Helene Maisonnave
email: helene.maisonnave@univ-lehavre.fr

Pierre Nziengui Mamboundou
email: n.mamboundou@yahoo.fr

Agricultural economic reforms, gender inequalities and poverty in Senegal

Keywords: gender, poverty, public policies, agriculture, dynamic CGEM, Senegal JEL classification : C68, E60, J16, O55

In Senegal, as in many developing countries, the agricultural sector plays a key role in the economy. In addition to supplying food, agriculture is the most important source of employment, especially for women. Through the Plan for an Emerging Senegal (PES), the Senegalese government is implementing an ambitious financing plan to improve the productivity of the agricultural sector and enhance employment opportunities for women. Our study assesses the impact of two PES measures (investment subsidies and an increase in production subsidies for the agricultural sectors) on economic growth, women's employment, poverty and inequality using a dynamic computable general equilibrium model linked to a microsimulation model. The results show that both policies have generally positive effects in reducing poverty and gender inequalities. However, investment subsidies in the agricultural sectors have stronger impacts in reducing gender inequality and poverty in the long term.

Introduction

Senegal, similar to many developing countries, faces a particularly difficult economic and social situation. According to the National Statistics Agency, in 2011, poverty affected approximately 47% of the population, including 57.1% of people living in rural areas. The capital, Dakar, accounts for 26% of the total population living in poverty (ANSD, 2013). This high level of poverty is reflected in gender dynamics. The gender development index, which measures gender inequalities in health, education and economic opportunities, is estimated at 0.88 in Senegal (UNDP 2015). This high index value suggests the occurrence of significant economic and social disparities related to the gender of the economic agent.

Women's low participation rates in the labor market, the dominance of selfemployed labor (low paid and vulnerable to economic vagaries), difficulties in accessing credit, and low access to infrastructure are the main factors limiting women's economic activities in Senegal. The results of the National Employment Survey confirm the inequality indicators by showing that women have a less desirable position in the labor market than men.

Indeed, the unemployment rate for women is 23.5%, whereas it is 11.4% for men (ANSD, 2015). Women are mostly unskilled (72.1%) and only 42.7% of them are active compared to men who are more active (65.8%).

In addition, the employment rate for women is estimated at 32.8%, while that for men is 59% (ANSD, 2015). In addition, it appears that the female labor force tends to more often be self-employed than employed. Women represent 49.7% of self-employed workers and only 33.2% of salaried workers (ANSD, 2015). Concerning salaried employment, 22% of

women work under open-ended contracts, 32% work under fixed-term contracts and 28%

work under seasonal contracts. (ANSD-ESPII 2011). An analysis of the main occupations reveals that most women are self-employed farmers (31.5%) or caregivers (30.5%) (ANSD 2015). The predominance of women in self-employment increases their vulnerability.

To address this situation, the government has established an ambitious economic and social program called the "Plan for an Emerging Senegal" (PES). The program aims to transform the structure of the economy by improving the productivity of current growth drivers, human capital and local governance. The transformation of the economy involves the creation of infrastructures that encourage investment in key productive sectors (for example, agriculture) and services and the improvement of business environments.

The agricultural objective of the PES is to increase productivity and improve the competitiveness of this sector. However, the achievement of these objectives will depend on several prerequisites, such as water management, improving the quality of the soil and the modernization of farming tools. To achieve these goals, the Senegalese government intends to make specific public investments in the agricultural sector. These policies should not only increase and diversify agricultural production but also improve the competitiveness of the sectors. Furthermore, the Senegalese government expects improvements in the agricultural sector to lead to increased job creation, which will in turn have a positive impact on household consumption through increased incomes.

Therefore, the PES should have a positive impact in reducing poverty. Similarly, given that women are mainly involved in agricultural activities, their incomes are likely to increase. Indeed, the distribution of female employment by sector shows that women are mainly active in the agricultural sector. Agriculture accounts for 46.40% of the female workforce (ANSD-ESPII 2011). In addition, 15.3% of female heads of household work in the agricultural sector. Women also cultivate 31.9% of agricultural land in urban areas and 23% of the land in rural areas. The development of the agricultural sector could therefore increase women's incomes and levels of self-sufficiency.

This study aims to evaluate the effects of two public policies targeting the agricultural sector on growth, employment (notably women's employment), poverty and inequality. Specifically, our study focuses on the impacts of two scenarios: (i) an increase in public subsidies for investment in the agricultural sectors and (ii) an increase in production subsidies for the agricultural sectors. For this assessment, we use a dynamic computable general equilibrium (CGE) model linked to a microsimulation model. We believe that CGE models are the most appropriate tools to capture the interrelations between production activities, labor markets, and the generation of incomes for agents, notably households. The resulting macroeconomic framework makes it possible to consider the impact on the whole economy and on different agents, such as the government. This dynamic dimension allows us to capture the Senegalese government's multiyear plan and the long-term effects of this policy. The use of a micro model allows us to assess the impact of simulated policies on household poverty (a macro model alone would not allow for such an analysis).

Several studies provide information on the role that agriculture can play in reducing poverty and inequality. Indeed, by employing more of the population than any other sector in many developing countries, agriculture remains a lever of choice to reduce inequalities and poverty [START_REF] Diao | The Role of Agriculture in African Development[END_REF]. However, for several researchers, such as [START_REF] Mellor | Agriculture on the road to industrialization[END_REF] and [START_REF] Gollin | Agricultural productivity and economic growth[END_REF], the agricultural sector can only be a real asset for development if it undergoes profound transformations in transitioning from traditional to modern agriculture. This transformation requires capital investment to stimulate production and facilitate commercialization [START_REF] Adelman | Fallacies in development theory and their implications for policy[END_REF].

For [START_REF] Pinstrup-Andersen | Rural infrastructure and agricultural development[END_REF], improving agricultural productivity requires not only the construction of irrigation systems, the adoption of new farming practices or the financing of inputs to improve agricultural yields and ensure quality production. Rather, the authors also emphasize the importance of the creation of physical infrastructures such as roads, storage areas, markets, and so on to improve producers' access to markets. This view is shared by [START_REF] Fan | Government Spending, Growth and Poverty in Rural India[END_REF], who report that in India, the increase in public investment in agricultural research and development and in equipment has led to an increase in yields.

Farmers' incomes have in turn increased, leading to a reduction in poverty and inequality.

Again, in India, [START_REF] Baba | Impact of investment on agricultural growth and rural development: Dynamics of public and private investment in Himachal Pradesh[END_REF] show that the combined increase in private and public investment in the agricultural sector between 1969 and 2002 stimulated economic growth.

However, the unequal redistribution of wealth did not significantly reduce poverty during this period. This study highlights that in addition to the efforts made to increase agricultural production, special attention must be paid to income redistribution. Without a fair redistribution of wealth, poverty and inequality are likely to persist.

Sennoga and Matovu (2013) conclude that public resources directed to sectors that can serve as a base for transferrable skills and that can support the broad-based expansion of economic capacities of both individuals and firms can lead to improved productivity and effectively combat poverty. The authors analyze the Ugandan case and conclude that a reallocation of public resources from nonproductive sectors (e.g., public administration and security) to agriculture as a productive sector leads to a reduction in poverty. This outcome is made possible by strong farming sector linkages within other industries. Benin et al. (2008) reached similar conclusions through their analysis of Uganda's agricultural modernization plan. In the authors' view, without the proper integration of the agricultural sector into the rest of the economy, increased investments in the sector will not have a significant impact on the economy as a whole. These findings show that the integration of the agricultural sector into the rest of the economy influences the amplitude of the resulting impacts on growth, poverty and inequality. [START_REF] Mogues | The impacts of public investment in and for agriculture. Synthesis of the existing evidence[END_REF] note that investment in the agricultural sector can play a key role in economic development through two channels: by improving people's health and by improving their incomes. According to the authors, investment in agriculture can lead to improved productivity and can improve farmers' resources. Additionally, such investments lead to a reduction in product prices, which can result in an increase in household purchasing power. Stefel and Randrianarisoa (2006) have shown in the case of Madagascar that agricultural reforms favoring the reduction of the interseasonal price of agricultural products and of the urban-rural market margin reduce poverty reduction. This is made possible when agricultural reforms are based on investments made in agricultural infrastructure, such as storage warehouses and irrigation devices. Although the decline in poverty has affected all households, rural households have benefitted the most, as they are mainly employed in agricultural sectors and have experienced an increase in their income through this reform. In addition, the fall in the prices of agricultural products, which are mainly consumed in rural areas, has led to an increase in the purchasing power of these households.

The studies presented above demonstrate that several tools can be used to improve the agricultural sectors. Depending on these tools, the impact of agriculture reforms on household welfare can vary. In analyzing the impact of agriculture reforms on welfare, [START_REF] Jonasson | Modeling the welfare impacts of agricultural policies in developing countries[END_REF] found in reference to Ghana and Malawi that the impacts on households are different depending on whether a reform adopts a subsidy (input price or production subsidy) or a cash transfer, for instance. Although the results differ across countries, the authors conclude that investment policy through input subsidies has the strongest effects on welfare gains. However, this is only the case when input prices do not increase. [START_REF] Matchaya | Public spending on agriculture in Southern Africa: Sectoral and intra-sectoral impact and policy implications[END_REF] confirmed this general conclusion in reference to Malawi, Swaziland, and Zambia by demonstrating that increasing investment within agricultural sectors in terms of research and development and production subsidies is key to improving agricultural performance and the agricultural contribution to GDP growth. [START_REF] Irz | Agricultural Growth and Poverty Alleviation[END_REF] conclude that a 1% increase in agricultural GDP through public investment leads to an average 1.61% increase in income for the poorest quintile of the population in developing economies. Similarly, a 1% increase in agricultural productivity in developing countries leads to a reduction in the poverty head count ratio of between 0.62% and 1.3%.

Concerning Senegal, [START_REF] Boccanfuso | Stratégies de réduction de la pauvreté au Sénégal : une analyse par la modélisation en équilibre général calculable microsimulé[END_REF] evaluate the impacts of a 10% increase in agricultural productivity on poverty using a static CGE model including a multihousehold model. This methodological approach allows the authors to carry out a more detailed analysis of poverty situations. The authors find an interesting result: The effect of increasing agricultural productivity seems to mainly benefit urban households even though the policy was originally aimed at reducing poverty in rural areas. The authors attribute this result to sources of income for poor rural households decreasing and to the increase in agricultural productivity leading to a reduction in prices, which benefits net buyers but disadvantages net sellers.

Most studies that use a CGE model and incorporate a gender dimension address the impact of trade liberalization on gender [START_REF] Fontana | Modeling the Effects of Trade on Women, at Work and at Home[END_REF][START_REF] Cockburn | A Gender-Focused Macro-Micro Analysis of the Poverty Impacts of Trade Liberalization in South Africa[END_REF][START_REF] Chitiga | Case Study: A Gender-focused Macro-Micro Analysis of the Poverty Impacts of Trade Liberalization in South Africa[END_REF][START_REF] Latorre | A CGE Analysis of the Impact of Foreign Direct Investment and Tariff Reform on Female and Male Workers in Tanzania[END_REF]. Few studies address the gender impacts of agricultural policies. [START_REF] Arndt | Marketing margins and agricultural technology in Mozambique[END_REF] show that an improvement in agricultural productivity through the incorporation of new production technologies leads to an increase in farmers' incomes in Mozambique. Additionally, since women in Mozambique are more heavily engaged in agriculture than men, their incomes increase more significantly as a result, which reduces female poverty and women's dependence on men and reduces gender disparities in terms of income. the liberalization process than urban residents. Regarding gender, the authors find an increase in gender pay disparities, as liberalization is more profitable for sectors that use more male labor. Male-headed households in turn experience much lower less poverty than households headed by women. Thus, while liberalization leads to increased economic growth, this increase reinforces wage disparities as well as differential access to jobs among men and women.

Our study may shed light on the impact of agricultural sector reforms on women's employment, economic growth, poverty and inequality in Senegal and may further fuel the public debate under the PES framework that is currently taking place.

Model and Data

To evaluate the effects of the studied policies, we use a dynamic CGE model following [START_REF] Decaluwé | PEP-1-t (Single Country, Recursive Dynamic Version)[END_REF]. The model is fully described in [START_REF] Decaluwé | PEP-1-t (Single Country, Recursive Dynamic Version)[END_REF].

Here, we present the main characteristics of the model and changes made for the purposes of our study. In line with the Social Accounting Matrix (SAM), the model includes 22 activities and commodities, including two agricultural sectors (subsistence and export agriculture).

Figure 1 below illustrates the production process of the Senegalese economy. Each activity involves different types of production factors but in different proportions.

Indeed, men, with a higher activity rate (60.5% vs. 39.6% for women), are relatively more numerous in most sectors of the economy (ANSD, 2017). Women are in the majority only in a small number of specific sectors, including the manufacturing and marketing of dairy products, the catering sector and drinking establishments, which concentrate more than 80% of the female workforce (ANSD, 2017). In addition, from the structure of the labor force according to qualifications, more than eight out of 10 women have no qualifications, and only 2.5% of women have a baccalaureate or higher.

Households are disaggregated by location as either rural or urban. The model discerns three sources of income: labor income (salaries and wages), capital income and transfers income from institutional sectors (households, firms, the government and the rest of the world). For both types of households, labor income is the main source of income (62.19%

for urban households and 49.69% for rural households). Capital income (22.78%) and transfers received (15.04%) are other sources of income for urban households. For rural areas, on the other hand, transfers (34.08%) represent the second greatest source of income, and capital income (16.23%) is the least significant. The importance of salaried employment in the economy and the concentration of economic activities in urban areas explain the dominance of salaried and capital income among households and especially urban households.

Households use their income to pay taxes, make transfers to other institutions, for consumption and for savings. Both types of households spend most of their income on consumption expenditures (94.65% for rural households vs. 87.96% for urban households).

On the consumption side, household behavior is modeled as a linear expenditure system and subject to budget constraints. Rural households spend two-thirds of their consumption budget on food commodities, while this share drops to 41.3% for urban households. Urban households spend almost 10% of their budget on telecommunications (vs.

7.9% for rural households) and 9% on education services (vs. 2.2% for rural households).

Firms mainly derive their income from capital income and from transfers from other institutions and pay income tax and transfers to other institutions (dividends) and save the surplus. Government income is derived from direct taxes (23.17% of total income) paid by households and firms, indirect taxes on domestic sales (34.38%), import tariffs (25.28%), transfers from other institutions (13.94%), and a share of capital income (3.23%).

Government savings are equal to government income minus consumption and transfers paid to other institutions.

To relate Senegal to the rest of the world, we adopt the traditional small country assumption by assuming that Senegal does not have any influence on global prices. We also assume that Senegalese producers cannot sell as much as they would prefer to on international markets. To sell more in these markets and to increase their market shares, producers have to be more competitive than other producers. Thus, export supply is constrained by export demand, which is assumed to have finite elasticity, reflecting the competitiveness of local producers in the international market. The structure of foreign trade is dominated by industrial commodities (which represent 55.34% of Senegalese imports and 39.92% of their exports), food products (18.65% of imports and 17.86% of exports) and extractive activities (10.23% of imported products and 8.68% of those exported).

To consider the Senegalese context, we change a hypothesis of the PEP 1-t model.

Senegal is experiencing unemployment for both skilled and semiskilled workers. Following [START_REF] Blanchflower | Estimating a wage curve for Britain: 1973-90[END_REF], we assume that there is an equilibrium wage rate compatible with the unemployment rate. The authors find an empirical relation between wage and unemployment rates called the "wage curve." This relation shows a negative slope between unemployment rates and wage rates.

Labor is mobile across sectors, whereas capital is sector specific. The stock of labor increases according to the annual population growth rate, while the stock of capital increases in the ensuing periods due to new investments made in the sector. The allocation of new private investment follows the accumulation equation developed by [START_REF] Jung | The impact of public education expenditure on human capital, growth, and poverty in Tanzania and Zambia: a general equilibrium approach[END_REF]. In this equation, the volume of new capital allocated to private sectors is proportional to the existing stock of capital and depends on the ratio of the rental rate of capital to the user cost of capital.

To implement our first scenario, we slightly modify the equation explaining the user cost of capital. In the PEP model, the user cost of capital ( ) is equal to the price of new capital in sector ( ) adjusted by the depreciation rate of capital ( and the interest rate ( ). In our scenario, we consider a subsidy for investment in agriculture. We assume that this subsidy applies to the acquisition of agricultural capital. Therefore, the user cost of the capital equation is modified by adding the subsidy rate for agricultural capital ( ) only.

By reducing the user cost of capital in agriculture, the subsidy would increase the In terms of closure rules, we assume that the nominal exchange rate is the numeraire. The rest of the world's savings are fixed, meaning that Senegal cannot borrow from the rest of the world. Then, global prices are fixed based on the assumption that Senegal is a small country.

Government spending is also fixed.

To To implement a macro-micro approach, we must use different sets of data of different sources from the social accounting matrix (SAM), which is based on national accounts and input-output tables, and household survey to infer the impact of the policies on income distribution and poverty. Specifically, our SAM is based on [START_REF] Fofana | Social Accounting Matrix for Senegal[END_REF]; it includes 22 sectors and commodities, including two agricultural sectors (subsistence agriculture and export agriculture). Using the household survey, we disaggregate the labor force by gender. Thus, labor is disaggregated by both gender and skills. We have five representative agents: the government, firms, households (rural and urban) and the rest of the world.

To calibrate unemployment rates, we use the 2015 employment survey; we borrow income and trade elasticities from Zidouemba and Gerard (2015) and use the population growth rate from the Senegalese National Statistics Agency.

As mentioned above, our model is dynamic. Without simulation, the economy grows following the 'business-as-usual' (BAU) trajectory. The BAU scenario reflects the Senegalese Ministry of Finance GDP growth rates and forecasts for the period of 2011-2024 (2011 is the base year of our SAM, and 2024 marks the end of our simulation). The estimated GDP growth rate occurring over the period ranges between 6.6% and 7.7%. We therefore compare the results of our 2 scenarios with a context in which production increases for all sectors, thereby reducing unemployment and poverty.

Findings and discussion

1-Scenarios:

For the first scenario (Sim 1) and in line with the PES, we simulate subsidies on investment in agriculture over a three-year period. The total value of subsidies is divided between the subsistence agricultural sector and the export agricultural sector. New investments made in the agricultural sectors will enable the acquisition of agricultural equipment such as tractors, irrigation equipment, seed drills, etc. For the second scenario (Sim 2), we evaluate an increase in production subsidies for the subsistence agricultural sector of 6% in 2018 and 4% in 2019 and 2020 and of 10% for the export agricultural sector in 2018 and 6% in 2019 and 2020. The total value of the subsidies is the same for both scenarios, allowing the results to be comparable.

The analysis of the results is based on both the short-term economic effects occurring in 2018 and on the long-term economic effects occurring in 2024. The analysis focuses on the effects of the reforms on economic dynamics and macroeconomic impacts on employment and wages, allowing for the observation of gender inequalities and economic agents, notably households, for the purpose of assessing poverty.

2-Results:

Macroeconomic impacts:

As shown in Table 1, both reforms have positive impacts on real GDP. In the short term, both scenarios lead to a relative increase in GDP of 0.11%. However, in the long term, simulation 1 leads to a 0.12% increase in GDP, while simulation 2 results in only a 0.01% increase. Subsidies on investment in the agricultural sectors (subsistence and export) for the first scenario make the sectors more attractive for investment, which increases the stock of capital for each sector the following year and consequently production levels. To increase their levels of production, each of the agricultural sectors increases its intermediate consumption and therefore positively impacts the other sectors. The macroeconomic impacts of increasing production subsidies (Sim2) for the two agricultural sectors are quite modest. Indeed, impacts are only observed for the years in which the subsidies are increased, after which there is basically no further impact with regard to BAU trends. The increase in production subsidies for both sectors leads to an increase in production and intermediate consumption. The impact on employment is positive, as we observe a decrease in the unemployment rate of 0.17%. Real household consumption is 0.06% higher for rural households and 0.05% higher for urban households in the short term, but over the long term, there is no change with respect to BAU trends.

Sectoral impacts:

Encouraging investment in the agricultural sectors (Sim1) makes it possible to increase the production of both sectors and notably that of the export agricultural sector in the short and long term. Therefore, in the short term, there is an increase in export agricultural production of 0.94% compared to an increase of 2.76% over the long term. For subsistence agriculture, production increases by 0.43% in the short term, while in the long term, production increases by 1.41%. One of the objectives of the Plan for an Emerging Senegal is to promote agricultural exports. Concerning this sector, exports increase by 1.07% in the short term and by 3.24% compared to BAU levels in the long term. The objective of increasing exports has been achieved in this respect.

Moreover, this reform (Sim 1) has strong positive spillover effects on the livestock, fisheries, food, energy production, education, health and personal activity sectors in the short term and exclusively on the livestock, fisheries and food industries in the long term. These sectors tend to recruit more workers. Other sectors are subject to the negative repercussions of this policy. Indeed, by subsidizing investment in the agricultural sectors, the government encourages private investment to shift toward these two agricultural sectors and thus away from other less profitable sectors. Furthermore, the budget for subsidies reduces government revenues and, at constant public expenditure, reduces government savings, resulting in a crowding-out effect on private investment from public investment. The sectors most affected by this effect are those producing capital goods, such as the construction sector, which experiences a decline in production (-3.48%). These sectors, which heavily employ unskilled male workers, tend to free up labor in the short term. Overall, the impacts on wage rates are positive for all categories of workers except for unskilled men.

In the long term, however, the increase in private investment is more dynamic in the nonagricultural sectors in general and particularly in the food (0.60%) and finance industries (0.31%). This positive trend offsets the short-term negative effects such that the effect on employment in the long term is positive. Furthermore, there is an increase in wage rates for all categories of workers in the long term with women's wages increasing more than those of men. This is the case because expanding sectors employ more female labor.

Regarding the second scenario (Sim 2), as we note above, the effects of the reform are mainly felt in the short term (in the years of the reform). The export agriculture sector mostly benefits from this policy. Production increases by 6.55% in the short term and by 0.39% over the long term. To produce more, the sector recruits all categories of workers and increases its intermediate consumption. This has a positive spillover effect on certain sectors (the livestock, forestry, food, energy production, trade, education and health sectors) in the short term. These sectors increase their labor demand, leading to an increase in wages for all categories of workers. Wages increase by 0.17% for unskilled men, while unskilled women experience a wage increase of 0.23%. Semiskilled men experience a wage increase of 0.09% compared to an increase of 0.13% for semiskilled women, while skilled men experience a wage increase of 0.08% compared to an increase 0.14% for skilled women in the short term.

In terms of foreign trade in nonagricultural products, the two policies have negative effects overall. Over the period, Sim 1 encouraged an increase in exports exclusively in fishing (0.12%). In addition, imports increased for eight of the fifteen imported products, especially for livestock (0.45%), health (0.34%), and food products (0.25%), in the short term. For Sim 2, exports fell over the period for all nonagricultural products. On the import side, levels increased except in the case of extractive activities (-0.05% in the short term and -0.01% in the long term) and business services (-0.05% in the short term). This trend is explained by the loss of competitiveness observed in nonagricultural sectors.

Impacts on agents:

The first policy (Sim 1) has positive effects on nongovernmental agents in both the short and long term. Indeed, the good performance of the agricultural sector and of some nonagricultural sectors (livestock, fisheries, food production, etc.) has led to an increase in capital income. Therefore, firms' income increases by 1.44% in the short term and by only 0.15% over the long term. Firm savings also increase by 1.37% in the short term and 0.13% over the long term. Household incomes and savings increase by 0.28% in the short term and by 0.08% for rural households and by 0.10% for urban households over the long term. The short-term increase in household income is partially due to the increase in capital income (+0.22% for the two household categories) but especially due to transfer income, which increases by 1.09% for rural households and by 0.79% for urban households.

For the rural population over the long term, the increase in household income is attributed to a 0.21% increase in capital income and a 0.13% increase in transfer income. For urban households, this trend results from a 0.08% increase in labor income, a 0.21% increase in capital income and a 0.11% increase in transfer income.

Government savings decline in the short term (-6.50%) and increase by 0.28% in the long term. This is the case because the public deficit is used to finance the reform over the simulation period.

For the second simulation (Sim 2), rural households experience an increase in their income and savings of 0.14%, while urban households experience an increase of 0.13%. This outcome favors an increase in consumption. Over the long term, however, the trend is different as household incomes increase slowly and household consumption follows this trend. Firms also experience a significant improvement in their income. In the short term, firms' incomes increase by 0.10% and their savings increase by 0.07%; however, over the long term, this increase is much lower at only 0.01%. These positive figures are due to the development of the export agricultural sector, where production is reaching significant levels. Government revenue declines by 0.09% during the three-year simulation period as agricultural subsidies increase, leading to a 0.30% decline in government savings, which affects total investment (-0.01%). By the end of the simulation 2 period, government income increases by 0.01% and savings increase by 0.02%.

Poverty results:

Both scenarios have positive impacts on poverty in the short and long term. This slight decrease in poverty, especially in the short term, is due to the positive impacts of the reforms on wages and labor demand. Rural households under both policies experience the greatest declines in the incidence of poverty. This decline in poverty can be attributed to increases in household income and consumption. Gender inequality is declining due to better trends in women's employment and wages. The positive trends identified in terms of poverty and inequality reduction reflect the effectiveness of the reforms in improving the employability and means of marginalized populations, notably women and rural dwellers. The impact on inequality across the country is quite positive, with a decrease in the Gini index of 0.13%. Gender inequality declines more in rural areas than in urban areas, although this trend is reversed in the long term.

Conclusion and policy advisory

We built a dynamic CGE model to analyze the effects of two agricultural reforms on gender inequalities and poverty in Senegal. Both simulations show positive impacts on growth, exports for agricultural sectors, employment and poverty.

Considering these findings, a number of policy implications can be made. First, as mentioned above, both policies bring positive results but the policy of subsidizing investments (Sim 1) generates better results in the short and long term. While the policy of subsidizing production (Sim 2) only brings positive results in years when the subsidy is available, the policy of subsidizing investment in the agricultural sectors (Sim 1) leads to more sustainable growth and results. Second, upon analyzing the results from a gender perspective, both policies have broadly positive impacts on women's employment and wages over the simulation periods; however, only the policy of subsidizing investments (Sim 1) has long lasting effects in reducing gender inequalities because it enables women's employment and wages to increase more than men's in the long run. This is an important economic policy outcome: in order to reduce gender inequality in the long term, the government should favour an investment subsidy policy over an agricultural input subsidy policy. Consequently, we would recommend the introduction of investment subsidies in the agricultural sectors.

Moreover, we assume that the government has fully funded both policies. A complementary step in this work would be to find alternative means of funding (such as tax reforms) to prevent the crowding-out phenomenon that has been observed. Finally, our paper provides evidence of the impact of public policies on gender inequality in Senegal, which, like most developing countries, faces high levels of gender inequality. The results of this study could inform policy discussions in other countries, particularly in West Africa, where agriculture is female-labour intensive and where levels of gender inequality are high.

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1: Economic production process

  attractiveness of investment in the sector. As shown in the following equation, given the reduced user cost of capital, the volume of new capital allocated to the agricultural sectors ( ) would increase. With: Rental rate of type k capital in industry agr Demand for type k capital by industry agr Scale parameter (allocation of investment to industries) Elasticity (allocation of investment to industries)

  capture the impacts of the government's intervention in the agricultural sectors on poverty, we must link the CGE model to a micro model. The microsimulation model, which is based on Tiberti et al (2017), determines the Foster, Greer and Thorbecke (FGT) poverty indicators (i.e., poverty headcount ratio (P0) and poverty gap ratio (P1)) and the Gini inequality index. Specifically, once the CGE model is run, the new prices and volumes after a change in government policy are transmitted to the micro model (top-down) to estimate changes in monetary poverty and inequality.

Figure 2 :

 2 Figure 2: Incidence of poverty (Scenarios 1 and 2) for households in (%)

  increase in investment in agricultural capital has positive effects on employment in general and especially for women. This improvement in employment opportunities positively impacts women's incomes and enables a reduction in gender disparities in terms of jobs and revenue. Cockburn et al. (2010), following Annabi et al (2008), use a sequential dynamic CGE model with microsimulations to analyze the effects of trade liberalization on poverty and gender disparities. The authors' simulations reveal that rural households benefit more from

[START_REF] Zidouemba | Transformation de l'agriculture et inégalités de genre au Burkina Faso[END_REF]

analyze effects of the transformation of agriculture on the economic situation of women in Burkina Faso. With the help of a CGE model, the authors show that an

Table 1 :

 1 Impact on macroeconomic variables (in % change to the BAU)

	SHORT TERM	LONG TERM
	sim1	sim2	sim1	sim2


Emile Baulieu

Françoise Héritier

Henri Léridon

Odile Éditions

Jacob

Brigitte Feuillet-Liger

Kristina Orfali

Thérèse Callus

dans les actes du colloque : "Contraception: contrainte ou liberté?", sous la direction de Etienne

droit, l'histoire La première partie "L'Habeas corpus des femmes: une double révolution?" a été publiée

Geneviève Fraisse

From habeas corpus to the temporality of procreation I -The habeas corpus of women: a double revolution?

The revolution of the stars is not the revolution accomplished by human beings. The word revolution therefore has a double meaning: it refers to the repetition of a circular movement and it indicates a historic event unforeseeable in the pattern of time. The revolution of the stars is immediately multiplied, whereas a political revolution is a unique event. Contraception refers to this double meaning of revolution.

By breaking with the past, a revolution can generate a radical change of perspective. The point of reference, the centre of the perspective is no longer the same. When the sun supplanted mankind in the representation of the centre of the universe, human perspectives and practices were no longer the same. As regards the French revolution, it dramatically changed our political regime. Therefore, whether scientifically or politically, a revolution always conjures up the before and after of human time, and the double meaning of revolution becomes one. Therefore, in the end, there are three meanings attached to the word revolution: repetition, a change of perspective and a rupture in time. These three meanings are relevant to a discussion regarding the notion of contraception.

Has contraception been a revolutionary process? Usually, as a top-of-my-head answer, I would say yes. Since if, for centuries, the law of the species or the law of reproduction was the point of reference and authority, contraception now represents a law specific to human beings, that of their freedom. Contraception can be viewed as a revolution on two levels: both by liberating reproduction from the constraints of nature and by resisting male domination. The reproduction of the species is no longer the focal point of motherhood, and the free choice of motherhood is a means of emancipation for human beings.

Therefore, there are two approaches to the invention of contraception: one based on the law of the species and the other on the freedom of human beings. Changing views, conquering a right, those are the two dynamics which we can describe as revolutionary.

Emancipation from the law of the species or the so called law of nature and the empowerment gained in the process, refer to two paths of human freedom, one of which is collective while the other is individual. Men and women have not followed these two paths in the same way. Since we know that in the relationship between freedom and constraint, the two genders do not have the same past within their common history. Reproduction is the fundamental point of the gender differences both as regards the empirical facts and in the power dynamics. Men and women differ fundamentally by their body and not by their reasoning. It is between men and women. While gender equality has historically been constructed on the similarity of reasoning between men and women (resemblance and identity of the two genders, women's (1) Freedom at the individual level often refers to the gender difference and this freedom is always blocked or won through the negation or assertion of the right of self-determination over one's own body. Reason and body are therefore the focal points of emancipation. Obviously, the body is one of the major issue related to acquiring freedom. Therefore, if meaning, this revolution is clearly considered as part of history, even part of so called historicity.

1) Shaking the laws of time

Revolution changes the laws of time; revolution changes the course of history. But what kind of empowerment does this involve? The freedom of which the neo-Malthusians dreamed just one hundred years ago, or the one which wanted to free populations from war and the misery of an existence overwhelmed by too many children? No, empowerment is not enough in itself, it is necessary to know what kind of freedom is given to the people thus empowered. The neo-Malthusians were not particularly focused on emancipating women. Hence the question again: what revolution can claim to be such in a century when revolutions were the enemies of mankind? Let us simply say that contraception is a positive historic revolution at a time when political ruptures, in the 20 th century, were usually destructive.

Contraception is a habeas corpus. In the literal sense, the Habeas Corpus Act of 1679 established habeas corpus as a fundamental freedom. You should have the body is the core expression of this freedom, self-ownership which starts with the ownership of one's body. It is particularly faithfully reproduced in the slogan "our bodies, ourselves" of the American feminists of the 1970s, translated by "our body belongs to us" by French feminists of the same period. The parallel between the 17 th century Act and the conquest of the 20 th century is not minor. In both cases, it is a question of recognising and protecting a woman's rights over her own body against "injustice and tyranny", according to historical works. The words are accurate: contraception is a stand against injustice, the injustice which always punishes women more than men in their attempts to avoid pregnancy or provoke an abortion. Contraception puts an end to the tyranny of nature by separating the sexual relationship from the obligation to reproduce. Habeas corpus is therefore above all a protective right. From this point of view, contraception and the right to abortion can be considered together. These practices free women from a submission to nature which often also represents a submission to a social order. Empowerment, a term which goes hand in hand with emancipation and liberalisation, specifies the context of choice and free will: it involves breaking down limits, overcoming a barrier, that of the preconceived idea of nature.

The laws of history have underscored this access to freedom. In France, for example, the laws authorising contraception (1967), then abortion (1975), invalidated the 1920 law which made abortion a criminal offence. But the latter law has not been totally repealed and still weighs upon any public assertion of the right to contraception insofar as it contains a ban on advertising methods of contraception. Hence the difficulty of launching any information campaign for contraception.

These laws have given a new freedom to individuals, mainly women. French law finally recognised that sexuality and reproduction can be separated; that individual and collective freedom, and the freedom of woman both individually and collectively, have a common meaning. The words and expressions which accompany this conquest of freedom are therefore inadequate. "Birth control", "pregnancy prevention", "contraception control" and even "choice of motherhood" are terms which focus more on family planning and its rational organisation, rather than on this freedom of desire, this liberalization of desire which seems to be clearly the profound purpose of recent laws. That is why, in the end, we must treat the right to contraception separately from the right to abortion; in the same way as sexuality versus reproduction. Sexual desire and the desire to have a child are two very different things... The revolution has involved obtaining laws through a political struggle. These laws are empowering; the habeas corpus is a political empowerment. Women are now freer and are becoming modern individuals, persons in their own right. In that, we can compare the habeas corpus with citizenship: being an autonomous individual is, for every woman, a recent conquest, linked to the democratic era. (2)

2) -Shifting the laws of nature

For women, and above all regarding their sexual lives, the laws of history have long been aligned with the laws of the species. In a nutshell, we can say that everything possible was done over the centuries, to assign women to motherhood as a conjugal, social and political duty. It is true that motherhood, a fact of nature, seemed to characterise for ever the historical role of women. However, this superimposition of nature and history could only last if science did not interfere.

Surprisingly, science has accompanied, since the 19 th century, the emancipation of women. Science is in synch with history.

With the discovery of ovulation and the mechanisms of heredity, science has emphasised the equal participation of men and women in reproduction. In doing so, it has followed the emergence of democracy and calls for gender equality. The discovery of methods of contraception has done likewise: the emancipation of women comes with gender equality.

That is how the second meaning of the word revolution has to be considered; in the "Copernican" way. Women were until then subject to the laws of their body and, of course, above all, to the rules of reproduction. Contraception triggered a radical shift by giving women the freedom to control their own body, based on the law of their desire.

By liberating women from the constraint of reproduction, science introduced a distance with the laws of the species. "The mastering of nature", one might say, a mastery similar to political emancipation. The progress of humanity embracing the rights of the female body; in short, scientific progress in harmony with the development of democracy, with the individual gaining in autonomy and independence. However, things are more complicated.

Emancipation from the law of the species takes us further than emancipation from the laws of history. In fact, the scientific revolution of contraception is similar to a Copernican revolution, to a revolution of mental representations. It is not a question of changing the course of the stars, but simply a matter of changing points of view. It is not a question of transforming the role of women in fertilisation and reproduction, but rather of considering this human mechanism in a new way. The Copernican revolution has changed the focal point of the way we see the world by asserting that it is not the sun that revolves around the earth, but the earth which revolves around the sun. As everyone knows, Copernic provoked an incredible breakthrough in the history of human thought with this radical change of perspective: mankind ceases to be the centre of a world organised around it.

The discovery of the pill and the widespread use of contraception have transformed similar representations, but in the opposite way. Throughout the centuries, women were dependent on a central focus, nature, organising the survival and reproduction of the species. From the time they were given the choice of accepting or refusing the order to reproduce, the centre has shifted from an obligation in accordance with the laws of nature to the individual's own laws. Women are therefore no longer subordinated to nature, they are no longer controlled by a nature over which they have no power and which they must obey. Instead of women revolving around nature, the roles have been reversed and nature is controlled by the woman. Nature was the centre, the reference point: it is now the opposite, it is the woman who is at the centre and nature depends on her. Thus, if, since Copernic, mankind has ceased to be the centre of the universe, thanks to contraception, women have ceased to exist only as a human being in "relation to", something or someone, conforming to the nature of the species. However, I acknowledge that the image of the Copernican revolution to describe a radical shift in the life perspectives of women is somewhat bold.. Even if women are no longer submitted to the authority of nature, they have not become the centre of any new system; they have achieved an individual empowerment. The centre as a reference point has been replaced by individual autonomy. Human decision-making now prevails over a natural mechanism. These words would sound like simple humanism if we were not to dwell a moment on the role of nature in the life of women. The reference to nature is not limited to the reality of the reproduction of the species. It is a constant of all thinking on the gender differences. Either nature is criticised for its dominating role, or nature is praised for its saving virtues. In both cases, it seems that we cannot dispense with the reference to nature. The advent of contraception allows us to escape from this indispensable reference.

The rupture created by this modern habeas corpus is this new relationship with nature. In a way nature is kept at bay because contraception has finally liberated women from nature. Women are no longer considered as part of nature, they have themselves initiated a new relationship with their own naturel self, a distance and even a contradictory relationship. Moreover, this new situation is experienced differently by women, and some women reject a relationship against nature. Contrary to certain opinions, it is not the "too much freedom" given by contraception which worries them, but an inner tension. Access to freedom always involves a period when it is necessary to take ownership of this freedom. Giving freedom is never enough.

In conclusion, to revert to the question of habeas corpus, it would be anachronistic to describe it as the expression of a human right, even if "our body belongs to us" clearly falls within the scope of a fundamental right. We should not forget that habeas corpus refers mainly to a civil liberty rather than to a principle of freedom. For women, civil liberties are also often political liberties. This can be used to support the idea that far from being a temporal constant, the gender difference is part of historicity.

II -Time, law, history

It was important to show how scientific contraception and the legalization of abortion represented, at the end of the 20 th Century, a rupture in the long history of the life of women. This historical rupture was overtaken by a political revolution because as such the emancipation of women found a platform on which to bring about freedom on the one hand, and the equality of the sexes on another. Rupture and revolution are powerful images with which to highlight how the democratic question runs through contemporary feminism.

After a period during which a revolution is taken into account, a historical, Copernican revolution, one can come back, with a degree of distance, to what is now considered to be a right, the right to have control over one's reproduction, contraception and abortion included. During one generation, born with the pill, this distance brought up three questions: one on the relationship to nature, which from then on took the form of time; the second on the quality of "right" given to this essential reference that was the feminist conquest; and thirdly on the historical setback of this habeas corpus of women confronting the affirmation of a dominant biopower. Lastly, the question which underpins these reflexions is simple: how much is it a political question stretching beyond the moral and cultural issues?

1) Nature is time. A right is law.

The start of the notion "control over reproduction and free choice for one's body" appeared in all its radicality at the beginning of the second half of the 20 th Century. There was nothing new about it, of course, one could even refer here to the neo-Malthusianism of libertarian communities at the end of the 19 th Century [START_REF]voir par exemple, pour la qualité des documents[END_REF] . But what made history was the social and political statement being allied to the scientific reality and technique. In France, a 1967 law authorized contraception, and then in 1975, abortion. This is what one can call a historical fact, one which produces a rupture, a before and an after. Then, where there is history, it's through the reference to slogans that were anglo-saxon before being adopted by the french language; "our bodies, ourselves", "our body belongs to us". The 1679 Habeas corpus bill, therefore, irrigated the feminist slogans of the 60s and 70s. Let us reflect a moment, though, on the distinction between the words "man" and "body". In the 17 th Century bill, it was the body that made the man. And so this right appears in all its singularity with regards the other rights obtained by women over the last two hundred years: not in terms of conquest but of recognition. Finally it was admitted that the practice of contraception, just like that of abortion, had existed for a long time. These practices, whether through craft or science, from the random art to the proved technique, were authenticated, as they stood, by law. It was therefore quite different from conquests such as education, citizenship, access to a profession, or any other civil right related to social and/or family life. Recognition is not a right which opens up a new space, it's a legitimation. A legalization, one could also say. If this entrance into history must be highlighted, it's for consequences other than the simple dynamic of women's freedom, a freedom that is collective and democratic. By indicating how contraception is a Copernican revolution, it was established that nature becomes subject to human will/freedom and therefore no longer submits women to its laws of the species. Yet, today, we are obliged to state that nature, submitted from now on to women's choice, has not disappeared as a superior strength and power over human beings. It's become time: nature has become time because what is irreducible in the human being, what escapes from its choice and control, is, from now on, for a woman who wants to have a child, the biological chronology of her fertility. What a generation of free women have just learnt, this generation following on from the militants of the 70s, women enjoying the new "control", is that the period of fertility is counted in the life of humans. The "when I want" slogan is, as such, too simple. It can be too late; and only freezing ovocytes might perhaps contradict this reality: that waiting too long, leaving time to go past while one chooses one's priorities between profession and love, freedom and maternity, a young woman can find herself in a position in which it's extremely difficult physically to get pregnant... Not to mention the prolonged use of the pill, a scientific artifice, which can undermine a young woman's fertility. As such we might be able to control the nature of the body, its naturalness, but not the culture of the self, and its temporality. Which is why I would say that nature became time. Refuting nature was a naive ambition, using the stratagem of control has turned out to be an overly simplistic vision of things. All of which we are now well aware of.

There remains a certitude after this "revolution", this irreversible historical fact, the possible "control" of fecundity; this certitude is that of the more and more practicable dissociation between sexuality and reproduction (4) . A sexual revolution, and liberation of customs, did indeed take place. We're a long way off from the somewhat stupefying formula of Simone de Beauvoir's, when she spoke of "absurd fecundity", absurd in the way the term might be related to Albert Camus' philosophy. The desire for control won against the absurd of existentialism understood as unpredictable and caught up in experience. The sexual relationship is separated from the choice of self reproduction. Desire for sex and desire for a child are distinct, but have human libido in common. From now on the two desires are, each one in their kind, upheld by rights, right to sexuality, and to its orientation on the one side, right to have or not have a child on the other. But what of the right to have a child outside of the coming together of the sexes? As with the framework of ART, assisted reproduction technology? The debate is ongoing. The control over reproduction is a habeas corpus. But this process has gone one step further, by calling on the law, not to escape from the law of the species, but to technify the production of the species. The desire to obtain the control over the self necessarily comes across the law at some point along its journey. So let's continue in two directions, firstly the judicial one, looking at rights and their meaning as to when it's a matter of accepting and working around an existing practice, or when it's a matter of human rights, of the species, even of a fundamental right. Then, there's that of biopower, of the human body combined with the citizen of social contract, a question which must be brought up, whether it can be answered or not.

2) Civil/political right and foundation

What rights are we talking about? If it's a matter of citizenship, for example, then the victory and acquirement of the right to vote can be inscribed in a democratic logic, in a definition of the members of a civil and political society that seem obvious to understand. The rights of women seem to have followed a progression of belonging to the universal. However, the right to contraception and abortion designate the recognition of a practice on the one hand, and the end of what was forbidden on the other. The real therefore precedes the right. These are the customs that lead to the creation of a law. Since Hippocrates' sermon, when the use of the pessary was expressly denounced, it has been preached that it is forbidden to alter the law of nature. Over the last two thousand years, the reprobation, i.e., the forbidding of any control over fecundity, has been deemed necessary. The decision to lift this ban, in contemporary times, whether translated as an affirmation (a law authorizing abortion, like in France), or negation, as in Germany, for example, or the decriminalization, and the regularization of a practice, has now prevailed. This relativizes, in this case, the acquirement of a law that consists of "accepting" rather than giving access to. The law stating the right in a situation of non right, in other words contraceptive and abortion practices, has always existed. But by making the law, that creates the possibility of reclaiming the best conditions for practicing what becomes the control of reproduction. It's no longer about just "controlling" births, a regulatory vision, but of providing freedom by giving this freedom the proper conditions in which it can be used. As such, the reference to habeas corpus becomes more complicated. We are used to the idea that habeas corpus is a civil right, but that it figures, historically, as a forerunner to the Declaration of Human Rights, indeed as a precursory sign of such rights. What should we think, then, of this discrepancy between the use of a 17 th Century formula dedicated to a new judicial era, and its resurgence three centuries later in support of feminist claims? What should we think of this gap in history, between rights for everyone, and rights for women; as if there were a sort of historical setback inherent in feminism itself? Indeed, 17 th Century body rights ("to have a body to show") coincided with Cartesian dualism, the separation of the body and of the mind, which seemed to confirm the power of the mind over the body, or in any case the assumption of its outweighing the body. Which is certainly what this "Copernican revolution", that is contraception, means: the strength of individual will over the body of the species. The dualism body/mind justifies the 17 th Century right as well as the 20 th Century one. So it is. In terms of feminism, the setback is an element of its democratic history. One might evoke, here, the Declaration of the rights of women and of female citizens by Olympe de Gouges (1791). Indeed, in this Declaration, through its very existence, the discrepancy between the history of men and that of women is revealed. But what's of interest, in this feminist moment of the right to contraception and abortion, is to highlight that the reference to the history of rights, in this case the habeas corpus, doesn't come from the political or cultural history of society, as an obvious heritage. It's the women themselves, the militants, the activists who appropriate the reference to habeas corpus. "Our body belongs to us", "Our body, ourselves", are the formulas branded at American demonstrations. As such, while the aim of medical research was not to establish reliable contraception, and consequently was scientific, feminists swing towards the opportunity provided by current scientific research, to appropriate one's own body, to make it one's own property. This ownership means that the notion of control, of planning maternity may give way to that of choice, of freedom, and therefore of rights. As the historian Yvonne Kniebielher has pointed out, we're seeing the idea of "responsibility" disappear and be replaced by that of freedom [START_REF] Knibiehler | La révolution maternelle depuis[END_REF] . It's a radical change of perception. As such the new rights alleviate the moral weight that women bear in terms of their duty towards maternity, and gives them the possibility to exercise their willingness as democratic subject. What is ownership? It's the "being" and the "having". Exactly what's invented with habeas corpus. It's the being when it's recognized that every individual has "a body to show", that he/she is a subject. This body is that person's own, and as such delimits his/her capacity to exist in a social gathering. It's the having when this person decides that she/he disposes of her/his body, as that person wants, since "my body belongs to me". The own and the ownership are two sides of this modern right of habeas corpus. The right will therefore be double, and takes us along two distinct directions. The first consists of following Giorgio Agamben's distinction (which we'll discuss later) which highlights the passage from zoe to bio, from the species to the citizen. Here, it is about the being, the individual of the human species. One may ask in this case what respect of the self, or by the other, does this position imply as member of a social contract? It is about recognizing oneself and being recognized. Let's say that for a woman in relation to her body, it's clearly about what we spoke of above as the capacity for a sexuality that is disassociated from the capacity for reproduction. The second direction more precisely assumes the democratic individual, the free citizen who combines willingness with self ownership. The use that such an individual makes of her/his body can be advocated without being accountable. As such controlling one's fecundity, deciding to abort... or prostituting oneself address this statute of ownership. The use of my body refers to my sovereignty of subject, the use of my body is my business.

And so, is it a right? Yes, in terms of legality, yes also in terms of ownership. But is it a "human right"? Is it a "fundamental right" as European feminists have recently claimed, urging that it be included in the Charter of fundamental rights, established in 2000? Let's note this 'one step further', initiated by the feminists: no longer should one legally recognize a freedom, but give a statute a right that underlies the law, the statute of "fundamental right". There's a political discrepancy here that should, at least, be explored. We have seen that it's more about the end of a ban, about a legalization rather than a victory and an access. We've also seen how this uncontested free choice does not necessarily liberate women from nature. It's therefore a right which stretches further than the reference to a law. From this point of view, it can and should be confronted to biopower.

3) About power and history; unavoidable setbacks.

The way of looking at the subject, indeed the whole perspective, must change. Having a child or not is a right. It's also a power that's exerted, according to circumstance and event, by one or other of the sexes; although it's mainly women who decide about it. And this power is itself confronted by others, notably social and medical. Michel Foucault, and then after him Giorgio Agamben, showed how the government of populations is the modern form of power. For the first, this governmentability emerged at the end of the 18 th Century, and for the second the "killable and unsacrificeable" life of man became formidable in the 20 th Century. Both pointed to this terrible paradox in the human being as both protected and in peril, controlled and yet made fragile. Giorgio Agamben traces it back, precisely, to the 17 th Century habeas corpus to denounce the confusion arising from the zoe and the bios, or the intrusion of the species into politics [START_REF] Agamben | Homo sacer, le pouvoir souverain et la vie nue[END_REF] The political animal of which Aristotle spoke became a citizen subject that's free and subservient at the same time, in the very founding contract of our modernity. In this sense violence exists right from the start as this subject, every subject, as a multiple of the citizen, can become the target of power. So, should one think of this"progress" of the recognition of contraceptive and abortion practices as wrapped up in this dynamic of control with its double face of subjection and freedom? In a way, yes, since time has followed nature by letting there be free run to social norms of reproduction. The freedom promised by feminist movements is not as obvious as was hoped. To which might be added the resistance to medical control when chemistry is involved, i.e., with the pill. To be submitted to nature-time and resisting control of medical normalization: women's freedom expresses itself between these at times contradictory extremes.

And yet! Can one be content with this paradoxical vision of the intersection between control and freedom? Can one credit the idea that the difficulties of habeas corpus of women touch on the philosophical reading of biopower, denounced as the modern form of violence? Becoming subject, for women, would be at this price, the price of integrating the society of political animals that are so individualized in the contemporary world that they have become fragile as a result? I'm going to allow myself to finish with the following remarks:

First of all, one must underline what has already been mentioned above, that the history of women is marked by political setback. Three centuries separate the Bill of 1679 and its feminist usage; three centuries during which women's rights were not synchronized with those of men. Perhaps this fact obliges one to question the history of one modernity that might be hiding another, a history of women's emancipation that is other than the simple emancipation of all which would progressively include all.

Then, the sexuation of the world tells of something untimely: where is the body of women and men in the asymmetry assumed by the place where reproduction takes place, i.e., the female body? That changes the analyses of biopower if one emphasizes the fact that the power is not symmetrically exercised by both sexes. Contraception and abortion are a mixture of freedoms and constraints that is not necessarily analogue to the critic of the government of populations and biopower.

Lastly, the body brought forward by the origins of the social contract, of the classical age, is a masculine body. Carole Pateman revealed as such in Le Contrat sexuel, showing how the contracting modern individual implies the sexual right exerted on the body of women (far more so than paternal right). This sexual right not being explicit, in the diverse texts addressing the social contract, women's bodies seem to be hidden. One can then imagine what is subverted in the habeas corpus of the 20 th Century in terms of democratic and liberal societies. There's a kind of unveiling of the hidden sexual right, thanks to the rights won by autonomous subjects upheld by feminism.

So the question becomes about the interpretation that should be given to this contemporary habeas corpus. More than a setback, or asymmetry, it's perhaps a political reversal that might enlighten the debates on biopower today. As such it's understandable how the problematic of abortion is brought up in presidential campaigns around Europe and America. If abortion is a political question, and not only a moral one, it's because it's part of the inscription of every being, and therefore of women, in the social (and national) contract, which is a sexual contract.

(translation of the second part by Carmela Uranga) --------------------------------------------------------------

De l'habeas corpus à la