Georges Rebuschi

ON THE POLYSEMY OF THE SUFFIX -KE IN THE HISTORY OF NORTHERN BASQUE

The various semantic values of the suffix -ke in Northern Basque are shown to depend, in the analytic conjugations, (a) on the type of verbal complex -aspectually marked participles plus the auxiliaries izan/°edun vs. aspectually unmarked radicals plus the auxiliaries °edin/°ezan (the synthetic conjugation is ambiguous, since it neutralizes this opposition), and (b) on the "tense" of the inflected auxiliaries (present/past/hypothetical). Depending on the context, three epistemic values can thus be computed: equi-possibility, probability, and prediction -hence a specialized interpretation as an ulteriority marker, i.e. a future tense marker when used with a verb in the present tense. This future value is shown not to have been limited to the Souletin dialect, and to have enabled 16th century Basque to have an analytical "future in the future". Finally, a pragmatic value, the strong commitment of the speaker, will also be identified.

* I'm very happy to dedicate this short paper to my friend Beñat, with whom I've exchanged ideas on Basque grammar-and many other topics -for nearly three decades. I am sure that, had he had the necessary space, in Oyharçabal (2003), to deal with the future perfect in -ke and the «future in the future» described below, he would have done a far better job than me. 1 The following abbreviations will be used.

Introduction*

If Azkue's (1923-25: § 762-B) description of the morpheme -ke as: "característica del modo pentencial" is correct as far as the Southern dialects are concerned, the situation is much more complex in the Northern dialects. To wit:

Il est impossible de faire entrer dans une formule simple et brève toutes les significations que peut avoir le suffixe -ke. Elles ne sont d'ailleurs pas les mêmes dans tous les dialectes ni à toutes les époques. Elles relèvent du discours. (Lafon [1970] 1999: 491).

In this paper, I will try to be more systematic, and show that many shades of meaning of this affix can be computed from the verbal morphology it is a part of. But I will also show that other uses can be given a more specific interpretation than Lafon's mere allusion to "speech" or "discourse".

The first part of the paper consists in an overview of NB (Northern Basque) 1 conjugation, and will progressively introduce the various uses of -ke, in particular (i) in some conditional tenses (and sentences), and (ii) in the aoristic conjugations. In the second part (starting with §7), the use of -ke as a future morpheme will be examined: contrary to the received view, it will be shown that this value was not limited to the easternmost Souletin dialect (Zub.), until at least the middle of the 20th century. Moreover, this futural value of -ke in the analytic conjugation (yielding in particular a "past in the future", and a "double future") will be described in detail. Finally, a specific pragmatic content will be attributed to Lafon's intuition that some occurrences of -ke really had to do with "discourse".

The synthetic conjugation

As is well-known, only a handful of verbs (Lafitte's 1962; 'strong verbs') can be directly inflected for tense and agreement -the 'synthetic conjugation'. The basic distinction is between a present tense form which anchors the event referred to in the present time, and another. (Using Reichenbach's 1947; vocabulary, un-fortunately devoid of any aspectual considerations, the present tense corresponds to the identification of S, the Speech point, R, the Reference point, and E, the Event point.) Consider the unaccusative verb joan 'go/gone'. 2 There are present (continuous) forms like n.oa 'I'm going' and h.oa 'you're going' (where the initial n-and h-refer to an absolutive argument, 1st and 2nd p. singular, respectively, cf. the personal pronouns ni 'I' and hi 'thou/you [familiar]') and another (abstract) type of form, inattested as such if no affix is added: °n.ind.oa / °h.ind.oa. 3 Such forms become "real" once a past tense morpheme (-(e)n) or an epistemic one (-ke) is suffixed to them: nindoa.n 'I was going', nindoa.ke 'I could/would go/be going' (conditional), ba.nindoa 'if I went/were going'.

Basically, the forms derived from °nind.oa and the like therefore denote a break between the world hic et nunc in which the speaker and the hearer(s) are located, and the world (or states and processes therein) referred to: this latter world may be either located in the past, or be purely hypothetical, even fictitious or counter-factual. However, when the absolutive argument is 3rd person, there is a subdivision in the morphology of the finite verb. Thus, the prefix is z-in the past tense: z.oa.n 'he was going', but l-otherwise: ba.l.oa 'if he went', l.oa.ke 'he would go'.

Importantly, the suffix -ke can also be suffixed to a present tense form: n.oa.ke 'I can go' in 'common Basque', but 'I will go' in Souletin/zuberera -and, as we shall see, in other northern dialects until a not too forlorn past.

Izan 'be' is a strong verb; note, among its many irregularities, that the epistemic suffix mentioned above in fact never occurs as -ke: it has two allomorphs uniquely used with this verb -a long one, -teke, and its shortened variant -te, as illustrated by n(a).iz 'I am', n(a.)iza.te(ke) 'I can be' / 'I will be' (see Lafon 1970, 1972).

b) The references to the Bible will be given as is customary. LV stands for Latin Vulgate, KJV is for the King James Version, and CDR for Chalonner's revision of the Catholic (hence, translated from the LV) Douay-Rheims translation. Finally, Imit. refers to Thomas a Kempis' De imitatione Christi (early 15th century), which has also been translated many times into Basque. 2 The perfective participle is also the citation and dictionary form of Basque verbs. 3 The symbol «°» will precede diachronically reconstructed, and synchronically abstract forms, so as to avoid any confusion with ungrammatical forms and expressions.

Turning to transitive verbs, they follow the same distinctions. (i) In the present tense, the active or ergative argument is always cross-referenced by a suffix, e.g. na 1 . kar.(t)zu 2 'you 2 're carrying me 1 ' (dictionary form: ekarri). The same pattern can be observed in the other 'tenses', if the absolutive argument is 1 ou 2 p. (sg. or plural): ninde 1 .kar.(t)zu 2 .n 'you 2 were carrying me 1 ', ninde.kar.ke.zu 'you would carry me'. But when the absolutive argument is 3rd p., and the ergative one, 1st or 2nd p., the latter is cross-referenced by a prefix, and no absolutive affix appears: 4 ne.karr.en 'I 2 was carrying (it)'; ne.kar.ke 'I would/could carry (it)'. This phenomenon, which has come to be known as 'ergative displacement', provides additional morphological evidence in favour of a primary split between the present forms on the one hand, and past or fictitious/hypothetical forms on the other (compare the temporal and modal values of the English preterite and the French imparfait).

The first analytic conjugation: Aspectually specified compound tenses

The strong verbs just mentioned may, and the weak verbs must, have recourse to compound 'tenses', also known as 'analytic tenses'. 5 The basic facts are these: (a) the lexical verb is realized by a participial form, followed by an inflected auxiliary; (b) there are three aspectual participles: perfective (ending in -tu, -n, -i, Ø), imperfective/iterative (-ten, -tzen), and prospective (derived from the perfective forms by the addition of -ko or -(r)en); (c) the distinctions described in §2 concerning the synthetic conjugation of the strong verbs carry over to the auxiliaries.

The three participles can be combined with any inflected form of the auxiliaries which they select -or which select them-with only one fundamental constraint: unaccusative verbs are only associated with izan 'be'; as for transitive participles, they are normally associated with °edun 'have', 6 unless a valency reduction (yielding a medio-passive meaning) has taken place, in which case the auxiliary is again izan 'be'. 7 Some of the combinations -typically those with the auxiliary in the present tense sans plus need no special comments:

(1) a imperfective + present ja.ten d.u 'he eats/is eating (it),' lit. 'eaing he-has(it)'

4 Although absolutive number remains explicitly marked -to wit:

d 1 .u.t 2 «I 2 have it 1 » / d 1 .it PL .u.t 2 «I 2 have them 1 », but n 2 .u.en «I 2 had it» / n 2 .it PL .u.en «I 2 had them».
5 In order to avoid confusion, I will depart from Lafitte's expression (conjugaison périphrastique) and follow the clearer distinction made by Oyharçabal (2003) and Ortiz de Urbina ( 2003): some periphrastic expressions proper will illustrated in the Appendix. 6 It so happens that the perfective and citation form of Basque «have» is ukan in the eastern varieties (BN and Zub.), but homophonous with the perfective form of «be», izan, in the westernmost dialect of Northern Basque (Lap.), as well as in the Southern dialects. Using the reconstructed form °edun has become the rule. 7 De Rijk (1985) is probably the first Bascologist who explicitly noticed that it is impossible to use the synthetic forms of transitive verbs and to simultaneously delete reference to the agent. Thus, dakar is necessarily «he's carrying (it)», with a zero ergative suffix, never «he is (being) carried» whereas ekar.tzen d 1 a «it 1 is carried/brought» is the natural agentless version of, say, ekar.tzen d 1 .u.te 2 «they 2 carry/bring it 1 ». Moreover, it is impossible not to make reference to the existence of a (possibly irrelevant or unknown) object or patient, whence the brackets around the it's in the translations of the examples (1a-c) below. When the auxiliary is [-present], some cases are semantically more delicate.

(2) a imperfective + past ja.ten z.u.en 'he ate/was eating (it),' lit. 'eating he-had(it)' b perfective + past ja.n z.u.en 'he ate10 /had eaten', lit. 'eaten he-had(it)' c prospective + past ja.nen z.u.en 'he was about to eat it / he would have eaten it'

Note, on the one hand, the ambiguity (at least from the point of view of the translation) of (2b), which can be rendered either by a purely narrative preterite, or by a pluperfect in English). On the second interpretation of (2c), see the comments that follow (5) below.

The suffixes -ke and -ko in the conditional tenses

In general, no distinction is made between the imperfective and the prospective participles in a suppositive protasis,11 whereas the perfective participle forces a past conditional (hence necessarily counterfactual) interpretation:

(3) a ikus.ten / ikus.iko ba.lu 'if he saw it (now or later)' b ikus.i ba.lu 'if he had seen it'12

In the apodosis, the logical consequent is typically expressed as in (4):

(4) a ja.nen/har.tuko lu.ke 'he would eat/take it' [(a continuation of (3a)] b ja.nen /har.tuko zu.en 'he would have eaten it' [a continuation of (3b) -recall (2c)]

In (4a), -ke indicates prediction, somehow grammaticalizing the then of the ifthen correlative couple of complex conditional sentences.

Three variants of the past conditional (4b) deserve to be mentioned. Until the 17th century, the epistemic morpheme -ke was usually affixed to the auxiliary root, see (5a). 13 As for (5b), although Lafitte's grammar describes the form as usual, it has fallen out of use (see also Oyharçabal 2003), but it was well-attested until the very end of the 19th century; 14 what is interesting in this particular case is the fact that the morphological quasi-symmetry <perfective ba+l…> (in the protasis) / <perfective l…+ke> (in the apodosis) has been replaced by a morphologically distinct form in the apodosis, probably owing to the intuitive semantic proximity of the future in the past (recall the first translation of (2c)).

Finally, (5c), which, to my knowledge, is rarely mentioned in Basque descriptions, is attested in (mainly, but not only) in the Zub. translations provided in Aurrekoetxea & Videgain 2004 (see the Appendix). 15 (5) a ja.nen / har.tuko zu.ke.en 'he would have eaten / taken it' b jan / hartu l.u.ke ( id.) c jan / hartu zu.ke.en (id.)

In any case, both (4a) and (5a) point towards two distinct ways of referring to 'ulteriority': the prospective participles ja.nen and har.tuko indicate temporal poste-13 (5a) is also the standardized construction recommended by the Basque Academy (Euskaltzaindia). 14 To wit, consider the alternation between the Zub. and Lap. translations of Ps 54/55,12-13: Archü (1862) first uses the structure (4b), and next the one illustrated by (5b), whereas Duvoisin (1859-65) See also the Appendix. 15 Lafitte (1962: § 720) does not mention the use of this compound tense as a past (counterfactual) conditional, and in the table that follows his § 639, galdu zateken is only translated by «il devait s'être perdu» -i.e. it is understood as a past tense associated with the expression of the epistemic modality of (fairly strong) probability. Likewise, Ithurry (1895: 381) only translates ukhan zukeen by «il l'avait probablement eu». As for Gèze (1873), a book devoted to zuberoera, the combination is not even mentioned. See, however, Bonaparte's ([1869] 1991: 192-196) «Conditionnel passé parfait» (tense No 34), Gavel & Lacombe's (1937: 57) «conditionnel parfait antérieur» and Lafon's ([1951], 1999: 306-307) «conditionnel passé, 2 e forme». In the footnote 7 to his «Septième tableau préliminaire -Temps dits composés», concerning the forms erori zatekian (and ikhusi zükian), Bonaparte writes: «[…] le futur passé et le futur passé absolu y [i.e. in Zub.] sont moins employés que le passé parfait et le passé antérieur absolu du conditionnel: erori zatekian, eroririk izan zatekian [sont employés] plutôt que eroriko zen, eroririk izanen zen.» riority with respect to the reference point R provided implicitly or explicitly by the protasis, 16 whereas -ke in the auxiliary marks a special type of assertion, expressing a logical prediction made by the speaker (prediction, and the expression of (high) probability, although intuitively very proximate, are distinct psychological attitudes, even if formal semanticists almost never consider prediction as a special subtype of modality). We shall see another association of the prospective ending on the lexical verb and the affixation of -ke on the auxiliary in section 11.

The second analytic conjugation and the aoristic (defective) auxiliaries

Let us now consider two defective verbs, which can only be used as (inflected) auxiliaries in certain compound tenses, and whose reconstructed forms are °edin (used with unaccusative verbs, root -a(d)i-) and °ezan (with unergative and transitive verbs, root -eza-). 17 They will be noted aux 2 below. A specific property of these pure auxiliaries is that they do not combine with any of the aspectually marked participles, but with the radical of the lexical verbs. 18 Sticking to the unmarked present tense for the time being, and choosing verbs in which the radical is distinct from the perfective participle, we thus do not only have three distinct analytic combinations (as suggested by (1) above), but four:

(6) a ekar.tzen du 'he brings it', lit. 'carrying he-has-it' b ekarr.i du 'he has brought it', lit. 'carried he-has-it' c ekarr.iko du 'he'll bring it', lit. 'to-carry he-has-it' d ekar °deza 19 Here again appears the symbol '°', and no translation can be directly provided. This is because, like the forms of the °nindoa type, but now even in the present tense, an affix is compulsory for an aux 2 to be licit -and the verb complex to be interpretable.

Until the end of the 17th century, 20 at least in the eastermost varieties of Northern Basque, the past suffix -(e)n (with z-replacing the present tense prefix d-of °deza above) was sufficient to license the forms, cf.:

16 Hence a «future tense» when the auxiliary is in the present tense, i.e. when Speech Time and the Reference Point either coincide, or belong to the (subjectively defined) same time interval -but a «future in the past» when it is in the past tense.

17 Lafitte (1962), who used ukan for «have» in his conjugation tables, unfortunately labelled this auxiliary izan, although it has nothing to do with «be». There is, by the way, a third defective auxiliary, iron, an inherently potential variant of (transitive) °ezan, which I'm leaving out here, because the affixation of -ke to it seems to have been merely pleonastic.

18 For the strong verbs, one must distinguish between the radicals, which often have a vowel prefix that drops in inflected forms, and the roots proper, which are devoid of that prefix. Thus etorri and ekarri are the perfective participles of «come» and «bring», etor-and ekar-their radicals, and -tor-and -kar-their roots. 19 Ithurry (1895: 58) already listed dadi and deza among a list of strong verbs in the present tense. 20 As is well-known to Bascologists, Leiçarraga's (1571) New Testament is replete with such aoristic past forms, which were the unmarked narrative past tense in that text. The affixes that bridge the gap between the speech situation and the event or state referred to (which gap I suggested was conveyed by the °nindoa type paradigms), and those that licence the aoristic combinations are partly distinct. Besides the case of the past tense suffix, which has just been dealt with, two more morphemes belong to both lists: hypothetical ba-'if' and its consequent counterpart -ke in the two conditional paradigms (ikus ba.l.eza, har l.eza.ke 'if he saw it, he'd take it'). 22 With the prefixes d-and z-, i.e. when the meaning is really temporal, -ke always yields a potential interpretation: ekar d.eza.ke 'he can bring it', eror d.ai.te(ke) 'he can fall down' (eror.i, 'fall(en)'), whereas it does not normally do with the non aoristic forms: ekarr.i du.ke and ekar.tzen du.ke today have a pure (epistemic) value of probability (superior to equi-possibility): 'he must have brought it', 'he probably brings it' (but see below for another semantic value of -ke in non-aoristic conjugations).

Finally, the complementizers -(e)n and -(e)la help form various subjunctives, see (8b) below for instancefor the former one.

On the opposition between the synthetic and the analytic conjugations

A quite lucid description is provided by Oyharçabal (2003: 251-2):

For those few verbs which possess synthetic forms, the synthetic present expresses continuous aspect, whereas the analytical present has a habitual meaning; e.g. nator 'I'm coming', nago 'I am / stay' vs. etortzen naiz 'I come', egoten naiz 'I usually am/stay'. 23 But the autor immediately adds that "this distinction is not always made" in the Eastern [i.e. Northern] dialects, in which "synthetic forms tend to be used only as stylistic variants of the corresponding analytical present forms." The reason seems 21 Oyhenart wrote in the Low Navarrese subdialect of the Pays de Mixe (Amikuzera in Basque), which is very proximate to (northern) Souletin (see Camino 2004); now, as far as the verbal morphology is concerned, these dialects are far more conservative or «archaic» than the western varieties of Northern Basque: for instance, there is no aoristic past in Axular's Gero (1643), the great classical Labourdin book.

22 For some speakers, there is an additional potential nuance introduced here -perhaps under the influence of the Southern dialects and the Basque Academy's prescriptions. 23 Let me add that the izan itself could be used in the imperfective aspect with an explicit iterative value when, for instance, used in the periphrastic passive (in which the perfect participle agrees in number with the promoted subject NP/DP in NL), as in (a) or as the lexical verb «have», as in (b):

(a) Zuek baino altxatuagoak izaten dire zeruko erresuman (Lar. 1777, ch. 41) 'They are praised higher than you in the kingdom of heaven.' (b) guziek bardin grazia izaiten dute? (Dih. 1892, 'Sacramenduak') 'Do they all have (=get) the same grace?' clear: given that the synthetic forms are morphologically simpler, they are unmarked -whence also their use in stage directions for example (Rebuschi [1982] 1997).

As for the weak verbs, although there does exist a specific imperfective or continuous periphrasis, 24 Oyharçabal (ibid.) also notes that (depending on the context or the situation), their participles in -t(z)en can be used with an imperfective, rather than iterative, interpretation.

More important is the fact that in some contexts (typically in embedded clauses), the synthetic conjugation is also ambiguous from the point of view of the opposition between the imperfective value and the aoristic one; thus datorr.en, in which the -en suffix is a complementizer, has two analytic counterparts:25 want aux √come aux 2 -en 'I want him to come', lit. '… that he come' [governed subjunctive]

An example that illustrates the long-standing alternation between the synthetic and the analytic conjugations in the subjunctive mood is provided in ( 9 Up to now, we have already seen that the modal suffix -ke has several readings: first, suffixed to the aoristic auxiliaries in the present and past tenses -and consequently also sometimes in the synthetic conjugation-it contributes to a merely potential interpretation of the verb complex; second, when it is attached to any inflected form in l-, is marks the logical consequence expressed by the apodosis in a complex conditional sentence; third, in the other cases, it 'normally' expresses probability in today's NL.

It is also well-known that in the Souletin dialect, it can form a 'synthetic' (in fact, agglutinative, but definitely not analytic) future tense (Archu 1862, Gèze 1873, Gavel & Lacombe 1937, Coyos 1999: 241) if it is suffixed to an inflected form in a non-aoristic present.

But it is less generally known that the same fact was also true of the other northern dialects, even fairly recently. 27 Here are two illustrations with 'have' as a lexical verb. 28 27 Ithurry (1895: 59) only translates dagoke and zegokeen by «il peut rester» and «il pouvait rester» respectively. This future was however also acknowledged for the Labourdin dialect in Bonaparte 1869, but was accompanied by the following disputable qualification: «Le futur de l'indicatif, en labourdin, a une signification qui est toujours conjecturale et qui diffère de celle du futur composé.» Oyharçabal (2003) also gives one example from the end of the 19th century in which the value is clearly futural, but does not discuss its use and implications. 28 The possibility of course existed with other transitive verbs. In two distinct translations of the Revelation (Apocalypsis), Duvoisin thus offers: AnBa (1828) also has ez dakikezu. Interestingly, none of the earlier translations used this synthetic form. 29 Maister (1757: Souletin) has an analytic future here: Eztüzü gizonen elhe banuetzaz axolik ükhenen. In fact, in appears that Inchauspé's more recent text has many more examples of the «futural» -ke than Maister's. c Ezk (1974: N-L) -Bertzela sarririk ez dukezue zuen Aita zerukoaren aintzinean. 30 Here are now examples with two unaccusative verbs.

(12) Imit 3,48,9 -Ipsi stabunt foris ejulantes. 'They will stay out lamenting. ' Léon (1929 31 Here again, all the other translations in Northern Basque I know of have an analytic future here, egonen dire/dira: Pouvreau (1669), Arambillaga (1684), Chourio (1720), Haristoy (1896) in the Labourdin dialect, and Maister (1757) and Inchauspé (1883) in Souletin. 32 It is difficult to classify Leiçarraga's language dialectwise; the translation obviously was intended to help build a Northern Basque koinè, and displays many Labourdin properties. However, as far as the conjugation is concerned, it definitely displays many eastern features -see the detailed discussion in Lafon (1944: I, 59-65).

33 Leiçarraga never used the familiar or «allocutive» forms (da.te.k here) in questions. 34 Note first that the «futural» form ba.dai.te is also used in the two protases here -compare Lafon ([1970] 1999: 497): «Aujourd'hui même, [il] s'emploie rarement. Au lieu de dire badoake "s'il peut venir", har badezake "s'il peut prendre", on ajoute plutôt ahal "possible à des suppositifs ordinaires": Joaiten ahal bada, hartzen ahal badu.» Second, note that this sentence also illustrates the (purely morphological) neutralisation between the izan «be» and °edin in some varieties of lap and NL (as described in Bonaparte (1869) and Lafitte (1962), between others). This is also true of the plural form daizte at the end of this example, and of ditazke in (10c). But, as shown by ex. (12a) and (c), this was neither the case in Leiçarraga's NT, nor in late 19th century Zub. 35 The copula is twice translated by its bivalent variant «have» here.

Of course, one might argue that a potential "flavour" has been added to the Latin future, but in the following example, two unmarked (prospective) futures, (α) and (β), are explicitly paraphrased by a futural use of -ke (γ) and (δ), thereby exclusing such a possibility: (14) Etcheberry (1875, pp. 212-213: Lap.) 36 Zer ere neurriz edo izarriz bertzeak izartuko, neurtuko baitituzue α , zeroniek neurtuak izanen zarete β . Erran nahi baita, zenbatenaz bertzentzat urrikalmendu, miserikordia baitukezu γ , hanbatenaz Jainkoa miserikordiatsu ditakelaδ zuretzat. Lit. 'By whatever measure you will measure or gauge α the others, you will yourselves be gauged β . Which means that by how much you will have γ mercy or forgiveness for others, by so much will God be δ merciful with you.'

Likewise, in the contexts to be presently examined, this objection does not hold either.

The perfective future or future perfect (-tu + -ke)

As could be expected, this use of -ke is also available with auxiliaries. This most often happens to express a "past in the future", i.e. an accomplishment in the future, in adverbial clauses. We thus find many passages like the following:

(15) Rev/Apoc 11,7

LV Et cum finierint testimonium suum, bestia… faciet adversum eos bellum / CDR And when they shall have finished their testimony, the beast shall make war against them… a Lç (1571) -Eta akabatu dukeitenean bere testimoniajea, bestiak gerla eginen dik haien kontra. b AnBa (1828: Lap.) -Eta beren lekhukotasunaren bihurtzen akabatu duketen ondoan, … Abreak gerla eginen diote. c Dv (1859-65: Lap.) -Eta akhabatu duketenean beren lekhukotasuna, basabereak gerla emanen diote. d Inch (1856: Zub.) -Eta ürhentü dükeienian bere jakilegoa, saia güdükan ariko da hoien kontre.

( In ( 18) now, the first occurrence of the future perfect (α), although it appears in an embedded clause (governed by uste duzue '(do) you think'), functions as if it were in a root clause: Zenbatez tormenta borthitzagoa merezitu duke? 'How much harder torment will he have deserved?' More interesting is the duplication of the auxiliary, which marks relative anteriority, in the second occurrence (β), thereby creating a "future pluperfect":

(18) Heb 10,29 LV -quanto magis putatis deteriora mereri supplicia qui Filium Dei conculca-verit…? [Nova Vulgata: quanto deteriora putatis merebitur supplicia…] / KJV -Of how much sorer punishment, suppose ye, shall he be thought worthy, who hath trodden under foot the Son of God…? Lç (1571) -Zenbatez uste duzue tormenta borthitzagoa merezitu dukeela α , Iainkoaren Semea oinen azpian ezarri ukan dukeenak β …? Lit., 'How much worse torment do you think he will have deserved α , he who will "have had" trodden β upon the Son of God under his feet?' 40

The imperfective future (-tzen + -ke)

The combination of a -t(z)en participle and an auxiliary in -ke, on the other hand, is much rarer. Here are some examples-the first one from a translation, the 38 Here in (c), and in (d), bet(h)e «fill, fulfill» is a perfective participle with a zero suffix. 39 The other two 19th century NL translations available have the same compound form: Sal. (1856), Irib (1860), idaazi dukezu; Caz (1860), ïazi dukezu. 40 Just as the duplication of the auxiliary in past /counterfactual conditonal protases is natural (recall footnotes 12 and 14), such instances as this one seem to have disappeared in the 17th century. Thus, the purported «modernized translation» of Lç (1571), referred to here under the abbreviation «AnBa (1828)» never uses such complex forms. (19) cannot be compositionally interpreted, because the act of coming must logically precede the one referred to in the second clause. As for ( 20) and ( 21), the case is unclear, since the seeing of the speaker doing this or that need not be over for the adressee to be glad in the first case, and the seeing and the learning in the second one may also be interpreted as simultaneous. Finally, the next example is clearly compositional (and, here again, induced by the context):

41 Gèze (1873: 197) does not make any difference between the three forms eskentüren düt, eskentüko düt and eskentzen düket translated by «j'offrirai / je l'offrirai» and labelled «futur présent», i.e. future with respect to the present time. But if the first and second forms are mere free variants, it is difficult to admit that the third one is grammatically on a par with them. 42 Archu also used this form at least once (induced by the context -the preceding clause) when translating a text originally in the present tense:

(i) Ps 62/63,10/12 LV -Rex vero laetabitur in Deo; laudabuntur omnes qui jurant in eo… KJV (63,11) -But the king shall rejoice in God; every one that sweareth by him shall glory / CDR-62/63,12 … all they shall be praised that swear by him. Ar (1862: Ps 62,10) -Errege aldiz alegeratüko düzü α Jinkuan; laidatürik dütükezü β haren izenian zin egiten dütükienak γ oro.

Here, there is first an unmarked analytic future: α; next, a resultative medio-passive (the perfective participle is followed by the partitive suffix -(r-)ik: β; finally, the verb complex γ is another illustration of the imperfective participle associated with a auxiliary in the future. 43 The author's own translation into French reads: «Un jour, quand vous me verrez docile à vos dé-sirs… vous serez content…». 44 On the -ke in this verb and the like, see §11 below. Cross-linguistically, the notion of "future in the future" is an interesting one -see among others the discussions in Jespersen (1924: ch. 19), Gardies (1975: 146-147) on the 'compound tenses according to meaning' in the Port-Royal Grammaire, and Areces & Blackburn (2005).

In any case, the association of a prospective participle and an auxiliary with -ke in a non-conditional sentence was attested form the 16th century till the 18th. However, it is only in Leiçarraga ( 1571) that this compound tense systematically expresses ulteriority with respect to a (preliminary) event which is itself located in the future.

Here are a few examples. 47 In ( 23), the context is clear: the first conjunct (which contains a relative clause) predicts that a time and event will arrive later, and the second conjunct (introduced by eta 'and') refers to a posterior event, as also indicated by the adverb gero 'later':

(23) Mt 9,15 LV -Venient autem dies, cum auferetur ab eis sponsus, et tunc ieiunabunt.

KJV -but the days will come when the bridegroom shall be taken from them, and then shall they fast.

(i) Lk 9,48 LV -Quicumque susceperit puerum istum in nomine meo, me recipit; et, quicumque me receperit, recipit eum, qui me misit. / KJV -Whosoever shall receive this child in my name receiveth me: and whosoever shall receive me receiveth him that sent me. Hnd (1740: Lap.) -Nork ere errezibituko baidu haur hau ene izenean, ni nauke errezibitzen, eta ni errezibitzen nauenak duke errezibitzen ni igorri nauena.

The first conjunct is particularly clear: the imperfective participle indicates the simultaneity of the two actions (that of receiving this child, located in the future, and that of receving the speaker), a clear contibution to the intended identificational meaning of the sentence. But since the participle fulfills this function, the only way to express the future is to have recourse to -ke. If, admittedly, the second conjunct is less transparent (owing to the use of the imperfective, rather than prospective, participle in the free relative), both uses of -ke are parallel. 47 Intriguingly, if Lafon ([1972] 1999: 517) does write: «Tandis que le futur composé [usuel] exprime un fait futur, sans autre précision, le future [«double» -cf. Lafon 1944, II, 69-74] à suffixe -ke set à exprimer soit un fait futur de date indéterminée et qui est sujet à se répéter, soit un futur qui s'accomplira intégralement et instantanément (futur non-duratif), soit un fait futur qui s'accomplira après un autre fait futur (futur que l'on pourrait appeler ultérieur)», however, none of the examples that follow in that text (1999: 517-519) illustrate the third case, which is the one on which I naturally wish to concentrate. Lç (1571) -Baina ethorriren dirade48 egunac edekiren baitzaie ezkondua eta orduan barur eginen baitukeite.

In (24) now, there is a succession of two instances of a perfective future (α,α'), which mark the anteriority of the actions with respect to the unmarked analytic future (β), and finally a prospective future which indicates the fact that yet another action will take place later on (γ):

(24) Rev/Apoc 2,26-27 LV -26: Et qui vicerit, et custodierit usque in finem opera mea, dabo illi potestatem super gentes, 27: et reget eas in virga ferrea… / KJV -26: And he that overcometh, and keepeth my works unto the end, to him will I give power over the nations. 27: And he shall rule them with a rod of iron… Lç (1571) -26: Ezen biktoria ukan dukeenari α , eta ene obrak finerano begiratu ditukeenari α' , emanen draukat β bothere Jentilen gainean. 27: Eta gobernaturen dituke γ burdinazko zihorrez…49

A few examples of a transparent use of the future in the future are attested until the 19th century, see ( 25), where, now, the imperative clause that precedes the relevant one clearly implies that a future preliminary action will have taken place:

(25) Mt 7,5

LV -(Eice primum trabem de oculo tuo,) et tunc videbis eicere festucam de oculo fratris tui. / KJV -(First cast out the beam out of thine own eye;) and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the mote out of thy brother's eye. Hrt (1855: Lap.) -Khen ezazu lehenik eta orduan ikhusiko dukezu nola khen dezakezun zure anaiaren begitik phitsa.

Haraneder (1740) also has quite a few prospective participles associated with a future auxiliary. In one case, his use is parallel to Leiçarraga's:

(26) Rev/Apoc 10,6-7

LV -6: et juravit… quia tempus non erit amplius: 7: sed … cum coeperit tuba canere… CDR -6: And he swore … That time shall be no longer. 7: But… when he shall begin to sound the trumpet… a Lç -6: Eta iura zezan … ezen gehiago denborarik eztela izanen: 7: Baina zazpigarren Aingeruaren bozeko egunetan tronpetaz ioiten hasiren denean akabaturen datela Iainkoaren misterioa b Hnd (1740: Lap.) -6: juramentu egin zuen … denborarik ez zela izanen gehiago, 7: baiñan … tronpeta jonen zukenean… 50

But in the overwhelming majority of the cases, there is, as far as I can see, absolutely no possible semantic difference between such forms and the unmarked analytic future. 51

Other uses of -ke with non-aoristic verb forms

Finally, there remain quite a few (pragmatic) uses of -ke, both in the synthetic and the analytic conjugations, which can best be defined as conveying the speaker's strong commitment to the content of his speech. Here are three examples, the first two with a izan 'be' synthetically conjugated, and the third with -ke suffixed to an auxiliary. 52 (27) Mt 13,19

LV -Omnis, qui audit verbum regni et non intellegit, venit Malus et rapit, quod seminatum est in corde eius; hic est, qui secus viam seminatus est. CDR -When any one heareth the word of the kingdom, and understandeth it not, there cometh the wicked one, and catcheth away that which was sown in his heart: this is he that received the seed by the way side. Hnd (1740: Lap.) -Nork ere aditzen baidu Erresumako hitza eta ez baidu hartzen ungi, heldu da izpiritu gaixtoa eta arrapatzen du haren bihotzean erein izan dena; hura diteke bidearen basterrean erein izan dena.

(28) Etcheberry (1875, p. 263: Lap.) -'Jauna, zein da beraz salduko zaituena?' Jesusek ihardetsi zuen: 'Hura ditake nik ogia bustirik emanen diodana.' Lit., "'Lord, which is, then, the one who will betray you?' Jesus replied: 'It is/ will be the one to whom I shall give the moistened bread.'53 50 Coepere «begin» is left untranslated, but this does not affect the point under discussion. 51 A century later, such vacuous double futures were still to be found:

(i) Mt 6,6 LV Tu autem cum orabis, intra in cubiculum tuum… / CDR -But thou when thou shalt pray, enter … Hrt (1855: Lap.) -zure othoitza eginen dukezunean… 52 In the following translations (with °edun used as a lexical verb), it is difficult to know whether -ke-marks a situation-induced future, or the speaker's strong commitment: It should be obvious that the suffix -(te)ke in the foregoing examples does not contribute any epistemic value of potentiality, or of probability; neither does it help to refer to ulteriority: its rôle is to highlight the assertion as such.

This pragmatic use of -ke is restricted to root clauses -as could be expected, since it is root clauses are the normal locus for the expression of the illocutionary force of an utterance.

The same usage can be found in the 20th century, as in the following excerpt (in the original Latin text, note the ellipsis of 'be', which can only be understood as a generic present):

(30) Imit 2,1,1

Frequens illi visitatio cum homine interno, dulcis sermocinatio, grata consolatio, multa pax, familiaritas stupenda nimis. / Benham -'He often visiteth the inward man and holdeth with him sweet discourse, giving him soothing consolation, much peace, friendship exceeding wonderful.' Léon (1929: B-N) -Gizon bilduak ardura duke Jesus ikusliar; ardura dituzke haren bake nasai, elhe gozo, kontsolamendu eztiak, eta harekin adiskidetasun bat harritzekoa.

In (31) now, the reference to ulteriority and the speaker's commitment are conflated -in any case, since it is the Lord who is (supposed to be) speaking, neither potentiality nor probability can be involved:

(31) Imit 3,43,2 Cui ego loquar, cito sapiens erit…/ He to whom I speak will be quickly wise. Léon (1929: B-N) -Nori ere mintzo bainiz eta hura laster ditake jakintsu…54

A final example from is provided in (32) -again, only Léon's translation displays -ke:

(31) Mt 13,12

LV -Qui enim habet, dabitur ei, et abundabit / KJV -For whosoever hath, to him shall be given, and he shall have more abundance. Léon (1946: B-N) -Baduenari emanen izanen zaio, eta hola gaindika baduke.

Conclusions

In the aspectually specified analytic conjugation, when the (primary, non-defective) auxiliaries are in the present or past tense, the suffix -ke basically indicates prob-ability in NL today, but it could also have a future value until at least the middle of the 20th century (just as it has always had in Zub.). This latter semantic import is obviously linked to the "prediction" contribution -ke has always had in the inflected verb forms used in the apodoses of conditional sentences (referring to either a fictitious or a possible or real world). Thus, in NL, the suffix -ke is not inherently potential: in these dialects at least, it is only potential when suffixed to the defective, aoristic auxiliaries (aux 2 ) in the present and past tenses, associated with the radical of a lexical verb (and the corresponding synthetic forms).

Finally, -ke could also indicate the speaker's strong commitment to what s/he said. This suffix is thus an underspecified modal morpheme, whose more precise interpretation is sometimes, but not always, dictated by its morpho-syntactic environment.

Appendix: the distribution of -ke and related conjugated forms in the Recueil Bourciez

As the examples in the paper all come from religious sources, and can thus be considered to be stylistically biassed, I wish to provide here a description of the 140 over translations into Northern Basque of the five French future tenses, and the one past conditional, found in a text 55 which was systematically translated into the local subdialects in the very late 19th century (Aurrekoetxea & Videgain eds., 2004). 56 Here are the main results. This case is more interesting, since the passive is periphrastic: 58 the perfective participle either agrees in number with the (promoted) subject (Lap. & NL) or is followed by the partitive suffix -(r)ik (Zub.). The question is then whether izan 'be' is itself in the prospective, and followed by an auxiliary (the same 'be') in the present 55 In spite of its title, it is a secularized -and expanded-version of Lk 15,11-32, translated in almost every local variety of Basque and Gascon in the last decade of the 19th century. Of course, A&V (2004) only provides the Basque versions. For details, see Videgain (2005).

56 150 tranlations are announced, but some texts are simply distinct transcriptions of the very same tranlations. Besides, sometimes, the translation is either skipped, or too removed from the original to be considered here. 57 The idiomatic use of aller is usually translated by a simple prospective future, e.g. xuti.tuko naiz, except in a handful of periphrases, namely xutizera(t) noa with «to go» and a nominalized verb in the allative case (4 instances in Lap.), but also with nahi izan/°edun «want» (BN, 2 instances, Zub., 3 instances), and with behar izan/°edun «must/have to» (Lap., one case). The translation of the second verb (j'irai) is often dependent on the translation of the first one, which is the reason why I'm also leaving it out here. 58 It is the (proportionately) high frequency of the word order of type III below which I take as a test that the Basque passive is periphrastic rather than analytic. See also ex. (a) in footnote 23 on this matter. We have here another periphrasis, with nahi which can be interpreted (here) as an uninflected noun, 'will' and a form of °edun '(to) have'. Four constructions are used: III: Nahi duk(an bezala), often contracted into nahuk(an b.), i.e. with no futurity expressed (duk is in the present tense). III: Nahiko duk(an bezala), with the prospective morpheme directly suffixed to nahi. 61 III: Nahi dukek(an bezal)a, where it is ukan/°edun which is marked for the future by -ke. IV: Nahi izanen/ukanen duk(an bezala), with a periphrastic future for 'to have' replacing the synthetic form of type III.

In the historical province of Labourd (Lapurdi), there are 30 translations of type I, two of type II (in Urcuit-Urketa and Jatxou-Jatsu), and one of type III (in Bardos-Bardoze, the easternmost village of the province). In Low Navarre (Behe-Nafarroa), there are 60 translations of type I, only one of type II (in Aincille-Ain tzila), and 6 of type III (two in the territory of Arbone/Arberoa, 3 in the Pays de Mixe/Amikuze, and one in the Pays de Cize/ Garazi). As we turn to Soule-Zuberoa, the situation is dramatically different: there are 18 translations of type III, almost as many as of type I (21); finally, there is only one instance of type II (in Haux-Hauze), and this area is the only one in which an occurrence of type IV can be found(in Etcharry-Etxarri). 62 59 Therefore, there is, in fact, no example of punitua h(a)izate(ke): only pünitürik hizate(ke) is really attested.

60 Context: 'Donnez-moi ce que je dois avoir.' […] 'Give me what I'm entitled to.' 61 There does exist a verb nahitu «to have come to desire» (DGV/OEH, vol. 12), for which both a perfective use (with an inflected auxiliary) and an imperfective use (nahitzen) are attested. Therefore, the expected prospective would be nahituko; it follows that nahiko must be analyzed differently, probably as an elliptical form of nahi izan/ukan + the prospective suffix. 62 The enormous proportion of type I translations is probably due to the idiomatic character of the future tense in the French expression in the text. It is therefore difficult to draw definite conclusions from the figures obtained, although the contrast between the use of type III (in which -ke appears) in Zub. vs. the other dialects no doubt reflects the contrasting figures obtained in case (b), the future passive. Here again, a periphrasis is used, in which behar replaces nahi of (c) above, and in which the word order varies: the lexical verb general follows the behar+aux. sequence.

The following types are attested:

III: Behar dukek kantatu / kantu egin, with the inflected aux. in the -ke. III': Kantatu behar dukek, id., with the lexical verb preceding the behar+aux. sequence. III: Beharko duk kantatu / kantu egin, where prospective -ko is directly suffixed to behar. III': Kantatu beharko duk (same difference with II as in I' vs. I). III: Behar izanen/ukanen duk kantatu, where the verb have is itself submitted to the analytic prospective conjugation.

Here again, there is a strong contrast between the subdialects spoken in Labourd/ Lapurdi and Low Navarre/Behe-Nafarroa, and Soule/Zuberoa. Thus, all the direct translations are of type II in the first two groups of dialects, in which neither type I nor type III are used. In the third province, on the contrary, there are only 9 translations of type II, but 18 of type I, and 7 of type III. 'Be able/allowed to' can be rendered with the word ahal associated with either the imperfective, or the prospective, participle of the lexical verb, but also with its radical, associated with a defective auxiliary suffixe with -ke. What is more, double (morphological) futures are possible, The possibilities are thus much larger than before, but some trends are clear. (Many texts do not use any means of referring to the future).

(i) When only one morpheme is used which can express futurity, it can be: -ko on ahal (in which case the lexical verb is is the imperfective aspect): hartzen ahalko d(it)uzue (type I) or -ko/-ren as part of the prospective participle (in which case ahal remains unaffected): hartuko ahal d(it)uzue (type II). Type III has -ke suffixed to the inflected verb; in typeIV and IV', it is izan 'be' whch is in the prospective aspect and associated with an inflected form of the same verb izan used as an auxiliary. The various possibilities to express a past, counterfactual conditional were discussed in section, 4. We therefore expect four types to be used: III (type) jan zukeen, cf (5c) III (type) janen zuen, cf. (4b) III (type) janen zukeen cf. (5a) [START_REF]Hartü zükean and even hartzen zükean are mentioned as possible past conditionals in today's Soule (Arbailles-Arbaila) in Coyos[END_REF] IV (type) jan luke, cf. (5b) Interestingly, type IV is never used.

In the province of Labourd, type II is the overwhelming winner: 28 instances; type I has 3 occurrences (Lahonce-Lehuntze, Halsou-Haltsu, Espelette-Ezpeleta-a), 64 and type III only one (Urcuit-Urketa). In Low Navarre, if type II is also widely predominant (58 cases); type I has 5, but type III has 8. Again, the province of Soule behaves differently: if type II is still predominant (21 cases), the number of cases of type I is almost as large (16), and there is no occurrence at all of type III.

To conclude, we can note that -ke appears five times out ot five only in three places in Haute Soule -more exactly in the traditional territory called Basabürüa: Esquiule-Ezkiula, Trois-Villes-Iruri and Laguinge-Liginaga. On the other hand, the proportion of places in which -ke was not used in any of the passages is highest in the Western province of Labourd (31 texts out of 36), the situation of Low Navarre being naturally intermediate.

( 7 )

 7 a Aingerua […] Nazarete hirira ethor ze.di.n.(Oy. 1657-64, XX: 25-28) 21 angel-sg Nazareth town-to √come aux 2 -past 'The angel came to the town of Nazareth.' b Inhardets ze.za.n hitz hotan: … (id., XX: 43) √answer aux 2 -past word these-in 'She replied with these words: …'

  (8) a Ez dakit [nor etortzen d.en]. neg I-know who come-imp aux-en 'I wonder who comes.' [embedded question] (b) Nahi dut [etor dadi.(e)n].

  ): (9) Mk 14,12 LV -Quo vis eamus et paremus tibi ut manduces pascha?/ KJV -Where wilt thou that we go and prepare that thou mayest eat the passover? a Hnd (1740: Lap.) -Norat nahi duzu goazen eta prepara diezazugun… b Dv (1859-65: lap.) -Norat nahi duzu goan gaitezen behar denaren zuri aphaintzera… c Léon (1946: B-N) -Norat nahi duzu goazen… 26 7. The suffix -ke as a 'future' morpheme in the synthetic conjugation

( 10 )

 10 Imit 3,4,1 Non curabis de vanis hominum verbis. 'You will not care for men's vain words.' a Inch (1883: Zub.) -Eztükezü axolik jenten gaizki erranez. 29 b Hst (1896: Lab.) -Gizonen elhe hutsalez zer axola dukezu? c Léon (1929: B-N) -Jendeen solas alferrez ez dukezu axolarik. (11) Mt 6,1 LV -Alioquin mercedem non habetis apud Patrem vestrum… KJV -Otherwise ye have no reward of your Father… / CDR -Otherwise you shall not have a reward of your Father who is in heaven. a Dv (1859-65: Lap.) -saririk ez dukezue zuen Aita zeruetan denaren baitha[tik]. b Léon (1946: B-N) -saririk ez dukezue zuen Aita zerukoaren ganik.

  ad te tamquam fur et nescies qua hora veniam ad te. CDR -and thou shalt not know at what hour I will come to thee. i(i) Dv 1859-65 [Bible]ez duzu jakinen zein orduz ethorriko natzaitzun. (ii) Dv [ms., Apoc-1]ez dakikezu zer mugaz ethorriko natzaitzun.

( 22 )

 22 Mt 24,19 LV -Vae … nutrientibus in illis diebus! / KJV -And woe unto them … that give suck in those days! a Lç (1571) -Dohain-gaitz … eredoskiten dukeitenen 45 egun hetan! b Hnd (1740: Lap.) -Zorigaitz, ordean, … haurrak eredoskiten duketenentzat egun hetan. 46 10. The prospective future or "double future" (-tuko + -ke)

  (i) Jn 12,48 LV -non accipit verba mea, habet qui iudicet eum / KJV & CDR -He that … receiveth not my words, hath one that judgeth him. a Hnd (1740: Lap.) -ene hitzak errezibitzen ez dituenak, baduke bere jujea. b Hrt (1855: Lap.) -ene hitzak onhesten eztituenak, baduke juierik asko. c Urr (1873: Zub.) -ene elhiak sinhesten eztütianak, badüke nurk jüja.(29) Mt 26,25 LV -"Numquid ego sum, Rabbi?". Ait illi: "Tu dixisti". / KJV -Master, is it I? He said unto him, Thou hast said. / CDR: … Thou hast said it. Hnd (1740: Lap.) -«Nausia, ni othe naiz?». Ihardetsi izan zioen Jesusek: «Erran dukezu».

  (a) The "pure" future: 57 (Je vais me lever, j'irai trouver mon père) et [je] lui di-rai…, 'I'll go to my father and will tell him…' ( §5) [Lk 15,18] '[Je] lui dirai' is always translated by a (morpho-phonological variant of the) basic form of the unmarked type: joanen naiz. (b) A future passive: Tu seras puni, 'You'll be punished.' ( §2) [No counterpart in Lk]

  (d) A deontic future: 'Il faudra que tu chantes toi aussi' 'You will have to sing too' ( § 9) [No counterpart in Lk]

  (e) A potential future: 'Vous pourrez aussi prendre des coqs…' 'You may [future] also take roosters…' ( § 7) [No counterpart in Lk]

I:

  Hartzen ahalko d(it)uzue -Lap.: 7 occurrences; B-N: 11; Zub.: 2 II: Hartuko/harturen ahal d(it)uzue -Lap.: 7; B-N: 20; Zub.: 5 III: Hartzen ahal d(it)ukezue -Lap.: none; B-N: 5; Zub.: 17 IV: Hartzen ahal izanen/ukanen d(it)uzue -Lap.: 1; B-N: none; Zub.: none IV': Hartu ahal izanen/ukanen d(it)uzue -Lap.: none; B-N: none; Zub.: 2 (ii) There also are three (purely morphological) double futures: V: Hartuko/harturen ahal d(it)ukezue -Lap.: none; B-N: none; Zub.: 2 VI: Hartuko/harturen ahal izanen/ukanen d(it)uzue -Lap.: none; B-N: none; Zub.: 1 (Musculdy-Muskildi) VII: Hartuko/harturen ahalko d(it)uzue -Lap.: none; B-N: 1 (Irissarry-Irisarri); Zub.: none Note that -ke on the inflected auxiliary remains typical of the Zub. dialects, and that there are no counterparts to IV/IV' (i.e. neither hartzen ahalko d(it)ukezue nor hartu ahalko d(it)ukezue are attested in the corpus).(f) The past conditional ( §3): Il avait quelquefois si grand faim qu'il aurait bien mangé ces feuilles de choux[…]. Mais personne ne lui donnait rien 'He would have fain eaten…'.[Lk 15,16]

  : B-N) 31 Kanpoan baitagozke hek orrobiaka. (13) Mt 6,23 LV -Si autem oculus tuus nequam fuerit, totum corpus tuum tenebrosum erit. Si ergo lumen, quod in te est, tenebrae sunt, tenebrae quantae erunt! CDR -'But if thy eye be evil thy whole body shall be darksome. If then the light that is in thee, be darkness: the darkness itself how great shall it be!' a Lç (1571) 32 -Baina baldin hire begia gaixto bada hire gorputz guzia ilhun da.te.k: beraz baldin hitan den argia ilhunbe bada, ilhunbe hura zein handi date? 33 b Dv (1859-65: Lab.) -Aitzitik zure begia gaitza badaite, beltza daite zure gorphutz guzia. Baldin beraz zure baithan den argia ilhunbea [ba]daite, ilhunbeak berak zenbatekoak ez daizte? 34 c Léon (1946: B-N) -eri balin baduzu aldiz begia, ilhun dukezu 35 gorputz guzia. Zutan den argia ilhunbe balin bada beraz, nolakoak ditazke ilhunbeak berak?

30

I have even found examples in which only Léon (first half of the 20th century) uses -ke with a future value, e.g.:

(a) Mk 16,(17-)18

LV-17: signa autem eos qui crediderint haec sequentur… 18: serpentes tollent et si mortiferum quid biberint non eos nocebit super aegrotos manus inponent et bene habebunt / KJV -17: And these signs shall follow them that believe… 18: They shall take up serpents; and if they drink any deadly thing, it shall not hurt them; they shall lay hands on the sick, and they shall recover.

Léon (1946)

-17: Sinesten dutenek huna zer mirakuluak eginen dituzten: … 18 sugeak eskuetan erabiliko, eta phozoinkia iretsirik ere ez dukete kalterik, eskuak erien gainean emanen dituzte eta eriak sendatuko dira. [Lit. «they shall have no harm».]

  Ita et vos, cum videritis haec fieri, scitote quoniam prope est regnum Dei. KJV -So likewise ye, when ye see these things come to pass, know ye that the kingdom of God is nigh at hand.

	second one from a grammar of the same Zub. dialect, but the third one is indisput-
	ably in the Lap. dialect: 41
	(19) Mt 21,40
	LV -Cum ergo venerit dominus vineae, quid faciet agricolis illis? /KJV -When
	the lord therefore of the vineyard cometh, what will he do unto those husband-
	men? / CDR -When therefore the lord of the vineyard shall come…
	Inch (1856: Zub.) -Jiten datekienian mahastiaren nausía zer eginen dü mahasti-
	zañ haier?
	(20) Arch (1868, Zub.: 45) 42
	Egün batez, ikhusten nükezünian zure nahiküntienzat ernetürik… kontent zi-
	rate…
	'One day, when you see me anxious to please you, you'll be glad' 43
	(21) Lk 21,31
	LV -
	0 ASJU Oyharcabal.indd 474 0 ASJU Oyharcabal.indd 474	21/07/09 12:54 21/07/09 12:54

Hnd (1740: Lap.)

-Hala zuek ere ikusten dituzketzuenean gauza horiek gerthatzen, jakizue hurbill ditekela 44 Jainkoaren Erresuma.

  Izanen hiz punitua/puniturik [analytic, with reversed word order] In Lap. and BN, type I is never used, not even in the Pays de Cize (Amikuze); but there are 10 examples of type I in Zub., as against 21 instances of type II and 8 cases of type III. 59 (c) A volitive future: Comme tu voudras 'As you like.' 60 ( §1) [No counterpart in Lk]

	tense, or whether passive 'be' is directly inflected, but suffixed with -ke. I've distin-
	guished three types:
	III: Punitua/puniturik h(a)izate(ke) [synthetic conjugation of the passive copula/
	auxiliary]
	III: Punitua/puniturik izanen hiz [analytic conjugation of the passive copula/
	auxiliary]
	III:
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«To-eat» is, I must confess, a poor gloss for the prospective participle, but I'm unable to propose anything else. In any case, there is no deontic modality «naturally» associated with this participle. InRebuschi (1984), I suggested that the -ko/-(r)en suffix reversed the time relation between the (Reichenbachian) Reference point (R) and the closer boundary of the process: in the case of the perfective aspect, the right boundary precedes R, and in the case of the prospective aspect, R precedes the left boundary of the process. Today, this still seems to be a reasonable description of the fact, but I'm not sure I would still maintain the sketchy «explanation» I proposed at that

time. 9 Note, however, the neutralization of the opposition between the imperfective and prospective aspects in adjunct/adverbial clauses, with a possible evolution in the choice of the preferred form. For instance, for Mt 21,40 (Latin Vulgate Cum ergo venerit dominus vineae, KJV When the lord therefore of the vineyard cometh),AnBa 1828, Sal 1856, Irib 1860, Caz 1860, have etor.tzen [or: ji.ten] denean,[START_REF] Harriet | Iesu-Christo gure Iaunaren Testament Berria[END_REF], Dv 1859-65, Léon 1946 and the more recent translations,Ezk 1974, and EdyB, etorr.iko denean. See (6d) for a fourth

compound form.10 The translation into «ate» in (a) above must be understood as iterative or continuous; in (b), as a

pure narrative past. 11 Recall footnote 9 above for

adjoined temporal clauses.12 The anteriority of the event or state referred to in the protasis (with respect to the contents of the apodosis) can be underlined by the duplication of the auxiliary -see (iii) in footnote (14) for instance: madarikatu izan banindu, lit. 'if he had had cursed me', mintzatu izan balitz, lit. 'if he had had spoken'. 0 ASJU Oyharcabal.indd 466 0 ASJU Oyharcabal.indd 466 21/07/09 12:54 21/07/09 12:54

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With the adjective ari «busy»(Trask 1995). What shows that the lexical verb which precedes ari, and ends in -t()zen is not an imperfective participle, but a nominalised form, is the fact that the direct objet either must (in Souletin) or may (in the other northern dialects) be in the genitive case, rather than the zero/absolutive (see also[START_REF] Mounole | Sintaxi diakronikoa eta aditz multzoaren garapena: inperfektibozko perifrasiaren sorreraz[END_REF].A lesser noted explicitly progressive or continuous periphrasis consists in using izan 'be' (rather than egon 'be/stay') as a main verb, also governing a nominalized form in in -t()zen. Here are two examples:(i) Egun batez nangoela zuhaintze baten itzalbian neure oren.en α erraiten nintzala β … 'One day as I was [=sat/lay] in the shade of a tree,([and] as I was) saying β my prayers α [gen]…' (Tartas 1666: Irakurtzailiari) (ii) Nuiz nizateke zu.re ikhusten?(Maister 1757: 3,48,3) when I-shall-be you-gen seeing Quando stabo ad videndum te? / 'When shall I stand beholding you?'

 25 This was already true in the 16th century: seeLafon (1944: vol. 1, 162-163). The same ambiguity arises with another C° suffix, -(e)la, governed by verbs of saying. For instance, datorrr.ela corresponds either to (Erraiten dute) etor dadi.la 'They say [=order] that he (must) come' (subjunctive) or to (Erraiten dute) etor.tzen d.ela 'They say [=report] that he

comes'.26 In (9a,c), the initial g-of goazen indicates a 1st p. plural absolutive argument. On the other hand, in (9b), the initial g-of goan is the radical prefix of the typical Lap. form of '(to) go' -in other dialects, the prefix is j-. Consequently, the initial g-of the aux 2 gaitezen in (9b) is simply (a part of) the absolutive prefix g(a)-. 0 ASJU Oyharcabal.indd 470 0 ASJU Oyharcabal.indd 470 21/07/09 12:54 21/07/09 12:54

ASJU Oyharcabal.indd 471 0 ASJU Oyharcabal.indd 471 21/07/09

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Etcheberry's book is another translation, but I have not been able to access the original text.

On the «double future» laxa.turen da.te in the second clause, see §10. 0 ASJU Oyharcabal.indd 473 0 ASJU Oyharcabal.indd 473 21/07/09 12:54 21/07/09 12:54

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Note yet another allomorph of -ke-: -kei-, only attested, as far as I know, in Lç (1571) with °edun. Besides, re: the ending -en here, recall that in early Northern Basque, the genitive could convey a prolative or destinative meaning (cf. -ent.tzat in (21b)).

See also:

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The reader must carefully distinguish between the present form dira.de «they are», 3rd p. pl., and the future form dira.te «they will be»: -de is a (redundant) pluralizer, whereas -te is an allomorph of -ke and -teke, as mentioned above.

Interestingly, In Leiçarraga's text, because the second form is the unmarked one, the sentences that follow are of the same type β:

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A passage inspired by Jn 13,26. Even Haraneder used the present tense here-but he did use a double future in the (semi-)free relative clause: Haiña da nik ogia bustirik emanen diokedana. 0 ASJU Oyharcabal.indd 478 0 ASJU Oyharcabal.indd 478 21/07/09 12:54 21/07/09 12:54

For this passage, only Léon has -ke: all the other translators (see the list in footnote 31) simply use the unmarked prospective future. 0 ASJU Oyharcabal.indd 479 0 ASJU Oyharcabal.indd 479 21/07/09 12:54 21/07/09 12:54

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12:54 21/07/09 12:54


Dr Ronald Perraut
email: perraut@pasteur.sn.

Bacary Diatta

Laurence Marrama

Olivier Garraud

Ronan Jambou

Shirley Longacre

Gowdahalli Krishnegowda

Alioune Dieye

Channe Gowda

D Channe Gowda

Differential antibody responses to Plasmodium falciparum glycosylphosphatidylinositol anchors in patients

Keywords: Plasmodium falciparum, glycosylphosphatidylinositol anchors, MSP1p19, antibody response, cerebral malaria, protection

1.Introduction

Many clinical manifestations of P. falciparum infection are caused by a complex cascade of events triggered during schizont rupture. Glycosylphosphatidylinositol (GPI) anchor structures are considered to be important parasite toxin candidates that could contribute to immunopathological events leading to the development of severe malaria. The patho-physiological effects of parasite GPIs have been attributed to their ability to induce the production of proinflammatory cytokines in the host, including tumor necrosis factor (TNF-), interleukin-1 (IL1), nitric oxide (NO), and interferon (IFN-) [START_REF] Schofield | Glycosylphosphatidylinositol toxin of plasmodium up-regulates intercellular adhesion molecule-1, vascular cell adhesion molecule-1, and e-selectin expression in vascular endothelial cells and increases leukocyte and parasite cytoadherence via tyrosine kinasedependent signal transduction[END_REF][START_REF] Schofield | Synthetic GPI as a candidate anti-toxic vaccine in a model of malaria[END_REF][START_REF] Tachado | Signal transduction in macrophages by glycosylphosphatidylinositols of plasmodium, trypanosoma, and leishmania -activation of protein tyrosine kinases and protein kinase c by inositolglycan and diacylglycerol moieties[END_REF][START_REF] Gowda | Structure and activity of glycosylphosphatidylinositol anchors of Plasmodium falciparum[END_REF]. Additionally, Plasmodium GPIs have been proposed to mediate hypoglycemia by mimicking the activity of insulin [START_REF] Schofield | Signal transduction in host cells by a glycosylphosphatidylinositol toxin of malaria parasites[END_REF].

GPIs are ubiquitous in eukaryotes, and are primarily involved in anchoring certain cell surface proteins to plasma membranes. Compared to animal cells, GPIs are abundantly expressed in various parasite species including Plasmodium, Trypanosoma, and Leishmania, and these organisms contain large pools of free GPIs that are not attached to proteins [START_REF] Naik | Glucosamine inhibits inositol acylation of the glycosylphosphatidylinositol anchors in intraerythrocytic Plasmodium falciparum[END_REF].

Unlike protein anchored forms, free GPIs are not masked on cell surfaces, and therefore are more accessible for triggering innate immune responses [START_REF] Stevenson | Innate immunity to malaria[END_REF], including pro-inflammatory cytokine secretion [START_REF] Ropert | Signaling of immune system cells by glycosylphosphatidylinositol (GPI) anchor and related structures derived from parasitic protozoa[END_REF]. Although the physiological functions of the GPIs remain poorly understood, it appears likely that the parasites use GPI bioactivity to stimulate host immune responses for their own benefits. However, uncontrolled stimulation of the innate immune system is deleterious to host, and that can lead to severe clinical symptoms [START_REF] Stevenson | Innate immunity to malaria[END_REF].

Since individuals living in areas of high malaria transmission have acquired immunity to malaria pathogenesis, anti-GPI antibodies have been proposed as mediators of malaria "antidisease" immunity. Several studies have addressed the question of the protective role of anti-GPI antibodies [START_REF] Ropert | Signaling of immune system cells by glycosylphosphatidylinositol (GPI) anchor and related structures derived from parasitic protozoa[END_REF][START_REF] Naik | Glycosylphosphatidylinositol anchors of Plasmodium falciparum: molecular characterization and naturally elicited antibody response that may provide immunity to malaria pathogenesis[END_REF][START_REF] Boutlis | Antibodies to Plasmodium falciparum glycosylphosphatidylinositols: inverse association with tolerance of parasitemia in Papua New Guinean children and adults[END_REF][START_REF] De Souza | Prevalence and boosting of antibodies to Plasmodium falciparum glycosylphosphatidylinositols and evaluation of their association with protection from mild and severe clinical malaria[END_REF]. In malaria endemic areas, anti-GPI IgG is produced in an agedependent manner, correlating with the cumulative age-related acquisition of protective immunity to malaria. It has also been observed that antibodies to GPIs are predominantly of the IgG3 subclass and are rapidly boosted in response to infection, but they are short lived [START_REF] Naik | Glycosylphosphatidylinositol anchors of Plasmodium falciparum: molecular characterization and naturally elicited antibody response that may provide immunity to malaria pathogenesis[END_REF][START_REF] Boutlis | Antibodies to Plasmodium falciparum glycosylphosphatidylinositols: inverse association with tolerance of parasitemia in Papua New Guinean children and adults[END_REF][START_REF] De Souza | Prevalence and boosting of antibodies to Plasmodium falciparum glycosylphosphatidylinositols and evaluation of their association with protection from mild and severe clinical malaria[END_REF][START_REF] Boutlis | Immunoglobulin G (IgG) responses to Plasmodium falciparum glycosylphosphatidylinositols are short-lived and predominantly of the IgG3 subclass[END_REF]. While a recent study has shown that anti-GPI antibodies are significantly higher in children with asymptomatic infections compared to those exhibiting clinical symptoms [START_REF] Naik | Glycosylphosphatidylinositol anchors of Plasmodium falciparum: molecular characterization and naturally elicited antibody response that may provide immunity to malaria pathogenesis[END_REF][START_REF] Boutlis | Antibodies to Plasmodium falciparum glycosylphosphatidylinositols: inverse association with tolerance of parasitemia in Papua New Guinean children and adults[END_REF][START_REF] Diallo | Malaria in the central health district of Dakar (Senegal). Entomological, parasitological and clinical data[END_REF], the observed differences were not statistically significant and there is clearly a need for more controlled studies.

In this cross-sectional study, we have investigated the potential protective role of P. falciparum anti-GPI IgG responses in malaria pathogenesis, in individuals from an urban area presenting at two hospitals in Dakar, Senegal with symptoms of cerebral malaria. Two sets of distinct, well-defined groups of patients with confirmed cerebral malaria were recruited in two consecutive timeframes. In parallel we measured the levels of IgG specific for baculovirus recombinant MSP1p19, the conserved 19 kDa C-terminal fragment of the 200-kDa major merozoite surface protein 1, which is anchored to the parasite surface by a GPI moiety. During merozoite invasion of erythrocytes, a major portion of N-terminal MSP1 is proteolytically cleaved, leaving MSP1p19 and its GPI anchor intact that are carried into newly invaded erythrocytes [START_REF] Holder | The three major antigens on the surface of Plasmodium falciparum merozoites are derived from a single high molecular weight precursor[END_REF]. Antibody responses to PfMSP1p19 have been extensively studied and shown to be associated with clinical immunity in children and adults [START_REF] Egan | Clinical immunity to Plasmodium falciparum malaria is associated with serum antibodies to the 19-kda C-terminal fragment of the merozoite surface antigen, pfMSP-1[END_REF][START_REF] Riley | Naturally acquired cellular and humoral immune responses to the major merozoite surface antigen (PfMSP1) of Plasmodium falciparum are associated with reduced malaria morbidity[END_REF]. MSP1p19 is known to induce an effective P. falciparum anti-parasite immune response by inducing antibodies that interfere with the merozoite invasion process [START_REF] O'donnell | Antibodies against merozoite surface protein (MSP)-1(19) are a major component of the invasion-inhibitory response in individuals immune to malaria[END_REF]. The baculovirus expressed MSP1p19 antigen used in this study [START_REF] Chitarra | The crystal structure of Cterminal merozoite surface protein 1 at 1.8 A resolution, a highly protective malaria vaccine candidate[END_REF] is strongly recognized by the sera of infected individuals, and IgG responses were shown to be significantly associated with delayed infection following drug cure [START_REF] Perraut | Distinct surrogate markers for protection against Plasmodium falciparum infection and clinical malaria identified in a Senegalese community after radical drug cure[END_REF], and with clinical protection [START_REF] Perraut | Antibodies to the conserved C-terminal domain of the Plasmodium falciparum merozoite surface protein-1 and to the merozoite extract and their relationship with in vitro inhibitory antibodies and protection against clinical malaria in a Senegalese village[END_REF]. Our data show that, in both study groups, patients with cerebral malaria had significantly lower levels of anti-GPI antibodies compared to individuals with mild or asymptomatic malaria.

Materials and methods

Sample collection and study population

Subjects were patients living in the hypoendemic urban area of Dakar who were treated at Principal and LeDantec Hospitals, Dakar. In Dakar, over 2 million people seasonally receive an average of 0.5 infective bite per individual per year, with highly variable densities of vector anopheline mosquitoes [START_REF] Trape | Vector density gradients and the epidemiology of urban malaria in Dakar, Senegal[END_REF]. A mean incidence of 2.4% of clinical accesses (26 cases out of 1067) were observed [START_REF] Diallo | Malaria in the central health district of Dakar (Senegal). Entomological, parasitological and clinical data[END_REF]. Blood samples collected for biological investigations from patients hospitalized for acute symptoms of malaria at different periods of time during and after the transmission season (September to December) were used. Controls consisted of samples from individuals living in Ndiop, a mesoendemic area of transmission, who are resistant to malaria pathogenesis, and were either asymptomatic or presented only mild symptoms such as transient fever and low parasitemia throughout a longitudinal follow-up carried out for several years [START_REF] Trape | Combating malaria morbidity and mortality by reducing transmission[END_REF]. In the Ndiop project, the longitudinal follow-up protocol was renewed yearly by assembling the villagers, and informed consent was obtained from all participants, their parents or guardians. The protocols were approved by the Ethics Committee of the Ministry of Health of Senegal.

The first study-group consisted of 70 hospitalized "adults" (≥13 years old, and not treated in the pediatric intensive care facilities). In this group, 35 patients had confirmed cerebral malaria and recovered with no sequelae (mean age 28 years, sampled in 1998-1999), and 35 adults hospitalized for "mild" malaria (mean age 31. After collection of blood samples, red blood cells were separated by centrifugation, and plasma stored at -20°C until used. Each set of samples has been grouped and analyzed separately.

Antigens and ELISA procedure

GPIs were isolated and purified by HPLC as described [START_REF] Naik | Glycosylphosphatidylinositol anchors of Plasmodium falciparum: molecular characterization and naturally elicited antibody response that may provide immunity to malaria pathogenesis[END_REF]. Recombinant MSP1p19 (Palo Alto allele), was produced in Trichoplusia ni insect cells (High Five, Invitrogen) infected with recombinant baculovirus and purified by metalloaffinity chromatography [START_REF] Pizarro | Crystal structure of a Fab complex formed with PfMSP1-19, the Cterminal fragment of merozoite surface protein 1 from Plasmodium falciparum: a malaria vaccine candidate[END_REF].

GPIs were dissolved in methanol and 50 µl per well (2 ng GPI) was transferred to flatbottomed Immulon-4 ninety six-well microtiter plates (Dynatech, Springfield, VA). Plates were dried at 37 o C and blocked with Phosphate-buffered saline containing 5% BSA (PBS-BSA). Microtiter plates were coated with 100 µl per well of MSP1p19 at a concentration of 0.5 µg/ml. Plasma samples were diluted 1:100 in PBS with 1% BSA /0.05% Tween 20, and ELISAs were performed as described previously [START_REF] Naik | Glycosylphosphatidylinositol anchors of Plasmodium falciparum: molecular characterization and naturally elicited antibody response that may provide immunity to malaria pathogenesis[END_REF][START_REF] Perraut | Distinct surrogate markers for protection against Plasmodium falciparum infection and clinical malaria identified in a Senegalese community after radical drug cure[END_REF][START_REF] Perraut | Evaluation of anti-Plasmodium falciparum antibodies in Senegalese adults using different types of crude extracts from various strains of parasite[END_REF].

The results are expressed as OD ratios, i.e., OD sample /OD negative control . The negative control was pooled plasma from Europeans not exposed to malaria. Positive responders were individuals with OD ratios > 2 (approximate mean OD + 2 SD of naive controls) [START_REF] Perraut | Distinct surrogate markers for protection against Plasmodium falciparum infection and clinical malaria identified in a Senegalese community after radical drug cure[END_REF][START_REF] Perraut | Evaluation of anti-Plasmodium falciparum antibodies in Senegalese adults using different types of crude extracts from various strains of parasite[END_REF]. For positive controls, ODs were ~0.45 (OD ratio of ~6) and ~1.6 (OD ratio of ~11) for GPI and MSP1p19, respectively.

Statistical analysis

Comparisons of antibody levels between different groups were done by the Mann-Whitney rank test for non-normally distributed unpaired data. The Wilcoxon signed rank test and the Spearman rank correlation test was used for paired data. The exact Fisher's test was used to compare between groups ( 2 ). P values <0.05 were considered significant. Statistical analyses were performed using Statview 5.0 ® software (SAS Institute, Cary, NJ).

Results

IgG responses to GPI and MSP1p19 in the first study group

As summarized in Table 1, MSP1p19 was strongly recognized by all patients (94-100% responders) with an OD ratio > 2. As shown in Fig. 1a, there were similar levels of MSP1p19

specific IgG in all groups, including those with asymptomatic (AM, 9.1 ± 4 OD ratio), mild (MM, 7.7 ± 2.1), or cerebral malaria (CM, 7.2 ± 2.5). In contrast, as shown on Fig. 1b, the anti-GPI IgG levels were significantly lower in individuals with CM (1.7 ± 0.8) compared to those exhibiting AM and MM (3.2 ± 3; 2.6 ± 3.3 OD ratio, respectively) (P <0.01). The prevalence of responders was significantly lower in CM compared with AM (global test:  2 = 5.51; P = 0.02). Interestingly, differences in serum antibody levels between MM and CM groups was detectable only for GPIs but not for several P. falciparum recombinant protein antigens including MSP1p19 (Fig. 1a, and data not shown).

We found a significant correlation between IgG responses against MSP1p19 and GPI only in malaria-protected individuals (P = 0.08, Rho = 0.47). The levels of IgGs against GPIs and MSP1p19 were age-dependent only in Ndiop villagers (P = 0.01, rho = 0.38 and P <0.001, Rho = 0.64, respectively). This is in agreement with the results of previous studies

showing that the anti-GPI IgG responses increased with age, along with cumulative immune responses in individuals continuously exposed to P. falciparum [START_REF] De Souza | Prevalence and boosting of antibodies to Plasmodium falciparum glycosylphosphatidylinositols and evaluation of their association with protection from mild and severe clinical malaria[END_REF].

IgG responses to GPI and MSP1p19 in the second study group

As in the first group, MSP1p19 was strongly recognized by all categories of individuals (71-87% positive responders), except by the urban negative controls (Table 1). However, there were no significant differences in anti-MSP1p19 antibody levels or prevalence in patients with cerebral malaria compared to those with mild malaria or immune individuals living in Ndiop, although all were significantly higher than uninfected individuals from an urban setting (figure 2a, P < 0.001). In contrast, anti-GPI IgG levels were significantly different in these three categories of patients; low levels in urban uninfected controls to high levels in malaria-protected individuals. Patients with cerebral malaria had slightly higher levels of anti-GPI IgGs compared to controls (P = 0.008), but significantly lower than in Ndiop villagers (P = 0.0004) (Fig. 2b). AM and MM sera showed similar prevalence and levels of IgG responses to GPI. Of note, anti-GPI IgG levels in CM tended to be lower than for MM, but were not statistically significant, in contrast to the incidence of responders, which was significantly lower in CM compared to MM (global test:  2 = 4.76; P = 0.03). This intermediary result observed with the MM group was probably related to the limited number of patients.

In addition, as observed in the first study group, similar relationships between IgG responses against GPIs, MSP1p19 and age were found. As shown in Fig.

Discussion

In this study, we have analyzed anti-GPI IgG responses in individuals living in an urban area of low endemicity, who developed cerebral malaria following P. falciparum infection.

Two groups of patients (CM and AM), considered to be non-immune or partially immune, were sampled from the same location during different time periods, and categorized on the basis of the clinical outcomes. These individuals, regardless of age and exposure to infective bites, were at risk for clinical episodes, and shared similar observable clinical outcomes of cerebral malaria, well documented and sharing an adequate follow-up and treatments in the intensive care unit of Dakar's hospitals. Recruitment was limited to the transmission season and restricted by the capacity of the intensive care facilities, requiring a cumulative enrollment during two consecutive seasons to collect an adequate number of comparable samples. Indeed, there was a substantial heterogeneity in such recruitment, as the individual medical care and history of infection is not totally documented before hospitalization. In this line we conducted two independent studies.

A second category of individuals living in the mesoendemic village of Ndiop, who had acquired natural immunity (AM) in an age-dependent manner by repeated exposure, was included for comparison with CM and MM groups. Children from Ndiop were known to have a substantially higher degree of anti-malarial immunity than older adults living in Dakar [START_REF] Perraut | Evaluation of anti-Plasmodium falciparum antibodies in Senegalese adults using different types of crude extracts from various strains of parasite[END_REF][START_REF] Day | The prognostic and pathophysiologic role of pro-and antiinflammatory cytokines in severe malaria[END_REF].

Previous data from longitudinal studies showed similar antibody responses against conserved antigens, including MSP1, PfEMP3 and Pf332, when measured during consecutive years, at similar time periods (before or after the transmission season). Thus, such well-defined samples were considered to be relevant "immune" controls for antibody responses to the antigens investigated in this study, despite the different geographical settings [START_REF] Schofield | Glycosylphosphatidylinositol toxin of plasmodium up-regulates intercellular adhesion molecule-1, vascular cell adhesion molecule-1, and e-selectin expression in vascular endothelial cells and increases leukocyte and parasite cytoadherence via tyrosine kinasedependent signal transduction[END_REF][START_REF] Boutlis | Immunoglobulin G (IgG) responses to Plasmodium falciparum glycosylphosphatidylinositols are short-lived and predominantly of the IgG3 subclass[END_REF][START_REF] Holder | The three major antigens on the surface of Plasmodium falciparum merozoites are derived from a single high molecular weight precursor[END_REF][START_REF] Egan | Clinical immunity to Plasmodium falciparum malaria is associated with serum antibodies to the 19-kda C-terminal fragment of the merozoite surface antigen, pfMSP-1[END_REF][START_REF] Riley | Naturally acquired cellular and humoral immune responses to the major merozoite surface antigen (PfMSP1) of Plasmodium falciparum are associated with reduced malaria morbidity[END_REF].

The data consistently showed that, in both study groups, individuals who developed cerebral malaria had markedly lower levels of anti-GPI antibodies compared to those who had asymptomatic infections or mild symptoms. This suggests that cerebral malaria outcomes is associated with low levels of anti-GPI IgGs, possibly resulting in insufficient anti-GPI neutralizing activity. In contrast, there was no significant association of anti-MSP1p19

antibodies in these three categories of individuals. This may be related to differences in the kinetics of the production of antibodies against GPI and MSP1p19. Glycolipids are generally poor antigens compared to proteins and therefore, the anti-GPI antibody response may require repeated exposure, as compared to rapid boosting of the highly immunogenic MSP1p19

antigen. Even though the anti-GPI antibody responses are considerably lower than those for MSP1p19, they nevertheless seem to influence significantly the development of cerebral malaria.

The presence of comparable levels of anti-MSP1p19 antibodies in individuals from both study groups, regardless of disease status, suggests that protective responses against parasite surface protein antigens, which likely control infection by interfering with parasite invasion [START_REF] O'donnell | Antibodies against merozoite surface protein (MSP)-1(19) are a major component of the invasion-inhibitory response in individuals immune to malaria[END_REF], may not be sufficient for effective control of malaria. Thus, the results of our study argue in support of the widely prevailing notion that protective immunity against malaria pathology consists of two major components: "antiparasite" and "antitoxin" immunity [START_REF] Playfair | The malaria vaccine: anti-parasite or anti-disease?[END_REF]. While antibodies against parasite antigens such as MSP1p19 can effectively control parasite infection [START_REF] O'donnell | Antibodies against merozoite surface protein (MSP)-1(19) are a major component of the invasion-inhibitory response in individuals immune to malaria[END_REF][START_REF] Perraut | Distinct surrogate markers for protection against Plasmodium falciparum infection and clinical malaria identified in a Senegalese community after radical drug cure[END_REF], and thereby lower the risk of developing severe malaria, anti-GPI antibodies, have been suggested to provide protection against the development of severe disease by neutralizing the activity of GPIs [START_REF] Schofield | Synthetic GPI as a candidate anti-toxic vaccine in a model of malaria[END_REF]. Although in some cases, depending on host genetic variation, the antiparasite approach may provide sufficient protection, the combined approach is expected to be much more effective. Thus, the anti-GPI antibody response can be an important and valid target for the development of anti-disease therapies and/or vaccines. However, since anti-GPI antibodies are short lived, the challenge is to obtain long lasting antibody responses to realize the full potential of GPI-based vaccines [START_REF] Boutlis | Antibodies to Plasmodium falciparum glycosylphosphatidylinositols: inverse association with tolerance of parasitemia in Papua New Guinean children and adults[END_REF][START_REF] Boutlis | Immunoglobulin G (IgG) responses to Plasmodium falciparum glycosylphosphatidylinositols are short-lived and predominantly of the IgG3 subclass[END_REF].

An unexpected finding of this study is that, despite elevated mean IgG responses to MSP1p19 in all malaria infected groups, there were significantly lower IgG levels in the subgroup of individuals with fatal outcomes to cerebral malaria, compared to those who recovered. These results are consistent with recent findings of a prospective study in Ndiop suggesting a requirement for a critical level of anti-MSP1p19 antibodies (OD ratio = 7), for a significant association with delayed reinfection following drug cure [START_REF] Perraut | Distinct surrogate markers for protection against Plasmodium falciparum infection and clinical malaria identified in a Senegalese community after radical drug cure[END_REF]. In this study, anti-MSP1p19 IgG responses in fatal cases were unusually low compared to results of several studies of P. falciparum infected individuals (urban and hospital consultants) using the baculovirus expressed MSP1p19 antigen (unpublished data). However, specific IgG responses to MSP1p19 do not qualify as prognostic measures for predicting severe disease and/or fatal outcomes in infected individuals, because multiple targets on the merozoite surface are likely to contribute to the prevention of hyper-parasitemia. In addition, since anti-disease immunity is required to achieve complete protection against severe malaria [START_REF] Day | The prognostic and pathophysiologic role of pro-and antiinflammatory cytokines in severe malaria[END_REF], our results show that measures of anti-GPI IgG could not discriminate between recovery and fatal outcomes to cerebral malaria.

In summary, our results argue for a substantial protection-associated role of anti-GPI IgGs against the manifestations of cerebral malaria. However, a direct role for anti-GPI antibodies in neutralizing parasite toxins involved in malaria pathogenesis remains to be demonstrated. Our results call for further studies on the mechanisms by which GPIs are able to stimulate host adaptive immune responses to produce anti-GPI antibodies to exploit the potential of this approach for malaria prophylaxis or therapy.

Acknowledgments

The authors gratefully acknowledge villagers from Ndiop, the patients and the medical staff

Legends to Table and Figures

  7 years, sampled in November-December 1999). The immune controls for this study-group consisted of 35 adults and children aged 6 to 70 years (mean age 24.5 years) from Ndiop. These individuals were sampled in 1998 following the transmission season (with a cumulated entomological inoculation rate of 5.3 infective bites per individual). In these three groups, there was no significant difference in the age distribution. The second study group consisted of 70 patients hospitalized with cerebral malaria, sampled from November 2000 to December 2001. Of these, 24 were aged 13 to 63 years (mean age 31 years), 28 were 2 to 12 years old (mean age 6.8 years) with confirmed cerebral malaria but recovered, and 18 adults and children 2.6 to 63 years old had a fatal outcome to cerebral malaria (mean 20.6 years). The controls for this group were: i) 63 matched individuals from Ndiop sampled in November 2001, including adults and children from 4 to 65 years (mean 19.4 years) with a cumulative entomological inoculation rate of 80 infective bites; ii) 30 individuals treated for "mild" malaria at the health centre of Dakar (6 to 46 years, mean 17.3 years); iii) 47 uninfected individuals (2 to 62 years, mean 20.6 years) living in Dakar, sampled in the context of routine biological analyses carried out at the hospital during the transmission period. In these groups, there was no significant difference in the age distribution.

  who participated to this study; Drs. O Mercereau Puijalon (Institut Pasteur, Paris) for constant support, A. Tall, A. Spiegel, L. Marrama, P. Nabeth (Institut Pasteur, Dakar) for providing access to blood samples in the villages. The authors acknowledge B Diouf for expert technical assistance, Drs. T. Ka, B Mbengue and R. Kane (Institut Pasteur, Dakar) for managing samples from hospitals. This work has supported in part by funding from the French Ministry of Cooperation and Development and from the Institut Pasteur, Paris.

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1: Antibodies against GPIs and MSP1p19 in study group 1. Histograms represent

Figure 2 :

 2 Figure 2: Antibodies against MSP1p19 and GPI in study group 2. Histograms represent mean

Figure 3 :

 3 Figure 3: Relationship between age and antibody responses against MSP1p19 and GPI in

Table 1 .

 1 Levels and prevalence of IgG responses against MSP1p19 and GPI in the groups of individuals : 1 & 2 = firs t and s econd group independently inves tigated b M ean O D ratio ± s tandard deviation c P revalence of pos itive res ponders ie individuals w ith an O D ratio > 2

Figure 1

 1 Figure 1

Table 1 .

 1 Levels and prevalence of IgG responses against MSP1p19 and GPI in the different study groups