Nicola Lampitelli
email: nicola.lampitelli@univ-tours.fr

Paolo Roseano
email: paolo.roseano@flog.uned.es

Francesc Torres-Tamarit

Keywords: Vowel length, Mora affixation, Friulian, Verbal paradigms 1 Introduction

This paper deals with vowel length in Friulian, and shows that this is sometimes phonologically predictable and sometimes an instance of mora affixation in conjugation 1 verbs. Building on newly collected data on verbal morphology, we make the hypothesis that the Theme morpheme in conjugation 1 verbs in the dialect of Negrons has distinct allomorphs, among which a mora. This analysis of morphological length in Negrons Friulian shows that there is no need for a morphome-based analysis of the data. In our analysis, each morph, including length, spells out a morphosyntactic property.

happens exclusively in conjugation 1 verbs. Table 1 shows the entire paradigms of PI and PS, respectively, of a conjugation 1 verb. Vowel lengthening occurs in the 1sg of PI, and in the 1-3sg and 3pl of the PS, as first reported in [START_REF] Roseano | Morfologia non-lineare in Romanzo: la flessione verbale del friulano gortano[END_REF] (forms appear in boldface). In contrast, in another dialect, Central Friulian as spoken in C ¸upicje (henceforth C ¸U), no vowel length ever occurs in conjugation 1 verbs. This is shown in table 2.

It is generally wellknown that Friulian displays vowel length mostly in stressed, word-final positions. Before an underlying voiced obstruent, which undergoes final obstruent devoicing, vowels always surface as long, as shown in (1a). When the final obstruent is underliyngly voiceless, however, the vowel is short (1b). According to [START_REF] Loporcaro | Vowel length from Latin to Romance[END_REF], all vowel length distinctions, including those before obstruents, are underlying. [START_REF] Iosad | Rule scattering and vowel length in Northern Romance[END_REF], however, claims that vowel length before obstruents is derived by a productive, synchronic process of vowel lengthening, and that the presence of such a process is not incompatible with instances of underlying, contrastive vowel length in the same language. In this paper we adhere to [START_REF] Iosad | Rule scattering and vowel length in Northern Romance[END_REF] view of vowel length in Friulian as derived length before word-final obstruents (see also Iosad and Wetzels ress for a comprehensive overview of vowel length in Romance).

(1) a. ["kRu:t] 'raw.m.sg' vs. ["kRude] 'raw.f.sg' b. ["bRut] 'ugly.m.sg' vs. ["bRute] 'ugly.f.sg'

The source of vowel length in table 1 does not seem contextually conditioned, since it appears in some stressed, non-final open syllables.

This paper deals with this particular case of vowel length in verbs, and hypothesizes that it is a case of morphologically conditioned mora affixation. In other words, we claim that the conjugation 1 Theme morpheme in NE has various allomorphs among which there is a segmentally empty mora. All the allomorphs are lexically listed, and are inserted when specific morphophonological conditions are met: as we will show, the mora is subcategorized for a subset of cells belonging to either PI or PS. We build our analysis on new data that we collected in December 2018. 4 speakers (3 men and 1 woman aged between 38 and 81) were interviewed and recorded in NE by the second author, and 5 speakers in C ¸U by the first author (3 men and 2 women aged between 33 and 80). The participants were chosen among the members of the local communities that are considered conservative speakers. All of them reported Friulian to be their L1 and declared that they are dominant in Friulian, Italian being their second language both in terms of age of acquisition and of use in their daily lives. Each speaker was asked to produce the paradigms of PI (6 persons), PS (6 persons), II (6 persons), imperative (2 persons) and infinitive of 7 verbs of conjugation 1 (judâ 'to help', nadâ 'to swim', saludâ 'to say hello', clamâ 'to call', pestâ 'to beat/tread', mangjâ 'to eat', telefonâ 'to phone'), 2 verbs of conjugation 2 (tasê 'to shut up' and valê 'to be worth' in NE, tasê 'to shut up' and temê 'to fear' in C ¸U), 3 verbs of conjugation 3 (bevi 'to drink', bati 'to beat, to heat', tindi 'to hang, to tense'), 2 verbs of non-incohative conjugation 4 (cusî 'to sew' and sintî 'to hear') and 2 verbs of inchoative conjugation 4 (agredî 'to harass' and capî 'to understand'). On the whole, 2,016 verbal forms were collected (21 forms * 16 verbs * 9 speakers). Data were recorded by means of a Zoom H4n Pro digital recorder in both C ¸U and NE. Recordings were then annotated by means of Praat by the second author (a native speaker of Friulian), who provided a broad phonetic transcription of each form.

Our analysis follows a decompositional approach to inflectional morphology, consisting of identifying the form of the exponents of each morphosyntactic category. This approach is couched within a post-Bloomfieldian framework, such as that initiated by [START_REF] Halle | Prologomena to a theory of word formation[END_REF] and related work, which aims at reducing the role of the lexicon in the derivation of inflected forms, and defends the idea that surface forms result from regular phonological computation.

Among current theories, such a model is represented by Distributed Morphology [START_REF] Halle | Distributed morphology and the pieces of inflection[END_REF], Embick 2010[START_REF] Embick | The morpheme. A theoretical introduction[END_REF][START_REF] Embick | The status of stems in morphological theory[END_REF] i.a.) (henceforth DM). The basic idea of DM, like many other syntactic approaches to morphology, is that words are built in syntax. After syntactic operations, the terminal nodes are associated with morphs, called Vocabulary Items (henceforth VI), according to subcategorization requirements; this process occurs throughout the operation called spell-out. In other words, spell-out is responsible for giving morphemes a phonological exponent. This assumes an uncontroversial view in most rulebased or constraint-based models of phonology: the input to the phonology for some word W consists of the phonological underlying representations of the various morphemes making up W, arranged in the linear order dictated by W's constituent structure.

Consistently with the DM literature on verbal inflection [START_REF] Calabrese | Some remarks on the Latin case system[END_REF][START_REF] Calabrese | Irregular morphology and athematic verbs in Italo-Romance[END_REF], Embick 2000[START_REF] Embick | Contextual conditions on stem alternations: illustrations from the Spanish conjugation[END_REF][START_REF] Embick | The status of stems in morphological theory[END_REF][START_REF] Embick | Distributed morphology and the syntax-morphology interface[END_REF][START_REF] Oltra-Massuet | On the constituent structure of Catalan verbs[END_REF][START_REF] Oltra-Massuet | Stress-by-structure in Spanish[END_REF], and others), we adopt (2) as the basic complex head of the inflected form of a Friulian verb. This structure is formed by successive head-to-head movement: the root moves upwards through the functional head v, the head T/M and finally Agr. We assume that the terminal node Th is adjoined to v. 1

(2) Complex head of Friulian verb Agr [START_REF] Oltra-Massuet | Stress-by-structure in Spanish[END_REF] assume that Th is adjoined to all functional heads in the verbal domain; in Embick (2010) and related works, Th is adjoined only to v. A third possibility is explored by [START_REF] Calabrese | Irregular morphology and athematic verbs in Italo-Romance[END_REF], for whom Th is adjoined only in the structure of what he calls 'thematic verbs' (= regular verbs), whereas athematic, irregular verbs lack Th. We do not explore this issue any further in the paper.

T/M v v √ Root v Th T/M Agr 1 Oltra-Massuet
Basic, non-derived verbs in Romance are generally assumed to display an empty functional head v ; Th in turn is related to the inflectional class of the verb, that is, the conjugation. We adopt this view: a given root selects for a lexically-associated Th. The node T/M hosts the exponents of PI, PS, and II. Finally, Agr is the site of realization of φ-features, namely person and number features. The structure (2) underlies all of the inflected forms of Friulian verbs. To model the phonological derivation of the inflected forms, we adopt an Optimality Theoretic framework. Assuming Optimality Theory as the theory of computation of the phonological module of grammar is not incompatible with positing a post-syntactic module like the one put forward in DM. We assume that the input to the phonology is an arranged sequence of morphs after morphological spell-out has taken place. We further assume that only alignment constraints can refer to a specific subset of the morphosyntactic structure present in the input, according to the Indirect Reference Hypothesis put forward by [START_REF] Bermúdez-Otero | The architecture of grammar and the division of labour in exponence[END_REF]: the root, the stem, the word, and, in our analysis, Th. However, syntactic features like [past], [feminine] or [accusative] cannot be accessed by the phonological computation as this would violate modularity at the morphology-phonology interface.

We will conclude that the length displayed by the forms illustrated in Table 1 are the result of a process of mora affixation, and that this prosodic affix is the phonological exponent of the Theme morpheme in conjugation 1 verbs in the Friulian variety as spoken in Negrons.

The paper is structured as follows. In 2, we provide a brief description of phonological lengthening in Friulian. This is needed to understand the morphological difference between conjugation 1 and conjugations 2 and 3. Section 3.1 focuses on vowel length in verbs in both NE and C ¸U, and presents our newly collected data. In section 3.2 we offer an analysis in which we show that vowel length in NE cannot be an instantiation of the same phonological process that is responsible for vowel length before word-final obstruents in stressed position. We pursue the idea that each morph, including length, spells out a morphosyntactic property, namely the Theme morpheme in conjugation 1 verbs. We then discuss (3.3) a possible formalization of this analysis, and show why lengthening never appears in proparoxytonic verbal forms. Section 4 concludes.

Phonologically conditioned vowel length

Friulian exhibits a phonological system comprising seven contrastive vowels in stressed position: two high vowels, /i, u/, one low vowel, /a/, and a contrast between close and open mid vowels, /e, o, E, O/. In unstressed position, the contrast between close and open mid vowels is neutralized in favor of the close mid vowels [e, o], as in many other Romance languages. 2 In stressed position before a word-final obstruent, vowels can surface as either long or short. 3 The vowel length 2 For a more complete and recent overview of the phonetics and phonology of Friulian, see [START_REF] Finco | Fonetiche e fonologjie dal furlan centrâl[END_REF] and Roseano and Finco (ress), as well as other references cited therein.

3 Before word-final sonorants, the distribution of vowel length is more intricate. Stressed vowels before wordfinal nasals or before word-final clusters of a nasal followed by a stop are always short (e. g. ["maN] 'hand', ["camp] 'field'). Before word-final laterals, there is a lexical contrast between long and short stressed vowels, which is only predictable diachronically from the distribution of geminate and singleton intervocalic laterals in Latin (e. g.

[ca"vel] 'hair of the head' < Lat. capȋllum vs. ["pe:l] 'hair' < Lat. pȋlum). The same situation can be observed in PI 1sg, 2sg, and 3sg verbal forms whose stem-final consonant is a liquid. For example, the inflected form of the verb /"tol-i/ 'to take' are 1sg ["tol], 2sg ["tols], and 3sg ["tol], but in the case of the verb /val-"e:/ 'to cost', they are 1sg ["va:l], 2sg ["va:ls], and 3sg ["va:l]. Before word-final rhotics, there is also a contrast between stressed long and short vowels in conservative dialects (e. g. ["caR] 'chariot', ["ca:R] 'dear') which is lost in Central Friulian, in which all stressed vowels surface as long before word-final rhotics. Before word-final affricates, stressed vowels are always short. This is true for all dialects except for Central Friulian, in which stressed vowels are long before underlying voiced affricates in PI 1sg and 3sg forms (e. g. [dis"tru:tS] 's/he destroys' cf. [dis"trudZi] 'to destroy'). In this section we will only focus on the surface contrast between long and short vowels before word-final obstruents. For contrast observed in stressed position before word-final obstruents could at first glance seem lexical, that is, phonologically contrastive, as the minimal pairs in (3) appear to suggest. 4 phonological process of vowel lengthening. This process is not morphologically conditioned (with the exception of the behavior of /dZ/-final stems, which do not undergo lengthening in nouns but do so in verbs; see [START_REF] Iosad | Rule scattering and vowel length in Northern Romance[END_REF], as it applies in nouns, adjectives and verbs if the conditioning environment is met, and should therefore not be confused with the specific case of vowel length found in verbal forms in NE, which will be discussed in the next section. Although it is clear that vowel length in stressed position in Friulian is triggered by the presence of an underlying voiced obstruent in word-final position, an independent phonological process of final obstruent devoicing erases the conditioning environment for vowel lengthening at the surface level of representation. The data in the left column in (3) and (4a) thus exemplify a classic case of phonological opacity by overapplication, in which vowel lengthening seems to overapply because the structural context that triggers vowel lengthening, the presence of a word-final voiced obstruent, is not surface-true. Final obstruent devoicing is exemplified in (5) with forms ending in a consonantal cluster to show that this phonological process is independent from vowel lengthening.

( The generative literature on phonologically conditioned vowel length in Friulian dates back to [START_REF] Vanelli | L'allungamento delle vocali in friulano[END_REF], and has interested formal phonologists from both the rule-based and OT traditions [START_REF] Hualde | Compensatory lengthening in Friulian[END_REF][START_REF] Prieto | Compensatory lengthening by vowel and consonant loss in early Friulian[END_REF][START_REF] Repetti | Degenerate syllables in Friulian[END_REF][START_REF] Baroni | The relationship between vowel length and consonantal voicing in Friulian[END_REF][START_REF] Iosad | Final devoicing and vowel lengthening in Friulian: a representational account[END_REF][START_REF] Torres-Tamarit | Length and voicing in Friulian and Milanese: or why rule-free derivations are needed[END_REF]. Both [START_REF] Iosad | Final devoicing and vowel lengthening in Friulian: a representational account[END_REF] and [START_REF] Torres-Tamarit | Length and voicing in Friulian and Milanese: or why rule-free derivations are needed[END_REF], framed within Optimality Theory, give an account of derived vowel length in Friulian that overcomes the problem of phonological opacity. [START_REF] Iosad | Final devoicing and vowel lengthening in Friulian: a representational account[END_REF] proposes an analysis combining the principles of substance-free phonology and feature geometry with a parallel computation, whereas Torres-Tamarit (2015) develops an analysis within Harmonic Serialism. For more details, we refer the interested reader to these works.

As we shall see, vowel lengthening in Friulian verbs is of a different kind and, therefore, cannot be analyzed in the same way. In the next section we deal with morphological length and treat it as a case of mora affixation.

3 Vowel length in verbs in the dialect of Negrons

The data

Like other Romance languages, Friulian inflects verbs for several grammatical categories, such as person, number, tense, aspect, mood and voice. Nevertheless, in this section we focus only on six persons (1sg, 2sg, 3sg, 1pl, 2pl, 3pl) of one tense (present) in two moods (indicative and subjunctive). Friulian has three main verb conjugations: in this section, we show five verbs, two belonging to conjugation 1, two to conjugation 2 and only one to conjugation 3. 8 The reasons for this choice will become clearer in the course of the section. It should also be pointed 'rental'. An anonymous reviewer brought our attention to the fact that the homophony of the final sequence of impiegato with the past participle suffix (-at-o/a M/F in Italian, -ât/-ade M/F in Friulian) may be the reason why Friulian speakers reinterpreted the final consonant of the loanword as voiced in the underlying representation. We leave this question open for further research.

8 Conjugation 2 includes verbs whose infinitive forms end in either stressed [e], or unstressed [i] (della Porta, 1922, 22ff). Some authors, though, split this conjugation into two distinct subclasses: the former group (e.g. tasê [ta"ze:] 'to shut up' ) belongs to conjugation 2, the latter (see meti ["met-i] 'to put' in tables 3 and 4) to conjugation 3. See for instance [START_REF] Marchetti | Lineamenti di grammatica friulana[END_REF]. out that we abstract away from subject pronouns. Friulian, like many Northern Italo-Romance languages, possesses two series of subject pronouns: while one set of pronouns is stressed, the other is unstressed and, as a result, these pronouns behave like clitics. Clitic subject pronouns are generally obligatory (see [START_REF] Vanelli | Pronomi e fenomeni di prostesi vocalica nei dialetti italiani settentrionali[END_REF] for details). Table 3 shows the inflected forms of NE in PI and PS, whereas table 4 shows the corresponding verbs of C ¸U: these data will prove useful to follow the comparisons among the dialects that we draw throughout the remainder of the paper.

Long vowels in the stem of verbs belonging to conjugations 2 and 3 are phonologically predictable and appear in the same conditions described for nouns (see section 2): if the stem of a verb belonging to class 2 ends with an underlying voiced obstruent (like in /"Skwed-i/ 'to cash in'), the stressed vowel of the stem surfaces as long when the stem-final consonant is devoiced (i.e. in PI 1sg, 2sg, and 3sg). On the other hand, if the last consonant of the stem is not a voiced obstruent (like in /"met-i/ 'to put'), the vowel surfaces as short. These observations concern both NE and C ¸U data.

As for NE data only, long vowels in the stem of verbs belonging to conjugation 1 are not phonologically predictable, because they appear also in contexts that do not meet the conditions required for vowel lengthening described in section 2 above. They appear, for example, in some of the casesthough not allwhere the stem-final voiced obstruent is not devoiced (like in PI 1sg and PS 1sg, 2sg, 3sg, 3pl of /nad-"a:/ 'to swim'), but also if the stem-final consonant is a voiceless obstruent (like in PI 1sg and PS 1sg, 2sg, 3sg, 3pl of /net-"a:/ 'to clean'). Figure 1 shows the spectrograms of the minimal pair ["nad-iN] 3pl PI vs. ["na:d-iN] 3pl PS, where the contrasting vowel lengths are evident. 9 In section 3.2 we will offer our analysis of this data; in section 3.3, in turn, we provide additional evidence and formalization of the analysis.

The analysis: a case of mora affixation

In section 2, we saw that lengthening is synchronically predictable in both NE and C ¸U, but only in specific environments. In section 3.1, though, we described the opaque distribution of lengthening confined to a subset of cells in the paradigm of NE conjugation 1 verbs. Therefore, the question to be addressed in this section is that posed in ( 6):

(6) What triggers vowel lengthening in NE verbs? Question (6) may be answered following three distinct analytical paths, listed in ( 7) below.

9 Although the presence of long vowels in the stem of the verbs belonging to conjugation 1 cannot be predicted phonologically in synchrony, from a diachronic point of view there seems to be a clear relationship between vowel length and the phonological vowel lengthening that appears in the other conjugations, namely conjugation 2. [START_REF] Roseano | Morfologia non-lineare in Romanzo: la flessione verbale del friulano gortano[END_REF] proposes a reconstruction of the changes that took place in NE Friulian over the last seven centuries stemming from the parallelism with C ¸U data as documented by [START_REF] Benincà | Morfologia del verbo friulano: il presente indicativo[END_REF] and [START_REF] Maschi | Morfologia storica del friulano: l'evoluzione del sistema verbale dal XIV al XVII secolo[END_REF]. Before exploring the third path, which we think is the correct one, let us explore the first two to show why we disfavor them as answers to (6).

The root allomorphy analysis consists in associating each conjugation 1 verb with (at least) two distinct allomorphs. For instance, for the verb /na"da:/ 'to swim', one would then posit the allomorphs /na:d/ and /nad/. Crucially, the former is selected only in the following two specific contexts: (i) Conjugation 1, PI, 1sg, and (ii) Conjugation 1, PS, 1sg to 3sg (sg forms), 3pl. The other allomorph, in turn, is selected in all the contexts in which /na:d/ cannot be used. In other words, /nad/ is not specified and, according to the Elsewhere Condition [START_REF] Anderson | West Scandinavian vowel systems and the ordering of phonological rules[END_REF][START_REF] Kiparsky | Elsewhere' in phonology[END_REF]), is the default allomorph. Within DM, this configuration may be formalized as shown in (8). The label [Root,1] The contexts found in the selection of allomorph /na:d/ do not form a natural class, since there is no phonological or morphosyntactic explanation for the distribution of lengthening. Rather, this alternation recalls specific patterns of root allomorphy found in Romance verbs, referred to as morphomes by [START_REF] Maiden | Morphological autonomy and diachrony[END_REF], Maiden (2011a), and [START_REF] Maiden | Some lessons from history: morphomes in diachrony[END_REF]. A morphome, a notion first introduced by [START_REF] Aronoff | Morphology by itself: stems and inflectional classes[END_REF], is a function linking one or more forms to a morphological set of properties. The specific definition of morphome as used by Maiden is that this is an entity that encapsulates the distribution of each allomorph of the root within a given paradigm. In Romance verbs, three main morphomes have been postulated, the N-shaped, the L-shaped, and the U-shaped morphomes. These labels come from the visual resemblance of the distribution of the cells containing the same allomorph within the paradigm of the present indicative and the present subjunctive, respectively. The L-shaped morphome, for example, recalls the shape of the letter L, as shown in table (5). Similarly, the N-shaped morphome recalls the shape of the letter N, as in table ( 6). (X and Y stand for two distinct allomorphs.)

X Y Y Y Y Y PS X X X X X X Table 6: The N-shaped morphome 1sg 2sg 3sg 1pl 2pl 3pl PI X X X Y Y X PS X X X Y Y X
Mixed patterns may also arise as the result of morphome interactions (see Herce 2019, 136ff): the NE paradigm is such a mixed pattern since the lengthening, characteristic of the L-morphome (= X in table 5), does not appear in the 1pl and 2pl of the PS as expected. This is shown in table [START_REF]Vowel lengthening in Friulian is also synchronically productive[END_REF].

X Y Y Y Y Y PS X X X Y Y X
An identical mixed morphome pattern is observed in Bolognese (Maiden 2012, 30-33) and discussed later by Herce (2019, 137), who argues that "[i]t is relatively common for L-morphome roots to be expelled from these cells [1pl and 2pl], thus becoming confined to the set of cells that belong to L and N simultaneously." This mixed pattern, as well as many other similar ones discussed by [START_REF] Herce | A typological approach to the morphome[END_REF] in different Romance languages, points to the great variety of morphomic patterns, a variety that does not allow for a unified analysis of the morphome as a uniform entity in the morphological component. Rather, the morphome seems to be a lexicalized property of (some) languages that affects how their paradigms are organized. A morphomebased analysis of NE, though, would specify the morphological contexts in which each one of the allomorphs has to be chosen, but would fail to predict a crucial fact of the NE data, namely that vowel length stands in complementary distribution with segmental material. As we show below, allomorphy at the affix level naturally captures this fact, and draws the line dividing the labor between morphology and phonology lower in the derivation. In addition, an analysis based on root allomorphy takes us to the question in ( 9), which we cannot answer.

(9) Why would only conjugation 1 verbs be specified as root-alternating verbs?

The general architecture of Latin morphology is remarkably well preserved in Romance: among other features, the distinction between conjugation 1 vs. non-conjugation 1 verbs is maintained in all of the Romance languages (Maiden 2011b, 207). This fact is connected to the observation that "(f)irst conjugation roots tend distinctively to resist allomorphy and favour invariance" (Maiden 2011b, 210). In other words, as Maiden acknowledges, Romanists usually agree in stating that conjugation 1 is the regularhence not allomorphicconjugation in Romance. Alternations occurring in conjugation 1, if present, are phonologically-conditioned, that is, something phonology explains and predicts synchronically (see Maiden (2011b) for a detailed survey of what remains of Latin verbs in the Romance conjugations). It is therefore unexpected to find conjugation 1 displaying root alternations. 10 10 Two anonymous reviewers pointed out that Romance does display irregular roots in conjugation 1 mentioning verbs such as French aller 'to go', or Italian andare 'to go'. These verbs are associated with suppletive roots: for instance, French (je) vais [vE] vs. (vous) allez [ale]. In these verbs, allomorph selection correlates with stress: rhizotonic forms select for v-, whereas arhizotonic forms select for al-(see Anderson 2011 for a similar analyis of Surmiran verbs, a Rhaeto-Romance language like Friulian). This is a case of phonologically-conditioned allomorphy (see [START_REF] Carstairs-Mccarthy | Some implications of phonologically conditioned suppletion[END_REF] for the typology of allomorphy), and is the sole type of allomorphy generally found in conjugation 1. The alternations displayed by a subset of verbs in conjugation 1 in French, such as c[e]der 'to give away' vs (je) c[E]de 'I give away' and p[@]ser 'to weigh' vs (je) p[E]se 'I weigh' are also phonologically-conditioned. (See [START_REF] Scheer | A lateral theory of phonology. Vol 1: what is CVCV, and why should it be[END_REF][START_REF] Scheer | Accompagné d'un apparat critique[END_REF] in which these alternations are shown to be completely phonological.) Thus, lengthening in conjugation 1 in NE verbs is unexpected since it does not correlate with a phonological generalization across both PI and PS.

Hypothesis (7b), in turn, consists in analyzing vowel length as the Tense/Mood morpheme of PS. This would prevent the system from labeling conjugation 1 as lexically specified for root allomorphy. In addition, since 1pl and 2pl do not show length in the subjunctive, the context of insertion of length as the marker of subjunctive would be restricted to rhizotonic forms, those stressed on the root (see data in table 3). Associating length with the Tense/Mood morpheme, however, would encouter another problem, related to the fact that length surfaces not only in PS, but alsoalthough only in one casein 1sg PI. Why would the Tense/Mood morpheme appear in 1sg PI, too?

Formalizing the selection of Tense/Mood morpheme within a realizational theory like DM would give the output in (10) (length is represented by the symbol µ, a mora). In both PS and PI, the default exponent is determined on the basis of the Elsewhere Condition. From the list above, it appears that, in PS, the default allomorph corresponds to length, whereas this same allomorph is the most specified one in PI. ( 10) also shows that length does not overlap the subjunctive paradigm, since it does not appear in 1pl and 2pl, and it appears in one of the forms of PI. Note, in addition to this observation, that question (9) remains unanswered: conjugations 2 and 3 do not display lengthening in the subjunctive paradigm. This means that the items in (10) should also be specified for conjugation, namely conjugation 1.

A third possibility is the only logical possibility to render question (9) vacuous, which is to claim that vowel length is conjugation 1. In other words, we argue that vowel length expresses Theme (henceforth Th). Th is a lexical propertythat Romance inherited from Latin, and more generally from Proto-Indoeuropeanwhich is generally spelled out by a vowel, the socalled theme vowel, and devoid of semantic content. Following Oltra-Massuet and Arregi (2005), we assume that the insertion of the Th morph is the result of satisfying a morphological wellformedness condition requiring Th to be adjoined to v. As opposed to these authors, however, we restrict Th to be adjoined to v, instead of assuming that all syntactic functional heads require this position, including T. The phonological realization of Th depends on its local morphological environment, which includes the conjugation class of the root, a lexical property, and v. We further assume that Th is, together with the root, part of the stem. The stem is thus defined as the maximal projection of v, which includes Th. We claim that conjugation 1 Th in NE can spell out as a segmentally empty mora, a prosodic morph that is realized as length on the stressed root vowel (vowel length is not licensed in unstressed positions in Friulian, see sections 2 and 3.3). This is a case of mora affixation in Romance. 11 Note that the pattern is productive: loans like [Skane"Ri:dzi] 'I scan' (1sg PI of [SkaneRi"dza:] 'to scan') or [a"lu:ni] 'I land to the moon' (1sg PI of [alu"na:] 'to land to the moon') have the same pattern as /na"da:/. 12 11 Carvalho ( 2004) argues for templatic activity in Portuguese verbs: this is another interesting case of morphological activity within the root in Romance that we are aware of. 12 Both are probably loans from Italian: [skanneridz"dza:re] 'to scan' and [allu"na:re] 'to land to the moon', respectively. In Friulian, [SkaneRi"dza:] is derived from the English loan scan suffixed with the denominal -/i"dza:/: such verbs all belong to conjugation 1. [alu"na:] in turn, is derived from the noun ["luna] 'moon.F.SG' to which prefix /a/-and suffix -/a:/ are added. Lengthening appears, as expected in NE, in 1sg PI/PS, 3sg PS [a"lu:ni], 2sg PS [a"lu:nis], and 3pl PS [a"lu:niN]. In response to an anonymous reviewer's comment, note that this verb represents an argument against hypothesis (7a). We assume that the noun ["luna] is built on the root /lun/, thus the denominal verb cannot be associated with two distinct allomorphs /lun/ and /lu:n/. We take this fact as an argument against root allomorphy.

Having established that length is related to Th, the analysis needs to focus on the allomorphs of Th when length does not appear, and the other inflectional exponents, namely Tense/Mood, person and number. Table (8) shows, in the first and third columns, data for the NE verb /na"da:/ 'to swim' in PI and PS, respectively; in the second and fourth columns, only Th and inflectional endings are displayed.

-i "na:di µ-i 2sg "nadas -as "na:dis µ-is 3sg "nada -a "na:di µ-i 1pl na"diN -iN na"diN -iN 2pl na"dai " s -ai " s na"dai " s -ai " s 3pl "nad-iN∼aN -i∼a+N "na:diN µ-iN
As for PI, we observe that vowel /a/, generally the Th vowel of conjugation 1 in Romance, appears in 2sg, 3sg and 2pl, three forms in which length does not occur. Vowel /a/ may also appear in 3pl, in free variation with /i/. Thus, only 1pl shows neither length, nor /a/. Interestingly, 1pl -/iN/13 is identical across conjugations and across Tense/Mood in NE (see table 3 and Benincà and Haiman 1992, 64ff for an overview of the verbal system in Friulian). We submit that this form is made up of two items: /i/, which is an allomorph of Th, and /N/, which expresses 1pl.14 So far, we have established the phonological form of three allomorphs of Th in PI, namely length, /i/ and /a/.

The PS paradigm, in turn, is simpler to analyze, since length appears in 1sg, 2sg, 3sg, and 3pl. As just mentioned, 1pl is identical to 1pl in PI. As for 2pl, this form is also identical to the corresponding form in PI. Note that C ¸U (see table 4) displays 1pl -/ini/ instead of 1pl -/iN/ in PS, whereas PI is identical to NE. Thus, C ¸U has allomorphy of 1pl marker in the context of PS: inter-dialectal variation occurs.

A tentative list of the allomorphs of Th is thus as given in (11).

(11) NE: Lexically listed allomorphs of conj. 1 Th (tentative)

[Th, 1] ⇔    a / 2sg PI, 3sg PI, 2pl PI, 3pl PI, 2pl PS i / 1pl µ / elsewhere
The analysis proposed above is consistent with the fact that Th vowels and length stand in complementary distribution. In addition, this analysis entails that -/i/ in PI 1sg is the exponent of 1sg, and must not be seen as a Th morpheme: we will come back to this point in section 3.3 below. Also, this supports the hypothesis that length is in fact one of the possible phonological exponents of the Th morpheme, since they occupy the same morphological slot.

As for T/M markers, we hypothesize that PI is a null morpheme. This is consistent with crosslinguistic evidence in Romance verbs: PI is generally recognized by the quality of the Th vowel, and Friulian is no exception to this pattern. For instance, 2pl surfaces as /ai " s/ in conjugation 1, as /ei " s/ in conjugation 2, and as /i:s/ (that is /i+i/) in conjugation 3. Another example in favor of a null morpheme for PI comes from conjugations 2 and 3: 1sg and 3sg do not show any inflectional ending, whereas 2sg is -/s/ in NE and -/is/ in C ¸U, the vowel -/i/ being part of the 2sg ending since it appears across all conjugations. Thus, PI is not overtly marked in Friulian. In other words, this morphological segmentation allows for a uniform analysis of the T/M morpheme as a null morpheme across the PI paradigm in all conjugations. Contrarily to PI, PS does show an overt marker, namely /i/. Vowel /i/ appears in PS across all conjugations, except for 1pl and 2pl. Both forms are identical to PI, as already mentioned, and this occurs in all conjugations, too. Inter-dialectal variation does exist, however: in C ¸U, PS 1pl and 2pl forms differ slightly from those in NE. 1pl forms differ as mentioned above, namely replacing -/N/ with -/ni/, whereas, in 2pl, we find /adis/, /edis/ and /idis/. With respect to NE, variation consists of adding /d/ between the Th vowel and /i/ (see table 4). As far as NE is concerned, we argue that PS shows allomorphy between two items, one overtly marked as -/i/, the other realized as a null morpheme. Finally, person/number endings are derived straightforwardly from the segmentation proposed so far. Setting aside 1sg, 2sg is marked by /s/, whereas 3sg is a null morpheme. In the plural, 1pl and 2pl are /N/ and /is/; 3pl is also /N/. Finally, 1sg displays an alternation between PI and PS. In the former, 1sg spells out as /i/, whereas in the latter, it is a null morpheme.

Given the list of allomorphs of Th in both PI and PS, we recast the data as in tables ( 9) and (10) below. These tables describe the morphological segmentation of NE verbs of conjugation 1, and show the morphological segmentation of PI and PS, respectively.

i ∅ 2sg "nad µ i s 3sg "nad µ i ∅ 1pl nad "i ∅ N 2pl nad "a ∅ i " s 3pl "nad µ i N
As mentioned, variation within NE as well as across dialects (e.g. C ¸U) exists; a complete overview of the distribution of inflectional endings is found in [START_REF] Benincà | Morfologia del verbo friulano: il presente indicativo[END_REF] and [START_REF] Iliescu | Le présent de l'indicatif et du subjonctif en frioulan et la morphologie comparée[END_REF]. In Roseano and Finco (ress) and references therein, one can find additional information about Friulian dialectology. As already observed, 2sg PI is /is/ in C ¸U, instead of the /as/ in NE. Crucially, 2sg PS is identical in the two varieties, namely /is/. In order to facilitate intra-dialectal comparison, approximate segmentation of both PI and PS as they appear in C ¸U conjugation 1 verbs is shown in tables 11 and 12, respectively.15

∅ ∅ i 2sg "nod ∅ ∅ is 3sg "nod e ∅ ∅ 1pl nod "i ∅ N 2pl nod "a ∅ i " s 3pl "nod i ∅ N Table 12: Morphological segmentation of PS in C ¸U -conj. 1 root Th T/M φ-Fs 1sg "nod ∅ i ∅ 2sg "nod ∅ i s 3sg "nod ∅ i ∅ 1pl nod "i ∅ ni 2pl nod "a ∅ dis 3pl "nod ∅ i N
Observing tables 9 to 12 allows for an additional generalization about the segmentation of the inflectional endings. As common in Romance (as it used to be in Latin), 1pl and 2pl are the only arrhizotonic forms. Instead of the root, thus, stress falls on the inflectional ending. In both cases at hand here, stress falls on Th. Since only stressed vowels may be long in Friulian, the default allomorph of Th, µ, can appear neither in 1pl nor in 2pl forms; both a vowel and a mora would occupy the same morphological slot. The issue of how stress is assigned to an inflected form is dealt with in the next section.

As an interim conclusion, to be modified in the next section, we claim that question ( 6) is answered: a given verb root is lengthened (i) if it belongs to conjugation 1, and (ii) in the absence of subcategorization (namely one of the contexts of insertion in 11). If both conditions are met, then the default allomorph /µ/, the 'elsewhere' item, is selected.

In the next section we discuss further evidence in favor of our analysis, and propose a formal account of it.

Additional evidence and formalization of the analysis

Before stepping forward to the formalization of the analysis, two facts are worth mentioning, since they both adduce arguments supporting the analytical path that we have taken so far.

First, our analysis accounts for the distinct behaviour of 3pl PI vs. 3pl PS, see table 13. The /i/ in 3pl PI is different from the /i/ in 3pl PS. Only in PS does /i/ express uniformly the T/M morpheme within the paradigm (e.g. in 1sg, 2sg, 3sg, and 3pl). This is the reason why there is vowel length in 3pl PS, where /i/ is the T/M morph and not the Th morph, but not in 3pl PI, where /i/ (or /a/) is in fact the Th morph. Note, also, that the /i/ in 3pl PI appears to be in free variation with /a/ (but crucially /a/ never appears in 3pl PS): this brings us to the second interesting fact. A comparison of 1sg and 3pl in the PI paradigm (table 14) indeed reveals that the segmentation we propose is on the right track. On the one hand, the terminal element /i/ in 1sg PI is analyzed as a φ-feature morph, and crucially cannot express Th. This is independently supported by that fact that /i/ also appears in 1sg Imperfect Indicative (henceforth II, see tables 15 and 16) after the Th vowel (e.g. [nad-"a-v-i] 'I was swimming'), so it is reasonable to interpret /i/ in 1sg PI not as Th or T/M, but rather as the φ-features for 1sg across some conjugation 1 tenses. On the other, /i/ in 1sg PI is different from the /i/ in 3pl PI in that, as just mentioned, only the latter stands in free variation with /a/ (e.g. ["nadiN] ∼ ["nadaN]), the typical Th vowel for conjugation 1. This variation indirectly suggests that /i/ is Th in 3pl PI, but not in 1sg PI. The II paradigms reveal two crucial facts. First, after the regular II affix /-v-/, no allomorphy of the inflectional markers appears, in either NE or C ¸U. For instance, 2pl is /-is/ across both conjugations and varieties. Second, Th surfaces as a uniform marker across all conjugations. In 17) and ( 18), respectively.

1sg nad "a v i 2sg nad "a v as 3sg nad "a v a 1pl nad "a v iN 2pl nad "a v is 3pl nad "a v iN Table 18: Morphological segmentation of II in C ¸U -conj. 1 root Th T/M φ-Fs 1sg nod "a v i 2sg nod "a v is 3sg nod "a v e 1pl nod "a v iN 2pl nod "a v is 3pl nod "a v iN
In light of the II data, we revise the list of allomorphs in (11): the default exponent of [Th 1] is /a/the general theme vowel of conjugation 1 in Romancewhereas /µ/ is subcategorized for a subset of cells belonging to either PI or PS. The definitive list is shown in ( 12). ( 12) Lexically listed allomorphs of conj. 1 Th in NE

[Th, 1] ⇔    i / 1pl PI/PS µ / 1sg PI, 1sg-3sg PS, 3pl PS a / elsewhere
As laid out in section 1, we implement the list of allomorphs in (12) within DM. Since the main focus of this paper is the morphological lengthening occurring in NE verbs belonging to conjugation 1, the remainder of this section deals exclusively with the structures and the VIs of this conjugation.

(13) VI of the root of [na"da:] 'to swim' in NE:

'to swim' ⇔ /nad/ In order to complete the description of these verbs, we need to establish the full list of the VIs. Those expressing the allomorphs of Th are listed in (12), whereas the VI of the root is shown in (13). The other exponents can be easily extracted from tables ( 9), (10), and (17). As for T/M exponents, they are shown in ( 14) to ( 16). The last set of VIs to be shown is that representing the φ-features. Some of the exponents display variation: in most cases, the allomorph depends on the selection of the T/M exponent. For instance, 3sg spells-out as /a/ in the context of II /v/, whereas it spells-out as a null morpheme in both PI and PS. Since these allomorphic alternations do not have a major impact on our analysis, we will not discuss them in detail here. Therefore, we propose the following approximate list of VIs given in (17). 16 (17) VIs of φ-features in NE: 17 a. 1sg ⇔ /i/ (but ∅ in PS) b. 2sg ⇔ /s/ (but /as/ in II) c. 3sg ⇔ null (but /a/ in II) d. 1pl ⇔ /N/ (but /iN/ in II) e. 2pl ⇔ /is/ f. 3pl ⇔ /N/ (but /iN/ in II)

The VIs presented so far are inserted at the terminal nodes of the complex head shown above in (2) throughout spell-out. For the sake of clarity, we show the structure of four inflected forms, so that the linearization process occurring after syntax is clear. The first form, 1sg II [na"davi] 'I was swimming' is derived straightforwardly, as shown in (18). 16 As we mentioned in the previous section, inter-dialectal variation also occurs. 17 An anonymous reviewer asks why not analyze /a/ in 2sg and 2sg exponents of II as a theme vowel, or as part of the T/M exponent. The answer is that /a/ is not Th because of the intervening /v/ ([nad-"a-v-as]) which, in turn, is the exponent of II. If /a/ in /as/ were the exponent of T/M, this would result in having two allomorphs of II: /va/ and /v/.

(18) 1sg II [na"davi] 'I was swimming' Agr

T/M v v √ Root nad v Th a T/M v Agr i
The II paradigm displays overt exponents for each terminal nodes, and no allomorphy occurs at either the root level or the T/M level. It is therefore unnecessary to show the other inflected forms. The PI paradigm, in turn, is of greater interest for our analysis. Allomorphy of Th occurs: 1sg form selects for Th = µ (19), whereas 3pl selects for one of the other possible allomorphs: Th = i, or Th = a (20). Lengthening is a property of Th, and not of the stem: it seems stem allomorphy because Th is a segmentally empy mora, but Th is just realized on the stem for phonological reasons. In other words, in conjugation 1, stem allomorphy is epiphenomenal.

(19) 1sg PI ["na:di] 'I swim' Agr T/M v v √ Root nad v Th µ T/M ∅ Agr i
Although 1sg PI and 1sg PS are identical at the surface level, their respective sets of VIs differ: in the latter, /i/ is the exponent of the T/M node (which is empty in 19), whereas the node Agr is empty (/i/ spells-out this node in 19). Similarly, 3pl PI (20) and 3pl PS (21) differ because distinct VIs are selected for. Contrarily to 3pl PI, 3pl PS has Th = µ.

(20) 3pl PI ["nadiN]∼["nadaN] 'they swim' Agr T/M v v √ Root nad v Th i/a T/M ∅ Agr N (21) 3pl PS ["na:diN] '(that) they swim' Agr T/M v v √ Root nad v Th µ T/M i Agr N
As mentioned above, in Romance verbs, 1pl and 2pl are arrhizotonic forms, whereas 1sg-3sg and 3pl are rhizotonic forms. NE and C ¸U are no exception to this pattern. 18 As argued by [START_REF] Meinschaefer | Accentual patterns in romance verb forms[END_REF], both phonological and idiosyncratic principles are involved in stress assignment in Romance verbs. More precisely, Meinschaefer shows, based on observations from Spanish and Italian verbal paradigms, that some inflected forms display phonologically predictable stress assignment, whereas other forms, namely 1pl and 2pl, show idiosyncratic patterns. [START_REF] Meinschaefer | Accentual patterns in romance verb forms[END_REF] claims that the idiosyncrasy of 1pl and 2pl with respect to stress placement can be accounted for by an interface alignment constraint, Align-TV-H/F, formulated as "the left edge of every theme vowel is aligned with the left edge of the head of a foot". This constraint encapsulates the observation that Th is stressed in both 1pl and 2pl forms in Italian: this is the case in Friulian verbs, too. 19 Crucially, [START_REF] Meinschaefer | Accentual patterns in romance verb forms[END_REF] argues for an analysis enforcing morphology-prosody alignment, in which inflected forms are built in relation with morpho-syntactic boundaries. In other words, in Meinschaefer's analysis, as in our own proposal, the phonology has direct access to the morpho-syntactic structure underlying the inflected forms. 20 18 A few very conservative dialects have rhizotonic 2pl for conjugations 2 and 3, see [START_REF] Francescato | Dialettologia friulana. Udine: Società filologica friulana[END_REF]. 19 Besides Align-TV-H/F, Meinschaefer also makes use of an optimal paradigm constraint according to which the stressed syllable in every member of the verbal paradigm must remain the same. 3pl forms in Italian (e.g. "indicano, from indi"care 'to point at') have stress on the same syllable that also receives stress in all singular forms (e.g. "indico, "indichi, "indica, as opposed to 1pl and 2pl indi"chiamo, indi"cate). It is this optimal paradigm constraint on the location of stress that drags 3pl towards the stress pattern of singular forms. This analysis works as long as the [a] (e.g. "indicano) in 3pl is not analyzed as a theme vowel. For NE Friulian, in which we analyze [i], which can alternate with [a], in 3pl as the theme vowel, the optimal paradigm constraint alone could not explain why it is 1pl and 2pl which have final stress but not 3pl ([na"diN], [na"dai " s]). For 2sg and 3sg, stress on the theme vowel (e.g. *[na("das)], *[na("da)]) could simply be ruled out by Foot-Binarity, as long as we assume that final -s in 2sg, like the plural morph, does not contribute a mora. An analysis of stress in Friulian verbs and a solution to the problem for stress assignment posed by 3pl forms go beyond the main goal of this paper but are certainly topics that merit careful investigation. 20 This is Oltra-Massuet and Arregi's (2005) main point, too. In observing the structure that we adopt for the inflected forms of Friulian verbs, stress falls either on the root, or on the Th node. This complies with the generalization proposed by Oltra-Massuet and Arregi, according to which "stress in verbs falls on the vowel preceding the node T, regardless of the specific phonological realization of this node". The generalization accounts for the overwhelming majority of cases, except three of them, belonging to PS: 2sg, 3sg, and 3pl. In these forms, the generalization predicts final stress: for instance, PI 3pl ["nadiN]∼["nadaN] 'they swim' (see structure 20 above), should be stressed on the second vowel: *[na"d-i/-N] 'they swim'. Oltra-Massuet and Arregi encounter the same problem in describing Spanish verbs, and propose a 'stress-deletion' rule, which applies to those forms that would surface as arrhizotonic, but do not. This rule does the job, but seems like an ad-hoc solution. Another possible path, instead of postulating a 'stress-deletion' rule, is to take those forms that deviate from the general stress pattern as being constituted in an additional phonological domain, à la [START_REF] Kaye | Derivations and interfaces[END_REF]. For instance, PI 2sg ["nadas] is derived in two distinct phonological domains, as shown in (1):

Now, since Align-TV-H/F enforces stress on Th, where does stress go when the structure selects for the Th allomorph /µ/? First, Align-TV-H/F would be better referred to as Align-Th-H/F, as Th is not necessarily a vowel in NE. One way of realizing /µ/ is through gemination of the root's consonant, as shown in candidate (c) in ( 22). This candidate satisfies Align-Th-H/F, because the mora is realized on the stressed syllable, but fatally violates the markedness constraint No-Geminate. In candidate (b), lengthening occurs in the final unstressed vowel, the one expressing ϕ-features. This candidate is ruled out because it fatally violates Align-Th-H/F, since the mora surfaces in an unstressed vowel. Long vowels in unstressed syllables are prohibited in Friulian, so this candidate also violates a positional markedness constraint against long vowels in metrically dependent syllables. The winning candidate satisfies both No-Geminate and Align-Th-H/F, but violates a low-ranked markedness constraint against long vowels. A candidate with final stress and a stressed long vowel, [na"di:], not included in the tableau, would satisfy both No-Geminate and Align-Th-H/F, but would violate a constraint against stress being realized on the morph expressing ϕ-features, which are always unstressed. 21

(22) /nad-µ-i/ → ["na:.di] /nad-µ-i/ No-Geminate Align-Th-H/F *V: a. ☞ "na µµ di * b. "na µ di µµ *W L c. "na µ d µ di *W L
In the remainder of this section, we will show how the phonology prevents the formation of ungrammatical verbal forms, such as *["ca:nti] 1sg 'I sing' and *["li:beRi] 1sg 'I free' instead of attested ["canti] and ["libeRi], respectively.

The input mora is never realized on the surface in proparoxytonic forms. In our analysis we follow [START_REF] Krämer | The perfect word in Italian. Or fruit salad matters[END_REF] and assume that proparoxytones, at least in Romance, can be better analyzed as containing an internally layered foot aligned with the right edge of the prosodic word. Internally layered feet with dactylic (strong-weak-weak) rhythm arise via adjunction of an unstressed syllable to the right of a minimal trochaic (= head-initial) foot to create a maximal foot, that is, a foot that directly dominates another foot, its head, and a final unstressed syllable, its dependent, as illustrated in (23). Head-dependent relations are illustrated with straight and slanted lines, respectively. Such an analysis would equally encounter a problem, since it is not clear why three forms must be composed of two phonological domains, whereas the overwhelming majority of the inflected forms only contain one phonological domain. There does not seem to be any morphophonological reason to defend such an approach. Be that as it may, this discussion cannot be pursued any further here because it is tangential to the central topic of this paper. The debate on the phonology-syntax mapping has been recently reignited by [START_REF] Bonet | Indirect reference in the phonology-syntax interface under Phase Theory: A response to "modular pic" (D'Alessandro and Scheer[END_REF]D'Alessandro and[START_REF] Scheer | Accompagné d'un apparat critique[END_REF]. The interested reader may refer to these papers and the references therein. 21 Vowel lengthening in final position is a marked option (see, for instance, [START_REF] Myers | The origin of vowel length neutralization in final position: Evidence from Finnish speakers[END_REF]. Similarly, [START_REF] Iosad | Final devoicing and vowel lengthening in Friulian: a representational account[END_REF] assumes that final stressed long vowels are typologically marked, and proposes the constraint *Fi-nalLongV. Loporcaro (2015, 215) also refers to the marked status of final stressed heavy syllables, which include vowel-final oxtyones. One of the advantages of assuming internally layered feet is that their right-alignment automatically derives the final three-syllable window for stress assignment, that is, the fact that stress falls on one of the last three syllables within a prosodic word. In our analysis, lack of vowel length in proparoxytonic forms easily follows from satisfying two constraints: an alignment constraint requiring maximal feet to align with the right edge of prosodic words, Align-Right(Ft max , ω), and a foot form constraint against uneven trochees, *("HL). These two constraints are defined in (24). The two constraints in (24) must also dominate the faithfulness constraint Max-µ, prohibiting mora deletion. If the input mora is realized, as shown in candidate (25c), the minimal foot is necessarily an uneven trochee, in violation of undominated *("HL). One way to avoid a violation of *("HL) and preserve the input mora, as shown by candidate (25b), is to parse the stressed syllable into its own minimal foot and adjoin the posttonic syllable to the maximal foot. Such a configuration, however, fatally violates Align-Right(Ft max , ω). The only way to satisfy both undominated constraints is to leave the input mora unrealized on the surface, as shown by candidate (25a), which violates low-ranked Max-µ. The floating mora, one of the allomorphs of Th, is only realized in paroxytonic forms and in open syllables, as we have seen so far. This is not the case in paroxytones with a stressed closed syllable. With an 1sg PI input like /cant-µ-i/, which constitutes a linearized array of morphs including a mora after a verbal root ending in a consonantal cluster, there is no surface realization of the mora. The analysis of proparoxytones has demonstrated that uneven trochees are prohibited in NE. Otherwise, we would expect lengthening to occur in antepenultimate position. Crucially, forms like ("ca µ n µ .ti µ ), with a short vowel but with a moraic coda, or ("ca µµ n.ti µ ), with a long vowel but no moraic coda, fatally violate the constraint against uneven trochees, which is undominated in NE. Weight-by-Position, responsible for assigning moras to coda consonants, is also undominated in NE, a quantity-sensitive language (formulated in 26a). Finally, having a moraic coda and a long vowel gives rise to a superheavy, trimoraic syllable, a configuration that violates the markedness constraint *[µµµ] σ (formulated in 26b).

(26) Constraints on moraic structure a. Weight-by-Position

Assign one violation mark for every coda consonant that does not project a mora. b. *[µµµ] σ (McCarthy 2008: 224) Assign one violation mark for every superheavy (=trimoraic) syllable.

We assume that paroxytones with a penultimate closed syllable are also parsed into an internally layered foot, and that the minimal foot must be minimally and maximally bimoraic: (("ca µ n µ )ti µ ), which violates dominated Max-µ. All constraints presented so far dominate Maxµ, as illustrated in the tableau in ( 27). Finally, it must be noted that the input mora, an allomorph of the Th morpheme, is always realized on the stressed root vowel (e.g. ["na:d-i] 1sg 'I swim ', but not ["nad-i:]). As mentioned above, this follows from both phonological and morphological considerations. First, Friulian only allows vowel length in stressed position. This can be easily explained making use of a positional markedness constraint *"V: relativized to a metrically non-prominent prosodic position, the dependent of the foot, that is, *"V:/ F t ′ sDep . Second, stress on verbs is morphologically governed in Romance. A form like *[nad-"i:] is out because the morphs realizing φ-features are always unstressed. In other verbal forms in which Th is realized segmentally, length never occurs because, as we have demonstrated, length and overt Th stand in complementary distribution. If length on the stressed root vowel were to co-occur with an overt Th morph, a single affix would be realized twice. In other verbal forms in which stress falls not on the root but on morphs realizing T/M morphemes, like in the future and conditional tenses, Th is always realized overtly, which automatically explains the absence of the moraic allomorph.

Conclusions

The source of vowel length in Friulian is multiple. Vowel length in Friulian can be phonological. Underlyingly voiced obstruents in final position, which undergo devoicing, trigger lengthening of a preceding stressed vowel. Vowel length in Friulian can also be contrastive in nominal forms, as it cannot always be predicted contextually. This is the case, for instance, in forms like ["vo:li] 'eye' (as opposed to ["voli] 3sg PS 'he/she wanted'). Finally, the source of vowel length in some varieties of Friulian is morphological. This is the case of Negrons, in which vowel length is also the phonological exponent of the Theme morpheme in conjugation 1 verbs. This morpheme has distinct allomorphs (/i/, /a/ and /µ/), and we have shown that the moraic affix subcategorizes for 1sg present indicative, 1sg-3sg and 3pl present subjective. Vowel length in Negrons verbs is therefore analyzed as a case of mora affixation. We have also developed an Optimality Theoretic analysis of why mora affixation can only surface in paroxytones with a stressed open syllable. Proparoxytones and paroxytones with a stressed closed syllable always surface with a short vowel because otherwise an uneven trochee would be created, which is a metrical configuration banned in Friulian. The phonological analysis crucially relies on layered feet. The present analysis of morphological length in Friulian shows that there is no need for a morphome-based analysis of the data. In our analysis, each morph, including length, spells out a morphosyntactic property. Future research needs to focus on a wider set of Friulian varieties and apply the decompositional analysis of the inflected forms proposed in this paper to each of them in order to better understand the morphological structure of the Friulian verb and the role of vowel length in the language.

Fig. 1 :

 1 Fig. 1: Minimal pair ["nad-iN] 3pl PI vs. ["na:d-iN] 3pl PS

( 7 )

 7 Plausible analytical paths: a. Root allomorphy b. Vowel length as Tense/Mood morpheme (subjunctive) c. Vowel length as Theme (conjugation 1)

( 10 )

 10 Selection of Tense/Mood in NE (conjugation 1): a. PS ⇔ null / 1pl, 2pl µ / elsewhere (i.e. rhizotonic forms) b. PI ⇔ µ / 1sg null / elsewhere

( 14 )

 14 VI of II in NE: II ⇔ /v/ (15) VI of PI in NE: PI ⇔ ∅ (16) VIs of PS in NE: a. PS ⇔ null / 1pl, 2pl b. PS ⇔/i/ / elsewhere

( 1 )

 1 PI 3pl ["nadiN]∼["nadaN] 'they swim': a. Root: [nad] b. Stress is assigned: ["nad] c. Inflectional exponents are added: [["nad]i/a+N].

( 24 )

 24 Constraints deriving lack of vowel length in proparoxytones a. *("HL) (McCarthy 2008: 227) Assign one violation mark for every disyllabic trochaic foot with unequal weight ("HL). b. Align-Right(Ft max , ω) (Martínez-Paricio and Kager 2015: 470)Assign one violation mark for every maximal foot whose right edge does not coincide with the right edge of a prosodic word.

( 27 )

 27 /cant-µ-i/ → ["can.ti] /cant-µ-i/ *("HL) WBP *[µµµ] σ Max-µ a. ☞ (("ca µ n µ )ti µ ) * b.(("ca µµ n µ )ti µ ) a long vowel in an open penultimate syllable are also parsed into a layered foot to avoid a fatal violation of *("HL). Our analysis, based on layered feet, perfectly derives the distribution of long vowels in verbal forms. Assuming right-aligned layered feet, and a bimoraic minimal foot, long vowels are restricted to paroxytone forms with a stressed open syllable. The next tableau shows the parsing of ((na:)di) into a layered foot.(28) /nad-µ-i/ → ["na:.di] /nad-µ-i/ *("HL) Max-µ a. ☞ (("na µµ )di µ ) µµ di µ ) *W

Table 1 :

 1 NE: PI and PS, conjugation 1 'swim'

		PI	PS
	1sg	"na:di	"na:di
	2sg	"nadas	"na:dis
	3sg	"nada	"na:di
	1pl	na"diN	na"diN
	2pl 3pl	na"dai " s "nad-iN∼aN "na:diN na"dai s "
			Table 2: C ¸U: PI and PS, conjugation 1 'swim'
		PI	PS
	1sg	"nodi	"nodi
	2sg	"nodis	"nodis
	3sg	"node	"nodi
	1pl	no"diN	no"diN
	2pl 3pl	no"dai " s no"dai " s "nodiN "nodiN

Table 3 :

 3 NE: PI and PS, conjugations 1, 2, and 3

		conj. 1	conj. 1	conj. 2	conj. 2	conj. 3
		net-"a:	nad-"a:	"met-i	"Skwed-i	kuZ-"i:
		'to clean'	'to swim'	'to put' 'to cash in'	'to sew'
		PI	PI	PI	PI	PI
	1sg	"ne:ti	"na:di	"met	"Skwe:t	"ku:S
	2sg	"netas	"nadas	"mets	"Skwe:ts	"ku:s
	3sg	"neta	"nada	"met	"Skwe:t	"ku:S
	1pl	ne"tiN	na"diN	me"tiN	Skwe"diN	ku"ZiN
	2pl 3pl	ne"tai " s "net-iN∼aN "nad-iN∼aN "metiN na"dai " s me"tei " s	Skwe"dei s " "SkwediN	ku"Zi:s "kuZiN
		PS	PS	PS	PS	PS
	1sg	"ne:ti	"na:di	"meti	"Skwedi	"kuZi
	2sg	"ne:tis	"na:dis	"metis	"Skwedis	"kuZis
	3sg	"ne:ti	"na:di	"meti	"Skwedi	"kuZi
	1pl	ne"tiN	na"diN	me"tiN	Skwe"diN	ku"ZiN
	2pl 3pl	ne"tai " s "ne:tiN	na"dai " s "na:diN	me"tei " s "metiN	Skwe"dei s " "SkwediN	ku"Zi:s "kuZiN

Table 4 :

 4 C ¸U: PI and PS, conjugations 1, 2, and 3

		conj. 1	conj. 1	conj. 2	conj. 2	conj. 3
		net-"a	nod-"a	"met-i	"skwed-i	kuz-"i
		'to clean'	'to swim'	'to put'	'to cash in'	'to sew'
		PI	PI	PI	PI	PI
	1sg	"neti	"nodi	"met	"skwe:t	"ku:s
	2sg	"netis	"nodis	"metis	"skwedis	"kuzis
	3sg	"nete	"node	"met	"skwe:t	"ku:s
	1pl	ne"tiN	no"diN	me"tiN	skwe"diN	ku"ziN
	2pl 3pl	ne"tai " s "netiN	no"dai " s "nodiN	me"tei " s "metiN	skwe"dei s " "skwediN	ku"zi:s "kuziN
		PS	PS	PS	PS	PS
	1sg	"neti	"nodi	"meti	"skwedi	"kuzi
	2sg	"netis	"nodis	"metis	"skwedis	"kuzis
	3sg	"neti	"nodi	"meti	"skwedi	"kuzi
	1pl	ne"tini	no"dini	me"tini	skwe"dini	ku"zini
	2pl	ne"tadis	no"dadis	me"tedis	skwe"dedis	ku"zidis
	3pl	"netiN	"nodiN	"metiN	"skwediN	"kuziN

  stands for any root belonging to conjugation 1.

	(8) Selection of allomorphs /na:d/ and /nad/:
	[Root, 1] ⇔	/na:d/ / PI, 1sg and PS, 1sg to 3sg, 3pl. /nad/ / elsewhere

Table 5 :

 5 The L-shaped morphome

	1sg	2sg	3sg	1pl	2pl	3pl
	PI

Table 7 :

 7 The mixed morphome pattern

	1sg	2sg	3sg	1pl	2pl	3pl
	PI

Table 8 :

 8 NE: PI and PS, conjugation 1 'swim' inflectional endings

		PI	PI	PS	PS
	1sg	"na:di	µ

Table 9 :

 9 Morphological segmentation of PI in NE -conj. 1

		root	Th	T/M	φ-Fs
	1sg	"nad	µ	∅	i
	2sg	"nad	a	∅	s
	3sg	"nad	a	∅	∅
	1pl	nad	"i	∅	N
	2pl 3pl	nad "nad	"a i∼a	∅ ∅	i s " N

Table 10 :

 10 Morphological segmentation of PS in NE -conj. 1

		root	Th T/M	φ-Fs
	1sg	"nad	µ

Table 11 :

 11 Morphological segmentation of PI in C ¸U -conj. 1

		root	Th	T/M	φ-Fs
	1sg	"nod

Table 13 :

 13 Minimal pair between 3pl PI and 3pl PS explained

		root	Th	T/M PI	φ-Fs
	3pl	"nad	i∼a	∅	N
		root	Th	T/M PS	φ-Fs
	3pl	"nad	µ	i	N

Table 14 :

 14 Morphological segmentation of PI in NE: 1sg vs. 3pl

		root	Th	T/M	φ-Fs
	1sg	"nad	µ	∅	i
	3pl	"nad	i∼a	∅	N

Table 15 :

 15 NE: II, conjugations 1, 2, and 3

		conj. 1	conj. 1	conj. 2	conj. 2	conj. 3
		net-"a:	nad-"a:	"met-i	"Skwed-i	kuZ-"i:
		'to clean'	'to swim'	'to put'	'to cash in'	'to sew'
	1sg	ne"tavi	na"davi	me"tevi	Skwe"devi	ku"Zivi
	2sg	ne"tavas	na"davas	me"tevas Skwe"devas	ku"Zivas
	3sg	ne"tava	na"dava	me"teva	Skwe"deva	ku"Ziva
	1pl	ne"taviN	na"daviN	me"teviN	Skwe"deviN	ku"ZiviN
	2pl	ne"tavis	na"davis	me"tevis	Skwe"devis	ku"Zivis
	3pl	ne"taviN	na"daviN	me"teviN	Skwe"deviN	ku"ZiviN

Table 16 :

 16 C ¸U: II, conjugations 1, 2, and 3

		conj. 1	conj. 1	conj. 2	conj. 2	conj. 3
		net-"a	nod-"a	"met-i	"skwed-i	kuz-"i
		'to clean'	'to swim'	'to put'	'to cash in'	'to sew'
	1sg	ne"tavi	no"davi	me"tevi	skwe"devi	ku"zivi
	2sg	ne"tavis	no"davis	me"tevis	skwe"devis	ku"zivis
	3sg	ne"tave	no"dave	me"teve	skwe"deve	ku"zive
	1pl	ne"taviN	no"daviN	me"teviN	skwe"deviN	ku"ziviN
	2pl	ne"tavis	no"davis	me"tevis	skwe"devis	ku"zivis
	3pl	ne"taviN	no"daviN	me"teviN	skwe"deviN	ku"ziviN
	NE verbs, therefore, conjugation 1 verbs do not display the lengthening on the root, /na:d/, Th
	being systematically spelled-out as /a/. Crucially, 1sg *[na"da:vi] is ungrammatical because it
	contains two allomorphs of Th, namely /a/ and /µ/. The morphological segmentation of II, both
	in NE and in C ¸U, is shown in tables (

Table 17 :

 17 Morphological segmentation of II in NE -conj. 1

	root	Th T/M	φ-Fs

The phoneme /n/ surfaces as [N] word-finally.

The distribution of 1pl -/iN/ is not in contrast with the idea that /i/ is an allomorph of Th: in 1pl forms, the distinction between both conjugations and Tense/Mood is neutralized.

In Central Friulian varieties, Latin a changed into /e/ when in final positions starting in at least

16th century: casa → ["caze] 'house'. This explains why the 3sg form ends in /e/: ["node] '(s)he, it swims'. In other dialects, in turn, we observe /o/ instead of final /a/. The question is whether C ¸U has an additional allomorph of Th, namely /e/, or it is simply an allophone of Th = /a/. We leave this question open for further research focusing on Central Friulian varieties. See[START_REF] Francescato | Dialettologia friulana. Udine: Società filologica friulana[END_REF] for diachronic details of the distribution of Latin final vowels in Friulian.

Acknowledgements We are indebted to our informants both in C ¸upicje and Negrons: we thank them for the time they dedicated to us whilst we were collecting the data. This paper has been presented in 2019 at the 25th Manchester Phonology Meeting, the 17e Rencontres du Réseau Français de Phonologie in Orléans (France), the International Symposium of Morphology (ISMo 2019) in Paris (France) as well as the Atelier de Phonologie in Paris 8: we thank the audiences there for interesting questions and remarks. Finally, we are grateful to the anonymous reviewers and to the editors of this journal for their comments and suggestions. All errors are of course our own. This publication is part of the project PID2020-113971GB-C22, funded by MCIN/AEI/10.13039/501100011033/, to which the last author belongs.

Conflict of interest

The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.