P Haurant
email: haurant@univ-corse.frmarc.muselli@univ-corse.frpascal.oberti@univ-corse.fr

M Muselli

P Oberti

SOLAR ATLAS IMPLEMENTATION AND MULTICRITERIA CONTEXT OF PV PLANT PLANNING IN CORSICA ISLAND (FRANCE)

Keywords: PV planning, multicriteria approach, solar atlas

Wind and solar potentials make Corsica so attractive that the construction of a reasoned planning for on grid plants is essential all the more so as variability of renewable energy production makes integration of this kind of energy delicate and a 100 MW threshold has been calculated in order to ensure the grid stability. MultiCriteria Decision Aiding (MCDA) approaches, that allow best compromise based recommendations between alternatives, considering constraints, criteria and actors, are adapted to projects planning. The object of this study first part is to present a MCDA methodology and to show the first steps of application that are constraints and criteria sets constructions. Photovoltaic energy production is one of the most important criterion. The large number of projects that must be studied and their geographic dispatching impose the construction of a solar irradiance map that the poor Corsica's meteorological network does not allow to create, justifiing satellite data used. A second part of this study shows the first step of a solar irradiance map construction, consisting in checking the satellite data validity, comparing them with terrestrial meteorological data. In agreement with the literature survey, these irradiation maps represent the first successful stage of the whole MCDA approach.

INTRODUCTION

Corsica's wind and solar potentials make this region one of the more attractive in France for renewable energy. The 100 MW threshold of renewable energy systems connected to the grid imposes a reasoned planning for grid PV plants, as well as rulers and decision makers have to select the more relevant photovoltaic plants projects among numerous ones. Multi-criteria decision aiding methodologies are very useful within the selection framework.

The energetic criterion is one of the dominant criterion for photovoltaic plants projects selection. The poor Corsica's meteorological network and the geographic dispatching of the different projects that will be evaluate justifies the necessary creation of a solar energy potential atlas of Corsica from satellite data.

MULTICRITERIA DECISION AIDING APPROACH Multicriteria Decision Aiding (MCDA) is a 40 yeared field of modern operational research define as "experts' activity formulating recommendation for decision makers, improving coherence between decision process evolution, objectives and concerning people's values system.". Contrary to classical operational research based on the postulate that "all situation needing a decision has at least one decision objectively proven as optimal [...]" [9],

The object of MCDA is to build recommendations based on compromises and satisfactory action, more than optimal, satisfying constraints and meeting at best the criteria defined by the actors of the decision process.

Figure 1 presents the ten principal steps of participative decisional process [6], which will be applied for our study.

The first part of this item presents definitions of specific terms used in a multicriteria study and the first steps that are actions definition, constraints and criteria lists construction.

Potential actions

An action is "the decision or the decision aiding object […] An action is called potential when it can be implemented or is worthwhile for a decision aiding." [START_REF] Roy | Décision, Prospective, Auto-organisation[END_REF]. In this work, multicriteria tools are going to be used to evaluate potential actions that are photovoltaic plants projects on cultivated areas, for which the Haute-Corse chamber of farming solicited our laboratories for a scientific help to give an opinion.

Constraints on photovoltaic plants

In decision theories, constraints are defined as "acceptability or eligibility conditions that actions have to satisfy imperatively to candidate for the decision or/and the multicriteria study." [6] Constraints that projects have to satisfy are established and presented in Table 1.

Figure 1: General structure of the multicriteria decision aiding process ELECTRE outranking models [START_REF] Figueira | ELECTRE Methods[END_REF] are the multicriteria methods that have been selected within our study framework [6]. This approach is based on comparison between an action to another, determining the actions advantages and drawbacks from each criterion point of view. Discrimination (indifference, preference) thresholds and even veto threshold at each criterion will be introduced in order to obtain the selected actions subset.

Table II: Criteria for plants projects evaluation 3 SOLAR RESOURCE MAPPING

The aim of the second part of this study deals with the evaluation of net production from an irradiance potential cartography of Corsica, in order to evaluate this criterion for each plant.

A spacial correlogram demonstrated that there is no correlation, from a solar point of view, between two 10 km apart sites in Corsica [START_REF] Muselli | [END_REF]. Thus, considering the poor Corsica's meteorological network, using meteorological data from terrestrial stations is not enough to built a solar potential map, justifying the use of satellite data. Our solar potential map will be built using solar radiation from Meteosat7 retrievals. Solar radiation is hourly and issued from Ajonc products [7]. It has 96x64 pixels over Corsica (41-44°N ; 8-10°E) with 2.5x2.5 km resolution. A data processing has been built, removing sunrise and sunset corresponding data which can't be accurately treat by the models because of their irradiance diffused nature [8]. 3 shows the statistical coefficients that have been calculated to compare Meteosat data to terrestrial meteorological ones in order to ensure the satellite data validity. Relative Mean Beas error (RMBE), Relative Root Mean Square Error (RRMSE) and Correlation Coefficients (Cc) for the three meteorological stations (Bastia, Ajaccio and Corte) are listed. Cc are very closed to 1, meaning that our satellite data are comparable to terrestrial ones. Our daily RRMSE are between 12.7% and 18%, these results are situated in the upper part of the interval formed by RRMSE found in the literature. (Table 4)

Point of view

Rigollier

Heliosat-II Europe 5 10(jul)et al [8] 20(Jan)

CONCLUSIONS AND PROSPECTS

The important number of proposed photovoltaic projects in Corsica imposes to rulers and decision makers the use of specific decision aiding tools in order to select the most pertinent ones. This paper presents constraints and criteria that have been defined for the study by the protagonists in this aim. Thus first steps of participative decision process which are actions, constraints and criteria definitions, have been done. Other stages such as criteria weight determination, projects evaluations from each criterion point of view, appropriated multicriteria methodology selection and application have to be passed before the final recommendations. Outranking models of the ELECTRE family [START_REF] Figueira | ELECTRE Methods[END_REF] will be applied.

Photovoltaic energy production is one of the dominant criterion. It needs the knowledge of solar potential for each project, suggesting the creation of a solar potential map of Corsica. The second part of this paper shows a validity study of satellite data though statistical coefficients calculation in order to estimate the pertinence of satellite based mapping. The statistical coefficients which are obtained are closed to the literatures.

Figure 2 :

 2 Figure 2: Meteosat7 data of hourly horizontal irradiance compared to ground measures

Figure 3 :

 3 Figure 3: Meteosat7 data of daily horizontal irradiance compared to ground measures

Figure 4 :

 4 Figure 4: Meteosat7 data of monthly horizontal irradiance compared to ground measures

Table I :

 I Constraints defined between University of Corsica and Agriculture chamber of Northern Corsica Criteria for photovoltaic plants evaluationA criterion is "a tool create to evaluate and compare potential actions from a point of view."[6] Criteria are associated to preferences scales which are ordered items groups permitting actions evaluation. Table2presents the pertinent criteria built for this specific study and listed by the Haute-Corse chamber of farming in cooperation with SPE and LISA laboratories.

	Contraints	Definitions
	C 1	Plants dismantling guarantee: plants
		dismantling must be guaranteed in the
		exploitation contracts
	C 2	Respect constraints linked to ecological
		classifications: Concerned areas must
		not be classified Natura2000 or Wetland
	C 3	Constraints linked to area's topography
		Areas' slopes must not exceed 10%
	2.3

Table II :

 II Cc, RMBE, RRMSE (% of the mean) for our data

	Ajaccio	Bastia		Corte
	Ajaccio	Bastia		Corte
	Ajaccio	Bastia		Corte
			Ajaccio	Bastia	Corte
		Hourly C.c	0.93	0.96	0.89
		Daily C.c	0.94	0.98	0.95
		Monthly C.c	0.99	0/99	0.99
		Daily RMBE (%)	0.3	4.92	-0.61
		Daily RRMSE (%)	19.4	13.3	19.6
		Monthly RMBE (%) -1.4	4.3	-1.63
		Monthly RRMSE (%) 6.9	4.93	5.77

Table III :

 III RMBE and RRMSE (% of the mean) from literature

	References Models	Stations RMBE RRMSE
				(%)	(%)
	Beyer	Heliosat		5	23
	et al [1]
	Dagestad	Heliosat-II Europe	5	30
	[2]
	Moradi	Heliosat-II Iran	1.8	11.7
	et al [4]


Keywords: Berber, qualification, adjective, syntactic categories, predicative vs attributive function

Qualification and comparison in Berber. The verb-noun distinction and its fluctuations

Introduction 1

One of the roles of all grammars is to identify a language's lexical classes. To do so, it is often crucial to determine whether the language has a specific adjectival class (see VOGEL & COMRIE, 2000). This is because although qualification and comparison are often expressed by adjectival lexemes, the latter are not necessarily distinct, from a functional perspective, from other lexemes (more particularly verbal and nominal lexemes), or, when there is a distinction, it is often hazy. Thus DIXON identifies five major language types (1999: 4) depending on how their grammars integrate adjectives. Based on [START_REF] Basset | La langue berbère[END_REF] study, he states that the Berber languages belong to type (3), a rare type where: "There is an open class of adjectives which has grammatical properties that are effectively the sum of those of noun and of verb -when an adjective occurs in a noun phrase it can take the same inflections as a noun, and when it occurs as head of a predicate it can inflect in the same way as a verb".

Among Berber specialists the question of whether adjectives constitute a specific syntactic class is still being debated. Some authors, e.g. [START_REF] Bentolila | Grammaire fonctionnelle d'un parler berbère: Aït Seghrouchen d'Oum Jeniba[END_REF], consider that northern Berber does not have qualifying adjectives. Others such as CHAKER (1995) believe that in at least some Berber varieties, e.g. Kabyle, adjectives constitute a subclass within the noun class.

My goal here is to examine how the various units which translate the idea of qualification or assessment function. Beginning with the verb/noun distinction, I will explore the hypothesis of a possible continuum between these two extremes. I will also consider the hypothesis set forth by GIVÓN (1984: 52) whereby he posits that prototypical adjectives are "intermediate states" between verbs and nouns from the perspective of temporal stability (the Time Stability Hypothesis). It would indeed be interesting to establish whether semantic and grammatical hierarchies coincide, and whether, in both, adjectives show a tendency to occupy an intermediate position between the two extremes of both.

(1) a.

increasing time-stability ===========================================> ------------------ADJECTIVALS ---------------------NOUNS ===========================================> decreasing verbality / increasing nominality Below I reproduce the diagrams of WETZER (1996: 52), however I will study not only the predicative function of "adjectives" (the above author's field of study) but also their attributive functions.

Verbal extreme

Purely semantic specificities

In all Berber languages there are lexemes which behave like verbs in morphosyntactic terms, but which also express physical or moral characteristics more in line with the idea of qualification. [START_REF] Basset | Morphologie. Le verbe. Étude de thèmes[END_REF] provides the following examples: kərəm 'be cold' and əbzəg 'be wet' in Semlal Tashelhiyt; urəɣ 'be yellow' in the Rif (wərrəɣ for the Seghrouchen); rzay 'be bitter' in Metmata and the Aurès, gužəl 'be an orphan' and taẓ 'be close' in Kabylia; iɣar 'be dry', uẓẓaf 'be black', ləmẓəggən 'be lukewarm' and muzzu 'be roomy' in Ahaggar; aḍen/aṭen 'be ill' almost everywhere.

The values of the system's two basic forms -Perfective and Imperfective -do 2 As Creissels (2006: 200) notes, nouns, adjectives and verbs are all logically capable of expressing properties, but lexemes which express scalable and relatively general physical characteristics such as big/little, fat/thin, long/short, etc. "tendent à fonctionner comme prototype de classes morphosyntaxiques d'adjectifs, de la même façon que les classes de noms et de verbes s'organisent autour de prototypes mettant en jeu respectivement les notions de personne humaine et d'événement" ("tend to function as the prototype for the morphosyntactic class of adjectives, just as noun and verb classes are organized around prototypes referring respectively to the notions of person and event").

not appear to fully coincide in all Berber languages, but "quality" verbs often have their own particularities, especially in the case of pure statives:"l'inaccompli exclut l'état'" ("the imperfective excludes states") (GALAND 1980: 352). Thus in Zenaga, the statives meaning 'be beautiful' (iyṃunḍuṛ) and 'be thin' (äymuđ̣ ) are essentially used in the Perfective with timeless continuous meaning: yäymanḍaṛ 'he is beautiful' and yiymađ̣ 'he is thin'. On the contrary, the statives/inchoatives meaning 'be/become famished' (uṃṃuġziy) and 'be/become stable' (ärgəg) can be used in both forms, and inchoative meaning is only conveyed in the Imperfective (with present or future meaning): yərgäg 'he is stable/has become stable', yittərgug 'he is becoming/will become stable'.

The "quality" verbs under consideration here, like most verbal lexemes, have a single affixal system for all conjugation paradigms (except in the imperative): 3 person markers are suffixed (1SG, 3PL), prefixed (3SG.M, 3SG.F, 1PL) or both (2SG, 2PL). In the preceding examples, initial y-marks the 3SG.M (y-ərgäg).

"Quality" verbs, like all verbs, are mainly used in predicate function. Any verb form bearing a person marker constitutes a full sentence. The marker agrees in gender and number with the lexeme it represents, whether present or not in the clause. 4 Thus in Zenaga:

( Whether the verb be a "quality" verb (yiyāh) or an action verb (yuđ̣ aṛ), there is no formal difference between examples (2) and (3). The same is true of secondary predicates, for example in relative clauses where the person marker on the verb refers to the antecedent (and in which case the relative clause cannot contain an explicit lexical subject). These relatives (see GALAND, same volume, section 3.5) are recognizable in that they bear a "participial" verbal suffix, generally containing a nasal consonant. 5 The so-called participial form of the verb is identical for all verbs in a given language, however some eastern varieties such as Nafusi and Siwi do not have a 3

Only a few eastern varieties such as Ghadamsi show specificities in the singular Future (KOSSMANN 2000a).

"participial" suffix (LAOUST 1931: 55). 6 Moreover, in some varieties, the "participial" relatives are used only if the antecedent is definite; such is the case in eastern Riffian (KOSSMANN 2000b: 156).

Specific patterns

Beyond the case of the Imperfective, which usually requires the prefixation of tor gemination of one root consonant, the various verbal aspect-tense or aspectmood paradigms (TAM) -Aorist vs. Perfective, affirmative Perfective vs. negative, etc. -are mostly distinguished by changes in the vowel pattern. Moreover, these patterns vary from dialect to dialect, depending on each variety's verbal sub-classes. While the pattern in the (affirmative) Perfective is often of the type (i/u/ə)-a, one notes that it is often of the type (ä)-i/u/ə for "quality" verbs. In southern varieties, vowel alternations are particularly striking.

For Tahaggart, PRASSE (1973-74: VII, 145) establishes that "[s]émantiquement, les verbes de la cj. II étaient des verbes inintentionnels (signifiant surtout des fonctions sensorielles et mentales) et des verbes de qualité passagère" ("[s]emantically, verbs in cj. II were unintentional verbs (referring mostly to sensory and mental functions) and verbs denoting passing qualities"), and that there is a (± intentional) semantic opposition between:

(5) Cj. In this language, verbs in cj. II are mostly inchoatives. Some of the latter form pairs with related stative verbs having the constant vowel pattern "non-a"-"a". Whence the following distinction in the NEG.PFV (TAINE-CHEIKH 2009):

(7) a) 'dry out':

NEG.PFV wär^ yuˀṃuṃ

'it has not dried out' b) 'be dry': NEG.PFV wär^ yaˀṃuṃ 'it is not dry'

The situation in Siwa, with very rare "quality" verbs of Berber origin ) is inverse to that of the southern varieties7 .

"Quality" verbs with specific conjugations

In several Berber varieties, stative verbs expressing adjectival type properties have an irregular Perfective paradigm, with its own specific pattern and conjugation. In Tahaggart, verbs in this sub-class (cj. IV in PRASSE 1973-74: VII, 182) in this case refer to permanent qualities rather than transient ones:

(8) Cj. IV 'be tall' AOR imɣar IMPFV itimɣar PFV mäqqär 'be soft' AOR ilmaḍ IMPFV itilmaḍ PFV ləmmiḍ
In Tuareg, the Perfective conjugation has become almost completely regular, with the exception of the absence of i-in the 3SG.M. 8 Kabyle and Ghadamsi on the contrary have retained the simplified conjugation, with a single form in the plural. Thus the Perfective of əmtit 'be small' in Ghadamsi (LANFRY 1968: 285)

: (9) 1SG mettīt-eˤ 2SG mettīt-ət 3SG.M mettīt 3SG.F mettit-et PL mettit-it
These forms are those used in predicative function, with or without negationak being the usual negation of the Perfective in Ghadamsi (op. cit.: 362):

(10) a) tịˤett=ụ melləl-et 'this goat is white' b) wə̣ llị=yị ak mellūl-it 'these goats are not white'

When serving as predicate in "participial" relatives, these Perfectives take the same suffixes as the other verb forms. However, the prefixes i-and t-in the 3SG are generally omitted. 9 Thus in Ghadamsi (ibid.):

(11) wə̣ ḡḡid zəḡrut-ən 'a big (long) man'

In Tashelhit, where the perfective paradigm of the "quality" verb has been entirely regularized, one still finds the older prefixless participle, whereas it has completely disappeared from central Morocco (Galand 2010a: 238).

Syntactic specificities of the comparative

Comparisons may be effected using verbal lexemes such as ägur or uf 'be superior to, exceed' (in Shilha, ati 'outnumber' and af 'be better', EL MOUNTASSIR 1995: 100). Zenaga has other verbs of the same type, with much more precise semantics (TAINE-CHEIKH 2012: 274-9): yizzäh 'he is better than', yuđrä 'he is more beautiful than', yämaˀr/yuṿäg 'he is older than', yamaṣk 'he is younger than'.

With such verbs, manner modifiers are often expressed via a preposition (g 'in', s 'with'...). Some languages however, such as Zenaga and Tuareg, show a direct construction, also found in Arabic, which appears to be archaic. 10 This prefixless participial form has extended to all verbs in Awdjilah (PRASSE 1989: 1054). 10 Other languages of the world, such as Igbo, have the same construction (CROOKSTON 1999:79).

For Arabic (and more especially Ḥassāniyya), see TAINE-CHEIKH (1984: 296-299).

Nominal extreme

Purely semantic specificities

In Berber there are numerous nominal forms which express physical or moral qualities, but which show no morphological or syntactic characteristics to set them apart from other nominals. In Zenaga, such is the case of ägmär which means 'tall' (as well as 'young adolescent') and of numerous nominal forms with a nasal prefix. The fact that habitual meaning is inherent in these forms in n-/m-has given rise to "adjectival" morphemes which correspond to more or less transient properties (änäḫtəf 'mistrustful', amugniš 'having a fighting spirit', änäffuđ '(constantly) thirsty'...) and "substantival" lexemes referring, among others, to professions and objects (ämäžär 'emir', änṃuˀđ 'blacksmith', ämšəgđi 'glass'...). They all show similar agreement in gender and number, taking the same affixes: SG.M a-, SG.F ta-t, PL.M ə-än, PL.F tə-ən.

Like their Tuareg equivalents, 11 ägmär and Zenaga forms with a nasal prefix show the same syntactic behavior as nouns.

To serve as predicates, like other nouns (13a, 14a), they require the presence of an auxiliary: either the deictic äđ (13), or the verb ägi 'become' which, in combination with the negation marker wär, gives rise to the contracted form wä=ygi (14 To modify a noun, a genitive construction is used containing the preposition ən (N 1 ən N 2 ). The only particularity to be noted in (15b), as compared to ordinary noun modifiers (15a), is that N 2 agrees in gender and number with N 1 . However this is similar to superlative constructions (16) where there is agreement in gender -and in number with ägmär in (16a) -between N 1 and N 2 .

(15a) t-ništ y əm-t ən ämäžär '(the) emir's wife' (15b) t-ništ y əm-t ən t-änäḫtəf-t '(a/the) mistrustful woman' (16a) t-ägmär-t ən t-məkšən-t 'the greatest enemy' (16b) waˀr ən^ iˀrän (lit. 'lion among lions') 'the strongest of lions' 12 The structure N 1 n N 2 is highly productive in Berber. GALAND ([1969] 2002: 204-5) notes a variety of examples in several languages. The following is taken from Foucauld (1951-52: I, 33). It is comparable to (15) but has a proper noun as N 1 : 11 In Tahaggart, forms in n-/m-refer to humans or animals having a specific quality: amɣar 'tall man', ǎnäywal 'duck-footed man or animal'. These are true nouns, even though PRASSE (1973-74: IV, 97) calls them "verbal adjectives". 12 There is no difference between relative and absolute superlatives. Thus (16a) could be translated as 'a very great enemy' and (16b) as 'a very strong lion'.

(17) mimi n tǎmənhuk 'Mimi of the mad woman, Mimi's mad woman' 2.2. Some morphological specificities Chaker (1995: 25-28) lists the various adjective patterns found in the northern Berber dialects and concludes: "adjectives are often recognizable by their form". aCCac, aCvCaC and aCCCvC are patterns found in both nouns and adjectives. But uCCiC, aM/N---u, iMiCCiC and above all (a)CCan, (a)CC:Can, (a)CvCan are only found in adjectives. Chaker suggests considering the suffix -an (present in aberkan 'black', aquran 'dry', azayan 'heavy'...) as an adjective suffix. 13In Kabyle, the patterns uCCiC and iMiCCiC often convey "imperfection of the quality", whence the following distinctions: amllal 'white' vs. umlil 'whitish'; aberkan 'black' vs. imibrik 'blackish'. The same semantic shades are expressed elsewhere through different means. In Figuig, by using the prefix ca: camlal 'whitish' (KOSSMANN 1997: 120). In Tamazight, by the affix ḥr-(GALAND 2010b: 54): aḥrmLal 'whitish'. Such (alongside the relational suffix -i/y and constructions with bu 'that of' or war 'without') are the main indicators whereby an adjective (or an "adjectival" noun) can be recognized by its form.

Some syntactic specificities

The predicative uses of "adjectival" nouns have few specificities as compared to other nouns. Generally speaking, predicative auxiliaries are used, and adjectival predicate negation is the same as for nominal predicates.

In Shilha (18), it is the verb g 'do'. In many northern varieties, namely in Kabyle ( 19), predication is mediated by d -a deictic which is present even when the clause is negated. In Nafusi (BEGUINOT 1931: 118), there is no predication auxiliary (as for nouns). However, the subject is often modified by a demonstrative (here ūh):

(20) bušíl ūh ameškân 'this guy is small'

The same is true in Siwi (LAOUST ibid.), except that the negation marker used (la) is that of verbal predicates (noun predicates take qačči). This is one of the rare elements which distinguish between adjective and noun predicates.

The differences are much greater however in the attributive uses of "adjectival" nouns. In parallel to the rather limited use of the genitive construction (N 1 n N 2 ), one very often finds direct constructions, without n.

'Adjectival' determination is distinct from genitive constructions without n on several points. On one hand (for all varieties which distinguish between states), one finds N 2 in a free (or absolute) state. 14 Whence the distinction highlighted by CHAKER (op. cit.: 24) between the attributive adjective in (21a) and the substantivized adjective serving as noun modifier, in (21b):

(21a) afus aberkan (FS) 'the/a black hand' (21b) afus uberkan (AS) 'the hand of the black'

On the other hand, one notes agreement in gender and number between N 1 and N 2 .

Although agreement in gender and number has become generalized in the varieties using this construction, at times one finds differences between masculine and feminine -but it might be misinterpretation. 15 Other varieties also show some alternation (presence vs. absence of d), but it depends on whether N 1 is modified or not. In Ouargla, according to BIARNAY (1908: 186) In Awdjilah (PARADISI 1960: 158), definiteness is also expressed by direct constructions. Here however speakers have the choice between an "adjectival" noun (mlîl 'white', ameskún 'small', amoqqarân 'tall') and an "adjectival" verb: mellél '(be) white', meššék '(be) small', móqqar '(be) tall'. 17 The same situation obtains in Nafusi (BEGUINOT op. cit.: 118):

(25) a) "adjectival" noun: bušíl ameškân 'the little boy' b) "verbal" adjective:

bušil meššék 'a little boy'.

14 On the free/annexed state opposition, see The distinction (d vs. Ø) reappears in predicative function (ibid.: 44). 16 The same is true in eastern Riffian (KOSSMANN 2000: 155). In Siwi on the other hand it is an n which at times appears before the adjectival noun. VYCICHL (op. cit.: 213) interprets this n as an indefinite marker whereas SOUAG (2010: 151-2) instead considers it a generic marker. 17 The adjectives vúrek 'largo' and fešûš 'leggero' are nonetheless used with both definite and indefinite meaning (PARADISI op. cit.: 168).

The noun-verb continuum

Adjectives which can (more or less) inflect

In section 1.3. we saw that the "quality" verbs examined only showed specific behavior in the Perfective, where inflection is suffixed and the meaning is purely static. This is particularly true of "qualitative" verbs in Kabyle, in Ghadamsi and, to a lesser extent (due to the presence of certain prefixes) in Tuareg.

In other varieties however "quality" verbs are stative verbs showing defective inflection (they only inflect in the Perfective). Such is the case in Awdjilah where the verb meššék has only five distinct forms (PARADISI op. cit: 171):

(26) meškâḫ 'I am small'; meškât 'you are small'; meššék 'he is small'; meškét 'she is small'; meššīkît 'we/you/they are small' 18

It is also the case in Nafusi and Zenaga, except that in the latter variety there is a distinction between the Perfective form of "quality" processive verbs and stative verbs, which have suffixal inflections -which is why for Zenaga I choose to speak of "inflected adjectives" [START_REF] Taine-Cheikh | L'adjectif et la conjugaison suffixale en berbère zénaga[END_REF] In Zenaga adjectives constitute quite an important category. They generally have the pattern CaCCi/u/əC (or a variant thereof such as CaCī/ūC: käyīy 'short') 19 and differ from both verbs and nouns.

Morphologically speaking, they behave inflect like verbs -but they inflect only through suffixation and mostly in the 1SG and 2SG. In impersonal forms (3SG and 3PL), they differ from nouns i) in the absence of both the initial vowel and the prefix, and ii) in their specific paradigm of suffixed markers. Compare, in Zenaga:

(29) a) "verbal" ADJ: '(be) green' SG.M bäyđig

SG.F bäyđig-äđ PL.M bäyđig-əđ PL.F bäyđig-əđ b) ADJ noun: 'mistrustful' SG.M änäḫtəf SG.F t-änäḫtəf-t PL.M ənäḫtəf-än PL.F

t-ənäḫtəf-ən 20

Syntactically speaking, they essentially behave like verbs in predicative function: 18 The situation in Nafusi is similar, but the adjective does not take a person marker in the 1SG and 2SG. 19 The pattern CvCCvC is widespread in the other varieties. This means that in Ghadamsi it corresponds to the pattern often found in the Perfective of "quality" verbs (LANFRY 1968: 286):

(28) məḍri '(be) small'; semməḍ '(be) cold'; seṭṭef '(be) black'; zaggaɣ '(be) red'; etc. 20 In some western Riffian varieties, the "verbal" adjective and the adjectival noun coexist and are both used -with or without ḏ -after aġul 'become' (LAFKIOUI 2007: 165): (30) a) "verbal" ADJ: aġul-eġ meqqur (M) / meqqur-eṯ (F) 'I (M/F) became big' b) ADJ noun:-aġul-eġ ḏ ameqran (M) / ṯ-ameqran-ṯ (F) 'I (M/F) became big'. Moreover, there exists also the stative verb's Perfective (which is normally conjugated): i-meqqur 'he/it is big'.

without the copula äđ and sharing the same verbal negation marker wär (cf. ( 2)-( 3)). Compare the behavior of the adjective in (31) to that of the nouns (( 13)-( 14)):

(31) Zenaga a) nəttä ṃänəg 'it is comfortable' b) nəttä wär ṃänəg 'it is not comfortable'
When used as a modifier (attributive), it is in the "participial" form (like the verb in (4), with no prefix however in the SG). Compare the behavior of the Zenaga adjective in (32b) to that of the adjectival noun in (15b): In Nafusi on the contrary, because the form bears no "participial" suffix this means that, like for the verb (cf. note 6), there is very little to distinguish between the adjective's two functions:

(33) Nafusi a) nīt mellél 'it/he is white' (egli è bianco) b) aterrás mellél 'a white man' (un uomo bianco)21

Adjectival comparatives and superlatives

Comparisons are generally expressed through modifiers, with the predicative core (whether verbal or nominal) remaining unchanged. There are nonetheless two specific constructions which we will examine here.

Several Berber languages use comparative forms borrowed from Arabic. These were originally adjectives having the pattern aCCaC in the M.SG, which became invariable in the Arabic dialects. In Berber, these forms appear to be used without predication auxiliaries, even in those dialects which normally require one (cf. PROVOTELLE op. cit.: 44-5). Furthermore, Siwi revisited the Arabic comparative system by attributing a different pattern to it (CCəC) and extending it to Berber lexemes (SOUAG 2010: 158):

(34) Siwi a) aqdim 'old' > qdəm 'older' (< Arabic) b) agzal 'short' > gzəl 'shorter' (< Berber)

The second specific construction concerns two superlative forms meaning '(very) bad, (the) worst ' and '(very) ). The evaluative is in head position and is not followed by n (contrary to nouns). When it is not invariable, it agrees in gender and number with the noun it modifies (however variation is irregular and only affects the initial segment). 22

Conclusion

DIXON was right to highlight the substantial crosslinguistic variations in the syntactic categories called upon to express adjectives. Berber languages however do not all belong to a single type, and one notes a tendency across all of the languages (with exceptions such as Tuareg and Ghadamsi) to make use of several different syntactic devices (see Table 1). Generally speaking, some "adjectives" behave like verbs and others like nouns -either completely, or partially (which explains the existence of specific sub-classes). One also finds classes made up solely of adjectives. 23 This is particularly clear in Zenaga and Awdjilah (spoken geographically far from each other), noting however that the data in these two varieties show major similarities with some "quality" verbs (having a specific Perfective paradigm) found in other varieties. The "intermediate states" are attested in the ancient Berber language. I believe that the adjective category (recognizable by its pattern and its specific gender and number markers) must have existed in Proto-Berber. 24 There would have been very few adjectives, and they would have expressed properties such as size, color and perhaps certain physical defects (similar to the afˤal pattern in Arabic) Their 22 In those varieties which distinguish between states, N 2 remains in the FS (contrary to genitive constructions). 23 In total, out of the five types described by DIXON, type (3) does not appear to be the best represented (only a few eastern varieties have a single form for both attributes and predicates)... unless perhaps one were to consider that the "participial" suffix -n-is the exact equivalent of the genitive preposition n -a hypothesis which is interesting, but needs to be better documented. 24 CHAKER suggests (op. cit.: 30) that Tuareg, a language without adjectives, lost many of the former adjectival class's distinctive features. I believe this to be true of other varieties as well.

combination in the singular with suffixed person markers in a large number of Berber languages is sufficient to consider that it is an ancient mechanism. The integration of the Perfective of some "quality" verbs (whether stative or not) is probably a secondary development [START_REF] Galand | Une intégration laborieuse: les "verbes de qualité" du berbère[END_REF] as Zenaga and Awdjili appear to illustrate. The tendency to regularize "intermediate" cases (of which there are others, e.g. numerals and quantifiers, which are not mentioned here) seems to have also affected evaluatives (comparatives and superlatives). One finds traces of an earlier system in some varieties, just as in Kabyle one may consider that the -n ending found on "adjectival" nouns is probably the relic of the "participial" suffix -n.

As far as GIVÓN's Time Stability Hypothesis is concerned, one can only note that there is very little semantic specialization of nouns, verbs and adjectives (especially in languages without a specific adjectival class). One does however see specialization within a single class, especially in verbs (cf. Tuareg and its distinction between permanent and transient qualities, or Zenaga and its distinction between stative and processive verbs). Lastly, in some varieties (particularly eastern ones) one observes an interesting specialization whereby "adjectival" nouns are used in the definite and "verbal" adjectives are used in the indefinite.

  2) äyṃošši a) y-iyāh bthe knife didn't fall'.

(

  32) Zenaga a) SG.M äräbih mäẓẓūg-än '(a/the) little boy' b) SG.F taṛbađ̣ mäẓẓūg-än '(a/the) little girl' c) PL.M äräbān mäẓẓūg-ən '(the) little boys' d) PL.F träbīn mäẓẓūg-ən '(the) little girls'.

Thus in Zenaga (SG -än, PL -in):

	(4)	uẓẓaṛ-ag t-aṛbađ̣	a) t-uđ̣ uṛ-än	b) t-äymänḍar-än
		see.PFV-1SG	F-girl.SG	3SG.F-run.PFV-PTCP	3SG.F-be.beautiful.PFV-PTC
		'I saw a/the girl	a) (who) fell'	b) (who) is beautiful'

  ).

	(13a)	nəttä	äđ	aġmä=n=š	'it is his brother'
	(13b)	nəttä	äđ	änäḫtəf	'he is mistrustful'
	(14a)	nəttä	wä=ygi	aġmä=n=š	'this is not his brother'
	(14b)	nəttä	wä=ygi	änäḫtəf	'he is not mistrustful'

  , a direct construction is used when N 1 is determined (aidi ou amellal 'my white dog'), but d precedes the adjectival noun if N 1 is entirely undetermined:

	(23) iioui	d	adɣaɣ	d	aziouar
	bring.PFV.3SG.M	PROX	rock.SG.M	COP	big.SG.M
	'he brought a big rock' (lit. 'he brought (a) rock (it) is big')
	In Djerba, d (with a specific accentuation) has also come to mark indefiniteness
	according to VYCICHL (2005: 140-1): 16
	(24) a) without COP:	áfrux		ámeqṛan	'the big boy'
	b) with COP:	afrux	d ámeškan	'a little boy'

  good, (the) best'. Thus in Zenaga:

	syntactically (GALAND 2010a: 153; TAINE-CHEIKH 2012: 273-7
	(35a) M.SG ägmä^ mīn	'best individual'
	M.PL	əgmä ^ mān	'best individuals'
	(35b) F.SG	t-ägär tnäwđəđ	'worst year'
	F.PL	t-gär tnūđän	'worst years'.
	One finds traces of the second in several Berber languages where they are (almost)
	always distinguished from nouns and verbs -both morphologically and

Table 1 :

 1 ZEN 'Zenaga', SHL 'Shilha', KAB 'Kabyle', TRG 'Tuareg', GHD 'Ghadamsi', AWJ 'Awdjili', NAF 'Nafusi', SIW 'Siwi'

				ZEN SHL KAB TRG GHD AWJ NAF SIW
	VERB	A B	ADJ verb spec. pattern PFV without prefixes PTCP without prefixe(s)	+ +	+ (+) -(+)	+ (+) + +	+ + (+) +	+ + + +	+ -	+ -[Ø]	(+) [Ø]
			ADJ noun	+	+	+	-	-	+	+	+
	NOUN		spec. syntax	-	+	+			+	+	NEG
			attributive / predicate	≠	≠	≠			≠	=	=
			spec. pattern	+		+	+	+	+	+
	[ADJ]		cj. without prefixes	+		+	(+)	+	+	+
			spec. 3F.SG & PL suff.	+		+	(+)	+	+	+
			comparative/superlative	+	(+)	(+)	+				+

If postposed on the verb, the "subject" lexeme is in the annexation state (AS), except in the case of Berber varieties such as Zenaga which do not distinguish between state types.

One also finds dental consonants, e.g. -t in the 3SG.F, in Tuareg. Alongside[START_REF] Galand | Le "participe" berbère[END_REF]

60), I believe this -t to be secondary, and that -n was formerly the only suffix.

Also note in Nafusi(BEGUINOT 1933: 119): aterrâs yéza'ám 'a good person'.

Here I leave aside the question of the suffix -a the use and the value of which are currently a matter of discussion.

He further notes that adjectives in -an are almost always formed on a stative verb.

The same is true for nouns, because there is no copula(BEGUINOT op. cit.: 118).