Pierre Vialle
email: pierre.vialle@imt-bs.eu

Jason Whalley
email: jason.whalley@northumbria.ac.uk

Shengxing Yang
email: shengxing.yang@universite-paris-saclay.fr

Seizing opportunities for international growth -The case of Iliad and the Italian mobile telecommunications market

Keywords: Mobile Telecommunications, disruption, entry, internationalisation, innovation, Italy

Purpose

To analyse the internationalisation process of a mobile operator and highlight the specificities of this particular industry Design/methodology/approach Longitudinal single case study based on document research

Findings

The internationalisation process differs from the main model (Uppsala model). It is necessitates the ability to seize opportunities as they arise. Seizing such opportunities leads directly to an initial strong commitment without going through a process of gradual commitment. The role of regulation is also outlined.

Originality/Value

While studies on the internationalisation of (mobile) operators have been, the process of internationalisation has not been conceptualised in comparison with the main model.

Introduction

Since the launch of mobile telecommunications in the early 1980s, these markets have changed through a combination of technological change, liberalisation and competition [START_REF] Curwen | The Internationalisation of Mobile Telecommunications: Strategic Challenges in a Global Market[END_REF][START_REF] Curwen | Mobile Telecommunications in a High-speed World: Industry Structure, Strategic Behaviour and Socio-economic Impact[END_REF][START_REF] Vialle | Stratégies des opérateurs de télécoms[END_REF]. Technological change has widened the services that mobile devices provide; and while some still use them to communicate to others, they are increasingly used as a way to access the Internet. While liberalisation has increased the number of mobile operators present in each market, and it is generally accepted that these markets should be competitive, there are many barriers to entry that limit the number of companies within each market [START_REF] Park | Explicating barriers to entry in the telecommunications industry[END_REF]. Not only do these barriers include the construction of a network as well as attracting subscribers and developing a brand, but within mobile telecommunications it also means acquiring a licence.

The acquisition of a licence can be costly. At the turn of the millennium, for example, Germany and the UK sold 3G licences for $46bn and $34bn respectively [START_REF] Deighton | German auction of 3G mobile phone licenses raises 50.5bn euros[END_REF][START_REF] Klemperer | How (not) to run auctions: The European 3G telecom auctions[END_REF]. In both cases, the auction attracted more bidders than the limited number of licences that were available, pushing the price up way beyond initial expectations. With each new generation of mobile technologies (3G, 4G etc.) governments offer only a limited number of licences, for a combination of economic and technical reasons. This limited number of licences constitutes a significant barrier to entry for would-be mobile operators. As a result, there are effectively only two ways to enter a mobile telecommunications market: participate in the licensing process or acquire an existing operator (which already has a licence).

The Iliad Group and its founder Xavier Niel was initially focused on the French market only and has been a pioneer of broadband Internet in this country. It then used the licensing of an additional 3G licence in the mid-2000s to enter the mobile market [START_REF] Berne | An analysis of the disruptive impact of the entry of Free Mobile into the French mobile telecommunications market[END_REF]. Highly competitive pricing was integral to its strategy (Commsupdate, 2012a). After this successful entry into the French market, Iliad sought unsuccessfully to enter another large European market. Xavier Niel, through his investment holding NJJ Capital had only been able to invest in rather small countries, such as Monaco or Switzerland. This changed, however, in November 2015 when Xavier Niel acquired a significant stake in Telecom Italia Mobile (TIM), the incumbent telecommunications operator in Italy. The Italian market was particularly attractive because of its high consumption of telecommunication service, with TIM being considered a 'slumbering giant' ripe for new management. A better opportunity finally came up in 2016, following the decision made by two mobile operators to merge. The European Commission decided that the merger between 3 Italia and WIND could only go ahead if they shed assets to create a new rival. To ensure that the merge occurred, assets were divested, thereby creating the possibility for Iliad to enter the mobile market in 2018.

The internationalisation of telecommunications operators, and in particular of mobile operators does not conform to a usual pattern. It does not follow a gradual path of increasing commitment in a target country according to the experience accumulated, as formalised in the Upsala model [START_REF] Johanson | The internationalisation process of the firm -A module of knowledge development and increasing foreign market commitments[END_REF][START_REF] Johanson | The mechanism of internationalisation[END_REF]. It starts directly with a high commitment, by investing in a licence and a network, or, alternatively, by acquiring an incumbent mobile operator. In this particular case we show that the initial strong investment has been followed by an incremental process of leveraging complementary assets through several partnerships.

In this article, we describe and analyse how this opportunity arose and how Iliad has been able to seize it. We first address the market and competitive situation which led two incumbents, 3 Italia and WIND, to merge. Then we show how the perceived risk of insufficient competition resulting from this merger led regulatory authorities to mandate the merged company to shed network assets and frequencies. We also explain how Iliad has been able to be selected and enter the Italian market.

To explore the entry and impact of Iliad into the Italian telecommunications market, we adopt a longitudinal case study approach [START_REF] Yin | Case study research: Design and methods[END_REF]. This enables us to answer a series of 'why' and 'how' questions around the entry of Iliad into the market [START_REF] Eisenhardt | Building theories from case study research[END_REF][START_REF] Yin | Case study research: Design and methods[END_REF], and sheds further light on the relatively limited theoretical understanding of the entry of operators into new markets [START_REF] Eisenhardt | Theory building from cases: Opportunities and challenges[END_REF]. Our analysis draws on data from a variety of sources (such as, for example, annual reports, regulatory statements, the trade and financial press) that were initially combined into a timeline. As the timeline was being developed, sources were triangulated. Those observations where sources disagreed were either removed or treated with a degree of caution in the subsequent analysis. It is worth noting that the sources were mainly published in either English or French, though some Italian sources were translated using Google Translate.

Literature review

General theories of internationalisation

The internationalisation process of firms has raised the interest of scholars for many years and has been the subject of several conceptual contributions. The number and diversity of such contributions is far too high to be presented in this article, so we will restrict our short review One of the most known is the so-called 'Eclectic Paradigm' by Dunnings (1979), which originally aimed at explaining the development of FDI. Also called the OLI model, the theory considers that firm's investment abroad is a rational decision in order to benefit from some advantages. These are Ownership (O) advantages such as ownership rights, Location (L) advantages such as cheaper labour, and Internalisation (I) advantages, as compared to transacting with another firm.

The Resource-Based View (RBV), as the dominant theory in strategic management, can also be applied to internationalisation issues [START_REF] Collis | A resource-Based analysis of global competition: The case of the bearings industry[END_REF][START_REF] Peng | The resource-based view and international business[END_REF]. There is an obvious relation to the 'Ownership' component of the OLI model, as the RBV considers that firmspecific advantages are derived from the resource and capabilities they possess. In this perspective, firms tend to choose internationalisation opportunities in which they can better use their accumulated resources and competences, including the knowledge they can transfer to their subsidiaries or partners [START_REF] Kogut | Knowledge of the Firm and the Evolutionary Theory of the Multinational Corporation[END_REF]. Alternatively, latecomer firms, which are resource poor, can use internationalisation to access or acquire the new resources and competences that are available in other countries (Matthews, 2002). It can also provide a link to more behavioural approaches, as resource and competence development results from experience and is largely path dependent.

Other theories have adopted a behavioural perspective, in particular the frequently cited Upsala model [START_REF] Johanson | The internationalisation process of the firm -A module of knowledge development and increasing foreign market commitments[END_REF][START_REF] Johanson | The mechanism of internationalisation[END_REF]. In this model, the uncertainty resulting from the lack of foreign market knowledge leads firms to adopt a cautious and gradual approach in order to limit perceived risks. At a general international strategy level, firms thus tend to internationalise first in psychically close countries (i.e., in neighbouring countries) before extending the scope of their operations to psychically more distant countries, as they get more skilled in internationalisation. At the target country level, they tend to start with low investment, i.e., with low-commitment forms such as plain sales agents, and progressively increase their commitment as they gain more experiential learning about this market. This process can ultimately result in high commitment forms, such as a fully owned subsidiary.

Apart from the RBV, which is general enough to be a "fit-for-all" theory, the usefulness of these models is somehow limited by the fact that they have been elaborated in the context of companies producing products. In particular, their relevance has been challenged in the case of services, and alternative frameworks have been proposed (Clack et al, 1996;[START_REF] Chidlow | Internationalization of Service Firms and Their Interactions with Socio-Political Actors[END_REF]. While these approaches shed a different light on internationalisation processes, they are too influenced by the 'marketing of services' perspective which puts the emphasis on service relation. As such, they also fail to fully account for the case of infrastructure-based and licensebased services such as mobile telecommunications services.

Internationalisation of telecommunications operators

The internationalisation of the telecommunications industry has also been scrutinized in a now large body of literature, some of it being reviewed in [START_REF] Jakopin | International in the telecommunications services industry: Literature review and research agenda[END_REF] and [START_REF] Dike | Internationalization of mobile telecommunications: a systematic literature review[END_REF].

The first wave of internationalisation resulting from the market liberalisation in the second half of the 1990s initially attracted the attention of several scholars. Following a combination of a wave of privatisation of former monopolies and of market liberalisation, telecom operators initiated a strong international expansion around two types of strategies: global strategies aiming at offering global services to multinationals; and multidomestic strategies aiming at exploiting firm-specific advantages in foreign markets (Antonelli, 1994;[START_REF] Vialle | Stratégies des opérateurs de télécoms[END_REF].

Following the initial wave of privatisations, mobile telecommunications has been the subject of a more extensive and longer-lasting phenomenon of new market entries and internationalisation [START_REF] Curwen | The Internationalisation of Mobile Telecommunications: Strategic Challenges in a Global Market[END_REF][START_REF] Whalley | Licence acquisition strategy in the European mobile communications industry[END_REF][START_REF] Whalley | An investigation into internationalisation among mobile telecommunication companies[END_REF]. One of the main reasons for this behaviour is that a significant number of new licences have been issued, often when each new generation of mobile technology emerges. For example, in Europe, the launch of 3G technologies has been accompanied by the creation of one or two new mobile network operators (MNOs) in each country. Some MNOs, such as Vodafone, have therefore seized such opportunities in order to become a global company [START_REF] Curwen | Measuring internationalisation in the mobile communications industry[END_REF][START_REF] Jakopin | International in the telecommunications services industry: Literature review and research agenda[END_REF][START_REF] Curwen | Mobile Telecommunications in a High-speed World: Industry Structure, Strategic Behaviour and Socio-economic Impact[END_REF]. A phenomenon of regionalisation could also be observed. It may be due to cultural and linguistic proximity, with the Spanish Telefonica intensively investing in Latin America and France Télécom/Orange developing a presence in French-speaking African countries (Curwen andWhalley, 2006, 2008). In Europe, regionalisation was pushed by a common regulatory framework, a common technology, as well as the opportunity to internalise roaming.

Drawing on our understanding of the telecommunications industry, it is possible to identify three points that are sometimes overlooked in non-specialist literature. The first is the importance of complementary assets. For example, new entrants during the 1990s were often utility companies that could use their own infrastructure to easily roll out a telecommunications infrastructure, such as a railway network in France or an electricity network in UK [START_REF] Vialle | Stratégies des opérateurs de télécoms[END_REF]. More recently, companies such as Millicom or Vodafone have emphasised integrating fixed and mobile network and service [START_REF] Whalley | A tale of two continents: The internationalisation of Millicom in Africa and Latin America[END_REF][START_REF] Curwen | Disruptive Activity in a Regulated Industry -The Case of Telecommunications[END_REF]. [START_REF] Berne | An analysis of the disruptive impact of the entry of Free Mobile into the French mobile telecommunications market[END_REF] show how complementary assets such as a core network, a billing system, an installed base of customers, or reputation, have facilitated the entry of Iliad (Free) into mobile telecommunications. The second is the role of licenses.

Spectrum is a rare resource and each country limits the number of licenses granted to network operators. It means that despite the role of different other factors, market entry is essentially opportunity-based: a firm can enter a market as MNO only when a new license is issued, or alternatively when an incumbent MNO is on sale. Therefore, regulatory decisions influence mobile telecommunication markets, in terms of both their structure (the number of players) as well as the technologies which are used (3G, 4G, etc). The third point, which is derived from the second, is that there is no possible gradual commitment as described in the Uppsala model [START_REF] Johanson | The internationalisation process of the firm -A module of knowledge development and increasing foreign market commitments[END_REF]. It always starts with a high commitment: a large investment in a licence and a network, or an investment in an incumbent MNO. The process is about searching for opportunities, and then quickly seizing opportunities.

These considerations are important to understand the case we describe below. Iliad had to seize the unique opportunity created by a regulatory decision, and to start operations without complementary assets. Then from this initial high commitment, it followed an incremental process of leveraging complementary assets thanks to several partnerships.

Case study

Overview

The Italian mobile telecommunication market is arguably competitive; except for the duration of the preparation of the entry of Iliad Italia, there always been at least four MNOs competing in the market. Iliad got the chance to enter the market due to the remedies imposed on Wind and H3G who merged to form Wind Tre, a 20/50 joint venture. Iliad Italia entered this market in the middle of 2018 with an 'unlimited', low-cost service, forcing incumbents and MVNOs to offer similar high 'value for money' services. The three incumbents introduced their subbrands to win back their customers. The former MVNO Fastweb became the fifth MNO in 2019, who already had a large share of the fixed market. With the entry of Fastweb, the price war became more intense.

One significant change was the shift from competition around 4G to co-operation to rollout 5G. It appears that MNOs were annoyed with the operator that started the price war.

Iliad Italia is the only MNO with no 5G rollout partnership. The other four MNOs can be divided into two groups: TIM and Vodafone Italia; WINDTRE and Fastweb. Another significant phenomenon is that almost all of the MNOs have tried or are still trying to monetize their tower asset, whether through sale and leaseback deal, their spin-off or IPO (Commsupdate, 2014a(Commsupdate, , 2015a[START_REF] Commsupdate | Wind sells 90% of mobile tower unit to Abertis for EUR693m[END_REF]. The market is suffering from subscriber churn and continuously decreasing revenue even when large investments are needed to build new infrastructure and purchase mobile licenses from the government.

In this case study we describe the evolution and events which led to the entry of Iliad in Italy, a form of high commitment internationalisation. Then we outline how Iliad Italia followed a more gradual approach when extending its scope of activities. Source: compiled by the authors from a variety of Agcom publications Source: compiled by the authors from a variety of Agcom publications

1 Agcom started to cover the Human and M2M lines segmentation detail for each MNOs since 2014

One of the main events during this period was the launch of auctions for the new 4G mobile generation licences. The result of the Italian 4G auction was described as an "amazing achievement" and "beyond expectations" by Paolo Romani, the Italian Industry Minister, considering the difficult market situation within Italy [START_REF] Commsupdate | LTE auction closes after 22 days[END_REF]. The auction closed on 29 September, taking 22 days with 469 rounds of bidding, costing MNOs more than €3.9 billion to acquire the spectrum which had initially been valued at €2.4 billion [START_REF] Frankrayal | The Italian 4G Spectrum Auction: An Analysis[END_REF].

TIM, Vodafone Italia, Wind, and 3 were the main participants for this auction; 3 paid around €300 million, with the other three operators all spending more than €1 billion for their spectrum. As for the availability of the frequency, the 1800 MHz spectrum was the first to be made available followed by 2600 MHz by the end of 2012. The 800 MHz spectrum would be available in January 2013 after it was released by broadcasters. The licences will expire on 3 December 2029. The result was summarized below in Table 5. Source: Commsupdate (2011a), [START_REF] Frankrayal | The Italian 4G Spectrum Auction: An Analysis[END_REF] In 2015, the government sold L-Band spectrum, which was allocated to digital radio broadcasts in Italy but largely idle. TIM won 20MHz (1452MHz-1472MHz) paying €230.3 million, while Vodafone paid €231.9 million for 20MHz between 1472MHz and 1492MHz [START_REF] Commsupdate | Wind sells 90% of mobile tower unit to Abertis for EUR693m[END_REF].

However, after spending an exorbitant amount of money on acquiring 4G spectrum, what was waiting for MNOs was not increasing revenues but intense competition between them.

The regulator Agcom sought to cut mobile termination rates (MTRs) by 40% to € 0.0098 in July 2013, which was considered to be a critical source of revenues for voice services [START_REF]AGCOM demands 40% MTR cut by[END_REF].

It was widely thought that TIM would be the first operator to launch 4G services in Milan, Turin, Rome and Naples on 7 November 2012 [START_REF]TIM to launch LTE on 7[END_REF] cities by the end of 2013 [START_REF]TIM to launch LTE on 7[END_REF]. H3G announced launched its LTE network in the village of Acuto on 6 November 2012, just a day before TIM's official launch in a larger geographical area [START_REF]TIM to launch LTE on 7[END_REF][START_REF]TIM to launch LTE on 7[END_REF]. Wind seemed to be behind its rivals even though it had paid more than € 1 billion for its spectrum. In April 2013, Wind announced it would invest €1 billion in its 4G rollout (Commsupdate, 2013a).

In late November 2014, TIM upgraded its network to LTE-A with peak download rates of 180 Mbps in 60 cities and highlighted it was offering the first commercial services of this technology (Telecompaper, 2014). Just three days later, on 1 December 2014, Vodafone Italia inaugured its LTE-A with peak download speeds of up to 225Mbps [START_REF] Commsupdate | VimpelCom and Hutchison in Italian stalemate[END_REF].

Vodafone Italia also launched Italy's first commercial voice-over-Long Term Evolution (VoLTE 2 ) service in July 2015. At this point, its 4G service covered 88% of Italy's population [START_REF] Commsupdate | Wind sells 90% of mobile tower unit to Abertis for EUR693m[END_REF]. It was not until the end of December 2015 that another operator, TIM, launched its VoLTE services. When this occurred, TIM's 4G services covered around 85% of the country's population (Commsupdate, 2015g).

It's merger time

Confronted with high investment in networks and licences, combined with increasing competition and decreasing prices, MNOs were looking for ways to improve their profitability.

One way was dispose of or to share their tower networks. The other way was to merge with another operator in order to benefit from higher economies of scale and other size-related advantages.

There were several rumours of mergers between MNO in Italy. One of these rumours centred on 3 and TIM, the smallest of the country's MNO whose size placed it at a disadvantage. Source: Compiled from the annual reports of CK Hutchison.

Notes: the result of 2016 is calculated based on approximately ten months, as Wind&3 merger. "()" denotes a negative number.

Rumours started to emerge in April 2013. The board of TIM and 3 explored the potential of the market, with TIM being keen to remove a disruptive rival from the market [START_REF] Bloomberg | Telecom Italia considers merger with Hutchison unit[END_REF]. However, Naguib Sawiris, the former owner of Wind and an Egyptian telecoms tycoon, said that, in his opinion, the merger between TIM and 3 would not be successful as the two companies had different cultures and operated different business models [START_REF] Commsupdate | Sawiris yearns to feel Wind beneath his wings once more[END_REF]. TIM officially ended the merger discussions in July 2013. It noted that "none the elements necessary to start negotiations are present" [START_REF]TI calls time on Hutch merger discussions[END_REF].

Another merger rumour was about 3 and Wind. In contrast to the previous merger rumour, which was relatively short-lived, this one, between 3 and Wind, was more long lasting.

Due to the large debts incurred by Wind, the financial pressures faced by Wind were strongsee Table 7. Around December 2013, just several months after the collapse of the 3 and TIM talks, it emerged that Wind's parent company, VEON, was considering selling, merging or refinancing it. VEON had discussed a possible deal with CK Hutchison, which could have created a company with 31 million subscribers. Such a merger would have made it the largest company within the market [START_REF] Thomas | Wind of change? VimpelCom eyes sale, merger, refinancing for Italian cellco[END_REF]. However, the negotiation did not go smoothly: on 29 October 2014, after around a year of discussions, the talks failed to reach an agreement to merge the two firms. The critical issue was ownership: VEON wanted 50/50 while CK Hutchison sought to control of joint venture [START_REF] Commsupdate | VimpelCom and Hutchison in Italian stalemate[END_REF].

However, this rumour became later a reality. On 6 August 2015, CK Hutchison and VEON announced the merger of Wind and 3 in Italy as a 50/50 joint venture. When announcing the merger, they emphasised their desire to optimize operating costs and expand their network coverage (Windtregroup, 2020). Of course, announcing the merger did not necessarily mean it would go ahead. On the positive side, the Italian government stated that it would not intervene, resulting in the key regulatory decision maker being the European Commission [START_REF] Commsupdate | [END_REF].

3.4. Regulators create an opportunity for Iliad.

Interestingly enough, a French investor had entered the Italian telecommunications market.

Xavier Niel, the owner of Iliad, had become the second largest shareholder in TIM (Reuters, 2015). Later on, Niel's voting rights were confirmed at being over 15%. The largest investor in TIM was another French company, Vivendi, which owned a stake of more than 20%, so there was some rivalry between the two main shareholders.

On 30 March 2016, the European Commission started an in-depth investigation into the merger. The European Commission was concerned that the merger would reduce the competitiveness of the market (European Commission, 2016a), with its concerns being threefold: (1) a less innovative market due to the market shares after the merger being similar.

;

(2) it would result in a weaker negotiating positions of virtual mobile network operators (MVNO); and (3) less choice and a decrease in quality of services for consumers, as well as higher retail mobile prices for subscribers.

Commissioner Margrethe Vestager, in charge of competition policy, stated "We need to make sure that the proposed transaction will not lead to higher prices or less choice in mobile services for Italian consumers" (European Commission, 2016a). The investigation would run until mid-August 2016. Just a month after the Italian merger was announced, a similar one in the UK, between 3 UK and O2, was blocked by the European Commission (European Commission, 2016c). To avoid a similar fate, CK Hutchison and VEON agreed to spin-off selected assets (towers and spectrum) and help with the launch of a new MNO so that the number in the market remains at four. According to Commsupdate (2016a), several companies were interested in these assets. After Sky decided not to pursue its interest, there were three bidders for the assets: Fastweb, Iliad and Digicel.

On 10 June 2016, the European Commission postponed its decision on the merger to 8

September 2016 [START_REF] Commsupdate | Fastweb, Iliad and Digicel interested in Italian assets[END_REF]. In the meantime, CK Hutchison and VEON are made further concessions to persuade the regulatory authorities to approve the merger. It was also reported that Iliad interest in the assets was more attractive to the European Commission than Fastweb's due to its aggressive network roll-out hits (Commsupdate, 2016c). According to Reuters (2016a), CK Hutchison and VEON were said to be conducting exclusive negotiations with Iliad. Just several days later, Iliad announced an agreement with CK Hutchison and VEON to acquire their assets. Furthermore, Iliad announced that Niel would also dispose of his stake in TIM (Commsupdate, 2016d As outlined by the European Commission (2016b), there has been three types of remedies in order to allow the new entrant to be sustainable. Firstly, the divestment of spectrum:

Wind and 3 will transfer 3G and 4G frequencies to Iliad totalling 2 x 35 MHz, with Iliad paying €350 million. Iliad will make the first payment of €50 million in 2017, with the remainder due in the following two years (Iliad Group, 2018). Secondly, the sharing or acquisition of infrastructure in order to allow the new entrant. Iliad could thus adopt different approaches in urban and rural areas. Thirdly, a roaming agreement with the merged network for access to current and future mobile technologies. Thanks to these two last remedies, Iliad would be able to offer country-wide service faster than would otherwise be the case. If necessary, the initial five-year agreement can be extended for a similar period (Iliad Group, 2018), at the request of Iliad.

Margrethe Vestager, the relevant commissioner, stated: "This case shows that telecom companies in Europe can grow by consolidation within the same country, provided effective competition is preserved. It also shows they can grow by cross-border expansion, such as Iliad in this case" (European Commission, 2016b). Iliad stated that would achieve a break-even EBITDA with less than a 10% market share due to the application of its 'know-how' and an efficient business model that combined a roaming agreement and the rollout of mobile services (Iliad Group, 2018).

3.5. Following its initial entry, Iliad has adopted a gradual approach to its expansion After an aggressive entry into the Italian Market, Iliad Italia confirmed its commitment by investing a significant amount (€1.19 billion) in 5G frequencies. However, its lack of complementary assets was increasingly problematic. Unlike in France, Iliad was only a mobile operator without the benefit of also being also a fixed broadband Internet operator. The drawbacks were twofold. Firstly, the general trend in telecommunications market is to be able to offer converged fixed-mobile services. Secondly, there are economies of scope when providing both types of services, as they can share the same core network as well as other activities. However, because of the burden of significant past investments, Iliad Italy has considered lower commitment modes such as partnerships or shared investments Thus, in mid-2020, Iliad Italia signed a deal with Open Fiber, a supplier of broadband infrastructure across Italy [START_REF]Fastweb calls on EC to investigate Iliad offer[END_REF]. This deal enabled Iliad Italia to provide fiberto-the-home based broadband services to 271 cities across Italy, with Iliad stating at the time that the time hasten its entry into this market. This was then followed by Iliad Italia agreeing, in August 2021, to participate in Open Fiber's 'co-investment' scheme (Commsupdate, 2021).

While financials details were missing, it is clear from the announcement that the investment will enable Open Fiber to further expand its FTTH across Italy. This, in turn, would facilitate Iliad Italia's provision of fixed connectivity across the country, enabling converged services (fixed and mobile) to be offered.

Conclusion

In this article, we have described and analysed how an opportunity arose and how Iliad has been able to seize it. We first addressed the market and competitive situation that led two incumbents, 3 Italia and WIND, to merge. Then we showed how the perceived risk of insufficient competition resulting from this merger led regulatory authorities to mandate the merged company to shed network assets and frequencies. We also explain how Iliad came able to be selected and entered the Italian market.

This case study supports our claim that internationalisation of telecommunications operators, and in particular of mobile operators does not conform to a usual pattern. It does not follow a gradual path of increasing commitment in a target country, according to the experience accumulated, as formalised in the Upsala model [START_REF] Johanson | The internationalisation process of the firm -A module of knowledge development and increasing foreign market commitments[END_REF][START_REF] Johanson | The mechanism of internationalisation[END_REF]. In contrast, in the telecommunications industry, entry starts directly with a high commitment, by investing in a licence and a network, or, alternatively, by acquiring an incumbent mobile operator. Our example of Iliad's entry into the Italian market shows how an initial large investment has been followed by an incremental process of leveraging complementary assets through engaging in a number of partnerships. These partnerships have enabled Iliad Italia to expand its operations within Italy, both geographically as well as in terms of the range of services that it offers.

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1: Major events in the Italian telecommunications market, 2011-2021

Table 1 :

 1 Timeline for Italian mobile telecommunication from 2010 to 2021 (December) Vodafone Italia, Wind Italia, and H3G. TIM was the market leader with the largest market share, followed by Vodafone Italia, Wind, and H3G. Moreover, the market share among the players appears to be stable. Two merger rumours circulated, with one -Wind and H3G -occurring. This merger was approved by European Commission in 2016, creating the

	Year	Date	Event
	2010	Oct	VimpelCom (now VEON) buy Wind Italy
	2011	Oct	LTE(4G) spectrum auction
	2013	Dec	Rumour about Wind & 3 merger
	2015	Aug	Hutchison, VimpelCom agree to merge 3 Italia, Wind Italy in 50/50 JV
		Oct	Xavier Niel (CEO of Iliad) has become TI's second-largest shareholder
	2016	Jan	TI unify its brand as TIM
		March	European Commission investigates into Wind & 3 merger
		June	Remedies for Wind&3 merger: divestment of sufficient assets to allow a new entrant. Fastweb, Iliad & Digicel
			interested
		July	Xavier Niel exits TI, sell his vote rights
		Sept	European Commission approves Wind&3 merger, Iliad gain the chance
	2017	Jan	Wind Tre officially birth
		March	TIM introduce a low-cost sub-brand: Kena Mobile
	2018	May	Iliad Italia officially launch in Italy as the fourth Italian MNO
		June	Vodafone Italia introduces a low-cost sub-brand: ho. Mobile
		July	Iliad Italia attract 1 million users in 50 days
		Sept	Iliad Italia hits 2 million users
		Oct	5G spectrum auction in Italy ends with €6.55bn
	2020	July	Iliad Italia and Open Fiber confirm the deal in the fixed market
	2021	Nov	KKR makes a bid for TIM

Source: Compiled from multiple sources: media reports, companies' press releases and annual reports, and Agcom's reports 3.2. Trends and changes in the Italian mobile telecommunication market, 2011 to 2016 Since the LTE (4G) spectrum auction was undertaken in 2011, MNOs have sought to offer new services. During this period, the Italian mobile telecommunication market consisted of four main MNOs: TIM,

Table 2 :

 2 Italian mobile telecommunication market 2010 -2016

		2010	2011	2012	2013	2014	2015	2016
	Mobile revenue (billion €)	17,18	16,81	16,87	15,11	13,66	13,51	13,94
	voice service	10,47	9,95	9,22	7,59	6,41	5,94	5,67
	data service	4,53	4,65	4,92	4,85	4,81	5,03	5,20
	terminal and other services	2,18	2,21	2,73	2,67	2,44	2,54	3,07
	investment in mobile fixed assets (billion €)	2,50	2,46	3,25	2,85	2,77	3,11	2,47
	SMS sent (billion)	86,16	90,27	97,50	77,78	46,56	33,67	25,04
	Mobile data usage (Gigabytes/month/per SIM)	0,60	0,64	0,77	0,86	1,06	1,41	1,87
	Total lines	97,93	100,86	98,60	98,81	97,52	96,89	98,18
	SIM card (exc M2M)	93,70	96,06	93,53	92,85	89,91	87,69	85,96
	voice only	70,80	69,06	63,14	55,96	46,36	39,77	35,34
	voice+data	22,90	27,00	30,39	36,89	43,55	47,92	50,62
	M2M	4,23	4,80	5,07	5,97	7,60	9,20	12,23
	Mobile Month ARPU(SIM) € /month	15,55	14,89	14,55	12,87	11,92	12,12	13,38
	Mobile Month ARPU(User) € /month	29,75	29,25	29,50	26,16	22,22	22,08	22,74
	Terminal price index (2010=100)	100,00	76,70	72,40	60,30	52,30	53,50	50,40
	Service price index (2010=100)	100,00	101,70	100,80	84,50	82,20	81,60	78,50
	Voice (cent€/minutes)	8,32	7,03	6,47	4,87	3,85	3,45	3,32
	SMS (cent€/message)	2,71	2,62	2,21	2,09	2,50	2,83	3,16
	Data (€/GB)	18,01	13,65	14,52	12,25	7,45	5,85	6,05

Table 3 :

 3 Italian mobile market revenue segmentation 2010 -2016

	Mobile Market revenue	2010	2011	2012	2013	2014	2015	2016
	TIM	6426	5844	5484	4977	4423	4375	4466
	Vodafone	6234	6115	5616	4797	4116	4208	4301
	Wind	3187	3252	3169	3118	2796	2806
								4625*
	H3G	1383	1287	1658	1619	1559	1633
	MVNOs	280	440	493	480	547	554	514
	Total volume (mln €)	17510	16940	16420	14990	13442	13576	13905
	Source: compiled by the authors from a variety of Agcom publications
	Table 4: Italian SIM card lines segmentation 2010 -2016
	SIM card lines 1	2010	2011	2012	2013	2014	2015	2016
	TIM	31,0	32,3	32,1	31,2	30,4	30,0	29,6
	Vodafone Italia	30,6	30,0	29,4	28,5	25,5	24,4	28,9
	Wind	19,9	20,9	21,7	22,3	21,6	21,1
								32,5
	H3G	9,1	9,2	9,5	9,7	10,0	10,1
	Poste Mobile (MVNO)	1,5	1,8	2,5	2,8	3,3	3,6	3,7
	Other MVNOs	1,6	1,8	2,0	2,4	3,4	3,3	3,6
	Total (in a million)	93,7	96,0	97,2	96,9	94,2	92,5	98,2

Table 5 :

 5 Result of LET(4G) auction

		Band: 800 MHz	Band: 1800 MHz	Band: 2600 MHz FDD	Band: 2600 MHz TDD	Total
	Operator	Quantity	Total prize (EURm)	Quantity	Total prize (EURm)	Quantity	Total prize (EURm)	Quantity	Total prize (EURm)	Total prize (EURm)
	Telecom Italia(TIM)	2×10 MHz	992,2	2×5 MHz	159	2×15 MHz	109,12	-	-	1260,32
	Vodafone Italia	2×10 MHz	992,4	2×5 MHz	159,1	2×15 MHz	108,18	-	-	1259,68
	Wind	2×10 MHz	977,9	-	-	2×20 MHz	142,22	-	-	1120,12
	3(H3G)	-	-	2×5 MHz	158,9	2×10 MHz	72,44	30 MHz	74,04	305,38
	Total	60 MHz	2962,5	30 MHz	477	120 MHz	431,96	30 MHz	74,04	3945,50

  but on 30 October 2012 Vodafone Italia inaugurated its 4G network in Rome and Milan. Vodafone planned to launch in another 20 cities by March 2013, whereas TIM intended to offer 4G services in 20

Table 6

 6 details the operational performance of 3 between 2010 and 2016.

2 Using the LTE network to improve the quality of voice call

Table 6

 6

	: H3G market performance 2010 -2016
		2010	2011	2012	2013	2014	2015	2016*
	Mobile Revenues (mln €)	1738	1782	1965	1746	1739	1825	2042
	Net customer service revenue	-	1512	1457	1352	1376	1478	1742
	Handset revenue	-	204	406	341	308	297	261
	Other revenue	-	66	102	53	55	50	39
	Operating Expenses	-	-	(515)	(596)	(614)	(662)	(696)
	SIM card total('000)	9000	9100	9530	9689	10040	10082	31343
	Total EBITDA	263	257	264	279	248	276	488
	Depreciation & Amortisation	-	-	(263)	(279)	(294)	(119)	(165)
	EBIT	96	6	0,5	0,3	(46)	157	323
	Capex (excluding license)	-	(320)	(562)	(344)	(404)	(446)	-
	License cost	-	(186)	(169)	(21)	(2)	-	-
	APRU average, €	23,6	19,86	18,44	14,71	13,62	13,89	13,24
	Contract	35,76	31,25	27,49	20,83	18,23	17,87	16,92
	Prepaid	10,04	8,22	7,31	6,69	7,83	8,47	10,08

Table 7 :

 7 Wind market performance 2010Wind market performance -2016

		2010	2011	2012	2013	2014	2015	2016*
	Total Revenues (mln €)	5514	5570	5427	4983	4633	4428	6491
	Mobile Revenues	4042	4073	3958	3648	3328	3278	5362
	Fixed Revenues	1472	1497	1469	1 335	1305	1150	1129
	SIM card (000)	19933	21014	21650	22292	21607	21100	31343
	Data customer	-	-	5800	8776	10158	11600	19200
	Total EBITDA	2130	2120	2062	1943	1804	1671	2124
	Mobile EBITDA	1834	1817	-	-	-	-	-
	Depreciation and amortization	-	(1056)	(1146)	(1264)	(1214)	(1177)	-
	Net finance expense	-	(933)	(875)	(993)	(1347)	(510)	-
	Net Debts	-	-	9151	9145	9654	8777	-
	Mobile ARPU	16,6	15,6	14,4	12,3	11,2	11,3	11,5
	ARPU voice	13,4	12,1	10,4	8,0	6,8	6,5	6,2
	ARPU data	3,2	3,5	3,9	4,3	4,4	4,7	5,2
	Total assets	-	-	14523	13956	14758	14887	-
	Equity	-	-	1184	782	547	111	-
	Total liabilities	-	-	13284	13200	14647	14340	-

Source: Compiled from the annual reports of VEON.

Notes: the result of 2016 is calculated based on approximately ten months due to Wind & 3 merger.

  Iliad's proposal can guarantee the same level of investment and development and we ask that it is submitted to consultation of the market by the Commission"[START_REF]Fastweb calls on EC to investigate Iliad offer[END_REF]. On 28 July 2016, it emerged that Niel had sold his stake in TIM, thereby clearing the way for Iliad to enter the Italian telecommunications market[START_REF]Fastweb calls on EC to investigate Iliad offer[END_REF]. On the 1 September 2016, the European Commission officially approved the merger of Wind and 3 in Italy, subject to remedies, creating a 50/50 joint venture(European Commission, 2016b).The remedies proposed by CK Hutchison and VEON can be described as the divestment of sufficient assets to create a new Italian MNO. This divestment provides Iliad with a "unique and good" opportunity to enter the Italian telecommunications market.

).

However, Fastweb immediately made clear its unhappiness at this deal. It called on the European Commission to investigate Iliad's purchase of the assets, stating: "We hope that


Jean-Louis Yengue
email: jean.louis.yengue@univ-poitiers.fr

Kilien Stengel
email: kilien.stengel@univ-tours.fr

Keywords: Wine-growing terroir, Landscape, Quality

It is necessary to examine the diversity of the wine-growing terroir, a term with many variations, to better understand the challenges it represents. Indeed, it is a sign of quality farmers aims at, as a recognition of environmental and landscape values in their practices, as well as by consumers who find authenticity and proximity to the places of production, in a world where the disconnections with rurality are numerous and deep, but also by the territories for which the terroir becomes a factor of development. However, specialists in the field deal with the subject within a specific conceptual framework depending on the discipline (geographer, sociologist, ethnologist, geologist, agronomist, semiologist, economist, historian, linguist, etc.) or profession (wine merchant, winegrower, wine steward, agricultural consultant, etc.). Each and everyone in his discipline, his practices, has his own definitions, his own lexical patterns. But when it comes to building a convergent approach, this diversity of definitions and uses of words can be a pitfall. Our work, by analyzing the triptych Terroir-Landscape-Quality according to four main entries (the four parts of our essay), sets out a new approach. The wine-growing terroir and the qualitative dimension that it predefines in the imaginary of wine no longer see wine and the winegrower in an abstract, compartmentalized way, but analyze them as the result of a system, a kind of alchemy between men, their skills, the plant material, the environmental conditions, but also the norms and laws, the strategies of existence, the Cultures, etc..

INTRODUCTION

When we speak about terroir, considered by geographers as "an expanse of land with certain characteristics that individualize it from an agronomic point of view" [START_REF] Lebeau | Les grands types de structures agraires dans le monde[END_REF], the vine and wine follow a few steps behind. Indeed, without reconducting the study of the evolution of the definition of terroir and its multiple meaningsby crossing disciplinary views, we can assert today that terroir is deeply rooted in the wine landscape. This landscape is above all cultural, that is to say that it was bornnot only from a land use marked by the omnipresence of the vine, but also and above all by the men who make the wine, with their know-how and their history.

The notion of wine-growing terroir has been highlighted by the quality management. It reveals in particular that the encounter between men and plant objects (we remain here in the case of the wine) makeproductscome out, which have their own identity: that of a territory and its inhabitants. The vine establishes its aim of quality by an AOC (Appellation d'Origine Contrôlée) system, as well as by a delimitation of the territory. The winegrower thus defines a space and defends its identity by using wine-making techniques and wine-making typicities. All these contributions introduce the spirit of the terroir.

In this paper, we aimed at exploring the notion of wine-growing terroir through one entry, quality. Indeed, the terroir is today one of the vectors to study and transmit the qualitative representation of a wine, through its heritage, natural and cultural foundations (Yengué, 2013). For this purpose, two types of disciplinary indicators are often used, intrinsic and extrinsic indicators (Aurier and Sirieix 2009). The first ones refer to the technical characteristics of the physical product and its environment. A change in the final product (type of winemaking, for example) leads to a change in one or more of these indicators of the terroir, but not for the geographical, geological, or agronomic aspect of the product. On the contrary, extrinsic indicators are independent of the physical aspect. One can change the name of the product or its packaging, without changing the wine itself, and still the consumer sees in it a notion of imaginary terroir (e.g. difference between Beaune and Hautes côtes de Beaune) (Stengel 2015a).

THE WINE TERROIR: LANDSCAPE AND QUALITY

All these indicators, linked to the presence of the terroir, set up an imaginary quality of the wine [START_REF] Stengel | Les classements des vins en France : classifications, distinctions, labellisations, Paris, collection Question alimentaires et gastronomiques[END_REF]. They influence expectations because they match a promise made to consumers. They also influence consumer perception through the brand, the information, the official or unofficial quality signs [START_REF] Stengel | La qualité alimentaire : la valeur des labels[END_REF], or through the scientific or technical discourse which are used as a guarantee. Other justifications meet the needs of the receiver of the information to establish a link between the product, its technique, and the place of production: environmental impacts, climate, quality representation, landscape representations, type of agriculture, etc. Therefore, the notion of terroir is at the crossroads between these concerns From the local to the global scale, it is at the center of the actual and future qualitative representation of wine and the wine-producing stakes, [START_REF] Vaudour | Les terroirs viticoles -Définitions, caractérisation et protection[END_REF]. This is one of the reasons why it is a multifaceted object that has been studied by many subjects. Numerous works have been carried out in ecology, geography, human and social sciences, sociology, information and communication sciences, and earth sciences, but often without any cross study (Yengué and Stengel, 2020).

This paper aims at trying to break down barriers by focusing on two dimensions of the valorization of the wine terroir: the importance that a cross-definition of terroir can take in the conservation and enrichment of the tangible and intangible capital associated with the wine heritage; the impact and success of its dissemination to peoplewho can't understand the complexity of the word terroir. Interdisciplinarity can therefore be a major asset, highlighting the geography and history of the product as well as places, cultivation (Stengel 2015b) and territorialization of its tangible (vineyard landscape, plant objects, ...) and intangible (winemaking process, sensory, ...) heritage. We propose here a rewriting of the images, perceptions, paradigms and scientific representations from which wine and its terroir benefit.

The concept of wine-growing terroir and the resulting qualitative dimension appear to be a much more complex data, that we will discuss in four parts

THE TERROIR LANSCAPE

Although the terroir is considered as a contextual, objective and perceptual contract, it is still composed of physical and social elements that interfere with cultural data specific to the context [START_REF] Fischer | Espaces de travail et communication -Une lecture psychosociale[END_REF]. These elements (territory, soil, subsoil, sunshine, slope, climate, surrounding vegetation, iodized air, etc.) prevent or make the viticultural management easier. Men will only compose with them to create landscapes. This ecological and environment -winegrowers dependance (or the triangulation Natural environment -Cultural practices -Expectations and imagination of the winegrowers) shows that the environment takes action on the viticultural method. Compelling the winegrower to deal with what is proposed to him. Is actually the major function of the environment.

It is generally accepted that the origin of the vine and wine is relatively old, dating back to the second century AD. [START_REF] Dion | Le Val de Loire, étude de géographie régionale[END_REF]. Gradually, they experienced a boom to reach their golden age around the 18th century, mostly in France. AT The end of the 18th century, a period of crisis for wines started in France, under the combined effects of the French Revolution and later diseases that repeatedly affected the vineyards, notably phylloxera. To fight against this aphid, grafting was generalized (American rootstock resistant to phylloxera and graft taken from local species). This solution saved and transformed the identity of the vineyard, but also led to the spread of mildew. It wasn't until the beginning of the 20th century, with the massive use of Bordeaux mixture, that French vines emerged from this tunnel and created a new national wine terroir.

This rebirth of the vineyard coincided with major upheavals that would lead to its reorganization: (1) the development of means of distribution (in particular the railways) which put wines from different regions of France in direct competition with one another [START_REF] Dieudonné | La notion de terroir au service de l'économie viticole : étude de cas Saint Nicolas de Bourgueil[END_REF]; (2) the spread of the use of wires, which marked the disappearance of the stilted pipes replaced by trellising; (3) the considerable demographic losses of the First World War which led to a lack of manpower. All these elements ledviticulture to new forms, less constraining and more adapted the techniques used at that time (Yengué et al., 2008). Suddenly, a whole aspect of the very "archaic" viticultural landscape disappeared, i.e. a polyculture where the vines share the space with other crops locally called "jouelles" (Clamouse de la Touche, 1925). We go from a landscape which looked disordered to a much more rational, unified and geometric space: the vines are lined, every 3 or 4 rows a larger width (2.50 to 3 m) is preserved to let carts pass.

Nethertheless, profitability was still not up to that of the Golden Age. So, the French wine growers chose to move towards a production of quality. This will impose to find a good adequacy between the soil and the grape variety. In the Loire Valley, for example, large enclosed plots of land favor a precise implantation, slopes, edges of plateau, etc.. [START_REF] Dion | Histoire de la vigne et du vin en France des origines au XIXème siècle[END_REF], leaving the alluvial plain, occupied by tree plantations, cultivated land, swamps and uncultivated wasteland. This specialization, which began in a very insidious way in the 18th century, became systematic in the 1925s with two major consequences. On the one hand, it concretized the notion of terroir, a geographically delimited territory with aptitudes (nature of the land, geographical configuration and climate) and collectively valorized by an original product. On the other hand, it generated the main features of the viticultural landscape that we know today with itsuniform rows of vines,its atmospheres, tits buildings (lodges, cellars, wine storehouses, beautiful residences) (Yengué et al, 2003).

The notion of landscape attached to the terroir became a determining factor in the quality of the wine. It lays in the principle of interdependence between the winegrower and his vineyard, a principle that serves as a basis for the interpretation of quality.

THE NORMALIZED TERROIR

The terroir also refers to standards, laid down in specifications and guarantees, controlled by sworn bodies to guarantee quality. The notion of quality has always existed [START_REF] Stengel | La qualité alimentaire : la valeur des labels[END_REF]. In ancient times, travelers already pointed out places of reference concerning wines (Pompeii, for example). In 1395, the Duke of Burgundy Philippe le Hardi produced an ordinance for the selection of good and bad grape varieties for the Burgundian terroir. The qualitative classification of Alsatian wines, for example, originated, in the 13th century, through the terminology "vinum nobile", which essentially aimed at observing the grape varieties as a vector of distinction. From the 15th century onwards, the "noble grape varieties" were the rare grapes benefiting from the administrative authorization to be planted. We can see then that the notion of quality was sometimes carried by its origins, sometimes by its raw material, sometimes by its technique and always with ordinances, decrees, administrative or commercial authorizations.

When in 1905, the state had to face the dissatisfaction of some winegrowers, it produced a first administrative recognition of "appellations" which is generally considered as the first nomenclature of wines defined by French law.

Today, it is the INAO (National Institute of Origin and Quality) which is in charge of implementing French policy concerning products under official signs of identification of origin and quality (SIQO). It is a public administration under the supervision of the Ministry of Agriculture. This body defines the terroir as a delimited geographical space in which a human community, over the course of its history, has built a collective knowledge of production, based on a system of interactions between a physical and biological environment and a set of human factors. The sociotechnical itineraries thus achieved reveal originality, confer a typicity and lead to a reputation, for a product originating from this geographical space.

The INAO is in charge of several label in which the terroir is found. The Appellation d'Origine Contrôlée (AOC). This is a French appellation and regulation that designates a product that draws its authenticity and typicality from its geographical origin. Implemented in the -law of July 30, 1935 , aiming at supporting the wine sector damaged by numerous wine crises (phylloxera, counterfeiting of names and revolts of winegrowers ...) of the late nineteenth century, the Appellation d' Origine Contrôlée aims at ensuring the origin of a wine. It creates the conditions for fair competition for producers and the guarantee of a certified origin for consumers. The success of the AOC concept was extended in 1990 to all agricultural or food products, both raw and processed. The AOC is governed by a decree that approves the product specifications and the delimitation of its geographical area. In order to be marketed, a product under Appellation d' Origine Contrôlée is subject to a control system that includes field checks and chemical and organoleptic analyses.

By Community regulation n°510-2006, Europe adopted and adapted the same system for all the countries of the European Union (1992). The PDO is the transposition at the European level of the French AOC. To be eligible to the PDO, the name of a product previously recognized as an AOC by the state member must be registered by the European Commission in the register of protected designations of origin and protected geographical indications.

With the Protected Geographical Indication (PGI), like the PDO, the European countries were willing to extend the system of identification of products origin. Initially attributed to specific food products bearing a geographical name and linked to their geographical origin, it has been extended to wines since 2009 (spirits excluded). Governed by regulation 510-2006, the PGI distinguishes a product whose all phases of production do not necessarily originate from the eponymous geographical area but which benefits from a link to a territory and a reputation. The relationship between the product and its origin is not as strong as the AOC one, but is sufficient to confer a characteristic or reputation to a product and thus make it benefit from the PGI. The geographical area of a PGI is delimited.

Another labeling, directed by the INAO, in which the productions and the terroir can be included has to be mentioned: the Organic Agriculture is a specific mode of agricultural production ensuring that a set of agricultural practices are respectful of ecological balances as well as of the autonomy of farmers. Aiming at the preservation of soils, natural resources, the environment and the maintenance of farmers, the Organic Agriculture is often considered as a cornerstone of sustainable agriculture. Here, the terroir is the bearer of values that make it a vector of development.

THE TERROIR REMPART

Since the 1990s, the wine economy has once more been in turmoil, with a constant drop in alcohol consumption, falling sales, and above all fierce competition from the wines of the new world [START_REF] Dieudonné | La notion de terroir au service de l'économie viticole : étude de cas Saint Nicolas de Bourgueil[END_REF]. South Africa, Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Peru, Uruguay, Australia and New Zealand now account for more than 20% of the world's export volume, compared to less than 2% in the 1980s. These wines have a clear and simple "identity card". They are industrial reproducible wines [START_REF] Dieudonné | La notion de terroir au service de l'économie viticole : étude de cas Saint Nicolas de Bourgueil[END_REF], what Raphaël Schirmer ( 2007) calls "a-geographical" wines. It is a radical transformation of the world of the wine industry, a shift from a craft activity to an industrial activity. A new model of viticulture is being set up, based on varietal wines (for the purposes of standardization and uniformity) offered by powerful international companies (as opposed to traditional wines) that gives an essential role to market rules. The large commercial groups seek to match their production with consumer tastes. These wines are generally the result of advanced techniques and deep research.

To face this competition, some French winegrowers, no longer focus only on quality, as they were at the beginning of the last century, but also and above all on the terroir. Indeed, in recent years, winegrowers have become aware of the notion of terroir, hence the studies on terroir carried out in Anjou [START_REF] Morlat | Le groupe stratégique des entreprises de terroir[END_REF] and Touraine [START_REF] Boutin | Etude de terroir sur les vignobles des territoires de Seuilly[END_REF], often commissioned by winegrowers' unions themselves. The terroir is then no longer considered only as a physical environment but is enriched by the men's skills. This component is already present in the law of 1919 which defines the Appellation d' Origine, but greatly disregarded in practice. The terroir thus becomes an association between a territory, one or several grape varieties and a know-how [START_REF] France | Le Grand atlas des vignobles de France[END_REF]. Jean Claude Berrouet, an oenologist at the Domaine de Pétrus [START_REF] Dieudonné | La notion de terroir au service de l'économie viticole : étude de cas Saint Nicolas de Bourgueil[END_REF], goes in the same direction and defines terroir as "the sum of the aptitudes of the soil, the climatic hazards, the choice of grape varieties, all orchestrated by the winegrower and winemaker".

For the INAO, terroir is a system within which complex interactions are established between a set of human factors, an agricultural production and a physical environment. It is this original combination that gives wines characteristics that cannot be reproduced elsewhere because they cannot be transported to another area. Some unions (interloire, etc.) even speak of the "terroir effect", a relationship between a unique heritage, the composition of the harvest and the quality of the wines (Yengué et al, 2008). Tasting a wine would therefore be more than a pleasure but also the discovery of a territory, it would be to enrich oneself, to embrace new cultures and traditions nourished by the weight of history, a position diametrically opposed to that of "new wines". Would the latter be standardized and soulless?

From now on, the word terroir would guarantee authenticity, typicity as well as non-reproducibility. It becomes one of the sales arguments. The terroir, charged with these new values, allows us to reposition ourselves on a niche market without competition. If wine is linked to the terroir and the terroir participates in the landscape, the valorization and preservation of the landscape participate directly and indirectly in the promotion of wine production and the highlighting of the terroir (Maby 2003a and b). The international symposium "Landscapes of vines and wine" organized in 2003 by Interloire (wine producer of the Loire valley) showed the interest of the wine professionals for the landscape and if we look at the advertising campaigns, there again the landscape is an essential element to identify the wine.

The local authorities participate in the "staging" of the wine-growing area, for example through the creation or enhancement of circuits [START_REF] Yengué | Paysage viticole et Patrimoine dans le Val de Loire (France). Exemple des AOC Vouvray et Bourgueil, Territoires du Vin[END_REF]. They also mobilize the landscape dimension that ensures the management and protection of a quality viticulture by limiting urban sprawl. This preserves both wine-growing land and the quality of the living environment (Yengué Chabalier, 2015). The vineyard is also at the heart of many environmental education programmes or heritage enhancement actions (restoration of vine lodges, for example).

THE WINE TERROIR: LANDSCAPE AND QUALITY Many works show the importance of the terroir for the enhancement of the viticultural landscape [START_REF] Ambroise | Les pressions et les enjeux paysagers concernant les sites viticoles, Étude thématique, Les paysages culturels viticoles dans le cadre de la Convention du Patrimoine mondial de l'UNESCO[END_REF].

All these elements combined reinforce the idea that the landscape dimension must be a concern for the wine industry. The Fontevraud charter, [START_REF] Asselin | Présentation de la Charte de Fontevraud, Actes du colloque international Paysages de vignes et de vins[END_REF] proves it. This charter encourages the participants of the wine-producing areas to integrate concerted approaches in favor of the quality of both products and landscapes. The landscape as well as the terroir has indeed become an unavoidable promotional tool for the wine industry and has a strong cultural dimension.

THE CULTURAL TERROIR

In the Western culture, we can distinguish several discursive concepts of the wine terroir: the public concept, the social concept and the personal one, an intimate and emotional concept. The representations are always different. They allow to communicate or not with others. For the "intimate terroir", both the winegrower and the wine consumer establish a Proustian relationship with the object, creating a personal conceptualization and a cultural mirror where quality is attached to affect. The "social terroir" is established during transactions of an impersonal nature around wine (e.g. sharing a bottle of wine with an identity linked to a terroir). The "public terroir" appears when more formalized exchanges are organized. It is an disaffected form of the personal model which creates a global concept and a focal phenomenon within the framework of mass communication.

The winegrower, in order to make his area of production personal, familiar, and even identity-building, considers his terroir as endowed with a socio-emotional charge. This terroir represents an intimate and sensitive area (Stengel, 2015a) around the winegrower, in which his activity, his know-how, his seasonal movements and gestures, and his entire life encompassing his body and mind are inscribed. The vineyard, enclosed by walls for example [START_REF] Stengel | Les classements des vins en France : classifications, distinctions, labellisations, Paris, collection Question alimentaires et gastronomiques[END_REF], cannot be "penetrated" or "objectified" by others without provoking a reaction of defense or conservation (specifications, classification of vintages, ...). Vineyards are areas that can only be visited in exceptional situations (organized tours, walks accompanied by a guide, oenotourism, ...) in order to preserve the identity of the place and preserve the intimacy that links the winemaker to his land. This form of aura helps to regulate the winemaking behavior and the process of personalization of the terroir.

The Labels, bottles, corks and wines then become portable and residual elements of the terroir, and in the end communication tools. Wine becomes a concept using an image: that of a terroir that surrounds the winemaker and within which he tries to model a type of qualitative paradigm. Terroir is seen as the very positive remaining part of the landscape expression, of human behavior, as well as dialectics and representations.

In this analysis, we can consider a typology of wine quality based on a phenomenological approach to wine terroirs. The winegrower, from his rows of vines, the cellar master facing his vats, the oenologist during the blending of the cuvées, the sommelier matching wine with the food, are all willing, sometimes temporarily, to organize and develop a particular approachin order to enhance the terroir, the wine and the quality. The winegrowing terroir is seen as a stage on which a way of life is held -a French-style savoir-vivre, as people say (Errad, 2016) -which can be found into talk about wines, the wine-growing regions, the parcel-based crus, their historical depth and hedonism. In our society we can see the importance of the symbolic and cultural value of wine and its roots, demonstrating the affective function of the wine-growing rural areas. The role of this terroir thus brings a strong added value, in the communication process, to the meaning of wine and its quality, via communication tools and the perception of the words created by society.

All these elements and points of view indicate how the wine-growing terroir, and the quality paradigm attributed to it, are filled with culture, how they can change dependending on societies, values and socialization systems. It is obvious that people 's perception of the "terroir" dimension of wine or the landscape image of a wine-growing terroir depends on their education. Thus, the experience of discovering wine and its culture only makes sense if it refers to personal feelings and notions. The values that society attaches to wine are therefore very diverse: we can appreciate wine according to the physiological and psychological enjoyment that it provides and that we appreciate. We can also be just as sensitive to the emotional feelings and memories that wine inspires as we are to the sense of cultural familiarity conveyed by wine and its terroir, both being ethnological elements: wine is then no longer appreciated for itself and its organoleptic qualities but for its social and symbolic value

CONCLUSION

Nowardays, the terroir has a definite positive connotation. It is a sign of quality farmers look for, seeing it as a recognition of environmental and landscape values in their practices, as well as consumers, who find authenticity and proximity to the places of production, in a world where the disconnections with rurality are numerous and deep also. The territories also need it, the terroir becoming a factor of development. However, research in the field of wine terroir deals with the issue within a specific conceptual framework depending on the subject.

Our work, by analyzing the triptych Terroir-Landscape-Quality according to four main entries (the four parts of our argument), deals with a new approach. The wine-growing terroir and the qualitative dimension that it predefines in the imaginary of wine, no longer consider wine and the winegrower in an abstract, compartmentalized way, but see them as the outcome of a system. It thus results in a kind of alchemy between men, their skills, the plant material, the environmental conditions, but also the norms and laws, the strategies of existence, the Cultures, etc. Moreover, the wine-growing landscape, in order to be understood as a terroir and the basis of quality, must benefit from a reading of its historical course as well as its spatial inscription, and must be observed in its economic considerations and in the representations we make of it.

  Fig.1. The bottles, a concentrate of terroir with the values of sharing [Author: Kilien Stengel; Place: Chinon, France: Year 2020]

Fig. 2 .

 2 Fig.2. The cellar, place of construction and maturation of the terroir [Author: Jean louis Yengué; Place: Restigné, France: Year 2018]