Marijana Marelj

INTRODUCTION: THE ISSUE OF ACATEGORIAL ROOTS

Within DM as a framework, there is broad consensus that roots are acategorial [START_REF] Josefsson | The notion of word class and the internal makeup of words[END_REF], 1997[START_REF] Josefsson | Minimal Words in a Minimal Syntax[END_REF], 2001[START_REF] Marantz | No escape from syntax: Don't try morphological analysis in the privacy of your own lexicon[END_REF], 2001, Arad 2003[START_REF] Embick | Architecture and blocking[END_REF][START_REF] Embick | Distributed Morphology and the syntax/morphology interface[END_REF], Acquaviva 2009[START_REF] Harley | On the identity of Roots[END_REF], Haugen and Siddiqi 2013, among for some researchers (e.g., [START_REF] Pfau | Features and Categories in Language Production[END_REF], 2009, Acquaviva 2009[START_REF] Harley | On the identity of Roots[END_REF], no meaning "On their own, roots are unpronounceable. It is "words"-roots combined with nominal, adjectival, or verbal features-that we pronounce. Roots also lack a fixed or precise semantic interpretation. It is only in the specific environment of certain morphemes that they acquire an actual interpretation as nouns or verbs. The root √hammer, for example, is assigned an interpretation of a manner verb when embedded in a verbal environment, and an interpretation of an instrument used for hammering when embedded in a nominal environment." (Arad 2003:10) Similar approach in Borer 2005a, b Harley 2009[START_REF] Belder | Roots and affixes: Eliminating lexical categories from syntax[END_REF][START_REF] Belder | The root and nothing but the root: primary сompounds in Dutch[END_REF][START_REF] Steddy | Compounds, composability, and morphological idiosyncrasy[END_REF], etc., vs. Nóbrega 2020: compounding

COMPOUNDS AS EVIDENCE FOR THE LACK OF CATEGORY

De Belder 2011, 2017: a subtype of Dutch primary compounds involves an acategorial nonhead

Steddy 2019: an acategorial non-head yields a non-compositional relationship between the two members of the compound

RUSSIAN AND SERBO-CROAT INFLECTED COMPOUNDS

Like Polish [START_REF] Szymanek | IE, Slavonic: Polish. In The Oxford Handbook of Compounding[END_REF], neither Russian nor Serbo-Croat have phrasal compounds: the first member (M1) and the second member (M2) are always syntactic heads rather than phrases Slavic compounds and acategorial roots (October 13-15, 2021) Two parameters of variation: (i) Slavic compounds and acategorial roots (October 13-15, 2021) And even if it is not the imperative, the choice of the vowel clearly juxtaposes [-V] in M1

So if M1 is verbal, it must bear clearly verbal morphology

Apparently roots that are used to form verbs cannot be used as M1 in compounds

Non-V1 compounds

If M1 is a noun ( 6), an adjective (7), a numeral (8), or a pronoun (3d), it is followed by a linking vowel [o] (turning to [e] after palatalized consonants (3a,b)).

Such interfixed compounds can be null-derived or parasynthetic (containing a suffix):

(6) M1 is a noun… a. krv-o-tok 'bloodstream' ← -krv-'blood' + -tok-'stream' SC b. volk-o-dav 'wolfhound' ← -volk-'wolf' + -dav-'press.ROOT' R which can be plural: c. ljud-o-žder 'cannibal' ← ljudi 'people' (sg: čovek 'man') + -žder-'devour' SC d. oč-e-vid-ec 'witness' ← oči 'eyes' + -vid-'see.ROOT' + -ec-(-er.AGT) R (7) M1 is an adjective… a. plav-o-ok 'blue-eyed' ← plav 'blue' + ok(o) 'eye' SC b. razn-o-obraz-n-yj 'varied' ← -razn-'different' + -ob.raz-'image.ROOT' + -n-'-y'R
which can be a comparative or even an adverb (very rare) c.

viš-e-bož-ac 'polytheist' ← -viš-'higher' + bog 'god' Slavic compounds and acategorial roots (October 13-15, 2021) There is no question about the lexical category of both M1 and M2 in dvandva compounds

c. trʲ-ox-nog-ij 'three-legged' ← tri 'three' (GEN: trʲox) + noga 'leg' + ø '-y' R d. pʲat-i-nog-ij 'five-legged' ← pʲatʲ 'five' (GEN: pʲati) + noga 'leg' + ø '-y' So when M1 is [-V],

INTERMEDIATE SUMMARY

The [±V] category of M1 is indicated by the imperative inflection (for V1-compounds) or by the linking vowel (for non-V compounds)

The relevant criterion seems to be conjugation vs. declension (there are no linking vowels for words derived from PPs), so the linking vowel seems to be an inflectional suffix

The information whether a stem conjugates or declines is categorial information, so the roots (or stems) involved in inflected compounds are not acategorial Furthermore, inflected compounds may be interpreted idiosyncratically ((3b), ( 4b), ( 5), (6b), etc.), showing that a categorized M1 is no impediment for special meaning (contra Steddy).

Maybe inflected compounds do not involve roots at all?

UNINFLECTED COMPOUNDS

Both Russian [START_REF] Shagalova | Типы семантических отношений между компонентами в определительных композитах [Types of semantic relations between components in attributive compounds[END_REF][START_REF] Yanovich | Англоязычные лексические заимствования как словообразовательный ресурс современной русской речи (к вопросу о неологических тенденциях развития языка) [English-language lexical borrowings as a word-formation resource of modern Russian speech (on the question of neological tendencies of language development)]. Языки мира -в мир языков[END_REF], Kapatsinski and Vakareliyska 2013, among others) and Serbo-Croat [START_REF] Bidwell | Two morpho-syntactic patterns in Serbo-Croatian[END_REF], Surdučki 1978, etc.) jaxt-klub (from jaxta 'a yacht') jacht club a sailing club In such compounds M1 can be bound stems (-social-cannot be used as an independent word, -jaxt-can only be used with declension class-II inflection or as part of another word) Slavic compounds and acategorial roots (October 13-15, 2021) Bound stems may have a lexical category (in fact, -social-is probably as nominal as -jaxt-) Furthermore, this may be part of a different phenomenon. Russian also has compounds with a truncated M1 (and even M2) where truncation may fail to select a root [START_REF] Molinsky | Patterns of ellipsis in Russian compound noun formation[END_REF] A subset of exocentric interfixed compounds may be taken to argue for the lack of category for M2 too, as M2 can be a noun (6a-c) or a verb (6d), ( 12). Yet the category issues they raise are independent of compounding

Special cases 1: interfixed V1 compounds

There are a few examples [START_REF] Vinogradov | Вертопрах и щелкопёр [Vertoprax 'flibbertigibbet' and ščelkopër 'scribbler[END_REF], see also [START_REF] Fedorova | прилагательные неотчуждаемой принадлежности в русском языке [Compound Adjectives of Inalienable Possession in Russian[END_REF][START_REF] Tolstaya | Сложные слова и словосочетания: синтаксис и семантика [Complex words and phrases: syntax and semantics[END_REF]

3.2. V1 compounds M1 can be a verbal stem, productively in

	As we will see, all these types involve lexical categorization:
	➢	explicit: the choice of the linking vowel is determined by the lexical category of
		the first member of the compound
	➢	implicit: non-interfixed compounds are constructed with nominal stems only
	All these types can give rise to (semi)compositional as well as idiomatic interpretation
	3.1. Parasynthetic compounds
	Parasynthetic (aka suffixed) compounds combine compounding with derivation:
	(2) a.	churchgoer: [[church-go]-er] or [church-[go-er]]
	b.	horse racing
	c.	breathtaking
	Their internal structure is subject to debate
	In Slavic languages parasynthetic compounds are just as productive and also based on regular
	morphology:
	(3) a.	oč-e-vid-ac 'witness' ← oči 'eyes' + -vid-'see.ROOT' + -ac-(-er.AGT)	SC
	b.	viš-e-bož-ac 'polytheist' ← -viš-'higher' + bog 'god' + -ac-(-er.AGT)
	c.	sam-o-dovolʲ-n-yj 'smug' ← sam 'self' + -dovolʲ-'satisfied.ROOT' + -n-'-y'	R
	d.	odn-o-obraz-ie 'uniformity' ← -odĭn-'one' + -ob.raz-'image.ROOT' + -ij-'-ness'
	All parasynthetic compounds are interfixed
	The lexical categories of M1 and M2 seem rather free:
	➢	M1 can be a noun (3a), an adjective (3b), a numeral (3c), or a pronoun (3d)
	➢	M2 can be a verbal (3a, c), a nominal (3b) or an adjectival (3c) root
	Yet they are not acategorial
		Serbo-Croat, non-productively in Russian:
	(4) a.	seci-kesa 'cut-purse' ← -sek-'cut.ROOT' + kesa 'purse'	SC
	b.	perekati-pole 'tumbleweed' ← -pere.kat-'roll over.ROOT' + pole 'field'

interfixed (vowel-linked) or non-interfixed (ii) exocentric, parasynthetic, or endocentric R The

linking vowel [i] here is actually the imperative suffix

			-i-: it follows the theme vowel
	(and so the verbal stem) in Russian, it creates forms clearly distinct from 3SG or bare root in
	Serbo-Croat:
	See Vinogradov 1999, Tolstaya 2020 for Russian V1-compounds, Progovac 2006 for Serbo-Croat ones
	(5) a.	gulʲ-a-j-	gorod	R
		wander-TH-IMP town
		a wagon-fort, a siege-tower
	b.	der-i-koža	SC, Progovac 2006

rip.IMP skin a person who rips you off

NB: In Serbo-Croat cf. derati.

INF, dere.PRES.3SG, der.ROOT,

  it is flagged by the linking vowel This [±V] juxtaposition clearly shows that M1 is not devoid of lexical category

	Slavic compounds and acategorial roots (October 13-15, 2021)
	(12) a.	ljud-o-žder 'cannibal' ← ljudi 'people' + -žder-'devour'	verb, SC
		b.	sam-o-gon 'moonshine' ← sam 'self' + -gŭn-'chase.ROOT'	R
	Irrespective of whether the resulting noun contains a nominalizing suffix:
	(13) a.	oč-e-vid-ac 'witness' ← oči 'eyes' + -vid-'see.ROOT' + -ac-(-er.AGT)	SC
		b.	viš-e-bož-ac 'polytheist' ← -viš-'higher' + bog 'god' + -ac-(-er.AGT)
		c.	mʲas-o-rub-k-a 'meat grinder' ← mʲaso 'meat' + -rub-'chop.ROOT' + -k-DIM	R
		d.	verti-xvost-k-a 'a flirt' ← vertetʲ 'to turn' + xvost 'tail' + -k-DIM
	Can M2 here be a root?
	For: the verbal theme is absent (yet it is also absent in deverbal nouns formed with the same
	suffixes outside of compounds):
	The suffix -ec-is not productive outside of compounding in Russian, but -k-is
	(14) a.
	Irrespective of whether such nominalizations involve a root or a categorized stem, this issue
	is broader than that of compounding
	4.	DVANDVA COMPOUNDS
	Dvandva compounds are semantically intersective and involve two clear nouns characterized See Borer 2015 for evidence that the [±V] contrast may be universal and Gouskova 2021 for its relevance for the affixes-as-roots hypothesis by nominal declension:
	(18) a. 3.4. M2 as a root Kupila bought.SG be.PRES.1SG soda.ACC/NOM water.ACC sam sodu/soda vodu.	SC
			I bought a soda.
		b.	s	izboj-	čitalʲnej
					R

M2 in compound nouns can be either a noun or a verb:

(11)

a. jedn-o-rog 'unicorn'← jedan 'one' + rog 'horn' noun, SC b. nos-o-rog 'rhinoceros' ← nos 'nose' + rog 'horn' kupec 'merchant' ← kup-i-tʲ 'to buy' (if the theme were retained: *kuplec) b. rubka 'chopping' ← rub-i-tʲ 'to chop' (if the theme were retained: *rubʲka or *rublʲka, though phonology can be also made to force rubka) Both suffixes are category-neutral outside compounds: (15) a. bel-ac 'white person' ← bel 'white' SC b. bor-ac 'fighter' ← boriti se 'to fight' c. bosan-ac 'Bosnian' ← Bosnia 'Bosnia' (16) a. zelʲon-k-a 'brilliant green' (a desinfectant) ← zelʲonyj 'green' R b. protir-k-a 'wiping out' ← protiratʲ 'to wipe clean' c. ruč-k-a 'a handle' ← ruka 'a hand' Even with null-derived compounds the corresponding covert deverbal suffix (which is what triggers the ablaut in yer-containing stems) is available: (17) a. gon 'rut', GEN.SG: gona ← gnatʲ 'to chase' ([[gŭn-aTH]-tʲINF]) 'to chase' R b. zakat 'sundown' ← zakatitʲ ([[[[zaPFX.kat√]v-iTH]-tʲINF]-sʲaREFL) 'to roll behind' c. ispad 'disorderly conduct' ← izpadati [[[izPFX-pad√]v -aTH]-tiINF] 'to fall out' SC Such deverbal compounding always yields masculine nouns of the declension class I (the root -pis-is an exception) The fact that such nominalizations can include aspectual prefixes (17b, c) strongly suggests that they are deverbal rather than root-derived The lack of a theme vowel can therefore be attributed to truncation (phonology) rather than to the lack of the verbal category per se R with log cabin.INS reading-room.INS with a village library & reading room

  Slavic compounds and acategorial roots (October 13-15, 2021) c.Djurdjevdan 'St. George's day' ← Djurdj-ev 'George-POSS' + dan 'day' d. dàngubiti 'to waste time' ← dan 'day' + gubiti 'lose' e. starmal 'young and old' ← star 'old' + mal 'small' A single accent does not indicate the lack of a lexical category for M1: M1 in (27a-c) are derived or inflected nouns or adjectives. These are proper names and non-productive Traditional grammars: tsar was originally an expression of high degree, listing as well: Acquaviva, Paolo. 2009. Roots and lexicality in Distributed Morphology. In York-Essex Morphology Meeting 2, ed. by Alexandra Galani, Daniel Redinger and Norman Yeo, 1-21. York: University of York. Arad, Maya. 2003. Locality constraints on the interpretation of roots: the case of Hebrew denominal verbs. Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 21, 737-778.

	7.3. Special cases 3: Russian miscellanea
	Among special cases:
	(28) stop-kran 'emergency brake'
	In principle, stop can be an imperative here (this is how it is used)
	(29) a.	carʲ-puška 'Tsar cannon'
	b.	carʲ-kolokol 'Tsar bell'
	(30) a.	gore-oxotnik
		sorrow hunter
		a mess of a hunter
		čudo-	derevo	where
	[o] is used as a linker for a verbal M1: miracle tree
	(24) a.	lupoglazyj 'pop-eyed' ← lupatʲ 'to blink (dial.)' + glaz 'eye' a miraculous tree	adjectives
	b. Both are productive pučeglazyj 'goggle-eyed' ← pučitʲ 'to expand from within' + 'eye'
	(25) a. The first component does not decline: lizoblʲud 'lick-spittle' ← lizatʲ 'to link' + blʲudo 'dish' (cf. also blʲudoliz)	nouns
	b. c. (31) a. d.	ščelkopër 'scribbler' ← ščëlkatʲ 'to click' + pero 'feather, quill' pro carʲ-pušku vertoprax 'flibbertigibbet' ← vertetʲ 'to turn' + prax 'dust, ashes' about tsar cannon.ACC skalozub 'scoffer' (arch., the modern form is zuboskal) ← skalitʲ 'to bare (of teeth only)' + zub 'tooth' about the Tsar bell
	e. b.	lomonos 'nose-breaker (arch.), clematis' ← lomatʲ 'to break' + nos 'nose' pro gore-oxotnika
	f.	ležebok/ležeboka 'lie-abed' ← ležatʲ 'to lie' + bok 'side' about sorrow hunter.ACC
	The existence of one parasynthetic V1-compound with a linking vowel strongly suggests that about this mess of a hunter
	M1 is not regarded as a verb here: there are no other parasynthetic V1-compounds Neuter nominative ([o]/[e]) is indistinguishable from the interfix
	Also many of these verbal roots can form null-derived deverbal nouns, which used to be far more productive Attributive:
	(26) trʲasoguzka 'wagtail' ← trʲasti 'to shake' + guzno 'butt' + -k-(32) son-trava	parasynthetic
	Most of them are archaic and synchronically irreducible to the originally motivating roots sleep-grass
	In Russian the numbers of imperative V1-compounds and interfixed ones are comparable, but 'pasqueflower'
	neither is productive Compounding is not needed for special interpretation, cf. Tasmanian tiger
	In Serbo-Croat, only imperative V1-compounds are possible 8. REFERENCES
	7.2. Special cases 2: single-accent compounds
	Generally compounds have more than one stress, with the secondary stress falling on M1 (see
	Gouskova 2010 for a discussion)
	But some compounds only have one stress:
	(27) a.

svrsishodan 'purposeful' ← svrha 'purpose', DAT: svrsi + shodan 'fitting' SC b.

čuvárkuća 'Easter egg', 'houseleek' ← čúvar 'watchman.AGT'+ kùća 'house'


Harold Duruflé

Philippe Ranocha

Duchesse Lacour

Mbadinga Mbadinga

Sébastien Déjean

Maxime Bonhomme

Hélène San Clemente

Nathalie Escaravage

Monique Burrus

Christophe Dunand

Phenotypic trait variation in genetically distincts Arabidopsis thaliana populations from the Pyrenees Mountains highlight

ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

Phenotypic trait variation in genetically distinct Arabidopsis thaliana populations from the Pyrenees Mountains highlight acclimation to environmental constraints.

Harold Duruflé 1 , Philippe Ranocha 1 , Duchesse Lacour Mbadinga Mbadinga 1 , Sébastien Déjean 2 , Maxime Bonhomme 1 , Hélène San Clemente 1 , Nathalie Escaravage 3 , Monique Burrus 3 , Christophe Dunand 1

In conclusion, genetic structure as well as inter-and intra-population variation emphasized the unexpected variability found in this region. This study also revealed phenotypic variation in acclimation of A. thaliana across abiotic gradient characterized here by the temperature. Some of them are correlated with identified genetic clusters or with environmental data. These analyses contribute to enrich knowledge on abiotic stress acclimation in natural plant populations. The natural diversity is a free reservoir of variation for studying morphological and developmental traits. Studying natural variation will help to identify genetic mechanisms of complex traits. Mountain habitats provide genuine environmental temperature gradients where plants need to adapt to multiple environments. Pyrenees Mountains constitute a physical barrier between Spain and France. In this study, 30 new natural populations of Arabidopsis thaliana were identified and collected between 200 and 1800 m above sea level. The genetic relationships between populations and also the phenotypic variability were analysed at sub-optimal temperature (22°C vs 15°C) to mimic natural environment.

Context

Diversity of responses to the different temperature growth conditions

Integrative study

1 Laboratoire de Recherche en Sciences Végétales ; 2 Institut de Mathématique de Toulouse ; 3 Laboratoire Évolution & Diversité Biologique; Email addresses: harold.durufle@lrsv.ups-tlse.fr 5 class III peroxidases (Prx09, 25, 36, 48 and 62) genes were sequenced and used as polymorphic markers to evaluate genetic variation of 341 individuals of A. thaliana (representing 30 populations).

Strategies & Objectives

  Pritchard et al., Genetics. 2000; 155:945-959

Climate

Geographic location and genetic group assignment of 30 populations of A. thaliana in Pyrenees Mountains, 22 accessions of 1001 genomes and 3 out group populations Lant, Col and Sha. Relationships inferred with STRUCTURE [1] are illustrated by colored circle. Each individual circle represents the populations allocation into their estimate membership proportions in each genetics cluster determined by STRUCTURE results (K=2). White stars stand for 1001 genomes populations.

Multivariate analysis

The time to growth at the bolting stage increases at 15°C as compared to 22°C.

Chlorophyll content is more stable in rosettes of different population grown at 15°C.

Examples of contrasted phenotype data :

The stems growth speed depend to the environmental condition


Harold Duruflé

Vincent Hervé

Philippe Ranocha

Cécile Albenne

Josiane Chourré

Vincent Burlat

Thierry Balliau

Michel Zivy

Monique Burrus

Nathalie Escaravage

Production and treatment of heterogeneous omics data in order to study the cell wall plasticity in various Pyrenean altitudinal A. thaliana ecotypes

ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

The cell wall proteomics analysis allowed to discriminate the four samples:

Molecular actors of plant adaptation to climate changes are not well known. Plant cell walls constitute an external barrier which is modified upon environmental changes and their structures and compositions can change 1 . By providing and combining omics data, the WallOmics project aims at understanding the plant cell wall adaptation to global warming 2 . Production of large sets of heterogeneous data will require the development of the existing mixOmics 3 package in order to perform the integrative approach required for a global analysis.

The integrative analysis with mixOmics (statistical integrative package developed by the Mathematics Institute of Toulouse) should allow us to draw a model regarding adaptation to climate changes and to identify proteins, genes or metabolic pathways potentially involved in cell wall plasticity in response to environmental changes.


-0.9 +0.9

A systems biology approach to study the genetic variability of proteome responses to water deficit in sunflower Climate change is a current issue of major concern because of its potential effects on biodiversity and the agricultural sector. To better understand the adaptation of plants to this recent phenomenon is therefore a major interest for crop science and society. The domesticated sunflower, Helianthus annuus L., is the fourth most important oilseed crop in the world [1] and is promising for agriculture adaptation because it can maintain stable yields across a wide variety of environmental conditions, especially during drought stress [2] . As drought stress response involves a large number of molecular pathways and subsequent physiological processes, it constitutes an archetypical systems biology model.

Conclusion & Perspectives

To conclude, we demonstrated that sunflower has a strong response to water deficit and we observed different behaviors between hybrids and parental lines. The integrative analysis helped to provide interesting candidates [8] , to explain these differences and to understand relationships between eco-physiological and proteomics responses. In perspective, we will characterize the most relevant candidates and study their roles using functional validation and genetic diversity evolution and breeding. Moreover, the heterosis effect (non additivity of abundance in the hybrids) and its role during drought stress will be characterised. This study is part of a larger project and other biological levels will be implemented soon to achieved a more holistic view. CID_MATURE: Carbon isotope discrimination (13C/12C) measured on the mature leaf; LEAF_EXP_TOT: leaf expansion of the entire plant estimates for the stress period; FTSW: fraction of transpirable soil water; OSM_POT_MATURE: osmotic potential of the mature leaf; PLANT_HEIGH_RATE and COLLAR_DIAM_RATE: Differential measurement of collar diameter and plant height calculated between the beginning and the end of the stress normalised using the degree-day of this period.

Examples of candidate genes

  the water status: -Physiological variables Types of genotype (parental lines or hybrids) show different behaviors: -Architecture variables independent to the stress Integrative analysis correlation between the top proteins (60, blue) and eco-physiological variables (green) selected by a PLS model to discriminate the water status (cutoff: 0.55).

Identification-

  Database : Helianthus annuus Non redundant Peptides XRQ (Heliagene.org) -2506 proteins identified Quantification -Quantitative analysis on 1211 proteins (after filtering) : ANOVA -575 DAPs (Differential Abundant Proteins) identified

Laboratoire des Interactions Plantes-Microorganismes (UMR

2594/441) ; 2 GQE Le Moulon (UMR 0320/8120); 3 INRA/INP-ENSAT AGIR (UMR 1248)