Simon Bicaïs
email: simon.bicais@cea.fr

Jean-Baptiste Doré

José Luis Gonzalez Jimenez

On the Optimum Demodulation in the Presence of Gaussian Phase Noise

Keywords: Millimeter wave, Phase noise, Maximum likelihood detection, Complete metric space, Channel estimation

Millimeter-wave systems appears to be one of the foremost solutions to face the exponential growth of the data traffic. Yet, their performance are severely degraded by oscillators phase noise. This paper addresses the design of optimum receivers affected by phase noise. We first derive the optimum decision metric for symbol detection under the assumption of a Gaussian phase noise and a high signal-to-noise ratio. In contrast to state-of-the-art approaches, we propose to represent within a complete metric space the demodulation over the phase noise channel. The provided framework enables the use of efficient algorithms to perform the demodulation. Computable probabilistic demapper values are derived upon the optimum metric to implement soft channel decoding. This work shows that knowledge of the channel statistics can be capitalized to enhance performance of both coded and uncoded systems. Eventually, we propose the necessary channel estimation scheme and evaluate the performance degradation due to estimation errors.

I. INTRODUCTION

With regard to the spectrum shortage in the cellular bands, the millimeter-wave (mmWave) spectrum has aroused lots of interest in the research domain. With unprecedentedly large bandwidth, mmWave systems are considered to be one of the foremost solutions to face the exponential growth of the data traffic. Within the next couple of years, a requirement of 10+ Gbit/s user throughput is foreseen. Nonetheless, the poor performance of high frequency oscillators [START_REF] Voicu | Performance and Trends in Millimetre-Wave CMOS Oscillators for Emerging Wireless Applications[END_REF] plagues mmWave systems with strong Phase Noise (PN). This has motivated extensive work on the design of optimum receivers for systems impacted by PN. Numerous of these optimum receivers are listed in [START_REF] Krishnan | Soft metrics and their performance analysis for optimal data detection in the presence of strong oscillator phase noise[END_REF] for the common PN models. Still, most of the literature's detectors present complex structures hindering any analytical study. The development of telecommunications has proved that simple analytical frameworks are fundamental for the design of communications systems as they provide means to pursue comprehensive analyses and thus develop efficient algorithms.

Contributions: Through this work, we aim at improving the design of high-rate mmWave communications. This paper mainly pursues the study of Krishnan [START_REF] Krishnan | Soft metrics and their performance analysis for optimal data detection in the presence of strong oscillator phase noise[END_REF]. Similarly, we assume a high SNR and a Gaussian PN to derive the already known Maximum-Likelihood (ML) decision premetric for symbol detection. In contrast to [START_REF] Krishnan | Soft metrics and their performance analysis for optimal data detection in the presence of strong oscillator phase noise[END_REF], we exploit further the high SNR approximation to properly define the polar metric. Our metric achieves the same optimum performance of the ML premetric but enables us to come within the scope of complete metric spaces. Representing signals upon an appropriate metric space allows the use of efficient algorithms to perform the demodulation. Further, to enhance performance of coded systems, we propose computable probabilistic demapper values using the polar metric to implement efficient soft decision decoding. Though knowledge of the channel statistics improves the performance, it requires a channel estimation. Accordingly, we propose ML estimators of the thermal and phase noise variances. The performance degradation due to estimation errors of the polar metric are eventually evaluated and compared to the ML premetric one.

Organization: The remainder of this paper is structured as follows. Section II introduces a brief description of the channel and PN models. Section III derives the polar metric decision rule for optimal symbol detection impacted by Gaussian PN. Further, Section IV is devoted to the evaluation of probabilistic demapper values. Finally, an appropriate channel estimation is proposed in Section V to implement the optimal demodulation.

II. SYSTEM MODEL

A. Channel

We consider the complex Additive White Gaussian Noise (AWGN) channel impacted by PN. The received signal is then written as

r = s • e jφ + n, (1)
where s is the modulated symbol, φ is the oscillator PN and n represents a zero-mean circular complex Gaussian noise with variance 2σ 2 n . The transmitted symbol s belongs to the constellation C with average energy E s and modulation order M . We will use the polar representation such that s ρ and s θ stand respectively for the amplitude and phase of symbol s.

B. Phase noise

The Gaussian distribution is mathematically convenient and thus often exploited to pursue simple analytical analyses [START_REF] Krishnan | Constellation Optimization in the Presence of Strong Phase Noise[END_REF]. In fact, it appears to be an appropriate PN model for mmWave systems. When considering wide bandwidth systems, the oscillator noise floor represents the greatest contribution to the overall PN [START_REF] Khanzadi | Calculation of the Performance of Communication Systems From Measured Oscillator Phase Noise[END_REF]. Then the oscillator PN φ is to be described by a zero-mean Gaussian distribution with variance σ 2 p as follows φ ∼ N (0, σ 2 p ).

III. MAXIMUM LIKELIHOOD SYMBOL DETECTION A. Optimum decision metric at high SNR Regarding symbol-by-symbol detection, the Symbol Error Probability (SEP) is minimized by the Maximum A Posteriori (MAP) decision criterion [START_REF] Proakis | Digital Communications 5th Edition, ser. McGraw-Hill series in electrical and computer engineering : communications and signal processing[END_REF]. When transmitted symbols are equiprobable and mutually independent, this criterion simplifies to the ML decision rule [START_REF] Proakis | Digital Communications 5th Edition, ser. McGraw-Hill series in electrical and computer engineering : communications and signal processing[END_REF]. The optimum receiver decision is hence defined upon the likelihood function p(r|s). With regard to the channel model in Eq. ( 1), it is relevant to rewrite p(r|s) = p(r ρ , r θ |s ρ , s θ ).

(

) 3
Let us denote by n the shifted noise n • e -j(s θ +φ) which is identically distributed to n as the complex AWGN is circular.

We then study the received symbol through its amplitude and phase as

r ρ = (s ρ + n ) • e j(s θ +φ) = s ρ + (n ) 2 + (n ) 2 s ρ + (n ) (4)
and

r θ = arg[(s ρ + n ) • e j(s θ +φ) ] = s θ + φ + arctan (n ) s ρ + (n ) s θ + φ + (n ) s ρ . (5)
These first-order approximations clearly hold under a high SNR assumption. Further, exploiting the high SNR assumption enables to derive a simple closed-form expression of the channel likelihood function [START_REF] Krishnan | Soft metrics and their performance analysis for optimal data detection in the presence of strong oscillator phase noise[END_REF]. We conclude from the thermal and phase noise model in Eq. ( 1) and (2) that

r ρ ∼ N (s ρ , σ 2 n ), r θ ∼ N (s θ , σ 2 p + σ 2 n /s 2 ρ ). (6)
It is straightforward that the likelihood function follows a bivariate Gaussian distribution defined by

p(r|s) = exp - 1 2 (r ρ -s ρ ) 2 σ 2 n + (r θ -s θ ) 2 σ 2 p + σ 2 n /s 2 ρ 2π σ 2 n (σ 2 p + σ 2 n /s 2 ρ ) . (7)
This expression has been originally derived in [START_REF] Krishnan | Soft metrics and their performance analysis for optimal data detection in the presence of strong oscillator phase noise[END_REF] and leads to the ML detection decision at the receiver given by

ŝ = arg max s ∈ C p(r, s) = arg min s ∈ C d 2 (r, s), ( 8
)
where d is the ML premetric defined by

d 2 (r, s) = (r ρ -s ρ ) 2 σ 2 n + (r θ -s θ ) 2 σ 2 p + σ 2 n /s 2 ρ + log 1 + 1 σ 2 p • σ 2 n s 2 ρ . (9)
The ML premetric has proved to yield significant gain in performance compared to the Euclidean distance detector [START_REF] Krishnan | Soft metrics and their performance analysis for optimal data detection in the presence of strong oscillator phase noise[END_REF].

This decision rule is the minimization of the Mahalanobis distance [START_REF] Moon | Mathematical Methods and Algorithms for Signal Processing[END_REF]. However, in this case the covariance matrix is defined upon the amplitude of the sent symbol s ρ . Therefore, considering d is not convenient since it does not define a metric. Indeed, the map d : C × C → R + is neither symmetric nor subadditive -even if the log term is considered negligble in the decision.

Without loss of generality, we can assume that σ 2 p +σ 2 n /s 2 ρ σ 2 p +σ 2 n /E s , which is a tight approximation at high SNR. This leads to the polar metric decision rule

ŝ = arg min s ∈ C d 2 γ (r, s), d 2 γ (r, s) = (r ρ -s ρ ) 2 + (r θ -s θ ) 2 γ 2 , ( 10
)
where

γ 2 = σ 2 p /σ 2 n + 1/E s .
One of the advantages of exploiting the polar metric rather than the ML premetric is that distances are simpler to evaluate on practical systems. Besides, in doing so, the polar metric d γ is well-defined and enables us to pursue the analysis within the scope of complete metric space.

B. Framework

Lemma 1. Let the complex number s be represented by its polar coordinates (s ρ , s θ )

∈ P = [0, ∞) × [-π, π].
Then the space P N -of sequences s = {s ρ,k , s θ,k } 1≤k≤N of N numbers in P -is a complete metric space when equipped with the metric d γ :

P N × P N → R + defined by d 2 γ (x, y) = N k=1 (x ρ,k -y ρ,k ) 2 + (x θ,k -y θ,k ) 2 γ 2 , γ 2 ∈ R + * , (11
) for every x, y vectors of P N . Proof: It is sufficient to demonstrate that P N is a closed subset of the complete metric space (R 2N , d γ ). First, it is trivial that the map d γ is a weighted Euclidean distance on R 2N . It follows immediately that (R 2N , d γ ) is a complete metric space. Ultimately, the metric space (P N , d γ ) is complete as

P N is clearly a closed subset of R 2N .
From now on, we will abbreviate by p 2 the metric space (P N , d γ ) providing the framework to study the Gaussian PN channel. Metric spaces, by generalizing the notion of distances, provide a fundamental framework for telecommunications. Lemma 1 ensure that efficient algorithms may be designed for the demodulation of signals over the Gaussian PN channel. By way of example, the Nearest Neighbor (NN) search to realize the symbol detection in Eq. [START_REF]IEEE Standard for Information technology-Local and metropolitan area networks-Specific requirements-Part 11: Wireless LAN Medium Access Control (MAC)and Physical Layer (PHY) Specifications Amendment 5: Enhancements for Higher Throughput[END_REF] or to compute the probabilistic demapper valueslater defined in Eq. (17) -may be performed very efficiently within p 2 using projections or sphere decoding. However, design of such algorithm exceeds the scope of this paper and is to be addressed in a future dedicated one.

To conclude, it is important to highlight the strong similarity of the Gaussian PN channel and the complex AWGN one. This is well illustrated by the fact that the system model in Eq. ( 1) and ( 2) can be approximated within P by

(r ρ , r θ ) (s ρ + n ρ , s θ + n θ ), (12)
where n ρ and n θ follows Gaussian distributions with respect to Eq. ( 6). In fact, we entitled the space p 2 by analogy to the space l 21 , usually exploited to study discrete signals over linear channels.

C. Application: demodulation of uncoded M -QAM

We depict in Fig. 1 the BER performance of an uncoded 16-QAM with detection based either on the Euclidean distance, or on the ML premetric, or on the polar metric. First, it should be highlighted that the error floor, due to PN, is significantly reduced by using an appropriate decision rule. These simulations also demonstrate that performance achieved by the polar metric, with a simpler expression, are identical to the ML premetric one at high SNR. Fig. 1 is an illustration of the performance maximization through Channel-State-Information (CSI) capitalization. It is worth mentioning that using channel statistics to properly represent the signal and hence optimize the communication performance is a well-known scheme, implemented for instance in the Orthogonal Time Frequency Space (OTFS) waveform [START_REF] Hadani | Orthogonal Time Frequency Space Modulation[END_REF].

IV. PROBABILISTIC DEMAPPER

Channel coding is indivisible of modern communication systems, for it provides a means to achieve robust communications over noisy channels. Furthermore, it is usually complemented with soft decision decoding, which is known to improve significantly the performance of channel decoders.

A. Bit LLR values

Let us here consider a Bit-Interlaved-Coded-Modulation (BICM) architecture such that the symbol s maps the binary word b = (b 1 , ..., b log 2 (M ) ). The optimum hard decision on the simple detection problem regarding bit b i is achieved by the ML criterion [START_REF] Moon | Mathematical Methods and Algorithms for Signal Processing[END_REF] bi

(r) = 1, if L i (r) > 0 0, otherwise , (13)
where L i , the Log-Likelihood-Ratio (LLR) of decision bi , is defined by

L i (r) = log p(b i = 1|r) p(b i = 0|r) . ( 14
)
While the sign of the LLR supplies the decision to be taken, its absolute value quantifies the reliability of this decision. By applying Bayes' rule and assuming equiprobable symbols, the LLR may be written as

L i (r) = log s1∈C i 1 p(r|s 1 ) s0∈C i 0 p(r|s 0 ) , (15)
where C i β denote the subset of the constellation symbols satisfying b i = β. This expression are tedious to evaluate directly. However, simplified but suboptimal LLR can be obtained through the commonly used max-log sum approximation [START_REF] Tosato | Simplified soft-output demapper for binary interleaved COFDM with application to HIPERLAN/2[END_REF], viz. log( k x k ) max k log(x k ). This approximation is tight at high SNR and leads to

L i (r) max s1∈C i 1 log p(r|s 1 ) -max s0∈C i 0 log p(r|s 0 ) . ( 16
)
In addition, most of implemented decoder algorithms are not sensitive to normalization, e.g. the min-sum decoder for LDPC. Such that, we can express the LLR upon the polar metric defined in Eq. ( 10) by

L i (r) min s0∈C i 0 d 2 γ (r, s 0 ) -min s1∈C i 1 d 2 γ (r, s 1 ). ( 17
)
Several comments should be pointed out. First, this expression is identical to the LLR of an AWGN channel if d denoted the Euclidean distance [START_REF] Tosato | Simplified soft-output demapper for binary interleaved COFDM with application to HIPERLAN/2[END_REF]. Furthermore, the bit LLR values in Eq. ( 17) can be computed simply -which is not the case for the ML premetric -since the polar metric d γ is no more than a weighted Euclidean distance within p 2 . Although the proposed demodulation is applied to QAM constellation in the following, it is valid for any modulation scheme. To the best of our knowledge, performance gains provided by an appropriate decision metric for demodulation of coded systems over the Gaussian PN channel have never been evaluated. Besides, in the high-rate communications context, Low-Density-Parity-Check (LDPC) codes are recognized as a foremost solution for error-correcting codes. Due to their excellent performance and highly parallelizable decoders, they have been adopted in several recent communication standards, e.g. 5G-NR [START_REF]3rd Generation Partnership Project (3GPP)[END_REF]. Therefore, a LDPC code appears as the most sensible choice to evaluate the proposed LLR expression. To be specific, the implemented code follows the specifications of the IEEE 802.11 standard [START_REF]IEEE Standard for Information technology-Local and metropolitan area networks-Specific requirements-Part 11: Wireless LAN Medium Access Control (MAC)and Physical Layer (PHY) Specifications Amendment 5: Enhancements for Higher Throughput[END_REF] with a min-sum decoder, a block length of 1944 bits and a coding rate of 2/3. Fig. 2 presents the BLock Error Rate (BLER) performance of a 16-QAM for arbitrary values of PN variance. In particular, it is shown that the polar metric yields significant gain in performance compared to the Euclidean distance. If the SNR is low and the PN variance is minor, then the Euclidean detector slightly outperforms (< 0.1 dB) the polar metric demodulation -as expected since the polar metric relies on the high SNR assumption. Yet, as PN gets stronger, the performance gain becomes more and more significant. Eventually for strong PN scenarios, the polar metric is the only one exhibiting the waterfall feature of LDPC, while the iterative decoder never converges with the Euclidean distance. Performance of the ML premetric are not shown as they are strictly identical to the ones of the polar metric, even though they are more complex to evaluate.

σ 2 p = 1x10 -2 σ 2 p = 5x10 -2 σ 2 p = 1x10 -1

V. CHANNEL ESTIMATION FOR OPTIMAL DEMODULATION

In previous sections, it has been emphasized that knowledge of the CSI is highly valuable to maximize the performance of communication systems affected by PN. Conversely to the Euclidean distance, the ML premetric and the polar metric are directly defined upon the thermal and phase noise variances. Greatly improving the performance, both decisions rules hence require an estimation of the values σ2 n and σ 2 p .

A. Thermal and phase noise variances estimation

Estimation of thermal and phase noise variances σ 2 n , σ 2 p can be performed by transmitting N pilot symbols. These pilot samples are known from the receiver and denoted s = (s 1 , s 2 , ..., s N ). The joint likelihood function may be derived from Eq. ( 7) and is expressed by

p N (r|s, σ 2 n , σ 2 p ) = N k=1 p(r k |s k , σ 2 n , σ 2 p ), (18)
where r = (r 1 , ..., r N ) stands for the received samples. We consider in the following that pilots have a constant amplitude 2 of √ E s . The ML estimate [START_REF] Moon | Mathematical Methods and Algorithms for Signal Processing[END_REF] of the covariance matrix yields the ML estimators expressed by

σ2 n = 1 N N k=1 (r ρ,k -E s ) 2 , σ2 p = 1 N N k=1 (r θ,k -s θ,k ) 2 - σ2 n E s . (19)
We can write such estimators as χ 2 (N ) distributions to quantify their bias and dispersion from the means and variances:

E[σ 2 n ] = σ 2 n V[σ 2 n ] = 2σ 4 n N , E[σ 2 p ] = σ 2 p V[σ 2 p ] = 2(σ 2 p +σ 2 n /Es) 2 N + 2σ 4 n N Es
.

(20) Both of these estimators are unbiased. Therefore, it is relevant to compare their dispersions to the Cramer-Rao Lower Bounds (CRLB) [START_REF] Moon | Mathematical Methods and Algorithms for Signal Processing[END_REF]. Since Eq. (18) satisfies the regularity conditions, the CRLBs are given by

V σ2 n ≥ 2σ 4 n N , V σ2 p ≥ 2(σ 2 p + σ 2 n /E s ) 2 N . (21)
Since the variance of σ2 n equals the CRLB, the estimator is efficient cf. [START_REF] Moon | Mathematical Methods and Algorithms for Signal Processing[END_REF]. Regarding the PN variance, the estimator σ2

p is close to the CRLB but does not perfectly achieves it. Still, both estimators demonstrate the smallest Mean Square Error (MSE) among any unbiased estimators. From Eq. (18), it is straightforward that the joint density p N belongs to the exponential family such that B. Performance degradation due to estimation errors Though we have been able to evaluate the performance of the estimators. Yet, definitions of the ML premetric and the polar metric are subject to estimation errors. So that, the performance degradation due to such estimation errors has to be quantified to specify the required number of pilots. Therefore, Fig. 3 and4 present respectively the performance of an uncoded and a LDPC coded 16-QAM for different number of pilots symbols. We may remark that the polar metric is significantly more resilient than the ML premetric to estimation errors for hard symbol detection, and only slightly in the case of soft decision decoding. A rather low number of pilots is required to achieve near optimal performance. VI. CONCLUSION In this paper, we have addressed the problem of demodulation in the presence of PN. We have assumed a high SNR and a Gaussian PN to derive the optimum symbol detection decision rule. This ML decision premetric significantly reduces the BER error floor due to PN. Besides, it is possible to define a simpler metric, entitled polar metric, upon this decision rule without any loss in performance. Thereupon, we have proposed a framework to properly represent signals upon the Gaussian PN channel. Further, computable probabilistic demapper values have been defined upon the polar metric, which is not direct from the ML premetric. It has been shown that the polar metric, in comparison to the Euclidean distance, greatly enhances performance of coded systems. Since optimum demodulation requires the knowledge of CSI, we have proposed ML estimates of the thermal and phase noise variances. By evaluating the performance degradation due to estimation errors, we are able to state that a low number of pilots is sufficient to achieve near optimal performance. It is also worth mentioning that these results could be extented to non-mmWave applications and Rayleigh fading channels.

T = ( N k=1 (r ρ,k - √ E s ) 2 , N k=1 (r θ,k -s θ,k ) 2 ) is a com- plete sufficient statistic for parameter (σ 2 n , σ 2

Fig. 1 :

 1 Fig. 1: Performance of the different decision rules for an uncoded 16-QAM with PN variance σ 2 p = 10 -2

Fig. 2 :

 2 Fig. 2: Comparison of a LDPC coded 16-QAM performance exploiting LLR based either upon the Euclidean distance or on the polar metric for different values of PN variance σ 2 p

Fig. 3 :

 3 Fig. 3: Performance degradation due to estimation errors for an uncoded 16-QAM and different number of pilot samples with PN variance σ 2 p = 10 -2

Fig. 4 :

 4 Fig. 4: Performa.nce degradation due to estimation errors for a LDPC coded 16-QAM and different number of pilot samples with PN variance σ 2 p = 10 -1

The set of complex-valued sequences equipped with the Euclidean inner product Namely, soft decision decoding exploits the reliability information of the encoded bits. Nevertheless, it may be too complex for practical systems to evaluate directly the exact values of a probabilistic demapper. Still, they can be closely approximated in order to be efficiently computed.

The average symbol energy Es is considered perfectly known as it can be estimated blindly through all sent symbols.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

The research leading to these results received funding from the French National Research Agency (ANR-17-CE25-0013) within the frame of the project BRAVE.


Hilary Chappell

Alain Peyraube

Walter Bisang

Cao Guangshun

Redouane Djamouri

Bernd Heine

Mei Tsu-Lin

Laurent Sagart

Kenichi Takashima

Anne Yue

Tony Mccumstie

THE ANALYTIC CAUSATIVES OF EARLY MODERN SOUTHERN MIN IN DIACHRONIC PERSPECTIVE* *

We consider that there are three main types of analytic causative constructions:

(1) event causatives where no agentive causer is implicated (e.g. Heavy rains caused a landslide in California.) (2) experiencer causatives which engender a state of affairs in the causee (e.g. The film made him very sad.) (3) agentive causatives where the causer is a volitional agent (e.g. She got him to eat the food he disliked most.) The agentive causative type can be further subdivided into various grades of directive causatives which frequently involve some kind of speech act on the part of the causer, and the implication that the causee has to do what the causer wishes (e.g. I had the plumber come over and fix up the roof); and permissive causatives

INTRODUCTION

The main objective of this study is to analyze the function of analytic causative constructions in Early Modern Southern Min [Sinitic] in order to elucidate the possible stages of grammaticalization and the diachronic relationships between different periods of Chinese, in particular, between Archaic and Medieval Chinese and the development of Southern Min.

The term analytic causative refers to constructions which use syntactic means such as complex predicates to code causation as opposed to morphological means such as a special affix on the verb [START_REF] Shibatani | The causative continuum[END_REF]. In Sinitic languages, analytic causatives generally develop historically from pivot constructions where the direct object of the first causative verb is the subject of the second verb. 1 The three main causative verbs in Early Modern Southern Min of 16 th and 17 th centuries are thus derived from lexical verbs grammaticalized into causative function as V 1 in complex predicates (serial verb constructions): NP Causer + V 1[causative] + NP causee + V 2 + (NP…) These are:

(i) khit 4 乞 'to give' which forms a permissive 'let' type of causative, (ii) su 2 使 'to cause, send' which forms both a directive causative and an unintentional experiencer causative and (iii) su 3 賜 'to bestow, grant' which also forms a directive causative.

The verbs su 2 使 'cause' < 'send' and khit 4 乞 'let' < 'give' are commonly found in earlier stages of Chinese in causative usage. One of the issues in this paper is thus to explain the apparent singleton status of su 3 賜 'to bestow, grant' as a causative verb. Before proceeding with the main analysis in §4, we provide a brief description of the corpus in §2 and an outline of causative constructions in the Archaic and Medieval Chinese periods in §3.

Linguistic causation is generally regarded as a relation holding between two events or states of affairs and, strictly speaking, cannot be represented as the property of a person or any other entity. As a consequence of this, two entities such as the causative agent (or causer) and the causee -the person who is motivated to carry out an action or to experience a situation -occur in causative constructions only in so far as they take part in some event or state of affairs. Syntactically, they may thus be considered as the referents of nominals which elliptically represents a causing or caused event.

Another essential feature of causative constructions is the entailment of a resulting event or state of affairs, often referred to as the counterfactual inference (see [START_REF] Mccawley | Remarks on what can cause what[END_REF]: if the causing event had not taken place then the caused event would not have either. This change-of-state entailment is inherent in all causative constructions.

The nature of the embedded predicate containing V 2 constitutes a third important parameter to consider, as will be shown below for the three main causative verbs found in the Early Southern Min material: the situation involving the causee may be coded by a verb of intentional action; a non-control event verb; or a state of affairs. The predicate of the complex causative clause can thus determine the semantic type of causative (see [START_REF] Talmy | Semantic causative types[END_REF][START_REF] Shibatani | The grammar of causative constructions: a conspectus[END_REF]).

SOUTHERN MIN LANGUAGES: BACKGROUND AND CORPUS

Background to this study

A well-known phenomenon in Southern Min languages is the vivid contrast between literary and colloquial pronunciations. For example, the character for 'name', 名, has the literary reading bêng versus the colloquial miâ n . This divergence reflects the presence of several strata in the Min lexicon: the earliest and colloquial stratum can be traced back to the Han dynasties (206 BCE -220 CE) while the second, also colloquial, is from the where one event enables another event to happen (e.g. In the end, I said 'yes' and let the kids go to see a movie). See [START_REF] Talmy | Semantic causative types[END_REF], [START_REF] Shibatani | The grammar of causative constructions: a conspectus[END_REF] and [START_REF] Shibatani | The causative continuum[END_REF] for detailed semantic studies.

Nanbeichao period . The third stratum of reading pronunciations, used to recite texts in Min, reflects the late Tang koine, based on the prestige dialect of the capital, Chang'an (see [START_REF] Mei | Jige Minyu yufa chengfen de shijian cengci [Stratification in the grammatical elements of several Min dialects][END_REF]Lien 2000). The literary-colloquial distinction -文白異 讀is observable in the some of the texts treated in §4 of this analysis. Also relevant for this analysis are the early migrations of Southern Min people to the Southeast Asian region, beginning in the Ming dynasty, to the Philippines, Siam (Thailand) and the East Indies (Malaysia and Indonesia) by various sea routes. The Spanish conquest of the Philippines in the 16 th century and the subsequent establishment of Catholic missions in this archipelago saw the compilation of religious documents in both Tagalog and the Southern Min koine spoken by the majority of the Chinese population in Manila (cf. van der Loon 1966 on the history of the first printed books in the Philippines).

Corpus of Early Southern Min documents

We refer to five documents which reflect the language of late 16 th and early 17 th century Southern Min. Four of these early texts were compiled by Catholic priests (Dominicans and Jesuits) and their Chinese collaborators in the Philippines for the Sangley or Chinese trading community who had settled there by the late 16 th century (see Chappell 2000 and Chappell and Peyraube (forthcoming) for more details).

(i) Doctrina Christiana en letra y lengua china, (blockprinted, 1607, Manila), held at the Vatican Library. The translation of the Spanish version of the Doctrina Christiana into a Min dialect in character form is attributed by [START_REF] Van Der Loon | The Manila incunabula and early Hokkien Studies[END_REF] to Dominican missionaries in the Philippines, including Fathers Juan Cobo and Miguel Benavides, with the aid of unknown Chinese collaborators. We make use of the reproduction by van der [START_REF] Van Der Loon | The Manila incunabula and early Hokkien Studies[END_REF] which collates the character text with two romanized versions. The page numbers for all examples from this document refer to this edition. (ii) Lì Jìng Jì 荔 鏡 記 [Romance of the Litchi Mirror] (1566, 1581), Tenri University version. This is a Ming dynasty play written in a mixture of Quanzhou and Chaozhou dialects (both Southern Min). (iii) Arte de la lengua Chiõ Chiu [Grammar of the Chiõ Chiu language] (handwritten, 1620, Manila), held at the University of Barcelona Library, where it was discovered in the 1980s by us. On the last page of the manuscript is found the mention of one Father Melchior de Mançano, followed by the words 'for the use of Father Rajmundo Feijoo'. From this it can probably be inferred that de Mançano was the author of the grammar. The Barcelona copy is longer and more complete than another one held at the British Library, allowing scholars to date the manuscript precisely as having been written in the year 1620. The clue is found on page 31a: '48 th year of the reign of Emperor Wan Li'. 2 (iv) Bocabulario de la lengua sangleya [Lexicon of the Sangley language] (handwritten, ca. 1617, Manila), held at the British Library. This is a Southern Min-Spanish lexicon providing definitions and some grammatical information. The Arte explicitly mentions the lexicon in its preface, so it is certain that they represent the same dialect of Southern Min. Van der Loon (1967: 98) who viewed a different copy in the Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris suggests however that it can be dated with certainty at 1595. (v) Diccionarium Sino-Hispanicum [Chinese-Spanish Dictionary] (handwritten, 1604, Cebu), held at the Angelica Library in Rome; attributed to the Jesuit, Father Pedro Chirino. This manuscript similarly gives examples of a Southern Min dialect with Spanish glosses, however, without providing any definitions.3

AN OUTLINE OF CAUSATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS IN CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL CHINESE

We first briefly describe the development of causative constructions in Archaic and Medieval Chinese.

Morphological devices

According to reconstructions for Old Chinese, a morphological causative could be formed with the prefix *s-on verbs [START_REF] Tsu-Lin | Shanggu hanyu *s-qianzhui de gouci gongneng [Causative and Denominative Functions of the *s-Prefix in Old Chinese[END_REF]). The following two examples from Sagart (1999: 70) show this relationship between a non-causative verb (on the left-hand side) and its causativized counterpart with the prefix *s-.

(

) shí 食 * b m-lïk > zyik 'to eat' : sì 飼 * b s-lïk-s > ziH 'to feed'(transitive) 1
dēng 登 * a tïŋ > toŋ 'to ascend, rise, go up : zēng 增 * a s-tïŋ > tsoŋ 'to increase, add to'

Non-analytic causatives

In written texts from the Archaic Chinese period (5 th -2 nd century BC, Classical Chinese par excellence), nouns could be used as verbs, without requiring any morphological markers of verbhood. This kind of zero derivation can be seen in the case of chén 臣 'subject' in example (2) which takes on the causative meaning of 'to make someone a subject' in its verbal use:

(2) Archaic Chinese (5 th -2 nd century BC) 學焉而後臣之 Xué yān ér hòu chén zhī learn from:3SG and later subject 3SG 'Learn from him before making him (his) subject.'(Mèngzĭ 孟子)

Not only nouns, but also intransitive verbs, including the class of stative verbs or adjectives, could be used as causative verbs without any overt marking. As such , they belong to a special class of labile or ambitransitive verbs for this period of Chinese. Such verbs are described as 'covert causatives' by [START_REF] Lien | Coding causatives and putatives in a diachronic perspective[END_REF] due to their zero derivation. For example:

(3) 故遠人不服, 則修文德以來 之 Gù yuăn rén bù fú zé xiū wén dé yĭ lái zhī therefore far people NEG submit then cultivate civil virtue so:that come 3SG 'Therefore, if people from far away do not submit, then cultivate the civil virtues in order to make them come.' (Lúnyǔ 論語)

(4) 常慾死之 Cháng yù sĭ zhī often want die 3SG '(He) often wanted to kill him. (i.e. make him dead) (Hàn Shū 漢書: 朱買臣專)

Analytic causatives

During the Archaic period, there were also some causative verbs which were used to form analytic constructions: the most common were shĭ 使 'to send, to cause', lìng 令 'to command'and to a lesser extent, wèi 遺 'to give, to offer as a gift'. Examples with shĭ 使 'to cause' are presented below:

(5) 使 周 游于四方 Most of these causative verbs may be or have been used as passive markers as well: yŭ 與 is probably the first causative verb to have been used as a passive marker (Feng 2000 : 638), qĭ 乞, jiào 叫/教/交 (attested as a passive as early as the Tang, according to Jiang Lansheng 2000: 226), gĕi 给 (18 th century), ràng 讓 (20 th century), and even zhuó 著 (着). 6 Some of them were also of course grammaticalized into dative markers, specifically those with the meaning 'to give' yŭ 與, gĕi 给and qĭ 乞 'to give'.

An account of grammaticalization

There are several ways we could choose to account for the links between dative, causative and passive where the source is a verb of giving: these involve combining the concepts of both polygrammaticalization [START_REF] Craig | Ways to go in Rama: a case study in polygrammaticalization[END_REF]) and grammaticalization chains (Heine et al 1991: ch.8) to best explain this phenomenon. Let us begin with the simplest hypotheses and then refine these:

(i) Polygrammaticalization where the different pathways emanating from a single source morpheme involve just a one-step process:

V [+give] > dative marker (yŭ, qĭ, gĕi) V [+give] > V [+causative] (yŭ, qĭ , gĕi, jiào, …) V [+give] >
passive marker (yŭ, qĭ, gĕi, jiào, ...) If this first solution were adopted, it would not account for the close semantic relationship between the causative and passive uses, discussed below, by virtue of giving them separate developmental pathways. An alternative hypothesis might be the following:

(ii) Grammaticalization chains evincing repeated occurrences of grammaticalization The different meanings (dative, causative, passive) are linked and derived, one from the other, by a process of repeated grammaticalization [START_REF] Heine | Language contact and grammatical change[END_REF], providing two possible solutions:

(i) V [+give] > dative marker > causative verb > passive marker (ii) V [+give] > dative marker > passive marker > causative verb However, the second solution does not provide us with a desirable hypothesis either for the following reasons: First, the development from dative marker to causative verb suggested in chain (i) or of dative marker to passive marker suggested in chain (ii) is not supported by data from surrounding language families (see [START_REF] Lord | Grammaticalization of 'give': African Asian perspectives[END_REF]; second, it would violate the grammaticalization principle of unidirectionality (Hopper andTraugott 1993, Peyraube 1999) in that a dative marker (most likely a preposition) is grammaticalized into a causative verb in chain (i). This would in fact represent the reverse process of de-grammaticalization or lexicalization. The same applies to the second stage in chain (ii) involving the derivation from a passive marker to a causative verb, since the passive marker functions like a preposition, and is thus more grammaticalized than the causative verb.

See also [START_REF] Shaoyu | Gei ziju, jiao ziju biao beidong de laiyuan -jian tan yufahua, leitui he gongneng kuozhan [Origin of the passive markers 'gei' and 'jiao' -On grammaticalization, analogy and functional extension[END_REF], Hong & Zhao (forthcoming) and Feng (2000/ 610) who thinks that the passive zhuó 著 (着)also arises from the causative use. However, it could also have its origin in a verb zháo/zhuó meaning 'to be affected', 'to suffer', given that there exist dialects with a zháo/zhuó passive but without the causative usage. See below, §3.4.

(iii)

Our hypothesis

We thus propose that there are at least two different pathways of grammaticalization for give verbs, and that we have a case of polygrammaticalization comprising several steps for each pathway (that is, grammaticalizaton chains, as per Craig 1991):

V [+give] > dative marker V [+give] > causative > passive marker
This hypothesis appears to conform to the data at hand which show that the causative use appeared before the passive one (Jiang 2002). Furthermore, the syntactic configuration for the datives is different from that for the passive and causative constructions: the dative markers always follow the main verb whereas the causative and passive exponents precede it (see details in §4). This is reinforced by a third fact that causative verbs from sources other than verbs of giving, similarly develop into passive markers (but not into dative prepositions). This applies, for example, to jiào 叫 'to call' (or jiào 教 'to teach') and ràng 讓 'to yield') used as passive markers in contemporary Mandarin.7 This is not crosslinguistically unusual since strong links are attested between verbs of giving, the source of dative markers and causative verbs in many languages. 8 What is interesting to observe about most of the causative verbs used in different periods of Chinese that we have mentioned above is that they also developed into passive markers: this includes verbs from a variety of sources such as yŭ 與, qĭ 乞 (chī 吃) 'to give', jiào 叫 'to call', 'to tell' (or jiào 教 'to teach', 'to instruct'), ràng 讓 'to yield', and even zhuó 著 (着), according to [START_REF] Fuxiang | Dunhuang Bianwen yufa yanjiu [A study of the grammar in the Dunhuang Bianwen[END_REF]. Only shĭ 使 'to send', 'to use' and lìng 令 'to command', attested as causatives as early as Archaic Chinese (Wei 2000), did not develop a passive use, though they continue to function as causative verbs in contemporary Mandarin, and other dialect groups, not to mention in Early Southern Min (see [START_REF] Chappell | Dialect grammar in two early modern Southern Min texts: A comparative study of dative kît, comitative câng and diminutive -guìa[END_REF][START_REF] Lien | A typological study of causatives in Taiwanese Southern Min[END_REF], 2003).9 Wu hypothesizes that the passive use of zhuó 著(着) comes from one of its fully lexical verb meanings of 'to suffer'. However, we prefer the hypothesis of [START_REF] Chuntian | Jindai hanyu yufa yanjiu [Grammr of Chinese of the modern period[END_REF] deriving the passive use from the causative and agree with the Sun's conjecture (2005) stating that the causative use of zhuó 著(着)comes from its verbal use of 'to send', 'to use'; this arose in its turn from a metaphorical extension from an earlier meaning 'to place'.

In many contemporary Sinitic languages, verbs of giving are the main source for not only datives and causatives but also for passives (Yue-Hashimoto 1993: 131) and for object markers [START_REF] Chappell | From Eurocentrism to Sinocentrism: the case of disposal constructions in Sinitic languages[END_REF], as is the case for Southern Min, for example, the Shanghai and Suzhou dialects of Wu, Southwestern Mandarin dialects, standard Hong Kong Cantonese, Meixian Hakka and Taiwanese Southern Min. In contrast to this, Standard Chinese, or Mandarin, generally makes use of a different set of sources from other Sinitic languages, namely, the causative verbs ràng 讓 'to yield' and jiào 叫 'to call', 'to tell' which have developed into passive exponents. The verb gěi 給 'to give' is mainly used as a marker of the dative, benefactive and purposive. This led [START_REF] Hashimoto | Language diffusion on the Asian continent: Problems of typological diversity in Sino-Tibetan[END_REF] to make his famous proposal that the difference in source morphemes could serve as one of the features dividing Northern and Southern Sinitic languages.

From a typological point of view, what is atypical then is the development of verbs of giving into passive markers. It is not attested crosslinguistically, for example, in [START_REF] Heine | World lexicon of grammaticalization[END_REF], nor in [START_REF] Bisang | Das Verb im Chinesischen, Hmong, Vietnamesischen, Thai und Khmer[END_REF] for the Southeast Asian grammaticalization area. Nonehteless, shared passive and causative morphology is certainly not uncommon in the surrounding language areas, including Altaic and Japanese, but the source of the exponents is not a verb of giving (see the relevant articles in Comrie and Polinsky 1993).

In an earlier version of this paper [START_REF] Chappell | Causative structures in Early Modern Southern Min: a diachronic approach[END_REF], we hypothesized that the development of verbs of giving into passive markers could constitute what is possibly a unique pathway for Sinitic, reinforced by evidence from earlier stages of Chinese, showing that qĭ 乞 (khit 4 in Southern Min) 'to give' is not only used in Early Mandarin as a passive marker but also in Early Southern Min by the time of the 16 th century. We were of the view that verbs of giving develop into causative verbs in many Southeast Asian languages but do not appear to progress past this stage, as in Thai, Khmer and Yao (Hmong-Mien). Verbs belonging to other semantic fields often turn out to be the source of passive exponents in these languages, such as the verb 'to suffer' in Vietnamese [START_REF] Clark | Submissive verbs as adversatives in some Asian languages[END_REF].

However, in the light of recent indicative research by Zhang Min (2000), we have revised this view and instead conjecture that verbs of giving which develop into passive markers might not be a unique characteristic of Sinitic languages after all, as earlier claimed [START_REF] Chappell | Verbs of giving, datives, causatives and passives in the history of Chinese[END_REF], but rather a characteristic shared with certain languages in East and Southeast Asia from different language families or even from related groups, for example, possibly Austro-Asiatic and Tibeto-Burman languages, but not Austronesian.

Thus, after further in-depth research has been carried out, this may prove to be a clear example of a grammatical feature defining a linguistic area, in combination with other grammatical features, similar to the one proposed by Comrie (1989) for the Balkans zone where genetically different languages like Rumanian, Albanian, Bulgarian and Modern Greek form a Sprachbund or 'confederation of languages', or similar to the example of the Içana-Vaupés basin in North-East Amazonia, where genetically different languages including Arawak, Tucano-East and Maku also share syntactic features unknown elsewhere in the families they belong to [START_REF] Aikhenvald | Areal Diffusion and Language Contact in the Içana-Vaupés Basin, North-West Amazonia[END_REF].

What is most important to notice is that all the passive markers that have their source in verbs of giving in the investigated languages are not directly derived from these verbs of giving, but come from causative verbs, derived themselves from verbs of giving (see also [START_REF] Shaoyu | Gei ziju, jiao ziju biao beidong de laiyuan [Origin of the passive markers 'gei' and 'jiao[END_REF], 2003; Hong and Zhao forthcoming):

V [+ give] > V [+ causative] > passive marker
As it is completely atypical to find this development from a verb of giving directly into a passive marker, but quite common to find the passives directly grammaticalized from causatives, we could have here an implicational universal:

If a language has a passive marker whose origin is a verb of giving, then it necessarily has a causative verb realised by the same form and having its source in a verb of giving.

[GIVE > PASSIVE MARKER] [GIVE > CAUSATIVE] 10

Let us now turn to an examination of the data on causative constructions in Southern Min.

CAUSATIVE CONSTRUCTIONS IN EARLY SOUTHERN MIN

In this main section, presenting the syntactic and semantic analysis of causative verbs in Early Southern Min, three verbs are examined: These are (1566, 1581), there are more than 223 instances of this verb. We make use, however, of a sample of 80, part of a database established and analysed by Lien (2002). 11 In the Doctrina Christiana, passive, causative and two kinds of dative constructions are all formed with this exponent khit 4 乞 (kir). As a verb, it has been reconstructed with two pronunciations and two meanings in Archaic Chinese 'ask, beg' and 'give', with the meaning of 'ask' being the earlier one (see [START_REF] Tsu-Lin | Sisheng bieyi-zhong de shijian cengci [Chronological strata in derivation by tone change[END_REF] regarding different tonal categories). The structures are described in more detail below. In the Arte, which uses the romanization kit or kir, only the passive and dative uses are discussed, whereas van der Loon mentions both the verbal meanings of 'to give' and 'to ask'and the causative meanings of 'to enable' and 'to let (somebody do something)' in Appendix I (1967: 140). The use of khit 4 乞 (kir) as a give verb is indeed so described in the Bocabulario (ca 1617: 215, British Library manuscript), while its use in general can be traced back to the Han and Wei dynasties [START_REF] Huiying | Shuō «gĕi» hé «qĭ» [On gĕi and qĭ[END_REF]). The following table summarizes the constructions formed by this verb. The Arte explains (1620: 3a) that only the genitive, dative and ablative cases use particles to mark these functions in the dialect of Southern Min described, while other cases such as the nominative, accusative and vocative are not declined but rely purely on position. Specifically, the genitive uses the postpositioned particle gùe (個), while the dative uses kît (乞 khit 4 ) preposed before the noun it governs, and the ablative, one of the three particles cang, cab, or tāng (共, 甲 , 同 ). 14 However, only examples with pronouns and lâng人 'person' are presented in the chapter on case in the Arte.

(i) khit 4 乞 'to
In the Doctrina Christiana, as mentioned above, there are 11 examples of dative constructions formed with khit 4 乞 (kir) where it functions like a dative marker introducing the indirect object, regardless of construction type. In 5 of these, it immediately follows the verb, typically su 3 賜, leading to classification as construction type 2(i): Verb -khit4 -I.O. -D.O. 15 The remaining six examples belong to construction type (2ii): Verb -D.O. -khit4 -I.O where the direct object precedes khit 4 which in turn serves as a preposition 13 All our numbered examples from the Doctrina Christiana refer to the reproduction given in Appendix II of van der Loon's 1967 article on this topic. The characters and romanization follow the first two lines in the text provided by van der Loon, while we have added in the interlinear glossing and translation into English. Note that even though the Dominicans devised a fully phonemic and tonal transliteration for Southern Min, in the two romanized versions of the Doctrina Christiana found in the British Library manuscript; aspiration, tone marks and nasalization have in the main been omitted. For some characters, the romanization is missing altogether, indicated by '--'. 14 The Chinese characters given in the parentheses refer to those used in the Arte and do not necessarily reflect the true etymological source. 15 Note that for four of the dative constructions of type 2(i) where khit 4 乞(kir) immediately follows the verb, it combines in this V 2 position with su 3 賜 as V 1 to form a complex verb su 3 -khit 4 賜 乞 (su kir), not to mention one further example with pang-khit 4 放 乞 (pang-kir). We discuss complex verbs in further detail in §4.3.1 on su 3 賜 'to bestow', 'to grant' in conjunction with a further five complex causative verbs, similarly based on su 3 -khit 4 賜 乞.

introducing the indirect object. 16 One example of each of the two subtypes of the dative constructions with khit 4 is given below.

NOUN This represents just one pathway in the grammaticalization of khit 4 乞, where khit 4 乞 is in the V 2 position of an original serial verb construction. Eighteen examples of these two kinds of dative constructions are also found in the Lì Jìng Jì 荔 鏡 記 [Romance of the Litchi Mirror], for which we present one such example below.

(21) 你 掞 落 荔 枝 乞 阮 為 記 li 2
tan 3 loh 8 nai 7 -chi 1 khit4 4 gun 2 ui 5 ki 3 2SG throw down litchi:branch give DAT 1PL for sign 'Throw down the litchi branch to me as a token of your love.'(LJJ Act 26, line 235)

Hence, it appears that the dative use of khit 4 乞 is well-established by the 16 th century for Southern Min. Its lexical use as a verb 'to ask' or 'to beg' is clearly infrequent while the 16 A comparison can be made here with an earlier stage of Chinese, namely Medieval Chinese: From Late Medieval Chinese (7 th -13 th c.) up until the end of the Modern Chinese period (18 th c.), the following word orders were available for datives, according to [START_REF] Peyraube | Shuang binyu jiegou cong Han dai zhi Tang dai de lishi fazhan (Historical development of double-object constructions from the Han to the Tang)[END_REF][START_REF] Peyraube | Syntaxe diachronique du chinois: évolution des constructions datives du 14e siècle av. J.-C. au 18e siècle[END_REF][START_REF] Peyraube | Recent issues in Chinese Historical Syntax[END_REF]

: (i) Verb + Indirect Object + Direct Object (ii) Verb + [Prep yŭ 與 + Indirect Object] + Direct Object (iii) Verb + Direct Object + [Prep yŭ 與 + Indirect Object] (iv) [Prep yŭ 與 + Indirect Object] + Verb + Direct Object
The source of the structures in (ii) and (iii)where the indirect object (or recipient) is marked by yŭ 與is a serial verb construction V 1 + V 2 + IO + DO which emerged during the Han period, around the first century AD. Its special semantic features were: V 1 = verb of giving specifying manner and V 2 = one of three general verbs of giving including yŭ 與, yú 予 and wéi 遺. The V 2 + IO in this construction became postposed after the DO to create the structure in (iii) by analogy with other existing serial verb constructions during this same period while the V 2 , lexically restricted to yŭ 與 by the early Tang dynasty, had grammaticalized into a preposition introducing the IO by the 9 th century. In contemporary Mandarin, yŭ 與 was eventually replaced by gĕi 給 'to give'. Most pertinent for this study is the fact that khit 4 is the preposition used for the postverbal dative constructions shown in (ii) and (iii) (see [START_REF] Chappell | Dialect grammar in two early modern Southern Min texts: A comparative study of dative kît, comitative câng and diminutive -guìa[END_REF]. Thus, when khit 4 is used in preverbal position, in a structure like (iv), it acts as either a causative verb or a passive marker. For these two uses, see sections 4. The distinguishing syntactic feature of this construction is that khit 4 乞 is found in the original V 1 slot of the clause, the site for its grammaticalization into a causative verb along the second pathway of its development, outlined in §3.4 above. In this position, it never grammaticalizes into a dative or benefactive marker 'to' or 'for'. Dative/benefactive markers based on give verbs typically develop this function only in the postverbal position in Min dialects, that is, from an original V 2 (see [START_REF] Chappell | Dialect grammar in two early modern Southern Min texts: A comparative study of dative kît, comitative câng and diminutive -guìa[END_REF].

There are just three causative verb uses of khit 4 乞 in the Doctrina Christiana as compared with 29 from the sample of the Lì Jìng Jì 荔 鏡 記. All express that the causative agent let, allowed or enabled the situation to happen, similar to the use of hou 7 與 in contemporary Taiwanese or ràng 讓 in standard Mandarin. This meaning is evident in the next example from the Doctrina Christiana and can be compared with its translated Mandarin counterpart. Causative constructions formed with khit 4 乞 thus belong to the permissive type (see [START_REF] Shibatani | The grammar of causative constructions: a conspectus[END_REF][START_REF] Talmy | Semantic causative types[END_REF][START_REF] Shibatani | The causative continuum[END_REF] In causative function, khit 4 乞 co-occurs with both transitive and intransitive V 2 , but also with semantically stative verbs, such as bat 4 識 (bar) 'to know' in (18) above. Some of the transitive and intransitive V 2 are:去 khi 3 'to go', 行 kia n 5 'to walk', 返 huan 2 'to return', 過 kue 3 'to cross', 睏 k'un 3 'to sleep', 坐 tse 7 'to sit', 說 seh 4 'to speak' 'to explain', 買 be 2 'to buy'. There are numerous examples where it co-occurs in negative imperatives such as in the two examples which follow:

(25) 第 三 件。 人 做 不 著。 我 可 怜
tei sa kia lang cho m tio gua co leng ORD three CLF people do NEG right 1SG take:pity The semantic transition to a passive interpretation can be clearly seen in an alternative English translation of 'You mustn't let it be known by grandad and grandma'. However, the number of examples is too small to claim that the construction favours stative verbs as V 2 in its declarative form. The passive use of khit 4 乞 is the subject of §4.1.4.

教 訓 伊。 莫 乞 伊 再 做。 cau

Causative complementizer

The remaining 14 uses of khit 4 乞 connect clauses and thus, two events or situations: Clause 1 -khit 4 乞 -Clause 2 where EVENT 1 enables EVENT 2 to take place. This is similar to the category of purposive causatives described in [START_REF] Song | Causatives and causation. A universal-typological perspective[END_REF] where there is no causative entailment, that is, where the causative implicature is defeasible (see also our definition of causativity in terms of a counterfactual inference in §1). We reproduce two examples here from the Doctrina Christiana with sin 信 'to believe' and siu 受 'to receive', both semantically stative verbs and an example from the Lì Jìng Jì 荔 鏡 記. The causative sense of enablement is clearly expressed and permits translation into English by means of the causative complementizer 'so that, in order that', if not by the verb 'enable' itself.

( There is a similar use of hou 7 in Taiwanese Southern Min. Consider the following example of a hou 7 causative:

Taiwanese Southern Min:

(29) 我 有 企 起 來 與 彼 的 人 過 goa 2
u 7 khia 3 -khi 2 -lai 5 hou 7 hia 1 e 5 lang 5 koe 3 1SG have stand-DIR CAUS those CLF person pass 'I stood up in order to let those people pass.' [Cheng 1991[Cheng /1997: 222] : 222] The causee in (29) hia 1 e 5 lang 5 'those people' is an agent of the motion verb koe 3 'to pass' and the patient of the causative verb hou 7 which can be understood in the enabling sense of 'to allow for, to let, so that'.

Passive use of khit 4 乞 NP PATIENT -KHIT4 -NP AGENT -VP

There are 14 passive sentences in the sample from the Lì Jìng Jì 荔 鏡 記 with khit 4 乞 as a marker of the agent in the passive; and three such uses in the Doctrina Christiana. All of the latter three instances refer to the same event of the crucifixion and show khit 4 乞 in the preverbal position, one of which is reproduced here. Similarly, we provide one example from the Lì Jìng Jì:

(31) 乞 五娘 打 khit 4 goo 7 -niu 5 phah 4 PASS (name) beat 'Be beaten by Lady Wu-Niang.' ' [LJJ Act 14, line 181, data from [START_REF] Lien | Grammatical function words 乞, 度, 共, 甲, 將 and 力 in Li 4 Jing 4 Ji 4 荔鏡記 and their Development in Southern Min[END_REF] We have claimed above in §3.4 that the passive use is a further step in grammaticalization from the causative use. Indeed, semantically a close relationship can be observed between the permissive causative meaning of 'let an event happen', for example, by giving permission or even by not preventing it, and the passive meaning of undergoing an event, typically one that could not be avoided [START_REF] Chappell | A semantic analysis of passive, causative and dative constructions in standard Mandarin[END_REF].

To conclude this analysis of the uses of khit 4 乞 in the Doctrina Christiana, we have shown that khit 4 乞 has three main grammaticalized uses as a dative preposition, a causative verb or complementizer and as a passive marker, introducing the agent. This involves two different serial verb constructions formed with khit 4 乞, where khit 4 乞 can either be in V 1 or V 2 position and, hence, two pathways of grammaticalization: Pathway 1 for khit 4 乞 'give':

V 1 + V 2[khit4 乞] > dative marker introducing indirect object or recipient (ii) Pathway 2 for khit 4 乞 'give': causative complementizer introducing a new clause V 1 [khit4 乞 ] + V 2 > causative verb
passive marker introducing agent 17The appearance of qĭ 乞in its use as a causative verb and as a dative marker can be traced back to the transition between the Late Medieval period and Early Modern Chinese (see [START_REF] Jiang | Beidong guanxici 'chi' de laiyuan chutan [A preliminary investigation of the passive marker 'chi[END_REF][START_REF] Huiying | Shuō «gĕi» hé «qĭ» [On gĕi and qĭ[END_REF] and relevant examples in §3 above). While these functions have become obsolete in standard Mandarin, it is interesting to find that they are, by way of contrast, preserved in many Min dialects, including Quanzhou, Fuzhou, Chaoyang, Shantou and Suixi [START_REF] Chappell | Dialect grammar in two early modern Southern Min texts: A comparative study of dative kît, comitative câng and diminutive -guìa[END_REF]. Our corpus of historical documents confirms that these uses were already in existence for Early Modern Southern Min by the time of the 16th century, which can be seen as an inheritor of the Medieval Chinese usage.

The next section examines the use of the verb su 2 使 'to grant' in the function of causative verb.

4.2. su 2 使 'to cause', 'to send' NP CAUSER -su 2 使 -NP CAUSEE -VP The causative verb su 2 使 has two pronunciations in modern Southern Min, which are su 2 (literary) and sai 2 (colloquial). There are eleven examples of this verb in the Doctrina Christiana and all are given the reading pronunciation of su, as consistently indicated by the romanization, (noting that the tonal value has been omitted). According to [START_REF] Lien | Coding causatives and putatives in a diachronic perspective[END_REF], sai 2 / su 2 is frequently found in causative usage in the Lì Jìng Jì, though it is no longer a productive causative type in contemporary Taiwanese Southern Min.

Structurally, su 2 使 causatives are pivot constructions in which the causee NP is both the direct object of the preceding su 2 使 and subject of the following V 2 . In terms of function, the construction codes an intentional kind of causative when combined with transitive and intransitive verbs. However, when it combines with stative verbs, su 2 使 forms non-intentional experiencer causatives, that is, where the causer has not intended to bring about a certain result, as shown by examples ( 29) and (30). In contrast to this, su 3 賜 'to grant' and khit 4 乞 'to give' form only intentional causative constructions. An example of each kind of su 2 使 causative is next given: 27) also shows that the causer can be a mere mortal. In other words, a highly revered person as the causer is not a semantic requirement of this construction, unlike su 3 賜 'to grant' as will be shown in §4.4. The same causative verb su 2 使 is also found in the Lì Jìng Jì 荔 鏡 記 [START_REF] Lien | Coding causatives and putatives in a diachronic perspective[END_REF], who describes it as a productive causative verb in this period. Here is one example with the verb soeh 4 'to say' from this Ming dynasty play. The main predicate verbs (V 2 ) in the su 2 使 causative construction include modal verbs such as 'to be able'; intransitive verbs such as 'to return', 'to arrive' and 'to come'; stative verbs such as 'to be glad', 'to endure grief'; and dynamic active verbs such as 'to hit' and 'to carry (on back)'.There are 11 in total in the Doctrina Christiana. Intransitive ( 4) Modal ( 2) Stative (3) hu 負 'to carry (on back)' ta 打 'to hit' chi 至 'to arrive' lai 來 'to come' seng 升 'to ascend' hue lai 回來'to return' leng 能 (x 2) 'to be able' ---受 煩 惱 'to endure grief' hua hi 歡 喜 (x 2) 'to be glad' Furthermore, two negative imperative forms are found in this text: Combined with the negative imperative marker, bók 莫, it is interesting to find that su 2 使 takes on the semantically unpredictable meaning of an unwilling permissive 'don't let':

(32) Intentional su 2 使 causative: NP CAUSER -su 2 使 -NP CAUSEE -VP 與 之 竹 杖。 執 他 手。 使 自 打 他 u chi
(33) Intentional su 2 使 causative: NP CAUSER -su 2 使 -NP CAUSEE -VP ACTION 阮 昨 暮 日 使 益 春 來 共 你 說
(36) su 2 使 causative in negative imperative form: bók 莫 -su 2 使 -NP CAUSEE -VP STATIVE 莫 使 惡 鬼 來 迷 我 boc su
kiap cui lay bey gua NEG CAUS bad ghost come deceive 1SG 'Don't let the devil come to tempt me.' [DC p.171] This could be profitably compared with the example containing mò jiào 莫教 from the Medieval Chinese period in §3. One final example of su 2 使 could be interpreted with the lexical meaning of this verb as 'to send':

(37) Lexical verb su 2 使 使 我 死 後。 升 天 見 他 面。 su gua si
au seng tian ki ta bin CAUS 1SG die after ascend heaven see 3SG face 'After I die, send me up to Heaven to see his face.' OR: 'make me ascend to Heaven.' [DC p.169] Nonetheless, this example is more likely to be interpreted causatively as 'to make' or 'to cause me to go up to Heaven'. This is a 'midway' example which gives an insight into how semantic shift takes place. In the examples with su 2 使 'to make', 'to have', 'to send', different kinds of causative agents are permitted, including ordinary mortals, as in example ( 35), in contrast with the su 3 賜 'to grant' causative where only revered personnages such as Saint Mary, or God, are found in the causer NP slot. Similarly, however, for the intentional subtype of this causative construction, the causation has to be carried out by an agent in a more powerful position than the causee. This is, semantically speaking, one of the features in the prototype for a directive causative [START_REF] Shibatani | The grammar of causative constructions: a conspectus[END_REF][START_REF] Shibatani | The causative continuum[END_REF][START_REF] Chappell | A semantic analysis of passive, causative and dative constructions in standard Mandarin[END_REF]: the causee has to do what the causer wants him/her to do.

In conclusion to this section, we suggest that there is one single grammaticalization pathway for su 2 / sai 2 使, out of which it forms two causative construction subtypes: Lexical verb su 2 使 'to send' > causative verb 'make' a. intentional causative where V 2 = transitive or intransitive action verb b.

experiencer causative where V 2 = stative verb or adjective Interestingly, it did not develop a passive or dative function in Southern Min or in Mandarin. This can be attributed to its predilection for stative verbs to which it is restricted in contemporary Mandarin. The possibility of co-occurrence with the non-dynamic predicate type can be traced back to the period for Archaic Chinese. An example with 使 shĭ 'to send', 'to cause' from a 2 nd century BCE text follows, representing the end of the Classical period (cited in Wei Pei-chuan 2000: 837):

(38) 弱 者 使 之 強 , 短 者 使 長 , 貧 者 使 ruò-zhĕ
shĭ zhī qiáng, duăn-zhĕ shĭ cháng pín-zhĕ shĭ weak:NOM cause 3SG strong short:NOM cause long poor:NOM cause 多 量 ( 糧 ) duō liáng many grain 'Make the weak strong, the short long and the poor to have enough grain.' (Mă Wáng Duī, Han Tombs 馬 王 堆 漢 墓 面 錦 書 ) Su 2 / sai 2 使 is thus a continuation of an Archaic Chinese analytic causative, no longer used in contemporary Taiwanese Southern Min, although it still may be found in this function in certain other Southern Min dialects. It is also used in standard Mandarin, particularly in formal registers, as an unintentional experiencer causative [START_REF] Chappell | A semantic analysis of passive, causative and dative constructions in standard Mandarin[END_REF]. As far as the historical documents are concerned, su 2 / sai 2 使 is a productive form in the Lì Jìng Jì 荔 鏡 記 [START_REF] Lien | A typological study of causatives in Taiwanese Southern Min[END_REF][START_REF] Lien | Coding causatives and putatives in a diachronic perspective[END_REF] and occurs in the Doctrina Christiana with a higher frequency than for khit 4 乞: There are 11 su 2 使 causatives versus just 3 khit 4 乞 causatives.

4.3. su 3 賜 'to grant', 'to bestow something upon someone' NP CAUSER -su 3 賜 -NP CAUSEE -VP

The verb su 3 賜 'to grant' is the most common of the causative verbs in the Doctrina Christiana. Of 32 examples, only 10 retain the lexical verb meaning of 'to grant' or 'to bestow' while a further 22 show a development into the basic causative meaning of 'to make' or 'to cause' in contrast to the central meaning of enablement found with the khit 4 乞 causative.

Included in this group are 9 complex causative verbs with V 1 = su 3 賜 'to grant' and V 2 = either khit 4 乞 'to give' (8) or u 5 與 (= Mandarin yŭ) 'to give' (1). The complex causative verbs, where khit 4 乞 or u 5 與 serve to mark the oblique function of the following NP as a causee, are treated in the following section, §4.3.1. In this section, we concentrate on the analysis of the 23 examples where su 3 賜 is used on its own. Seventeen show causative usage and six its basic lexical meaning. The verb su 3 賜 'to grant' used alone as a causative verb appears at first to present a very unusual case of a verb of giving used in this function: First, examples of this verb in other contemporaneous texts such as the Lì Jìng Jì 荔 鏡 記 are not common. Furthermore, it appears that su 3 賜 'to grant' is very rarely used as a causative verb in Archaic or Medieval Chinese texts. Here is one example of its lexical use from the Lì Jìng Jì 荔 鏡 記 with thek 3 su 3 敕 賜 'to bestow something upon someone (as said of an emperor)':

(39) 敕 賜 劍 印 隨 身 thek 3 su 3 kiam 3 in 3 sui 5 sin 1 bestow sword seal with self 'Take the sword and seal with me that was bestowed by the emperor.' [Lì Jìng Jì 荔 鏡 記 Act 2, line 021] Second, as a verb of giving, the meaning of su 3 賜 is highly semantically specific, since it refers to the act of giving by the emperor, if not a high-ranking superior, in presenting something to a person of lower rank (Carstairs Douglas dictionary 1873: 461), reflected in its nominal use as well: un 1 -su 3 恩賜 'gracious gift, as from emperor'. Yet, there is general consensus that when a process of grammaticalization begins, its source is typically an hyperonym, that is, a superordinate, a high frequency basic verb with a general meaning [START_REF] Peyraube | Historical Change in Chinese Grammar[END_REF]. For example, SAY verbs may evolve into quotatives and eventually complementizers, whereas such a development is highly unlikely for their hyponyms whisper and chatter. Nonetheless, the source of a causative verb in a verb of giving is typical for Sinitic languages, as discussed in §3.4.

Third, we note that in light of the religious nature of the text, it is not surprising that su 3 賜 'to grant', a special verb used for the act of giving with reference to emperors or high superiors in Chinese, would be adopted in this translation for cases where the causer is either God, the Holy Spirit or Saint Mary who is evidently accorded great reverence, particularly in the Catholic faith to which these religious texts pertain. In fact, all the causers (or bestowers) in the 32 examples exclusively refer to this set of personnages, specifically Saint Mary in 17 examples, God in 12 and the Holy Spirit in 3. Thus, this supports our claim that su 3 賜 'to grant' would be the appropriate verb, if any, for high status causers. The subset of 23 examples with su 3 賜 used alone further brings this into relief: for the 6 lexical verb uses of su 3 賜 'to grant', it is, not surprisingly, God who bestows a blessing or grace upon his subjects, while it is mainly Mary for the causative uses of su 3 賜 'to grant' (15/17) in the context of the section in the Doctrina Christiana on the Mysteries of the Rosary. These 14 mysteries are recited in the form of a prayer and supplication to Mary.

In the grammar of Mandarin written by Francisco Varo and dating from the late 16 th century, a similar causative usage of Mandarin cì 賜 'to grant' is found in one of the examples, reproduced below (for the translated English edition, see Coblin and Levy 2001: 121) Varo observes in fact that çú 賜 should be anteposed to 與 iù to form a verb of giving 'if the person who gives is a superior' (Coblin and Levy 2001 : 63). In connection with this point, it is interesting to note that Khmer has two verbs of giving, /aoy whose direction of transfer is from a superior down the social hierarchy to those inferior in status, and cù:n whose direction is upwards to those superior in status, (Bisang 1992: 395, 424). It is thus not remarkable in terms of the present discussion to find that only the verb of giving to someone lower in status can be used as a causative verb (you cannot tell a higher status person to perform an action). This is the case in Khmer where only /aoy has developed a causative usage (Bisang 1992: 439), even though both /aoy and cù:n can be used as dative/benefactive markers. The pragmatics of usage for these verbs of giving in Khmer thus neatly explains the case of su 3 賜 'give' in Early Modern Southern Min. It also brings to mind the complex linguistic situation intertwining the use of different verbs of giving and receiving in contemporary Japanese with the relative social status of the interlocutors.

The fourth piece of evidence is the fact that Carstairs Douglas dictionary (1873: 562) gives su 3 as the reading pronunciation for colloquial thò . [thou 3 ] 度 'to give'. Indeed, the selection of su 3 賜 'to grant' as the character linked with this romanization makes sense in terms of the literary -colloquial or wén-bái distinction 文白異讀 prevalent in Min dialects, a consequence of stratification due to prolonged contact with Mandarin (see §2 above, [START_REF] Mei | Jige Minyu yufa chengfen de shijian cengci [Stratification in the grammatical elements of several Min dialects][END_REF]. Many examples of this interesting phenomenon are discussed in [START_REF] Lien | Competing morphological changes in Taiwan Southern Min[END_REF]. This stratification has led to su 3 賜 being paradigmatically linked with thou 3 度 'give', even though the two lexemes are not etymologically related. 18 Moreover, the associated register distinction lends further credence to the choice of su 3 賜 'to grant' as being in conformity with the elevated written style of early Southern Min found in the Doctrina Christiana, and thus, appropriate for sacred texts. This more literary style is particularly in evidence in the section on the Mysteries of the Rosary where a large proportion, 17/23 of the causative examples with su 3 賜 'to grant' are to be found, mainly with Mary appearing as the causer (15/17) (see van der Loon 1967, Yue-Hashimoto 1999 on questions of register).

It appears to be the case that the development of su 3 賜 'to grant' into a causative verb has occurred via semantic shift from 'a person in a superior position granting a lower status person the conditions or capacity to do an action or enter into a new state of affairs'. This causative construction codes the sense of an empowerment of the causee, as opposed to the directive sense of ordering the causee to carry out an action (for which see §4.2 above on su 2 / sai 2 使 'to send', 'to cause'). This point will become clearer once the examples have been discussed in more detail below.

The lexical and grammaticalized uses of the verb su 3 賜 can be clearly differentiated on the basis of their syntax. The lexical use of su 3 賜 'to grant' occurs in the basic frame: NP SUBJECT -su 3 賜 -NP In other words, as a ditransitive lexical verb, su 3 賜 'to grant' has two postverbal noun slots, the first for the indirect object or recipient noun, and the second for the direct object or patient. This corresponds to the basic structural pattern for datives in Archaic Chinese, Medieval Chinese and for contemporary Southern Min dialects; not to mention, standard Mandarin. Another dative su 3 賜 construction exists, however, where the indirect object may occur after the direct object, provided it is preceded by a dative preposition such as khit 4 乞or u 與(yŭ). As pointed out in Chappell (2000: 258), and observed earlier in §4.1.3.1, the preverbal position is not available for khit 4 乞 as a marker of a recipient (that is, a dative or benefactive marker), since in this position it takes on the role of a causative verb (or passive marker).

In contrast to this, the causative construction has generally only one postverbal NP slot for the causee which is followed by the second verb in the predicate: NP CAUSER - It is clear from this table that the intransitive and stative uses of the su 3 賜 causative construction far outweigh its usage with transitive action verbs [13/20]. This may be due to the small number of examples and could thus be seen as a mere gap in the data. Putting it another way, Table 4 shows that su 3 賜 does not occur with highly transitive verbs; those represented are either activity verbs or verbs of low affect (as defined in [START_REF] Hopper | Transitivity in grammar and discourse[END_REF]. However, it cannot be fortuitous that the stative kind of predicate is particularly well-suited to the semantic nature of the causative that su 3 賜 forms, an intentional causative where the causer (Mary or God) wants to bring about a certain result state, usually a propitious one for the causee, an ordinary mortal. The example in (45), in particular, reveals the power relation between causer and causee in its entreaty to Mary to cleanse the soul. This kind of causative does not entail an order being given to the causee who is obliged to carry it out, as with su 2 / sai 2 使, but rather causation of a new situation or state of affairs brought about by some special force or power attributable to the causer, evidently an unremarkable situation in this particular kind of religious context, discussing the fourteen mysteries of the Christian faith.

Even for the four instances where a transitive action verb is used, the overall meaning is stative for two, as in (43) with 'enable me to recite the doctrine with care and exertion' which focuses on the manner and result state, and for the verb it-tioc 億 著 'to think upon' which is used with the adverb siang 常 'usually', 'generally' in the clause 'you enable me to always think about your son, Jesus Christ'. The two examples with kiu 求 'to implore' are part of a larger phrase kiu yin cheng 求 人情 'to beg for compassion', 'to ask a favour' and, although transitive in form and semantically active, we would like to propose that it is the result state which is being focused upon by the use of this particular causative verb. Let us now examine the complex verb su kir (su 3 -khit 4 賜乞) 'to bestow something upon someone'. 4.3.1 Complex verbs formed with su 3 -khit 4 賜乞 'to bestow'

The complex causative verb with su kir (su 3 -khit 4 賜乞) mirrors the situation for su 3 賜 used alone. There are eight examples in the Doctrina Christiana which use the verb su kir (su 3 -khit 4 賜乞) that show both its lexical use as a verb meaning 'to bestow'(5/8) and a causative use as a verb meaning 'to make', 'to cause' (3/8). There are also two further related examples of interest that should be included here, one where the complex verb is su 3 -u 5 賜 與 and the other where it is pang-kir (pang 3 -khit 4 ) 放 乞 'to allow'; in other words, 9 examples in all of su 3 賜 as V 1 in a complex verb. The use of khit 4 乞 as V 2 in 9 of these examples recalls the grammaticalization of yŭ 與 'to give' into a preposition from V 2 position in similar serial verb constructions by the time of Late Medieval Chinese [START_REF] Peyraube | Syntaxe diachronique du chinois: évolution des constructions datives du 14e siècle av. J.-C. au 18e siècle[END_REF][START_REF] Peyraube | Recent issues in Chinese Historical Syntax[END_REF]. Let us first look at the lexical use of these complex verbs: In this construction, khit 4 乞 has a double role: on the one hand, it acts like a complement verb in a V 1 -V 2 complex, yet on the other it serves to introduce the indirect object. The direct object, if present, can either follow the recipient noun as in (46) or be preposed before the verb in the immediately preceding context as in ( 47 The pertinent use of khit 4 in this complex verb appears to be its development as a marker of the causee rather than the recipient, particularly when no patient noun occurs. In this connection, su-khit 4 賜 乞 takes on the causative meaning of 'to enable, make'. There are five clear examples of this use, where the interpretation has to be a causative one and not one of 'bestow'. Two of these are reproduced in (48) [DC,p.144] It is also instructive to note that one of the three examples classified as a lexical use of su-kir 賜 乞 is in fact midway between the lexical and causative use. This is the following example which shows how su-kir 賜 乞 may have developed its causative usage of enablement. Causative interpretation : 'And to also protect the Christian dead, so that they can receive glory.' (literally: 'enabling them to receive glory') (ii)

Lexical interpretation: 'and grant them the receiving of glory.' [DC p.156] As there are too few examples of su-kir 賜 乞 as a causative verb, we are not in a position to make any strong claims about this construction, apart from mentioning that the verb in the main predicate is typically a transitive one, and thus implies an agentive causee, as in ( 48) and ( 49). Finally, it is worth noting that there is one example of a causative with kio, cognate with Mandarin jiao 叫 'to make'. It is also found as a causative verb in the Lì Jìng Jì.:

(51) 叫 人 死 身 再 活 起 來 kio lang si sin chay ua ki lay CAUS people die body again live arise come '(God) will make us live again after we die. ' [DC,p.162]

CONCLUSION

We conclude our analysis of Early Modern Southern Min causatives with a résumé of our findings, placed in a diachronic perspective: All three main causative structures described in this study represent pivot constructions from the point of view of syntax: NP CAUSERcausative verb -NP CAUSEE -VP. The most frequent causative verb in the Doctrina Christiana is su 賜 (22), a causative of 'empowerment' which may co-occur with all verb types, though it particularly favours non-transitive verbs, if not verbs low on the transitivity scale. In nine cases, it occurs in the Doctrina Christiana as part of a verb complex with khit 4 乞 as V 2 .

We propose that the causative verb su 賜, as for its lexical use 'to bestow', conveys respect for high status causers, particularly appropriate in the given context of a collection of religious texts with frequent supplications to God, Mary and Jesus. Although it is not attested in other contemporaneous Southern Min texts such as the Lì Jìng Jì, nor in earlier periods of Chinese, we note a similar use in the 17 th century Mandarin of Varo's grammar. Furthermore, a description of [sI 5 ] 賜 being used as a passive marker in the Xiang dialect of Loudi has recently come to light (Wu 2005: 195).

The next most frequent causative verb in the text is su 2 使 with 11 tokens, a directive causative in its intentional form 'make'. Contrasting to this, it also forms a subtype of unintentional causatives with experiencer verbs. Su 2 使 is no longer productive in modern Southern Min dialects such as Taiwanese, although it is used in standard Chinese and is attested as a causative verb from the period of Archaic Chinese.

Although there were only a few examples of causative use of khit 4 乞 in the Doctrina Christiana (5 tokens), it is common in the far longer text of the Lì Jìng Jì with a total of 41 tokens in the representative sample used, making it overall the most frequent causative verb, in fact, for the two 16 th century texts. Khit 4 乞 forms a permissive 'let' type of causative. In some contemporary Southern Min dialects it is still used in this function, for example in Dongshan, Jinjiang and Jieyang (see tables for the uses of khit 4 乞 in Southern Min dialects in [START_REF] Chappell | Dialect grammar in two early modern Southern Min texts: A comparative study of dative kît, comitative câng and diminutive -guìa[END_REF][START_REF] Lien | Grammatical function words 乞, 度, 共, 甲, 將 and 力 in Li 4 Jing 4 Ji 4 荔鏡記 and their Development in Southern Min[END_REF]; and the discussion thereof). In the Taiwanese, Xiamen and Zhangzhou varieties of Southern Min it has been replaced by hou 7 與. The verb khit 4 乞 is attested as a causative from the Late Medieval period.

(

  42) NP SUBJECT -su 3 賜-NP DIRECT OBJECT -khit 4 乞 ( u 與) -NP INDIRECT OBJECT 僚 bestowed a blessing upon you.'[DC p.145]

  Indeed, examples of shĭ 使 and lìng 令in causative usage are found in one of the earliest classics from this period: the Shī Jīng 詩經or Book of Odes, a heterogeneous anthology of poems covering a period of five centuries (10 th -5 th BCE). These three causative verbs continued to be used in the Pre-Medieval period (2 nd c.BCE -2 nd c. CE) throughout the Medieval (2 nd -13 th c.CE), Pre-Modern (13 th -14 th c.CE) and the Modern periods (15 th -18 th c.CE), up until the 18 th century, but in the register of Classical Chinese.The first meaning of qĭ 乞 in Late Archaic or Classical Chinese was 'to ask for' or 'to beg' after which it acquired the meaning of 'to give' in the early Han period. The following examples are taken from different periods in the history of the Chinese language:

	(7) 乞我一隻錢 (12) 莫教人笑汝	(Hán Shān Shī 寒山詩 803.2.18)
	qĭ wŏ yī zhī qián mò jiào rén xiào rŭ
	give 1SG one CLF money NEG CAUS people laugh 2SG
	'Give me one tael of money.' (Wu Deng Hui Yuan 2 五燈會元 2) 'Don't let people mock you!'
	(8) 嘉 宾 遂 一 日 乞 與 親 友 (13) 叫妹妹出來拜辭哥哥 (Yŏnglè Dà Diàn 永樂大典西文: 張協狀元)
	jiào mèimèi chū lái bài cí gēgē Jiā Bīn suì yī rì qĭ yǔ qīn yòu CAUS Miss exit come say farewell Mister Jia Bin then one day give give friend 'Then, one day Jia Bin would have to give (it) to (his) friends.' (Shì Shuō Xīn Yǔ 世 'Tell Mademoiselle to go out and say farewell to the gentleman;'
	說新語: 儉蔷) (14) 教你別娶妻	(poem from Wáng Fàn Zhì 王梵志詩)
	jiào nĭ bié qŭ qī (9) 好 鞍 好 馬 乞 與 人 CAUS 2SG NEG marry wife
	hăo ān hăo mă qĭ yǔ rén '(I ) exhort you not to get married.'
	good saddle good horse give give people
	Other causative verbs are found in Late Medieval and Modern Chinese (7 th -18 th
	centuries), whose sources include: yŭ 與'to give', yào 要 'to want', fàng 放 'to place' and
	zháo/zhuó 著(着)'to place, to use' (Sun 2005). 5 In an early textbook of Mandarin, written
	For example: for Koreans and known as the Lăo Qĭ Dà 老乞大 (14th century), 51% of the verbal zhuó
	are causatives with the meaning of 'to ask', 'to tell somebody to do something', as in the
	(10) 乞 我 惶了推門推不開 following example:
	qĭ wŏ huáng le, tuī mén tuī bù kaī CAUS 1SG frighten PFV push door push NEG open (15) 我著孩子們 做與你吃
	'(It) made me so frightened (that I) could not open the door.' (Jīn Píng Méi Cíhuà 金 wŏ zhuó haízimen zuò yǔ nĭ chī
	瓶 梅 詞 話) 1SG CAUS children do give 2SG eat
	'I'll get my children to make you something to eat.'(Lăo Qĭ Dà Yánjiĕ 老乞大諺解)
	The causative verb jiào 教, with its source in a lexical verb meaning 'to instruct', is attested
	as a new causative verb from the end of Pre-Medieval: some examples can be found in Lún Finally, ràng 讓 'to yield' and gĕi 给 'to give' came into use as a causative verb in the
	Héng (輪衡) by Wang Chong 王充 (2 nd century AD). It was followed by jiāo 交 'to period of Early Modern Mandarin.
	exchange', beginning around the 6 th century, and later by jiào 叫 in the Modern period whose original meaning was 'to call' (see Ohta 1991, Chang 2005). 4 Examples are: (16) 众人讓人 他 坐 吃 茶
	zhòng rén ràng tā zuò chī chá
	people CAUS 3SG sit consume tea (11) 又 教 弟 坐 yòu jiào dì zuò 'People let him sit to drink tea.' (Jīn Píng Méi Cíhuà 金瓶梅词话)
	in:addition CAUS brother sit
	'(And) furthermore, (he) let his brother sit.' (Zǔ Táng Jí 祖堂集)
	4 Chang Li-li (2005) hypothesizes three general tendencies for the causativization of the verbs shĭ 使 , jiào 教
	(叫) and ràng 讓 : from indirect imperatives to causatives, from intentional causatives to non-intentional
	causatives, and from general causatives to descriptive causatives. These tendencies are motivated by only one
	mechanism : generalization (of the verb meaning, of the subject type ; of the reference of the object) .

Shĭ zhōu yóu yú sì fāng

CAUS around travel at four directions 'making (them) travel around in all directions' (Guó Yǔ 国語) (6) 乃夜 去不使人知 năi yè qù, bù shĭ rén zhī then 1PL go NEG CAUS people know 'Then we left at night, (and) did not let anyone know.' (Shĭ Jì 史記游俠列傳) 'Good saddles and good horses were given to the people.' (poem from Li Bo 李白: 少年行)

The verb qĭ 乞 'to give' begins to be used as a causative verb in Early Modern Mandarin.

  give', 'to beg' whose counterpart is qĭ in standard Mandarin and whose historical development was briefly described in §3.3 above. Qĭ has lost both causative and passive functions in contemporary Mandarin but retains them in many Min dialects[START_REF] Chappell | Dialect grammar in two early modern Southern Min texts: A comparative study of dative kît, comitative câng and diminutive -guìa[END_REF]. (ii) su 2 使 'to cause', 'to send' whose counterpart in standard Mandarin is shĭ and whose historical development was also outlined in §3.3 above. Shĭ is still used particularly in written registers of Mandarin as a causative verb but not in Taiwanese Southern Min[START_REF] Lien | A typological study of causatives in Taiwanese Southern Min[END_REF]).

(iii) su 3 賜 'to bestow', 'to grant' whose counterpart in standard Mandarin is cì. The use of cì has a very classical flavour. Moreover, it only exists as a bound morpheme in contemporary Mandarin, for example, in cìgěi 賜給'to bestow (a gift) upon someone'. It is not the common causative verb in either contemporary Taiwanese Southern Min or the Xiamen dialect where hōu 與 is used, nor in other Min dialects where qĭ 乞 and its cognates prevail.

In the analysis below, we rely mainly -but not exclusively -on two documents: the Doctrina Christiana and the Lì Jìng Jì 荔 鏡 記 [Romance of the Lychee Mirror], simply because these contain the largest quantity of extended texts, either prose or dialogue in form, from which to draw examples. 4.1 khit 4 乞 'to give', 'to beg' 4.1.1. The verb khit 4 乞 'to give', 'to beg' In the Doctrina Christiana (DC), there are 22 examples of the morpheme khit 4 乞(kir) in various functions, in addition to 9 examples where it is the V 2 of a complex verb (the latter are discussed separately in §4.3). In the Lì Jìng Jì 荔 鏡 記 [Romance of the Litchi Mirror]

Table 1 :

 1 Constructions formed by khit 4 乞(kir)It is clear from Table1that the largest proportion of examples show the causative usage khit 4 乞(kir) with 46/102. The dative function has the second highest frequency with 29/102, then passives rank third with 17/102. In contrast to these three grammaticalized functions, there are only ten tokens of khit 4 乞(kir) as a lexical verb in the two documents (10/102). This indicates that khit 4 乞(kir) had already reached an advanced stage in its grammaticalization pathways by the 16 th century. Interestingly, the three examples of lexical verbs found in the Doctrina Christiana all precede the same verb sia 赦 'to forgive' Jesus then prayed to God, the Father) and begged forgiveness for people sins.'13 This lexical specialization to the earlier meaning of khit 4 乞 (kir) is reinforced by the fact that the two main lexical verbs of giving found in the Arte, the Bocabulario and the Doctrina Christiana, all from the same period, are tho .3 度 and u 5 與, and not khit 4 . The use of khit 4 乞 in dative constructions

		Structural formula	DC	LJJ	TOTAL
	1. Lexical verb 'to beg' or	Verb -Direct Object	3	7	10
	'to give'
	2(i): Dative construction		5
	with 'to/for' following V 1
	2(ii): Dative construction,
	with 'to/for' separated from		6	18	29
	V 1 by the I.O.
	3(i): Causative verb 'to let':	khit4 -NP CAUSEE -VP	3	29	32
	V 1 in a pivotal construction
	3(ii): Purposive conjunction	Clause 1 -khit4 SO THAT -	2	12	14
	'so that'	Clause 2
	4. Passive exponent	NP PATIENT -khit4 NP AGENT -	3	14	17
		VP
	TOTAL		22	80	102
	and have the meaning of 'ask for' (see also Yue-Hashimoto 1999), as shown in the next
	example: 12

Verb -khit4 -I.O. -D.O. Verb -D.O. -khit4 -I.O.

  subject -VERB -kir -NOUN indirect object -NOUN object

	(19) 總	名 沙膠覽民廚。 賜		乞 人	呀朥 舍。
	chong	mia Sacalamento	su		kir lang	Galaçia.
	full	name sacraments	bestow	give people	grace
	'The full name is the Sacraments which bestow grace upon us.'
	NOUN subject -VERB -NOUN object -kir -NOUN indirect object
	(20) 做 一 件 好 事 乞		伊
	cho cheg kia ho su kir		y
	do one CLF good deed give DAT	3SG
	'do a good deed for them' [DC p.162]

  1.3 and 4.1.4. meaning of 'to give' is in fact not greatly attested in the database, a problem we tackle in the final section.4.1.3. Causative usages of khit 4 乞The two main causative usages of khit 4 乞 comprise 46/102 examples in our 16 th century sample of texts. We have collapsed the causative verb usage (32/102) with the causative complementizer usage (14/102) for semantic reasons even though they belong to different construction types.

	4.1.3.1.	Causative verb : NP CAUSER KHIT4 -NP CAUSEE -VP

  .

	An example from the Lì Jìng Jì 荔鏡記 follows:
	(24) 乞		伊 磨
	Khit 4		i 1	boa 5
	give CAUS	3sg rub
	'Let him polish (the mirror).' [LJJ Act 19, line 061]
	NP CAUSER khit4 -NP CAUSEE -VP
	(22) Early Modern Southern Min :
	先 七 件 -	-	識 僚 氏 根 因 。
	seng chit kia kir	lang	bar Diosi kinyn
	first seven:CLF give CAUS	person	know God origin
	'The first seven items enable people to know that God is the origin.' [DC p.148]
	(23) Translation into Mandarin:
	前	七 件	事 是	讓	人 們	知 道	神
	qián qījiàn	shì	shì	ràng	rénmen	zhīdao shén
	first seven:CLF matter	be	yield CAUS	person	know	God
	是	萬 物	之	源.
	shì	wànwù	zhī	yuán
	be	all:things GEN	origin

'The first seven items enable people to know that God is the origin.'

Table 2 :

 2 Verbs occurring in the su 2 使 causative Transitive (2)

Table 3 :

 3 Lexical versus causative usages of su 3 賜 'to grant' and its complex verbs in the Doctrina Christiana

	Lexical verb	Total Causative verb	Total	Grand
					Total
	Simple verb:
	su 3 賜 'to grant'	6	su 3 賜 'to make'	17	23
	Complex verb:
	su 3 -khit4 賜乞(3) or	4	su 3 -khit4 賜乞 'to enable'	5	9
	su 3 -u 賜與(1) 'to grant'
	Total	10		22	32

  .

	(40) 天主賜與我爱你
	t'iēn chù çú iù	gò gá nì
	God grant	to	1SG love 2SG
	'Grant me Lord that I may love you'.

  INDIRECT OBJECT -NP DIRECT OBJECT .

	(41) LEXICAL USE OF su 3 賜 'to grant', 'to bestow' :
	NP SUBJECT -su 3 賜 -NP INDIRECT OBJECT -NP DIRECT OBJECT&
	賜	你 大 福
	su	lu	tay hoc
	bestow	2SG great blessing
	'and bestows a great blessing (on you)' [DC p.181]

Table 4 :

 4 You enable me to recite the doctrine with care and exertion.'[DC p.171] Causative su 3 賜 can occur with a range of different verb types. These are listed in the following table: Verb types in the su 3 赐 causative construction[Total = 17]

	su 3 賜

Table 5 :

 5 Complex verbs with su 3 賜 and khit 4 乞

	Lexical verb		Total Causative verb		Total	Grand
	'to grant'			'to enable'			Total
	su 3 -khit4 賜乞 3	4	su 3 -khit4 賜乞	5	6	10
	su 3 -u 5 賜與	1		pang 3 -khit 4 放 乞 1

  ): LEXICAL USE OF su kir (su 3 -khit 4 賜乞) (46) NP AGENT -su kir (su 3 -khit 4 賜乞) -NP INDIRECT OBJECT (-NP DIRECT OBJECT ) ) entreat God to protect the living and bestow upon them Grace.' [DC p.156] (47) Clause-initial direct object (NP DIRECT OBJECT ) -NP AGENT -su kir (su 3 -khit 4 賜乞) -NP INDIRECT OBJECT The things we use every day, you grant us today.' [cf. 'Give us this day our daily bread.' [DC p.144]

	求		僚 氏	保 庇	生 人 。 賜	乞 伊 呀 勞 舍
	kiu		Diosi	po pi	se lang	su	kir y	Galaçia
	entreat	God	protect	live:person bestow	give 3SG grace
	'(I日 日 所	用 箇 物。 今 旦 日
	yit yit sei	ong ge mi kin toa yit
	day day that:which use LIG thing today
	你 賜		乞 阮。
	lu	su		kir guan
	2SG bestow	give 1PL
	'

  You cause us to revere your name.' ('Hallowed be thy name.')

							and (49) below:
	(48) NP CAUSER	su-khit 賜 乞	NP CAUSEE		VP
	汝 賜 乞 我 要 效	汝 子 受	艱 難
	lu	su kir gua --	hau	lu	kia siu	can lan
	2SG CAUS GIVE 1SG want imitate	2SG son receive	suffering
	'You make me want to imitate your son's suffering.' [DC, p.171]
	(49) NP CAUSER	su-khit 賜 乞	NP CAUSEE		VP
	你 賜 乞 阮 稱 羡		你 名
	lu	su kir guan cheng suan		lu	mia
	2SG CAUS GIVE 1PL express:admiration	2SG name
	'

Mei Tsu-Lin (personal communication) has observed that the Wan Li era lasted only 47 years, ending in 1619. He concludes that the Sangleys in remote Manila were most likely unaware of the end of his reign. For more information of this manuscript, seeChappell and Peyraube, forthcoming.

We are grateful to Federico Masini for having drawn our attention to this dictionary and for generously providing us with a copy of it. See[START_REF] Masini | Materiali lessicografico sulla lingua cinese redatti dagli occidentali fra 1500 e 1600: I dialietti del Fujian[END_REF]

On fàng 放 and zháo/zhuó 著(着), see alsoZhang Meilan (n.d.).

For the grammaticalization of jiào 教, ràng 讓 and gĕi 给 into passives, see the detailed analysis of Chang Li-li (2005) who advocates the following pathway: causative> permissive > unwilling permissive > passive;

Verbs of giving also develop into benefactive markers, as in standard Mandarin, and purposive conjunctions with the meaning of 'so that', among other functions[START_REF] Newman | Give: a cognitive linguistic study[END_REF].

See Matisoff (1991) on the sinospheric zone of Southeast and East Asia; also[START_REF] Newman | Give: a cognitive linguistic study[END_REF],[START_REF] Heine | World lexicon of grammaticalization[END_REF] and[START_REF] Lord | Grammaticalization of 'give': African Asian perspectives[END_REF], specifically on verbs of giving. A detailed study of the evolution of dative constructions in Chinese, from verbs of giving, is found in[START_REF] Peyraube | Syntaxe diachronique du chinois: évolution des constructions datives du 14e siècle av. J.-C. au 18e siècle[END_REF].

Note in this connection that lìng 令 'to command' is literary in contemporary usage.

The two authors of this article and Zhang Min are undertaking further new research on the possibility of an implicational universal.

We thank Prof. Chinfa Lien for making these data available to us from the Lì Jìng Jì 荔 鏡 記 [Romance of the Litchi Mirror].

Note also that the romanization for this verb in the Doctrina Christiana is kiet and not kir (or kit), perhaps a reflection of its lexical use. For the two other examples, one lacks the romanization while the other uses the more typical romanization of kir.

The derivation proposed by[START_REF] Li-Li | Hanyu shiyiju biao beidong de yuyi fazhan [The semantic development from causatives to passives in Chinese[END_REF] of causative > permissive > unwilling permissive > passive does not seem to hold here for khit 4 乞. The passive could have directly evolved from the permissive stage without any intervening 'unwilling permissive' stage (see our semantic description above of the passive/causative relationship).

We are indebted to Chinfa Lien for this enlightenment.

This project is funded by an Australian Research Council Large Grant #A00106262 'Medieval Chinese and the diachronic syntax of Southern Min: 16 th -20 th centuries ' (2001-2003).