Nikolaus P Himmelmann

Sonja Riesberg

Expressions of directed caused accompanied motion events in Totoli, a western Austronesian language of Indonesia *

Keywords: Austronesian, lexical semantics, deixis, applicatives, symmetrical voice

This chapter discusses expressions of directed caused accompanied motion (directed CAM) events in Totoli, a western Austronesian language of Eastern Indonesia. The most frequent strategy to express directed CAM events in Totoli is to combine a TAKE verb with one of two directional clitics that denote motion either towards or away from the deictic centre. The goal of the directed motion can be made explicit by including a prepositional phrase or by applicative or voice morphology. Alternatively, a HOLD verb, a CARRY verb, or, very rarely, an ACCOMPANIMENT verb can be used, again requiring directionals and applicative morphology.

Introduction

Totoli is a western Austronesian language spoken in the northern part of Central Sulawesi, Indonesia. As many languages in the area, Totoli is a symmetrical voice language, i.e. it displays two basic transitive constructions with reverse linking of semantic arguments to syntactic functions. The alternation between these two constructions is symmetrical in the sense that they are both equally morphologically marked and that arguments retain their core status in all voices (i.e. there is no argument demotion as in, e.g., activepassive alternations). In Totoli, caused accompanied motion (CAM) in a direction is generally expressed by a TAKE-type verb in combination with some kind of directional or goal expression. A second major type of expression involves a CARRY/HOLD-type verb, i.e. a verb that specifies manner of causation. Manner of motion usually remains unexpressed in the CAM events conveyed by TAKE-and CARRY-verbs, but transitive uses of manner of motion verbs generally allow for CAM interpretations. This option, however, is not very frequently attested in our data. The following section ( §2) will first give some general background information on Totoli grammar, including the voice system, applicative marking, and the use of spatial prepositions and deictic clitics. Section 3 then describes basic directed CAM expressions in Totoli based on the TAKE-verb ala, emphasizing the role of directionals as well as voice and applicative morphology in bringing about the directed CAM sense. Section 4 describes the major alternative expression types for CAM events, primarily the ones based on the CARRY-verb golot/goot, but also briefly looking at relevant uses of manner of motion verbs.

Relevant grammatical background

The basic grammatical features that are involved in the expressions of directed CAM events are the voice marking system, applicativization, and the use of deictic directional clitics. The semantic contribution of both voice and applicative morphology to such expressions can probably be considered as indirect, because voice (and mood) are obligatorily marked on every Totoli verb. An understanding of the voice morphology is therefore crucial for comprehending the morphological structure of CAM expressions ( §2.1). The same also holds for applicative marking, as §2.2 will make clear. Section 2.3 then turns to deictic directionals, which are core constituents of most CAM expressions but also have very important, more general functions in the organization of Totoli grammar and discourse.

Voice marking

As a symmetrical voice language, Totoli has two basic transitive constructions, the actor voice and the undergoer voice. A third voice construction, the locative voice, is considered to be less basic, as it is syntactically more restricted than the other two voices (cf. Himmelmann & Riesberg, 2013, p. 412f.). If the NP in subject function (here in sentence-initial position) 1 is an actor, the verb will be marked by actor-voice morphology. If the subject is an undergoer, undergoer-voice morphology will be used. The undergoer voice comes in two different paradigms, here simply called undergoer voice 1 (UV1) and undergoer voice 2 (UV2). Which verb takes which undergoer-voice paradigm is lexically determined. Both actor voice and undergoer voice are fully transitive, that is, in both voices the nonsubject argument has core argument status. In the locative voice the subject is a stative locative argument (i.e. a place where something happens). The following examples illustrate actor-and undergoer-voice uses of the verb taip 'peel' (a verb which takes paradigm 1 for undergoer-voice marking), and a locative-voice form of the verb kaan 'eat'. 1 summarizes the full set of voice affixation, including the respective realis forms. [START_REF] Riesberg | Symmetrical voice and linking in western Austronesian languages[END_REF] provides an in-depth discussion of symmetrical voice alternations, including more data from Totoli. 1 The position of the subject NP is flexible. It can occur either before or after the verb + nonsubject complex.

2 Most examples are from the DoBeS Totoli corpus [START_REF] Leto | DoBeS Totoli documentation[END_REF](Leto et al., -2010) ) and can be crosschecked there. Examples (7), (8b), and (32a) are taken from Bracks et al., 2017[START_REF] Bracks | The prosodic system of Totoli[END_REF] Examples from spontaneous discourse are referenced for name of the session and line number, and do not follow punctuation or capitalization conventions. Elicited examples are signaled by punctuation and capitalization both in the vernacular text and the translation. They are not further indexed but can easily be found by filtering the elicited database for the verb root used in the example. Most elicited examples come from the file Appl_-i_of_trans_Verbs of the DoBeS corpus.

Ø ni- UNDERGOER VOICE 2 -i ni-+ -an LOCATIVE VOICE po-/poN-/pog--i ni-+ po-/poN-/pog-+ -an
As can be seen in Table 1, UV1 is unmarked in non-realis mood, the form simply consisting of the bare stem. In realis mood, UV1 is only marked by the undergoer-voice realis prefix ni-, which occurs in all realis forms except actor voice. The choice of the different prefixes in the actor and locative voices is partially phonologically, partially lexically conditioned.

Applicative marking

There are two applicative paradigms in Totoli which increase the valency of a predicate by one place. One, marked by -i in non-realis mood, typically adds a goal argument. The other one, which uses the suffix -an in non-realis mood, introduces an argument whose semantic role depends on the valency of the stem. If the stem is monovalent, it adds a theme argument, if it is bivalent, the added argument can either be an instrument or a beneficiary/recipient. In actor voice, the applied argument becomes a non-subject core argument. In the undergoer voice, it may be realized in subject position, but may also occur as a non-subject core argument (23 below provides an example). In realis undergoer voice forms, applicative marking is less transparent and partially homophonous with non-applicative undergoer voice marking, as detailed in Table 2.

(2) a. 3) show the use of the applicative1 (with non-realis applicative suffix -an) and applicative2 (with non-realis applicative suffix -i) occurring with the monovalent verb sake 'ascend' in both actor voice and undergoer voice. In (2), the applicative of paradigm 1 adds the THEME argument balaan 'goods', which becomes a core argument in the actor voice (example a), and the subject in the undergoer voice (example b). The goal argument kapa' 'ship' remains oblique, marked by the locative preposition dei or its proclitic form i=. In (3) the applicative paradigm 2 is used and it is the GOAL argument, i.e. the ship that is applied, again either as a non-subject core argument, or as the subject. This time the theme is marked as oblique.

The two examples in (4) illustrate how the use of applicative1 with a bivalent base can either add a beneficiary argument (4a), or an instrument (4b The applicative suffixes also occur on monovalent stative bases, as illustrated in (5). With such bases, the applicative morphology strictly speaking has a causative function, i.e. it adds an actor argument (e.g. disappeared -> make disappear). This multifunctionality is typical for cognate morphological markers throughout western Indonesia and it stands to reason that it would be more appropriate to call these formatives transitivizing rather than applicative. Here, however, we stick to the better-established term, applicative.

(5)

Isia lalau magalingan baki bau. isia la-lau mog-aling-an baki bau 3SG RDP-presently AV-disappeared-APPL1 head fish 'He is removing the fish's head.' Both applicative markers occur in all voices and in both realis and non-realis mood. Table 2 summarizes the rather intricate system of applicative formatives in Totoli. As can be seen, there is significant syncretism between plain voice forms (cf. Table 1) and applicative (voice) marking. For a detailed argument supporting the analysis summarized in the two tables, see [START_REF] Himmelmann | Symmetrical voice and applicative alternations: Evidence from Totoli[END_REF]. The directional clitics =ai and =ko are highly frequent in Totoli discourse, and by no means restricted to occurring with (intransitive) verbs of motion. Rather, they can modify any event, and, as example (7) illustrates, they have an important role in reference tracking in Totoli discourse. In this example, which consists of three (i. -iii.) consecutive clauses of a story, there are two 3 rd person singular participants (two boys) who change semantic role and grammatical function in each clause. The whole scene is narrated using boy2 as the deictic centre. Hence the giving event in (7)i is marked as involving movement away from the deictic centre (from boy2 to boy1), while the giving event in ( 7)ii involves movement towards the deictic centre (from boy1 to boy2). In (7)iii, boy2 moves away from his current position with three pears (described by the speaker as avocadoes) towards his two friends who are waiting for him further down the road, thereby shifting the deictic centre to this group. danna ibeenannamai alpukat totolu danna i-been-an=na=mo=ai alpukat totolu then RLS.UV-give-APPL2=3SG.GEN=CPL=VEN avocado three 'then he1 gives (him2) three avocados' (pearstory_29_JML.057) iii. tissabatuan nialamoko itu ti-RDP1-sabatu-an ni-ala=mo=ko itu up.to-RDP1-one-NR RLS.UV-take:APPL1=CPL=AND DIST danna danna then 'one for each (of them he2) brings there' (pearstory_29_JML.058)

In addition to the directionals, Totoli has a general locative preposition dei which marks goals, already illustrated in (2a), or static locations (cf. 8a).

However, in some contexts, source interpretations are also possible, cf. examples (8b) and (8c). ( 8 In both (8b) and (8c), it is very likely that the source meanings arise by implicature, as more literal interpretation with a static locative are also possible, even though they may appear to be somewhat contrived ('my grandchildren at my second child are two' and 'she had been able to borrow seedling at the king's', respectively). That dei generally does not encode sources is probably due to the fact that there is a designated preposition uli 'from'. This preposition obligatorily combines with either of the two directional clitics =ai or =ko, as illustrated in (9). The source may then be further specified by a deictic adverb (cf. 9a), a noun (cf. 9b), or a locative phrase with dei (cf. 9c). ( 9 As should be clear from these examples, uli is less strongly grammaticalized than dei and shows some more verb-like features such as occurring with the directionals and also aspectual particles such as the completive marker =mo. However, uli does not occur with voice-mood or applicative morphology, which is a core characteristic of 'real' verbs. More importantly in the present context, the last two examples should also make it clear that the directional particles do not necessarily entail motion, even though there is a motion event involved in most of their uses. Consequently, a somewhat more precise definition than the one given at the beginning of this section would be: the directionals point into a direction away from or toward the deictic centre.

Basic expressions of directed CAM events in Totoli with ala 'take'

The most basic and most frequent expression of a directed CAM event in Totoli consists of the manner neutral causation verb ala 'take' and either one of the two directional clitics (cf. §2.3). ( 10 This section first briefly discusses the basic semantics of the verb ala ( §3.1) and then investigates in more detail how directional clitics and locative expressions ( §3.2), applicative marking ( §3.3), and locative voice ( §3.4) are employed to create directed CAM expressions with the verb ala.

The semantic core of basic directed CAM expressions in Totoli

The verb ala 'take', in its basic use, i.e. without additional morphology (such as applicative marking or directional clitics) is transitive and by default expresses that the agent obtains the theme. Its basic semantics does not include any path of motion towards a goal other than the agent. In example (11a) the verb is in actor voice (AV), in (11b) it is in undergoer voice (UV).

(11) a.

tau magala lajang tau mog-ala lajang person AV-take lajang.fish 'the people are getting lajang fish' (fishing_2.545) b.

bali kode anu dennia ala bali kode anu dennia ala so only REL like.this take:UV1 'so only the ones like these are taken ' (siote_2.195) The verb is source-oriented in that when ala 'take' in its basic use occurs with the basic locative preposition dei, there is usually an implicature that the PP denotes the source of the CAM event, as in ( 12). ( 12) Kami nagala bogas dei bale gaukan. kami nog-ala bogas dei bale gaukan 1PL.EX AV.RLS-take rice LOC house king 'We took (i.e. stole) rice from the house of the king.' As already mentioned in §2.3, the PP in such examples more literally denotes a stative locative, i.e. the place where something happened. So, more literally, (12) means 'we took rice in the king's house'. The meaning given in the translation in fact involves two implicatures, namely (a) that the agent took the rice illicitly and (b) that they left with it. Note that the movement away from the taking location is not encoded in the verb. The trajectory of movement of the taking event is still towards the agent in that the theme is now under the agent's control. Explicitly coding a motion path towards a goal (by adding a directional clitic or a goal expression) removes the implicature of the theme being taken illicitly. Compare (13) where a directional clitic occurs on the verb.

(13) Kami nagalai bogas dei bale gaukan. kami nog-ala=ai bogas dei bale gaukan 1PL.EX AV.RLS-take=VEN rice LOC house king 'We take rice from the king (with his permission/with him knowing).'

Our corpus of natural Totoli texts contains 284 tokens of ala 'take', 57 of which denote a directed CAM event. Example (10a) is the only natural example that includes the expression of a source argument marked by the preposition uli 'from' plus venitive =ai. There are two further natural examples in which the source is marked by the stative locative preposition dei, one of which involves the venitive clitic =ai as in example ( 13), the other one deriving the source reading by implication, as in example (12). As source expressions in the directed CAM events are so marginal, the following sections will focus on the expression of goal arguments.

Ala 'take' with directional clitics and goal expressions

As seen in the examples in (10), basic directed CAM events can be expressed by ala in combination with the andative and the venitive clitics. In addition, a locative expression can be added. When this is the case, there are two possibilities for expressing the goal of the CAM event: in a prepositional phrase marked by the general locative preposition dei, as in (14a) and (14b), or by attaching a second instance of the directional clitic on the goal expression itself, as in (15a) and (15b). In elicitation, speakers prefer the latter option with the repetition of the clitic on the goal NP. Note that for the general locative PP dei accompanying ala 'take' to be interpretable as the goal of a CAM event, the verb needs to carry a directional clitic. Without any directional clitic, ala plus dei is usually interpreted as a taking event from a source (cf. example 12). ( 14 rumasakitko rumasakit=ko hospital=AND 'the girl has been taken to hospital' (brcst_lalampulan_2.3364-5)

Ala 'take' with applicative suffix

Another strategy to express CAM events towards a specific goal is by use of applicative -an (i.e. the applicative1 paradigm), which, as mentioned in §2.2, adds a beneficiary argument to bivalent verbs. This argument is generally interpreted as a recipient. In actor voice, the recipient thus becomes a (nonsubject) core argument (16a); in the undergoer voice, it is realized in subject position (16b). Since the applicative adds a beneficiary, usually, these applied arguments denote animate referents, i.e. they are true recipients, rather than goals.

(16) a.

Kami magalaan gaukan bogas. kami mog-ala-an gaukan bogas 1PL.EX AV-take-APPL1 king rice 'We take rice to the king.' b.

Gaukan nipagala kami bogas. gaukan ni-pog-ala kami bogas king RLS.UV-SF-take:APPL1 1PL.EX rice 'We take rice to the king.' Motion of the theme towards the beneficiary is probably only implicated rather than strictly encoded, as the applicative construction expresses action benefiting the applied argument but not necessarily movement of the theme towards the beneficiary. The directional component towards the beneficiary can be marked more explicitly by adding either of the directional clitics =ko or =ai, as illustrated in (17a) and (17b). In our corpus, all instances of goaloriented CAM events expressed by ala plus applicative are in fact explicitly marked by an additional directional clitic.

(17) a.

pagalaanai paku pog-ala-an=ai paku SF-take-APPL1.UV=VEN fern 'get her some fern' (said to an addressee sitting next to the intended recipient) (conv_cl.367) b.

Gaukan nipagalako kami bogas. gaukan ni-pog-ala=ko kami bogas king RLS.UV-SF-take:APPL1=AND 1PL.EX rice 'We take rice to the king.'

Ala 'take' with locative voice

In a third type of construction ala 'take' occurs in locative voice in which a location, which can also be interpreted as a goal or source, becomes the subject. In the context of ( 18) the locative subject is interpreted as the source location.

(18) Gaukan nipagalaan kami bogas gaukan ni-pog-ala-an kami bogas king RLS.UV-SF-take-LV 1PL.EX rice 'We took (i.e. stole) rice from the king (lit. the king's place is where we took rice).'

For the location to be interpreted as the goal of the CAM event a directional clitic again needs to be added to the verb, as in ( 19).

Manner-specific verbs and verbs of accompaniment in directed CAM expressions

While manner neutral ala 'take' is clearly the most frequent verb used to express directed CAM events, there is a range of manner-specific verbs that, likewise, can be used to express caused accompanied motion in a direction. With respect to voice, applicative marking and use of deictic clitics, these verbs in principle behave in the same manner as described for ala 'take' in the section above. Section 4.1 first takes a more detailed look at verbs that lexicalize manner of causation, §4.2 briefly describes some manner-specific motion verbs, and §4.3 finally turns to ACCOMPANY-type verbs.

Manner of causation

Goot 'hold/carry'

The verb goot (and its variant form golot)4 basically means 'hold (onto)' as well as 'carry (in hand)'. It is manner-specific and in all of its uses, it is clear that the actor is holding (onto) something with their hands (and not, for example, carry it on the head). In some cases, the verb occurs in metaphorical extensions, as in 'holding an office'. As (20a) shows, there is a certain ambiguity as to the transitivity of the actor voice form mogoot which tends to occur with a preposition such as dei when used to mean 'hold'. But a direct construction with an undergoer argument is also possible. 5 Clearly transitive, and more common when denoting 'hold', is the form mogooti seen in ( 20b) and (20c). On the assumption that the base form goot is actually intransitive, these forms are transitivizing applicative2 formations. As further discussed in Himmelmann and Riesberg (2013, p. 401), for a number of transitive bases which occur both with and without applicative2 suffixes, it is not quite clear what exactly the function of the applicative suffix is in these formations. 6 If goot is considered a transitive base, it would belong to this class.

When meaning 'carry (in hand)', the overall construction is clearly transitive, with the theme argument usually directly following the verb and no prepositional marking. Usually, this meaning is expressed with the form mogo(l)ot as can be seen in ( 21a) and (21b). The form mogo(l)oti with the applicative suffix is also possible, as shown in (21c) which is, however, the only example of this type in our texts. In elicitation as well, speakers readily produce sentences with mogoot, such as (21a), while applicative forms with -i (i.e. mogooti) are accepted but not produced spontaneously. That is, in actor voice the form mogoot, without the applicative suffix, appears to be the more frequent and acceptable for the meaning 'carry'. ( 21 seedling PRX '(we) already took the seedlings there' (conversation_2.0834) As ( 21a) and (21b) show, goot may convey the sense of 'carry (in hand)' without a directional, but then no goal or source is implied. In order to express goal-directed CAM events, the verb typically occurs with a directional clitic, as illustrated in (21c) and (21d). In terms of frequency in our corpus of spontaneous recordings, instances of goot expressing CARRY events outnumber uses of goot expressing holding events, which do not involve caused motion: There are 76 tokens of go(l)ot, only 26 of which express a directed CAM event.7 However, in terms of the lexical entailments, the HOLD-sense is probably the more basic one (which is why we gloss go(l)ot as 'hold'). Speakers tend to translate goot by itself with 'hold (in hand)'.8 Furthermore, when being very careful and precise in translating goot in contexts where it expresses CARRY events, speakers tend to offer 'hold and carry' (memegang dan membawa in Malay) as a translation. The choice between the HOLD and the CARRY sense appears to depend essentially on the nature of the theme argument and the pragmatic context. In isolation, sentences with 'hand', 'wall' or 'area' in undergoer function will be translated with 'hold', while 'seeds', 'avocados' or 'fish' will elicit a 'carry' translation, as shown by the examples above. For once, the directionals do not play a major role in disambiguating the different senses. Note that for goot 'hold/carry' the distinction between a basic form and one suffixed with -i only occurs in actor voice. The undergoer voice forms are gooti for non-realis contexts and nigootan for realis contexts, and there is no formal distinction between the 'hold' and 'carry' meaning. Importantly, almost all undergoer voice uses in our non-elicited materials involve the CARRY sense, (22b) being the rare exception. Just like in the actor voice, undergoer voice gooti/nigootan seems to need additional marking by directionals in order to express goal-directed CAM events, as in ( 22c) and ( 22d). ( 22 In contrast to ala 'take', applicative1 derivations (with the suffix -an in nonrealis mode) are very rare for goot 'hold/carry'. Example ( 23) is elicited.

(23) Alpukaat ana kodoong gootanko i prop. alpukaat ana ko-doong goot-an=ko i prop avocado MED POT-want hold-APPL1.UV=AND HON prof 'Those avocados will be carried there for the professor.' As in the case of ala 'take', the applicative1 adds a beneficiary argument, when applied to transitive bases, which may be interpreted as the recipient of a CAM event in some contexts. In (23) the carrying event takes place on behalf of the professor and while the professor may be the recipient of the avocados, this is not necessarily so.

Other CARRY verbs

There are twenty further CARRY verbs in our Totoli lexical database, most of them elicited when compiling the Tomini-Tolitoli sourcebook [START_REF] Himmelmann | Sourcebook on Tomini-Tolitoli languages: General information and word lists[END_REF]. The verb goot 'hold/carry in hands' is by far the most frequent, accounting for more than half of all occurrences of CARRY events in the spontaneous recordings. Of the other verbs, only seven are attested in the corpus (marked in bold in Table 3, number of tokens9 in parentheses), often only in a single text. The one somewhat more frequent verb is simbu 'carry on shoulder' (18 tokens). As in the case of goot, the other CARRY verbs primarily denote a holding position on the body, which may take on a 'carry'-sense with the appropriate theme argument. That is the core meaning concerns the way a load is placed on or attached to, and possibly impacts on, the carrier. The movement component is thus clearly secondary and not necessarily directed towards a goal. The major exception in this regard is the last verb in Table 3, i.e. akut, which may be a borrowing from Malay (angkut, same meaning). This verb only denotes a carrying (not a holding) event, though not necessarily a directed one.

As far as one can glean from the textual attestations, all CARRY words roughly show the same grammatical characteristics as go(l)ot in its 'carry' sense. The addition of directionals seems generally required to express goal-oriented CAM events. Typically text occurrences of these verbs just refer to carrying events, without any indication of a direction or goal (cf. 24a and 24b).

Otherwise, directions and locations are indicated by a directional clitic, as in (25). While many CARRY verbs take UV2 like goot, not all of them do (e.g. simbu in 24).

( As these verbs are all intransitive in their base form, they obligatorily have to be transitivized in order to express a directed CAM event. In a directed CAM expression, (manner of) motion verbs will thus always be marked by an applicative (cf. §2.2). Directionality is added, as usual, by the directional clitics.

(28) a.

Tau ana nabaseanko i aku. tau ana no-base-an=ko i aku person MED AV.RLS-paddle-APPL1=AND HON 1SG 'That person paddled me there.' b.

(llengetna) pogumbangnako taking sapeda (llenget=na) pog-umbang=na=ko taking sapeda basket=3SG.GEN SF-run:APPL1=3SG.GEN=AND with bike 'he hurried away (with his basket) on his bike' (pearstory_3.019) Note that the semantics of umbang is not easy to translate into English (especially not in a short gloss). While it can have the interpretation of running towards a goal, as in (27b) (with an overt, prepositionally marked goal argument), in most instances in our corpus it actually means something like 'leaving (a place) in a hurried manner/fleeing from a place', as in (28b). Here the boy is clearly not running with his bike, but rather riding off quickly, with the help of his bike. A similar example is shown in ( 29), where the fish don't run, but swim off quickly. In a strict sense, umbang thus does not really imply a specific manner of motion. Rather, it entails speed of motion, i.e. a fast movement, usually away from a source. Proper manner of motion is then implied by the context, i.e. quick swimming away for fish, quick riding off, when a bicycle is involved, etc. The verb may also express goal-oriented CAM events, as in (31a) and (31b), but it appears that only the notion of accompaniment is entailed by the verb and that causation of motion may arise as an implicature in contexts where the theme entity is inanimate. CAM events encoded by untud 'go with' are much rarer in the corpus compared to ala 'take ' and go(l) All examples of untud 'go with' in the corpus involve movement towards a goal. Typically, the verb is followed by an explicit expression of the goal in form of a PP and/or the transactional orientation is indicated by a directional clitic on the verb. If the goal is not made explicit, it is always retrievable from context. Furthermore, untud generally occurs with an applicative suffix in the corpus, examples (30a) and (31b) being the only occurrences which are clearly nonapplicative.11 Clearly, then, the basic meaning of untud is 'to go with someone or something', causation of motion arising from contextual features, including the animacy of the accompanied item, and directedness of motion having to be explicitly marked by directionals or a prepositional phrase indicating the goal. All examples of this applicative construction in the corpus pertain to two scenarios, i.e. the sequence in the pear movie [START_REF] Chafe | The pear stories: Cognitive, cultural, and linguistic aspects of narrative production[END_REF] where one of the three boys brings back the hat to the boy who fell off his bike (cf. 31a) and the moment in wedding procedures when the groom is accompanied by relatives to the house of the bride (cf. 30b). The applicative in this construction indicates that the accompaniment happens for someone's benefit, but the semantics of the verb furthermore implies the two following components: a) the theme is promised or expected, and b) the applied beneficiary argument is the proper and designated recipient of the bringing/taking event. The best English translation for untud + APPL1 is thus probably 'deliver', which, too, implies these two semantic features. In the wedding procedure example (30b), the applicative makes clear that the groom is accompanied for the benefit of his future wife's family (which is not overtly expressed here). In this instance, the beneficiary is not the goal of the motion event (which rather is the house of the bride). The theme, i.e. the husband, is clearly expected/promised and the wife and her family are the designated recipients. The same holds for the pear story example in (31a).

Here the implied beneficiary (the boy who lost his hat) is clearly the proper recipient of the hat, and, after the other boy signalled his coming by whistling after him, he is expecting the hat's delivery. This analysis of untud is supported by the fact that in the 23 re-tellings of the pear story in our annotated corpus, ala 'take' and go(l)ot 'hold/carry' are used for taking and carrying baskets and avocados (i.e. pears), which have been stolen from the farmer. Untud, on the other hand, is only used for bringing back the hat to its rightful owner, the boy, who had lost it earlier in the story. While the relevant scene -if mentioned at all -is most commonly described as 'giving back' or 'returning the hat', untud is the preferred choice for expressing the CAM event of 'bringing/carrying back the hat'. tibatiba daan ake tau taatalib liilindas tibatiba daan ake tau taa-talib lii-lindas suddenly EXIST too person RDP2-pass.by RDP2-pull toalang toalang goat 'suddenly there is also a man passing by, pulling a goat' (pearstory_4.062-64)

The use of goot in this context is somewhat remarkable in that the man clearly is not holding or carrying the goat. What he is holding is the leash with which he pulls the goat along.

Conclusion

Directed CAM events in Totoli are primarily expressed with the verb ala 'take, fetch' which denotes the event of an agent obtaining something (usually with their hands). Directed motion towards a goal is coded by directional clitics, which indicate direction toward or away from the deictic centre. The goal of the directed motion can be made explicit by including a prepositional phrase or by applicative or voice morphology which provides the option of expressing the goal or recipient as a core argument of ala. The second main strategy is the use of the HOLD-verb goot (or its variant golot). For this verb, a CARRY-implicature arises in dependence of the nature of the theme. Holding a hand or a rope typically implies holding onto these items, while holding fruit or fish or the like typically implies that these are carried. Directed motion once again is only expressed by adding directionals. Optionally, the goal may be made explicit in a prepositional phrase. Applicative derivations here do not play a major role. In addition to these main strategies for expressing directed CAM events, there are also quite a few manner specific CARRY-type and motion verbs which may be used for this purpose, but they are not very frequently attested in this usage. Directed motion requires directionals, explicit goal phrases may optionally be included. In the case of manner of motion verbs, an applicative derivation is additionally needed to include a theme argument. The verb untud 'go with, accompany', finally, also is used for a very restricted set of CAM events which are similar in meaning to English deliver, again requiring directionals and applicative morphology in this usage.

  for (him2), and he2 hands (him1) the hat' (pearstory_29_JML.056) ii.

  UV-SF-take-LV=AND 1PL.EX person girl itu. Itu DIST 'We took the girl to the hospital.'

  Finally, a somewhat different kind of accompaniment is expressed by combining a motion verb with a holding or pulling verb. The examples in (32) are typical examples, again from the pear story, pertaining to a man passing by with a goat. (32) a. notumalibmai tau googoot -um-no-talib=mo =ai tau goo-goot -AUTO.MOT-AV.RLS-pass.by=CPL=VEN person RDP2-hold toalang toalang goat 'a man passes by tearing along a goat (on a leash)' (pearstory_21_ARN.011) b.

Table 1 .

 1 Totoli voice formatives

		NON-REALIS	REALIS
	ACTOR VOICE	mo-/moN-/mog-	no-/noN-/nog-
	UNDERGOER VOICE 1

ni-poN-taip=na 1SG ST.RLS-finished=CPL RLS.UV-SF-peel:APPL1=3SG.GEN taipang

  ).

	(4)	a.	Aku notookamo	nipanaipna
			aku	no-tooka=mo
				.
			taipang
			mango
			'He peeled a mango for me.'
		b.	Kode gopas nanasi	nipadaamkuko
			kode gopas nanasi	ni-

po-daam=ku=ko only yarn pineapple RLS.UV-SF-sew:APPL1=1SG.GEN=AND

	ulos	ana.
	ulos	ana
	sarong MED
	'I only use the yarn from the pineapple leaf to sew this sarong.'

Table 2

 2

		. Totoli applicative formatives
				NON-REALIS	REALIS
	APPLICATIVE 1 AV	mo-/moN-/mog-+ -an no-/noN-/nog-+ -an
	APPLICATIVE 1 UV	-an		ni-+ -Ø
	(SUBJ = THEME)
	APPLICATIVE 1 UV	po-/poN-/pog-+ -an	ni-+ po-/poN-/pog-+ -Ø
	(SUBJ= BEN/INSTR)
	APPLICATIVE 2 AV	mo-/moN-/mog-+ -i	no-/noN-/nog-+ -i
	APPLICATIVE 2 UV	-i		ni-+ -an
	2.3 Deictic directional clitics and spatial prepositions
	There are two directional clitics in Totoli. Motion towards the deictic centre
	is marked by the venitive clitic =ai, motion away from the deictic centre is
	expressed by the andative clitic =ko, as shown in (6).
	(6)	a.	njan i	Bus	nobuliai
			njan i	Bus	no-buli=ai
			after HON PN	AV.RLS-return=VEN
			'after Bus had returned home (here)' (conversation_2.0953)

  ) a.

	b.	tau	dolago ia	nialamoko
		tau	dolago ia	ni-ala=mo=ko
		person girl	PRX	RLS.UV-take:UV1=CPL=AND
		Bogas itu nialako		dei	bale gaukan.
		bogas itu ni-ala=ko	dei	bale gaukan
		rice	DIST RLS.UV-take:UV1=AND LOC	house king
		'That rice was taken to the house of the king.'
	b.	tau	dakona		moinggapo	magalako
		tau	dako=na	mo-ingga=po mog-ala=ko
		person big=3SG.GEN ST-NEG=INCPL AV-take=AND
		dedekna		dei	pos	PIN
		dedek=na	dei	pos	PIN
		small=3SG.GEN LOC	station PIN
		'the parents are still reluctant to take their babies to the PIN
		station' (radio_brcst_2.189)
	(15) a.	Kami nagalako	bogas baleko	i	gaukan.
		kami	nog-ala=ko	bogas bale=ko	i	gaukan
		1PL.EX AV.RLS-take=AND rice house=AND HON king
		'We took rice to the house of the king.'

  ) a.

	d.	gootitako		dokterko	kau
		goot-i=ta=ko		dokter=ko	kau
		hold-UV2=1PL.IN.GEN=AND doctor=AND 2SG
		'we will take you to the doctor' (improvisation_1.082)
		Sopa	googootimu?
		sopa	goo-goot-i=mu
		what	RDP2-hold-UV2=2SG.GEN
		'What are you holding?'
	b.	nigootan	tau	moanena
		ni-goot-an	tau	moane=na
		RLS.UV-hold-UV2	person husband=3SG.GEN
		'her husband held her (and cut her hair)'
		(village_names_5.565)
	c.	nigootan	i	amangna	iai
		ni-goot-an	i	amang=na	i=ai
		RLS.UV-hold-UV2	HON	father=3SG.GEN LOC=VEN
		'her father brought (her) here' (Pinjan_history.163)

Table 3 .

 3 Totoli carry verbs (roughly semantically ordered)

	go(l)ot (76)	'hold / carry in hand(s)'
	simbu (18)	'carry on shoulder'
	panjuun (3)	'carry sitting on shoulder'
	bangguaa	'carry (heavy load) on back'
	bangguee	'carry (small load) on back'
	ube (4)	'carry on back with a strap'
	suun	'carry on head'
	sanggeleng	'carry with a strap over shoulder'
	tangguang	'carry on shoulder with a stick (only loading the back
		end of the stick)'
	kingging	'carry hanging from hand'

  In some cases the goal of a carry event is expressed in a following intonation unit, either by a PP as in (26a), or in a separate clause, e.g. as the goal of a motion verb as in (26b) (in both examples '/' indicates the unit boundary). However, such cases are generally rare.

	b. (27) a.	anakna nabase		tukka pada waktu tu	itu	manangkii itu notiuma tiitimbu'
		anak=na no-base	tukka pada waktu tu	itu	moN-sangki-i itu no-ti-uma tii-timbu'
		child=3SG.GEN older.sibling DIST AV-carry-APPL2 AV.RLS-paddle at time DIST DIST AV-?-arrive RDP2-east
		tuali 'in those times, they paddled till they arrived in the east' itu
		tuali (Pinjan_history.380-1) itu
		younger.sibling DIST
	b.	'her older child carried her younger sibling, putting her arms nogumbang dei gumpun
		around her' (putri_duyung_3.307) nog-umbang dei gumpun
		AV.RLS-run	LOC		forest
	(25) i	aku '(he) ran to the forest' (maptask_1.2077) sangkiigako tau
	i	aku	sangki-i=ga=ko	tau
	HON	1SG carry-UV2=just=AND person
	'I (will) just be carried there by someone else in their embrace'
	(song_6_2.12)
	(26) a.	simbumoko			anako	/ baboko
		simbu=mo=ko			ana=ko	babo=ko
		carry.on.shoulder:UV1=CPL=AND MED=AND	above=AND
		llunjalanna			ana
		RDP1-lunja'-an			ana
		RDP1-pound.sago-NR	MED
		'(after the sago is filled in here) it is carried over there, to the
		top of that sago pounding place' (making_sago.089)
	b.	buli ulai	sikola monimbumo	bbanji ana /
		buli uli=ai	sikola moN-simbu=mo	babanji ana
		return from=VEN school AV-carry.on.shoulder hoe	MED
	24) a.	doua godang makko mmanji	isimbuna dei garung
		doua godang makko moN-banji dei i-simbu=na garung
		two storehouse RLS.UV-carry.on.shoulder:UV1=3SG.GEN AV:go AV-hoe LOC wet.rice.field
		satu kali 'coming home from school, we are carrying hoes, going
		satu kali hoeing in the rice fields' (farming_2.0847-9)
	one 'two storehouses he put on his back at once' time 4.2 Manner of motion
	(podok_langgat.121) To express manner of motion in a directed CAM event, it is also possible to
	use manner-specific motion verbs. Consider the following two examples,
	which include the intransitive motion verbs base 'paddle' and umbang 'hurry
	away'.

RLS.UV-ascend:APPL1LOC=ship 'The goods were loaded onto the ship.'3 The base form for 'ship' is kapal, but word-final laterals after back vowels are regularly replaced by vowel lengthening in Totoli (i.e. kapal is [kapaː]). Elided laterals are indicated by an apostrophe <'> in the practical orthography used here. See[START_REF] Himmelmann | Tomini-Tolitoli sound structures[END_REF] and Bracks (forthcoming) for more on Totoli phonology.

Speakers consider these two forms fully synonymous and readily accept changing the form from one to the other in all the examples in our corpus. There may be sociolinguistic variables connected to these variant forms.

In fact, in certain metaphorical extensions such as 'hold an office', 'hold the area (= have power in the area)' only the transitive construction of mogoot plus undergoer (without the locative marker) is attested in the corpus.

Similar observations hold for other Indonesian languages which make use of the applicative suffix -i, including standard Indonesian (cf.Sneddon, 1996, pp. 69-98). It is possible that

historically speaking, present day -i represents the merger of two (or more) different suffixes of the same shape, but different function.

Just like with ala, source arguments in directed CAM expressions with goot are rare. (21c) is the only natural example in our corpus.

Compare Malay pegang which also shows an alternation between an intransitive use, berpegang, meaning 'hold on to' which typically takes a prepositional complement, and a transitive use, memegang, meaning 'hold, take hold of' (extended uses also including 'occupy, control, hold (a position)'. In this regard, it appears to be very similar to Totoli goot, but it does not also have the further meaning of 'carry (in hand)'.

Note that token numbers here refer to total occurrences and do not differentiate whether their use denotes a directed CAM event or not.

In elicitation, untudan 'be with someone' (applicative undergoer voice) was proposed on a single occasion as a possible alternative to nigootan 'carry', but never as primary response for questions targeting 'carry', 'bring' or 'take'.

Note that moguntud mamaan 'bring the betel pouch (as part of a marriage proposal ceremony)' is probably a fixed expression. Betel chewing is no longer customary in the Totoli area and the bringing of a betel pouch is only ceremonial and signals the intention of proposing marriage.

funding of our research and fieldwork in Tolitoli. Most data used in this study was collected during the DoBeS documentation project Capacity building on a local and national level: Documenting Totoli, Central Sulawesi, Indonesia, 2005-2010. The research for this article was carried out within two further DoBeS projects (Cross-linguistic patterns in the encoding of three-participant events, 2013-2017, and Cross-linguistic patterns in the encoding of three-participant events -investigating BRING and TAKE, 2017-2020). We also gratefully acknowledge financial support from the Collaborative Research Centre 1252 Prominence in Language funded by the German Research Foundation (DFG) at the University of Cologne (NPH and SR), and from the Centre of Excellence for the Dynamics of Language funded by the Australian Research Council at the Australian National University (SR). Thanks to two anonymous reviewers, and to Anna Margetts and Birgit Hellwig for constructive comments and suggestions on earlier versions of this chapter.

Abbreviations

ADIST -distal (adverb); AND -andative; APPL -applicative; AUTO.MOTautonomous motion; AV -actor voice; CPL -completive; DIST -distal (deictic); EX -exclusive; EXIST -existential quantifier; GEN -genitive; HON -honorific article; IN -inclusive; INSTR -instrument; LK -linker; LOC -locative; LVlocative voice; MED -medial (deictic); NR -nominalizer; ORD -ordinal number; PL -plural; PN -proper name; POT -potentive; PRX -proximative (deictic); RDP -reduplication; REL -relative clause; RLS -realis; SG -singular; SF -stem former; ST -stative; UV -undergoer voice; VEN -venitive.


Sonja Riesberg

Expressions of directed caused accompanied motion events in Yali *

Keywords: accompanied motion, caused motion, clause chaining, differential object marking

This chapter investigates expressions of directed caused accompanied motion (directed CAM) events in Yali, a Trans New-Guinea language of West Papua, Indonesia. The most frequent strategy to express these kinds of events in Yali is to build a clause chain consisting of a TAKE verb in the medial-verb slot, and a deictically specific motion verb ('come' or 'go') as the finite verb. Less frequently, non-deictic motion verbs can occur in the finite verb slot. The chapter also discusses a second construction -here called purpose of motion construction -used to express directed CAM events, and shows how the different directed CAM expressions interact with the Yali system of differential object marking.

Introduction

This chapter discusses directed caused accompanied motion (CAM) events in Yali (apah1238), a Trans New-Guinea (TNG) language of the Dani family. Yali is spoken by approximately 30.000 people in the mountainous area north-east, east, and south-east of the city of Wamena (West Papua, Indonesia). The Ethnologue lists Pass Valley Yali, Angguruk Yali, and Ninia Yali as three distinct languages, belonging to the Ngalik sub-group of the Dani family. The Yali themselves distinguish four different dialectal regions: Abenaho, Apahapsili (which are subsumed under the label 'Pass Valley' in the Ethnologue classification), Angguruk, and Ninia. Yali has no monomorphemic verbs for BRING and TAKE events. The semantic components of directed CAM events discussed in the introductory chapter of this book (i.e., caused motion, accompaniment, (deictic) directedness of motion, and optionally manner of motion and manner of causation) are distributed over various elements within the clause and across clauses. The most common expression of a directed CAM event in Yali consists of a chain of two clauses one of which includes the verb for 'take'. The use of 'take' here denotes what we might want to call a REMOVAL event, i.e., an event in which the agent is by default the endpoint of the caused motion of the theme. This use of 'take' has to be distinguished from English take denoting a directed CAM event, in which the agent causes the theme to move -and accompanies it -away from the deictic centre (in opposition to bring). The Yali clause chain consist of this removal 'take' verb in form of a non-inflected medial verb, plus a fully inflected motion verb that expresses deictic or non-deictic directedness. A goal participant can optionally be expressed by a postpositional phrase or a locative noun phrase. If either the theme or the goal is human, e.g., if the event involves an animate recipient, the use of special object verbs is common (though not obligatory). Manner is either expressed by coverbs or can be added by the use of participles and adverbial clauses. Section 2 will introduce some of these general features of Yali grammar, before Section 3 then turns to a more detailed description of how these features are employed in the two most frequent constructions used to express directed CAM events. Sections 4 and 5 discuss expressions of directed CAM events that involve human recipients or human themes, and that specify either manner of causation or manner of motion. The data discussed in this chapter was collected in the village of Apahapsili and its surrounding hamlets between 2012 and 2019. It consists of a corpus of 05:26:48 hours of natural spoken speech of different genres, including both traditional and stimuli-based narratives and natural conversations and conversational tasks (see Table 1). The corpus is archived in The Language Archive and available under https://hdl.handle.net/1839/00-0000-0000-0017-EA2F-C (Riesberg et al., 2012(Riesberg et al., -2016)). In all example sentences below, reference is made to the name of the recording, the line (= intonation unit) where the example occurs, and to the genre, abbreviated as in Table 1. The natural and staged data has been complemented by elicited material, which is explicitly marked as such. All frequency statements made in this chapter solely refer to the corpus of natural and staged texts (i.e., no elicited material entered into the counts).

Grammatical Background

In many ways Yali is a 'typical' Papuan language, exhibiting many of the features observed in other TNG languages of New Guinea. As in most non-Austronesian languages in the area, unmarked word order is SOV. Yali exhibits complex verbal morphology, a rich tense system, pragmatic agent marking, and makes extensive use of tail-head linkage. This section gives a brief introduction to those features of the Yali grammar that are employed to express directed caused accompanied motion (CAM) events. It will discuss simple and complex verbal predication, object marking, adverbial modification, and the two syntactic structures most frequently used in directed CAM expressions, i.e., clause chaining and the so-called purpose of motion construction.

Simple and complex verbal predication

A simple finite verbal predicate obligatorily agrees with its subject in person and number, and inflects for one of six tense categories (remote past, past, immediate past, present (progressive), immediate future, and future), as illustrated in (1). Object agreement is obligatory when the object is human (see Section 2.2), and unlike in example (1) both subject and objects NPs are frequently omitted natural speech.

( 'eat' in (1), where tense and agreement marking attaches directly to the verb root, however, are comparatively rare in Yali and only make up roughly one third of the verbal lexicon. The other two third consist of so called COVERBS. Coverbs are non-inflecting, bare roots that cannot predicate on their own but have to collocate with semantically generic verbs, called LIGHT VERBS here, which take all necessary inflection. There is thus a rather strict division of labour between the coverb and the light verb: the former carries (most of) the semantic content, the latter the grammatical information. Some coverbs can collocate with two or three different light verbs, sometimes with and sometime without any notable difference in meaning. Others occur in fixed collocations with one specific light verb only. The data in (2) exemplifies the use of the coverb hurug 'sink', that can collocate with two light verbs, la-'go' and u-'say', yielding the reading 'swim' and 'set', respectively.

(2) a. The 11 light verbs that productively occur in coverb constructions (CVCs)1 are listed in (3).

(3) su-

'do' laha-'go up' wa- 'take' u- 'say' ambu-'go down' ha- 'perceive' la- 'go' at- 'become' pal- 'cut' waha-'come' wat- 'hit' yat- 'plant'
Yali exhibits a number of other types of complex predicates and multi-verb constructions. In addition to complex predicates with object verbs (Section 2.2), directedness and purpose of motion constructions (2.3) and clause chains (2.4), progressive forms are the most frequent instances of multi-verb constructions.

While the third person present (progressive) is strictly speaking unmarked for person and number (cf., e.g., example 2), all other progressive forms are built by marking the (independent) verb stem with the progressive marker -tuk 'PROG' and adding the inflected form of the verb (wi)lat-'stay', as illustrated in (4).

(4) naharuk nongge suruk lamul n-aharuk nongge su-tuk lat-ul 1s. GEN-sister.in.law what do-PROG stay-1p.IM.FUT 'my sister-in-law, what will we be doing?' (E making_net_bag 043)

Oblique objects and object marking

Direct objects occur in second position in unmarked word order and are not further marked (see example (1) above). If a goal argument is overtly expressed, it is usually marked by the locative clitic =mu, as in (5a) below. Less frequently, goal arguments can also be followed by the spatial noun mbeg. Spatial nouns are nouns that are obligatorily possessed, i.e., they are obligatorily prefixed with a genitive prefix, and express directionality. In (5b), ambeg literally translates as 'his/her/its place'. In this context, however, it signals directionality to or towards a third person participant. SOURCE arguments are marked by the ablative clitic =en, which is also homophonous with the pragmatic agent marker and the marker for body part instruments (cf. [START_REF] Riesberg | Optional ergative, agentivity and discourse prominence: Evidence from Yali (Trans-New Guinea)[END_REF] Caused accompanied motion away from a source is rarely expressed overtly in Yali. In the few cases where the source is expressed, it always occurs outside of the verb complex, usually preceding it. As there are only four instances of directed CAM events with overt source expressions in the corpus, this chapter will not further discuss the behaviour of sources (but see (17a), (21b), and (24a) for examples).

If an object is human, either expressing a recipient/beneficent or a theme argument, it is usually cross-referenced within the verb complex with the help of a so-called object stem. 2 The object stem either follows the independent verb root or the coverb. In the case of coverb constructions, the object stem replaces the light verb. Yali has three distinct object stem paradigms (simply called A, B, and C here) which mark person and number, and to a certain extent also the semantic role of the participant in object function: forms of the A paradigm usually mark themes, while forms of the B paradigms mark benefactives or recipients.

Referents marked by forms of the C paradigm are often less affected than the ones marked by the A paradigm and often involve stimuli of experiencer verbs or the addressee of verbs of saying. Note, however, that these generalizations are tendencies only and exceptions are frequent. There are four verbs in Yali that take a special suppletive object stem when occurring with human recipient/beneficent or theme arguments. These verbs are wa-/og 'take, give', wat-/su-'kill, hit', embe-/umbaha-'put, leave', and eset-/isag 'cook'.

Table 2. Object stems A B C 1SG nap- nut- niya- 2SG hap- hut- hiya- 3SG -- ut- ha- 1PL ninap- nisa- 2PL hinap- hisa- 3PL inap- isa-
The data in (6) illustrates nicely how two different object verbs change the interpretation of the object argument: In (6a), the object verb of paradigm B marks the object as a benefactive, while in (6b) the object verb of paradigm A enforces an interpretation of the object as patient. In both cases the suppletive object stem isag 'cook' has to be used. In (6c), by contrast, the patient is non-human. Therefore the 'ordinary' stem eset-'cook' is used and no special object marking is required (or in fact possible).

( The two examples in (7) are two ways to express the same event (i.e., baking sweet potatoes for someone) and illustrate that human beneficiary arguments do not necessarily have to be realized by means of an object verb (as in 7a). They can also be marked by the postposition fahet, as illustrated in (7b).

(

Directedness and purpose of motion

The marker -ik combines two verbs, V1-ik+V2, the second of which always has to be a verb of motion. Only the second verb carries tense and agreement marking and the two verbs always have the same subject referent. The interpretation of this construction depends on the context. If only the second, but not the first verb is a motion verb, it expresses a purposive relation between the event denoted by V1 and the motion event denoted by V2. If both the second and the first verb are motion verbs, or if the first verb denotes an event which entails movement towards a location, V2 marks directedness of motion. Example (8a) illustrated the purposive use of this construction, i.e., the entering takes place for the purpose of sleeping. If both verbs are motion verbs, like in (8c), the only two verbs that can occur in the V2 slot are waha-'to come' or la-'to go', denoting movement towards or away from the deictic centre. It is conceivable that diachronically the direction of motion reading in (8b) originated in the purposive use of -ik. I.e., 'going up in order to put sth.' effectively results in 'putting sth. up'. Synchronically, however, the two verbal elements in (8b) and (8c) seem to predicate as a unit with their arguments being mapped onto a monoclausal syntactic structure. Crucially, and unlike in (8a), the motion denoted by V2 modifies the event denoted by V1. For a transitive event such (8b) this means that rather than the subject, only the object referent is moving in the given, here upward, direction. In this, it is clearly different from the purposive reading, in which the subject referent would first move upwards, then performing the putting event.

Directedness and purpose of motion can be combined, resulting in a string of three verbs, V1-ik+V2-ik+V3, in which V2 and V3 together denote the direction of motion and V1 denotes the purpose. See (9) for an example. As we will see in Section 3.3 it is the purposive reading of this construction (as illustrated in 8a and 9) that can be employed to express directed CAM events in Yali.

Clause chaining and medial verbs

As mentioned in the beginning of this section, Yali is a SOV language with the finite verb occurring in sentence final position. Like many verb final languages, Yali exhibits clause chaining, a phenomenon in which several clauses are 'chained' together, only the final one of which containing a fully inflected verb.

Being the only clause in the chain with a finite verb, this final clause is usually considered an independent clause, all preceding clauses being dependent. The verbs in the dependent clauses, often called medial verbs, are marked by a suffix which indicates the relation between the clauses, but otherwise lack the obligatory verbal inflection (i.e., subject agreement and tense marking).

The Yali example below consists of six such dependent clauses, plus the independent clause in the final position of the chain. The dependent clauses all contain a medial verb which is not inflected for tense and subject agreement, but instead is marked by the dependent marker -tug. This marker signals the sequentiality of events in the chain. The TAM and agreement features of the final, finite verb are transmitted to the medial verb(s).

(10) i. e saloma wak lalug e saloma wa-ik la-tug wood k.o.tree take-DIR go-SEQ 3 There are no examples in the corpus that involve more than two -ik marked verbs in a row. PST '(i) they went to get Saloma wood, (ii) and then they went to get Ka sugar cane, which you have seen many times, (iii) and then, with a cassowary bone, with a stone axe, they split (the wood) at the bottom, (iv) and then they split it, they split it, up to the top, (v) on top of the Pom wood, they put the Pom wood there, (vi) the men got up, (vii) and they discussed the "pig talk" (= taboo term for initiation)' (E 1 st _initiation 047-058)

In procedural descriptions similar to the one in example (10), one will often find longer chains. Short chains, only consisting of the independent clause plus one dependent clause, are, however, also very common. Furthermore, the dependent marker -tug can also be used in a similar function to the directed motion marker -ik discussed in Section 2.3. That is, in a V1-tug+V2 string, the second verb is often a verb of motion that indicates the directedness (either deictic or nondeictic) of the event. Thus, for example, hilalug amburuk 'take:SB-SEQ go.down-PROG' translates as 'take sth. down (for oneself)'. As will be shown in the next section, this is by far the most frequent strategy to express bringing and taking events in Yali.

Basic expressions of directed CAM events in Yali

It has been repeatedly mentioned in the literature that Papuan languages have a tendency to distribute information over several grammatical units, which in other languages might be packed into a single verb or a single clause (see, e.g., [START_REF] De Vries | Towards a typology of tail-head linkage in Papuan languages[END_REF][START_REF] Heeschen | An ethnographic grammar of the Eipo language spoken in the central mountains of Irian Jaya (West New Guinea)[END_REF][START_REF] Pawley | A language which defies description by ordinary means[END_REF]but also Hellwig, this volume). Yali is no exception to this rule of thumb and it thus does not come as a surprise that, as mentioned in the introduction, Yali does not have monomorphemic verbs (like English 'bring' and 'take') to express caused accompanied motion events in a direction. Instead, the semantic components that define directed CAM events are expressed by different grammatical elements, often verbs, that are distributed over two (or more) clauses. By far the most frequent strategy to express directed CAM events is to use clause chaining, as introduced in Section 2. 4 The two examples in (11) illustrate the simplest way of expressing 'bringing' and 'taking' events in Yali. They consist of a clause chain made up of the medial verb form of wa-'take', and either waha-'to come', or la-'to go' in the final verb slot, denoting movement towards or away from the deictic centre. While it is well possible that la-'go' is in fact deictically neutral, in directed CAM clause chaining its opposition to waha-'come' always evokes a reading of accompanied motion away from the deictic centre. There are no examples in the corpus in which a directed CAM clause chain with la-'go' in final position could be interpreted as motion towards the deictic centre. In addition to 'come' and 'go', non-deictic verbs of motion can occur in the final verb slot expressing the component of 'movement in a direction'. These are the independent verbs laha-'go up', ambu-'go down', and ku-'enter, go inside', and the coverb collocation wilip at-'go out'. For these predicates, it depends on the context whether the motion is to be interpreted as towards or away from the deictic centre. 75% of all directed CAM clause chains use a deictic verb of motion (i.e., la-'go' = 40%, and waha-'come' = 35%). The great majority, i.e., 91%, of all instances of directed CAM expression use the verb wa-'take' as the lexical core (including both clause chaining construction and purpose of motion constructions), as illustrated in the two previous examples in (11). Section 3.1 therefore first takes a closer look at the semantics of this verb. Section 3.2 then describes in more detail; how directed CAM events are expressed in clause chaining constructions. Section 3.3 turns to the second most widespread construction employed for expressing directed CAM events, i.e., the purpose of motion construction introduced in 2.3.

The basic meaning of wa-

The verb wa-has two basic senses that can been glossed as 'take' (in its REMOVE sense as explained in the introduction) and 'carry' and which are sometimes hard to distinguish. The 'take' reading is by far the most frequent one. Typical examples of both senses are given in (12). ( 12 In example (12a), two women are preparing greens for cooking and it is clear from the contexts that in this case wa-does not denote cause accompanied motion but rather a REMOVAL event, in which the agent is the endpoint of the caused motion of the theme, but does not herself move along with it. Example (12b), on the other hand, denotes a caused accompanied motion event (which includes manner of causation), though not a directed one. That is, the women clearly move along while carrying their children, but no movement towards a goal or from a source is specified. The verb has a number of different contextual readings in addition to the more basic ones. The most frequent one is 'buy', i.e., taking and giving money in return, but wa-can also be used for 'record', i.e., taking a video or a picture, non-volitional 'obtain', i.e., getting something without the (volitional) impact of the agent, or be sick, i.e., to 'carry a disease'. In addition to frequency -as stated above, 'take' is the most frequent meaning of wa-as an independent verb -the reason for choosing the gloss 'take' rather than 'carry' in (11) and all following examples is twofold: First, the BRING and TAKE events denoted in these examples do not imply any manner of causation. That is, the pigs in (11) are clearly not being carried, they are simply brought or taken along. The manner neutral gloss 'take' thus seems more appropriate. Second, as seen in the longer chain in example (10), the marker -tug denotes the temporal sequentiality of the events in the chain. While the meaning component of sequentiality is probably bleached in its synchronic use in CAM clause chains (see Section 3.2), it seems conceivable that this has been the origin of the construction. The examples in (11) literally translate as 'take and (then) come/go'. This kind of transliteration would not be available for 'carry', as the carrying event and the motion event would have to take place simultaneously. As we shall see in Section 3.3, the choice for using 'take' as the gloss for wa-in CAM expressions is further supported by its use in the purpose of motion construction.

Directed CAM events expressed in clause chaining constructions

We have seen two first examples of a basic directed CAM clause chain in (11), consisting of the medial verb walug (wa-tug 'take-SEQ') and one of the two deictic motion verbs, waha-'come' or la-'go', in the final verb slot. However, as the examples in (13) show, deixis does not have to be expressed in basic directed CAM clause chains -the final verb slot can also be filled by a nondeictic but path-encoding verb of motion, here illustrated with laha-'go up', and ku-'enter'. Whether the respective event is to be interpreted as a bringing or a taking event then depends on the context. ( 13 As for the choice of the medial verb, there is hardly any variation: in 97% of all cases (151 out of 156), the medial verb in a directed CAM clause chain is wa-'take'. This is particularly striking when compared to the purpose of motion construction (see Section 3.3), where only 63% of the instances are construed with wa-'take' and as much as 37% involve a different lexical core (compare also Tables 3 &4 and the discussion in Section 6 for the differences between CAM clause chaining and CAM purpose of motion). There are only four instances of directed CAM clause chains in the corpus that do not use wa-as their lexical core. All of them use the coverb collocation of ha su-'carry' instead.

( The data in (15) are two consecutive clauses in a story.4 They constitute a nice example of tail-head linkage, where parts of the first sentence in (15a) are taken up again in the second sentence in (15b), in turn making up the first part of the next sentence. It is conceivable, that the directed CAM event in (15a), where the locative argument intervenes between the medial verb and the final verb, is construed less tightly than in (15b), where the locative event has scope over both medial and final verb. That is, the former literally translates as 'they took the baked pig fat and went to the cave', and the latter as 'they took it to the cave'. Yet, the fact that the speaker is using a tail-head linkage structure here can be taken as evidence that both sentences are referring to one and the same event.

Structures like (15a), in which the goal intervenes between wa-'take' and the motion verb, are rare in directed CAM clause chaining constructions. It only occurs in four out of 14 instances in the corpus, where a goal participant is expressed. In all other instances of directed CAM clause chaining, the medial verb wa-'take' and the final motion verb stand in immediate juxtaposition. We have seen that this is not the case in 'ordinary' clause chaining constructions, such as the one illustrated in (10), where lots of lexical material, and in fact several clauses can occur between the (first) medial verb and the final verb. The tight juxtaposed position in CAM clause chaining can be taken as evidence that these expressions are possibly on their way to becoming lexicalized. Three further observations support this analysis. First, as just mentioned, in CAM clause chains the first verb slot is basically restricted to one verb, i.e., wa-'take'. Second, a similar restriction holds for the clause linking element: directed CAM clause chains always use the sequential marker -tug, rather than any other linking element (e.g., lit 'while', see Section 3.1). And finally, in CAM clause chaining, negation always has scope over the two verbs and can never occur between waand the motion verb, as illustrated in ( 16). ( 16) a.

at wam walug waha fug at wam wa-tug waha fug 3s pig take-SEQ come:3s.IM.PST NEG 'he didn't bring the pig' (bring_take 005 -elicited) b.

*at wam walug fug waha at wam wa-tug fug waha 3s pig take-SEQ NEG come:3s.IM.PST for: 'he didn't bring the pig' (bring_take 005 -elicited) Thus, with respect to negation, the two elements of the CAM 'clause' chain do no longer behave like two separate clauses, but rather like a complex predicate with a monoclausal syntactic structure (cf. [START_REF] Bohnemeyer | Principles of event segmentation in language: The case of motion events[END_REF]. However, examples with an intervening goal expression, like (15a), show that the lexicalization process is not completed yet.

Directed CAM events expressed by purpose of motion constructions

The second-most wide-spread strategy to express directed CAM events is by means of the purpose of motion construction (see Section 2.3). Literally, these two examples translate as 'go/come in order to take'. 5 Both examples include a directed motion verb, but unlike in the clause chaining CAM construction, this motion verb does not involve accompanied motion. Rather, the motion verb in the purpose of motion construction denotes motion from one location towards the THEME, which is situated at another location, and then back again to the original location. Only the last component of this complex motion event includes accompanied motion, but the accompaniment remains unexpressed and in only implied by the context. So, la-'go', which in the clause chaining construction denotes accompanied motion away from the deictic centre, in (17a) denotes motion towards the theme, which is located somewhere distant from the deictic centre. The accompanied motion is only implied, and takes place back towards the deictic centre, after the theme has been obtained. The opposite holds for waha- 'come' in (17b). Again, it denotes motion towards the theme, but this time the theme is located with, or close to, the deictic centre. And again, the accompanied motion is only implied, and now is directed away from the deictic centre. Thus, while clause chaining constructions expressing directed CAM events in Yali code directedness towards the final goal, the two purpose of motion construction examples in (17) code directedness towards the theme, before the theme is obtained and moved. Here, the accompanied motion goes opposite to the direction encoded by the motion verb used in the construction.

However, the interpretation of accompanied motion opposite to the direction encoded by the motion verb is not per se enforced by the purpose of motion constructions. As the following two examples illustrate, whether or not this 'switch' takes place, depends on the verb in the first slot of the construction. Amanda ambeg numbahik ambiyek Amanda a-mbeg n-umbaha-ik ambu-iyek Amanda 3s.GEN-place 1s.GEN-leave-DIR go.down-2p.IMP 'take me down to Amanda' lit: 'go down in order to leave me with Amanda' (C women_chat_1 109)

Example ( 18a) is parallel to the two examples discussed above: Just like ( 17), it includes the verb wa-'take' in V1 position. Literally it translates as 'go down in order to get the garlic', and thus encodes motion downwards, away from the deictic centre. The caused accompanied motion, however, takes place upwards, towards the deictic centre. In (18b), on the other hand, the verb umbaha-'leave' does not trigger a reverse interpretation of the directed motion verb. That is, only when the obtaining event takes place after the motion event, e.g., when moving into a direction in order to get a theme, accompanied motion in the opposite direction is implied. When movement in a direction takes place in order to leave a theme, the OBTAIN event must have happened before the motion event starts. In this case, just like in the clause chaining construction, the 'literal' directionality denoted by the motion verb will also be the directionality of the accompanied motion.

CAM events with human recipient or theme arguments

As mentioned in Section 2.2, human object referents, i.e., recipients, benefactives and themes, are usually cross-referenced within the verb complex with the help of object stems. This is also the case in the expression of directed CAM events, as the two following sections will demonstrate in more detail. Section 4.1 discusses expressions of human object referents in clause chaining constructions, Section 4.2 does the same for purpose of motion constructions.

Human recipients and themes in CAM clause chaining constructions

If the goal argument is a human recipient rather than a location, this is usually expressed by use of an object verb of the A-paradigm (see Section 2.2). The verb wa-shows a few peculiarities in this construction: First, its suppletive object stem (og) has to be used (cf. Section 2.2). Second, deixis or directedness of motion does not have to be further expressed. That is, unlike in all other cases discussed so far, clause chaining (or purpose of motion construction, see Section 4.2) can but does not need to be employed. In this context the person marking on the object verb seems sufficient to signal that motion takes place towards the recipient. The examples below illustrate both possibilities: og + object verb within a clause chain (19a), and on their own (19b.) When og occurs with an object verb of the B-paradigm, there is a semantic shift, and it no longer means 'bring ', but 'give', as shown in (19c).

( Note also that in (19a) and (19b) the object argument marked by the object verb has the semantic role of a recipient, even though the object verb is of the Aparadigm, which otherwise marks themes (see Section 2.2). In fact, the phrase og naplug waharuk is ambiguous between 'bringing meRECIPIENT (somethingTHEME)' and 'bringing meTHEME (somewhereGOAL)'. Alternatively, human goal arguments can also be realized within a postpositional phrase, rather than as a direct object marked on the object verb. In this case, any other non-object verb strategy to express CAM events has to be used, such as, e.g., the ordinary clause chaining construction in which the final verb denotes directedness. In (20a), the postposition fahet 'for' marks the goal as a recipient, in (20b) the spatial noun mbeg 'place' is used for the same purpose.

(20) a.

at wam an fahet walug waha at wam an fahet wa-tug waha 3s pig 1s for take-PROG come:3s.IM.PST 'he brought me a pig' (bring_take 002 -elicited) b.

at wam walug Seti ambeg at wam wa-tug Seti a-mbeg 3s pig take-SEQ Seti 3s.GEN-place waha / laha waha / laha come:3s.IM.PST / go:3s.IM.PST 'he brought/took a pig to Seti' (bring_take 003 -elicited)

If the theme argument is human, it always has to be marked by an object verb of the A-paradigm, i.e., in contrast to recipients, there is no alternative non-object verb strategy available. Just like in (19), directedness can, but does not have to be further expressed in the verbal complex (compare 21a and 21b). In the latter case, there will often be a locative NP expressing the goal, and more rarely, also an ablative marked NP that expresses the source.

(21) a.

og inaptug ambik og inap-tug ambu-ik take 3p.OBJ:A-SEQ go.down-DIR wapagmare waha-pag=mu=te come-3.REM.PST=DS.PRIOR=TOP 'after they brought them (the women) down here' (I interview_IP_Ware 0452) b. inisingasi mel wereg ambeg ibmanoen in-isinga-si mel wereg a-mbeg ibma=no=en 3p.GEN-mother-p ANA EXIST 3s.GEN-place there=GIV=ABL og inaptuk yobimu og inap-tuk yobi=mu take 3p.OBJ:A-PROG men's.house=LOC 'they (the men) are taking/bringing them (the children) from their mothers' place to the men's house' (E 1st_initiation 137) Importantly, note that in order for a theme argument to be referenced by an object verb in a directed CAM construction, it has to be less causally involved than the agent. That is, if both agent and theme are equally involved, a comitative construction, as illustrated in 0, has to be used (see also Hellwig, this volume, for a similar alternation in Qaqet). Note that in both examples in ( 22) the verb is in the plural, signalling that both participants are actively taking part in the motion event.

(22) a.

hat te an ninim an nibam ibma lahe hat te an ni-nim an n-ibam ibma la-ehe 2s TOP 1s 1s.GEN-with 1s 1s.GEN-house there go-1p.IM.PST 'you, together with me, we went to my house' (N suit_13 045f.) b.

ap eke wam domba inim wahasareg… ap eke wam domba i-nim waha-ehesa-teg man one pig sheep 3s.GEN-with come-3p.IM.PST-SS.PRIOR 'a man is coming with his sheep…' (R pear_story_Fedrik_Sadrak 031f.)

Human recipients in CAM purpose of motion constructions

Human recipients in directed CAM purpose of motion constructions are usually marked by object verbs, similar to their realization in directed CAM clause chaining constructions. Note, however, that in the purpose of motion construction, only object verbs of paradigm B can be used to mark the recipient, which outside of the purpose of motion constructions would actually receive a reading of 'give' rather than 'bring/take', as mentioned in discussion of the examples in (19) above. (23) shows two examples, one illustrating movement towards the deictic centre with a first person recipient, the other one denoting motion away from the deictic centre with a third person recipient.

(23) a.

wam an og nirik waharuk wam an og nit-ik waha-tuk pig 1s take 1s.OBJ:B-DIR come-PROG 'he is bringing me a pig' lit: 'he is coming to give me a pig' (object_forms og -elicited) b.

(unggul asum) og irik lahasama unggul a-sum og it-ik la-ehesa=mu head 3s.GEN-cloth take 3s.OBJ:B-DIR go-3p.IM.PST=DS.PRIOR e anggen hinahan og isehek e anggen hinahan og isa-ehek tree fruit three give 3p.OBJ:B-3s.IM.PST 'they brought him (his hat) and he gave them three fruits' lit: 'they went to give him (his hat) and he gave them…' (R pear_story_Marthen_b 058f.)

Example (23b), especially in comparison with (19a) and (19b), nicely illustrates how the use and meaning of the suppletive object stem og of wa-'take' interacts with both the paradigm of the object verb, and the construction type it occurs in:

In the clause chaining construction, only A-paradigm object verbs can be used, which are then, theoretically, ambiguous between marking the theme and the recipient. The purpose of motion construction, on the other hand, only occurs with B-paradigm object verbs that always mark the recipient. Furthermore, og in combination with A-paradigm object verbs can express caused accompanied motion even in the absence of a motion verb (cf. 19b). This is not the case for the B-paradigm, as can be seen in ( 23b). Here the purpose of motion construction, and thus per definition also a motion verb is needed, to express a CAM event. In the absence of that, og plus B-paradigm object verb simply denotes a GIVE event (as in the second clause of 23b).

Manner of causation and manner of motion in Yali CAM expressions

In basic Yali directed CAM expressions, neither manner of causation nor manner of motion is expressed. As discussed in the previous sections, in the vast majority of basic CAM expressions, the lexical core is the manner neutral verb wa-'take', which combines -either in a clause chaining construction, or in a purpose of motion construction -with a manner neutral motion verb to express directedness towards a goal. Yet, there are of course strategies to express both manner of causation and manner of motion in Yali directed CAM expressions, though both are rather rare in natural speech.

Manner of causation

Manner of causation is more frequently expressed in CAM expressions than manner of motion. There are various ways to do so, the most common and productive one is the use of manner participles. Manner participles can be used to modify any given predicate, and they frequently occur in combination with manner neutral wa-'take' in both CAM clause chaining and CAM purpose of motion constructions to specify the manner of causation. The following two examples illustrate the use of a manner participle, one derived from the independent verb lisu-'pull' (in 24a), and one derived from the coverb fonggog 'push' (in 24b). In the former case, the manner suffix -oho attaches directly to the independent verb stem, in the latter the auxiliary stem tu-'do' is needed to host the adverbial manner suffix. This auxiliary stem replaces the light verb that would otherwise collocate with the coverb, and the participle form of the coverb can then be used to modify any other predicate, just like the participle form of an independent verb.

( Less frequently, a complex predicate consisting of a coverb and its appertaining light verb takes the first slot in a directed CAM clause chaining or purpose of motion construction, specifying manner of causation. In (25a), for example, the coverb construction paya wa-'carry on shoulder' fills the first slot in a CAM clause chaining construction. Note that this is syntactically very different from the construction in the example discussed above: In (24b) the participle form of a coverb modifies the independent verb wa-'take'. In (25a) wa-fills the light verb slot in a coverb construction, no longer retaining its independent verb semantics 'take'. Another example of this type with another light verb (su-'do') was illustrated in ( 14), repeated here as (25b). ( 25 an nehebien payaha an n-ehe-i=en paya 1s 1s.GEN-fem.friend-p=AGT carry.on.shoulder napehesama niniyam wahe nap-ehesa=mu nin-iyam waha-ehe 1s.OBJ:A-3p.IM.PST=DS.PRIOR 1p.GEN-house come-1p.IM.PST 'my (female) friends carried me home on their shoulders' lit: 'after my (female) friends carried me on their shoulders, we came to our house' (bring_take 012 -elicited) Furthermore, (26b) illustrates once more how different semantic components of the CAM event can be distributed over different clauses without making use of clause chaining. In this example, the direction component is expressed by the separate clause niniyam wahe 'we came to our house', which is introduced by the different subject marker =mu on the final verb of the preceding clause. But not only the directional component can be realized in a separate clause. Complex sentence structures are also used to accommodate information on manner of causation, as in the following examples. Example (27a) consists of two clauses, linked by the coordinating conjunction lit 'while', which marks concurrency between the two events denoted by the two clauses. The part following the conjunction is an 'ordinary' directed CAM clause chain consisting of manner neutral wa-'take' and the motion verb la-'go'. It is the clause that precedes the conjunction that specifies the manner of causation, which otherwise would not be expressed. ( 27

Manner of motion

The by far most frequent motion verbs in Yali are the manner neutral independent verbs la-'go' and waha-'come', followed by laha-'go up', ambu-'go down', and ku-'enter'. As discussed in the previous sections, all these five verbs occur in clause chaining constructions and purpose of motion construction to express directed CAM events. Most intransitive motion predicates which lexicalize manner of motion in their semantics are coverbs (cf. Section 2.1), as the following three examples illustrate. Note that only in (28a) the coverb collocates with a light verb that in its independent use would likewise denote a motion event. The other two collocations are semantically more opaque, involving the light verbs su-'do' and u-'speak'. ( 28 Coverb constructions that express manner of motion in expressions of directed CAM events are extremely rare. In theory, they are able to fill the slot of the motion predicate in both directed CAM clause chaining and purpose of motion construction, but there are only two examples in the corpus where this is the case, both using the self-benefactive stem of wa-(hila-'take for oneself') in a clause chaining construction in combination with the manner of motion coverb katek 'run', as illustrated in (29a).6 Example (29b) is an elicited purpose of motion construction containing the same coverb.

(29) a. um malik misihen hilalug wilip aha um malik misig=en hila-tug wilip aha INTJ child one=AGT take:SB-SEQ go.out become: 3s.IM.PST hilalug katek ehek hila-tug katek ehek take:SB-SEQ run speak:3s.IM.PST 'um, a child takes (them) for himself and walks out, he takes (them) for himself and runs off' (R pear_story_Edison 042f.) b.

Yones karog wak katek uruk Yones karog wa-ik katek u-tuk PN machete take-DIR run speak-PROG 'Yones runs to get the machete' (lexex_katek -elicited)

Summary

This chapter discussed expressions of directed cause accompanied motion events in Yali, a Trans-New Guinea language of West Papua, Indonesia. Yali has no monomorphemic verbs to express BRING and TAKE events, but rather uses two kinds of complex constructions: clause chaining and the so-called purpose of motion construction. Tables 3 and4 show the general frequencies of these two construction types (156 clause chaining directed CAMs vs. 52 purpose of motion directed CAMs) and summarize the distribution of their verbal components. Both constructions most frequently consist of the manner neutral verb wa-'take' (or one of its suppletive stems og or hila-), and either of the deictically specific motion verbs waha-'come' and la-'go'. As mentioned in Section 3.2, the preference to use 'take' to express causation of motion is far more pronounced in directed CAM clause chaining (97%) than it is in the purpose of motion construction (63%). Furthermore, there seems to be slightly more variation in the choice of motion verbs in clause chaining than in purpose of motion constructions. In particular, while expressing manner of motion is theoretically possible in both construction types (cf. 29), in the corpus of natural texts it only occurs in clause chaining (albeit only rarely). Whether this is indeed a general trend or only due to the relatively small numbers of directed CAM purpose of motion constructions requires further investigation. Manner of causation is more frequently expressed than manner of motion in both clause chaining and purpose of motion constructions and can be done so either by modification through manner participles or by the use of coverbs.

  Kris=TOP sleep-DIR enter-3s.IM.PST 'Kris went inside to sleep' (C women_chat_1 330) b. sabu fam pugteferuk lit embik lahakek sabu fam pug-te-fe-tuk lit embe-ik laha-ehek string with tie-SF-CAUS-PROG CONJ put-DIR go.up-3s.IM.PST 'he fastened it (the basket) with a rope and put it up (on the bike)up from the top of Mt. Tepmi…' (I interview_IP_Ware 0369)

  3

  Wamena survey do-DIR go.up-DIR come-PROG '(the plane) is coming up to do the Wamena survey' (I interview_IP_Ware 124)

  go.down-2s.IMP first.born garlic 'bring up the garlic, first born child, the garlic!' lit: 'go down and get the garlic' (C kitchen_chat_4 256) b.

Table 1 .

 1 Database of Yali natural texts

	Text type	Abbreviation	Amount of data
	Conversations	C	01:01:51 hours
	Conversational tasks	CT	00:44:05 hours
	Descriptions	D	00:42:09 hours
	Interviews	I	01:05:34 hours
	Narratives	N	00:31:36 hours
	Explanatory	E	00:30:59 hours
	Retellings	R	00:50:34 hours

  .

	(5)	a.	yabukmu	lahasareg…
			yabuk=mu	la-ehesa-teg
			garden=LOC go-3p.IM.PST-SS.PRIOR
			'after they went to the garden…' (R pear_story_Edo 016)
		b.	sahowon ambeg	laruk	eleg
			saho=on a-mbeg	la-tuk	eleg
			blue=AM 3s.GEN-place go-PROG NEG
			'it doesn't go to the blue one' (D ECOM_sr_KW 086)
		c.	ik	ambut	filen		lahik	waharuk
			ik	ambut	fil=en	laha-ik	waha-tuk
			river lower.course direction=ABL go.up-DIR come-PROG
			'he is coming up from the lower course of the river'
							(R pear_story_Edo 043)

DET cook 3s.OBJ:B-PROG afterwards

	6)	a.	amloho		itno isag utuk	eneg
			amloho		itno isag ut-tuk	eneg
			3s.POSS:son enegte
			eneg=te
			afterwards=TOP
			'she cooked for her son, then…' (N suit_13 169)
		b.	isag	hinabul
			isag	hinap-ul
			cook 'we will cook you' (E 1 st _initiation 267) 2p.OBJ:A-1p.IM.FUT
		c.	bapaen		eyug warisimu	esetukuk
			bapa=en	eyug wa-tisi=mu	eset-tukuk
			father=AGT leg	take-3s.PST=DS.PRIOR cook-1p.PST
			'he bought the leg (of a wild boar) and we cooked it'
						(C conversation_1 354)

-nihin sweet.potato bake 1s.OBJ:B-2s.IM.FUT 'bake me sweet potatoes

	7)	a.	suburu	wirag nitnihin
			suburu	wirat nut' (Zöllner & Zöllner, 2021, p. 280)
		b.	iren	suburu	nit	fahet	wiratusa
			it=en	suburu	nit	fahet wirat-tusa
			3p=AGT sweet.potato 1p	for	bake-3p.PST
			'they baked sweet potatoes for us' (lexex_wirat -elicited)

  ) a.

	b.	CARRY
		hiyaben	malik toron	fani	roho
		hiyap=en	malik tot=on	fani	tu-oho
		woman=AGT child	small=AM put.into.net do-ADV.PART
		waruk
		wa-tuk
		carry-PROG
		'the women carry their little children in a net' (Zöllner & Zöllner,
		2021, p. 84f.)
		TAKE
		eke mondog obog	toho	heyen
		eke mondog obog	tu-oho	he=en
		and just	all	do-ADV.PART	woman=AGT
		heyen	waruk		eleg
		he=en	wa-tuk		eleg
		woman=AGT take-PROG	NEG
		'and don't just take them all, woman' (C kitchen_chat_4 008)

  DIR go.down-DIR come-PROG do:SB-3.REM.PST=DS.PRIOR '(whether) the woman was taken away by the Pong people' lit: '(whether) the Pong people came down in order to take the woman' (I interview_IP_Ware 443)

		ulug ibag
		ulug ibag
		SAY	say:3.REM.PST
		'they asked him to bring pandanus from that area'
		lit: 'they asked him to go in order to get pandanus from the area'
		(N land_slide_ayabiye 015)
	b.	he	ari	Pongen
		he	ari	Pong=en
		woman DEM Pong=ACT
		wak	ambik		waharuk	sibagma
		wa-ik	ambu-ik	waha-tuk	sa-ibag=mu
		take-
							Consider the
	following two examples:
	(17) a.	tu fikirente		sak	wak	lag	o
		tu fikit=en=te		sak	wa-ik	lag	o
		DET direction=ABL=TOP pandanus take-DIR go:2s.IMP DMV

  ) a.

		oriyen	[paya	walug] wahasa
		ori=en	paya	wa-tug waha-ehesa
		friends=AGT carry.on.shoulder take-SEQ come-3p.IM.PST
		'Miyahun fell off a tree, his friends carried him (home) on their
		shoulders' (lexex_paya -elicited)
	b.	malik toron	itno (…)
		malik tot=on	itno
		child	small=AM DET
		e	anggen [ha	sulug] laruk-men	watsehek
		e	anggen ha	su-tug la-tuk-men	wat-ehek
		tree fruit	carry do-SEQ go-PROG-CONJ fall-3s.IM.PST
		'the little child (…) it took away the fruits and fell down'
					(R pear_story_Sep 070)
	In (26a) the coverb collocation fonggog wilip-takes the first slot in a CAM
	purpose of motion construction. (26b) illustrates how the object verb replaces the
	light verb if the theme argument is a first-or second-person human referent.
	(26) a.	fonggog fonggog selma	wilibik	laruk
		fonggog fonggog sel=mu	wilip-ik	la-tuk
		push	push	outside=LOC go.out-DIR go-PROG
		'he keeps pushing (it) outside' (lexex_fonggog -elicited)
	b.
		Miyahun e	famen	pule ambehekma
		Miyahun e	fam=en	pule ambu-ehek=mu
		PN	tree from=ABL fall go.down-3s.IM.PST=DS.PRIOR

There are three more verbs in the corpus that occur as light verbs in what might be considered a CVC. However, for each of them there is only a single token. It is thus not possible whether we are really dealing with coverb constructions in the strict sense.

There are three independent verbs (wat-'to hit/kill', embe-'to put/leave', and na-'to eat') that mark their objects by genitive prefixes instead of using object verb stems. This is not of further importance here but see example (17b) in Section

3.3 below, where the suppletive object stem umbaha-of the verb embe-carries the first person genitive prefix to mark the theme argument.

There is one intonation unit between the two example sentences in (14), but this only consists of a meta comment by the speaker, saying 'I am not telling this in detail'.

It is clear from the context that the Pong people did not just come, take the woman, and stay, but rather that they left again, taking the woman with them.

There are two more instances of a directed CAM clause chain with a MANNER OF MOTION verb. Both of them use the Indonesian verb lari 'run' in combination with the Yali light verb su-'do' (i.e. the default way of integrating loan verbs into Yali grammar).

for this study was collected within the DoBeS project Documentation Summits in the Central Mountains of Papua (2012-216). Further field work (2017-2019) was funded by the Australian Research Council as part of my post-doc position within the ARC Centre of Excellence for the Dynamics of Language at the Australian National University. I furthermore gratefully acknowledge financial support from the Collaborative Research Centre 1252 Prominence in Language (Project-ID 281511265) funded by the German Research Foundation (DFG) at the University of Cologne. Thanks to two anonymous reviewers, and to Birgit Hellwig and Anna Margetts for helpful comments and suggestions on earlier versions of this chapter.

33 Directed CAM events in the available Yali corpus almost exclusively involve motion towards a goal, rather than from a source. The marking of human object participants is done by the use of special object verb stems, and, as in Section 4, there are restrictions on the object verb paradigm depending on the construction type. In the clause chaining construction, only A-paradigm object verbs can be used, which then can be ambiguous between marking the theme or the recipient. The purpose of motion construction, on the other hand, only occurs with B-paradigm object verbs that always mark the recipient. Furthermore, in clause chaining constructions with human recipients, caused accompanied motion can be expressed without the additional use of a motion verb. This is not possible in any other expression of directed caused accompanied motion events in Yali.