regno contendat Hungariae. Respondemus, quamvis investigabiles viae domini, et judicia ejus abyssus multa1 . Qui tamen 2 ambulat simpliciter, ambulat confidenter. Nos legatum in Germaniam mittemus venerabilem fratrem nostrum Bessarionem, cardinalem Nicenum, virum doctum et rerum experientia praeditum, qui vel pacem componat, vel indutias belli statuat. Qualis exitus rerum erit, nescimus. Expectatio justorum laetitia, spes autem impiorum peribit. Si bona erunt opera nostra, si Deo fideliter serviemus, nihil proficiet inimicus in nobis, et filius iniquitatis non apponet3 nocere nobis. Quod timet impius, veniet4 super eum; desiderium suum justis dabitur. Sufficit nobis praestare quae possumus. Reliqua Deo dimittenda sunt, cujus omnes viae salus ac salvatio. Ipse noster protector, si merebimur, et propugnator erit. Ipse hactenus ita res in hoc conventu direxit, ut agendae sint ei ingentes gratiae, qui misericordibus et pientibus oculis nos respicere dignatus est. De reliquo supplicandum est, ut vias suas erga nos in judicio 5 per misericordiam dirigat. Quare hortamur, ut omnes nobiscum divinam pietatem implorantes versiculis, quos pronuntiabimus in modum, qui subscriptus est, devote respondeatis 6 .

	1 Henry VI (1421-1471): King of England from 1422 to 1461 and again from 1470 to 1471
	2 James II (1430-1460) was King of Scots from 1437 to his death
	3 Casimi IV (Jagiellon) (1427 -1492): Grand Duke of Lithuania from 1440, and King of Poland from 1447 until his
	death
	4 Vladislav III (1424-1444): King of Poland from 1434, and King of Hungary from 1440, until his death at the Battle of
	Varna between the Hungarians and the Turks 1 et add. H
	2 tantum E
	3 apponat E
	4 venit H

5

Georg Podiebrad (1420-1471): Regent of Bohemia during the minority of Kings Ladislaus the Posthumous. King of Bohemia from 1458 to his death

6

Kristian I (1426-1481): Scandinavian monarch under the Kalmar Union. He was King of Denmark (1448-1481), Norway (1450-1481) and Sweden (1457-1464)

7

Deuteronomy, 32, 3-4

[14]

[Here follows a long prayer composed specifically for the occasion] 5 em. MA; judicia E, H 6 implorantes versiculis … respondeatis : in hunc modum imploretis H

  1] {174r} Octavum hic agimus mensem1 , fratres ac filii, eos expectantes, qui ad conventum vocati fuerunt. Nostis, qui venere. Deinceps sperare alicujus adventum, qui conferre aliquid ad rem nostram possit, vanum est. Licet jam hinc abire. Peregimus, quae hoc in loco facienda fuerunt. Utinam dei bene acta sit causa. Quamvis meliora concepimus quam invenimus, non tamen nihil omnino peractum est, neque spes omnis cecidit. Dicendum est, quo res deductae sint, ut sciant omnes, quid adsit spei, et qui reges quique populi ad tuendam fidem vel prompti fuerint vel negligentes.[2] Hungari, si adjuventur, summo conatu et universis viribus suis Turcos invadent. Germani exercitum pollicentur duorum et quadraginta milium bellatorum, Burgundus sex milium 2 , Itali exceptis Venetis ac Genuensibus cleri decimas, populi trigesimas annuorum reddituum ac vigesimas Judaicae substantiae, ex quibus navales copiae sustentari queant. Idem facit Johannes, rex Aragonum. Ragusaei duas triremes offerunt, Rhodienses 3 quattuor. Haec tamquam certa sollemni stipulatione per principes ac legatos promissa sunt. {174v} Veneti quamvis publice nihil promiserint, cum tamen expeditionem paratam viderint, haudquaquam deerunt neque patientur, ut suis majoribus deteriores videri possint. Idem de Francis, de Castellanis, de Portugallensibus dicimus. Anglia civilibus agitata motibus spem nullam pollicetur neque Scotia in intimo abscondita Oceano. Dania 4 quoque, Suecia 5 , ac Norvegia remotiores provinciae sunt, quam milites possint mittere, nec solis contentae piscibus pecuniam ministrare possunt. Poloni Turcis per Muldaviam contermini suam causam deserere non audebunt. Bohemos mercede licebit conducere: suo aere extra regnum non militabunt. Sic res Christianae se habent.

	1 Romans, 11, 33
	2 Psalms, 35, 7
	3 Proverbs, 10, 9: Qui ambulat simpliciter ambulat confidenter
	4 Bessarion, Basilios (1403-1472): Cardinal and titular Latin Patriarch of Constantinople
	5 Proverbs, 10, 28

6

Psalms, 88, 23: Nihil proficiet inimicus in eo, et filius iniquitatis non apponet nocere ei

7

Proverbs, 10, 24: Quod timet impius veniet super eum; desiderium suum justus dabitur

2. Octavum hic agimus

[

Messis quidem", "Quamvis non dubitamus", and "Vocati estis" of Pope Pius II (5 and 8 March 1460, Siena). Edited and translated by Michael von Cotta- Schönberg 2019 Table of contents

  1] Ecclesiam Christi variis mundi turbinibus ac persecutionibus agitatam ex divinis scripturis et veterum annalibus semper agnovimus, quae cum a capite ac sponso suo Christo scilicet auctore regatur: cui, sicut ipse testatur, omnis potestas in caelo et in terra divinitus est attributa, numquam sine nutu divinae dispensationis talia sustineret, nisi ipse ad correctionem exercitationemque fidelium hoc inferri permitteret; interdum etiam impios et injustos occulto alio instinctu ad punienda populi sui peccata excitat : sic namque per ignaros et nescios errata populi sui corrigit et punit divina justitia, sicut quondam per Sennacherib, per Nabuchodonosor, per Antiochum aliosque quamplures populum Israeliticum delinquentem afflixit, sicut ipse per prophetam eloquitur: Virga furoris mei Assur; ipse autem non cognovit. Verum etsi prophanis et impiis tamquam instrumentis atque flagellis ad coercenda peccata utatur Altissimus, illos tamen impia vanitate superbientes, et quasi secures et serras contra eum, qui caedit vel secat in eis gloriantes, etiam per illos ipsos, quos prius flagellari permisit, emendatos atque correctos deprimit et conterit divina potentia: quae cum in divinis scripturis facta legantur et ad nostram instructionem scripta probentur, cunctos fideles oportet praesentem persecutionis angustiam et pari paenitentiae fructu divertere, et animos spe divina fundare, scientes se divina praedictione, Quamquam autem Turchorum pressuram, et persecutionis instantis rabiem merito nostrae uniquitatis incidisse profiteri humiliter debeamus, speramus tamen atque confidimus illis diutius saevire permissum, ut superbia eorum altius ascendente, et divinam ultionem provocante, jam quasi eorum malitia consummata, acriori vindicta plectantur, Ammoraeorum et Amalechitarum exemplo, quod licet Deus propter peccatum in filios Israel saevire permisisset, illos tamen in manu eorum cum omni terra tradidit, praecipiens ut nemini parcerent, sed illos ultima internecione delerent. Quod si pridem multifariis gentilium atque haereticorum persecutionibus fideles suos voluit comprobare, istis tamen temporibus, vergente jam saeculi occasu, omnium abundavit iniquitas, et refriguit charitas multorum, gravior procella, et terribilior pressura, qualis ante non fuit, cervicibus nostris incumbit, cum radix illa peccati, minister diaboli, antichristi praecursor, perdidissimus Mahumet, spiritu superbiae elatus, in Christi cultores rabiem sui furoris exercet, qui illa miseranda et numquam satis deflenda Constantinopolitana caede ac strage grassatus, nec tamen satiatus, tamquam sanguinaria bestia hausto Christiano sanguine pollutas fauces explere non potest, sed novas in Dei cultores paenas excogitet, cujus insatiabilis carnificis tanta rabies est, tam inexplicabilis libido dominandi, ut totum Occidentem sibi subjicere, et totius Christiani nominis paret ac moliatur exitium, cujus cum execranda rabies intolerabilisque superbia semper excrescat, adesse jam diem ultionis ipsius, et vindictae tempora festinare creduntur.[2] Sane licet felicis recordationis Nicolaus papa V praedecessor noster post ipsius Constantinopolitanae urbis calamitosum exitium ad vindicandas Christi injurias, et illius furorem reprimendum, generalem expeditionem indixerit, regesque et principes, atque saeculi potentes, et cunctos Christifideles ad defensionem fidei excitarit, et ipsum pio studio felicis recordationis Callistus papa III fuerit imitatus, nullus tamen hactenus optatus fructus peccatis exigentibus secutus esse dignoscitur, nec interea destitut divina censura acrioribus nos verberibus excitare, Christianis finitimis caede, rapina, tormentis et miserabili servitute affectis, donec jam incendium sensim excrescens omnia per circuitum erumpente flamma conflagrare coepit. Nos vero, qui ipsis praedecessoribus, sicut Domino placuit, re infecta sublatis, divina favente clementia ad apicem summi apostolatus fuimus assumpti, divinae vocis cohortamur imperio, ut in tanto fidei Christianae discrimine periculum desidiae, quatenus possumus, declinemus. Itaque fidei urgente nos zelo in ipsis nostri apostolatus initiis ad excitandum Christianorum soporem Mantuam nos advehi fecimus, ubi in praesentiarum constituti generalem conventum pro fidei causa tenemus, multa cum venerabilibus fratribus nostris S.R.E. cardinalibus ac principibus, tam ecclesiasticis quam saecularibus, sive eorumdem principum legatis conferentes atque tractantes, post maturam et diutinam deliberationem, de eorumdem fratrum consilio et assensu, necnon oratorum et praelatorum in conventu Mantuano praesentium unanimi voto, modo quo sequitur duximus providendum.[3] In primis generale bellum atque expeditionem contra perfidissimos Turchos, Dei nostri accerrimos hostes, more praedecessorum nostrorum, qui generales expeditiones, vel ad liberandum Terram Sanctam, vel contra alios infideles indixerunt, ab omnibus Christifidelibus triennio duraturum, gerendum ac suscipiendum esse, decernimus, omnes et singulos Christianos ad praesidium ejus belli pariter pro viribus invitantes, decernentes pariter in tantae necessitatis articulo unumquemque pro viribus et secundum quotum infra dicendum ex suis facultatibus debere conferre. Et quoniam Moyses, qui summi sacerdotis et Christi vicarii typum gessit, ad superandum Amalech figuram Christi portabat, in signo et sacramento crucis allevabat supinas manus, nec vincere adversarium potuit, nisi postquam stabilis in signo allevatis jugiter manibus orando perseveravit, utrumque intelligimus faciendum. Itaque scientes fidelibus de instantia orationis esse fidendum, mandamus, ut in omnibus civitatibus ac locis insignibus diebus Dominicis preces in sacrificiis ac missarum solemniis, nominatim ad Dominum effundantur, ut ipse, qui est propugnator invictus, propugnatores suos adjuvet, et pro sui nominis gloria decertantibus in proelio tamquam dominus fortis ac praepotens praeliator assistat : milites vero et bellatores ipso vivifico signo, quod Moyses in figura contra serpentem erexit, contra alterum vero serpentem diabolique ministrum Mahumetem volumus insignire, illius signi memoriam praeferentes, quod super domos, cum terram Aegypti Deus percuteret, jussit affigi : quandoquidem in imagine praecedens veritate complebitur, ut in agni sanguine et in signo Christi victoriae trophaeum sint relaturi.[4] Insuper universos Christianorum principes, quacumque etiam imperatoria, regali aut reginali, ducali vel quacumque dignitate praefulgeant, voce Domini commonemus, ut cognoscant se reddituros esse rationem propter Ecclesiam sanguine redemptam, quam ab illo tuendam acceperunt, quorum Deus virtutem excitare nos jussit, ac ore prophetico commonere dicens: Nunc reges intelligite : erudimini qui judicatis terram. Apprehendite disciplinam, ne quando irascitur Dominus : terribilis est enim qui aufert spiritum principum, terribilis apud reges terrae. Meminerint Saulis exempli, qui pro eo quod non obedisset voci Domini, ut Amalechitas ejus hostes extrema interemptione non delevisset, a Domino reprobatus fuit ac regno mulctatus. Proinde illos per viscera misericordiae Domini nostri Jesu Christi obsecramus, et per tremendum ejus judicium obtestamur, ut ad defensionem Christianae fidei, sicut proprio et necessario incumbit officio, fortiter exurgant et potenter, scituri quia major est Dominus ad protegendum, quam diabolus ad impugnandum, Joanne in Epistola contestante atque dicente: Major est qui in vobis est, quam qui in hoc mundo est : habituri in medio sui Regem regum, principem pacis, electum prae consortibus suis, qui illis pugnantibus propugnator assistet, immarcescibiles coronas ab eo gloriae suscepturi.[5] Omnibus autem, qui in hoc sancto opere Christo militare voluerint, et personaliter in hanc expeditionem accesserint, et in eadem per octo menses cujuslibet anni, quatenus tanto opere opus fuerit, in kal. Mensis Aprilis proxime futuri inchoandos, sive clerici sive laici, vel quacumque Ecclesiastica vel mundana praefulgeant dignitate, perseveraverint : necnon illis, qui etiam post mensem praedictum Aprilis ad hujusmodi expeditionem se conferrent, et vel per octo menses, ut praefertur, sive usque ad reditum exercitus ibidem permanserint, nos de omnipotentis Dei misericordia et beatorum apostolorum Petri et Pauli auctoritate confisi, et ex illa quam nobis licet indignis contulit Deus, ligandi atque solvendi potestate, plenissimam omnium peccatorum suorum remissionem, qualis per praedecessores nostros proficiscentibus in subsidium Terrae Sanctae, et in anno jubilaei urbis Basilicas visitantibus dari consuevit, concedimus et auctoritate Apostolica impartimur, confidentes in verbo illius, qui falli non potest, quique Patrem precatus eloquitur: Pater, quos dedisti mihi volo, ut ubi ego fuero, et ipsi sint mecum, ut videant claritatem, quam mihi dedisti, priusquam mundus fieret. Ominum, qui in hac sancta expeditione pro veritate fidei, et defensione Christianae religionis obierint, animas ad gloriam immortalitatis evectas cum Christo, quem pia morte fuerint imitati, cuique fideles animas devoverunt, in aeternis sedibus regnisq ue caelestibus perenniter gavisuras : eos autem, qui propriis personis non accesserint, si pro se unum pugnaturum emiserint, et per dictum tempus propriis facultatibus sustentaverint, tam mittentes quam bellatores et missos, alienis etiam expensis militantes, hujusmodi plenariae remissionis volumus atque decernimus esse participes.[6] Ut autem omnis sexus, aetas atque conditio hujusmodi indulgentiae particeps esse possit, volumus, ut quaecumque caenobia, seu loca religiosorum marium vel mulierum, cujuscumque Ordinis seu professionis existant, qui pro singulis decem suppositis claustri sui unum bellatorem suis sumptibus per octo menses duraturum destinaverint, hujusmodi indulgentias plenariae consequantur. Quod si forte praefixo tempore non exacto ipsorum aliquos post iter arreptum in prosecutione pii et sancti operis ex hac luce migrare contigerit, volumus atque concedimus, ut praefatam indulgentiam integraliter consequantur etc.

	I.	INTRODUCTION
	1.	Context
	2.	Themes
		2.1. Need for a sufficient number of cardinals
		2.2. Criticism of cardinals
		2.3. Virtues required of cardinals
	3.	Date, place, audience and format
	4.	Text
		4.1. Messis quidem
		4.2. Quamvis non dubitamus
		4.2.1. Manuscripts
		4.2.2. Editions
		4.3. Vocati estis
		4.3.1. Manuscripts
		4.3.2. Editions
		4.4. Maxima
		4.5. Present edition
	5.	Sources
	6.	Bibliography
	7.

et Prophetica in Psalmis contestatione commonitos, dicente Domino: Si autem dereliquerint filii ejus legem meam, et in judiciis meis non ambulaverint, visitabo in virga iniquitates eorum, et in verberibus peccata eorum : misericordiam autem meam non disperdam ab eis neque nocebo in veritate mea neque prophanabo testamentum meum. Abrogat caeteras indulgentias, exceptis iis, quae urbis Basilicas lustraturis concessae sunt : crucesignatos in clientelam Apostolicam accipit omnibusque oneribus exsolvit : piratas et cum iis sentientes, qui bello sacro obstiterint, anathemate percellit aliisque paenis legibus constitutis mulctat. Dat. Mantuae anno MCDLIX, 1 XVIII kal. Februarii, Pontificatus nostri annus II. 1 Roman style = 1460

Orations "

  you do not maintain the seriousness and holiness of life that this great office deserves. You live as if you had not been chosen to govern the commonwealth, but to enjoy the pleasures of life. You do not avoid hunting, or games, or the company of women. You arrange indecently opulent banquets. Your clothes are far too costly. You fairly swim in gold and silver. You have more horses and servants than necessary. ["Quamvis non dubitamus", sect. 2]

•

  Annales ecclesiastici ab anno MCXCVIII ubi Card. Baronius desinit. Auct. Odoricus Raynaldus. Tom. XVIII-XIX. Roma: Varesius, 1659-1663, ad ann. 1459, nr. 28-29, [Reproduces Felorio]

	• Pius II: Orationes politicae et ecclesiasticae. Ed. Giovanni Domenico Mansi. 3. vols. Lucca:
	Benedini, 1755-1759. / T. II, pp. 89-91
	[Based on the ms. in Lucca, G]

  Commentarii rervm memorabilivm que svis temporibus contigervnt. Ed. A. van Heck. 2 vols. Città del Vaticano, 1984. (Studi e testi; 312-313) • Enea SiIvio Piccolomini / Papa Pio II: I Commentari. 2 vols. A cura di L. Totaro. Milano, 1984 • Pius II: Commentaries. Ed. and transl. by M. Meserve and M. Simonetta. Vols. 1 ff. Cambridge, MA, 2003 ff. (The I Tatti Renaissance Library) Messis quidem multa, operarii autem pauci. Messis nostra, fratres, animarum salus est; ager, in quo metimus, ecclesia, quam vestro {121r} consilio regendam accepimus. Hanc contra Turcos et infideles alios tueri debemus; ex hac tribulos et malas herbas, hoc est haereses et pravos 1 mores, extirpare cogimur, si volumus messem ad aream domini multam afferre et denique puri purgatique tritici in horreo multum recondere. Vos ad haec operarii nobiscum estis constituti; sed pauci estis, et nonnulli ex vobis aut senio aut aegritudine impediti sunt, ne ipsis uti possimus. Necesse igitur est, ut numerum vestrum augeamus et aliquos assumamus, qui debilium vires suppleant. Curare tamen oportet, quamvis est id difficile, ut dignos tanto munere eligamus, ne dicat quispiam: Multiplicasti gentem et non magnificasti laetitiam. Verum si dignitas haec merentibus danda est, in caelo quaeramus oportet, quos rubeo pileo donemus. Nos tamen ut homines eligemus homines, quando non caelum aut angelos, sed terram et homines recturi sumus.

	gestarum sui temporis commentarii eiusdemque Epistolae. 1584. [2 nd ed.: Frankfurt:
	Aubriana, 1614
	• Colossians: 1 • Hebrews: 1 • 1. Peter: 1 • Bologna: Zanichelli, 1964. (Rerum Italicarum Scriptores; t. III, p. II)
	Classical sources: 0
	Patristic and medieval sources: 0
	Contemporary sources: 0 7. Sigla
	G = Lucca / Biblioteca Capitolare Feliniana / 544
	H = Roma / Biblioteca Apostolic Vaticana / Chisianus J.VII.251

Pius II: Orations. [1436-1464] • Pius II: Orationes politicae et ecclesiasticae. Ed. Giovanni Domenico Mansi. 3 vols. Lucca: Benedini, 1755-1759 • Collected Orations of Pope Pius II. Edited and translated by Michael von Cotta-Schönberg. 12 vols. 2019-2020 Stolf, Serge: Les Lettres et la Tiare. E.S. Piccolomini -un humaniste au XVe siècle. Paris, 2012. (Etudes et Essais sur la Renaissance; 98) Voigt, Georg: Enea Silvio de' Piccolomini als Papst Pius der Zweite und sein Zeitalter. 3 vols. Berlin, 1856-63 Zimolo, Giulio C. (ed.): Le vite di Pio II di Giovanni Antonio Campano e Bartolomeo Platina. J = Roma / Achivio Segreto Vaticano / Arm. XXXII 1 R = Roma / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana / Reginensis Latinus 1995 S= Roma / Biblioteca dell'Accademia dei Lincei / Corsinianus 147 1. Messis quidem [1] {120v}

  1 . Ita enim vivitis, ut non ad republicam gubernandam electi, sed ad voluptates perfruendas vocati videamini. Non venationes, non ludos neque feminarum consuetudinem evitatis, convivia opulentiora, quam deceat, instruitis, vestimentis utimini nimium pretiosis, auro et argento abundatis, equos et famulos plures quam satis est alitis. Has delicias cupiunt omnes, nec quisquam est, qui sectari voluptates non sit idoneus. Quod si severitas, gravitas, abstinentia, doctrina, sanctitas, hanc tantummodo dignitatem elargiretur, {121v} pauciores eam peterent. Sed incidimus mores istos: non possumus prohibere petentes, non admittere facile possumus. Cogitate, qui sint idonei. De numero ipsi judicabimus, curaturi ne vel nimietate vilescat dignitas vel paucitate reipublicae non satisfaciat.

  4] Primus est Angelus, Areatinus episcopus, vere angelus et vita et morum honestate conspicuus. Huic frater fuit4 Dominicus tituli Sanctae Crucis in Jerusalem quondam magni nominis cardinalis. Non minor hic germano est; multa ejus extant, quae cum laude5 possumus commemorare. Vita omnis sua mundissima. Praefuit ecclesiae sibi commissae non sine magna subditorum utilitate. Praedicavit evangelium multis annis plebi suae. Correxit mores, reformavit quaecumque invenit male disposita. In legationibus, quae6 sedes sibi apostolica mandavit, diligentissimus et fidelissimus extitit, et nunc Bononiae cum maxima civium gratia legationis munus exercet. Secundus est 1 Berardus 2 , episcopus Spoletanus, apud Narniam non ignobili loco natus, qui cum per scholas Italiae cathedras magna cum auditorum dilectione atque utilitate rexisset, tandemque Romanam curiam accessisset, ab Nicolao, praedecessore nostro, qui ejus doctrinae culmen admirabatur, in palatium receptus referendariatus officium accepit, in quo ita se gessit, ut omnia sibi crederet. Nam verbum ejus verbum veritatis {177r} fuit, et jam3 tum dignus cardinalatu judicatus est. Apud Calixtum quoque carissimus fuit, nec ad promotionem ejus aliud obstitit quam invidia paucorum. In nostra vero familia receptus ob famae singularis odorem et nostram gratiam et aulicorum omnium benivolentiam meruit, primusque semper apud nos habitus est, cum et prudentiam ejus, et fidem, et doctrinam et admiraremur et diligeremus. [6] Tertius est Nicolaus, electus Theanensis, utroque jure consultus, qui sub Eugenio pontifice Viterbium ac 4 provinciam patrimonii pro gubernatore 5 aliquandiu summa cum laude administravit. Fuit hic, cum ageremus in cardinalatu curiae nostrae magister, domumque nostram et provide et pacifice rexit. In apostolatu vero nostro thesauriatus exercuit officium, quod fidem et dexteritatem ingenii maximam requirit, neque audivimus aliquando alium fuisse thesaurarium, qui ejus vel bonitatem vel circumspectionem superaverit. Misimus eum ad reges et principes. Nihil ei commisimus, quod non prudenter absolverit. [7] Quartus est Alexander, ordinis Augustinensium magister generalis, summus theologicae 6 sapientiae doctor atque interpres, qui annos duos et XLta in religione versatus, eximius cultor et paupertatis et humilitatis extitit. Huic patria est Saxumferratum. Parentes ejus quinquennem aut paulo majorem 7 dicaverunt, cum in fontem cadens mortuo similis extraheretur. Locus, in quo primo receptus est, beatae Mariae sacer habetur. 8 In die beatae Mariae professionem emisit, et revolutis annis eadem festivitate et missam primam celebravit, et magisterium theologiae adeptus est, et in civitate beatae Mariae ad cardinalatum per nos assumptus est. Vir omni ex parte perfectus, vocatus a Deo tamquam Aaron. Nescius, nihil 9 petens et dignitates prorsus effugiens receptus est in consilium nostrum. Traxit nos odor boni nominis et vitae exemplaris verissima fama10 . Nam etsi animus ejus honorem quemvis horreret, virtutes tamen ejus petebant, ne inhonoratus relinqueretur.

	[5] 1 secundus est omit. FE
	2 Bernardus J
	3 et jam : etiam J
	4 et G
	1 etiam FE 5 gubernatione FE
	2 esse personas : personas esse J 6 theologiae FE
	3 et J
	4 frater fuit : fuit frater G
	5 cum laude omit. FE
	6 omit. J

7

deum add. FE 8 beatae Mariae sacer habetur in die omit. FE 9 nil FE 10 vitae … fama : vita exemplarissima FE

  {123r} Maxima, filii, et excellentissima dignitate donati estis: ad collegium apostolicum vocati consiliarii nostri et conjudices orbis terrarium eritis, inter causam et causam, inter sanguinem et sanguinem, inter lepram et lepram discernere vos oportebit. Successores apostolorum circa thronum nostrum sedebitis. Vos senatores urbis et regum similes eritis, veri mundi cardines, super quibus militantis ostium ecclesiae volvendum ac regendum est. Cogitate animo, quos viros, quae ingenia, quam integritatem haec dignitas requirit: humilitatem, non superbiam; liberalitatem, non avaritiam; abstinentiam, non ebrietatem; continentiam, non libidinem; scientiam, non ignorantiam; virtutes omnes, nullum vitium hic honos exposcit. Si fuistis hactenus {123v} vigilantes, nunc vigiletis oportet adversus malignum hostem, qui numquam dormit cogitans quem devoret. Si liberales fuistis, nunc opes in rebus honestis profundite et maxime in alendos pauperes! Si cibi potusque abstinentes fuistis 1 , nunc praecipue luxuriem fugite! Absit avaritia, facessat crudelitas, exulet arrogantia! Sint libri sacri semper in manibus vestris, dies noctesque aut discite aliquid aut alios docete! Opera efficite per quae lux vestra coram hominibus luceat! Et denique tales estote quales esse debere cardinales dijudicastis, antequam ipsi hoc culmen ascenderetis!

  You will be the world's true hinges around which the gate of the Church Militant turns and by which it is governed. Consider what souls, what men, what minds, and what integrity this office requires: humility, not pride; generosity, not greed; abstinence, not drunkenness; continence, not lust; knowledge, not ignorance. This honourable office requires all the virtues, and no vice. If you were vigilant before, now you must be especially vigilant against the evil enemy who never sleeps, but is always seeking whom to devour.3 If you were generous, now spend you wealth on honourable things and especially on nourishing the poor. If you were abstemious in eating and drinking, now you must flee all luxury. Banish greed, cruelty, and pride. Always have the holy books in your hands,4 and spend day and night in learning or teaching. Endeavour to let your light shine before men!5 And, finally, be such as you thought cardinals ought to be before you yourselves were raised to this exalted state.INTRODUCTIONIn 1442/1443 the French dynasty of Anjou was expelled from the Kingdom of Naples by King Alfonso V of the Spanish House of Aragon. In October 1459, at the height of the Congress of Mantua, King René d'Anjou sent his son, Jean d'Anjou, to the Kingdom to try to win it back and expel Alfonso's son, Ferrante I. Ferrante had been invested with the Kingdom by Pope Pius II, since the popes were the nominal suzerains of the Kingdom. In doing so the pope simply respected decisions made by the two previous popes as well as the Italian peace treaties of 1454/1455. At the Congress of Mantua, in December 1459, the French embassy -supported by an embassy from René d'Anjou -had demanded that the pope revoke Ferrante's investiture and grant it instead to King René. The pope refused the demands in a great oration, the "Responsuri" [51].

	1. Context 1
	1.	Context
	2.	Themes
	3.	Date, place, audience, and format
	4.	Text
		4.1. Early Version
		4.2. Final Version
		4.2.1. Manuscripts
		4.2.2. Editions
		4.3. Present edition
	5.	Sources
	6.	Bibliography
	7.	Sigla
	II. TEXT AND TRANSLATION
	0.	Introduction [1-3]
	1.	Demand for investiture of King René [4-7]
	2.	Demand for papal aid against King Ferrante [8]
	3.	Demand for recall of papal troops aiding King Ferrante [9]
	4.	Angevin claim of prior provocation by King Ferrante [10]
	5.	Angevin invasion of the Kingdom of Naples [11-12]
	6.	Angevin rejection of papal mediation [13]
	7.	Angevin abuses against the pope [14-15]
	8.	Conclusion [16]

primum quidem illud, quod asseruistis de nobilitate et praestanti virtute regis ipsius atque insignis familiae suae Andegavensis, nequaquam negamus. Cognita nobis est altitudo sanguinis sui, quae ab ipsa magni Caroli et Francorum nobilissima stirpe procedit. Nec probitatem ejus ignoramus, neque inficias imus Andegavensem prosapiam de Romana ecclesia optime meritam esse, siquidem Francorum beneficia Christianae religioni praestita ipsos etiam Andegavenses illustrant. Et nos quidem Renatum regem ejusque domum apprime

  2] [EV] Et

	diligimus,
	sibique bene cupimus.
	[2] [FV] Et

primum quidem illud, quod 1 asseruistis de nobilitate et 2 praestanti virtute regis ipsius atque insignis familiae suae Andegavensis, nequaquam negamus. Cognita nobis est altitudo sanguinis, quae ab ipsa magni Caroli et Francorum nobilissima stirpe deducitur. Nec probitatem ejus ignoramus, neque inficias imus 3 Andegavensem prosapiam 4 de Romana ecclesia optime meritam esse, siquidem Francorum beneficia Christianae religioni atque ipsi ecclesiae praestita ipsos etiam Andegavenses {133r} illustrant. Et nos quidem Renatum regem ejusque domum singulari

dilectione prosequimur

Vocati enim, sicut altissimo placuit, ad summi apostolatus apicem, regnum Siciliae haudquaquam possessore vacans invenimus. Ferdinandus, Alfonsi regis filius, id obtinebat. Alfonsus ab Eugenio quarto et Nicolao quinto 1 , praecessoribus nostris Romanis pontificibus, investituram, et regium nomen, et facultatem haeredis instituendi, et legitimationem atque habilitationem filii ad regnum obtinuerat; et antequam obiret mortem, Ferdinandum haeredem in eo regno instituerat. Adductis regni baronibus in ejus verba jurare. Et quamvis Calixtus tertius, antecessor noster proximus, per mortem Alfonsi regnum ipsum ad Romanam ecclesiam devolutum declaraverit, proceres tamen regni universi et communitates apud Capuam convenientes Ferdinandum regnare supra se voluerunt sibique novum homagium praestitere. Neque unus in toto regno fuit, qui diversae voluntatis videretur. Ob quas res {272v} et Calixto, antequam vita excederet, et nobis, postquam illi suffecti fuimus, magnopere supplicarunt, ut quieti regni consulentes regem, quem concordi populorum voto nuncupassent

  3] [FV] AndWe would never refuse to accomodate that noble [king] in any matter if only he asked for what We can give with Our honour 1 intact. But your petitions in his name cannot be granted without injury to a third party and dishonour to Ourselves, whether we talk of bestowing the investiture upon René, or sending him auxiliary troops, or recalling auxiliary troops sent to the other party. For these are your three demands of Us, offering to do homage if they are granted. We shall now show, with clear reasons, why We must refuse. atque in possessionem accepissent confirmare dignaremur.

	[4] [EV] [4] [FV]

Vocati enim, sicut 2 altissimo placuit, ad summi apostolatus apicem, regnum Siciliae haudquaquam 3 possessore vacans 4 invenimus: Ferdinandus, Alfonsi regis filius, id possidebat. Alfonsus ab Eugenio quarto et Nicolao quinto 5 , praedecessoribus nostris Romanis pontificibus, investituram, et regium 6 nomen, et facultatem 7 haeredis instituendi, et legitimationem atque habilitationem filii ad ipsum regnum obtinuerat; et antequam mortem obiret, Ferdinandum haeredem in eo regno instituerat. Adductis 8 regni baronibus atque civitatibus in ejus verba jurare 9 . Et quamvis Calixtus tertius, antecessor noster proximus 10 , per 11 mortem Alfonsi regnum ipsum ad Romanam 12 ecclesiam devolutum declaraverit 13 , proceres tamen regni universi 14 15 et communitates apud Capuam convenientes 16 Ferdinandum supra 17 se regnare voluerunt 18 sibique novum homagium praestitere. Neque unus in toto regno fuit, qui diversae

	voluntatis videretur.
	1 Eugenius. Nicolaus nota marg. D
	2 sumus ut J
	3 haudquamquam L, T; aut quamquam V
	4 vocans L, T, V
	5 omit. G
	6 regnum J, L, T, V
	7 et facultatem omit. J
	8 ac ductis R
	9 iuuare A, B, C, E, F; L, R, T, V
	10 proxime J; proximi L, R, T, V
	11 post J
	12 omit. J
	13 declaraverat G
	14 universae J
	15 regni universi : universi regni R
	16 Apud Capuam juratum nota marg. D
	17 super J
	18 voluerint V

Ob quas res et Calixto, antequam vita excederet, et nobis, postquam illi suffecti fuimus, magnopere supplicarunt, ut quieti regni consulentes regem 1 , quem concordi populorum voto expeterent

  , eis concedere dignaremur.

Idem petierunt ex nobis Venetorum, ducis Mediolani, Florentinorum, et Mutinae ducis legati, commemorantes foedus Nicolai quinti tempore inter potentatus Italiae ad resistendum Turcorum conatibus percussum 1 , in quo etiam ipse pontifex tamquam caput et custos pro tutela religionis intervenit. Neque enim amissa recens Constantinopoli et Turcorum principe magna minante salvari posse Christiana res videbatur, nisi quocumque modo pacata Italia servaretur. In eo autem foedere expressum erat Ferdinandum, Alfonsi regis filium, ejus regni regem futurum, neque minus cum eo quam cum patre foedus initum. Hortabantur itaque legati totius ferme Italiae, et quasi ex foedere, quod nos jam

  de consilio fratrum ratum habuissemus, requirebant,

	[5] [EV]
	1 regi G; rege L, R, T, V
	2 "altissimus"
	3 In August 1458
	4 Ferrante I (1423-1494): King of Naples from 1458 to his death
	5 Alfonso V the Magnanimous (1396-1458): King of Aragon, Valencia, Majorca, Sardinia and Corsica, Sicily and Count
	of Barcelona from 1416, and King of Naples (as Alfonso I) from 1442 to his death
	6 Eugenius IV [Gabriele Condulmer] (1383-1447): Pope from 1431 to his death
	7 Nicolaus V [Tommaso Parentucelli] (1397-1455): Pope from 6 March 1447 to his death
	8 Calixtus III [Alfons de Borja] (1378-1458): Pope from 1455 to his death in 1458. The first Borgia Pope

ne regnum Ferdinando negaremus, neve illi paternam haereditatem auferendo novis Italiam litibus implicaremus, quae tum Dei munere conquiescere cernebatur. Ad haec urgebat Jacobus Piccininus, qui sub ipso Calixti transitu nonnulla {272v} Romanae ecclesiae magni momenti oppida invaserat, neque expellendus apparebat, si novus ignis in regno sic excitaretur.

	[5] [FV]

Idem petierunt ex nobis Venetorum, ducis Mediolani 2 , Florentinorum, et Mutinae ducis legati 3 4 , commemorantes foedus 5 tempore Nicolai quinti inter potentatus Italiae ad resistendum Turcorum conatibus percussum, in quo etiam ipse pontifex tamquam caput et custos pro tutela religionis intervenit. Neque enim amissa recens Constantinopoli 6 et Turcorum principe magna minante salvari posse Christiana res videbatur, nisi quocumque modo pacata Italia 7 servaretur. In eo autem foedere expressum erat Ferdinandum, Alfonsi regis filium, ejus regni regem futurum, neque minus cum eo quam cum 8 patre foedus initum. Hortabantur itaque 9 10 legati totius ferme Italiae, et quasi ex foedere, quod jam nos 11 confirmaveramus, requirebant 12 , ne regnum Ferdinando negaremus, neve paternam illi haereditatem auferendo novis Italiam litibus implicaremus 13 , quae {133v} tum 14 Dei munere 15 majori ex parte conquiescere cernebatur. Ad haec urgebat Jacobus Piccininus, qui sub ipsum Calixti obitum

	[6] [EV]
	1 omit. J
	2 Mediolanensis B, E, F
	3 legatum E
	4 Legati totius Italie nota marg. D
	5 Fedus nota marg. D
	6 Constantinopolis J
	7 pacata Italia : Italia pacata G
	8 quam cum : et J; eo add. V
	9 igitur G
	10 hortabantur itaque : hortabanturque V
	11 jam nos : nos jam G, J
	12 requirebat A, B, E; requirebatur J, L, R, T, V
	13 implicabimus F
	14 cum J
	15 minere F

Retulimus de ea re in sacro fratrum collegio, et simul postulata Renati regis, cujus oratores pari modo investituram petebant, in medium adduximus. Fratres ipsi, adversante nullo, Ferdinando investituram tradendam censuerunt, Renato juris viam offerendam. Secuti sumus consilia fratrum, investirique Ferdinandum et coronari jussimus nullius juri derogando. Sic res gesta est. Nulli fecimus injuriam. Eugenii et Nicolai, sanctorum praesulum, iter perreximus; Italiae preces audivimus, paci consuluimus; foedus servavimus. Et si declaratio Calixti valida fuit, ut est pro sententia maximi pontificis praesumendum, regnum ad nos et Romanam ecclesiam

	reversum, Ferdinando concessurum licuit nobis regnum, quod tum directo
	et utili dominio ad nos pertinebat, cui vellemus -absque ejus pia et justa reclamatione -
	committere. Placuit, et non sine causa placuit, Ferdinando, qui possessor esset, committere.
	Nostro itaque decreto Ferdinando rex appellatus est.
	[6] [FV]

Retulimus de ea re in sacro fratrum nostrorum collegio, et simul postulata Renati regis, qui pari modo regnum petebat, in medium adduximus. Fratres ipsi, adversante 1 nullo, Ferdinando investituram tradendam censuerunt, Renato juris viam offerendam. Secuti 2 sumus consilia fratrum 3 , investirique Ferdinandum et coronari jussimus nullius juri derogando. Sic res 4 gesta est. Eugenii et 5 Nicolai, sanctorum praesulum, iter perreximus 6 ; Italiae preces audivimus; foedus servavimus; paci et quieti subditorum consuluimus. Nulli injuriam fecimus. Et si 7 declaratio Calixti, cujus supra meminimus, valida fuit, ut est pro 8 sententia 9 summi pontificis praesumendum, regnum ad nos et Romanam ecclesiam jam redierat, licebatque nobis regnum, quod tum 10 directo et utili dominio ad nos pertinebat, cui 11 vellemus 12 concedere. Placuit, et non sine causa placuit, Ferdinando, qui possessor esset, illud committere. Nostro itaque 13 decreto Ferdinandus rex appellatus est.

  We referred the matter to the Sacred College of Our brethren1 and at the same time We related the demands of King René who also requested the Kingdom. Our brethen unanimously recommended that the investiture be given to Ferrante, and that René should be offered a law suit. Following the advice of Our brethren, We ordered that Ferrante be invested and crowned, while [declaring that] nobody's rights were set aside. This is what happened: We followed the path of the holy pontiffs, Eugenius and Nicolaus; We heeded the requests of Italy; We respected the treaty; We provided for the peace and quiet of the subjects; We injured nobody. And if the abovementioned declaration of Calixtus was valid, as must be presumed in the case of a judgement by a Supreme Pontiff, then the Kingdom had already reverted to the Roman Church and Us. Thus We had the right to grant the Kingdom, belonging to Us by direct and effective lordship 2 , to whomever We wanted. We then decided, and not without good reason, to grant it to Ferrante who already had factual possession of it. Thus, by Our decree, Ferrante was named king.

	[6] [FV] [7] [EV]
	1 aversante A, B, C, L, R, T,
	2 sicuti V
	3 fratruum L
	4 omit. V
	5 omit. J, L, T, V
	6 perressimus L, R, V
	7 omit. J, L, T, V
	8 omit. J
	9 pro sententia : presentia L, T, V
	10 tunc J
	11 iam add. J, V
	12 velimus V
	13 nostroque itaque : nostroque G

Nec regnum duos capit. Si nunc Renatum investiremus, duos reges fecisse videremur. Indignum esset unius pontificis decreto unius regni duos reges creari. Neque tolerabile quoquam pacto videretur {273r} uno investito rege alterum investiri, nisi prior aut male investitus reperiatur aut indignus regno judicetur, nos autem hoc de Ferdinando indiscusso negotio haudquaquam dicere possimus. Atque idcirco investituram Renato impartiri non valemus, nisi prius aut investituram Ferdinandi reprobam, aut ipsum regno indignum ostendatis. Ad quas res, si juris via Renatus procedere voluerit, rectum apud nos judicium inveniet, et nos aequi judicis locum tenentes, quamvis nos suis litteris saepe suspectos allegaverit, quod quantum in Romano pontifice liceat juris interpretes norunt. Homagium vero, quod pro investitura ipsa praestaturum regem offertis, ex ipsa investitura dependet. Nec nos illud accipere recusabimus, postquam constiterit Renatum investiendum esse. Ad quam rem, si vobis, quae dicta sunt, non sufficiunt, rursus viam juris offerimus. Nam causa cognita nihil prorsus regi Renato negabimus, quod jure sibi concedendum sit

  .

	[7] [FV]

Nec regnum duos capit. Quod si modo nos Renatum investiremus, duos reges fecisse videremur, neque quisquam laudaret 1 unius pontificis decreto unius regni 2 duos reges creari, neque tolerabile duceret uno investito rege alterum investiri, nisi prior aut male investitus aut regno indignus reperiatur, quod nos de Ferdinando indiscusso negotio nequaquam dicere possumus. Atque idcirco investituram, quam

  petitis, concedere nullo pacto valemus,

nisi prius aut 3 investituram ipsam Ferdinandi invalidam ostendatis 4 , aut ipsum indignum regno. Ad quas res, si juris tramite Renatus procedere voluerit, rectum apud nos judicium inveniet, et nos aequi judicis locum tenentes, quamvis suis litteris saepe nos 5 sibi suspectos insinuaverit 6 , quod quantum de Romano pontifice liceat 7 juris interpretes norunt 8 .

  Atque haec 9 ad investituram 10 11 .

Homagium vero, quod pro ipsa investitura facturum 12 regem offertis, ex eadem investitura dependet. Neque nos illud accipere recusabimus, postquam constiterit 13 Renatum investiendum esse. Ad quam rem, si vobis 14 , quae dicta sunt, non satisfaciunt, rursus viam juris

  FV] A kingdom cannot have two[kings].1 If We invest René now, We would then make two kings. Nobody would approve of one kingdom getting two kings by decree of the same pope. Nor would anyone accept that a new king was invested when another one had already been invested unless it was shown that the first one had not been rightly invested or that he was unworthy to be king. This We cannot say about Ferrante in the absence of a proper discussion of the matter. Thus, We can in no way grant the investiture you request unless you first show that the investiture of Ferrante was invalid or that he himself is unworthy to rule. If René wants to follow the path of law, he will get a correct judgment from Us and find that We hold the place of a just judge -though in his letters he has often declared Us to be suspect in this regard. The law people know the rights of the Roman Pontiff in such matters. This is enough concerning the investiture.You offer that your king 2 will make homage [to Us] if he receives the investiture, but that depends on the investiture itself. We shall not refuse his homage if and when it is determined that it is René who ought to be invested. If you are not satisfied with this, We once again offer you the path of law. For when the matter has been properly investigated, We will not deny your king anything that he should rightfully be granted.

	offerimus. Nam causa cognita nihil regi vestro negabimus, quod jure sibi concedendum appareat. [7] [[8] [EV]
	1 laudare F
	2 unius regni omit. G
	3 ut J
	4 ostendamus R
	5 nobis V
	6 sibi suspectos insinuaverit : iudicium inveniet B, E
	7 omit. R
	8 norant J
	9 quo add. J
	10 insinuavimus add. J; insinuaverit add. V
	11 ipsam Ferdinandi invalidam add. B
	12 factarum L, T, V
	13 constituerit V
	14 nobis A

Quod autem secundo loco petivistis de auxiliis regi Renato praestandis ad regni recuperationem ex supradictis juste fieri non posse colligitur, nam quae honestas fert, ut adversus eum copias mittamus regnoque illum deturbemus, quem ipsi regem constituimus? {273v} Liceret id facere postquam discussa causa jus ei non competere manifestum esset, at prius non licet. Nec nos hi sumus, qui res a nobis cum consilio et matura deliberatione gestas inconsulte ac temere revocemus. Feret itaque si justus est rex Renatus uti confidimus aequo animo, ea sibi negamus, que juste concedi non possunt.

	[8] [FV] Quod

autem secundo loco petivistis de auxiliis Renato regi ad recuperationem regni praestandis ex supradictis juste fieri non posse {134r} colligitur, nam quae honestas fert, ut adversus eum copias 1 mittamus, quem ipsi regem constituimus? Liceret id facere postquam discussa causa jus ei non competere manifestum esset, at prius non licet. Nec nos ii sumus, qui res a nobis cum consilio et matura deliberatione gestas inconsulte ac temere revocemus. Feret 2 itaque pro sua justitia aequo animo rex 3 Renatus, si ea sibi negamus, que juste concedi non possunt.

	[9] [EV]

Sed adjecistis tertiam petitionem supplicantes, ut si Renato auxilia praestare nollemus, saltem eas copias ex regno Siciliae revocaremus, quas Ferdinando suppetias misimus, atque hoc unum negari non posse arbitrati estis, tamquam in eo summa aequitas contineatur. Vellemus sane ita esset; neque enim libenter aliquid agimus, quod regi Renato suaeque domui molestum sit, neque ex animo nostro est subditos nostros armis operam dare percupideque his sumptibis levaremur. Sed nil tam decet principem quam fidem servare. Meminimus supra ejus foederis, quod apostolicae sedis nomine inter potentatus Italiae Nicolaus percussit, Calixtus et nos comprobavimus, ne quies Italica turbaretur, et ingens in Christianos Turcis aperiretur porta. In eo cautum est, si quis ex nominatis in foedere turbetur bellove impetatur, alios opem ferre debere. {274r} Non licuit nobis pacta refringere et ei auxilium negare, qui ex foedere illud peteret.

	[9] [FV]

Sed adjecistis 1 tertiam petitionem supplicantes, ut si Renato auxilia praestare nollemus, saltem eas copias ex regno Siciliae revocaremus, quas Ferdinando suppetias 2 misimus, atque hoc unum negari non posse arbitrati estis, tamquam in eo summa aequitas contineatur. Vellemus sane ita esset; neque enim libenter aliquid agimus, quod regi Renato suaeque domui molestum sit, neque ex animo nostro est subditos nostros armis

  inter se decertare3 . Et quantum ad auxilia missa pertinet, percupide

his sumptibis levaremur. Sed nil 4 tam decet principem quam fidem servare. Meminimus supra ejus foederis, quod apostolicae sedis nomine inter potentatus Italiae Nicolaus percussit 5 , Calixtus 6 postea et nos comprobavimus, ne pax Italica turbaretur, et ingens Turcis aperiretur in Christianos porta. In eo cautum est 7 , si quis ex nominatis in foedere molestetur bellove 8 impetatur 9 , alios opem ferre 10 debere. Non licuit nobis pacta refringere 11 et ei auxilium negare, qui ex foedere illud peteret.

	1 aduersus B, E
	2 suppeti V
	3 certare C
	4 nihil J
	5 perexit J
	6 autem add. J
	7 ut add. J
	8 bello ut L, T , V
	9 impetiatur R; impetratur L, T, V
	10 ex nominatis … ferre : confederatorum bello molestaretur, idem ab aliis opem ferri J
	11 restringere J, L, R, T, V

10] [EV] Sed affirmastis unam in foedere clausulam esse, quae nos a ferenda ope liberabat, quia ei tantum auxilia praestanda sunt, qui a non lacessito invaditur hoste, subdidistisque provocatum a Ferdinando Renatum, cujus provincia a triremibus ejus prius vexata sit, quam classis Gallica in regnum mitteretur, ac propterea non posse Ferdinandum ex foedere agere, qui sibi ipsi provocaverit hostem. Atque hanc esse rationem, propter quam viri graves, Veneti et Florentini, Ferdinando auxilia negaverint. Nobis non constat nisi ex relatu vestro Ferdinandum quidquam novitatis in ditione Renati fecisse, propter quod merito provocator appellari queat, neque Venetorum aut Florentinorum consilia nobis aperta sunt. Verum illi de sua fide, nos de nostra respondere habemus. Credimus quidem viros prudentes et modestos nihil sine ratione agere. Sed diversi principatus diversos habent intuitus. Nobis illud exploratum est in pactis ac foederibus bonam fidem ante omnia spectandam esse. Nec {274v} morosum esse debere aut causas negandi nectere, qui ex foedere requiritur. Nec tam tolerandus est, qui contra pactum excipit, quam laudandus qui exceptioni renuntiat. Quod si quem servare promissa oportet, profecto id summo pontifici necessarium est, cujus dignitas quanto est major ceteris, tanto fides debet esse sincerior atque illustrior.

[10]

[FV] Sed affirmastis unam in foedere clausulam contineri, quae

nos a ferenda ope liberaret, nam ei tantum auxilia ex conventis praestanda sunt, qui a 1 non lacessito invaditur hoste, subdidistisque provocatum a Ferdinando 2 Renatum fuisse, cujus provincia a triremibus ejus prius vexata sit, quam classis Gallica mitteretur in regnum, ac propterea non posse Ferdinandum ex foederibus agere, qui sibi ipsi provocaverit ac lacessiverit hostem. Atque hanc esse rationem, propter quam viri graves, Veneti et Florentini, Ferdinando auxilia negaverint. At nobis non constat nisi ex relatu vestro 3 Ferdinandum quidquam novitatis in ditione Renati fecisse, propter quod merito provocator 4 appellari queat, neque Venetorum aut Florentinorum consilia nobis 5 aperta sunt. Illi de sua fide, nos de nostra respondere habemus. Credimus quidem viros prudentes et justi amatores nihil sine ratione agere. Sed diversi 6 principatus diversos habent 7 intuitus. Nobis illud exploratum est in pactis ac 8 foederibus bonam fidem ante omnia expectandam esse. Nec 9 morosum esse 10 debere aut causas negandi nectere, qui ex foedere requiritur. Et sane non tam tolerandus {134v} est, qui contra pactum excipit, quam laudandus qui exceptioni renuntiat. Quod si quem servare promissa et

	oportet,
	cavillationes refugere
	1 qui a : quia J, L, T, V
	2 provocatum a Ferdinando : a Ferdinando provocatum J
	3 nostro E
	4 provocatus J; provocato L, T, V
	5 uobis J
	6 diversos J
	7 habere J
	8 aut E
	9 haec J
	10 est J

id profecto summo pontifici convenit, cujus dignitas quanto est major ceteris ac celsior, tanto fides debet esse sincerior atque illustrior. 4. Angevin claim of prior provocation by King Ferrante [

  10] [FV] But you claimed that the treaty contains a clause which would free Us from sending aid. For according to the agreement, assistance should only be given to a party which is attacked by an enemy without prior provocation. You added that René had indeed been provoked by Ferrante attacking his province with galleys before the French fleet was sent to the Kingdom. Thus, Ferrante cannot invoke the treaty since he was the first to provoke and attack his enemy. And this is the reason why the Venetians and the Florentines, serious men, refused to help Ferrante. But Our only information about Ferrante having caused trouble in René's dominion is your own report which is not sufficient evidence to consider him as the provocateur. Moreover, the deliberations of the Venetians and the Florentines are not open to Us. They are responsible for how they keep their engagements, as We are responsible for how We keep ours. We certainly believe them to be prudent men who love justice and do nothing without reason. But different governments have different perspectives. For Our own part, it is quite clear that pacts and treaties require good faith more than anything else. And a party whose help is being requested by virtue of a treaty should not be capricious or invent reasons to refuse. Indeed, it is less acceptable to make exceptions to a treaty than to avoid making such exceptions. And if anybody should keep promises and avoid quibbling, it is indeed the Supreme Pontiff: the greater and higher his dignity is, compared to the others', the more his word should be sincere and clear.

	[11] [EV]

Servavimus igitur Ferdinando, quod nostri praecessores promiserunt, et nos ipsi per foederis ratihabitionem polliciti eramus. Misimus auxilia in regnum, non contra Renatum, sed pro Ferdinando, ne

  ille expelleretur e regno, quem constitueramus regnare donec aliud in re faciendum intelligeremus. Renatus

in regnum classem validam misit Ferdinandumque velut hostem suum regno ejicere conatus est. Neque consiliorum suorum nos participem fecit, neque voluntatem nostram percontatus est. Eoque tempore novis Italiam bellis atque motibus conquassandam duxit, cum nos de tutanda adversus Turcos religione apud Mantuam in conventu principum ageremus. Et quis arguere nos audeat, etiam si foedera nulla extent, si de regno ecclesiae Romanae subjecto eum expelli vetamus sine juris cognitione, quem praedecessorum secuti viam fecimus regem?

	[11] [FV] Servavimus igitur Ferdinando, quod nostri praedecessores per foedera promiserunt,
	et ad 1 quae nos ipsi per ratihabitionem et confirmationem eramus obnoxii. Misimus auxilia in
	regnum, non contra Renatum, neque enim ejus inimici sumus, sed pro Ferdinando, ne regno
	dejiceretur, priusquam regni causa decideretur.

Renatus classem validam in regnum misit 2 Ferdinandumque velut hostem suum regno ejicere conatus est. Neque consiliorum suorum nos participes 3 fecit, neque voluntatem nostram percunctatus est 4 . Eoque tempore novis Italiam bellis atque motibus conquassandam duxit, cum nos de tutanda adversus Turcos religione apud Mantuam in conventu principum ageremus. Et quis arguere nos audeat, etiamsi foedera nulla extent, si de regno ecclesiae Romanae subjecto eum sine juris cognitione 5 expelli vetamus 6 , quem praedecessorum nostrorum viam secuti regem fecimus?

	5.
	1 ea add. V
	2 in regnum misit : admisit J
	3 particeps E
	4 neque consiliorum … est omit. J, L, R, T, V
	5 contagione G
	6 petamus F
	391

Angevin invasion of the Kingdom of Naples [

  11] [FV] In relation to Ferrante, We have only done what Our predecessors promised by treaty, and what We Ourselves were obliged to do by virtue of Our own ratification and confirmation of [this treaty]. We sent auxiliary troops to the Kingdom, not against René, for We are not his enemy, but to aid Ferrante so that he would not be driven out of the Kingdom 1 before the case of that Kingdom had been settled. René sent a strong fleet to the Kingdom 2 and endeavoured to expel Ferrante from it as his enemy. He did not share his plans with Us, nor did he ask for Our wishes in the matter. He decided to inflict new wars and troubles on Italy at the very moment when We were occupied with the defense of religion against the Turks, at the congress of princes in Mantua.3 And even if there were no treaties, who would presume to criticize Us if We forbid the expulsion of Ferrante from a kingdom subject to the Roman Church without a proper legal investigation? It is, after all, We Ourselves who -following the path of our predecessors -made him king.

	[12] [EV] {275r} Dixistis

licuisse Renato inconsulta sede apostolica, cujus regni directum dominium est, armis eum expellere, qui se 1 armis expulisset. At hoc minime concedendum est, neque reges inter suos vasallos talia ferunt. Forsitan tolerabilis esset, qui recens regno ejectus, nulla novitate a domino feudi facta, in ejectorem arma moveret. At in regno Siciliae neque adversus ejectorem arma movit ejectus, neque res integra est. Nam Ferdinandus haudquaquam Renatum ejecit, quamvis ejectoris haeres est. Neque res regni in eo statu perseverarunt, in quo erant ejectionis tempore. Nam Eugenius Alfonsum postea de regno investivit. Et, ut ante diximus, haeredis instituendi facultatem ei concessit, legitimato filio, quae omnia Nicolaus confirmavit; et nostra postmodum secuta investitura est. Quod si, ut tenetur, Renatus Romano praesuli dignam reverentiam praestitisset, profecto regnum nullo modo nobis inconsultis bello temptasset, sed eam viam aggressus fuisset, quam sibi obtulimus, justitiae atque judicii. {275v} In qua, si victor evassisset, tum demum juste ad arma prosilire potuisset nec

  nostra tunc sibi auxilia defuissent prout numquam deerunt cum per iustitiae tramite incesserit. Sed sibi visum est, licitum esse, post duodeviginti annos,

regnum armis repetere injussu directi domini, quod armis amisit, et eum bello lacessere, quem directus dominus summus pontifex investivit. Nos hoc prorsus alienum a jure censemus, atque idcirco ferendam opem possessori decrevimus, misimusque copias nostras, quae non sinerent indiscussa causa constitutum auctoritate nostra regem regno privari.

[12]

[FV] Dixistis

licuisse Renato inconsulta sede apostolica, penes quam directum regni dominium est, armis eum expellere, qui se armis expulisset. Quod nos minime concedendum 2 putamus, neque reges inter suos vassallos talia ferunt. Forsitan 3 tolerabilis esset, qui recens regno ejectus 4 , nulla novitate a domino feudi facta, in ejectorem mox arma moveret 5 . At in regno Siciliae neque adversus ejectorem arma 6 movit 7 ejectus, neque statim post ejectionem, neque re integra. Nam Ferdinandus haudquaquam Renatum ejecit, quamvis ejectoris haeres est, et

  inter ejectionem et postea 8 motum bellum duodeviginti intercesserunt anni.

Neque res regni in eo statu perseverarunt, in quo erant ejectionis tempore. Nam Eugenius pontifex

  maximus ipsiusque regni dominus Alfonsum

postea de regno investivit. Et, ut ante diximus, haeredis instituendi 9 facultatem ei concessit, legitimato filio, quae omnia Nicolaus confirmavit; et nostra postmodum secuta 10 investitura est. Quod si, ut tenetur, Renatus Romano praesuli

	suam reverentiam
	1 si J
	2 omit. T
	3 forsan J
	4 neque statim post eiectionem add. B, E
	5 movit corr. ex moveret B
	6 moveret at … arma omit. E
	7 neque adversus … movit omit. B
	8 post B, E
	9 haeredis instituendi : de haerede instituendo J
	10 insecuta G

praestitisset 1 , profecto inconsultis nobis nullo pacto regnum bello temptasset, sed eam viam fuisset aggressus, quam sibi obtuleramus, justitiae atque judicii. In qua, si victor evassisset, tum demum juste et nostro cum auxilio prosilire 2 potuisset ad arma. Sed sibi visum est

  , ut {135r} asseruistis, licitum, etiam post longum tempus, impermissu directi

domini regnum armis repetere, quod armis amisit. Nec veritus est eum bello lacessere, quem superior dominus summus pontifex investivit. Nos haec a jure prorsus aliena censemus, atque idcirco ferendam opem possessori decrevimus, misimusque copias nostras, quae non sinerent constitutum auctoritate nostra regem indiscussa causa regno privari.

concordiae temptandam duximus, misso in regnum venerabili fratre nostro, Bartholomeo Archiepiscopo Ravennate, qui et arma utrimque ponenda et pacem recipiendam partibus suaderet, quem rex ipse Ferdinandus benigne excepit, pars adversa adeo aspernata est, ut nec securitatem transitus ei praebere voluerit. Quibus ex rebus non licuit nobis petenti auxilia molestato regi non concedere, quando nec concordiae tractatus nec juris via per partem vestram reciperetur. {275v} Non est igitur, cur queramini de missione auxiliorum, quoniam ad eum tutandum missa sunt, qui nec judicium nec concordiam refugit.

  13] [EV] Prius tamen quam auxilia mitteremus, viam

	[13] [FV] Prius tamen quam auxilia decerneremus, viam

concordiae temptandam duximus, misso in regnum venerabili fratre nostro, Bartholomeo 1 archiepiscopo Ravennate, qui et arma utrimque ponenda et pacem recipiendam partibus suaderet. Hunc rex Ferdinandus benigne excepit, pars adversa adeo aspernata est, ut nec securitatem transitus ei praebere voluerit. Quibus ex rebus non licuit 2 nobis petenti auxilia molestato regi non concedere, quando nec concordiae tractatus nec juris via per partem vestram reciperetur.

  Auxilia vero, quae missa sunt3 , durantibus missionis causis, nemo revocanda esse affirmaverit. Non est igitur, cur de missione illorum conqueramini, nec revocare nos illa 4 convenit, quae ad

tutandum 5 eum missa sunt, qui nec judicium neque concordiam refugit.

1

Roverella add. J, L; Rov. add. T 2 ex add. J, L, T , V 3 omit. J 4 revocare nos illa : nos illa revocare J 5 curandum F

vestrae partis in nos et apostolicam sedem peccaverunt. Nam comes Jacobus Piccininus, dum vestro stipendio militat, Ascolum, non ignobilem Piceni civitatem auferre conatus, haud dubie Romanae abstulisset ecclesiae, nisi qui ejus jussu parabant insidias, capti et supplico affecti fuissent. Idem per agrum ecclesiae injussu nostro transiens minime veritus est in contemptum apostolicae sedis arma ecclesiae in vexillis deferre, tamquam ejus dux esset, cujus vocem audire noluerat. Compertum quoque habemus Johannem Coxam pluribus modis enixum esse, ut civitatem Beneventanam nobis eriperet, sicut palam suo tempore monstrari poterit. Dux autem Sorae, qui et ipse vestrarum partium est, excaecatus auri cupiditate, familiari nostro, quem a praefectura arcis Beneventanae ad nos accersiveramus, publicam fidem dederat, ut per suam terram tuto iter faceret, moxque post eum satellites misit, qui veluti latrones {276v} crudelissimi excussum omni auro ceterisque rebus hominem immanissime obtruncarunt. Haec licet nullatenus regi Renato placere credamus, per homines tamen vestrarum partium facta sunt, et in apostolicae sedis ignominiam tendunt.

  14] [EV] Sed magna et multa sunt quae homines[14] [FV] Quod si stantibus rebus prout stant, rex vester de nobis querelam 1 facit, injurius est, nec res suas ex aequo 2 metitur 3 . Nobis autem multa4 occurrunt super quibus justam possemus 5 querelam facere, siquidem partis

vestrae homines in nos et apostolicam sedem plurima peccaverunt 6 . Nam comes Jacobus Piccininus, dum vestro stipendio militat, Ascolum 7 , non ignobilem Piceni civitatem, haud dubie Romanae abstulisset ecclesiae 8 , nisi qui ejus jussu proditionem parabant, capti et ultimo supplico affecti fuissent. Idem per agrum ecclesiae absque nostra licentia transiens 9 nequaquam veritus est in contemptum apostolicae sedis insigne 10 ecclesiae in vexillis deferre, tamquam ejus dux esset, cujus audire vocem noluerat. Compertum quoque habemus Johannem Coxam pluribus modis enixum esse, ut civitatem Beneventanam nobis eriperet, sicut palam suo tempore monstrari poterit 11 . Dux autem Sorae, qui et ipse vestrarum partium 12 est, excaecatus auri cupiditate, familiari nostro, quem a praefectura arcis Beneventanae ad nos accersiveramus, publicam fidem dederat, ut 13 per suam

	1 de nobis querelam : querelam de nobis G
	2 quo L, T, V
	3 suas ex aequo metitur omit. R [blank space in text]
	4 omit. J, L, R, T, V
	5 justam possemus : possemus justam G
	6 patraverunt J; pacaverunt L, T, V
	7 Asculum A, B, C, E, F; J, L, R, T, V
	8 ecclesia L, T
	9 transitus B, E
	10 insignia J, L, T, V
	11 poterat R
	12 vestrarum partium : partium vestrarum G
	13 iterque J; et L, R, T, V

terram iter tuto 1 2 faceret, moxque 3 post eum satellites misit, qui veluti latrones crudelissimi excussum omni auro ceterisque rebus hominem immanissime obtruncarunt. Haec licet nullatenus regi Renato aut ejus filio placere credamus, per homines tamen vestrarum partium facta sunt, et in apostolicae sedis ignominiam tendunt. 7. Angevin abuses against the pope [

  14] [FV] As matters stand, if your king makes complaints against Us, he is being obnoxious and does not assess his own cause reasonably. But We, on Our part, have many things that We could justly complain. Indeed, men of your party have greatly abused Us and the Apostolic See: while being hired to fight for you, Jacopo Piccinino would undoubtedly have taken Ascoli, a major city in Piceno, from the Roman Church unless those who, at his command, were preparing treason had been caught and executed. He also passed through the Church territories without Our permission, daring to mock the Apostolic See by carrying standards with the arms of the Church -as if he was the general of the very one whom he disobeyed. We have also heard that Giovanni Cossa 4 tried to rob Us of the City of Benevento in many ways, as can be proven clearly at the proper time. [Another example is provided by] a member of Our household whom We had summoned from the prefecture of the Fortress of Benevento. The Duke of Sora, 5 who belongs to your party, gave him a safeconduct so that he might travel safely through his territory. But then the duke, blinded by greed for gold, quickly sent some of his attendants after him: as if they were savage robbers, they killed him cruelly and robbed him of his money and all his belongings. Though We cannot believe that King René and his son would condone such a deed, it was done by men of your party, greatly damaging the reputation of the Apostolic See.

	[15] [EV]

Illud autem nescimus quo pacto Renatus ipse facere adductus sit, qui novissime suos nuntios in civitatem nostram Avinionensem et comitatum Venaysinum transmisit, jubens appellationem quandam legato et ceteris officialibus nostris exhiberi in qua de missione archiepiscopi Ravennatis conqueritur, et quem nos ad pacem perquirendam in regnum misimus, adversus se suosque sequaces missum affirmat, nosque suspectos sibi et graves asserens provocatque minus

  juste et verbis utens minus convenientibus. Quae nisi revocentur, in

poenas illius bullae proculdubio incidet, quam Mantuae adversus provocantes ad futurum concilium de consilio conventus edidimus

  . Credimus … 1 regem ipsum a … 2 deceptum tamen hortamur,

ut ab his desistat, caveatque sedem apostolicam offendere quae sibi benigna est: nec miretur, si suis votis non satisfacimus, cum honestas et justitia repugnet.

	Hoc nos facimus
	quod facimus, {277r} persuadeatque sibi nos sui honoris cupidos esse suaeque domui esse
	affectuosissimos. … 3 quod si petet ex nobis consentanea numquam frustrabitur.
	[15] [FV]

Illud autem nescimus qua ratione Renatus ipse {135v} facere adductus sit, qui novissime suos nuntios in civitatem nostram Avinionensem 4 et comitatum Venaysinum 5 transmisit, jubens schedulam 6 quandam legato et ceteris officialibus nostris coram legi, in qua de missione archiepiscopi Ravennatis conqueritur, et quem nos ad pacem perquirendam et arma submovenda in regnum 7 misimus, ipse adversus se suosque sequaces missum affirmat, nosque suspectos sibi et graves asserens verbisque

  parum suae dignitati convenientibus utens, ad futurum concilium provocat 8 , nesciens quantis se laqueis ac periculis involvat. Nisi enim provocationem ipsam quantocius9 revocaverit, in poenas ac censuras illius

decreti proculdubio incidet, quod Mantuae adversus provocantes ad futurum concilium de consilio conventus editum est.

  Nos eum 10 pro 11 paterna 12 caritate, qua sibi afficimur13 ,

ut ab his desistat, hortamur, caveatque matrem suam, quae sibi benigna est, apostolicam sedem, offendere: nec miretur, si suis votis non satisfacimus 14 , cum honestas et justitia repugnet, persuadeatque sibi nos sui honoris 15 cupidos esse, qui si petierit ex nobis consentanea numquam frustrabitur 16 .

  Further, We do not know what caused René to recently send his envoys to Our City of Avignon and the County of Venaissin

	[15] [FV]
	1 Illegible
	2 Illegible
	3 Illegible
	4 Avionionem L, T, V
	5 Vanaysinum E; Venai/ysim L, R, T, V
	6 cedulam C
	7 regna G
	8 Renatus appellavit ad futurum concilium nota marg. D; Renatus ad concilium futurum appellavit nota marg. G
	9 quam totius J, V
	10 quod add. L, T, V
	11 quem R
	12 fraterna G
	13 afficiamur L, T, V
	14 satisfecimus E
	15 honores E
	16 frustrabimur R
	399

  1

revocaturi omnia, quae Ferdinando praestamus auxilia, si adversari eum viae juris concordiaeve quovis modo intellexerimus.

  16] [EV] De regno autem Siciliae, quia res ita se habent, sicut relatum, quae non possunt aliter esse quam respondimus, … 1 Verum cum hoc tempore maxime necessarium sit Christianos reges inter se concordes esse et arma in hostes fidei vertent, hortamur regem ipsum ut vel concordiae vel justitiae viam aggrediatur nec velit armis quaerere, quod legibus consequi potest, si justitiam fovet. Nos ei ad hoc favores quoslibet possibiles offerimus

	[16] [FV]

De regno autem Siciliae, quia ita se res 2 habent

  , ut ante relatum est, ferat aequo animo responsiones nostras, et cogitans 3 quae pacis sunt ad concordiam sese inclinet, maxime hoc tempore quando pernecessarium est Christianos reges de tutanda religione adversus hostes fidei sollicitos esse. Velit igitur aut concordiae aut justitiae 4 viam amplecti, neque studeat armis quaerere, quod legibus consequi potest, si justitiam foverit. Ad quam rem, sicut prius saepe oblatum est, aequos judices nos offerimus

revocaturi omnia, quae Ferdinando praestamus auxilia, si adversari eum viae juris concordiaeve quovis modo intellexerimus.

  In the matter of the Kingdom of Sicily, the situation is as We have explained. Therefore, let René accept Our response with an even mind and move towards concord, considering how peace [can be made]. Especially at this time it is very important that the Christian kings be concerned about protecting religion against the enemies of Faith. May he accept either the course of mediation or the course of justice and not strive to take by arms what he can get by law if he should favour [the course of] justice. As We have done so often before, We offer Ourselves as fair judge, and if We learn that the course of law or mediation goes against Ferrante in any way, We shall recall all the auxiliary troops that We are now providing to him. INTRODUCTION

	8. Conclusion
	[16] [FV] 1.	Context
	2.	Themes
	3.	Date, place, audience, and format
	4.	Text
		4.1. Manuscripts
		4.2. Editions and translations
		4.3. Present edition
	5.	Sources
	6.	Bibliography
	7.	Sigla
	II.	TEXT AND TRANSLATION
	1 Illegible
	2 se res : res se G
	3 et cogitans : excogitans B, E
	4 concordiae aut justitiae : justitiae aut concordiae J
		401

  Nos, cum videremus imminens fidei discrimen et impendens reipublicae malum, relicta propria sede, non sine corporali gravamine Mantuam petivimus1 . Quae ibi gesta sunt, Christiani 2 omnes novere. Magna spes fuit res Christianas ad portum salutis conduci posse. Sed filius iniquitatis non dormit, circuens quaerit quem devoret. Antiquus serpens membris suis 3 auxilio est. Inveteratus dierum malorum cuncta pervertere nititur, quae pro Deo honore parantur. Sed confidimus victurum Christum Mahumetique cornua tandem minutatim confringi. Supra firmam petram fundata est Christi ecclesia. Flant venti, sed non diruunt aedificium. Naviculam Petri fluctus involvunt, sed non submergunt. Vineam domini Sabaoth ferae silvarum invadunt, sed non vindemiant, quia promisit dominus futurum se nobiscum usque ad consummationem saeculi. Non deerunt ecclesiae salvatoris, qui arma in hostes sumant. Et quamvis torpent multi reges, excitabit tamen corda eorum cum voluerit {175r} dominus, qui etiam ossa carnibus nuda iterum vestire potest, et spiritum reponere, unde exivit. Inter ceteros vero 4 carissimum filium regem vestrum non deserturum fidem, in qua natus est, confidimus, qui et in Mantua 5 magnifice sese obtulit, et nunc quoque se offert. Audiemus vos suo nomine seorsum, et plane presseque desideria sua et consilia postulataque cognoscemus, justisque optatis nullo modo deerimus.

	New Testament: 3
	• Matthew: 2 • Pius II: Orationes politicae et ecclesiasticae. Ed. Giovanni Domenico Mansi. 3 vols. Lucca:
	• 1. Peter: 1 Benedini, 1755-1759
	Classical sources: 1 • Collected Orations of Pope Pius II. Edited and translated by Michael von Cotta-Schönberg.
	12 vols. 2019-2020
	• Seneca: 1 1
	Trame, Richard H.: Rodrigo Sanchez de Arévalo, 1404-1470, Spanish diplomat and Champion of
	Patristic and medieval sources: 0 the Papacy. Washington, DC, 1958
	Contemporary sources: 0
	7. Sigla and abbreviations
	6. Bibliography
	• Commentarii rervm memorabilivm que svis temporibus contigervnt. Ed. A van Heck. 2 vols.
	Città del Vaticano, 1984. (Studi e testi; 312-313)
	• Commentaries. Ed. M. Meserve and M. Simonetta. Vols. 1 ff. Cambridge, MA: Harvard
	University Press, 2003 ff.
	1 petimus G, H
	2 omit. G • Psalms: 2 3 suo G
	4 enim J
	5 Mantuam J

Annales ecclesiastici ab anno MCXCVIII ubi

Card. Baronius desinit. Auct. Odoricus Raynaldus. Tom. XVIII-XIX. Roma: Varesius, 1659-1663 2 Helmrath, Johannes: Die Reichstagsreden des Enea Silvio Piccolomini 1454/55 -Studien zur Reichstag und Rhetorik. Universität Köln, 1994 López Fonseca, A. & Ruiz Vila, J. M.: Rodrigo Sánchez de Arévalo. Discursos al servicio de la Corona de Castilla. Madrid, 2013 Pius II: Commentarii rerum memorabilium quae suis temporibus contigerunt. [1464] G = Lucca / Biblioteca Capitolare Feliniana / 544 H = Roma / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana / Chis. J.VII.251 J = Roma / Achivio Segreto Vaticano / Arm. XXXII 1 [3]

  Though We did not achieve the results We had hoped for, We do not regret the idea and the efforts spent on it. The whole world now knows that what We lacked was not courage, but resources. Now, nobody can accuse Us of staying comfortably in Rome while letting the true faith be destroyed, for though We are old and burdened with illness, We feared neither cold, nor snow, nor rain. We travelled far and visited foreign regions. We summoned the princes, admonished the peoples, waited long, and did everything We could to provide for the common good. Very few came; and even fewer treasured religion higher than their own comfort. So what can anybody criticize Us for, now?

  Orationes politicae et ecclesiasticae. Ed. Giovanni Domenico Mansi. 3 vols..[1] {143r} Flentem et admodum dolentem flentes ipsi et vehementer dolentes urbem reliquimus, quae patria nostra est non minus quam Senae. Nam domus Piccolominea, quae nos peperit, olim ex Romana Senas migravit, sicut Aeneadum nomen ac Silviorum in familia nostra frequens ostendit. Nos Romae cardinalatum accepimus, et in ea urbe ad summum pontificatum evecti sumus. Vidimus quanta fuit Romanorum alacritas, cum auditum est cardinalem Senensem Calixto successorem datum. Vos mihi testes estis numquam memoria hominum tam laetos fuisse quirites.[2] Erat igitur molestissimum ex ea urbe recedere, quae tam merita de nobis esset, et jam animus praesagiebat, quae postea inter vos emerserunt mala. At volventes animo necessitatem ecclesiae ac fidei catholicae, quam Turci conculcare nituntur, et quod unum erat remedium Christianae salutis, si cum principibus conveniremus tuendamque religionem communibus opibus ac consiliis acciperemus, inviti ac volentes iter ingressi sumus: inviti reliquebamus dilectam sponsam, volentes studebamus matri nostrae amantissimae subvenire.

	• Daniel: 1 Pii responsum 1
	New Testament: 2	Lucca:
	Benedini, 1755-1759
	• Luke: 1
	• 1. Peter: 1 • Collected Orations of Pope Pius II. Edited and translated by Michael von Cotta-Schönberg.
	12 vols. 2019-2020
	Classical sources: 0
	Voigt, Georg: Enea Silvio de' Piccolomini als Papst Pius der Zweite und sein Zeitalter. 3 vols. Berlin,
	Patristic and medieval sources: 0 1856-63
	Contemporary sources: 0
	7. Sigla
	6. Bibliography
		A van
	Heck. 2 vols. Città del Vaticano, 1984. (Studi e testi; 312-313)
	• Enea SiIvio Piccolomini / Papa Pio II: I Commentari. Ed. Luigi Totaro. 2 vols. Milano, 1984
	[With Italian translation]
	• Pius II: Commentaries. Ed. M. Meserve and M. Simonetta. Vols 1 ff. Cambridge, MA, 2003
	ff. [With English translation]

Müller, Johann Joachim: Des Heil. Römischen Reichs Teutscher Nation ReichsTags Theatrum wie selbiges unter Keyser Friedrichs V. Allerhöchsten Regierung von Anno MCCCCXL bis MCCCCXCIII gestanden ... Theil I. Jena, 1713 Pastor, Ludwig: Geschichte der Päpste im Zeitalter der Renaissance. 16 vols. Freiburg i.B., 1886-1933 Pius II: Commentarii rerum memorabilium quae suis temporibus contigerunt. [1464] • Pius II: Commentarii rervm memorabilivm que svis temporibus contigervnt. Ed. • The Commentaries of Pius II. Transl. by Florence Alden Gragg. Northhampton, Mass.: 1937 -1957. (Smith College Studies in History; 22, 25, 30, 35, 43) [English translation] • Pius II: R = Roma / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana / Reginensis Latinus 1995 S = Roma / Biblioteca dell'Accademia dei Lincei / Corsinianus 147

Advantages to the Romans accruing from the papacy [

  6] Et quae civitas invenitur Roma liberior? Vos sine ullo vectigali estis, vobis nulla imponuntur onera, vos magistratus in urbe geritis honestissimos. Vina vestra, frumenta vestra quanti vultis venditis. Domus vestrae pensiones vobis uberes pendent. Et quis praeterea vester dominus est? Forsitan comes, marchio, dux, rex, imperator? Major his omnibus est 1 , cui paretis: Romanus praesul, beati Petri successor, Jesu Christi vicarius, cujus pedes cuncti reges osculari desiderant; recte hic rex regum et dominus dominantium pro Christi reverentia dicitur, cujus vices in terris gerit. Sapitis, viri Romani, qui hunc vestrum dominum observatis, colitis, veneramini, nam is est, qui vos praeclaros efficit, qui vos ditat, qui tote ex orbe ad vos divitias affert, siquidem Romana curia, quam pascitis, ipsa vos pascit et aurum ex omni regione ad vos portat.[7] Gaudemus quia bonum vestrum et cognoscitis et conservatis, gaudemus nos expectare laetam urbem, quando et laeti pergimus {144r} illuc. Hora nobis annus est prae cupiditate revisendi sacra urbis moenia et sancta martyrum atque apostolorum ossa et terram illam pio sanguine rigatam, et caros quirites, quos veluti filios amamus. Nulla gens carior nobis est quam Romana. Desiderio desideramus quam primum esse cum familia nostra et cum peculiari populo nostro in sede nostra. 6] And what city has greater freedom than Rome? You do not pay taxes, no burdens are imposed on you, and you have honourable offices in the City. You can sell as much of your wine and grain as you wish to. Renting out your houses is most profitable. And who is your lord? Is it maybe a count, a marquess, a duke, a king, or an emperor? No, the one whom you obey is greater than them all: it is the Bishop of Rome, the successor of Saint Peter, the Vicar of Christ, whose feet all kings desire to kiss. Out of reverence for Christ, whom he represents on Earth, he is justly called King of Kings1 and Lord of Lords.2 You are wise, men of Rome, to respect, revere, and venerate your lord for he it is who gives you fame and wealth and who brings you riches from the whole world. Indeed, the Roman Curia which you nourish nourishes you in return and brings you gold from all countries.

4.

  1 remorati sumus, tres fuere causae: prima ut apud balneas valitudini consuleremus. Altera ne per aestatem Romam ingrederemur, quo tempore ex Gallia mitique caelo redeuntibus noxius ac pestifer est aer. Tertia ut Senenses civili et externo bello jam pridem exhaustos curiae nostrae mora paululum reficeremus, quibus consulentes Romae consulimus, nam Senae occidentem versus urbis est murus. Nec nos vobis aut alteri cuipiam mentiti sumus: quo tempore promisimus reditum, eo revertimur. Non tam cupide nos expectatis quam libenter ad vos pergimus. Morabimur hic brevissimo tempore, dum quae sunt ad securitatem itineris necessaria praeparantur, nam ultra progredi absque praesidio non est tutum. Diem profectionis cum fratrum consilio statuemus, statutum mox intelligetis.

  of 1445:In war, you must keep your word to your enemies. Moreover, you should not treat them cruelly for they, too, are men, and they may even think that they are fighting a just war. On our part, we should take care not to engage in war without reasonable cause, and the counsels of peace should always prevail over arms. When necessary, we should not decline to fight for our faith, country, and truth, but we should show moderation so as not to be regarded as cruel, faithless, and inhuman. We should not thirst for blood: after a victory, the authors of evil should be punished, with moderation, but the many should be spared. And though civil law declares that the victor may legitimately keep the spoils of war, a Christian should not take any such, he should not destroy cities, nor plunder, nor slaughter the crowd, but consider it sufficient to get peace through war. [Sect. 129]As for Chamber's claim that Pius told his cardinals that he would have fought in person if he had been strong enough,1 Pius in his oration "Sextus agitur annus"[75] to a group of cardinals on 23 September 1463 actually said actually said that We do not, of course, go to fight in person: We are weak of body and moreover a priest who should not wield the sword[Sect. 23]. In this statement, the last part of which Chambers omits, Pius does acknowledge that though he indeed does not have the physical strength to fight in person the major reason for not doing so is another: as a priest he should not. Actually, the primary reason for the pope going to war in person was not personal gratification, but to force the Duke of Burgundy to join the crusade, too.2

  The oldest extant copy of the Early Version ("Fatemur quirites") is contained in Chisianus J.VII.251, and is written by Pius himself (manu proprio), probably before its delivery in October 1460, since the text bears all the signs of an original composition/draft.2) No version of the oration was included in the oldest manuscript containing the Collected Orations of Pius II from 1462, the Chisianus J.VIII.284, nor was it originally included in the second oldest, the Vaticanus Latinus 1788. The Final Version ("Ingentes vobis quirites") however, was included in the third manuscript containing this collection, the Chisianus J.VIII.286. Later -probably much later -it was added to the Vaticanus Latinus 1788, possibly copied after the Chisianus J.VIII.286 with which it has some variants in common.3) In 1463, the "Ingentes vobis quirites" was also included in Pius' Commentarii, the first version of which is contained in the Reginensis 1995 from 1463, and the second in the Corsinianus 147, completed in June 1464.1 2 4) Later, the "Ingentes vobis quirites" was copied from the Corsinianus into Cardinal Todeschini Piccolomini's 3 copy of the Collected Orations of Pius II, the Chisianus J.VI.211. Except for certain scribal errors, the text in the cardinal's manuscript agrees with text in the Reginensis and the Corsinianus, and when those two disagree between them, it follows the Corsinianus. So, the cardinal's copy would have been written after the Corsinianus which was completed in June 1464. Van Heck does hypothesize, however, that there was an intermediary manuscript between the Reginensis and the Corsinianus 4 , from 1463/1464, and if that is true, the text in the Chisianus J.VI.211 may have been copied from that manuscript.5) In 1493, both the "Fatemur quirites" and the "Ingentes vobis quirites" were included in Felino Sandei's copy of the Collected Orations of Pius II, generally copied after the cardinal nephew's exemplar.However, since the "Fatemur quirites" was not included in the cardinal nephew's manuscript, Sandei had access either directly to the Chisianus J.VII.251 (possibly at that time in the possession of the cardinal) containing this version or to another manuscript derived from or related to that manuscipt.

	Città del Vaticano, 1984 (Studi e testi; 312-313) / I, pp. 308-314 • Enea SiIvio Piccolomini / Papa Pio II: I Commentari. 2 vols. Ed. Luigi Totaro. Milano: Adelphi, 1984 / I, pp. 854-875 [with Italian translation] • Pius II: Commentaries. Ed. M. Meserve and M. Simonetta. Vols 1 ff. Cambridge, MA, 2003 ff. / III, pp. 28-47 [With English translation] • The Commentaries of Pius II. Translated by Florence Alden Gragg. Northhampton, Mass.: 1937 -1957 (Smith College Studies in History; 22, 25, 30, 35, 43) / pp. 358-359 1) 1 CO (Heck, I, p. 5, 9); (Totaro, I, p. xxiv)
	[English translation]

Pius II: Orationes politicae et ecclesiasticae. Ed. Giovanni Domenico Mansi. 3 vols. Lucca: Benedini, 1755-1759 / II, 119-127 [On the basis of the Lucca ms.]

It has also been published as part of the Commentarii, e.g.

• Commentarii rervm memorabilivm que svis temporibus contigervnt. Ed. A van Heck. 2 vols.

2

It is quite possible that the Reginensis predates the Chisianus J.VIII.286, so that the inclusion of the oration in the Commentarii came before the inclusion in the (later manuscrips with the) Collected Orations of Pius II

3

The cardinal was Pius II's nephew 4 CO (Heck, I, p. 10); (Totaro, I, p. xxiv)

Oration of Pius II, Supreme Pontiff on why he had undertaken the war for the Kingdom of Sicily, delivered in Rome to the citizens [

  this oration, 11 direct and indirect quotations from various sources have been identified, 7 from the Bible and 4 from classical sources. 1] [EV] {183v} Fatemur, quirites, ingentes vobis, deberi laudes, qui nobis absentibus reipublicae causa lasciviente magna parte juventutis vestrae et quietem urbis multifariam perturbante, baronibus insuper undique novas res molientibus nec valentibus magistratibus et judicibus nostris temerarios ausus compescere, in officio tamen perseverastis, et nobis redeuntibus integram urbem reddidistis. Fideles fuistis ac prudentes: fideles, quia

	[FV]
	Biblical: 7
	Classical: 4
	Patristic and medieval: 0
	Contemporary: 0
	All: 11
	Biblical sources: 7
	Old Testament: 4
	• 1. Chronicles: 1
	• Psalms: 3
	New Testament: 3
	• Matthew: 1
	• Luke: 1

non audivistis eos, qui vos alienare a vero domino conati sunt; prudentes

  , quia1 bene ipsis 2 consuluistis. Nam quae utilitas vobis3 major potest esse 4 quam curiam Romanam alere, quae vos alit, et toto ex orbe Christiano opes5 ad vos defert? Quae gloria excellentior vobis contingere6 potest quam

subesse domino, qui beati Petri successor est et Jesu Christi vicarius, cujus osculari pedes cuncti reges desiderant, cui divinitus datum est caeli portas vel aperire vel claudere.

  Laudamus ergo et fidelitatem et circumspectionem vestram et in utraque re constantiam.

[1]

[FV] {295v} Ingentes vobis, quirites, habemus gratias, qui nobis reipublicae causa procul agentibus, quamvis hinc juventus petulans crassaretur in urbe, illinc 7 baronum rapacitas popularetur agros et novas res quaereret, in officio tamen perseverastis, et tandem redeuntibus salvam urbem reddidistis. Licet fidem et prudentiam vestram extollere: fidem, quia non audistis eos, qui vos a vero domino alienare conati sunt; prudentiam, {296r} quia rei vestrae salubriter consuluistis. Nam quid civitati Romanae utilius esse potest quam eam curiam alere, unde alitur, et quae 8 opes undique affert? Quid gloriosius quam ei subesse domino, qui super omnes mortales habet imperium, qui

beati Petri successor est 9 et Jesu Christi vicarius, cujus exosculari pedes cuncti reges desiderant, cui divinitus datum est caeli portas vel aperire vel claudere.

  Sapitis certe, qui ei domino fidem servatis, cui servire regnare est.

	1 vobis add. G1
	2 bene ipsis : ipsis bene G1
	3 omit. G1
	4 vobis add. G1
	5 omit. G1
	6 vobis contingere : contingere vobis G1

7

aliqorum add. in marg. S 8 omit. B, C 9 omit. S

esse, qui vestras aures perniciosis et falsis rumoribus implere student

  : I, I, p. 54: [in 403 AD] Die Römer, vor den Invasionen der Sarmater und Germanen zitternd und durch die Abwesenheit des cäsarischen Hofs um die reichsten Quellen ihres Wohlstandes gebracht, bestürmte ihre ohnmächtigen Kaiser [Honorius] mit Bitten um die Rückkehr in , nos auctores 1 belli accusantes, qui cum pacem habere possimus, arma movere {184r} magis cupimus, et in regno Siciliae injustam causam fovemus, unde nunc bellum domi et circa moenia urbis excitatum est, necessarium duximus vos in contionem accersiri, ac de his rebus ad verum disserere, et ut intelligatis omnes, quoniam bellum semper odivimus, pacis cupidi et otii, et justissima nobis bellandi et necessaria, non voluntaria data est causa. [2] [FV] Sed non idcirco in praesentiarum vos accersivimus, ut de vestra laude faceremus verba. Alia vocationis est ratio. Sunt nonnulli ut accepimus, qui vestras aures perniciosis et falsis rumoribus implent, et nos bella 2 amantes incusant, qui cum pacem habere possimus, arma praeferimus, et in regno Siciliae causam tuemur iniquam, unde bellum domi et circa muros urbis 3 exortum sit, et vos nostra culpa plectamini. Quibus ex rebus necessarium duximus vobis in contionem vocatis de rationibus 4 hujus belli ad verum disserere. Sic enim et nos arma odire 5 et pacem et 6 otium cupere cognoscetis, et hanc belligerandi 7 causam non modo justam sed necessario esse nobis impositam.

	1 accusatores G1
	2 belli D, G2, R, S
	3 vobis G2
	4 rationibus corr. ex causis R
	5 odisse D, G2, S
	6 atque D, G2, R, S
	7 belligerendi C; bellandi S
	467

die verödete Stadt; so bestürmten ihren Enkel fast ein Jahrtausend später die Päpste, Avignon zu verlassen und ihren Sitz wieder in dem zerfallendem Rom einzunehmen

4

Matthew 16, 18-19

5

From the Missa pro pace in the Roman missal 466

[2]

[EV] Verum quia nobis relatum est nonnullos

Cum occupasset Mahumetus, Turcorum princeps, regiam urbem Constantinopolim, et victoria tumens non Graecis tantum, sed Hungaris, Italis, et reliquis Christi cultoribus, extrema omnia minaretur, Italia vero gravibus

  [EV] inter se odiis contenderet, et sese armis laniaret, dedit

operam Nicolaus pontifex, antecessor noster, ut convenientes in unum 1 Italici potentatus lites deponerent, et ut Turcis commodius resisti posset, non solum pacem inter se statuerent, sed foedus quoque percuterent, quo alter alteri subveniret, si

  quis in foedere comprehensus 2 a quovis offenderetur. Hujus foederis

caput et conservator institutus est Romanus praesul. Vivebat tunc Alfonsus, Aragonum et Siciliae rex, fama clarus, qui post Romanorum

  praesulem primus in eo foedere nominatus est, {184v} et pro se ac filio suo Ferdinando futuro rege intervenit et ita receptus est. Hoc foedus, Nicolaus ut fieret suasit, et Calixtus successor ejus approbavit, et nos quoque de consilio fratrum mox ad apicem summi apostolatus assumpti illi benediximus.

[4] [FV] Cum occupasset superioribus annis Mahumetus, Turcorum princeps, regiam urbem, quam vocant Constantinopolim, et victoria tumens non Graecis tantum, sed Hungaris, Italis, Theutonibus, et reliquis Christi cultoribus, extrema omnia minaretur, Italia vero gravissimis bellorum flagraret incendiis, dedit operam Nicolaus pontifex maximus, noster antecessor, ut convenientes in unum Italici potentatus arma deponerent, et ut hosti religionis Turco facilius obviam iretur, non solum pacem inter se statuerent, sed foedus quoque {297r} percuterent, quo alter alteri subveniret, si cui ex foederatis injuria fieret. Foederis caput et conservator et director institutus est Romanus praesul. Vivebat tunc Alfonsus, Aragonum et Siciliae rex, fama clarus, et opibus atque consilio potens, qui post summum pontificem primus in conventis appositus est suo nomine ac filii, Ferdinandi regis, haeredis futuri, quem extra matrimonium natum regni capacem apostolica privilegia reddiderant. Hoc foedus Nicolaus, ut fieret, persuasit,

Calixtus successor approbavit, et nos de consilio fratrum confirmavimus

  .[6][EV] Pater eum instituerat haeredem1 in eo regno, Eugenius et Nicolaus, nostri antecessores 2 , Alfonsum de regno illo investierant, et Ferdinandum legitimaverant, et ut a patre rex institui posset indulserant. Si vero devolutum ad ecclesiam 3 erat regnum, ut Calixtus censuerat, sive ad filium pertinebat ex testamento paterno et aliorum decreto pontificum, licuit nobis facere, quod fecimus, non est cur aliquis querimoniam juste faciat, et maxime cum juris viam Renato apertam reliquimus 4 . Nam et Romae, et Senis et Mantuae semper oratoribus ejus justitiam obtulimus. Sed ipse plus in armis quam in jure confidens, cum essemus Mantuae et operam daremus, ut Christiani principes expeditionem contra Turcos pararent et Christianam fidem ac religionem defenderent, classem {185r} validam in regnum misit cum filio suo duce Johanne. Principes et barones regni ad res novas concitavit, pacem illarum partium turbavit, rapinis, incendiis, caedibus, omnia foedavit, et nobis in conventu Mantuano publicam Christianorum salutem quaerentibus maxima praestitit impedimenta. Nam inde factum est, ut res fidei pro dato ordine expediri nequierit, quamvis adhuc speramus in domino, quia non peribunt labores nostri pro communi salute suscepti. [6] [FV] Aut 5 regnum ex testamento patris ad Ferdinandum pertinuit, et jure illi concessum est; aut ad Renatum, et nihil ei ablatum, cum salvum esse 6 velint apostolicae litterae jus alienum. At cum de jure dubium esset et uterque coloratum prae se titulum ferret, licuit possessorem praeferre. Si neutri jus competiit, non tulit injuriam, qui jure caruit. Si devolutioni fuit locus, et Calixti declaratio vim habuit, quae superest Renato vel alteri querela, si cum fratribus nostris regnum ad ecclesiam devolutum Ferdinando concessimus? Nos hic Romae, priusquam discederemus, et Mantuae in conventu et Senis quotiens de regno ab oratoribus Renati fuimus interpellati, semper juris viam obtulimus.

Ipse vero plus in armis quam in jure confidens, dum nos Mantuae contra Turcos intenti sumus, classem validam cum filio in regnum misit ex

  7 pecuniis comparatam, quas cardinalis Avinionensis ex decimis cleri Gallici contra Turcos promissis triennio ante congregaverat.

{298r} Barones regni ad res novas concitavit, pacem illarum partium turbavit, rapinis, caedibus, incendiis omnia foedavit, expeditionem

  contra Turcos impedivit, et quantum in se fuit, Christianam religionem pessumdedit, quamvis speramus adhuc labores nostros pro communi utilitate susceptos haud omnino perituros.

	1 omit. G1
	2 nostri antecessores omit. G1
	3 devolutum ad ecclesiam : ad ecclesiam devolutum G1
	4 reliquerimus G1
	5 at G2

6

omit. D, G2

7

his add. R, S; et his D, G2 475

non quae Renatum regno privarent, sed quae Ferdinandum in sua possessione

  cont.] [7 cont.] [EV] Interea Ferdinandum armis premebat 1 , et prope erat, ut expelleret 2 , tanta erat baronum nonnullorum perfidia atque iniquitas. Nobis, qui Ferdinandum regem constitueramus, haud decorum erat illum vi atque armis sine legibus, sine judiciis, sine ulla juris via paterno regno deturbari. Misimus itaque auxilia, tenerent; et hoc quidem nobis non solum ex foedere incumbebat, verum etiam ex eo quia regni domini et directores sumus, et ad nos pertinet, quantum ex alto datur, violentiam omnem a nostris subditis prohibere. Quod si nostris auxiliis non bene successit, nihil tamen magis de justitia nostra dubitamus, neque semper justa secundum homines causa superior est, unde illud Lucani: Victrix causa deis placuit, sed victa Catoni. [7 cont.] [FV] Interea Ferdinandum acrius urgebat armis, et prope jam erat, ut regno dejiceret, adeo regnicolarum inconstantia ac perfidia res immutaverat. Nobis turpissimum videbatur eum, quem regem appellavissemus, vi atque armis sine judicio, sine legibus, sine causae cognitione paterno

regno {298v} deturbari. Misimus auxilia, non quae Renatum regno privarent, sed quae Ferdinandum in sua possessione

tuerentur; quod non solum ex foedere nobis incumbebat, verum etiam ex dominio regni directo, quod penes Romanam ecclesiam consistit. Quod si non bene successit -nam copiae nostrae debellatae fuerunt, et jam hostes ad nos arma verterunt, et nostros populantur agros -nihil tamen minus de justititia nostra confidimus. Non semper justa superior invenitur causa: Victrix causa deis placuit, sed victa Catoni, apud poetam legitis.

Nec nos arcana Dei attingimus, cujus judicia abyssus multa, sed secundum quod homines judicant

  8] [EV] Christianorumi et saepe Judaeorum victae sunt acies pro religione pugnantes. Fatemur omnem a Deo victoriam esse; sed aliam dispositione {185v} concedi, permissione aliam 1 . , judicium facimus. Certe nemo est, qui secundum leges injustam 2 causam nostram judicare possit. Quod si aliquando partes nostrae victae sunt, ita placuit pio Deo, non propter justitiam hostium, quae summa est injustitia, sed propter peccata nostra. Castigavit

nos Deus noster 3 , inquit propheta, sed morti non tradidit nos; multae tribulationes justorum, sed de omnibus his liberabit eos dominus.

  Quomodo justus potest esse dux Johannes, qui habita justitiae oblatione ab eo, qui est judex et dominus regni, inconsulto ipso domino et contradicente ad arma prorumpit4 et violentiae viam aggreditur? Intelligitis plane, omnes, arbitramur, quoniam juvantes Ferdinandum, ne via facti opprimatur, justam favemus 5 causam, nec duci Johanni ulla de nobis querela esse potest.

[8]

[FV] Saepe Christiani ac Judaei in bello cecidere pro religione pugnantes. Fatemur omnem a Deo victoriam esse, sed disponi aliam, permitti aliam. Nec nos arcana Dei attingimus, cujus judicia abyssus multa. At secundum quod homines judicant, nemo est, qui bellum nostrum possit injustum dicere. Si partes nostrae semel succubuere, ita Deo placitum fuit, non propter justitiam hostis, quae summa est injustitia. Castigavit nos Deus noster, ut inquit propheta,

sed morti non tradidit nos; multae tribulationes justorum, sed de his omnibus liberabit eos dominus.

  De justitia partis adversae quid attinet disputare, quae oblatam a vero judice justitiam respuit, et violentiae viam elegit, at6 vetante domino prorumpit ad arma? Quo facto, etiam si jus ei competiisset7 , ab eo cecidit. Et praesertim quod, ut ante diximus, conatus nostros pro {299r} defensione fidei contra Turcos perturbavit. Intelligitis jam plane, quirites, nostrae causae honestatem, et quod nullam contra nos justam querelam reliquimus 8 adversariis.

	1 permissione aliam : aliam permissione G1
	2 et justitiam G1
	3 Deus noster omit. G1
	4 ad arma prorumpit : prorumpit ad arma G1
	5 fovemus G1
	6 ac D, G2, R, S
	7 competivisset B
	8 relinquimus S

vero compertum habemus, non solum ex his, qui deprehensi 3 sunt, verum ex

  10] [EV] Illud silere non possumus: significavit nobis nuper Jacobus Piccininus, se hominem 1 esse ducis Johannis, et ab eo in mandatis habere non Ursinos solum, sed omnes ecclesiae subditos et nos et urbem invadere, seque hactenus multo minora fecisse quam jussus esset 2 ; obtemperareque sibi necessum esse. Nos litteris et sigillis illorum, qui conspirationibus interfuerunt, comitem Jacobum convenisse cum aliquibus subditis nostris et cum juventute illa, cujus supra meminimus, territorium urbis invadere, Tibur diripere, Romam ingredi, aperientibus portas his, qui socii vocantur ex juventute praedicta; domos curialium, mercatorum et opulentorum civium praedae exponere, et alia multa nefanda committere, quae omnia proculdubio patrata fuissent, nisi noster exercitus ex Aprutio festinasset {186r} obviamque currenti Jacobo advolasset, nos celeri passu repetissemus urbem.

[10]

[FV] Illud silere non possumus, quod idem Piccininus nobis novissime significavit, se scilicet Johanni duci Calabriae militare jussumque esse non Ursinos 4 modo, sed nos, subjectos nostros Romanos, urbem, et omne patrimonium beati Petri armis invadere: minora fecisse quam juberetur, posthac imperata facturum, cuncta igni ac ferro vastaturum. Nos vero compertum habemus, non solum ex his, qui deprehensi sunt, verum etiam ex chirographis conspiratorum, qui miro modo et divina quadam ope in manus nostras pervenere, Jacobum Piccininum convenisse cum Tiburtio et nonnullis baronibus per circuitum urbis morantibus, Romanum populari agrum, Tibur diripere, juventute portas aperiente urbem ingredi 5 , domos curialium, {299v} negotiatorum et opulentorum civium praedae exponere, camerarium capere ac pecunias ejus inter se partiri, nepotem nostrum obtruncare, filiabus et uxoribus vestris vim inferre, pueros ad militiam rapere, et alia admodum multa aggredi nefanda.

Quae proculdubio patrata fuissent, nisi noster exercitus ex Aprutio festinans currenti occurrisset Jacobo, et nos urbem celeri passu repetissemus.

2 Conspiracy against the papacy [

  11] [EV] Deo referimus gratias, quod tam nefarii ausus praeventi sunt et quod vos nosque tanto discrimine liberati sumus. Quomodo igitur justus dux Johannes, qui talia contra nos molitur? Si rex regni est aut haeres futurus regis, subditus noster est. Et quid magis impium est, quam dominorum fallere dexteras? Si non est illi de regno expectatio, Christianus tamen est, ut credimus: et 1 quomodo Christi vicarium persequi audet, et ministro utitur Piccinino, qui omnes subditos nostros pertentat? Si quis sit in urbibus ecclesiae, qui vel prece vel pretio fidem venalem habeat 2 ? De Jacobo nihil satis dici potest. Decebat Perusii natum ecclesiae subditum nulli se obligare contra ecclesiam. Sed quae fides jam in armis est? Ipse sua facta viderit. De duce non possumus satis 3 mirari, qui regio sanguine natus ea moliatur, quae diximus. [11] [FV] Immortali Deo gratias agimus, quod tam nefarios praevenimus ausus et tantum avertimus malum. Quomodo igitur justi adversarii? Quo pacto Johannes excusatum se reddet, qui talia contra nos molitur et ducem Calabriae se vocitat? Si dux est Calabriae et regis futurus 11] [FV]We give thanks to immortal God for having been able to prevent these criminal ventures and avert such great evil. So, how can the adversaries be in the right? What excuse has Jean for plotting thus against Us and for calling himself Duke of Calabria?1 If he is Duke of Calabria and the heir to the kingdom, then he is Our own subject. What is more heinous than to break allegiance with one's lord?2 And even if he should have no claims to the Kingdom, he does call himself a Christian. But if he is a Christian, how can he dare to persecute the Vicar of Christ? Or how can he, in conscience, use the services of Piccinino who is testing all the subjects of the Church in that region to see if there is anyone whose loyalty -like his own -may be bought with entreaties or money! But why mention only him? Can there be any faith in arms, at all? Are not all military men infamous perjurers? Are they not notorious for the crimes? Do they not like servants of the Devil bring disturbance to cities and kingdoms? Piccinino comes from Perugia: let him beware of the examples from his homecity. As for Jean, We cannot wonder enough since We really thought that someone of royal blood would abhor such crimes.

	[13]

haeres, et noster subditus est. Et quid scelestius quam dominorum fallere dextras? Si nihil ad eum de regno, at Christianum se dicit. Si Christianus, quo ausu Christi vicarium persequitur? Aut qua conscientia ministro utitur Piccinino, qui omnes per circuitum ecclesiae subditos pertentat? Si quis adsit, qui vel 4 prece vel pretio suo de more fidem venalem habeat, quid Piccininum nominamus? Quasi fides sit ulla in armis, et non omnes militiae astricti perjurio infames, sceleribus nobilitati, tamquam ministri diaboli urbes ac regna perturbent? Piccininus ex Perusinis ortus ipse sibi viderit, quem domestica trahunt exempla. Johannem non satis possumus admirari, quem regio sanguine natum abhorrere 5 {300r} scelera putabamus.

1

omit. G1 2 venalem habet : habeat venalem G1 3 omit. G1 4 omit. G2 5 horrere D, G2, S 4.

[EV] Non sumus ergo belli amantes, nec

  voluntarie arma tractamus, sed coacti. Sed pro pace habenda, pro focis, pro aris, pro uxoribus, pro liberis vestris, bellum gerimus. Nec nos primi sumus, qui pro regno Siciliae, quod est ecclesiae, decertamus. Scitis Martini et Eugenii {186v} et ante illos Clementes, Bonifacii, et Nicolai, et multi priores ante illos quid egerint et, quanta exposuerint, ut hi obtinerent, quos illi 1 investiverant. Facessant hi rumores contra nos; sileant qui nobis detrahunt 2 ; nolite vos aures adhibere his3 , qui nos carpunt. Namque si umquam pontifex fuit, qui otia

diligeret et hujus urbis quietem, nos illi sumus, qui Romam 4 tamquam patriam amamus et vos omnes

  non solum uti filios pro dignitate sedis, sed ut fratres habemus quod generis nostri 5 origine 6 , nam Piccolominea domus, unde nobis origo est, ex hac urbe Senas venit, quod Aeneae nomen in familia nostra usurpatissimum indicat.[13] [FV] Non sumus ergo belli amantes, nec sponte tractamus arma, nec pro re 7 levi certamus: pro fide retinenda, pro auctoritate ecclesiae conservanda, pro subjectorum 8 quiete, pro salute civium, pro

focis, pro aris, pro uxoribus, pro liberis vestris

	1 ipsi G1
	2 detrahant G1
	3 adhibere his : his adhibere G1
	4 urbem G1
	5 generis nostri : nostri generi G1
	6 Textus corruptus
	7 omit. B
	8 subditorum S

, quirites, bellum suscepimus. Nec nos primi sumus, qui pro regno Siciliae, quod est ecclesiae, sumpserimus arma. Eugenii IV. et Martini V. meministis ferme omnes; {300v} patres vestri Clementes, Bonifacios, Nicolaos viderunt. Quis illorum non bello se immiscuit, ut reges, quos instituerant, pro gloria Romanae sedis in regni possessione servarent? Facessant igitur vani rumores, sileant qui nos sine causa bellare contendunt. Et vos, filii amantissimi, nolite his vocibus auscultare; compescite maledicos, veris tantum sermonibus aures adhibete. Si quis umquam pontifex dilexit otium et hujus urbis amavit quietem, nos illi sumus, qui Romam tamquam patriam diligentes et vos omnes pro sedis dignitate filios, pro 9 patriae caritate fratres, pro majorum gloria veluti 10 parentes habemus et colimus. Nam et nos ab origine Romani sumus: Piccolominea domus, quae nos genuit, Senas ex hac urbe migravit, sicut Aeneadum Silviorumque nomen in familia nostra frequentissimum indicat. 9 omit. B, C 10 omit. D, G2

1

  With some reason, seeing that Pius actually preferred to stay away from Rome for much of his reign 2 1446 3 1447. He was appointed bishop by the Pope Nicolaus V in Rome, but consecrated later in Vienna 4 1456 5 1458

6

Juvenalis, 8.16: credite me vobis folium recitare Sibyllae 7 2. Corinthians, 11, 1

  primum ingressa est, cum ex hac luce migravit. Neque salvator dominus in ultima tantum judicii magni die auditur dicens: Venite, benedicti patris mei, percipite regnum, sed quotidie vox6 ejus apud bene pieque morientes auditur: Sancti mei, qui in carne positi certamen habuistis, mercedem laboris ego reddam vobis. Quod beatae Catherinae nemo dictum 7 negaverit, cum carnis ergastulum relinquens: In manus tuas, inquit, domine, commendo spiritum meum. Nec nos in praesentiarum virginem ipsam sanctificaturi sumus, sed sanctam esse et publice colendam declaraturi. De cujus meritis pauca nunc attingenda recepimus, quando superioribus diebus 8 de vita et miraculis ejus et multa et maxima publice audivistis. Verum taceri prorsus ejus praeconia in hac solemnitate non convenit, in qua sua canonizatio celebratur. Libet igitur pauca in medium adducere, quae ut9 , opinamur, non inviti audietis.

	1 hii R
	2 Veneti B
	3 demoniis H
	4 efficit D, G, H, R, T

5 cum H, L, R, T 6 vos R 7 deberi H; deum L, R, T 8 omit. R 9 in hac solemnitate … adducere quae ut omit. H, L, T 523

  3 and many French princes strove by entreaties and threats to prevent him from doing as he wished. In doubt as to what to do, he summoned the virgin and asked her advice about returning to Rome. The virgin answered him: "Why, o Pontiff, do you ask me, a lowly woman? You know quite well what you yourself promised to God. Keep your promise!" Deeply moved by this answer, the Pontiff cast all hesitation away, left [Avignon], sailed to Italy, and came to Rome.

  2] Summa hujus virginis abstinentia fuit et mirabilis vitae austeritas, nam cum vini et carnium usum prorsus abjecisset, nec pulmentariis ullis uteretur, ad extremum eo deducta est, ut nec legumina ederet, nec pane visceretur nisi caelesti, quem verus Christianus in sacramento sumit altaris. Inventa est aliquando a die cinerum usque in Pentecostem jejunium perduxisse, sola eucharistiae communione contenta, per annos circiter octo minimo herbarum succo, eorumque parum retento et communione sacra sustentata est: ad cibum quasi ad supplicium pergebat. Ad communionem altaris, quae illi fere quotidiana fuit, quasi ad caelestes nuptias invitata esset, summa cum alacritate proficiscebatur. Cilico sub veste utebatur, quo carnem macerabat: nullae illi plumae, nulla pulminaria erant, lectum sibi ex asseribus confecerat, atque in eo jacens brevissimum somnum accipiebat, raro enim ultra duas horas interdiu noctuque dormiebat, reliquum omne tempus vigilando, orando, praedicando, opera misericordiae agendo, contrivit. Spinosis cordulis carnem suam macerabat, dolore capitis paene assiduo torquebatur, aestuabat febribus, nec illorum cruciatu carebat, luctabatur cum daemonibus, multisque illorum molestiis vexabatur, sed ajebat cum apostolo: Cum informor, tum fortior sum. Nec enim in tantis laboribus deficiebat, nec caritatis opera negligebat. Assistebat miseris indigna ferentibus, arguebat peccatores et blandissimis verbis ad poenitentiam revocabat; praecepta salutis omnibus laeta dabat, quid sectandum, quid fugiendum esset alacri vultu ostendebat; dissidentes summo studio componebat, multa extinxit odia, et mortales sedavit inimicitias.[3] Pro pace Florentinorum, qui cum ecclesia dissidebant et interdicto suppositi erant ecclesiastico, Appeninum et Alpes transire atque usque in Avenionem ad Gregorium XI. pontificem maximum proficisci non dubitavit, cui votum suum de petenda urbe Roma in occulto factum et soli sibi ac Deo notum sese divinitus cognovisse monstravit. Fuit enim in ea spiritus prophetiae, et multa praedixit antequam fierent, et occultissima revelavit. Rapiebatur saepe a spiritu et in aere suspensa divinis contemplationibus pascebatur, adeo extra se acta, ut expuncta percussaque nihil omnino sentiret, idque frequenter sibi contingebat, cum divinissima reficeretur Eucharistia. Magnum et sanctum erat in plebibus Catharinae nomen: undique ad eam aegroti et malignis vexati spiritibus deducebantur, et multi curabantur languoribus et febribus in Christi nomine: imperabat et daemones cogebat ab obsessis abire corporibus propter quas res duobus Romanis pontificibus, Gregorio, cujus paulo ante meminimus, et Urbano sexto acceptissima fuit, ita ut legationibus eorum fungeretur, multisque et magnis spiritualibus gratiis ab eis donaretur.[4] Eadem cum vitae agonem jam peregisset anno aetatis suae tertio circiter ac trigesimo, in urbe Roma diem suum clausit, de cujus animae in caelum assumptione et gloriosa receptione, stupendae et admirabiles revelationes factae reperiuntur apud eas personas, quae virginem dilexere, maxime vero apud ejus confessorem Raymundum Capuanum, sacrae theologiae magistrum, qui postea generalis totius Ordinis Praedicatorum pater, magister et rector effectus est: is namque, cum Genuae ageret, ea nocte, qua virgo migravit, hora matutina intra dormitorium apud imaginem matris domini eam contemplatus est miro splendore fulgentem, et verba ad se consolatoria dicentem. Corpus aliquandiu servatum, denique in ecclesia fratrum Praedicatorum, quae de Minerva dicitur, Rome conditum est non sine maxima populi devotione ac reverentia, cujus tactu plerique aegroti salutem consecuti sunt, adeo ut nonnullis saluti fuit ea tetigisse, qua sacrata virginis membra tetigere. Postea quoque virgo ipsa jam caelo recepta vota supplicantium benigne audivit, et, ut a sponso et domino suo Christo Salvatore exaudirentur, curavit: multi enim ex diversis aegritudinibus curati sunt, qui audita Beatae Catharinae gloriosissima fama, ejus patrocinium supplices petivere.Addidit pontifex haecomnia rite probata perpensaque, et cardinalium senatum ac praesules caelitum honores illi decernendos censuisse, quorum secutus sententiam illam in sanctarum ordine reposuit, et sacram illius memoriae recolendae diem primam Maji recurrendis singulis annis Dominicam instituit: tum ejus sepulchrum in Praedicatorum ecclesia eadem die lustraturis nonnulla indulgentiarum praemia elargitus est, adjecta diplomati haec temporis nota: "Datum Romae apud Sanctum Petrum anno incarnationis dominicae MCDLXI. III. Kal. Julii, Pontificatus nostri anno III."

	nam breuis, meste misereque vite et malis cunctis penitus referte unde cum tempus properaret ipsum, quo sacros artus cineresque busto nulla iam rerum placuit uoluptas, nullus ornatus, nitor ecce nullus 1. Context 1
	fortiter spernens pretiosa queque linqueres, celos aditura flentes corporis. semper fugiens inique
	sidera adisti. ipsa docebas. crimina vite. INTRODUCTION
	gratias summas habeamus omnes sic sacrum Christi uenerata corpus, sepius corpus domitans acerbe 1. Context
	filio magni genitoris almo, hostiam libans lacrymis obortis (quam pie flagris, cruor hinc et inde 2. Themes
	spiritum sanctum ueneremur et sit dixeras cunctis documenta uite fluxerat riuis!) hominumque demum 3. Date, place, audience, and format
	laus tamen tua. uoce suprema. crimine flebas. 4. Text
	4.1. Manuscripts
	Amen. gratias summas habeamus omnes qui per ingentes uariosque casus 4.2. Editions and translations
	filio magni genitoris almo, orbe terrarum cruciantur omnes 4.3. Present edition
	spiritum sanctum ueneremur et sit quotque vel curis agitantur ipsi 5. Sources
	Ad laudes laus tamen tua. 6. Bibliography undique diris. 7. Sigla
	Amen. suppetent nobis totidem canenda
	Iam ferox miles tibi sepe cessit gratias summas habeamus omnes sepe senensi. Ad matutinum in necem diram populo minati inclyta, prestas. et duces iras posuere sevas, si tue laudes repetantur omnes; tu quidem longe pietate cunctis II. TEXT AND TRANSLATION
	quid quod et sacris studiis frequenter uiribus summis operam dedisti? littere docte lepideque claris filio magni genitoris almo, Laudibus, virgo, nimis efferenda spiritum sanctum ueneremur et sit iure censeris, quoniam triumphos laus tamen tua. ipsa celorum probitate mira urbibus extant. nacta refulges. Amen.
	niteris uerbis reuocare lapsos, premium sancte tamen ipsa vite niteris rectum suadere cunctis; et simul munus probitatis alme sic ais: "tantum probitas beatos accipis celo cumulata cunctis efficit omnes." denique rebus.
	iura tu seue tremebunda mortis tu grauem sacris meritis refertum fortiter temnens, nihil extimescens orbis exemplar pietate plenum, premium nostre vocitare uite predicatorum uenerata patrem sepe solebas. ordine fulges.

81 orations, if the "Cum animadverto" is counted as a Piccolomini-oration, see oration "Quam laetus"[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF], Appendix

(Collected Orations of Pope Pius; 52)

Soranzo

Pillinini, p. 71

Picotti, p.

257, n. 12 "cristas cuncti erigere": the image used by Pius may rather refer to the raised or erect crest or comb of some birds, e.g. cocks3 CO, III, 38 (Meserve, II, p. 167)4 See Appendix 1. It was certainly no coincidence that the pope's oration began with the word "Responsuri" and the Aragonese ambassador's with the word "Responsurus". Indeed, a number of the arguments in the ambassador's

Zimolo, p. 107: Gallorum querimonias et calumpnias Renati regis, quod Ferdinandum, Alphonsi filium, in regno Neapolitano confirmasset quodque eundem corona regni donasset, tribus actionibus acerrime confutavit. Pius' other contemporary biographer, Campano, does not mention the matter

See Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 6.4

Léonard, p. 38

Ryder, p.

Voigt, IV, p.

 2 Pastor, I, pp. 601

See alsoGilli

Combet, pp. x-xviii. See also Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 6.3.5.

See the introduction to the Pius' oration "Per me reges regant"[65] (1462)

Werner, p. 435: Il [Charlemagne] montre bien, dans ses actes émis après 800, qu'il se considère comme le sucesseur de Constantin et des autres empereurs romains et chrétiens. En tant que tel, il se veut l'égal des empereurs d'Orient, qu'il ne conteste d'ailleurs pas. Van Den Baar, p. 4: … sicher seit dem Jahre 812 hat Karl eine Gleichrangigkeit mit Byzans angestrebt, und er spricht von einem occidentale et orientale imperium

Werner, p. 436

Van den Baar, p. 99: Seine [Innocentius III] Bedeutung für die Entwicklung dieses Gedankes besteht allein darin, dass er ihn in einer scharfen und scholastisch-sauberen Form formuliert, als erster Papst zu einem juridisch-politischen Zweck verwendet und ihm einen festen Platz in den offiziellen Begründungen der kirchlichen Ansprüche hinsichtlich des Kaisertums gesichert hat, indem die Ide mit der Dekretale "Venerabilem" in das Corpus iuris canonici einging

Otto von Freising: Chronica (Schmidt), V, 31, p. 420

Werner, p. 415-416. Cf. Otto von Freising: Chronica (Schmidt, V, 21, p. 410)

Picotti, n. 2

On the textual transmission of Pius' orations, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 5.1

See Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 5.1.1.

See Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 5.1.3.

Manuscripts for which an orthographical profile is given in Collected orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 11, are marked with an asterisk

Manuscripts collated for the present edition are given the siglum. Some of the manuscripts not collated for the present edition may contain the Final Version rather than the Early Version

This manuscript is partly damaged (discoloration probably due to water), and in many places hardly legible

Note in MA: Ex edito apud Labbeum, Conc. Tom. XIX. Edit. Ven. Collata cum M.S.Cod. Lucensi ex quo dantur variantes

And unusually. Normally, the Final Version of the orations in the Collected Orations of Pius II are not transmitted individually

See Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 5.1.6

The letters with asterisk represent the corresponding Greek letters and indicate a "hypothesized" manuscript

In the Iter Italicum, Kristeller lists many orations of Pius II without giving the incipit, so probably a good number of manuscripts besides those listed above actually contain this important and popular oration

On Piccolomini's use of sources in general, see Collected orations of Pope Pius II, ch. 8.

References to the Annales are usually given in this form: (e.g.) Rainaldus, ad ann. 1459, nr. 67 (without reference to a specific edition). In the bibliographies of the individual orations, the first edition is sometimes listed, but the Theiner edition is actually the preferred one since it is the easiest available on the web

The oration of Guillaume Cousinot, delivered on 30 November

See Appendix 1

John, 8,

 4 John, 1, 295 John,[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF] 23

René d'Anjou (1409-1480): Duke of Anjou, Count of Provence (1434-80), Count of Piedmont, Duke of Bar (1430-80), Duke of Lorraine (1431-53), King of Naples (1435-42)

Charles I [Charles d'Anjou] (1227-1285): Son of King Louis VIII of France. Conquered the Kingdom of Sicily from the Hohenstauffen in 1266, having formally received it as a papal grant in 1262. Expelled from the island of Sicily in the aftermath of the Sicilian Vespers of 1282, he thereafter resided in Naples

Alfonso V the Magnanimous (1396-1458): King of Aragon, Valencia, Majorca, Sardinia and Corsica, Sicily and Count

Louis III (1403-1434): Titular King of Naples 1417-26, Count of Provence, Forcalquier, Piedmont, and Maine and Duke of Anjou 1417-34, and Duke of Calabria 1426-34

Eugenius IV [Gabriele Condulmer] (1383-1447): Pope from 1431 to his death

Pius also touched on this theme in his oration "Si essemus ipsi" [74] (1463)

Juvenalis: Satirae, 8.140

2. Corinthians, 6, 8

Charles VII (1403-1461): King of France from 1422 to his death. Disinherited in 1420 by his father, in the Peace of Troyes following the Battle of Azincourt, he settled in Bourges from where he gradually regained the French territorires occupied by the English. In 1429, by the agency of Jeanne d'Arc, he was crowned King of France in Reims

Paolo Campofregoso (1428-1498): Archbishop of Genova (1453), cardinal (1480), three times doge(1462, 1463- 1464, 1483-1488)

 2 Possibly Pietro Campofregoso who was doge of Genoa from 1450 to 1458

I.e. the Kingdom of Naples which did not at that time -or later -include the Island of Sicily which belonged to the Crown Aragon and later to Spain

Ferrante I (1423Ferrante I ( -1494)): King of Naples from 1458 to his death

Here the French

Pius here fails to mention King Charles VII's important contribution to making the antipope Felix V resign in 1449, thus ending the last papal schism in the Catholic Church

Matthew, 5, 14

Ephesians, 5, 8

E.g. Romans, 8, 23

Matthew,[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] 27

Childeric III (ca. 717-ca. 754): King of Francia from 743 until he was deposed in March 751 at the instigation of Pepin the Short

Zacharias (679-752): Pope from 741 to his death

Otto von Freising: Chronica, V, 22

Carloman I (751-771): King of the Franks from 768 to his death. Second surviving son of Pepin the Short and a younger brother of Charlemagne

Pius erroneously wrote Berta. Gerberga (8th c.): Wife of Carloman I, King of the Franks, and sister-in-law of Charlemagne. Her flight to the Lombard kingdom of Desiderius following Carloman's death precipitated the last Franco-Lombard war, and the end of the independent kingdom of the Lombards in 774

"gloria"

Hildegard of the Vinzgau (771-783): Second wife of Charlemagne, mother of Ludwig der Fromme

Desiderius (d. 786): Last king of the Lombard Kingdom, ruling from 756 to 774. Charlemagne, who married his daughter and conquered his realm. Cf. Otto von Freising: Chronica, V, 26

Charles VII

"gymnasia litterarum"

University of Paris (La Sorbonne): Founded in 1150

Manfred (1232-1266): King of Sicily from 1258 to 1266. Natural son of the Emperor Friedrich II of Hohenstaufen

The assertion of the French ambassadors was probably correct, see Léonard, p.

38: La situation etait trop difficile pour que le pape [Innocentius IV] se chargeât de la direction du Royaume: il lui fallait trouver un prince à qui l'inféoder. … Avant même la mort de celui-ci [Friedrich II] il lui avait cherché un successeur à l'étranger, en France d'abord, puis en la personne de Richard de Cornouailles, frère du roi d'Angleterre. À l´été 1252 il avait chargé le notaire apostolique Albert de Parme d'aller proposer l'affaire à nouveau à Richard et, si celui-ci n'acceptait pas, au plus jeune frère de Louis IX, Charles [d'Anjou]3 Freeing Southern Italy, on the borders of the Papal State, from the rule of Geman emperors and their replacement with another European ruling house was a major political issue for the papacy at the time, cf. Léonard, p. 1094 Innocentius IV [Sinibaldo Fieschi](c. 1195-1254): Pope from 1243 to his death5 Friedrich II (1194-1250): Crowned Holy Roman Emperor in 1220. Head of the House of Hohenstaufen6 At the Council of Lyon, in 12457 Innocent IV arrived i Naples on 27 October 12548 This view is probably too optimistic: Innocent IV died on 7 December 1254, five days after his troops had been defeated by Manfred, close to Lucera, see Léonard, p 39, who continues: Renoncant une foisde plus à la gestion directe d'un royaume trop difficile, il [Innocentius IV] avait demandé à Henri III d'Angleterre, par lettres du 17 novembre, d'envoyer prendre possession du pays au nom du jeune Edmond. Puis il mourut

Including Pope Gregorius X (pope from 1271 to 1276), not mentioned by Pius, who actively supported Charles against Ghibelline opposition in Northern Italy, but otherwise pursued a policy of independence vis-à-vis the Angevin regime, see Léonard, pp. 110-114

E.g. Clemens IV, who on 18 September 1266, excommunicated all who assisted Konradin of Hohenstauffen, the grandson of Friedrich II, in his war against Charles I, see Léonard, p.63

Charles II, called the Lame (1254-1309): King of Naples, King of Albania, Prince of Salerno, Prince of Achaea, Count of Provence and Forcalquier and Count of Anjou

Robert d'Anjou (1277-1343): King of Naples, titular King of Jerusalem and Count of Provence and Forcalquier from 1309 to 1343, the central figure of Italian politics of his time

Giovanna I (1328Giovanna I ( -1382)): Queen of Naples and Countess of Provence and Forcalquier from 1343 to her death. Reigned as Princess of Achaea and claimed the crowns of Jerusalem and Sicily. She was married four times

Konrad (usually known by the diminutive Konradin, Italian: Corradino) (1252-1268): Duke of Swabia 1254-1268, King of Jerusalem 1254-1268,King of Sicily 1254-1258. Executed as traitor by Charles II d'Anjou in 1268

A cardinal was actually sent by the pope, Gregorius X, to support Konradin's extradition to Charles I. Whether the pope also, actively, supported Konradin's death sentence and execution has been debated by scholars, see Léonard, p. 71

Leónard, p. 162-163: [L'interrègne] rendait aux Angevins le grand service d'interposer l'Église entre eux et des adversaires de plus en plus entreprenants; il pouvait faciliter la libération du prince prisonnier … [Il] aurait pu être fatal à la dynastie angevine, ainsi dépossédée en droit comme en fait de son pouvoir et encore atteinte par l à dans un prestige déjà diminué. Heureusement pour elle le Saint-Siège était sans arrière-pensée et se conduisit aussi loyalement à son égard qu'énergiquement contre ses adversaires

Léonard, p 149

Honorius IV [Giacomo Savelli](ca. 1210-1287): Pope from 1285 to his death in 1287. For his support of the Angevins, see Léonard, pp. 163-172

The Savelli (de Sabellis) were a rich and influential Roman aristocratic family who rose to prominence in the 13th century

Robert de Genève (1342-1394): Elected to the papacy, in 1378, as Clemens VII by the French cardinals who opposed Urban VI, and was the first antipope residing in Avignon

Urbanus VI [Bartolomeo Prignano] (ca. 1318-1389): Pope from 1378 to his death. The last pope to be elected from outside the College of Cardinals

See Léonard, pp. 474-475

Ladislaus the Magnanimous (1377-1414): King of Naples and titular King of Jerusalem and Sicily, titular Count of Provence and Forcalquier (1386-1414), and titular King of Hungary and Croatia (1390-1414). He was the last male of the senior Angevin line

See Léonard, p.

 4 Louis II (1377-1417): King of Naples from 1389 to 1399 and Duke of Anjou from 1384 to 1417. He was a member of the House of Valois-Anjou5 Bonifatius IX [Piero Tomacelli] (ca. 1350-1404): Pope from 1389 to his death. He was the second Roman Pope of the Western Schism. In this period, the antipopes Clemens VII and Benedict XIII continued to hold court as pope in Avignon under the protection of the French monarchy.6 See Léonard, p. 4787 Louis II8 Johnnees XXIII [Baldassarre Cossa] (ca. 1370-1419): antipope Johannes XXIII (1410-1415) during the Western Schism. Successor as antipope to Alexander V of the Pisan obedience 9 1414-1418. The Council of Konstanz ended the Western Schism by accepting the resignation of or deposing three rival popes and electing a new one, Martinus V 10 Innocentius VII [Cosimo de' Migliorati] (1339-1406): Pope from 1404 to his death. He was pope during the period of the Western Schism (1378-1417)11 Gregorius XII [Angelo Correr/Corrario/Correr] ( c. 1326-1417): Pope from 1406 to 1415 when the Council of Constance forced him to resign to end the Western Schism12 Peter of Candia [Peter Philarges] (ca. 1339-1410): antipope during the Western Schism under the name of Alexander V[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF] Johannes XXIII first suppported Louis II, then Ladislas. Afterwards a new conflict between the two arose, but a reconciliation was in preparation when Ladislas died on 6 August 1444, see Léonard, pp. 480-481

Earlier, Pius had written in detail about the war between René d'Anjou and Alfonso d'Aragon during the pontificate of Eugenius in his De Europa, ch.

261-271, see Piccolomini: De Europa (Heck), pp. 265-2712 In 14313 Having become pope in 1431, Eugenius IV declared that as suzerain of the Kingdom of Naples he did not accept the queen's testament but would himself decide on who should succeed her. He actually favoured the French and King René, see Léonard, pp. 487-489, but only invested René formally with the Kingdom after he effectively lost the Kingdom to Alfonso in 1442, see sect. 32 4 Giovanni Maria Vitelleschi (d. 1440): Titular Patriarch of Alexandria, appointed cardinal by Pope Eugenius IV in 1431 5 Giovanni Berardi di Tagliacozzo (1380-1449): Archbishop of Taranto 1421, appointed cardinal by Pope Eugenius IV in 1439 6 René d'Anjou (1409-1480): Duke of Anjou, Count of Provence (1434.80), Count of Piedmont, Duke of Bar (1430-80), Duke of Lorraine (1431-53), King of Naples (1435-42)

Charles VII

Albergati, Niccolò (1373-1443): created cardinal by Pope Martin V in 1426. One-time employer, mentor and friend of Piccolomini

In 1422, Pope Martin V sent Albergati on an unsuccessful peace mission to France(Dickinson, pp. 79, 81, 82). See also Du Fresne de Beaucourt, I, p. 331

Pope Eugenius IV

"In minoribus agentes": Nicolaus V was ordained a priest in 1423, and was certainly not in minor orders in 1435, when the Congress of Arras was held, and Piccolomini had not yet taken orders. Thus, the expression "in minoribus (agentes)" does not refer to the clerical minor orders" as some have translated it

1435. On Parentucelli and Piccolomini's service to Albergati at the conference(Dickinson,

Philippe III le Bon (1396-1467): Duke of Burgundy 1419 to his death

Dickinson, p. viii: The peace conference at Arras … did more. The long-drawn-out and heated disscussions on an Anglo-French peace, ending in the withdrawal of the English, left the French to conclude a separate alliance with Burgundy. This event was a disaster for the Lancastrian rule in France … In the French plans for reconquest the treaty of Arras was of the foremost importance

Psalms, 72, 9

Psalms,[START_REF]Vocati estis[END_REF] 4

Psalms, 26, 12

Psalms,63,8

Quotation not identified

John, 14, 6

Horatius: Carmina, 3.3.1

The Council of Basel, not recognized by the Pope after 1438

The Peace of Terracina, 1443. See Piccolomini: De Europa (Heck), p. 271. Pastor, I, p. 248-249: Im Jahre 1442 gelang es nun Alfonso endlich, seinen Gegner René vollständig zu besiegen und Neapel zu erobern (12. Juni 1442). Dieser entscheidende Erfolg nöthigte Eugen IV., der sich von dem kriegerischen, nie zufriedenen Condottiere Francesco Sforza in seinen eigenen Staaten bedrängt sah, alle Bedingungen, welche der beständig mit der Anerkennung des Gegenpapstes drohende schlaue Alfonso durch Alonso de Borja, Bischof von Valencia, stellen liess, zu gewähren

Papal bull of Eugenius IV Regnans in altissimis of 1 st July 1443 confirming Alfonso as king of Naples. (Müller, I, pp. 690-692). See also Villeneuve, I, pp. 330-331

According to Ryder, p. 247, René left "Castelnuovo to the care of a Genoese creditor", who may have been the one to sell the fortress to Alfonso

By formally legitimizing him. This was one of the conditions of the Peace of Terracina (Piccolomini: De Europa (Heck), p.

271; Ryder, p. 255)2 Romulus (771-717 BCE): Legendary founder of Rome together with his brother Remus 3 Rhea Silvia: Mythical mother of Romulus and Remus. Daughter of Numitor, King of Alba Longa. Vestal priestess: Her story is told in Livius: Ab urbe condita, 1.3-44 Servius Tullius: legendary sixth King of Rome (575-535 BCE). See Livius: Ab urbe condita, 1.395 Hercules: (Gk. myth.) Son of Zeus and the mortal Alcmene. Had superhuman powers and enjoyed many adventures6 Alcmene: (Gk. myth.) Wife of Amphitryon7 Alexander the Great 8 Olympias (ca. 375-316 BCE): daughter of King Neoptolemus of Epirus. Wife of King Philip II of Macedonia. Mother of Alexander9 Philip II (382-336 BCE): King of Macedonia10 Ferrante was particularly sensitive to the issue of his illegitimacy, and quite grateful to the pope for his vigourous defense in this respect, see his letter of thanks to the pope (Appendix 4)

Numidia (202 BC-46 BCE): Ancient Berber kingdom in what is now Algeria and a smaller part of Tunisia, in North Africa

Jugurtha (ca. 160-104 BCE): King of Numidia, grandson of King Masinissa

Masinissa (ca. 240 or 238 -ca. 148 BCE): First King of Numidia. During his younger years he fought in the Second Punic War (218-201 BCE)

Jacob: one of the three patriarchal ancestors of the Israelites, son of Isaac. From his sons issued the twelwe tribes of Israel

Phares: (Old Testament) Son of Tamar and Judah(Genesis, 38)

Judah: (Old Testament) One of the twelwe sons of the patriarch Jacob

Tamar: (Old Testment) Daughter-in-law of Judah

Jephta: (Old Testament) Judge of the Israelites

Solomon (conventional dates: 970-931 BCE): Son of King David

Batsheba: (Old Testament) Wife of Uriah the Hittite, and later of King David. Mother of King Solomon

Uriah the Hittite: (Old Testament) Soldier in King David's army. Married to Batsheba. Killed, indirectly, by King David

Ambrosius, Aurelius (ca. 340-397): Archbishop of Milan. Doctor of the Church. Saint

Helena (ca. 250-ca. 330): Consort of the Roman emperor Constantius Chlorus and mother of Emperor Constantine the Great. Little is known of her early life. Fourth-century sources, following Eutropius' "Breviarium," record that she came from a lowly background. Saint Ambrose was the first to call her a stabularia, a term translated as "stablemaid" or "inn-keeper". He makes this fact a virtue, calling Helena a bona stabularia, a "good stable-maid". Saint

14 Ambrosius: De obitu Theodosii,

4215 Here Pius errs: Charlemagne's son Charles was a legitimate son of his marriage with Hildegarde

Nicolaus V [Tommaso Parentucelli] (1397-1455): Pope from 6 March 1447 to his death

Alfonso's military presence in the Papal State, actually in Tivoli, close to Rome, at the time of Nicolaus' succession in 1447 (see Cotta-Schönberg & Modigliani, p. 281-282) probably had other purposes, too, but it effecturely ensured that the new pope would smoothly agree to Alfonso's demands

May 1453

On 9 April 1454 Venice and Milan signed the Peace of Lodi. This peace was developed into the Lega Italica which was signed on 30 August the same year, with Milan, Venice and Florence as participants. On

March 1455 the Lega Italica was solemnly proclaimed in Naples, now with the adhesion of the pope and King Alfonso and a number of lesser Italian rulers 2 i.e. the Turks

In his biography of Pope Nicolaus V, Giannozzo Manetti expressed quite a different view of the pope's attitude to wars between the Italian states: as long as they were at war between themselves, they constituted less of a threat against the Church State, and when they were at peace they were a grave menace to it. He therefore only joined the Italian League when he could no longer decently avoid it: Septimo pontificatus sui anno … factum est, ut predicti principes, res publice et populi oratores suos pro componenda inter eos pace Romam transmitterent. Ipse vero … sapientia sua .. hoc unum conabatur, hoc unum curabat, hoc unum operabatur, ut singulis gratificaretur ac nemini suspectus haberetur; quod … faciebat, ut nullis principibus displiceret, deinde ut Ecclesiam suam in pace atque Sedem Apostolicam, extenuate per continua ac vicissitudinaria inter se bella omnium belligerantium facultatibus, maiori auctoritate dignitateque conservaret. Bella enim inter se predictos totius pene Italie principes Ecclesie sue pacem, concordiam vero eorum versa vice bellum Ecclesie, non modo verisimilibus coniecturis, sed certa etiam et expressis argumentis et experientia quoque magistra rerum intelligebat presagiebatque. Ob has igitur causas, cum tepide in hoc ipso pacis concordieque tractatu, ne dicam frigide sese gereret, contigisse videtur post longam quondam plurium mensium inanem futilemque tractationem ut ea que tractabatur concordia ad nihilum recideret, atque propterea oratores re infecta, quinimo … confracta, quique in patriam suam remearent. And later: At Nicolaum … non amplius dissimulandum fore ratus, … gratissime in hunc modum respondisse fertur: pacem … semper sibi placuisse inquit(Manetti, 112)

1454

Capranica, Domenico (1400-1458): Bishop of Fermo. Cardinal. He died just before the conclave where Pius II was elected pope, and many believed that he would have been elected had he lived. Piccolomini's first employer

Cf. the Introduction

In a papal bull dated 12 July 1458 (Pastor, I, pp. 600-601). See also papal bull of Calixtus III Regis aeterni of 28 July 1458 declaring the Kingdom of Naples as devolved upon the Roman Church (Müller, I, pp. 694-695)

I.e. Naples

In Rome, it was commonly believed that Calixtus had wanted to invest his own nephew, Pedro Borgia, with the Kingdom of Naples, and this is what diplomats stationed in Rome reported back to their masters(Pastor, I, p. 600)

Gregorovius III, 13, 4, p. 72: Die Boten des neuen Königs flehten in Rom um Anerkennung, aber Calixt behauptete, dass Ferrante nicht einmal der natürliche Sohn Alfonsos, sondern untergeschoben sei, und er beanspruchte Neapel als heimgefallenes Kirchenlehen. So wurde dies alte Vasallenland der Kirche das ganze XV. Jahrhundert hindurch in die Politik der Päpste hineingezogen. Sie trachteten danach, es mit dem Kirchenstaat zu vereinigen und nutzten das Königreich für ihre Nepoten aus

Poggio Bracciolini: Invectiva in delatores (Opera Omnia, II, p. 715)

Psalms, 117, 6: Dominus mihi adjutor; non timebo quid faciat mihi homo

et P, AC omit. O multorum ne : ne multorum B, M, N nihil errasse omit. P, AC an O; autem P, AC an O sequi add. P, AC putamus J

Burley, p. 74. Used by Jerome: Letters, 39 (Rufinus), 58-59, quoting Porphyrius: Vita Pythagorae, 42

I.e. the Italian states

Probably an allusion to the French cardinals

The College of Cardinals

As, in Roman law, actual possession was a valid legal argument, the French would have preferred the term occupation

Note the view that is is not the coronation or the crown as such that legitimates the king

In the Peace of Terracina (1435), see Piccolomini: De Europa (Heck), p. 271: … Ferdinando regis filio, cui rex post mortem Regnum destinaverat, potestatem succedendi faciat …

This statement is an indirect criticism of Pius' predecessor Calixtus III who had not respected the pact with Alfonso concerning Ferrante's right to the succession

Psalms, 118,[START_REF] Ac | Atque hoc modo singulis objectionibus respondisse sufficiat. Quod si non omnibus verba nostra 1 fidem faciunt, satis est nobis, quod 2 nemo adversus ea, quae sumus locuti 3 , absque mendacio loqui 4 potest. Numquam enim aut regi Franciae aut Renato nocere studuimus 5 sive facta nostra sive verba 6 inspiciantur 7 . 1 verba nostra : nostra verba J 2 quia AC 3 sumus locuti : locuti sumus[END_REF]

Giovanni Antonio (Giannantonio) Del Balzo Orsini (1386 or 1393-1463): Prince of Taranto, Duke of Bari, Count of Lecce, Acerra, Soleto and Conversano, as well as Count of Matera (1433-63) and of Ugento (1453-63)

Piccinino, Jacopo (1423-1465): Italian condottiero and nobleman

On 1 November 1459, a month before the pope delivered his oration, the Duke of Milan's brother, Alessandro, had written to the duke that Piccinino seemed to have joined the French, see Nowak, p. 441-442. Also Baldi: Pio, pp. 133: The pope and the Duke of Milan agreed on the importance of keeping Piccinino from passing through the territories of the Church State in order to join the French attack on King Ferrante. However, while the duke considered it necessary for the ducal and the papal troops to unite in order to achieve this purpose, the pope had to also consider the defense of Rome and Roman territory against direct attacks of Piccinino, allied with a number of rebellious Roman barons

Ferente,

Nowak,

Piccinino actually succeeding in making his passage into the Papal State in March 1460 (Ferente, pp. 107, and Pillinini, p. 71)

Pierre de Foix (1386-1464) : Cardinal (1409), papal legate in Avignon (1433), and Archbishop of Arles (1450)

See the pope's letter of protest to King René of 9 May 1459 (Rainaldus, ad ann. 1459, nr.

39)

Romans, 12, 19: Non vosmetipsos defendentes/ulciscentes carissimi, sed date locum irae. Scriptum est enim: Mihi vindicta: ego retribuam

Like John VI Kantakouzenos who in 1347 defeated his rival for the imperial throne, John V Palaeologus, with the aid of the Ottoman Turks

"incumbite huic parti"

"sanguis"

On Charles VII and the Pragmatic Sanction of Bourges, 1438, see Du Fresne de Beaucourt, III, ch.[START_REF]Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena [11-15] 3.1[END_REF]

This is a veiled threat of excommunication

Leviticus, 21, 11: pontifex … et ad omnem mortuum non ingredietur omnino. Pius quotes the Latin text after Jerome

Jeronimus: Epistolae, 64 (Ad Fabiolam), 3. In: MPL, XXII, col. 610. Note the use of allegory

Elsewhere, Pius entertains the notion of a translation of the priesthood from the Jewish high priests to the Roman popes

1. Corinthians, 11, 2

The Pragmatic Sanction of 1438 builds -with some modifications -upon a number of key decrees of the Council of Basel, from the period in which it was recognized by Pope Eugenius IV. The council may not formally have approved the text of the Sanction, but it was not required to

Charles VII

Decretum, D.19.3. The text quoted by Piccolomini is a late forgery. It was also used by Piccolomini in his oration against the Austrians, the "Sentio" [20] (1452), sect. 97

The role of parliament in ecclesiastical affairs was not part of the Pragmatic Sanction, as already Felino Sandei remarked in a margin note in the ms. Lucca

Error for Thessalonians

2. Thessalonians, 2,

3: Ne quis vos seducat ullo modo: quoniam nisi venerit discessio primum, et revelatus fuerit homo peccati filius perditionis

Cf.

Peter, 1, 19

quaedam PE

et add. PE

omit. PE

omit. PE

ac PE

aufugitur PE

Karoli doc.

sepefacta doc.

dub. cod.

idem cod.

dub. cod.

praerogatias cod.

dub. cod.

dub. cod.

consii cod.

21 November 1459. Oration "Maximum et amplissimum onus" of Guillaume Chartier

Oration "Multa hic hodie"[START_REF] Ac | Atque hoc modo singulis objectionibus respondisse sufficiat. Quod si non omnibus verba nostra 1 fidem faciunt, satis est nobis, quod 2 nemo adversus ea, quae sumus locuti 3 , absque mendacio loqui 4 potest. Numquam enim aut regi Franciae aut Renato nocere studuimus 5 sive facta nostra sive verba 6 inspiciantur 7 . 1 verba nostra : nostra verba J 2 quia AC 3 sumus locuti : locuti sumus[END_REF]

30 November 1459

The oration "Responsuri" of 11 December 1459

(Collected Orations of Pope Pius II; 53)

Bibl. Apostolica Vaticana / Ottobon. Lat. 905, ff. 52r-53r

Oration "Advenisse te citius"[START_REF]Advenisse te citius[END_REF]

Concerning the textual transmission of Pius II´s orations, see Collected orations of Pope Pius, vol. 1, ch. 5

See Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 5.1.2.

Manuscripts for which an orthographical profile is given in Collected orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 11, are marked with an asterisk

On Piccolomini's use of sources in general, see Collected orations of Enea Silvio Piccolomini / Pope Pius II, ch. 8.

References to the Annales are usually given in this form: (e.g.) Rainaldus, ad ann. 1459, nr. 67 (without reference to a specific edition). In the bibliographies of the individual orations, the first edition is usually listed, but the Theiner edition is actually the preferred one since it is the easiest available on the web

Cf. Homer: Odyssey, 1.1

"unguiculis"

Indeed, Pius himself was the first to call him so

in hoc : hoc in J

Innocentius III: Registrum, 11:

(MPL 215: 1545): Pugnastis fortassis hactenus pro gloria transitoria, pugnate iam pro gloria sempiterna. Pugnastis pro corpore, pugnate pro anima. Pugnastis pro mundo, pugnate pro Deo 2 1. Kings, 18, 7

Herdtnidt vom Stein (c. 1427 -1491): Chancellor of Margrave Albrecht Achilles of Brandenburg, and later Dean at the Cathedral of Bamberg. See Thumser. Various latinized forms of his name are documented in contemporary sources, Hertnidus (Thumser, p. 7), Hartungus (Thumser, p, 10), H[e]rtinidus (Thumser, p. 15), Herthnidus (Thumser, p. 18), Hernildus (Thumser, p.

20), Hertindum (Longolius, p. 93)2 Thumser, pp. 36 ff. 3 Thumser, pp. 41-42 4 Man muss sich den zeitlichen Ablauf nun wohl folgendermaßen vorstellen: Hertnidt brach nach dem 23. Juli 1459 von Mantua nach Bamberg auf, sicherte sich dort seine päpstliche Provision und erhielt am 16. August Kanonikat und Dekanat. Das war eine flotte Reise, erscheint aber durchaus möglich. Einige Monate später kehrte er, nun zusammen mit dem Markgrafen, nach Mantua zurück und hielt dort die Rede. Die Annahme, dass er zwischendurch in Bamberg war, stützt seine Bezeichnung als Dekan in der Überschrift zur Rede.

I.e. Cicero, who was born in Arpinum

gubernande cod.

scemoto cod.

quendam cod.

Albrecht von Brandenburg

comprobatis cod.

one word illegible

Albrecht von Brandenburg

insudaverit cod.

Vergilius: Aeneis, 8.596

Albrecht von Brandenburg

tantum cod.

scemotis cod.

continue cod.

tantum add. cod

(Collected Orations of Pope Pius II; 54)

Housley: Crusading and the Ottoman, pp. 161-162

Reinhardt, p. 268

Crivelli,

Hungary

See Picotti, pp. 318-19; Helmrath: Pius, p. 121

Picotti, p.

According to Voigt, IV, p. 108, the date was the 19th

Concerning the textual transmission of Pius II´s orations, see Collected orations of Pope Pius, vol. 1, ch. 5

Collected orations of Pope Pius, vol. 1, sect. 5.1.3.

Collected orations of Pope Pius, vol. 1, sect. 5.1.4.

Collected orations of Pope Pius, vol. 1, sect.

5.25 Mansi's edition in the Orationes has the margin note: Ex. M.S. Cod. Ambrosianae Bibliot. Mediolan. misit Cl. Saxius et vulgata est a me primum in to. IV. [sic!] Suppl. Conc.

References to the Annales are usually given in this form: (e.g.) Rainaldus, ad ann. 1459, nr. 67 (without reference to a specific edition)

Deuteronomy, 32,[3][4]

Proverbs, 22, 10

Vergilius: Aeneis, 10.452: frigidus Arcadibus coit in praecordia sanguis

Proverbs, 20,[START_REF]Adsunt preces principum et rogamina populorum. Adhbita est omnis solemnitas, quae in tanto negotio requiritur. Audacter igitur canonizationem ejus absolvere possumus. Sed nihil est quod sine 3 divina 4 gratia rite perfici queat. Homines sumus, labi, errare, et decipi possumus. Solus Deus est, qui falli non potest; quapropter oratos vos omnes, qui adestis, facimus, ut 5 una nobiscum spiritus sancti misericordiam et assistentiam imploretis, ne 6 nos in hoc negotio sinat aberrare, sed ea nobis inspiret, quae suae sint beneplacita 7 voluntati et fidelium utilitati conducant 8[END_REF]

"fideles"

Horatius: Carmina, 3.29.30

Psalms, 36, 23

Proverbs,

25, 32 Proverbs, 20, 53 Proverbs, 19, 21: Multae cogitationes in corde viri; voluntas autem Domini permanebit4 Judith, 11, 65 Deuteronomy, 32, 3-4

Pius' source, Vegetius, says two legions with their auxiliaries, see Vegetius,

2.4 (p. 38): In omnibus auctoribus invenitur singulos consules adversum hostes copiosissimos non amplius quam binas duxisse legiones additis auxiliis sociorum. Tanta in illis erat exercitatio, tanta fiducia, ut cuivuis bello duae legions crederentuer posse sufficere 2 Vegetius, 2.1 (p. 35): In auxiliis minor, in legionibus longe amplior consuevit militum numerous adscribi 3 Xerxes I the Great (519-465 BCE): fourth of the kings of the Achaemenid Empire. Ruled from 486 BC until his murder in 465 BC. Notable for his invasion of Greece in 480 BCE and his subsequent defeat 4 Darius III (ca. 380-330 BCE): originally named Artashata and called Codomannus by the Greeks: the last king of the Achaemenid Empire of Persia from 336 BC to 330 BCE. Defeated by Alexander in 334 5 Timur [Tamerlane] (d. 1405): Turco-Mongol conqueror and founder of the Timurid Empire in Persia and Central Asia. First ruler in the Timurid dynasty 6 Alexander III the Great (356-323 BCE): King of the Greek kingdom of Macedon. Created one of the largest empires

inquit add. R, S

milia R; milium corr. ex milia S

Rhodii S

Datia S

Suetia S

Since the formal opening of the congress, on 1 June 1459

In this figure must be included the 12.000 soldiers promised by the Hungarians, cf. "Septimo iam exacto mense", sect. 9

Georg Skanderbeg [Kastrioti] (1405-1468) 15th-century Albanian nobleman

Region in southern central Turkey, conquered by a Turkish people in 1256. Karaman was often in opposition to the Ottoman Turks who conquered the region in 1458

CO, IV, 9 (Meserve, II, p.

226-228) 2 CO, IV, 11 (Meserve, II, p. 238-241)

Manuscripts for which an orthographical profile is given in Collected orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 11, are marked with an asterisk

Felorio, p. 50: De his cardinalibus loquutus est Pius ad sacrum collegium in publico consistorio antequam pileum rubrum traderet, ut scribitur lib. 4. Commentariorum, sed quia oratio Pii non refertur, ideo eam accipite ex altero ejusdem Pii manuscripto

On Piccolomini's use of sources in general, see Collected orations of Enea Silvio Piccolomini / Pope Pius II, ch. 8.

malos R

Matthew 9, 37

Cf. Hebrews, 6, 8

Isaiah, 9, 3

digne R

Angelotto de Fuschis [Fosco, Foschi, Fusco] (c. 1378-1444]: appointed cardinal in 1431. May have had a reputation for avarice. When he died, killed in his sleep by a member of his household, a fortune was found in his coffers, see Cardella, pp. 61-65. See also Infessura: Diario, ad ann. 1444 (Tommasini, p. 43): Dell'anno 1444 a dì 12 de settembre fu occiso Angelotto delli Foschi cardinale di Santo Marco, et occiselo uno suo camerarie, e robaolo, et per questa cascione lo detto camerario subito fu preso ...

Capranica, Angelo (1415-1478): Appointed Cardinal in 1460

Capranica, Domenico (1400-1458): Bishop of Fermo. Cardinal. He died just before the conclave where Pius II was elected pope, and many believed that he would have been elected had he lived. Piccolomini's first employer

Francesco Piccolomini Todeschini (1439-1503): Appointed cardinal in 1460. Nephew of Pius II through the pope's sister, Laudomia. Elected pope, under the name of Pius III, in 1503, but died within a month

traditi J

Colossians, 3, 10

omit. C

"dignitas"

Deuteronomy,[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF] 8

1. Peter, 5, 8

1. Machabees, 12, 9

Matthew, 5, 16

(Collected Orations of Pope Pius II; 58)

Voigt, IV,

Voigt, IV, p. 143

For the textual transmission of Pius II's, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 5

On the character and contents of this manuscript, seeHelmrath, p.

 3 See Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 5.1.3.

Manuscripts for which an orthographical profile is given in Collected orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 11, are marked with an asterisk

This manuscript also contains the Collection of Responses of Pius II (1460)

King René d'Anjou and King Ferrante I of Naples

NB: In the Early Version, Pius says the Baths of Petriolo. According his Commentarii, bk. 4, ch. 15, he first went to Macereto, then back to Siena, then he returned to Macereto and from there he went to the Baths of Petriolo five miles from Macereto. See also Raynaldus, ad ann. 1460, nr.

omit. E; J, L, R, T, V

de E

inficiamus J

pro sapiem L, T; pro sapientiae V

prosequuntur B, E

In 1350, the French King John II of the Valois dynasty gave the Duchy of Anjou to one of his sons, Louis, and from then on the dukes of Anjou were part of the extended French royal family.

Charlemagne (742/747/748-814): also known as Charles the Great. King of the Franks from 768, King of Italy from 774. In 800 crowned by the Pope as the first emperor in Western Europe since the collapse of the Western Roman Empire three centuries earlier

The Franks (Latin: Franci or gens Francorum) are historically first known as a group of Germanic tribes that roamed the land between the Lower and Middle Rhine in the 3rd century AD, and second as the people of Gaul who merged with the Gallo-Roman populations during succeeding centuries, passing on their name to modern-day France and becoming part of the heritage of the modern day French people

"dignitas"

The College of Cardinals

"directum et utile dominium"

This maxim, Piccolomini had used already in March 1435, in a letter oto the government of Siena: Neque enim ut aiunt duos regnum capit (Epistolarium, p. 46)

King René

copiam L, T, V

fert E, R

res R

I.e. the Kingdom of Naples, the Island of Sicily belonging to King Juan II of Aragon

Or: robbed of his kingship

The Angevin fleet sailed from Genoa on

October 1459,cf. Rainaldus, ad ann. 1459, nr. 803 Congress of Mantua, which lasted from June 1459 to January 1460. It had been summoned by Pius II as a meeting of European princes to discuss and plan against the Turkish invasion of Europe

et R

prosilere L, T, V

"re integra"

Bartolomeo Roverella (1406-1476): Archbishop of Ravenna (1445). Appointed cardinal by Pius II in 1461

Cf. Rainaldus, ad ann. 1459, nr.

and ad ann. 1461, nr. 4: papal letters concerning Roverella's mission to Naples

tutum R; quod L, T; quid V

iter tuto omit. J

mox G

Giovanni Cossa: Neapolitan noble, Count of Troia, fighting on the side of Anjou

Duke of Sora: Piergiampaolo Cantelmi

City and territory in Southern France, owned by the popes from 1348 until the French Revolution

(Collected Orations of Pope Pius; 59)

Enrique IV (1425-1474): King of Castile, nicknamed the Impotent. Ruled from 1454 to his death

The ambassadorial address was delivered by Rodrigo Sanchéz de Arévalo. The text does not appear to be extant, see Lopéz Fonseca, p. 19; Trame, p. 103

CO, IV, 21 (Meserve, II, p. 283). Cf. Rainaldus, ad ann. 1460, nr.

Trame, p. 103. Cf. also Rainaldus, ibid..

For the textual transmission of Pius II's, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 5

Manuscripts for which an orthographical profile is given in Collected orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 11, are marked with an asterisk

See Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 5.1.2.

Epistolae ad Lucilium

References to the Annales are usually given in this form: (e.g.) Rainaldus, ad ann. 1459, nr. 67 (without reference to a specific edition)

(Collected Orations of Pope Pius II; 60)

CO, IV, 39; Pastor, II, p. 76; Voigt, IV, pp. 150-151

CO, IV,

(Meserve, II,

Voigt, IV, p. 150

See oration "Ut apertum vobis"[29]

For the textual transmission of Pius II's, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 5

For orations included in Pius II's Commentarii (1462-1463), see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 5.1.4.

In marg. R

"hospitia"

omit. S

Daniel,

2, 37 2 Deuteronomy, 10, 173 Luke, 22, 154 Deuteronomy, 7, 6

(Collected Orations of Pope Pius II; 61)

CO, V, 1-4; Pastor, II, 88; Voigt, IV, pp. 151-152;

The rebellions of Cola di Rienzo in 1347 and of Stefano Porcaro in 1453, just six years before, under Pope Nicolaus V

On this war and the papal intervention, see the introductions to the orations "Responsuri" [52] and "De regno Siciliae"[START_REF]De regno Siciliae[END_REF]

The French cardinals naturally supported the cause of the French House of Anjou

CO, V, 4 (Meserve, III, pp. 28, 47)

Chambers, ch. 3

Chambers, p. 53

Chambers, p. 55

Chambers, p.

 5 Chambers, p.[START_REF]Quamvis non dubitamus[END_REF]

CO, I, 1 (Meserve, I, p.[6][7]

CO, V, 26 (Gragg, p.

393)3 Carocci, p. 82: For almost the entire period in question, the Orsini, Colonna and other Roman families enjoyed extremely ample margins of power. From this point of view, parallels in other Italian states are very few, at least in such an accentuated form. None of the other states had such a powerful aristocracy, installed at such a short distance from the capital and capable of keeping the sovereign in a 'state of torment', as Alexander VI put it. In innumerable cases, throughout the entire fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, baronial families incited disorder and even all-out wars which threatened, weakened and sometimes virtually nullified papal authority. A (partial) limitation to the strength and turbulence of the barons was achieved only in the sixteenth century. In the previous century, starting from Pius II, the attacks made by popes on some of these families produced only short-term results.4 That defense of papal control of the Church state was considered a legitimate and necessary enterprise is witnessed by humanist funeral orations: Italian orators applauded churchmen for defending their institution's liberty … More frequently, the liberty of the Church was used in a reductionist sense to mean the vindication of papal control over the Papal State in Central Italy(McManamon, p. 78)

Chambers,

See oration "Existimatis fortasse" [64], sect. 5-6

On adressing non-Latin speakers in Italian, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 4.3

For the textual transmission of Pius II's, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 5

See Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 5.1.3.

Without abbreviations

See Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 5.1.4.

In the Neapolitan War of Succession 1459-1462, the French House of Anjou fought the Spanish House of Aragon which had ousted it from the Kingdom in 1442/1443. Since then, the popes had favoured the House of Aragon, partly to avoid French encirclement, partly to minimize French influence on the papacy -with the risk of a return to Avignon (in the case of the election of a French pope)

Lucifer: "the morning star, the planet Venus", or, as an adjective, "light-bringing". Later Christian tradition came to use the Latin word for the devil; as he was before his fall

Hesperus: The evening star

1. Chronicles, 28, 9; 2 et alibi

2. Corinthians, 11, 31

Cicero, Marcus Tullius (106-43 BC): Roman statesman and author

Cicero: Philippica, 2.113: Et nomen pacis dulce est et ipsa res salutaris

in unum omit. G1

si cui ex foederatis corr. ex in foedere comprehensus R

By the pope, as feudal overlord of the kingdom

According to the well-known maxim of Roman law: Melior conditio possidentis (Better is the condition of the one who has possession)

Congres of Mantua (June 1459-January 1460): summoned by Pius II to organize a European military response to Turkish invasion of Europe

Pius stayed in Siena from February to September 1460

Alain (II) de Coëtivy (1407-1474): French prelate. Bishop of Avignon, Uzès, Nîmes and of Dol, titular cardinal of Santa Prassede, later cardinal-bishop of Palestrina and cardinal-bishop of Sabina. Called the Cardinal of Avignon

Bartolomeo Roverella (1406-1476): Archbishop of Ravenna (1445). Appointed cardinal by Pius II in 1461

Luke, 1, 79; Romans,

3,[START_REF] Catherinam | ejusque signa et prodigia mirantur et celebrant non Senenses modo[END_REF]

premebatur G1

expelleretur G1

Lucanus: De bello civili, 1.126: Victrix causa deis placuit, sed victa Catoni. Cato's moral authority was superior to that of the (pagan) Gods. Which means that a defeated cause may be morally superior, or that the justice of a war is not decided by victory

Lucanus, Marcus Annaeus (39-65): Roman poet

Psalms, 35, 7

Battle of Sarno, 7 July 1460

Psalms, 117, 18: Castigans castigavit me Dominus, et morti non tradidit me

Psalms, 33, 20

"eis militantem"

Jean II d Anjou (1424-1470): Son of King René d'Anjou. As heir-apparent, he was styled the Duke of Calabria

Orsini, noble Roman family with extensive holdings of land around Rome

Loose designation of the Papal States

Tiburzio di Maso (executed 31 October 1460) was a leader of an anarchic faction in Rome that briefly attempted to restore the medieval commune of the city, the last attempt at populist government in the States of the Church. Conspired with Jacopo Piccinino

Tivoli: the classical Tibur, is an ancient Italian town in Lazio, about 30 kilometres east-north-east of Rome

Ludovico Trevisan (1401-1465): Italian prelate, who was the Chamberlain of the Apostolic Camera, Patriarch of Aquileia and Captain General of the Church. Known as the Cardinal of Aquileia and the Cardinal Camerlengo

Antonio Piccolomini (d. 1493): Nephew of Pius II who appointed him Commandant of Castel Sant' Angelo. In 1461, he was created Duke of Amalfi, after his marriage to Maria of Aragon, an illegitimate daughter of King Ferrante, on 23 May 1461

Traditional title of the crown prince of the Kingdom of Naples

Vergilius: Aeneis, 6.613: dominorum dextras fallere

Eugenius IV [Gabriele Condulmer] (1383-1447): Pope from 1431 to his death

Martinus V [Oddone Colonna] (1369-1431): Pope from 1417 to his death. His election at the Council of Konstanz effectively ended the Great Western Schism (1378-1417)

Presumably Clemens V, Clemens VI, Bonifacius IX and Nicolaus IV, medieval popes who fought for the Anjou possession of the Kingdom of Sicily/Naples, see oration "Responsuri" [52], sect. 13 ff

The event was depicted by Pintoricchio in one of the frescoes in the Libreria Piccolominea in the Cathedral of Siena

CO, V, 24 (Meserve, III, pp.[131][132][133]

Giunta, p. 64

Zimolo, p.

57: Caterinam Senensem, cuius multa extare miracula ferebantur, in divarum retulit numerum, apparatu aeque magnifico

For the textual transmission of Pius II's, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 5

Manuscripts for which an orthographical profile is given in Collected orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 11, are marked with an asterisk

See Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 5.1.3.

See Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 5.1.6.

"Sanctitas"

Romans, 13, 1: there is no power but from God: and those that are, are ordained of God (non est enim potestas nisi a Deo: quae autem sunt, a Deo ordinata sunt)

Canticle, 6, 9

The prayer Angelus

Here the humanist pope manages to slip in the liberal arts -though it is doubtful that Catherine would have been much concerned with these, and that they would really be a sign of holiness. Interestingly, the passage on the liberal arts is not repeated in the papal bull (see appendix) which otherwise quotes the oration verbatim

In Avignon, France

Gregorius XI [Pierre Roger de Beaufort](ca. 1329-1378): Pope from 1370 to his death. Seventh and last of the Avignon popes, and last pope before the Great Western Schism

Charles V (1338-1380): King of France from 1364 to his death.

Urbanus VI [Bartolomeo Prignano] (ca. 1318-1389): Pope from 1378 to his death

Bernardino of Siena (1380-1444): Franciscan preacher and saint

Friedrich III (Habsburg) (1415-1493): Duke of Austria (as Friedrich V) from 1424. Elected King of Germany and Holy Roman Emperor in 1440, crowned in Rome in 1452

(Collected Orations of Pope Pius II; 63)

CO, VII, 7; Pastor, II, p. 176-178; Voigt, IV, pp. 653-656

Pastor, II, p. 177

The probably rather fictive oration "Infelices domus" in the Commentarii,

In September 1459, during the Congress in Mantua

Concerning the textual transmission of Pius II´s orations, see Collected orations of Pope Pius, vol. 1, ch. 5

For the orations included in the Commentarii, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, sect. 5.1.4.

For other editions, see Collected orations of Pope Pius, vol. 1, ch. 5

(Collected Orations of Pope Pius II; 62) Abstract

On 29 October 1461, Pope Pius II canonized Catherine of Siena during a ceremony held in the Basilica of Saint Peter in Rome. On this occasion, the pope gave an oration, the "Catherinam Senensem", in which he defined the concepts of holiness and canonization, and spoke of the life and miracles of the saint. The pope was careful to point out that it is not the pope (or the Church) who creates saints, but the saints themselves, with the help of God. The Church only declares that they are saints, being with God in Heaven, and allows the faithful to pray to them and ask for their intercession with God. 521 [8] If the blind gentiles considered it wrong to choose gods after one's own desire (so that their false religion would not become disordered), should such practice in relation to saints not be even more forbidden to Christians, among whom all must done according to order. We know that our master, Jesus Christ, is the Son of God and the Wisdom of the father, ordained from eternity. And we heed these words of Paul: all that is, is ordained of God. 1 But if the Church is the work of God -as indeed it is -then all who act outside the Church overturn order, as they do who disobey the Roman Pontiff. And whereas they ought to be members, they usurp the right of the head. Christ founded and ordained his Church on the apostolic rock. Where there is order, there is both head and members. The head commands, and the members obey. For the Church is as an army set in array, 2 the true army of Christ, where all is done in an orderly fashion on the general's command. Where the Kingdom of God is, there, too, is order and harmony. In Hell there is no order, but only eternal horror, the seat of Lucifer, and the prison of all who oppose the Roman Church.

527 [12] She received or rather extorted the so-called penitential habit of Saint Dominic. She performed the services of a maid in her father's house, generously helped the paupers of Christ, took intense care of the sick, and with patience as her shield and Faith as her helmet overcame the temptations of the Devil and the incessant attacks of malign spirits. She comforted the imprisoned and the distressed as best she could. Only religious and holy words came from her, and all her talk was about morals, the studies of the good arts, 1 religion, piety, contempt of the world, the love of God and one's neighbour, and the Heavenly Fatherland. No visitor left her without having learned something and become a better person. Learning had been infused into her, it was not acquired. She was a teacher before she was a disciple. Indeed, when teachers of Holy Scripture and even bishops from great dioceses arrogantly put very difficult questions on the divinity to her, she answered them wisely and so well that those who had come to her as wolves and lions left her meek as lambs. Indeed, many of them greatly admired the virgin's divine wisdom, and having distributed their possessions among the poor they accepted the Cross of the Lord and afterwards lived an evangelical life.

Appendix 1: Oration "Responsurus" of Andrea de Santa Croce (1 December 1459, Mantua)

A number of the arguments in the following text closely resemble arguments in Pius' oration "Responsuri", and the initia of the orations are almost identical. These similarities raise the question of the relationship between the two texts.

Date

In his oration, Santa Croce refers to the oration of the French ambassadors as having been given the day before (pridie). This was 30 November (see above), so Santa Croce's oration would have been given on 1 December.

Manuscript

The oration is presently known to be extant in two manuscripts:

• Paris / Bibliothèque Nationale de France NAL 3198, ff. (P)

• Roma / Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale Vittorio Emmanuele Vitt. Em. 792, ff. 2r-29v

The Paris manuscript is damaged and in places difficult or impossible to read.

Edition

The text has been edited at least once:

• A. Pellicia: Raccolta di varie Croniche, Diari et altri Opuscoli così italiani, come latini, appartenenti alla storia del Regno di Napoli. Tom. IV. Napoli, 1782, pp. 331-349 (PE)

It is not known on which manuscript Pellicia's edition is based.

Present edition

The text is edited on the basis of the Paris manuscript (P) and Pellicia's edition (PE).

Pagination after Pellicia.

Literature

Abulafia, David: Ferrante I of

Oration "Advenisse te citius" of Pope Pius II (December 1459). Edited and translated by Michael v. Cotta-Schönberg 2019 Abstract

In December 1459, when the business of the Congress of Mantua was almost concluded, Margrave Albrecht Achilles of Brandenburg finally arrived. He was Pope Pius II's favourite German prince. Albrecht was received and highly praised by the pope in a public audience. There is no doubt that Albrecht's appearance at the Congress of Mantova was a great comfort to the pope, and it possible that Albrecht would have accepted command of a Christian army, had one been formed. The relationship between pope and cardinals was crucial to the government of the Church.

Keywords

During the Middle Ages the College of Cardinals had grown into an almost distinct organ of government, and groups of disaffected cardinals had caused several schisms when they elected rival popes -even the Great Schism which ended with three popes at the same time.

After the end of the Council of Basel, marked by conciliarism and quite severe opposition against the pope, the time had come for the restoration of the papacy and the redevelopment of monarchic church government based on the papal office alone.

In this development the nomination of new cardinals was quite important since it gave the pope the possibility to fill vacant positions in the college of cardinals -or if possible to expand it -with his own candidates, including papal nephews, eventually obtaining a working majority of his own design.

The first nominations of cardinals made by the popes were therefore quite important for determining the power relations between the college of cardinals and the pope, and the process of nomination and appointment was naturally tense and often conflictual.

In the electoral capitulation, signed by all cardinals at the beginning of the conclave in August 1458 which elected Pius as pope, the second item after the War on the Turks concerned the appointment a cardinals, stipulating that the pope would only appoint new cardinals with the assent of the majority of the cardinals. 2 Pius' first appointment of cardinals in Spring 1460 met with severe opposition from the cardinals, especially the senior ones. However, through his consummate skills of negotiation and armwrestling, Pius gained the upperhand and made the old cardinals approve the appointment of six new cardinals, of which one was his nephew and another a close relative. One of the six appointments, the emperor's candidate 3 , had to be kept secret for reasons of international politics. Pius own description in the Commentarii of the process is quite interesting and revealing -and entertaining as well.

In this connection Pius gave three addresses: the first one the opening speech to the old cardinals on the necessity of appointing new ones, the "Messis quidem"; the second one the address to the old cardinals listing the appointees and their merits, the "Quamvis non dubitamus"; and the

Date, place, audience and format

The "Messis quidem" was given on Ember Wednesday in Lent, 5 March 1460, in Siena. The other orations were given on the following Saturday, 8 March, in the same city.

The audience of the "Messis quidem" were the cardinals assembled in a secret consistory 1 . The audience of the two other orations were the cardinals assembled in a public consistory in the Cathedral of Siena 2 and those, curials and others, attending the consistory.

The format was a papal address from the throne.

Text 3

Messis quidem

This text is only known from Pius' Commentarii, 4 bk. IV, ch. 9, where it forms part of the description of the promotion of new cardinals in March 1460. The two main manuscripts containing the Commentarii are:

• Roma / Accademia dei Lincei Corsinianus 147, ff. 120v-121v

Quamvis non dubitamus

The oration is included in the Collection of Pius II's Responses (1460), largely consisting of responses to addresses by ambassadors, extant in at least five manuscripts: The Chisianus is the eldest of the five and identical with or very close to the oration as actually delivered by Pius.

Manuscripts

Editions

The text has been published at least three times:

To the cardinals on the new cardinals: Quamvis non dubitamus

To the cardinals on the newly promoted cardinals [3] Venerable brethren and beloved sons in Christ, though We do not doubt that you well know those persons whom We, last Thursday, appointed cardinals of the Holy Roman Church, We shall follow ancient custom and say a few words about their merits. At this time We and the Sacred College of our brethren found that five men should have the honour of being appointed cardinals.

[4] The first one is Angelo, Bishop of Rieti, 1 truly an angel and remarkable for his integrity and character. His brother was Domenico, 2 once a highly reputed Cardinal of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme. Angelo equals his brother. His many outstanding qualities are worthy of praise.

All his life has been pure. He has governed the church entrusted to him to the great benefit of his subjects. For many years he has preached the gospel to his people, corrected their manners, and reformed whatever he found in need of improvement. In the missions entrusted to him by the Apostolic See, he has proven himself to be most diligent and faithful. And now he performs the office of legate in Bologna with great favour from the citizens.

[5] The second is Berardo, 1 Bishop of Spoleto, who comes from a noble family in Narni. He has held many chairs at Italian universities and has lectured there to the delight and benefit of his audiences. In the end, he joined the Roman Curia. Nicolaus, Our predecessor, who admired his eminent learning, brought him into the palace and gave him the office of referendary. In this office he did so well that Nicolaus gave him all kinds of tasks, for his words were words of truth. Already then he was judged worthy to be promoted cardinal. Also Calixtus held him in great esteem, and the only barrier to his promotion was the jealousy of a few people. We took him into Our own household because of his exceptional reputation, and he has richly deserved Our favour and the goodwill of all the courtiers. He always had Our high regard since We admired and loved his prudence, loyalty, and learning.

[6] The third is Niccolò, 2 Bishop Elect of Teano, specialist in both laws. Under Pope Eugenius, he, for a period, administered Viterbo and also the province of the Patrimony 3 with great distinction. While We were a cardinal, he was the master of our household and governed Our house providently and peacefully. During Our pontificate, he has performed the office of treasurer which requires the greatest loyalty and flexibility. We have never heard of another treasurer who showed as much goodness and caution. We have also sent him on missions to kings and princes, and all the tasks We have given him he has performed with sagacity.

[7] The fourth is Alessandro, 4 General of the Augustinian Order and an eminent doctor and interpreter of theological wisdom. He has been a monk for 42 years and has alwas greatly cultivated poverty and humility. His home town is Sassoferrato. When he was five years old or a little older, he fell into a spring, but was pulled out, more dead than alive. Afterwards his parents gave him to God. The monastery 5 where he was first received is dedicated to the Holy Virgin. He made his profession of vows on the day of the Holy Virgin, and years later he celebrated his first mass and also became a master of theology on that same feastday. He was also promoted cardinal by Us in the City of the Blessed Virgin. 6 He is perfect in all ways, and has been called by God like Aaron. He did not know that he would be received into Our council, he did not seek it, and indeed he has been fleeing all honourable offices. 7 It was Us who took notice of his good name and his true reputation for an exemplary life. He himself shied away from the honour, but his virtues required that he should have it. 3 To the new cardinals

Vocati estis

To the new cardinals who were present [10] Sons and brothers, you have been called to the honourable office of cardinal. Great is the honour given to you: the college of our venerable brethren, into which you will now be received, is nothing but the Senate of the Christian world and the supreme tribunal of the Church militant. It is the task of your order to judge in matters of religion and faith, and in all major causes. Show yourselves to be worthy of this honour. We do not ask you to strip yourselves of the old man, 1 but rather to still be him, unless there is something hidden in you which is unsuitable for this honourable office. Until now you have been humble: keep that distinction. You have been chaste: make that virtue grow. You have been sober, abstinent, religious, and pious: now these virtues must flourish more than ever. We give you no other precept than to be such as you thought cardinals should be before you yourselves attained this splendid state. Amen.

Abstract

In However, the Duke of Milan and certain attractive offers of King Ferrante managed to strengthen the pope's resolve to support the Aragonese against the French. 1

Themes

The oration is a brief summary of the "Responsuri", given to the French ambassadors in December in Mantua, with updates concerning developments in the intervening five month period.

The major themes of the oration are three demands of the ambassadors of King René, all refused by the pope:

Concerning the demand for the investiture of King René, the pope motivated his refusal with the legal obligations of the papacy towards the Spanish House of Aragon, as contracted by previous popes:

• Pope Eugenius IV (1431-1447) invested King Alfonso with the Kingdom of Naples, gave him the right to name his own successor, and legitimated his son, Ferrante, recognizing him as heir to the Kingdom.

• Pope Nicolaus V (1447-1455) confirmed Pope Eugenius' decrees on the matter.

• Pope Calixtus V (1455-1458) confirmed his predecessors' actions, but when Alfonso V died, he revoked their legitimation of Ferrante and declared the Kingdom of Naples as having reverted to the Apostolic See, thus freeing his successor to invest whomever he wanted to with the Kingdom.

Legally, Pius also motivated his refusal with

• the peace treaties of 1454/1455, by which the Italian powers, including the papacy, recognized the reign of Alfonso V in the Kingdom of Naples and Ferrante as his successor.

Besides legal obligations the pope also motivated his refusal with political considerations: all the Italian powers had requested the pope to invest Ferrante with Kingdom, and the princes, nobles, and communes had unanimously recognized Ferrante as their king.

The audience consisted of the cardinals, ambassadors, and others participating in the public consistory during which the Angevin ambassadors were received.

The venue was probably the cathedral of Siena, which the pope used for high-profile public events.

The format was a papal adress from the throne to princely ambassadors.

Text 1

The the text is extant in two versions: an Early Version and a Final Version.

Early version

The Early Version is known only from one manuscript. It is written by Pius himself, not dictated to a secretary or a scribe, and it contains many erasures and corrections made directly in the process of composition. It is possible that this text is actually an early draft that was revised before delivery into a text which was closer to or identical with the Final Version.

• Roma / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana 2 Chisianus J.VII.251, ff. 271-277r (H)

Final version 4.2.1. Manuscripts

The Final Version exists in seven manuscripts containing the comprehensive collection of Pius' orations, prepared under his direct supervision in 1462. The text in these manuscripts is the same as the text in the seven manuscripts containing the comprehensive collection of orations, apart from common and individual variants deriving from errors of transcription. It does not appear to have been editorially revised.

The text is also contained in the following manuscripts:

• Paris / Bibliothèque Nationale Fonds It. 409

Present edition

For principles of edition (incl. orthography) and translation, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 9-10.

Text:

Early Version: the present edition is based on the Chisianus.

Final Version: The present edition is based on all the manuscripts marked with the siglum, with the Chisianus J.VIII 284 as the lead manuscript.

Pagination:

In the Early Version pagination is from the Chisianus.

In the Final Version pagination is from the lead manuscript.

Presentation:

The Early Version and the Final Version are presented synoptically, the Early Version above, and the Final Version below.The parts of the text occurring in both versions (but with no regard to differences in grammatical form and word order) are marked in bold types.

Translation:

The translation is of the Final Version only.

Sources 1

In this oration, no direct and indirect quotations from various sources have been identified. nonnulla Romanae ecclesiae magni momenti oppida invaserat, neque expellendus apparebat, si novus ignis in regno excitaretur. [5] [FV] The same was requested of Us by the envoys of the Venetians, the Duke of Milan, 1 the Florentines, and the Duke of Modena, 2 invoking the treaty made at the time of Nicolaus V 3 between the powers of Italy concerning resistance to Turkish attacks. Since the treaty concerned the defense of religion, the pope joined it as head and guardian. For as Constantinople 4 had recently been lost and the Prince of the Turks The Chisianus is the eldest of the texts and identical with or very close to the oration as actually delivered by Pius

Sigla

Editions

The oration was published by Mansi, based on the Lucca manuscript: [2] We now move on to the reason for your visit, the defense of the Catholic and Apostolic Faith.

You have clearly stated -and all know -the danger that threatens them. We may add, with Sallust: Everyone acknowledges it, but nobody comes to their rescue. 2 And We may lament with the prophet: For tribulation is very near: for there is none to help me. 3 In one direction, the Turks have occupied Greece, subjugated Serbia, and laid waste to most of Wallachia, and now they are marching against Hungary. In the other direction, the Saracens have moved towards the promontories and noble lands of Baetica 4 and are laying waste to the areas neighbouring Spain. The Christian princes prefer fighting each other to opposing the enemies of the Faith. Some lusting for power drive their neighbours from their homes; others resist being driven away; and all are more concerned about their own injuries than about Jesus Christ's. All are occupied with their private matters and neglect the public. Some are slothful and only care for pleasure and enjoyment, totally forgetting about our God and Christian religion. Therefore we may say with the psalmist: They are all gone aside, they are become unprofitable together: there is none that doth good, no not one.

Context 1

Having left Rome in January 1459, in order to go to the Congress of Mantua, Pope Pius II was absent from the City for almost two years. When he finally returned, after a protracted stay in his beloved Siena, he returned to a city plagued by rebellious youths and the attacks of the Roman barons allied with the condottiero Jacopo Piccinino, who was in the service of the Angevins trying to reconquer the Kingdom of Naples.

The pope left Siena on 10 September 1460 and arrived in Viterbo on 30 September.

In Viterbo he was met by envoys from Rome, begging him to return to the city as quickly as possible. In response the pope delivered the oration "Flentem et admodum dolentem".

Four days afterwards he left Viterbo and arrived back in Rome on 6 October.

In his Commentarii the pope wrote about the event:

At Viterbo the pope gave audience to the Roman envoys in the presence of the college of cardinals. Since they were all almost equally eloquent, they each took turns in speaking, lest any one seem superior to the next. They described how Rome grieved at Pius's absence, the many troubles that had arisen, the reluctance of the Romans to see him depart, their resentment at his tarrying among strangers, the joy with which they now anticipated his return. The walls of the houses, they very walls of the city rejoiced to hear that Pius was on his way home. They applauded the pope's acts at the Congress of Mantua -his speeches, his arguments, judgments, and replies. They commended to his care both the city, the capital of the world, and its citizens; they begged him to forget the sins that the youth of the city had committed. The Romans would be at peace, and would lead better lives, if only Father Pius returned to see his sons as soon as he could.

When the pope had spoken,

The envoys received the pope's reply with enthusiasm and communicated it to the Conservators of the city. The people of Rome were overjoyed at the thought that the Curia would soon be back with them. 2

Text 1

This oration was not included in the official compilation of Pope Pius II's orations, but only in his Commentarii, book 4, ch. 39, 2 where it forms part of the description of the pope's return to Rome after the Congress of Mantua and a prolonged stay in Siena.

Manuscripts

The two main manuscripts containing the Commentarii, are:

• Roma / Biblioteca dell'Accademia dei Lincei Corsinianus 147, ff. 143r-144r (S)

• Roma / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Reginensis Latinus 1995, ff. 218v-220r (R)

Of these, the Reginensis contains the first version of the Commentarii and the Corsinianus the Final Version, both made under Pius' personal supervision.

Editions

For the main editions and translations of the Commentarii, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 11: General Bibliography.

The text was also published in:

Context 1

When, in January 1459, Pius II left Rome in order to go Mantua for the European Congress on war against the invading Turks, he was planning on long visits to Siena on the way to and from Mantua, so it was clear that he would be absent from Rome for an extended period.

He knew that his absence would provide an opportunity for the barons and counts of the Papal States to plot and intrigue to obtain greater independence from their papal overlord. He made his dispositions accordingly and left Rome knowing the risk, but trusting that his lieutenants would be able to control the situation.

However, two events he had not foreseen radically changed the situation.

One was a rebellion of the Roman youth who -following the pattern of former uprisings 2 -made yet another attempt, now under the leadership of one Tiburzio di Maso, to overthow papal rule and establish a Roman republic.

The other was the invasion of the Kingdom of Naples by the Angevins, under the leadership of King René's son and heir, Jean II d'Anjou, with the aim of expelling King Ferrante and the House of Aragon from the Kingdom and re-establish Angevin rule. Allied with the Duke of Milan, Francesco Sforza, Pope Pius intervened in the war on the side of King Ferrante and sent troops to his aid. 3 When the Italian condottiero, Jacopo Piccinino, joined the Angevin cause and managed to create an alliance between the Angevins, a number of barons in the area of Rome, and the rebellious youth in the City, the situation became quite dangerous to the papacy.

A rather belated effort on Pius' part saved the day: from Siena, he summoned the papal troops from the Church State to counter Piccinino's forces.

When he finally arrived in Rome, he was greeted enthusiastically by the people, including many of the youths who had recently run riot in the City.

Early Version: Fatemur quirites

Presently, the "Fatemur quirites" is only known to be extant in two manuscripts:

• Lucca / Biblioteca Capitolare Feliniana 544, ff. 183v-186v (G1)

Final Version: Ingentes vobis quirites 4.2.1. Manuscripts

The "Ingentes vobis quirites" was not included in the oldest manuscript containing the Collected Orations of Pius II compiled in 1462, 1 but was added in later manuscripts:

• Lucca / Biblioteca Capitolare Feliniana 544, ff. 147v-151r (G2) In Vat. Lat. 1788, the oration is added at the end of the ms. in a much later hand. 2 In Chis. J.VIII.286 and Chis. J.VI.211 the oration is part of the integral manuscript and written in the same

Present edition

For principles of edition (incl. orthography) and translation, see Collected Orations of Enea Silvio Piccolomini / Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 9-10.

Text:

The Early Version has been edited on the basis of both the listed manuscripts. NB: due to problems of fading ink, the Chisianus is in many places rather difficult to read and collate.

The Final Version has been edited on the basis of all the manuscripts listed. Though the Reginensis and the Corsinianus have very ably edited previously, they too have been collated directly, as a matter of principle, with the Corsinianus as the lead manuscript.

Presentation:

The texts of the two versions are presented synoptically on the left page, with the Early Version above, and the Final Version below (sometimes continued on the right page). Bold types indicate identical text in the two versions (except for different word order, different grammatical forms, and variations between et/ac/atque).

Pagination:

Early Version: Pagination is from the the Luccensis.

Final Version: Pagination is from the Chisianus J.VIII.286.

History of the text

This oration has the most complex history of all Pius' orations:

• 2. Corinthians: 1

Classical sources: 4

• Cicero: 1

War in the Kingdom of Naples

3.1 Italian League, 1455 [4] [EV] Some years ago, 1 Mehmed, Prince of the Turks, 2 conquered the royal City of Constantinople. This victory made him so ambitious that he now menaces not only the Greeks, 3 but also the Hungarians, 4 the Italians, the Germans, and the other believers in Christ with the direst threats. As Italy was then being consumed by the terrible flames of war, Pope Nicolaus, Our predecessor, 5 endeavoured to make the Italian powers meet together and lay down their weapons, [desiring] them not only to make peace between them, but also to enter a treaty of mutual assistance if one of the parties to the treaty was attacked. 6 The aim of this treaty was to make it easier to oppose the Turk as the enemy of our religion. The Roman Pontiff was made head, guardian, and leader of the alliance. At that time Alfonso, famous King of Aragon and Sicily, 7 both powerful and wise, was still alive. After the pope, he was the first signatory to the treaty, and not only in his own name, but also in the name of Ferrante, 8 his heir. Ferrante was born outside marriage, but had been legitimated by apostolic privilege and declared heir to the kingdom. Nicholas persuaded all to join this treaty; his successor Calixtus 9 approved it; and We confirmed it, on the advice of Our brethren. [5] [FV] When Alfonso died, Calixtus still lived. Alfonso's son now demanded the Kingdom of the pope, but he refused, declaring that the Kingdom had reverted to the Church, and that he would reclaim it with arms if necessary. 1 Whether he did so justly or unjustly is not our concern here. At any rate, Calixtus' plans were soon prevented by his own death, occurring 40 days after that of Alfonso. When We succeeded him, 2 We found the Church in turmoil and harassed from all sides: Piccinino had occupied Assisi, Gualdo, and Nocera 3 by treason. The commandants appointed by Borgia, 4 Calixtus' nephew, refused to hand over the strongholds of the Church.

Accession of King Ferrante

Ferrante was demanding to be invested with the Kingdom and threatened with war if he did not get it. We had no troops, whereas Ferrante had Piccinino fighting for him, and the Duke of Milan 5 was his friend. Seeing what great danger threatened the Church, We brought the matter before the Senate. All the cardinals, even the French, 6 voted that Ferrante should be invested. Cardinal Latino Orsini 7 was sent to the Kingdom where he invested and crowned Ferrante. This was done without prejudice to the rights of René, if he had any. All the princes, dukes, barons, counts, and peoples of the Kingdom obeyed Ferrante: they petitioned for him to be made their king and swore the oath of fidelity to him. We care for both the Orsini, the Colonna, the Conti, and the Savelli: 1 as long as they remain loyal, those who fight them fight Us. Therefore, Our fight against the enemy is completely just, and the war We have undertaken against them for the safety of Our subjects is legitimate.

But since We have mentioned the Savelli, you should know that Jacopo Savelli is one of those who conspired with Piccinino. If he denies it, it is proven by his accepting a garrison from Piccinino in Palombara. 2 We have asked him to come to his senses and expel the Braccian 3 soldiers, and We have promised to forgive his error, but he would not heed Us. The senator 4 has condemned him at the Capitol. 5 We have admonished him justly, and We shall forgive him if he repents, and We shall never refuse to become his good father again if he returns to Us.

1 Noble families of Rome with extensive holdings around Rome. Their rise was due to a member of the family having become pope 2 Palombara Sabina is a town and commune in the province of Rome

Date, place, audience, and format

The oration "Catherinam Senensem" was given on 29 June 1461 in Saint Peter's Church in Rome.

The audience consisted of cardinals, prelates and curials, and a large congregation of the faithful from many places, including Siena, obviously.

The format was an oration/sermon from the throne.

Text 1

Manuscripts 2

The text is contained in a number of manuscripts, among them the following:

• Bruxelles / Bibliothèque Royale Ms. 15564-67, ff. 85r-91r (R) * **

• Lucca / Biblioteca Capitolare Feliniana 544, ff. 135r-138v (G) *

• Mantova / Biblioteca Comunale 100, ff. 268r-274r

• Milano / Biblioteca Ambrosiana I 97 inf, ff. 172v-176v The oration was included in the Collected Orations of Pius II compiled in 1462, represented by the manuscripts A, B, C, D, G. 1 Later, in 1464, it was also included in Cardinal Nephew's Anthology of Pius II's major orations, 2 contained in the manuscripts listed above with a double asterisk.

Editions

The oration was published by Mansi: Oration of Pius II, Supreme Pontiff, given in the Basilica of Saint Peter's in Rome, at the occasion of the canonization of Saint Catherine of Siena 0. Introduction [1] Venerable brethren and beloved sons, today We shall enter the name of Catherine of Siena into the catalogue of Holy Virgins of Christ. For the benefit of the many eagerly expectant people We see here today, We shall briefly explain the meaning of the word "holiness", 1 the reasons why the canonization of saints was introduced, and why the virgin Catherine is worthy of this honour. [5] As regards the canonization of saints, 1 the word "holy" refers to beatitude and immutability and some kind of divinity, 2 things that only God can give. For who else can make a mortal immortal, an unhappy happy, or a man God? All men are made blessed by their own innocence and virtue, but not without the help of God. Those who die in His grace do not need human assistance, as Scripture says: Blessed are the dead, who die in the Lord. 3 And: The Lord will not forsake his saints. 4 If human assistance was needed to attain the state of beatitude, many would be deprived of their reward since human judgment is fallacious. But God sees all, he understands all, he is supremely just, pious, and merciful, and He will not suffer anybody to be deprived of his reward. God is wonderful in his saints, 5 whom he has chosen from the beginning and written into the book of life. He calls them to Him when and where He wishes to, and He grants them perfect beatitude without needing our service for that. The felicity of the saints is not increased by our praise, nor is it diminished by our blame: they are enjoying their supreme and unchangeable boon without any fear. Such is the glory of all saints.

Concept of canonization

[6] What we give them, we give for our own sake. 6 For when we are pious and religious, when we adore God and venerate the saints, we redeem our own sins. And if we, as often happens, fear to address 7 God directly because of our iniquities, we have recourse to the saints [asking them] to intercede for our infirmities. But when we ask for protection, we must take care not to commit an offense by using intercessors 8 who are not pleasing to God. For the divinity becomes displeased and is not happy if we use unsuitable propitiators. Therefore, in Antiquity it was decided that only such saints might be venerated by Christians who had been approved and accepted by the great and high judgment of the Apostolic See.

1 "sancti" 2 I.e. the third sense of the word, see above 3 Apocalypse, 14, 13 4 Psalms, 36, 28 5 Psalms, 67, 36 6 Cf. oration "Si quis me roget", sect. 1: If anybody asks me, Reverend Fathers, why our forefathers introduced commemorations of holy men, I can answer easily: they did not do so for the sake of the holy men themselves so that they would receive praise for a well-lived life, but for our sake so that we will follow their examples. For why would they need our praise when they have been received by the Great God and are enjoying the supreme and ineffable splendour of divinity? And why would they want the praise of mortal men when they are living with Christ and are continuously praised by the voices of angels? No, they are blessed, and we are not able to give them anything or take anything away from them. This passage is from 1438, i.e. 23 years before the "Catherinam Senensem". Pius also used the theme in the introduction to his Commentarii, written about a year afterwards: The perfect happiness of the blessed [the saints] is neither increased by the praise of mortals nor diminished by their scorn, CO, Preface (Meserve, I, p. 3) 7 "pulsare aures" : i.e. knock on God's ears 8 "intercessores" 518 [7] Similis cautio apud gentiles fuit, qui etsi caeci erant, verae lucis cognitione privati 1 , non tamen 2 apud eos sibi quisque colendos deos 3 [7] Similar caution was used by the gentiles: although they were blind and did not know the true light, nobody could choose for himself which gods to worship: divine worship depended on higher authority. In Rome, it was the Senate which had the power to decide this. For Tertullian writes that when Emperor Tiberius had been informed by Pilate about the miracles of Christ, he wanted to grant him divine honours. But the Senate was against it purely because Pilate had written to the emperor, not to the Senate. But the true God did not want to numbered among false Gods, and He who is the One God, and even a jealous God, did not want to be worshipped together with many gods. The Senate, spurning Christ, accepted Simon Magus instead and decreed a statue in his honour as if he was a god. The Romans worshipped many gods, but they believed Jupiter to be the one king of all, not the Jupiter of Crete, son of Saturn, but some eternal and incomprehensible divinity. If We understand the gentiles correctly, those men whom they considered as gods were such as we call saints. Indeed Holy Scripture sometimes call angels or men gods, as in: God hath stood in the congregation of gods: and being in the midst of them he judgeth gods. 1 And again: You are gods and all of you the sons of the most High.

Life and miracles of Catherine of Siena

3.1. Life and character [11] This virgin was born of good parents, and she became even better herself. She dedicated herself to God even before she was old enough to really know him. As a small girl of six she wanted to go to the desert to serve the Lord. Having been taught the Salutation of the Angel, 1 she saluted the Blessed Virgin, Mother of Our Lord, on bended knees and on each step every time she went up the stairs in her father's house . When she grew older, she dedicated her virginity to Christ whom, in a clear vision, she saw enthroned in majesty. She also saw the secrets of the Heavenly Court which no mortal tongue can speak of. She renounced all worldly pleasures, gave herself totally to prayer, and chastised her little body with fasting, vigils, and scourging. She taught and persuaded her girl friends of the same age to do the same. When she reached the age of puberty, she cut off her hair and refused marriage with a mortal man, disdaining the mockery and insults of men.

537 [18] Thus there is no reason, venerable brethren, why We should hesitate to let the Church Militant recognize the honour of this wise virgin 1 who has already been crowned by the Church Triumphant. All the proper conditions in such a great case have been fulfilled. Her life was pure and without any sin. 2 Her faith was unblemished and her love burning. Her signs and miracles showed power over nature, as it was movingly told by the advocate. 3 Her fame is great, and We have received requests from the princes and demands from the peoples. All the solemn procedures required in such an important affair have been followed. We can therefore proceed to her canonization with confidence. But nothing can be done rightly without the grace of God.

We are men, we may fall, err, and be deceived. Only God cannot be deceived. Therefore, We ask all of you who are present to beg, together with Us, for the mercy and assistance of the Holy Spirit that He will not let Us err in this matter, but inspire Us to do what may please His will and benefit the faithful.

1 Probably an allusion to the ten prudent virgins -and a reuse of a title of the Virgin Mary 2 Here Pius -unabashedly -applies the expression "inscia culpae" which Vergil had used about Queen Amata of Latium (Aeneid, 12.648), to a Catholic saint. The office he wrote for Saint Catherine also contains some expressions and concepts from classical pagan literature. The world would know and note that the pope himself knew, appreciated, and used such literature, true humanist and lover of the liberal arts, such as he also claimed Saint Catherine to have been 3 The advocate charged with defending Catherine's holiness in the procedure of canonization had made a public report on one of the preceeding days

Abstract

In 1461, the rule of Queen Charlotte of Cyprus and her husband Louis of Savoy was successfully challenged by the queen's half-brother Jacques II de Lusignan. The queen fled to the West where she first went to the pope, Pius II, in Rome to beg for help. In his oration to the queen, the pope gave comforting words and promise of aid to her travel to her father-in-law, Duke Louis I of Savoy, and the promise of wine and grain to her besieged troops in Cyprus, but he also used the occasion to denounce the duke's refusal to contribute to the crusade against the Turk.

Keywords

Date, place, audience, and format

The oration "Pone lacrimas" was given on 16 October 1461, in the Apostolic Palace in Rome.

The audience was restricted to a few people (inter paucos), and the format was a -somewhat informal -papal response to a princess.

Text 2

This oration was not included in the official compilation of Pope Pius II's orations from 1462, but only in his Commentarii. 3

Manuscripts

The two principal manuscripts containing the Commentarii, with the oration, are:

• Roma / Biblioteca dell'Accademia dei Lincei Corsinianus 147, ff. 223r-223v (S)

• Roma / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana Reginensis Latinus 1995, ff. 324v-325r (R)

Of these, the Reginensis contains the first version of the Commentarii and the Corsinianus the final version, both made under Pius' personal supervision.

Editions and translations

Some important editions and translations of the Commentarii are 1 :

•

Present edition

For principles of edition (incl. orthography) and translation, see Collected Orations of Pope Pius II, vol. 1, ch. 9-10.

Text:

Though the Reginensis and the Corsinianus have very ably edited previously, the text has -as a matter of principle -been collated from the two principal manuscripts, with the Corsinianus as the lead manuscript.

Pagination:

Pagination is from the lead manuscript.

Sources 1

In this very brief oration, only one direct or indirect quotation has been identified, from Horace's Odes.

Bibliography