John Mullen

What questions should historians be asking about UK

with the following caption: "This is a chord, this is another, this is a third. Now form a band."

The period also saw a rapid increase in the number of music festivals in Britain. The first music festivals we would recognize as such were 1950s jazz festivals, offering innovative music, holiday freedom and a considerable amount of alcohol, but perhaps above all, offering a community feeling very different from that of the traditional neighbourhood. The places people lived and worked were being transformed by the rise of the new industries and of white-collar jobs.

Young people were staying longer in education; average age at marriage was rising. Transport was easier, with hitchhiking very popular among the young. The festival offered an atmosphere of freedom different from the still very much rules-driven world of the streets where everyone knew everyone else, or of the dance hall with its foxtrots, two steps and "excuse-me dances".

The festival was a celebration of collective hedonism and novelty. When in 1974, Edward Heath was appealing to the spirit of the Blitz and of patriotic stoicism to help him through the crisis, many young adults preferred the mud and excitement of escape to a music festival.

After the legendary Woodstock festival in the USA in 1969, free festivals sprung up in Britain, such as the Glastonbury Free Festival, in 1971. The Isle of Wight festival (in 1968, 1969 and 1970) was no doubt the first one that aimed at being commercially viable, and the organizers had tremendous difficulties dealing with the thousands of fans who had come without tickets on the basis that music festivals should be free.

Glastonbury symbolized that impression that festivals were about much more than music, both because it was, at this time, free (A 2017 ticket cost £228). But also, its location was chosen due to its closeness to the prehistoric site of Stonehenge. A return to spiritual roots was part of the attractions of Glastonbury, based on an invented history of Stonehenge, linking it to pagan druids. From Glastonbury festival, developed groups of New Age Travellers, who would tour the free festivals of Britain, making a meagre living selling home-made jewellery or other artisanal products. This hippy subculture was one example of the depth of identification with music and popular culture which became periodically possible from the 1960s on. One was no longer obliged to simply be "someone who likes punk music, mod music or heavy metal": one could "be" a mod in the 1960s or be a punk in the 1970s". Such levels of identification had in early periods been reserved to the artistes. In 1910 a singer might "be" a showman, but a member of the audience was just a member of the audience, and new musical forms such as ragtime could not produce highly active subcultures.

What voices can be heard in British popular music in the 1970s?

To move on from collective music-related activities, we might interest ourselves in the source of the values and messages of 1970s popular music. Whose voices were being heard? Gendered voices and class voices come immediately to mind.

Certainly, the predominance of the male point of view in rock songs was an important aspect of 1970s popular music, as it was in other decades. Songwriters were almost all men, as were artistic managers. Indeed, a key aspect of many of the popular music genres of the 1970s was their proposing of different ways of performing masculinity, in the new society which was emerging from challenges to rigid traditionalism, challenges coming from the new visibility of gays, from women's liberation movements, but also from the decline of manual work, the smaller families giving more space for women in the public sphere, and the rise of professions seen as "less virile".

Of course, many aspects of emotional experience in twentieth century society are similar for men and women, and so women could easily identify with many songs written by men and vice versa.

Nevertheless, very frequently, clearly masculine preoccupations and fantasies are at the heart of rock lyrics. 5 This is not to say the female minority was not significant. Kate Bush, 6 Joan Armatrading, 7 Christine McVie (of Fleetwood Mac), Siouxsie (of Siouxsie and the Banshees) 8 wrote songs well-known in the mainstream. Sandy Denny wrote and sang some of the milieu's favourite folk and folk-rock songs. 9 Poly Styrene, from punk band X-Ray Spex was another notable exception.

The Slits and the Raincoats were bands built around women who made important contributions to post-punk music.

Suzie Quatro made a particular contribution as a glam rock style bass player and singer who took up many of the performance codes generally reserved to men: the low slung electric guitar, suggestive dominant sexual movements and growling voice. 10 Her example 5 Wizzard's song "See My Baby Jive" will serve as a handy example. 6 See her debut album The Kick Inside from 1978. 7 See her debut album Whatever's for Us from 1978. 8 See their debut album The Scream from 1978. 9 See her first solo album The North Star Grassman and the Ravens from 1971. 10 Philip Auslander "I Wanna Be Your Man: Suzi Quatro's Musical Androgyny".

showed that the attraction of movements and sounds generally associated with men could be more universal. This question of what was masculine, or even macho, about rock music and whether it was essentially so or could also be adapted to a wider set of identities and voices, was discussed in the women's liberation movement of the 1970s. The popular women's liberation magazine, Spare Rib, included manifestos, debates and analyses from "women in rock collectives" around the country. A "women in music" conference was held in 1973 by leading rock paper Melody Maker 11 In addition there were practical initiatives such as the founding, in the USA, of an all-woman recording company, Olivia Records, or a London distribution company for feminist records, Women's Revolutions per Minute, aiming at promoting "an autonomous music industry". 12 If in the question of gender, it was the gender dominant in society whose voice was heard, in questions of class and ethnicity, popular music appears to have had more space for subaltern voices.

Clearly the dark punk and other lyrics about unemployment, drink, alienation and violence appear as working-class voices, whereas reggae 13 gave considerable expression to non-white voices belonging to immigrants and descendants of Caribbean immigrants.

Why were new genres possible and what was new about them?

Another important group of questions is about musical genre.

To examine the myriad of popular songs of the decade, one is obliged Popular Music, Vol. 23, No. 1 (Jan., 2004). 11 Spare Rib, January 1974, p 44 12 Spare Rib August 1979, p. 40. 13 In addition to other forms such as Calypso less present in public debate.

to break them down into a smallish number of genres. For the 1970s, we habitually speak of such genres as glam rock, progressive rock, folk rock, punk, reggae, metal or synth pop. These categories by no means exhaust the mountain of vinyl which is seventies music, but they allow us to discuss certain innovatory trends.

Glam rock featured flamboyant or androgynous dressing and texts about love and partying or about fantasy. 14 The names of many stars -Wizzard, The Sweet, 15 The Glitter Band, Alvin Stardusttranslate the atmosphere, while David Bowie was the key figure who finally transcended the genre. 16 The theatrical flamboyance of glam rock went further in individual self-expression than the rock and roll of the 1960s, and the ambiguous sexualities often celebrated were part of a longer trend to wider bounds of acceptability.

Glam rock, in underlining the fabricated stage image as play and as theatre (see for example Bowie's playing the character of Ziggy Stardust and later of Aladdin Sane), challenged an important ideological tradition of previous popular musical forms: that of authenticity. Honest down-to-earth authenticity was at the centre of the folk aesthetic (particularly in Britain where many folk clubs even insisted that an artiste only sing traditional songs originating from their own region). And, according to the tradition of blues and psychedelic rock, the musical performance should be a natural authentic outpouring of the creative and emotional content of the soul: singers and guitarists were meant to perform almost in a trance. Glam rock undermined these myths by putting forward the artificial and the fabricated. It also emphasized the visual part of the show: lights, make-up and costume, in contrast to the centrality of the music defended by progressive rockers and others.

Glam rock attracted a significant mass following among working-class young people, especially young men, straight as well as gay, because it allowed the performance of masculinity to be individual, flamboyant and creative, rather than collective and taciturn as workingclass masculinity had often appeared. It has been suggested that working-class men aspiring to upward mobility were particularly sensitive to this genre of music. 17 Those artistes grouped together under the genre label "progressive rock", sometimes classically trained,19 recorded longer pieces, wanted coherent "concept albums" to be at the centre of their work, and eschewed the sexually boastful on-stage presence which had been part of the rock and roll experience. They represented a current which intended its work to remain relevant for many decades and not to be ephemeral.

Folk singing was, among other things, a way of performing national or regional identity. In particular, it was about performing Englishness, Irishness or Scottishness (in the 1970s, Welshness was mostly performed in the Welsh language and so relatively cut off from mainstream record markets and concert circuits). One could not imagine "British folk music", it had to be rooted in one and only one of the constituent nations of the British Isles.

Reggae, which had come to 1960s Britain from Jamaica, had initially been limited to West Indian communities in the bigger towns.

Its texts in Jamaican dialect, rebellious attitude and bass-dominated beat had represented for young British West Indians something of their own in these times before multicultural education. It thus became a way of performing Blackness in a positive, laid-back, generally nonviolent but combative, style. When examining reggae, it must be remembered that, in the mass activities which are popular music, performing identity is not limited to the "real possessors" of a given identity. As long as the song or the concert lasts, the young white student can sing along, imagining themselves as a marginalized Rastafarian. This is one of the key strengths of popular music in general. The timid bookish youngster at a heavy metal concert imagines himself as a virile Satanist from the first note to the last; the teenage male glam fan imagines what it would be like to wear makeup and create himself an elegant androgynous personality; the respectable young woman fan of iconoclastic punk singers, male or female, imagines herself expressing anger and cynicism in public. previous musical activities. From the early seventies, the phenomenon of "pub rock" had grown up, encouraging pubs to rent out rooms for small concerts, and encouraging large numbers of young people to form rock groups. Pub rockers wanted to be involved in music making, and close to their audiences, and distrusted the huge concerts of what was becoming known as stadium rock.

From a purely musical point of view, punk rock did not bring much innovation apart from an accelerated rhythm, a prominence for the drums and a preferring of rapid start-up in a song to gradual buildup. Its main contribution lay elsewhere. Punk's emergence in 1976 was an aesthetic response to the social and political crisis, but also a grass roots rock movement protesting against the loss of rebellious spirit in rock, now frequently represented by superstars playing in stadiums for millions of dollars. Born in the art schools, it rapidly gained popularity among working-class youth.

The punk narrator is often a bitter, sarcastic loser, and sarcasm in popular music had before that time been very rare. The Sex Pistols songs "Pretty Vacant" and "God Save the Queen" are the most iconic examples. The genre reacted against sophisticated and overlong virtuoso prog rock productions and against cheerful disco dancing hits to sing instead a grittier malaise. Punk seemed to open the gates to dealing with a much wider variety of themes in popular song, with a particular emphasis on the gritty. So, urban rebellion, 21 mental health 22 21 The Clash, "White Riot" 22 The Undertones, "Jimmy, Jimmy". Northern Irish politics, 23 masturbation 24 parental pressure for success, 25 or women's body image in society, 26 and many dozens of other topics were dealt with.

In the last few years of the decade, the synth pop genre emerged. Partly inspired by the German group Kraftwerk, this genre was aiming not at exploring new kinds of lyrical content or theatrical communication, but on producing new sounds, with the different kinds of synthesizer newly available commercially, or rigged up from spare parts by enthusiasts.

Kraftwerk's first appearance on UK television was on the popular science programme Tomorrow's World which aimed at showing people the technologies which were going to change their future. 27 The influence of Kraftwerk led some of those influenced by the Do It Yourself aesthetic of punk, to want to produce very new sounds. Out went all the guitars, drums and bass, to be replaced by synthesizers which had previously served only as an "extra" instrument in progressive rock bands. The genre of synth pop evolved very rapidly indeed. Before 1975 synthesizers were extremely expensive, more expensive than a car for example. Prices fell sharply towards the end of the 1970s, and this encouraged the rise of the genre. Tubeway Army 28 , Ultravox 29 and The Human League 30 were important names.

Music and politics

This brief survey of musical genres has looked at their capacities to adress some of the aesthetic and spiritual needs of a generation. But what of the political needs? The final question I wish to examine is "What effect did political music have in the 1970s?" This is a huge question, and the debate has often been polarized between the thesis that it is "obvious" that rock music changes the world and the opposite thesis that political popular music can only be preaching to the converted, or, worse, producing symbolic rebellion which is a brake on real rebellion. Britain in the 1970s, perhaps unsurprisingly given the social conflicts raging, produced a considerable corpus of political music.

There are (at least) three ways in which such music can try to make a difference. Firstly, through storytelling, in particular telling subaltern stories to mass audiences. When Rod Stewart, already a huge star, reached number 2 in the UK charts with "The Killing of Georgie" in 1976, a piece about a young homosexual thrown out of his home by his family and then killed by a homophobic street gang, the story telling was heard by millions of people and was found moving, even in an extremely homophobic decade. 31 The lyrics gave, to a mass audience, a concrete glimpse of the functioning of homophobia, at a time when there would have been, for example, no school curriculum content on the subject. His mother's tears fell in vain 31 As a reminder, the very first member of parliament to declare his homosexuality in public did so in 1984, and the first ever Conservative member of parliament did so in 2002 the afternoon George tried to explain That he needed love like all the rest Pa said, "There must be a mistake: how can my son not be straight After all I've said and done for him?".

The stories told in song can be of unknown or fictional characters, or of those who have come to fame in a political context. The song, "Biko" released by Peter Gabriel at the end of the decade, in hommage to the Black South Adrican leader murdered in a police cell, is an example of the second. A comprehensive attempt at evaluating the song's political effectiveness has been carried out by a South African researcher, Michael Drewett. 32 Secondly, popular song can invite the listener to try out a narrator position for themselves. The "message" of political songs is not usually about transmitting information. Popular songs are meant to be listened to many times, and singing along, out loud or silently, is an important part of the experience. The listener/co-singer is asked for a few minutes to imagine that they are the narrator, the singer, or both. Songs can, then, encourage the listener to play the role of political commentator, suffering victim, powerful rebel and many other roles. Another notable example from the 1970s was a song by the Tom Robinson Band: "Sing If You're Glad to Be Gay". 34 The verses ironized about the supposed freedom enjoyed by gays since the legalization of homosexuality in the late sixties. The chorus invited everyonestraight or gayto imagine themselves briefly as a publicly declared, happy and proud gay person singing it out loud. In a decade in which the majority of gays were not easily accepted even by their closest family, this was a powerful contradiction to the oppression, and this kind of participatory theatre might help audiences to change their views. Since invisibility is a key element of this oppression, the effect was even more forceful. 33 Which even led the Marist priest who was headmaster of my high school to denounce its message in school assembly, though he showed a mediocre grasp of the meaning of the lyrics. 34 This website has comprehensive information about the song and its reception : http://gladtobegay.net/ Thirdly and lastly, music networks and activities could be used to mobilize and publicize political discourses. The Rock against Racism movement, which organized from 1977 on several hundred concerts with punk and reggae groups on the same bill, and produced millions of leaflets and bulletins to contradict the propaganda of the far right, has become the most well-known example. 35 There is no space to analyze it here, but significant work has been done on this. This review of some, hopefully productive, questions on 1970s popular music and society has attempted to present a wide variety of interrogations, but all of them concentrated on a vision of popular culture as mass activity, and the analysis of popular music repertoires and processes as one aspect of a history from below which, although recognized as important in historical circles for a number of decades, is not always as present in public debate as it might be.

Works

  Metal, known at the time as heavy metal, also carried a good dose of theatricality. It, too, represented, among other things, a choice of how to perform masculinity, but the preference was more for sinister, aggressive sexuality than the elegant androgyny common in Glam. The metal genre was characterized by much higher volume than was traditional, by emphatic, jerky rhythm, and an original use of voice.Screaming, instead of being left as a form of articulation completely outside the field of artistic endeavour, was brought into the fold. Themes were often dark: Satanism, drug taking, war and sadomasochism were very much present. Black Sabbath's albums around this time include the four titles Paranoid, Sabotage, Heaven and hell and Mob Rules. Deep Purple's include Fireball, Machine Head, 17 Andrew Branch, "Social Mobility, Masculinity And Popular Music: The Case Of Glam Rock". Unpublished Ph D Thesis, University of East London, 2010.the early 1970s, Black Sabbath's loud screaming vocals and distorted guitar gained considerably more popularity than in the UK, and appealed particularly to crowds of Vietnam War veterans who came to their concerts. Back in Britain, in 1972 or 1974, heavy metal may well have been an aesthetic rebellion both against upbeat, ambitious, optimistic, smartly dressed, establishment ways of life, and against elite appeals to the spirit of the Blitz and patriotic stoicism in times of crisis.

  The 1970s was the decade reggae moved into the mainstream in the UK, symbolizing the desire of young West Indians to be publicly part of British life on their own terms, and showing their rejection of their parents' deferential attitudes to the "Mother country". Bob Marley's work made reggae universally known: his album Catch a Fire in 1973 was his first hit album in the UK, and Exodus (1977) perhaps the most influential. Aswad (formed in 1975) and the more political Steel Pulse 20 (formed the same year) were the most successful of the bands formed by UK born descendants of West Indian families. Punk rock, part artistic rebellion and part popular revolt, was more purely a product of the seventies. It was made possible because of 20 Their albums included Handsworth Revolution (1978) and Tribute to the Martyrs (1979).

32

  Michael Drewett, "The Eyes of the World Are Watching Now: The Political Effectiveness of 'Biko' by Peter Gabriel". Popular Music and Society, Vol 30, N° 1, 2007 We don't need no education We don't need no thought control No dark sarcasm in the classroom Teacher, leave those kids alone All in all, you're just another brick in the wall. Its tremendous popularity must indicate something about the mass experience of schooling in a decade of rapid change.

  cited AUSLANDER, Philip. Performing Glam Rock: Gender and Theatricality in Popular Music. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2006. AUSLANDER, Philip. "I Wanna Be Your Man: Suzi Quatro's Musical Androgyny". Popular Music, Vol. 23, No. 1, 2004 BRANCH, Andrew. " Social Mobility, Masculinity And Popular Music: The Case Of Glam Rock". Unpublished Ph D Thesis, University of East London, 2010. CHASTAGNER, Claude. De la culture rock. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 2011. 35 For a discussion of debates about its influence, see Ian Goodyer, "Rock against Racism: Multiculturalism and Political Mobilization", 1976-81, Immigrants & Minorities: Historical Studies in Ethnicity, Migration and Diaspora, 2003. DREWETT, Michael. "The Eyes of the World Are Watching Now: The Political Effectiveness of 'Biko' by Peter Gabriel". Popular Music and Society, Vol 30, N° 1, 2007. GOODYER, Ian. "Rock against racism: Multiculturalism and political mobilization, 1976-81". Immigrants & Minorities: Historical Studies in Ethnicity, Migration and Diaspora, 22:1, 2003. SABIN, Roger (ed.). Punk Rock So What?. London: Routledge, 1999. John Mullen is full professor in British Studies at the University of Rouen. He is the author of numerous articles and chapters, in English and in French, on the history of British popular music (see https://univrouen.academia.edu/JohnMullen), and also of the book The Show Must Go On: Popular Song in Britain during the First World War, published in 2015 by Ashgate/Routledge. He is at present working on a new edited volume No Business like Show Business: Popular Song across the World during the First World War.

Slade's "Cum on Feel the Noize" or Mud's "Tiger Feet" are fair examples.

See their song "Ballroom Blitz".

Slik, Pilot and Fox were three more well-known bands. The output of any of these artistes is easy to explore on Youtube.

Interview in the BBC documentary "Heavy Metal Britannia" https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AlpVVicUuQ8

Pink Floyd, Genesis, Yes, Jethro Tull, Led Zeppelin, ELP and King Crimson are among the most commonly cited.

Burn and Stormbringer. Judas Priest's albums include Sin after Sin, Killing Machine and Screaming for Vengeance.

Early key group, Black Sabbath, were working-class young men from the industrial parts of Birmingham. When interviewed about what made them produce such music, they emphasized their dissatisfaction with the hippie/Woodstock aesthetic, as well as the noises such as those of the industrial steam hammers they were used to hearing in their neighbourhood. 18 Peace and love was not necessarily our reality. We came from Aston, which was a pretty rough and tough area in Birmingham.

And there wasn't a whole lot of flowers being handed out in

Aston. […]

We didn't actually embrace the possibility of going to San Francisco with flowers in our hair for very long. It was a couple of months in 1967. Then by the time the British winter started to bite, normally somewhere in October, I personally binned my belt and beads and the caftan wasn't keeping me too warm. We were just reflecting on what our reality really did feel like.

Bands from Manchester and Newcastle followed fast upon Birmingham. But if it was initially moved by a desire to contest a previous style of popular music (as is generally the case with new rock genres), heavy metal would be received by its audience as a way to contest other dominant attitudes. When they toured the United States in


Préface

Linguistique du signifiant : diachronie et synchronie de l'espagnol. Une théorie, un domaine, une langue. Derrière le charme discret de son équilibre d'apparence classique, ce titre concentre un triple parcours de recherche à la fois individuel et collectif. Le premier concerne l'affirmation d'un paradigme et d'une méthode, la linguistique du signifiant. Le second oriente son application vers l'une de ses questions les plus délicates : la relation entre la diachronie et la synchronie. Le troisième, l'espagnol, n'est pas que la langue « anecdotique » à laquelle s'applique ce programme : l'espagnol est la langue étudiée par les linguistes français, ou installés en France, qui ont fait émerger la linguistique du signifiant sous cette dénomination. C'est dire que l'ouvrage de Gabrielle Le Tallec revêt une importance toute particulière dans le contexte de la linguistique actuelle. Nous sommes tout de même à une époque où la réflexion théorique n'a pas vraiment le vent en poupe ; où la réflexion sur le signe apparaît comme un vestige du siècle de Saussure, voire un écho des grammaires présocratiques et un avatar du postcratylisme commenté par Jakobson et Genette ; où la réflexion sur le signe a été occultée par les approches formelles, diluée par les grammaires de constructions, voire disloquée par le courant cognitiviste. Pourtant, contre modes et pressions, des linguistes, et en particulier la communauté des linguistes hispanistes de France, et en particulier cet ouvrage de Gabrielle Le Tallec, non pas « persistent », mais plus exactement, creusent leur sillon, avec une constance et une ténacité qui ne s'explique que par la force de la motivation intellectuelle qui sous-tend la démarche.

Alors de quoi est-il question exactement ? L'ouvrage qui s'ouvre comprend trois types d'études : un article général d'histoire de la théorie linguistique sur la linguistique du signe et signifiant ; deux études sur le traitement théorique de questions ciblées, l'approche référentialiste de la concordance des temps et la théorie des modes de Gilles Luquet ; et, « first but not least », une série d'études en diachronie de l'espagnol appliquées à l'accusatif prépositionnel et à des marqueurs liés à l'espace (y, o, ende, onde), à des bouquets de marqueurs interconnectés (o, do, onde, donde) et à des constructions qui les impliquent (fueras ende), couvrant la gamme des éléments formateurs, de leurs agglutinations qui composent les opérateurs, et de l'exploration des conditions d'emploi dans le discours. Voici un ouvrage qui concentre un parcours cohérent : une recherche qui, en partant d'une analyse systématique et détaillée de faits empiriques « sur la paillasse », en vient à s'approprier graduellement la linguistique du signifiant au point de la redéfinir, la faire évoluer, la mettre en perspective dans l'histoire des théories linguistiques, et finalement d'en faire un fer de lance des réflexions actuelles.

La linguistique du signifiant

Gabrielle Le Tallec me fait l'honneur et me confie la responsabilité difficile de préfacer cet ouvrage, la barre étant réellement haut placée, vue l'importance qu'elle accorde à la cognématique dans l'article dont le titre termine par ce terme, et très généralement l'implication de toute la théorie générale au coeur de la recherche de détail ici réalisée ; je tenterai de mettre en relief l'importance de cette publication par quelques éléments de perspective.

Bien souvent, la réflexion sur le langage commence par le signe. C'est vrai de la Têkhnê Grammatikê de Denys le Thrace, qui pour l'essentielle esquisse une typologie des classes de mots. C'est vrai de Saussure, avec le signe comme « quotient » du signifiant et du signifié ; c'est vrai de Guillaume, avec la théorie du mot comme unité de langue opposé à la phrase comme unité du discours. Avec sa phénoménologie de la perception, Merleau-Ponty nous enseigne que la visualisation d'un objet, ordinaire ou scientifique, est un acte de distinction finalisée qui suppose un engagement de l'observateur et un travail de façonnage de la chose que l'on distingue, quitte à croire a posteriori qu'elle pré-existait en l'état. De mon point de vue, l'histoire de la réflexion sur le signe relève de ce façonnage que l'on peut nommer phénoménogénie, façonnage nécessaire du phénomène observé. Saussure a façonné le signifiant et le signifié en les traçant sur une feuille de papier et en explicitant ce que lui inspire l'observation des traces qu'il a lui-même créées : interrogé visuellement et hors contexte, le mot lu éveille et fait distinguer une « image acoustique » que l'on peut transcrire phonétiquement, le signifiant, et un « concept » que l'on peut le plus souvent représenter par un schéma ou un dessin, le « signifié ». De même, le signifié se distingue précisément du référent dans cette condition particulière où l'on scrute le mot hors contexte, sans inscription dialogale en situation engagée ; tout change si l'on considère l'expérience du mot en tant que transit dans une chaîne phonatoire et non en tant qu'objet de focalisation attentionnelle, où signifié et référent resteront indistincts. Enfin, le « signifiant » est une « image acoustique » parce que Saussure s'est posé en observateur de la trace écrite et non en acteur assumé de la lecture dans sa dimension phonatoire et motrice. Du côté du signifié, le problème est analogue : le concept d'arbre est figuré par un dessin, mais Merleau-Ponty nous dit que l'idée et la vision d'un arbre convoque l'ensemble des engagements moteurs et sensoriels du corps humain relativement à cet objet et dans le cadre des pratiques normatives qui caractérisent les sociétés urbaines où nous vivons. Un arbre n'est pas qu'une forme, c'est un paquet de faisabilités pragmatiques (les affordances de Gibson) et incarnées par les motricités corporelles et neurophysiologiques (ce que Berthoz nomme la perçaction). Autrement dit, le signifié est, lui aussi, de nature motrice, comme le signifiant.

Et nous voici au coeur du « boulet » dénoncé par Toussaint et rappelé par Gabrielle Le Tallec dans son article général : pourquoi avoir posé le rapport signifiant / signifié comme « arbitraire » ? parce ce que, dès l'instant où le signifiant est évidé de sa dimension motrice, et que le signifié l'est également, la relation censée les lier opère à vide, elle est privée de ses points d'accroche d'un côté comme de l'autre, elle ne peut plus qualifier la force particulière qui devrait les solidariser. Le signe s'en trouve littéralement désintégré, privé de son intégrité. La linguistique du signifiant à laquelle parvient Gabrielle Le Tallec au terme du parcours réalisé par les articles rassemblés dans cet ouvrage vise fondamentalement à restaurer cette intégrité : dans ses propres termes et à propos de la cognématique, « La cognématique est en quelque sorte le chaînon manquant entre le phonatoire et le sémantique, cette union du son et du sens que cherchait Jakobson ». On peut en dire autant des propositions de Toussaint : d'une part, Toussaint propose une phénoménologie de l'articulation comme expérience motrice et sensorielle vécue en première personne ; il pose K comme phonème antérieur ou précoce, et T comme phonème postérieur ou tardif (relativement à l'orientation du flux de l'air expiré par le locuteur) : K sera le marqueur de la prospectivité (l'inchoation et l'interrogation) et T de la rétrospectivité (le passé, la présupposition, l'anaphore). D'autre part, Toussaint a d'abord pensé cette analogie comme une forme de phonomimétisme : le placement de l'articulation reflète la forme abstraite de la représentation mentale ; c'est la logique guillaumienne de la « psychosémiologie », où l'ordre de l'esprit, plan de la représentation, fait sa loi à celui de la phonation, plan de l'expression. Puis, Toussaint a changé d'avis en se demandant explicitement si ce n'est pas le signifié qui mime le signifiant : la représentation qui se laisse profiler par les contraintes incarnées du système phonatoire. La linguistique du signifiant ne dit pas autre chose en attribuant au signe le statut du commandeur sémasiologique qui évite au linguiste les donjuanismes arbitristes et onomasiologiques, mais il lui manquait simplement la corrélation des motricités du signifiant (la submorphologie telle qu'elle évolue actuellement) et du signifié (les affordances, la perçaction). Du côté de la cognématique, j'ai moi-même opéré indépendamment de Toussaint le même renversement de perspective : j'ai d'abord vu les cognèmes comme symboles kinésiques de cinétismes mentaux, parlant « d'iconicité cognitive », et cru que cette iconicité ne servait qu'à faciliter le transport des schèmes mentaux d'une conscience à l'autre par l'intermédiaire de modèles phonatoires iconiques, parlant de « cogno-transmetteurs phoniques » dans la communication intercorticale, par analogie avec les synapses interneuronales au niveau intracortical. Plus tard, j'ai reformulé la chose en disant que l'expérience de l'articulation, réalisée ou imaginée dans le cadre de la parole intérieure, permettait au corps humain de faire advenir des actes mentaux, en utilisant la kinésie corporelle comme levier, et en produisant des actes de représentation que le cerveau seul ne pourrait en aucun cas inventer sans intérioriser les effets de la kinésie phonatoire, ou les simuler.

La conséquence est très simple : une linguistique du signifiant qui assume la matérialité de la phonation comme support de la conceptualisation entre de facto dans le paradigme de la cognition incarnée et de l'énaction tel que l'ont promu les biologistes chiliens Varela et Maturana, inspirés par la phénoménologie de la perception de Merleau-Ponty. Mieux : cette linguistique du signifiant répond aux exigences théoriques de l'actuel paradigme dit de la « cognition des quatre E » (4 E cognition : embodied « incarnée », embedded « située », enactive « énactive », extended « étendue »). Ceci apparaît dans l'article général de Gabrielle Le Tallec quand l'étude dans sa partie finale s'affranchit de la question du signifiant pour en aborder deux autres, la chronosyntaxe et l'interlocution. La chronosyntaxe, c'est l'expérience des chaînes de marqueurs et de syntaxe avec leurs effets de pro-action et de rétroaction en temps réel. On en trouve des prémisses chez Valin, une systématisation post-guillaumienne chez l'hispaniste Macchi, une systématisation post-culiolienne en « grammaire instructionnelle » chez Col et Victorri, et une application au dialogue oral en allemand avec la on-line syntax de Auer. L'interlocution, au sens technique donné par Douay et Roulland, c'est le système abstrait qui permet la distinction graduée de rôles interlocutifs normatifs configurés par les systèmes grammaticaux : si les sujets parlant et écoutant sont empiriquement évidents, les locuteur et allocutaire en tant que rôles indistincts ou distincts inscrits dans l'appareil formel des systèmes de langues (pronoms, temps, démonstratifs, articles) sont à reconstruire à chaque énonciation pour chaque question sémantique distinguée dans l'énoncé, et ceci passe autant par le signifiant incarné que par la chronosyntaxe. L'art de faire sens par la parole est une technique disciplinée par la langue où se jouent conjointement la distinction de processus conceptuels et la distinction de soi et d'autrui en tant que collaborateurs convergents ou divergents dans des parcours intellectuels réalisés ensemble. Il ne s'agit pas d'encoder des représentations psychologiques par des formes symboliques comme le font les grammaires de constructions.

La linguistique du signifiant est également amenée à se positionner sur certaines questions relativement indécises chez Guillaume. D'une part, le statut des marqueurs grammaticaux : se contentent-ils de refléter la bonne marche des psychosystèmes, ou en participent-ils activement à leur fonctionnement ? Guillaume prenait cette direction dans les Leçons et les Prolégomènes où il est question de « lucidité » la langue comme appareil de capture et de transfiguration de l'intuition fugace à l'instant de conscience vive ; la production de parole sans laquelle l'intuition n'accéderait jamais à l'état d'idée consciente objectivée et stabilisée, exposée d'abord à soi-même et, optionnellement, à autrui par « l'expression ». Dans cette perspective, les marqueurs ne sont pas des symboles mais des opérateurs, les acteurs de la production de l'idée formatée par le « système de systèmes » en tant que machine à faire de l'esprit. Guillaume a eu l'intuition de l'importance de l'incarnation quand il a fait confiance aux « synapses psychosémiologiques », aux analogies révélatrices d'éléments formateurs, mais il n'a pas exploré l'importance de la motricité du signifiant dans l'émergence des cinétismes abstraits, ce vers quoi tend la linguistique du signifiant. D'autre part, Guillaume a eu la regrettable idée de fonder l'émergence du tenseur binaire radical sur l'expérience individuelle du monde par l'homme, le grand face-à-face, sans voir que celui-ci ne se présentait jamais hors des interactions verbales qui fondent le « petit face-à-face » de la communication dialogale. L'expérience de la signifiance incarnée est d'emblée interactive pour l'enfant qui vient au monde en se distinguant de la matrice et elle impose conjointement la distinction de soi et d'autrui en même temps que celle des actes de représentation impliqués par la phonation. Pour cette raison, la linguistique du signifiant, conjointement avec la chronosyntaxe et l'interlocution, progresse également vers la réintégration de la composante qui manque le plus cruellement à la psychomécanique des origines, la socialité ; et telle était bien l'une des ambitions explicites du groupe Mo.La.Che.

La diachronie

Les études en diachronie de marqueurs espagnols regroupés dans cet ouvrage marqueront donc la transition vers une linguistique du signifiant renforcé, où le « chef », initialement le signifié, sera de plus en plus le signifiant : « lecture du signifiant » ; « Ende (EN + DE) est une forme hybride qui porte dans sa matérialité linguistique la réalité et l'originalité de son mécanisme ». La succession des articles témoigne de l'affirmation de l'identité du programme que Gabrielle Le Tallec mûrit en repartant de la linguistique du signifiant qu'elle finit par renouveler dans les termes exposés par l'article épistémologique, son parcours personnel affectant désormais le paradigme. Les invariants proposés sont contraints par la lecture des éléments formateurs : l'auteur assume la double posture phénoménologique de locuteur produisant l'acte de représentation au moyen de voix articulées et d'allocutaire bénéficiant des marqueurs comme voies morphosémantiques de la conceptualisation. On est parfois saisi par la manière dont la lecture de certains signifiants espagnols converge avec la lecture de signifiants anglais de forme analogue pour des classes de mots et signifiés a priori sans rapport : ende produit « l'image d'une intériorité que l'on déserte », formule très proche de celle que j'ai utilisée à la même époque, et sans aucune connaissance mutuelle de nos travaux, pour le mot anglais end « la fin », comme dans le The End de la fin de projection cinématographique, où l'on confronte précisément le spectateur à la perspective de déserter l'intériorité du film qui s'achève. Le même type d'analyse s'applique encore pour la conjonction de coordination and « et », où le locuteur s'apprête à déserter l'intériorité d'un parcours énonciatif par la transition à une étape ultérieure, considérée d'un point de vue antérieur au franchissement du seuil. A contrario, des formes aux signifiants très semblables ont pu diverger fortement comme pues et puis français ou, évidemment, donde et dont : le signifiant amorce la signifiance par sa structure ; en aucun cas il ne détermine le signifié du marqueur catégorisé ; par-delà la signifiance, les signes entrent dans des systèmes d'oppositions où des valeurs activent des saillances qui différencient les invariants de formes d'apparence semblable. Les raisonnements menés sur le signifiant espagnol convergent avec ceux de la cognématique bien avant que la rencontre ne se concrétise. Telle que la pratique Gabrielle Le Tallec, la linguistique du signifiant met en évidence un répertoire limité d'éléments formateurs tels que i, o, n et d, à partir desquels la « langue » « tricote », compose et décompose, un bestiaire surprenant de marqueurs simples et complexes qui s'engendrent les uns les autres par divers procédés tels que l'agglutination, l'analogie et la réanalyse, mais aussi la simplification par « compression » ou « l'écrasement » des éléments formateurs. Sans vouloir retomber dans « la vie des mots » de Darmesteter, on ne peut s'empêcher de remarquer que les processus de formation, transformation et recomposition, processus assumés par des locuteurs vivants dans le cadre d'interactions verbales dont ils sont acteurs autant qu'observateurs, rappellent les processus vivants d'espèces biologiques où les agents interagissent, ce qui n'est pas si surprenant si on cesse de voir en le mot un objet matériel ; plutôt un phénomène ancré dans les interactions et qui tend à l'autonomie systémique, l'autopoïèse. Les éléments formateurs sont acatégoriels ou transcatégoriels, et leur composition facilite parfois le transfert d'un opérateur d'une catégorie dans une autre, autre point de convergence. La permanence des invariants procéduraux, abstraits par leur schématicité et concrets par leur ancrage au signifiant matériel, rend caduques et superflues bien des hypothèses liées à la dématérialisation et la grammaticalisation, du moins quand elles confondent l'analyse du marqueur (catégorisé) et celle de l'élément formateur sous-jacent, comme dans le cas de y.

Tout se passe comme si cette « jungle luxuriante », comme la désigne l'auteur, opérait comme un laboratoire qui, selon les étapes de la diachronie, teste une prolifération de formes originales, stabilise des états systémiques où certaines sont éliminées et d'autres conservées avec des valeurs d'oppositions décantées et clarifiées, et de nouvelles périodes critiques où la créativité reprend son essor, à la manière de la théorie des équilibres ponctués de Gould en biologie de l'évolution des espèces. Pour la linguistique contrastive des langues romanes, on voit poindre la possibilité de réaliser des comparaisons de ces viviers, avec des implications théoriques substantielles : que signifie en français exactement la construction en dehors de, pratiquement chiasmatique par rapport à foras ende ? Que deviennent ces regroupements, dégroupements, changements d'ordre si on les analyse à l'aune des éléments formateurs, de la déflexivité, de la chronosyntaxe ? Le français ne réalise-t-il pas lui aussi des réanalyses, comme pourtant et cependant, rattachés par -ant au même paradigme par -ant malgré l'altérité diachronique de pour tant et ce pendant ? Altérité diachronique de surface si l'on compare les unités construites, mais pas d'altérité profonde si l'on voit dans tant un processus de quantification inaccomplie reposant sur le même parcours de représentation que l'accomplissement aspectuel d'un temps d'évènement… La linguistique du signifiant suggère que derrière les signifiés représentationnels que sont la quantification et l'aspect, se cachent des processus non représentationnels, à la fois abstraits du fait de n'être inscrit dans aucun domaine de définition qui leur donne substance, et concrets du fait de coïncider avec l'articulation dans sa matérialité incarnée. La réanalyse des morphèmes et la réfection des systèmes se joue précisément sur la relation entre l'expérience de la signifiance et l'émergence des signifiés potentiels qu'elle inaugure.

La diachronie pose à la systématique des questions cruciales : comment l'hétérogénéité des interactions verbales permettent-elles l'émergence de comportement suffisamment cohérents pour finir par faire système ? Comment la tentation permanente de débordement est-elle régulée ? La réponse qui semble se dégager de ces études, ou du moins les indices qui s'esquissent, est que les éléments formateurs, contraints qu'ils sont par leur empan minimal et leur ancrage à la phonation, jouent un rôle à la fois inséminateur et régulateur, en créant des possibles à la fois ouverts mais contraints, et que l'usage tend aussi à sélectionner des formes en les conservant ou éliminant, soit parce qu'elles deviennent trop nombreuses, ou trop peu distinctives, ou quelque peu incongrues dans l'acte de représentation qu'elles suscitent. « L'usage », c'est donc le locuteur, acteur du système, usager des modèles de formes préexistantes, mais aussi observateur muni d'un point de vue, interprète des partitions signifiantes et, à ce titre, créateur de nouvelles interprétations. Un exemple particulier semble être le cas de nd de onde et donde, initialement l'association de on et de, mais qu'une vue d'ensemble de l'opérateur fait réapparaître comme un nd de transition ou d'accomplissement qui, au fond, explique beaucoup mieux la valeur métalinguistique du connecteur ou encore le dondismo sudaméricain, le remplacement de cuando par donde en fonction de relatif. La lecture de cet article de Gabrielle Le Tallec m'a donné à comprendre que le même phénomène concernait l'anglais into et le curieux belgicisme français endéans, et plus généralement que certaines agglutinations étaient renégociables, question que la cognématique n'avait pas entrevue à travers la seule synchronie. On entre ici dans le domaine de la chronoanalyse de Macchi : la forme n'est pas un objet géologique qui s'érode tout seul sous l'effet de la météorologie et du climat, mais un comportement humain interactif qui à la fois se pratique et s'observe, s'exécute et s'interprète, quitte à se permettre des écarts opportunistes et prendre des libertés créatives dès lors que la rencontre du hasard et de l'intuition produit l'étincelle heureuse.

Perspectives

On serait tenté de le dire, « on vit une époque formidable » : jamais on n'avait rencontré une masse critique aussi importante que celle qui fait bouillonner actuellement une certaine manière de faire de la linguistique dans le domaine hispanique, et cela dure et progresse en continu depuis des décennies, comme le montre et le réalise l'ouvrage de Gabrielle Le Tallec dans sa propre fenêtre de tir. Les héritages et débats guillaumiens, les réflexions sur le signifiant, l'incarnation, la chronosyntaxe, l'interlocution ; et au-delà, les corpus qui permettent l'appropriation détaillée de l'empirie disponible ; les bases de données pour les nouvelles propositions analytiques, la formalisation pour les nouveaux processus ; le dialogue avec des paradigmes omnidisciplinaires comme l'énaction, garants d'une inscription intellectuelle dans un processus collectif ouvert. Dans le même temps, les temps sont difficiles, les moyens limités, les attentes institutionnelles peu favorables à de tels programmes. L'ouvrage qui s'ouvre représente en lui-même un jalon important dans l'affirmation de ce programme, où la singularité des faits décrits met en lumière toute la généralité des processus que l'on découvre par des formes d'observation et de raisonnement renouvelées. Souhaitons-lui de jouer pleinement le rôle qu'il mérite, de catalyseur de recherche et de réflexion.

  (Lexiques, Dictionnaires, Informatique), Université Paris Nord


Antonio Falc
email: afalco@uch.ceu.es

Fernando S Ánchez
email: sanchezf@uch.ceu.es

Francisco Chinesta
email: francisco.chinesta@ensam.paris.fr

ON THE REDUCED FINITE DIFFERENCE SCHEMES OF IMPLICIT TYPE FOR PARABOLIC EQUATIONS AND APPLICATIONS

Keywords: Model Reduction, Singular Value Decomposition, Difference Schemes

In the present work we examine the feasibility and efficiency of the POD in the framework of Finite Difference Schemes of Implicit type for Parabolic Partial Differential Equations. Moreover, some applications are given.

INTRODUCTION

The aim of the present work is to introduce the Model Reduction in the context of Finite Difference schemes of implicit type. In order to compute the approximate values for the solution of generic parabolic PDE, at the grid points we introduce the following vectors. Let

u m = [u m 1 u m 2 • • • u m Nx-1 ] T ∈ R Nx-1
be the true solution of the PDE at time t m , and set

U m = [U m 1 U m 2 • • • U m Nx-1 ] T ∈ R Nx-1
, for the corresponding the approximation vector, where m = 0, 1, . . . , N t . Now, assume that by using a typical finite difference scheme of implicit type for equation we are to be able to construct the following two-level difference equation

QU m+1 = f(U m ) + g m , U 0 = u 0 . (1)
for m = 0, 1, . . . , N t -1 (see for example [START_REF] Thomas | Numerical Partial Differential Equations: Finite Difference Methods[END_REF] and Chapter 3 of [START_REF] Achdou | Computational Methods for Option Pricing[END_REF]). The vector g m is usually constructed from values {u m j : j = 0, N x , m = 0, 1, . . . , N t } and f : R Nx-1 -→ R Nx-1 . Here the matrix Q may depend on k t and h x . Thus, by solving this difference equation we obtain the matrix U = [U 1 U 2 • • • U Nt ] which represents the approximate solution to the true one that, in matrix form, we can write as u

= [u 1 u 2 • • • u Nt ].

A MODEL REDUCTION METHOD APPLIED FOR FINITE DIFFER-ENCE SCHEMES OF IMPLICIT TYPE

Now, we introduce a model reduction method to be used to reduce the finite-difference scheme of implicit type [START_REF] Achdou | Computational Methods for Option Pricing[END_REF]. We assume that in this case we can obtain the snapshots u (m) s ∈ R Nx-1 , for m = 0, 1, . . . , Nt , (here Nt is the snapshots number) either by experimental data or by previous computer simulation of a similar problem. Now, let the matrix

u s = u (1) s u (k) s • • • u ( Nt) s ∈ R (Nx-1)× Nt .
By means the Singular Value Decomposition, u s can be decomposed as

u s = σ 1 Ψ 1 v T 1 + • • • + σ r Ψ r v T r .
where {Ψ 1 , . . . , Ψ r } and {v 1 , . . . , v r }, are orthonormal basis and

σ 1 > σ 2 > • • • > σ r are the singular values (here r = rank u s ). Moreover, if v j = v 1 j • • • v Nx-1 j T , this implies that u (k) s = r j=1 σ j v k j Ψ j
and this representation is optimal in the following sense. From the Schmidt-Eckart-Young-Mirsky Theorem a the unique minimizer of the problem min

X,rank X=k ||u s -X|| F is given by X * = σ 1 Ψ 1 v T 1 + • • • + σ k Ψ k v T k , and ||u s -X * || F = r i=k+1 σ i ,
where || • || F denotes the Frobenius norm. Now we construct a reduced finite-difference scheme by using the representative modes obtained by using the SVD of the matrix of representative data. To this end we consider the set of representative modes

Ψ * = span{Ψ 1 Ψ 2 • • • Ψ l }
where l ≪ N x -1 is choosed by means the condition l i=1 σ i / r i=1 σ i > 0.9999. Then the reduced version of (1) is given by

Q| Ψ * proj Ψ * (U m+1 ) = proj Ψ * (f(U m ) + g m ) , U 0 = u 0 . ( 2
)
for m = 0, 1, . . . , N t -1, and where proj Ψ * (z) denotes the coordinates of z in the Ψ * -basis. Note that in the reduced version we solve N t linear systems with a l × l coefficient matrix.

A NUMERICAL EXPERIMENT

We compare the propagation errors in a standard Crank-Nicolson scheme vs. a Reduced one. To this end we borrow from [START_REF] Achdou | Computational Methods for Option Pricing[END_REF] the following PDE

- ∂u ∂t - σ 2 x 2 2 ∂ 2 u ∂x 2 -rx ∂u ∂x + ru = 0 for (x, t) ∈ [0, a] × [0, T ], (3)
where u(x, 0) = max(K -x, 0), u(0, t) = Ke -rt , u(a, t) = 0, here a ≫ K. This PDE has a nice solution in closed form and it is well-known that the error of the numerical solutions is concentrated around x = K and it is increasing as t m → T Let Ûm be the numerical solution obtained by means the proposed reduced finite difference scheme. In Figure 1 we plot, for r = 0.05, σ = 0.40, K = 8 and a = 16 the errors ||u m -U m || F and ||u m -Ûm || F for m = 0, 1, . . . , 400. In the curve with label 2 we use as snapshots u (m) s = U m for m = 1, . . . , 25, the twenty five firts iterations obtained by using the standard Crank-Nicolson scheme. On the other hand in the curve with label 1 we use as snapshots u (m) s = u m for m = 1, . . . , 75, the seventy five firts iterations of the true solution. In both cases the number of modes are equal to five and we can see that the reduced method improves the approximation to the analytical solution. Now, we will to test how the robust are the modes obtained in the later numerical experiment. To see this, we consider a hundred pairs of parameters values closed to r = 0.05 and σ = 0.40. We generate its by means the formulas r i = 0.05 + X i and σ i = 0.40+Y i , where X i and Y i are independent uniform random variables in [-0.02, 0.02], and [-0.2, 0.2], respectively for i = 1, 2, . . . , 100. For each (r i , σ i ) we compute u m i , U m i and Ûm i for i = 1, 2, . . . , 100. In Figure 2 we plot the mean errors (1/100) 100 i=1 ||u m i -U m i || F and (1/100) 100 i=1 ||u m i -Ûm i || F for m = 0, 1, . . . , 400. As we can see the behaviour is similar to the above experiment and this fact allow to us to assert that the reduced basis are robust against small variations of the parameters values.

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1: The standard Crank-Nicolson scheme vs. a Reduced one using two different sets of snapshots

Figure 2 :

 2 Figure 2: In these cases we use the modes obtained by the twenty five first iterations of a Crank-Nicolson scheme with fixed parameters values.

Antonio Falcó, Fernando Sánchez and Francisco Chinesta


Jeremy Eydieux

P Lorino

D Mourey

B Tricard

Valuation and Risk Management: Anticipation and Resilience

Classical theories and practitioners of risk management usually agree on two generic strategies for this management. On the one side, anticipation consists in managing risk through a detachment of actors and concrete risky circumstances; for example, by analyzing risk, establishing rules and norms and implementing them. On the other side, resilience consists in managing risk through interactions between actors and concrete risky circumstances; for example, by using sharp technical or managerial skills, or discussing the situations at hand. These two categories help organizational scholars to think the management of work (among other things), and are used by practitioners when they divide work related to safety.

Depending on what we are concerned about, the relation between anticipation and resilience is different. "Politics of safety" are doctrines establishing coherence between risk governance and risk management in operations. Anticipation and resilience are exclusive for each other [START_REF] Wildavsky | Searching for safety[END_REF], and must be balanced so that expected and unexpected risk can be managed properly. "Safety in the making" is concerned about how organizational reliability is maintained despite disruptions and complexities of technical systems [START_REF] Weick | Managing the Unexpected: Resilient Performance in an Age of Uncertanity[END_REF]. Anticipation and resilience work together and must be developed and managed simultaneously in order to avoid losing both of them. "Safety engineering" aims at designing safe systems. In this context, anticipation is the foundation of resilience, seen as the completion of safety [START_REF] Hollnagel | Resilience -the Challenge of the Unstable[END_REF]. These perspectives have in common that they imply a difference of nature between anticipation and resilience. Actors in resilience cannot provide certain anticipations, and those in anticipation fix beliefs that are always incomplete for situations yet to come. Anticipation and resilience categories, usually handy, can be an obstacle in some situations. In operations whose activities take only the form of resilience, such as manual work or invisible work, it is difficult to dialog with other operations in order to anticipate and organize interactions [START_REF] Eydieux | High-reliability organization seen through interstitial activities[END_REF]. For risk governance of projects that will surely produce unexpected events, such as the dismantling of nuclear facilities (IAEA, 2016), it is hard to define how to demonstrate or measure the preparedness for the unexpected.

Methodology

In order to answer the stated question, I study the case of the "technical dialog" that I propose as an ideal type of anticipation and heavy handling activities that I propose as an ideal type of resilience. The technical dialog contributes to the nuclear risk governance in France. During this interorganizational dialog, the Nuclear Safety and Radioprotection Institute (IRSN) assesses the safety demonstration produced by a nuclear operator to get an authorization to dismantle a facility. IRSN questions the gathered proofs and requests more proofs, and the nuclear operator clarifies its beliefs. I collected documents on the elaboration of a safety demonstration and of a safety assessment report [START_REF] Bowen | Document analysis as a qualitative research method[END_REF], and complemented them with interviews (≈10.000p. total). I analyze the intertextuality of these two corpora [START_REF] Keenoy | Organizing textscapes[END_REF], and use narrative analysis to analyze the final documents' content and their production processes.

I also study some heavy handling activities searching for dexterity and skills developed by workers and how they are protected and maintained by managers. As a factory activity, heavy handling is poorly formalized and its organization is "forced in resilience" due to the factory's other activities (using it as a slack). Yet heavy handling is essential for the functioning of the factory, as it is impossible to move work parts without it and because each lift could have catastrophic human and industrial consequences. I proceeded by an organizational ethnography of heavy handling, based on situated observations [START_REF] Journé | Collecter les données par l'observation in méthodologie de la recherche en sciences de gestion[END_REF] (12 weeks, ≈2000p. total). I study common typical situations of work and of management, and thus identify several necessary conditions for safety in heavy handling activity. I finally compare how risks are managed in the technical dialog and heavy handling. I search for the comparisons that are the less inaccurate relating to each field and at the same time the more insightful regarding the articulation of anticipation and resilience in each context [START_REF] Posnett | Comparative Literature[END_REF].

A Pragmatist Approach Towards Organizations

In order to build a sound analysis while comparing very different fields [START_REF] Corbin | Basics of qualitative research[END_REF] I propose a minimalist theoretical approach of organizations, presented in figure 1. It is based on two pragmatist notions1 . First is the notion of belief, i.e. habit of action that disposes individuals, groups and organizations to act in some way; which is widely found in the works of Peirce, James, Dewey and Rorty. The second notion is valuation, which is for [START_REF] Dewey | Theory of valuation[END_REF] a simultaneous judgment of a past action and framing of a future action. I consider it to be the action through which individuals, groups and organizations move from one belief to another. The interrelation of belief and valuation makes an approach through which organizations are viewed as implementations of methods for the conduct of human action. In other words, organizations are to be found in the ways we collect, select, analyze and test our data in order to decide on our conduct. This approach pursues an intellectual shift initiated by management studies, although accepted quite recently [START_REF] Journé | La décision comme activité managériale située[END_REF][START_REF] Lorino | Pragmatism and Organization Studies[END_REF]. 1877). Thus, by analyzing how actors elaborate on the value of elements related to risks, I determine whether they're applying valuation by authority (method of authority), valuation by theories (a priori method) or valuation by inquiry (method of science). These modes of valuation are also found in James (1896) in the "authority" (p.9-10), the a priori rejection of telepathy (p.10-11), and the "intellectual republic" (p.30). They are summarized in table 1. Modes of valuation are applied to each strategy, and to their articulation, from distinct references I develop further.

Valuation by authority

Valuation by theories

Valuation by inquiry

Anticipation [START_REF] Dewey | Lectures in China[END_REF]

Valuation

• Act of judging a past action and framing a future action valuation, and to distinguish valuations by the level of reflexivity actors engage within their management of risks. My analysis thus shows that the notion of valuation helps to overcome the theoretical dichotomy between anticipation and resilience while recognizing the very practical difference between them. By thinking valuation as elaboration of "ends-in-view" or "mean-ends" [START_REF] Dewey | Theory of valuation[END_REF], the theory of valuation replaces the dichotomy between anticipation and resilience by a continuum of valuations made in different situations. So that we can find how actors strongly engaged within anticipation or resilience may contribute to the other strategy.

Practical Distinction Between Anticipation and Resilience

While [START_REF] Dewey | Theory of valuation[END_REF] would deny the difference of nature between anticipation and resilience -as he denies the difference of nature between means and ends -he would not deny the practical distinction between them, underlying instead that it is very important. People elaborating valuations are often different, along with their relations to the objects of their valuations. Anticipation and resilience are different as they involve different groups, which have different relations to risks.

Governing Risky Situations

In anticipation, like in technical dialog, people manage risks that are materially not here. In the case of the safety demonstration elaboration, I found that the nuclear operator worked with another company in order to assess the feasibility of a process based on rope access technicians. This company suggests setting up dedicated spaces in order to optimize movements of workers: spaces for pedestrians and forklifts on two distinct floors, and a space dedicated to rope access technicians to store their equipment close to the workplace. These suggestions are then included in the safety demonstration by the nuclear operator. The discussion about spaces involving nuclear operator and its partner is an implementation of valuation by theories, as it is based on theoretical considerations about the good organization of work. Integration of these suggestions in the safety demonstration contributes to the building of nuclear operator's authority, and as such is related to "authoritarian government" in Dewey's terms (1973).

In the case of the safety assessment report, I found that nobody has doubt related to skills at the beginning of the assessment. This is during their immersion in the field that Human Factors (HF) experts doubt that safety skills can be maintained, given that a lot of manual work is involved in the dismantling and given the imminent retirements of workers. They write a recommendation including three requests related to the management of skills and professional training. The recommendation included in the assessment report has its wording modified but keeps its initial meaning, so that the doubts of HF experts have become the ones of the IRSN. The elaboration of the recommendation by the HF experts is closely related to what [START_REF] Dewey | Lectures in China[END_REF] calls "the attitude of inquiry" as it is based on a doubt experienced by governing people about the interests of other groups [START_REF] Lorino | The experience of time in the inter-organizing inquiry: A present thickened by dialog and situations[END_REF]. But then, the introduction of this recommendation in the assessment report is an implementation of valuation by authority as it aims at building IRSN's authority towards the assessed case.

Having an Experience of Risky Situations

In resilience, like in heavy handling, people manage risks by interacting with them.

In my observation of the work of a manager coordinating heavy handling activities of a factory (4 weeks), I see that an important part of his job is dedicated to free up spaces in which heavy handling workers can do their job.

One morning we are quite busy, as he has to manage the arrival of two ferrules. Two trucks are coming with them, and a team of welders from the customer is coming to separate the ferrules from the trucks (to which they were temporarily welded for the transport). The coordinating manager finds space for the trucks in the factory by guiding their entrance himself in situ. He applies the valuation by inquiry, as his action aim at making clear the perceptions of truck drivers related to the spaces allocated for them. For the welders, the coordinating manager could just call the heavy handling team leader by phone to remember him the importance of saving them space so that they can work properly. Heavy handling workers may indeed occupy spaces the coordinating manager had just freed up.

Here he is closer to "partisan conventionalism" [START_REF] Dewey | Art as experience[END_REF] as he recalls his colleague a rule widely known among people working with welders: they need space for their equipment.

In another context of observation, I was following two heavy handling workers, Florent and Gaël. They have to turn over a tubular slab (quite small but heavy). This handling is dangerous as the part has sharp edges that may cut the slings during the lift, making the part swing or fall. During the mooring, they use mats in order to protect the slings from the tubular slab. Florent has a greater experience of heavy handling than Gaël, and he sees he has difficulty installing a mat. He shows him how to do it, as shown in figure 2. The problem experienced by Gaël was that he positioned the "U" of the mat the other way around, which made the mat move when the slings were tensed. In this case, Florent applies valuation by theories as he describes a rule widely known in the heavy handling craft. Later, seeing that Gaël still have troubles installing his mat, Florent shows him the trick again. He adds one precision regarding the position of the mat. As shown by figure 3, the mat should be positioned at the center of the sling's trajectory. Florent here helps Gaël to perceive more clearly this common knowledge of heavy handling, thus he applies valuation by inquiry [START_REF] Dewey | Art as experience[END_REF]. Gaël now have a clearer indication about how he can perfect is own action [START_REF] Chia | From knowledge-creation to the perfecting of action: Tao, Basho and pure experience as the ultimate ground of knowing[END_REF].

Articulating Anticipation and Resilience

While he recognizes the practical distinction between anticipation and resilience, [START_REF] Dewey | Theory of valuation[END_REF] would deny their difference of nature supposed by risk management literature and practitioners. This is good as this difference is what makes the question I am addressing so puzzling, and what blocks practitioners of the technical dialog (who think they cannot include resilience) and of heavy handling activities (who think they cannot anticipate). To describe how to articulate anticipation and resilience when one is strongly engaged within one of these strategies, I rely upon Rorty's notion of solidarity and its obstacles.

No Articulation Possible

The first obstacle I identify regarding the articulation of anticipation and resilience is the use of authority for the valuation of risk. It outcomes in the Rorty's (1998) "strongman", i.e. the last conceivable solution when systems designed to produce solidarity have failed.

In the compared cases, valuation by authority occurs when the technical dialog is materialized in texts. As these texts do not articulate governed risky situations, they do not help me identify how the valuations of heavy handling managers and workers may contribute to anticipation. For the same reason, I cannot say that these texts are articulating anticipation and resilience either.

In the presented cases, valuation by authority is only found in the technical dialog; but I also find heavy handling workers and managers who base their valuation of risk on their reputation of good workmen.

Missed Articulation

The second obstacle for the articulation of anticipation and resilience is the use of theories to value risk. This is what Rorty (1998) calls the "cultural left", that is solidarity theorized to such an extent that it does not dispose people to act with the intention of helping other people.

I find this obstacle in three cases. First is where IRSN's HF experts inquire and write a recommendation related to safety skills, while Florent explains a rule of the heavy handling craft to Gaël. The communication of common knowledge from Florent does not let me say that the inquiry of HF experts may help resilience.

The second case is where the coordinating manager finds space for the truck in situ, while the company helping the nuclear operator suggests setting up dedicated spaces. As this company is expressing its concern with spaces from a theoretical ground, I cannot tell if the manager's inquiry would help anticipation activities of other people. Finally, articulation of anticipation and resilience is missed in the case where the company makes the same suggestion related to space and the coordinating manager recalls to the team leader that welders need space in order to work. The problem is that actors are doing a priori valuations in each case, which makes I cannot know if these judgments are truly contributing to the management of risky situations.

Articulation Succeeded

I find the articulation of anticipation and resilience strategies, when one is strongly engaged within one of them, in the case where actors in both fields are applying valuation by inquiry. It is a most direct application of what [START_REF] Rorty | Contingency, irony, and solidarity[END_REF] calls "solidarity": "doubt about [one's] own sensitivity to the pain and humiliation of others, doubt that present institutional arrangements are adequate to deal with this pain and humiliation, curiosity about possible alternatives " (p.198). Actors thus engage with other people's experiences of risk management [START_REF] Shields | Classical pragmatism: Engaging practitioner experience[END_REF].

The one case I found such a convergence of doubts is where IRSN's HF experts inquire and write a recommendation about safety skills and where Florent helps Gaël to see more clearly the common skill of mats installations. The interaction between the two workmen let me say that the HF experts' inquiry can help other people to have an experience of risky situations encountered during the dismantling operations. The concern of the HF experts regarding safety skills makes me say that the sharing of craft skills, as Gaël does with Florent, is an important factor of risk governance (especially for a poorly formalized activity).

Concluding Discussion

The comparisons I have just made induce me to write down one method for the articulation of anticipation and resilience strategies. In my PhD dissertation, I call it "to give slack to the craft". It consists in, in an utterance or text describing an activity, expressing precisely some elements related to the activity (space, object, tools, raw materials), so that concerned actors can doubt the implementation of the described activity. For example, for the director of a subcontractor company contributing to the writing of a subcontracting contract, aiming at his workmen having sufficient resources to work reliably on a construction site with multiple subcontractors, it would be using the opportunity to negotiate customer engagements to introduce specific elements related to his company's activity, so that his workmen can claim not being able to do the job without them.

In my PhD dissertation [START_REF] Eydieux | Gouverner les risques par le doute. Une approche pragmatiste du dialogue technique[END_REF], I propose that anticipation and resilience, the convergence of doubts from governance and operations, can also be produced by a lack of elements. I call it "to preserve an area of fuzziness". It is, in an utterance or text describing an activity, expressing part of it in an allusive way, because one is doubting of the exact way of expressing it, so that other people related to the writing can specify the expression after having subjected it to their own doubt. For example, for a person writing a rule related to the conduct of a nuclear power plant wanting to prescribe a safe behavior, it would be using the possibility to indicate occasionally a result to obtain rather than a way to proceed, in order to arouse operators' initiatives.

These two methods bring points of discussion with current literature about articulation of anticipation and resilience. They both extend the work of [START_REF] Weick | Managing the Unexpected: Resilient Performance in an Age of Uncertanity[END_REF]. With "to give slack to the craft", I agree with these authors that articulation of anticipation and resilience, with the integration of elements, outcomes in beliefs more coherent with risky situations. "To preserve an area of fuzziness" makes me agree with them about organizational reliability resulting from continuous processes of representation refinements. The same method leads me to contradict [START_REF] Wildavsky | Searching for safety[END_REF] about his idea of actors having to realize some sort of equilibrium between anticipation and resilience. For me, actors just do not express doubts that they think would be too much speculative in order to let other people doubt in a way more coherent with risky situations. Thus, the most important is not so much to balance source of rules, but rather to identify when we are not the best fitted to doubt. Finally, "to give slack to the craft" leads me to relax the theory of [START_REF] Hollnagel | Resilience -the Challenge of the Unstable[END_REF] for which actors must perform very detailed analyzes of risky situations in order to be able to handle them. I say it is not necessary to analyze possible events or accidents. What is necessary is to clarify the elements we would need in order to make other people doubt of the viability of operations.

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1: Organizations as methods for the conduct of human action I identify three modes by which valuation may be realized, based on the methods of the fixation of beliefs by[START_REF] Peirce | The Fixation of Belief[END_REF]. Thus, by analyzing how actors elaborate on the value of elements related to risks, I determine whether they're applying valuation by authority (method of authority), valuation by theories (a priori method) or valuation by inquiry (method of science). These modes of valuation are also found in[START_REF] James | The will to believe: And other essays in popular philosophy[END_REF] in the "authority" (p.9-10), the a priori rejection of telepathy (p.10-11), and the "intellectual republic" (p.30). They are summarized in table 1. Modes of valuation are applied to each strategy, and to their articulation, from distinct references I develop further.

Figure 2 :

 2 Figure 2: The "right way" of installing a mat in a sling

Figure 3 :

 3 Figure 3: Installing a mat "in the middle" of a sling

Table 1 :

 1 Three modes of valuationUsed both for the technical dialog and heavy handling activities, these categories are used to describe how actors elaborate new beliefs and doubts through

	on types of governments	Authoritarian government	Extreme radicalism conservatism and extreme	Attitude of inquiry
	Resilience Dewey (1934) on types of critics	Judicial criticism	Personal predilection and partisan conventionalism	Helping the direct experience of others
	Articulation Rorty (1989, 1998) on solidarity	Strongman	Cultural left	Self-doubt about pain and humiliation

In order to avoid the pitfall of represenationalism implied by some popular terms associated with beliefs, for example "software", I picture the belief notion with a game pad, which disposes players to act in some way within video games circumstances.