Dominique Bouf

Christian Desmaris
email: christian.desmaris@sciencespo-lyon.fr

Spatial Equity and High Speed Trains: The Example of France

Keywords: High-speed Trains, Spatial Equity, Regional Development, French Regions, Pricing, Funding

What has changed since May 2015? We can think of three major changes since the presentation of the paper.

1) The French HSR network has been extended and larger urban areas are linked to Paris by High Speed Train. It is possible that the difference observed between cities benefiting from HSR and the others may be temporary. One factor may have played a role, namely that the most dynamic urban areas were connected to Paris first. Another study would be useful to address the issue of growth of the regions served by HSR, with a "before" and "after" comparison, taking into account the date on which HSR services began. Perhaps this new study could benefit from an international perspective. Regarding French HSR, it is necessary to wait for the long-term effects of the new line serving Bordeaux, which is now 2 hours away from Paris. But some scholars consider that the Bordeaux urban area has a specific dynamic that may not be linked with proximity to Paris.

2) SNCF has introduced a number of low-cost HSTs (called Ouigo) and been developing these services. This might make it easier to find an affordable journey to Paris, if the traveller is free to choose their time of departure. This is probably a strategic move to propose low prices and thus attracting new ridership. Even if this is not the objective, HST can increase the fairness of the whole system. A new study would be very useful, once the supply of low-cost trains can be considered stable and large enough to affect the fairness of the system.

3) When we wrote this presentation, studies on the equity of rail systems were quite rare. This is no longer the case for urban or interurban rail networks. A number of papers have been published, in particular on the Chinese Rail system. A far from exhaustive list includes the following:

Introduction

Although transport improvements are growth enhancing, they are probably unfair. This is evidenced by a number of effects. Transport improvements often result in extraordinary privileges for some places, such as airports, stations, and ports. They can, therefore, be considered unfair from the point of view of the places which do not receive these privileges (users and non-users in the terms employed by [START_REF] Vickerman | High-Speed Rail in Europe: Experience and Issues for Future Development[END_REF]. Conversely, transport improvements almost always have some negative impacts: pollution, noise, severance effects and so on. It follows that the "winners" and the "losers" do not share the same location. This raises concerns about spatial fairness. There is no reason to suppose that High Speed Trains (HSTs) should be an exception.

Fairness, justice and equity were the subjects of many debates in the 90s. Given the particular context of High Speed Trains, the question of their equity has again returned to the centre stage. There are several reasons for this. First, enough time has now elapsed since the inception of the first High Speed Lines (HSLs) in Japan and France, so an appraisal of the spatial effects of HSLs is now possible [START_REF] Albalate | High-Speed Rail: Lessons for Policy Makers from Experiences Abroad[END_REF]. Second, one very large country (China) has been building an impressive network of HSLs. Last, the US [START_REF] Levinson | Accessibility impacts of highspeed rail[END_REF] and UK, until now reluctant to invest in HSLs, are now seriously considering building networks. Equity matters are the subject of numerous debates in the UK [START_REF] Preston | High Speed Rail in Britain: about time or a waste of time?[END_REF] and spatial justice has long been at the core of Chinese policy. In many European countries that already have high-speed networks, the next HSLs are hotly debated (Spain, France, Italy, Sweden…). The commercially viable links have already been built and the justification for the future lines depends to a greater or lesser degree on questionable environmental considerations.

In this article, we propose to contribute to this debate between investment in transport and equity, by looking at how high-speed trains in France have affected spatial equity. We will choose a broad approach, encompassing an analysis of accessibility gains on economic development at the regional level, the pricing offered to travellers depending on their location and destination, and finally a review of the financing conditions for HSL. Regarding the first aspect, we propose simple modelling of the impact of TGV on regional development, understood in terms of GDP (Gross Domestic Product) and population. With the latter two aspects, we are at the heart of the dilemma facing the French national railway operator, SNCF, in turn, 1 This paragraph has been added to the 2020 version. considered as a public service and a private company 1 . Thus, our article will be presented in four parts. As equity is a polysemic word, in the first part of the paper, we will present the different concepts that will be used in the remainder of the paper, based on [START_REF] Hay | Concepts of equity, fairness and justice in geographical studies[END_REF]. By their very nature HSL investments might be considered as inequitable, but to back up this view, we have to quantify the effects of the accessibility gains. If the accessibility gains have no impact, the HST cannot be deemed inequitable. The second part of the paper is therefore devoted to the consequences of the increased accessibility resulting from HSTs. But accessibility has a cost and a price. Thus, in the third part, we consider the impact of the HST pricing system on spatial equity. In part four, we analyse the fairness of funding procedures.

Expectations Regarding Equity or Fairness in Transport

Equity is frequently considered with reference to the seminal work of [START_REF] Rawls | A Theory of Justice[END_REF]. But Rawlsian concepts cannot easily be applied to spatial analysis. [START_REF] Hay | Concepts of equity, fairness and justice in geographical studies[END_REF] defines eight concepts of Equity Fairness Justice (EFJ) with the aim of carrying out spatial studies.

The first is "Procedural fairness". This concept consists of a uniform application of rules over time and space. The difficulty in applying the concept of procedural fairness to HSTs is that the rules are fairly flexible, depending mainly on pricing and financing. The same rule does not apply everywhere. Methods of financing have evolved considerably and the pricing of high-speed trains is in some respects singular. We, therefore, consider that procedural fairness is absent if a rule does not apply everywhere with a reasonable degree of spatial uniformity.

Fulfilment of legitimate expectations. In relation to the definitions put forward by [START_REF] Hay | Concepts of equity, fairness and justice in geographical studies[END_REF]. We have qualified the term expectations by adding the adjective "legitimate". When one looks at HST, one notes some very optimistic expectations. High speed is sometimes seen as a magic wand. We have to admit that this concept might be confusing as it could prove difficult to determine the extent to which an expectation is legitimate.

Formal equality is a simple concept: people in the same situation receive similar benefits or suffer similar inconveniences. This notion is close to that of horizontal equity or commutative justice in the sense put forward by Aristotle. Obviously, depending on their location, citizens benefit to a greater or lesser degree from an HST. Formal equality is linked to the possible balance between poor accessibility and potential compensation and conversely between better accessibility and the price paid for it. This concept is linked to the pricing system and the funding of HST.

Substantive equality takes the argument one step further. It refers to equality of outcomes (net aggregate benefits minus net burdens). Applied to HST, this aspect expresses, in particular, the balance between what passengers pay and the benefit of their journey. Once again, the funding of HSL needs to be taken into consideration.

Equality of choices. By its very nature, new infrastructure alters the amount of choice available to customers. In this paper, we take the view that HSTs are unfair according to this concept if a significant number of customers have less choice after the HSL has been set up.

In accordance with merit (meritocracy). Some people might benefit fortuitously from any transport improvement, possibly to the detriment of others. This may involve either firms or private individuals. Such situations are frequently found in the transport sector.

Rights. This concept may not be very relevant to our study. HSTs do not really breach the fundamental rights of citizens. Funding could perhaps be considered in this context, but if we take the view that we live in democratic societies, the decisions of central and local government should be deemed not to breach the rights of the citizens.

Corresponding to needs "Certain needs are so basic that failure to meet them is an injustice". We take the view that HSTs have no bearing on basic needs. They do not meet basic needs and they do not prevent any basic needs from being met. So, in the remainder of the paper, we have not considered this aspect of Equity.

Accessibility and Regional Impacts of HSR in France: Polarization and Spread

Solving the overcrowding of some rail links was one of the reasons HSLs were developed. But increasing accessibility was also a goal. To a large degree, both objectives have been achieved in France, for the regions that are served. These accessibility gains mainly concern the travel time between Paris and some more or less remote regions.

Regarding the regional impact, there has been much conjecture but very few ex-post analyses, especially concerning long-term effects. The literature on the ex-post assessment of high-speed lines is limited to case studies (UIC, 2011). The consensus is that building an HST does not automatically boost the economies of the cities served [START_REF] Albalate | High-Speed Rail: Lessons for Policy Makers from Experiences Abroad[END_REF][START_REF] Givoni | Development and Impact of the Modern High-speed Train: A Review[END_REF]. The effects of HSTs can be observed at various levels from regions to station neighbourhoods and recent research tends to favour multi-level analysis [START_REF] Garmendia | High speed rail: implication for cities[END_REF][START_REF] Urena | The highspeed rail challenge for big intermediate cities: A national, regional and local perspective[END_REF]. So far, most research has dealt exclusively with cities, some Japanese studies excepted [START_REF] Sands | The Development Effects of High-Speed Rail Stations and Implications for California[END_REF]. In spite of a host of case studies, it is still unclear whether HSTs have a true impact on firms' location decisions, job creation, and ultimately regional productivity. In particular, it is not clear whether the impacts of HSTs are limited to major cities or if they spread out to cover a larger zone. However, [START_REF] Chen | The wider spatial-economic impacts of high-speed trains: a comparative case study of Manchester and Lille sub-regions[END_REF] found that both the Lille region (Nord Pas de Calais) and the Manchester region have benefited from their HSTs, although this does not apply to every part of the regions in question.

In provincial regions, the results of these accessibility gains remain highly questionable. Indeed, if the effects of HST on major links were discernible, intra-regional accessibility may even have diminished. Moreover, there is a kind of "tunnel effect" [START_REF] Plassard | Le train à grande vitesse et le réseau des villes[END_REF] which consists of poor accessibility for cities located near the HSL with poor access to the main cities. Moreover, some cities have lost their links to Paris [START_REF] Fnaut | Les arguments des opposants aux lignes à grande vitesse. Recensement, analyse et recommandations[END_REF].

The Hypotheses of the Model

It is interesting to address the effect of the HSTs at the regional level (France is divided into 22 regions) for the following reasons: 1) The choice of this geographical level enables us to have economic and demographic data that are not available at a lower level; 2) The spatial spillover effects between the statistical units are limited; 3) Rail transport between the cities in a given region are organised by the regional assembly; 4) Some regions have HSTs and some do not, which makes comparisons between the two possible.

We shall begin with a brief description of the French "Régions". Spatially, these are frequently organised around a regional capital. Their surface area is comparable to that of a small European country, somewhere between Luxembourg and Switzerland. Apart from the Paris Region and Corsica, their populations range between 1.8 million and 6.2 million. They are not homogenous as they have both large cities and rural areas. But since the inception of French HSLs, the bulk of the population travelling interregionally by rail live in the major urban areas [START_REF] Bonnafous | The regional impact of the TGV[END_REF].

The main research hypothesis is thus that regional transport and the spread of HSTs in a region improves accessibility throughout that region. To test this hypothesis, we examine whether the benefit of greater accessibility is discernible with macroscopic data such as GDP or population. This has to be done in the long term, because a small growth differential can lead to a large effect over 20 years. We thus have two hypotheses: 1) The effects of HST can be observed at the regional level; 2) Long-term effects are observable (over several decades).

The data provided by INSEE (French statistical bureau) consist of GDP and population for the 22 (metropolitan)

French Régions in the period 1990-2011.

TGV is the French acronym for HST. In the paper, we will use TGV or HST arbitrarily.

The French TGVs were brought into operation as follows (Fig. 1 Source: Adapted by I. Baraklianos from Vickerman 1997. This is a selection of the relevant lines (the total length of the French network is actually 30,000 km, around half of which is not used). These accessibility gains were not limited to very large urban areas. For technical reasons, HSTs can only be operated at high speed on specially designed tracks, but at ordinary speeds, they can also use "conventional" tracks. Thus, the trains are able to serve a significant number of medium or small cities. It follows that the accessibility gains can be spread over a large area. We can exemplify this spread of accessibility gains by looking at the Brittany region. Brittany is both a peripheral region and also one of the poorest in France (with a GDP per capita 20% lower than the average for France), and yet, thanks to its classic railway connection with the TGV network, most of the region's inhabitants have much improved accessibility to Paris (Fig. 2). Moreover, feedering coaches connect small towns to HSR stations enabling the inhabitants to travel conveniently to Paris.

To measure the regional effects, we grouped the French regions into three categories: 

The regions without TGV (which will be referred to as 'Reference' regions); 

The regions with TGV that are adjacent to Paris (which will be referred to as 'TGV adj.'); 

The regions with TGV that are not adjacent to Paris (which will be referred to as 'TGV').



The Paris region (Ile-de-France) was excluded from the sample of regions.

Source: Adapted by I. Baraklianos from RFF. We have decided to analyse the regions adjacent to Paris separately for several reasons. First, the relative gain in accessibility is smaller than for the other regions. Secondly, there is probably more trans-regional commuting to and from Paris and we would like to avoid this complex issue (see Andersson et al. 2009 for the Taiwanese case, [START_REF] Vickerman | High-Speed Rail in Europe: Experience and Issues for Future Development[END_REF][START_REF] Vickerman | High speed rail and regional development: the case of intermediate stations[END_REF] for Europe and France). Thirdly, the HSLs serve only part of the region, and for some cities, the existing rail services to Paris have been downgraded or even stopped. Finally, as these regions are close to Paris, for some cities the car could be the preferred mode for journeys to Paris. A list of the French regions with their status according to their TGV services is presented in the following map (Fig. 3).

First, the GDP per capita will be examined between 1990 and 2007 (the opening of the TGV East). Even if the literature is inconclusive (Barro R. J. and Sala I Martin X., 1991;[START_REF] Dall'erba | Dynamique du processus de convergence régionale en Europe[END_REF], it is necessary to control for β convergence (the tendency of the poorest regions to have a higher rate of growth). The equation for the estimated model is as follows: GDPi = a.D1 + b.D2 + β ln (GDPi0), where:

 i denotes the region 
GDPi is the increase in the GDP per capita in region i divided by the growth in the national GDP during the period  GDPi0 is the initial per capita GDP of region i  D1 is a dummy equal to 1 if the region has the TGV, and zero otherwise  D2 is a dummy equal to 1 if the region is a TGV adj. region, and zero otherwise.

The Results of the Model

The results of the regression are presented in Table 2. The growth in per capita GDP in the regions with TGV is significantly higher than that of those without (Reference), by around 6%. The per capita GDP of the TGV adj. regions grew less (by 6.6%) than that of the reference regions. Our hypothesis has been confirmed. This result is not very marked because of the small number of regions with the TGV adjacent to Paris. The difference between regions with TGV and TGV adj. regions is considerable: 12.6% over 17 years. The hypothesis of β convergence is not supported by the data. But we should nevertheless bear the convergence hypothesis in mind, in order to control for this tendency. Some other specifications of the model have shown a significantly negative β value.

We also estimated a control model, which involved the creation of a new dummy variable, grouping together the five regions that are adjacent to Paris. The results were the same, but the coefficient was not significant at the 10% level. This means we cannot be sure that there is a tendency for the regions which share a border with the Paris region to have a lower growth rate in terms of GDP per capita. Taken together, the five regions adjacent to Paris do not exhibit slower growth in their per capita GDP. This is thus limited to the TGV adj. regions. This effect has already been observed and analysed [START_REF] Vickerman | High speed rail and regional development: the case of intermediate stations[END_REF].

The results for demographic growth are presented in Table 3.

Group of regions

Growth 1990-2007 (%)

France (metropolitan) 12.5

Paris (IDF) 12.5

Regions with TGV 16.3

Regions without TGV ("Reference" in Fig. 3) 8,4

TGV adjacent ("Adj. TGV" in Fig. 3) 6.1

Champagne-Ardenne -0.1

Haute-Normandie 6.4

We have added two regions that are adjacent to the Paris region with no TGV (Champagne and Haute-Normandie to the three previously identified categories of regions. From this table, we can infer the following:  Demographic growth is highest in the 'Regions with TGV';  Demographic growth is lowest in 'TGV adj.' regions as well as in adjacent regions which do not have the TGV.

Changes in GDP are a combination of changes in the population and per capita GDP. Our results are summarised in Table 4.

Group of regions

Growth 1990-2007 (%)

France (metropolitan) 38.3

Paris (IDF) 39.5

Regions with TGV 43

Regions without TGV ("Reference" in Fig. 3) 32

TGV adjacent ("Adj. TGV" in fig. 3) 28

Champagne-Ardenne 27.5

Haute-Normandie 33.6

The data summarised in Table 4 are compatible with a concentration of growth in the regions with a TGV. The GDP in these regions grew by eleven points more than in the regions without a TGV (not adjacent). The regions with TGV grew more than 3.5% than Paris (as a percentage of the base year figure).

This leads to a general conclusion on the effects of accessibility gains (mainly to Paris) for the regions served. The data are consistent with a polarisation effect which favours the concentration of economic and demographic growth in some regions. The regions without high speed rail are somewhat "left out". The regions adjacent to Paris are even more so. This is consistent with previous observations and analyses, notably those of [START_REF] Vickerman | High-Speed Rail in Europe: Experience and Issues for Future Development[END_REF][START_REF] Vickerman | High speed rail and regional development: the case of intermediate stations[END_REF] It is interesting to note that the GDP of Paris grew more than that of France as a whole but less than that of the regions with TGV. This does not support the fears, expressed in the 80s, that Paris would benefit the most from the HSLs. On the contrary, the data are consistent with a process of "spreading": Paris is the major node of the knowledge-based economy, and the regions with TGV are benefiting from its driving power.

The Issue of Equity with Respect to Accessibility Gains

The improved accessibility provided by HST creates some privileges. By its very nature, an HST is not a fair investment. We shall now look in greater detail at the HST accessibility effect with regard to the previously defined concepts of equity.

The concept of procedural fairness does not apply to this accessibility gain. While investments in HSL are systematically subjected to a socio-economic evaluation, both to assess their usefulness (appropriateness) and degree of urgency (priority), in practice the final decision is a matter of policy. The rules of economic calculation are often set aside in favour of political considerations influenced by a complex set of local and regional actors.

Equity as the fulfilment of expectation does apply. If we consider what we have called the "TGV adj. regions", one could have expected that being served, at least partly, by the TGV would have a beneficial effect on their GDP or population growth. This is not the case. So we can consider that their expectations have not been met. On the contrary, it seems that the (non-adjacent) regions with the TGV have benefited from the HSLs. In a certain way, this is consistent with the expectation of the majority of people living in them. But we have to be cautious: HSLs might have given rise to a new way of life or urban pattern that not everybody would have expected. In particular, new HSLs may have favoured a trend towards gentrification and some lowincome renters may have been forced out of the area near the station. Moreover, individuals who do not use HSTs suffer side-effects (increases in land prices, more noise near the HSL or the stations, more congestion on the transit lines during the peak hours of HST departure…) without experiencing any benefits.

The concept of formal equality leads us to see investment in the TGV as unfair: some comparable citizens living in two different areas face different prospects, depending on whether they are served by HSTs or not. The mere fact of being located in an important node on a busy corridor confers the right to enjoy the benefits of an HSL. The inhabitants of the chosen locations benefit from a number of advantages if we trust the hypothesis, consistent with the data, that HSL brings wealth and demographic growth. An increase in rents might appear to be windfall for some inhabitants, but detrimental for others (but we should not ignore the complexity of this question). This issue is not specific to HSLs. To a certain extent, it is true for any transport improvement, but in the case of HSLs, the effects could be region-wide.

For the same reason, HST might be considered unfair according to the substantive equality concept or the equality of choices. Indeed, some "conventional" trains have been withdrawn, adversely affecting some small cities. The balance of net advantages has deteriorated for people in these cities and their choice sets have been reduced by the TGV.

Regarding meritocracy, the high speed lines were chosen according to the potential traffic or as a result of political soft power, which is not linked in any way to merit. According to the consensus, a strong commitment to regional development is required in order to benefit from the economic and demographic impact of HSR. This can be seen as a form of "meritocracy".

Looking beyond the concepts of equity proposed by Hay, several observations are useful. In the French context, better accessibility generally means better accessibility to Paris. But this is not the only outcome. For example, the primary benefit from the TGV between Lyon and Marseille has been to favour travel between Paris and Marseille. But the new line provided more possibilities for improving some local and regional connections. Furthermore, there is a systemic effect associated with any HSL 2 and we have to recognise that our macroeconomic representation does not fully capture this. However, this fact does not substantially reduce the unfairness of HST, rather the contrary.

The geographical polarisation at national level caused by the TGV, and a number of other factors, has already been reported (Monzon andal., 2013, Vickerman, 1997). This is not an equitable process as Martinez Sanchez-Mateos and Givoni (2012) expected. However, if the spreading hypothesis is confirmed, the HSLs may help to improve balance at the national level by reducing the dominance of the capital. To a certain degree, this improved accessibility might have caused both polarisation and spreading toward some favoured regions. But very much depends on the funding of the infrastructure and the price paid for using the HSTs.

Pricing and Funding Policy

To obtain a comprehensive view of the impact of HST on spatial equity, we need to consider pricing and funding.

Pricing Policy: Empirical Evidence

We used the SNCF web site to compare some prices for different types of journeys. First, we compared the journey from Paris to Lyon, Nantes, Marseille, Montpellier and a smaller city not too far from Paris -Le Mans. Then we addressed the question of travelling between Lyon and some southern cities: Valence, Marseille, and Montpellier. Finally, we looked at the journey from Lyon to Lille (in the North) and Nantes (in the West), both of which involve bypassing Paris.

The results are presented in Table 5. All the prices were for second class tickets without any reduction.

Table 5. Our sample of prices

2 What we call systemic effects are the effects on a system which can be broader that the simple HSL. This may involve both supply and demand. For example, a classical line may benefit from generated traffic and with the benefit of economies of density the unit costs may decrease for this line. Regarding demand, a time saving on an O-D pair might benefit a city that is not located directly on the new infrastructure (an example is Paris/Grenoble which has benefited from the time savings on the Paris/Lyon journey). Note added to the 2020 version. Source: SNCF web site, visited on the 8 th of May 2013. All these prices are for trains whose departure was between 6:15 and 6:30 a.m. on Tuesdays.

We calculated the distances on the "Mappy" web site. In this case we included the TGV East (Strasbourg).

We can report four main findings with regard to HST pricing. a). For a given journey, tickets purchased four months in advance are almost always much cheaper than those bought one month in advance. In some cases, the difference is enormous, for example for Paris to Lyon the difference is 30 Euros versus 92 Euros. These differences can be observed for all destinations (see the last column in Table 5). On average, in our sample, the tickets bought one month in advance are 80% more expensive than ones for the same destination purchased four months in advance. In contrast, a few other links offer no discount for early purchase, e.g. Paris-Strasbourg and Lyon-Marseille. b). The second observation is that SNCF's fare structure for the TGV is not cost-oriented. The average price per TGV-kilometre is highly variable, depending on the origin and destination and the date of purchase.

For example, purchased one month in advance, the Paris-Marseille ticket (777 km) cost €57, less than the ticket from Paris to Lyon, which cost €92 for a distance of 446 km. Paris-Lyon appears to be a "cash cow". We can ask ourselves whether the Paris-Marseille line is profitable. This results in a transfer of well-being between the Lyon region and the rest of France, particularly Marseille. c). If we consider the price per km, there is a huge difference between the highest (€19.7) and the lowest (€7.3). The highest price, from Paris, is about 2.7 that of the lowest. The fare structure of the HST seems to be oriented towards revenue maximisation which is probably due to the yield management approach adopted by SNCF (the train operator). d). We can observe that some links are subjected to very high fares (Paris-Lyon and Paris-Strasbourg, for example). Is this monopoly pricing? On these links, there is no intermodal competition: the distances are too great for coaches and too small for airlines. In the parlance of business management, we can refer to these as "cash cows".

How can We Explain These Pricing Results?

In contrast to other domestic passenger fares, today's TGV pricing operates on the principles of yield management. SNCF was the first railway company in the world to implement this approach. Taken from the airlines (American Airlines in the case of the software used by the SNCF), yield management is based on occupancy across time [START_REF] Smith | Yield Management at American Airlines[END_REF]. Thus, when the departure date draws closer, the price increases. The same principle applies to occupancy rates. However, there are some rules. a). The prices paid by users are set on the basis of regulated fares corresponding to the reference price of second-class journeys; b). Fare modulation is left at the discretion of the railway company, but must not exceed plus or minus 40% of the reference price; c). SNCF must provide a number of discounted tickets to customers that correspond to a percentage of total annual ticket sales.

The issue of the reference price is crucial. In practice, there is not a single price ceiling for all TGVs, but as many prices as routes. For HSR, the key factor that determines SNCF's pricing is clearly the potential for intermodal competition (airlines, coaches in the future). Thus, competition from the airlines explains why some prices are lower (the price for Paris-Marseille is much lower than for Paris-Lyon).

Overall, SNCF's HSR fares are subject to various constraints. The most obvious of these are intermodal competition and the sector's huge fixed costs (because of the cost of replacing rolling stock). In Europe, operators are separate entities from the infrastructure managers and are required to pay infrastructure charges. These charges affect the fares.

The Issue of Equity

Regarding "procedural justice", HSR clients are confronted by the fact that there are no apparent rules, apart from those deriving from the will to maximise revenue. TGV fares are routinely criticised for their lack of transparency by passengers and user groups [START_REF] Fnaut | Les arguments des opposants aux lignes à grande vitesse. Recensement, analyse et recommandations[END_REF]. We can, therefore, consider that the pricing rules are not applied uniformly over space.

As regards "legitimate expectations", customers can expect that booking a ticket four months in advance will entitle them to a substantial discount. This is usually the case but is not true for every link. A customer would also expect to pay less for a shorter distance. However, this is not always the case either, as witnessed by the Paris-Lyon-Marseille link. Passengers pay more to travel from Paris to Lyon than from Paris to Marseille. In addition, to travel from Paris to Marseille, travellers need to go first to Lyon (450 km) before continuing to Marseille (about 300 km). The travellers in question, who are the victims of monopoly pricing, can, to a certain extent, consider that their expectations have not been met.

"Formal equity" is seriously breached. Depending on passengers departure point and destination, they have to pay very different prices (in terms of cents per km) even for comparable distances. For example, from Paris to Montpellier, the price is €71 (9.5c. per km) while Paris to Marseille costs €57 (7.3c. per km).

As far as "substantive equality" is concerned, we have to take a moderate view. To a certain extent, the customer who is willing to pay a given price for a journey should assess its costs and benefits. But, sometimes the customer has no choice, and either they or their firm has to pay, because there is either no alternative transport mode or it is too expensive. The introduction of the TGV network has been partly at the expense of the conventional rail network. Usually, nowadays, the timetables are less attractive for the travellers departing from these "small" stations, compared with the situation that existed prior to HSR.

It is also obvious that "equality of choices" is seriously breached. For a Parisian with a limited amount of money to spend, it is better to go to Marseille than Lyon or Strasbourg. And conversely, to go to Paris, it is better to live in Marseille, than Lyon or Strasbourg. If you are a businessman from Lyon, you might prefer to go to a meeting in Montpellier rather than Marseille. Browsing the website of the rail operator (SNCF) provides some astonishing examples of the absurd consequences of a hub and spokes network. For example, Bordeaux and Rennes, cities in western France, are both are linked to Paris by HST. Travelling by train involves passing through Paris.

If we return to the topic of "consistency with merit", the fare structure appears to breach the very concept of equity. If the fare structure was cost-related, we could admit that there is a degree of justice. But this is not the case. And thus, having the merit to be in competition with a low-cost carrier (e.g. Paris-Marseille) does not allow one to benefit from discounted fares. Having or not having an affordable alternative to HST is not a merit per se. As far as "rights" are concerned, there is, in France a so-called "right to transportation" [START_REF] Loti | Loi n° 82-1153 du 30 décembre 1982 d'orientation des transports intérieurs[END_REF]. Among the constraints imposed by the State on the national railway company (SNCF) are that it has to offer its customers a minimum number of tickets below a reference price.

Comparison with Other European Countries: do

"Cash Cow" HS Trains Exist Elsewhere?

We shall briefly address the question of equitable pricing on three other European railways with high speed services: Germany, the UK (if we apply the UIC definition, the UK has more than one HSL) and Spain (the longest HSR network in Europe).

What we are looking for are "cash cows" and "price reversal", applying the same methodology we did for France. The first observation is that, unlike in France, there is no clear and convincing evidence of yield management in the other European countries. The price usually remains stable over time for all the rail links in our sample, with almost no discount price for purchase in advance (Table 6, last column).

Our second observation is that cash cows are not confined to the French HST. This is surprising to find this practice in both the UK, the epitome of free-market entrepreneurship, and in France, the epitome of stateowned monopolies. London-Manchester is a perfect example of a cash cow. When a ticket is purchased one month before departure, the price in cents per kilometre is €39.8 compared with only €9.8 for Glasgow, the total price for Glasgow being less than half the price for Manchester.

So generally speaking HST pricing systems do not seem to be governed by equity. However, in connection with ongoing changes in European railway regulation (the fourth railway package), we can ask ourselves if the introduction of competition may lead to a more equitable pricing system. It is possible for competition on the track to decrease prices on the more highly-priced segments (notably Paris-Lyon and Paris-Strasbourg). But such competition raises a great many questions [START_REF] Pérennes | Use of combinatorial auctions in the railway industry: Can the "invisible hand" draw the railway timetable?[END_REF].

Is Ouigo a New Concept of HST from the

Standpoint of Pricing Equity?

However, for the sake of completeness on the issue of pricing, we must also include the impact of Ouigo lowprice high-speed rail services in our analysis. Ouigo is SNCF's recently launched low-cost company (dating from April 2, 2013). The aim is to attract new customers who previously travelled by car because previous rail services were not competitive with the car [START_REF] Ciry | Ouigo: un concept pionnier de la SNCF[END_REF]. This new product is only available on very busy links, Marne-La-Vallée-Chessy (a suburb of Paris, linked to the centre by suburban rail) to Marseille and Montpellier. There are three return services a day and four on Sundays (44 journeys a week). In order not to compete with the TGV, Marne-La-Vallée-Chessy was chosen as the station in the Paris region. In Lyon, the chosen station was Saint-Exupery, the station at the city's airport which is connected with the city centre by LRT. The two stations in the centre of Lyon, Perrache and Part-Dieu, are served by Ouigo, but as its terminus; connection with the southern Ouigo network is nevertheless possible, but by regional train (Fig. 4). The prices are really attractive, with second-class fares (the only class available) ranging from €10 to €85. If accompanied by an adult, children under 12 years old only pay a €5 flat fare. Moreover, under the terms of its contract with the State, SNCF must provide 1 million tickets a year at under €25 (irrespective of the distance). In addition to the low prices, tickets can only be booked on line and services are limited, with passengers restricted to just one free piece of luggage, no bar on board, and a check-in before boarding the train at least 30 minutes before departure. Moreover, the tickets are personal, only exchangeable with financial penalties, and only refundable if the train is cancelled. Booking is only possible a maximum of 10 weeks before departure. Finally, a major constraint is that half of the 10 stations served by Ouigo are outside the city frequently entailing long access times to central areas (in particular at Marne-La-Vallée-Chessy and Lyon Saint-Exupéry), or, in some cases a significant financial cost (Table 7).

To have a clearer idea of Ouigo's fare structure, we analysed the prices on some of the main services (Table 8). We obtained five main findings: a). Tickets purchased in advance are almost always less expensive than those bought shortly before departure for the same destination, with a ratio varying from 1.5 to 2.5. b). Ouigo's fares are not cost-oriented as witnessed by the similar price of the ticket from Marne La Vallée -Marseille and Marne La Vallée -Lyon for the same departure time. c). Potential demand has a great impact on the price level. This is why tickets for journeys during the school holidays are more expensive (for example Tuesday 21 October). d). Such prices are real: three weeks before departure, it is possible to find tickets for all the destinations proposed for 10 or 15€, much cheaper than all the alternative means of transport.

Legend: 

Solid line: Ouigo  Dotted line: Regional train To obtain these 'low fares', SNCF had to drastically reduce its operating costs, by 30%. It achieved this by introducing a mix of managerial and technical innovations. The choice of departure stations allowed SNCF to save on infrastructure charges, each of the four double-decker TGV Duplex offers a total capacity of 1,268 seats, almost 25% more than a standard TGV. In addition, this rolling stock will run much more than the other TGV, with many fewer stops for maintenance. The trains in question are also intended to be subjected to more intensive use than other TGVs. On-train staff costs have been reduced by organisational measures and most of the maintenance is done directly during the trip.

Ultimately, it would seem that Ouigo's fares have a considerable and generally positive impact on fairness. Firstly, because its fares are competitive -singularly so for families, young people and small groups -Ouigo provides significantly better value for money, which relates to our concept of "substantive equality". Ouigo is sometimes even cheaper than carpooling. Secondly, Ouigo has benefits with regard to the right to transportation, by providing some affordable journeys. SNCF claims than, during the first year, Ouigo had already carried over 2.5 million passengers.

After less than two years of operation, it is too early to make a full assessment of this new form of HST pricing and the necessary studies have not yet been carried out. Furthermore, SNCF plans to extend the Ouigo network with the opening of new lines to the Atlantic coast before 2017.

Funding Policy: Empirical Evidence

The last aspect of our study concerned the funding of the HSR network in France from the spatial equity point of view.

French Funding of HSR

With French funding of HST, we can make two main observations. The first is that each new project for an HSL involves a huge increase in cost, and the second is that the parties funding the projects are no longer the same [START_REF] Leboeuf | Grande vitesse ferroviaire[END_REF].

To give some approximate figures, in 2003 constant value Euros the first HSL, which ran between Paris and Lyon cost €4.8 million per kilometer compared to €9.3 for the TGV Atlantic and €9.5 for the TGV North-Europe. More recently, the costs of the TGV Mediterranean amounted to €17.5 million per kilometer and those of the new SEA line (South-Europe-Atlantic amounted to €16.2 per kilometer. The second observation relates to changes in taxpayer subsidies. Since its inception, the funding of HSLs has become increasingly diverse, gradually bringing in local government. Our analysis reveals this to have been a four-stage process.

In the first period of investment in HSR, the investments were entirely provided by the SNCF budget, mainly from its own cash flow. The operator based its calculations on the hope that the high profitability of these lines would improve the financial health of the company.

In the second period, as a result of the deterioration of the financial position of SNCF, the national railway operator asked, successfully, for a proportion of the funding to be provided by central government (30% in the LN2, TGV Atlantic).

For the third period, since the creation of RFF (1997), the independent infrastructure manager, funding consists of a mix involving a large subsidy from the State or the European Union, coupled with contributions from RFF and local authorities. This new scheme can be clearly observed in the financing of the LN6 (East TGV, first stage) and LN7 (Rhine-Rhône TGV).

The last stage, which is currently taking place, involves new funding mechanisms, with concession financing for Perpignan-Figueras or with a public-private partnership mechanism (PPP) for the SEA line (South-Europe-Atlantic) with Vinci, one of the main French construction companies.

For the last 4 on-going HSL construction projects, on average, public funds accounted for 55% of the funding, RFF barely 20%, and private operators 25%. Of the 55% of public funds, 1% is from the EU, 25% from local government and 29% from central government (Table 9, last column). (1) EAST: second phase of the East European High Speed Line; BPL: Bretagne, Pays de la Loire; CNL: line Nimes-Montpellier bypass and SEA: South-East-Atlantic.

In short, the sources of funding have changed fairly quickly over the period in which the HSLs were built. SNCF withdrew from the investment market to give way to central and local government. RFF, the owner of the track is risk-averse and has no desire to be involved in risky investments.

Funding and Equity

Regarding "procedural justice", HST funding mechanisms differ depending on the line. This leads to spatial inequity. For the "three core lines" (South East, Western, Northern), local taxpayers were not called upon to pay. Conversely, with time, new investments have been on less-travelled links. Local government is asked to pay its share of the investment. This is the case, in particular, for the four HSLs that are currently planned or under construction in France (Table 9). Political bargaining probably outweighs the economic calculation. The rules are now flexible.

With regard to "legitimate expectations", the impact of a new high speed-line on a regional economy and the wider benefits are very difficult to estimate (see Part. 3). Local governments (and taxpayers) may find that their expectations are not met. Long term macroeconomic factors are very unpredictable and traffic modelling remains a very difficult art.

As regards "formal equity", we can observe a huge change: the conditions under which a decision to build a new HS line are becoming progressively stricter. Beneficiaries from the first HSLs (South-East, Atlantic, North) did not pay directly for the investment, while citizens affected by the most recent lines are asked to pay, through local taxes. For example, for the first stage of TGV East line, the local authorities had to pay about 740 million, or 24% of the total. The "Bas-Rhin" (a local district accounting for about half of the Alsace region) had to provide funding on a similar scale to Ile-de-France (the Paris region), whereas the population of the former is 1.2 million and that of the latter is 11.8 million.

With respect to "substantive equality", the different HST funders do not obtain similar net outcomes. The outcome depends on the specific HSL and the context (in terms of demand, macroeconomic factors, etc.). From the taxpayers' point of view, with state funding, we have already seen (Part. 3) that the economic and demographic benefits are located in different parts of the country. Everyone in the country participates in funding this infrastructure, but only some of them receive the benefits of HSTs. From the standpoint of local taxpayers, who are increasingly asked to participate in the funding, the balance is actually unclear. For example, there is no available data about whether the benefits received by local communities in Champagne-Ardennes, Alsace, or Lorraine were in proportion to their investment in the first stage of the HSL/East.

As far as "equality of choice" is concerned, the (spatial) distribution of choice sets is unequal for several reasons, essentially to do with the public finance context. Currently, there is not enough public money available to finance all the planned HST lines. Some projects have been halted in view of the unfavourable context (by the Commission Mobilité 21, for example). In addition, some HSL projects may be eligible, because of the priorities of the European Union, for TEN-T funds (East, first and second phase), others not (SEA). The European Union encourages international links between countries (Lyon-Turin, for example). Some areas or local governments have the financial capacity or political will to co-finance High Speed Rail, others not.

Conclusions

The first conclusion is methodological: Hay's definitions of Equity have been useful in order to address the impact of HSTs on spatial equity in France. However, we consider that further research is necessary to explore this question more fully. Some other definitions of equity regarding HST ought to be tested, given the complex fare grid in place for French Railways in 2020 (with a large Ouigo network in addition to InOui, the brandmark of the conventional TGVs)3 .

The 19 th century was the time when the real high speed revolution in ground transportation took place [START_REF] Whitelegg | Introduction[END_REF]. This did not entail much inequity for two reasons. First, the rail networks achieved dense geographical coverage, meaning the benefits of high speed were widely distributed. Secondly, in an economy based upon industry, a certain degree of proximity was necessary between the productive activity and the service related to that activity. We are now in a knowledge-based economy facing globalisation and digitisation.

Our results are consistent with a polarisation effect. In a sense, HSTs are unfair because they are growth-inducing. As in the 19 th century, HSLs were developed where the growth potential was higher although a few regions benefited from a windfall. But with a few exceptions, the regions served by TGV are among the most dynamic in France. Surprisingly, although the TGV system converges in Paris, this central position does not appear to mean the Paris region benefits more than other regions from the TGV. We could call this tendency "spreading" as the knowledgebased economy, mainly based in Paris, is creating some benefits for more remote areas. So, the spatial impact of the TGV is mixed: polarisation, to the detriment of the regions not served, and the spreading of the benefits of the major driving force of the knowledge-based economy -Paris. However, our analysis is limited to France, and we should not forget that there is a genuine European network, at least in the North-West of Europe [START_REF] Vickerman | High-Speed Rail in Europe: Experience and Issues for Future Development[END_REF].

The financing of HSL in France has given rise to several types of spatial inequity for two major reasons. The first is the changing nature of the funders, which reflects a lack of procedural fairness. Whereas the first high-speed lines were fully supported by the national railway company, the most recent lines have been financed by a wide range of providers, with a significant contribution from local authorities. Private capital is also sometimes associated with public financing through PPPs. The second reason is the sharp increase in the per kilometre construction cost of lines, which significantly reduces the benefits to be expected from these new transport infrastructures. Moreover, there is no equality of net surpluses for each line, with the most recent lines proving to be much less profitable for the operator and the local actors than the first ones [START_REF] Leboeuf | Grande vitesse ferroviaire[END_REF]. In the end, the actual impact of HSL on different parts of the country depends to a large extent on the policies implemented locally4 .

The impact of HSR pricing on spatial equity is somewhat unclear. The adoption of the yield management railway pricing system leads to a peculiar and singularly unfair situation. The fare structure appears to be very little affected by costs, or even by distance. Links without effective intermodal competition (from air transport) result in monopoly prices ("cash cows"). Public regulation seems to have a secondary impact on HSR fares. As a result, HSR fares are not consistent with the various definitions of fairness proposed by Hay. Nevertheless, the deployment of low-cost HSR links, under the Ouigo brand, tends to provide really attractive prices and promote "substantive equality". And fortunately, other modes can mitigate this effect. While domestic air transport today does not seem to be a solution for the future, it remains to be seen whether car-sharing or long-distance coaches could also play a part in restoring equity.

The adoption of the yield management railway pricing system leads to a peculiar and singularly unfair situation. Fortunately, other modes can compete. Air transport seems to be more efficient than rail for intercity travel (Paris excluded). Moreover, air is not centralised at one major hub (so far in the case of LCCs). For intercity travel in France and Europe, air travel is more cost-effective and faster than rail. This provides a "second chance" for the regions with no HSL. It remains to be seen whether car sharing or coaches could play a part in restoring equity. The "green" argument in favour of railways seems to be becoming less convincing [START_REF] Westina | Can high speed rail offset its embedded emissions?[END_REF].

Figure 1 .

 1 Figure 1. High speed lines and rail network in France in December 2007.

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 2. The spread of the benefit of high speed rail in a peripheral region: the case of Brittany

  Source: The authors, fromINSEE, 2007.

Figure 3 .

 3 Figure 3. Regions according to TGV (HST) services provided

  Source: http://www.ouigo.com/fr/destinations-et-gares -Visited on the 2 of March 2015.

Figure 4 .

 4 Figure 4. Map of TGV Ouigo network.

.):

			only the TGV network that had opened by December 2007.
			For this reason, we have excluded the TGV East, which was
			commissioned in 2011. But, we decided to include the TGV
			Mediterranean, although 2007 is close to 2001, because the
			Mediterranean regions have gradually benefited from
		1981 and 1983: South-East TGV (Paris-Lyon)	speed increases, as shown in Table 1.
		1989-1990: TGV Atlantic to Brittany and Aquitaine
		1993: TGV North, to Lille and later London, Brussels
		and Amsterdam
		2001: TGV Mediterranean between Lyon and
		Marseille and Montpellier
		2007: TGV East, to Strasbourg.
		To capture the long-term effects, we decided to include

Table 1 .

 1 Travel time between Paris and Marseille.

	Year	1954	1962	1969	1981	1994	2001
	Travel time	8h03	7h10	6h40	5h30	4h14	3h00
	Source: Leboeuf, 2014.

Table 2 .

 2 Regression of the relative growth of the regions served by TGV

	Coefficient	Value	P value
	a.	0.06	0.02
	b.	-0.066	0.08
	β	-0.13	0.15

Table 3 .

 3 Regional demographic growth in France.

Table 4 .

 4 GDP growth per group of regions.

Table 6 .

 6 Prices examples of HSR destinations in other European countries

			Price with 1 month discount.	Price with 2 months discount	Distance (road, km)	Cents per road km 1 month	Cents per road km 2 months	Ratio between discounts for 1 and 2 months.
	Spain
	Madrid	Ciudad Real	37.2	36.4	204	18.24	17.84	1.02
		Zaragoza	54.6	54.6	314	17.39	17.39	1
		Cordoba	62.1	62.1	387	16.05	16.05	1
		Seville	75.5	75.5	529	14.27	14.27	1
		Barcelona	106.7	106.7	617	17.29	17.29	1
	Germany
	Frankfurt	Köln	69	69	192	35.94	35.94	1
		Stuttgart	61	61	206	29.61	29.61	1
		Munchen	98	98	420	23.33	23.33	1
	Berlin	Leipzig	46	46	196	23.47	23.47	1
	Hanover	Munchen	129	129	631	20.44	20.44	1
	UK		Pounds	Pounds	km	Euros c.	Euro c.
	London	Birmingham	14	14	190	8.69	8.69	1
		Manchester	108.5	34	322	39.76	12.46	3.19
		York	30.5	30.5	330	10.91	10.91	1
		Newcastle	28.5	38	446	7.54	10.05	0.75
		Glasgow	54	50	650	9.8	9.08	1.08

Source: National rail inquiries, RENFE web site, Bahn.com, visited on the 13rd of May 2013.

Table 7 .

 7 Examples of access to Ouigo stations by public transport from the city centre.

	Ouigo Stations	Marne-la-Vallée Chessy	Lyon -Saint-Exupéry Airport	Aix en Provence TGV	Valence TGV	Avignon TGV
						Suburban rail:
	Access time to the city centre	50' (RER A)	30' (suburban rail, 'Rhône Express')	20' (county Bus)	20' (Express Bus, 'Inter Citéa')	5' 4,5 Km by car:
						9'
	Frequency	15'	15'	15'	15' (rush hour) -60'(off-peak hour)	60'
	One-way ticket price (excluding any discount)	7.6€	14.6€ / 25.7€ (round-trip ticket)	4.1€	1.2€	1.6€
	Source: From various public transport websites -Visited on the 2 nd of March 2015.

Table 8 .

 8 Sample prices for some TGV links on Ouigo

	In euros	Tuesday 14 October	Tuesday 14 October	Tuesday 21 October	Tuesday 21 October	Tuesday 4 November	Tuesday 4 November
	Marne-La Vallée -Lyon	12:22: 25€	19:26: 30€	12:22: 45€	19:26: 45€	12:22: 10€	19:26: 10€
	Marne-La Vallée -Marseille	12:22: 25€	19:26: 30€	12:22: 45€	19:26: 45€	12:22: 10€	19:26: 10€
	Marne-La Vallée -Montpellier	11:00: 25€		11:00: 50€		11:00: 10€
	Lyon -Marne La-Vallée	08:35: 20€	17:13: 45€	08:35: 40€	17:13: 50€	08:35: 10€	17:13: 15€
	Marseille -Marne-La Vallée	08:25: 15€	16:28: 10€	08:25: 45€	16:28: 30€	08:25: 10€	16:28: 10€
	Montpellier -Marne-La Vallée		15:24: 45€		15:24: 55€		15:24: 15€
	Source: http://www.ouigo.com/fr -Visited on the 10 th of October 2014.

Table 9 .

 9 Funding of HSR in France

		EAST (1)	BPL (1)	CNM (1)	SEA (1)	Total
						Amount	%
	Total cost (€ million)	2 000	3 300	1 800	7 800	14 900	100.0
	Length (km)	106	182	80	303	671
	Cost/km (€ million)	18.9	18.1	22.5	25.7	22.2
	Paid by RFF (€ million)	520	1 400	-	1 000	2 920	19.6
	Paid by central government (€ million)	680	950	1200	1500	4 330	29.1
	Paid by local government (€ million)	640	950	600	1 500	3 690	24.8
	Paid by EU + Luxembourg (€ million)	160	-	-	-	160	1.1
	Source: RFF.

This point has been added to the conclusion of the 2020 version.

This paragraph and the following have been added to the 2020 version.


If language constitutes a fundamental defining feature of human the development orientations established for that country. Accordingly choosing between foreign and indigenous languages directly implies choices between development and underdevelopment. In this light, the underdevelopment of Africa crucially hinges on the inappropriate choice of language policy adopted at independence or the failure to ensure the implementation of those considered to be significantly appropriate. In Camer linguistic diversity, we have continued to implement a language policy that is based on foreign languages that falls short of responding adequately to the needs and aspirations of citizens. At this historic moment of reunification commemoration, the demands of a thorough review of this policy are enormous and their implications far-reaching. The need for an integrative policy, in fact, one that carefully considers -cultural and political landscape is not only real but also urgent.

Introduction

Linguistic complexity plays an important role in the formulation of a language policy for a country. Admittedly, language policy formulation is less challenging in countries with less complex lin described as a complex situation par excellence. The country plays host to about 248 languages, a majority of which are minority languages with less than 10,000 speakers each. This makes the task of choosing a national language policy an extremely challenging one. Faced with this complexity, the country has since reunification in 1961, adopted English and French as its only official languages. Such a choice, dictated primarily by purely political concerns has over the years, proven its inherent inadequacies in properly addressing the educational and written communication problems in the country. In fact, despite constitutional and educational reforms, contained in legal frameworks considered by some as language policy, the system has problems. Today, more than 50 years afterwards, the need for an appropriate language policy is increasingly evident. This need is made even stronger as we commemorate 50 years of reunification, an event that should mark a turning point in the history of the c development planning.

However, the emphasis placed on the promotion of foreign language policy greatly overshadows any efforts towards putting in place a balanced policy based on indigenous languages. Current policy, which has demonstrated its limits by virtue of its exclusive failure to judiciously harness its resources for the purposes of development. As we celebrate 50 years of reunification, it is incumbent on us to reconsider our language policy options. It is a period for us to take stock of the gains and losses incurred through a language policy based on foreign languages and to reorient our development initiatives. Undoubtedly, 50 years is a really long period in the life of a nation. Failure to plan at 50 invariably represents a resolve to fail forever. In this paper, I attempt a suggestion of theoretical and practical issues worthy of consideration in elaborating an appropriate and operational policy for Cameroon. The basic understanding in the paper is that all development planning issues are fundamentally language policy ones in the sense that they essentially constitute the core of citizenship cultivation and participation in the life of the nation.

On the Value of Language

One of the key causes of wrong choices of policy is the misconceptions people have about indigenous languages. In most minority language contexts, these languages are perceived as problems rather than assets. In Cameroon, for instance, they have for many years been considered as threats to national unity and so relegated to the background (Mba & Chiatoh, 2000: 3). It is thus essential to understand that languages, like all other resources in the nation, are crucial in national development efforts and so should be incorporated into planning processes. But to do this, planners must be convinced that language, whether big or small has value in society. [START_REF] Alexander | The African renaissance and the use of African languages in tertiary education[END_REF] identifies four levels of this value, namely; economic, political (democracy), education (learning) and cultural (identity). To these can be included a fifth ideology. Below, we present each of these value levels briefly.

Economic value: Language policy, through its choice of language for specific functions, can either accelerate or slow down economic productivity. Greater productivity calls for greater efficiency, which in turn necessitates better and improved education for all. So, strong foundations for economic productivity as well as scientific and technological advancement in Cameroon must be laid on a solid educational base.

Educational value: All modern knowledge, skills and know-how are ideally transmitted through the educational system. Given the importance of indigenous languages in the enhancement of learning, it is clear that the strongest foundation for quality education lies in a system founded on the indigenous values, that is, languages and knowledge systems of Cameroonians. In this regard, research informs us that learning is greatly facilitated when instruction takes place in languages that learners master best, that is, their tongues (UNESCO, 1953;Heugh, 2000;[START_REF] Obanya | Learning in, with and from the first language[END_REF]. For a vast majority of Cameroonian learners, these mother tongues are indigenous languages.

Political value: Language policy is inevitably linked to issues of voice in the definition of power relationships as well as in the distribution of opportunity. By mainstreaming some languages at the expense of others, policy is directly depriving their speakers of the right of voice in the nation. Besides, language planning prioritises equal and equitable management of linguistic resources thus providing an ideal framework for the respect and promotion of rights in the nation. Societies that uphold the values of democracy also endeavour to put in place inclusive or democratic language policies as a means of fostering people participation and the cultivation of responsible citizenship.

Cultural value:

The interrelationship between language and identity has been well-documented. Every single individual, community or nation is concerned with issues of identity and belonging. Our identity is essentially embedded in the languages we speak. Since it takes individuals to build communities, and communities to build nations, it is, therefore, incumbent on us to carefully consider the role of indigenous languages in the construction of our national identity. In the present circumstances, Cameroon can only boast of a foreign language national identity based on English and French. It is no doubt that such a choice is ridiculous for a nation with about 248 indigenous languages and ethnic groups. It suggests deliberate measures to impose foreign identity values on the citizens. Of course, today, there is no justification whatsoever for Cameroon to continue to promote such an alien identity among its citizens. Cameroon and Cameroonians need a national identity of their own that reflects their cultural specificities. This can only be achieved through indigenous language promotion.

Ideological value: This is closely related to the political and cultural values of languages. It has to do with the specific needs of defining our national cultural orientations against the overall ambition of fostering national development. More specifically, it involves acknowledging that no country has been truly independent when its educational system is fundamentally founded on foreign languages and values. Independence for Cameroon should be reflected in the choice of its educational system as demonstrated by its language-ineducation options. It means recognising that continuous exclusive reliance on foreign languages as media of instruction in our schools renders our independence more of an illusion than a reality. Incorporating our linguistic resources into educational and other important domains thus constitutes a bold step towards reappropriation of our independence, indeed, our common collective destiny. Decolonisation of our educational system calls for indigenisation, domestication and diversification (Mazuri, 2002: 276) and this ideally takes place through the valorisation of indigenous languages.

On the Nature of Policy Language policy and planning have the potential of considerably shaping individual and social attitudes and development orientations through the cultivation of a clearly expressed set of values in the nation. Whatever role a language plays in a nation is determined almost entirely by the opportunities created for the languages. For this reason, language policy can either contribute to the smooth development of a country or its systematic destruction depending on the role it is called upon to play. The value of language as a development asset and the consequences language policy could have on society are carefully captured by Cuellar (1995: 179) in the following words: most important cultural attribute... Language policy, like other policies, has been used as an instrument of domination, fragmentation and reintegration into the ruling political structure. Linguistic diversity is thus a precious asset of humanity, and the disappearance of any language means impoverishment of the reservoir of knowledge and tools for intra-cultural and inter-cultural communication. Consequently, policy choice is never the result of haphazard decisions. Rather, it is always the outcome of meticulous reflection and consensus. An appropriate policy for a country, therefore, takes into account a host of factors that together constitute the main thrust for building national consensus on matters of language use. In the particular case of Cameroon, given its linguistic and political complexity, great care must be taken to integrate all possible variables capable of rendering policy a desired development tool for a modern society. For a society like ours, to respond properly to collective needs, some underlying frames must be considered. Outstanding among these are: a) Historical frame: Cameroon is a bi-cultural country based on its official languages (English and French) inherited from colonial administration. Moreover, harmonious development planning in Cameroon calls for scrupulous respect and safeguarding of Anglophone and Francophone values along 1961 reunification demands. This means not only ensuring true equality of English and French but also revalorising national languages relegated at reunification by making them celebration of 50 years of reunification provides an ideal framework for thorough overhauling of current policies. b) Theoretical frame: Language planning should be understood to involve three vital components. It should be understood as involving decisions consciously and explicitly taken about language issues that encompass very highly technical areas such as standardisation of language, reforms of orthographies, terminology development and renovation (corpus planning)

and the allocation of functional roles or status to particular languages or varieties of languages (status planning), the teaching of second languages and educational decisions involving minority languages (acquisition planning). c) Ideological frame: Ideologically, language planning should be understood as representing a strong and genuine national vision. It encapsulates major concerns about the history and future of a nation and what it takes to construct a national spirit of oneness, dignity and pride of citizenship in the nation.

Policy should not render citizens strangers or foreigners in their own country. As such, it should provide appropriate answers to crucial questions such as: Who are we? Where are we coming from? Where are we going to? Why should we go there? How do we get there? Underlying these questions must be a firm resolve to protect and project a legitimate cultural image worthy of internal and external admiration. d) Political frame: All language policy matters are basically political issues. Politically, language policy must pay attention to addressing concerns about harmonious coexistence of citizens from different historical and cultural backgrounds.

Our fundamental goal here should be to ensure the building of national unity in diversity rather than the destruction of diversity. Constructing unity in diversity is what we refer to as integration, which is opposed to unification that involves the cultural diversity, it would be political falsehood, indeed, national betrayal to opt for unification rather than integration. e) Linguistic frame: Language policy and planning is a deliberate process intended to provide adequate answers to language problems in a nation. Theoretically, language problems only arise in contexts characterised by bilingualism or multilingualism. It is these situations that necessitate the choice of one or more languages for clearly prescribed marked by important dichotomies that must be carefully analysed. Accordingly, the languages in this country can be grouped into foreign versus indigenous (national) and majority (vehicular) versus minority languages. Other crucial issues to be considered have to do with the phenomena of language shift and endangerment and then special learning needs for disadvantaged minority groups such as the deaf (sign language) and minority language children. This calls for the use of languages other English and French in official communication. Also, in line with the current process of decentralisation, which grants autonomy to regions, the choice of regional languages becomes an imperative. f) Educational frame: Language policy invariably involves crucial decisions about educational processes and institutional structures. Important areas of educational promotion such as curriculum development, teacher training, materials development, national assessment and certification are crucially language matters. In a multilingual setting like ours, successful educational planning must provide for the inclusive use of all languages in all teaching and learning processes. National languages shall thus serve instructional purposes (as mediums of instruction and as subjects or disciplines). g) Legal frame: For language policy to command national respect and adhesion; it must be legally binding, that is, it must enjoy legal backing. One of the major legal dimensions of policy is its recognition of minority linguistic rights. Linguistic rights are fundamental human rights and should be respected irrespective of the status of the languages concerned. It is, therefore, a basic right for each child or community to learn in its own language. While these are not negotiable, different learning models may be adopted depending on the context of policy application. Critical in the legal frame is the need for policy to enjoy constitutional backing that renders its application mandatory. h) Communicational frame: In modern society, communication in all its forms is vital in the dissemination and marketing of ideas, products and services. The same applies to language policy which enjoys significant market value (Cooper, 1989: 72). For policy to become part and parcel of the daily lives of the citizens, it should be properly marketed through appropriate communication channels and in all forms of media.

On the Choice of Language Policy

Making policy decisions has always been a delicate and challenging process. In fact, a lot of stakes are involved especially given that the choices made directly affect the interests and aspirations of citizens in the nation. Of particular attention here is the fact that language issues are fundamentally sentimental issues since they are central in identity and citizenship construction. Tollefson (2002: 5) aptly summarises the relationship between the symbolic value of language, language policy and human struggles in the following argument: [...] Therefore, in order to understand language policy debates and the role of language policy in contemporary states, we must examine the underlying social, economic, and political struggles that language can symbolise. The symbolic value of language can have profound consequences, not only for language minorities seeking to negotiate complex and changing identities, but also for dominant groups seeking to retain various forms of political and economic power. In a linguistically complex context like ours, therefore, it is not only desirable but equally imperative that our choice of policy integrates different levels of interests with respect to the varying socio-cultural and political realities of the country. Ours should thus be a policy that embraces the allocation of official status to some of our national languages. Only on these grounds can we guarantee more committed national interest in the integration and promotion of indigenous languages and values. Our option, therefore, shall be one that responds to local, national and international demands by valorising all systematic cultivation of a culture of linguistic cohabitation, whereby foreign and national languages are required to share socio-cultural, economic and political space.

In making language policy choices, planners should be guided by an in-depth understanding of the different models of language namely; status planning and corpus planning as presented on the From the two models, we realise that while status planning concerns political decisions on the status (prestige and value) to be accorded languages in for clearly specified functions in society, corpus planning deals with the deliberate intervention on the form of language, that is, the different activities of written development and promotion of the language. As for acquisition planning, it focuses on the users of language, that is, the process through which they learn or acquire a language. In order to arrive at an appropriate policy for Cameroon, it will be necessary to give serious consideration to some key underlying factors of a general and specific nature as presented below:

General Principles Adopting a national language policy for Cameroon entails, taking cognisance of important general principles of language planning and policy formulation such as:

1) Standardisation of unwritten languages: Such standardisation is imperative in improving written communication involving indigenous languages. Many Cameroonian languages, especially the very minority ones, are not yet written and so cannot serve written communication functions. 2) Language as a development resource: Languages should be recognised as cardinal resources in holistic human development. In this light, the active presence of indigenous languages in all development planning activities (sociocultural, educational, religious, administrative, etc.) becomes a necessary imperative. 3) and strengthening of national integration: Our choice should be guided by the multilingual and multicultural nature of Cameroon. By respecting all these differences and neatly incorporating them into policy, we shall cultivate and strengthen national integration. Here, emphasis shall be laid on the distinction between national integration and national unity. While the former fits into the Cameroonian situation, the latter is a colonialist option intended to neutralise the identity and values of the different components of the Cameroonian society. 4) Multilingualism and multiculturalism as a national resource:

Our language policy should embrace and uphold multilingual and multicultural values as indispensable ingredients for constructing a strong and integrated society. It should promote the learning and use in education (media of instruction) of languages other than English and French. In this regard, it shall recognise minority languages not as a problem but as development assets (Wolff, 2011: 62), indeed, a positive value. This mother tongue-based multilingual policy shall replace the current exclusive and discriminatory foreign official language policy practiced in the country. 5) Coexistence of languages: Both foreign and indigenous languages are indispensable in the definition of our present linguistic reality. While national languages shall constitute the core of our natural existence by ensuring cultural rooting, foreign languages shall enable us to meet instrumental needs of a global society. Our identity and values shall be defined in terms of the coexistence of these two categories of languages.

The role of our language policy option shall thus be to confer legality and legitimacy to this coexistence. 6) Balanced use of English and French: In contrast to current practices, the equality of English and French should be guaranteed through their balanced use in all controlling domains. 7) Mother tongue-based multilingualism: In contrast to the foreign official language bilingual policy, a multilingual policy founded on indigenous mother tongues should be instituted. This approach shall ensure cultural rooting and foster academic excellence in the classroom. 8) National languages in education: The use of national languages in education should be mandatory. These languages shall serve both as co-media (together with English and French) of instruction and as subjects (disciplines) in the classroom at all levels. These languages shall also become permanent instruments of lifelong learning. 9) National official languages: Some of our national languages should be upgraded to the status of official languages. These shall be vehicular languages or languages of wider communication (LWC). A single national official language shall be inappropriate for Cameroon. Rather, we shall need at least three languages. Given their vehicular nature, Cameroon Pidgin, Beti-fang and Fulfulde shall enjoy a place of choice on the selection scale. 10) Regional languages: In line with the on-going decentralisation process and considering the responsibility of regions in promoting national languages, the adoption of regional languages to serve official functions at the level of the regions should become an imperative. 11) Intellectualisation of Cameroonian languages: Cameroonian languages notably the ones to be granted official status should be promoted in the areas of science and technology and other fields of higher learning. Sustained research shall thus be encouraged on these languages to enable them effectively become instruments for the development and promotion of advanced learning. 12) National languages and preservation of indigenous knowledge: Indigenous knowledge systems inform all domains of modern science and development. These systems (together with the values embedded in them) which are best anchored in indigenous languages should be adequately exploited for national development through in-depth scientific study and use of our national languages. 13) National languages and employability: National languages should be included in the official requirements for employment in both public and private sectors. 14) Place of other languages in education: In order to enable our children to meet the ever-increasing demands of globalisation and African renaissance, other languages (African and non-African) should be encouraged in education.

Specific Principles

More specifically, in formulating a national language policy for Cameroon, measures should be taken to guarantee the respect of the following principles: a) Explicitness and clarity: The goals of the policy should be explicitly and unambiguously stated. This will facilitate the adoption of strategies, evaluation and feed-back on various stages of implementation. Clear and explicit definition of goals shall help ensure objectivity and so provide guarantees that the security concerns of all the different components of the society are duly taken into considerations. b) Comprehensive definition of goals: All policy goals should be defined in detail to permit all concerned groups, bodies and institutions to participate freely and actively in the implementation process. Roles of different languages (majority and minority; foreign and national) should also be fully defined. c) Balance and economy: In the definition of policy interests and actions, steps should be taken to ensure that these reflect overall national needs. Emphasis should be laid on the need for effectiveness and feasibility of action as well as the costs involved in realising the actions proposed. d) A coordinated approach: Measures should be taken to establish effective and efficient national coordination of activities especially with respect to different organisations, bodies and institutions charged with the enactment of the policy. This coordination shall be ensured by a neutral body made up of members of all the stakeholders. e) Broad spectrum of policy: Policy should be defined in a way as to make it generally applicable across all sectors and languages of the nation. For instance, each language, its size notwithstanding, shall feel concerned by the policy. f) Bottom-up-top-down policy approach: For greater efficiency, the process should follow a bottom-up-top-down approach. To this end, the most important voices in decision-making shall be those of the majority of the population (ordinary people) rather than those of the minority political elites. g) Access to information and services to non-official language speakers: Policy shall guarantee that non-speakers of official languages (foreign and national) shall have free, if not equal, access to all information and services within the nation. h) Texts of application: The practice of texts of application as prerequisites for policy implementation is regressive and should be reconsidered. Authorities should realise that these texts are more of obstructions than facilitators to effective policy implementation and should either be totally scraped or their speedy elaboration and application should be guaranteed.

Vital Policy Domains Other than Education

Given the linguistically diverse nature of the country and considering the need for the promotion of national languages as development resources, policy should mandatorily cover such vital domains as:

Legal system: The languages of the different communities should be respected as a fundamental human right in the courts and all other forums charged with rendering justice.

Legislation: Deliberations, documentation and reports in parliament should be in all the official languages (national and foreign) of the country.

Civil registry: All civil registration services should employ the languages of the locality alongside the official languages (national and foreign) in the establishment of birth certificates for newly born babies.

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Administration: Administration should duly respect the linguistic landscape of the country. Different functions shall be clearly defined for all languages at local, regional and national levels.

National identification passport and other related services should be in the official (national and foreign) languages.

Tourism: Tourism is a central income-generation source for Cameroon. Multilingualism shall be promoted in this sector in line with the linguistic realities of the country. At regional levels, regional languages shall be used alongside official languages (national and foreign).

Languages, the Media and Modern Technologies

National languages should be employed in the exploitation and promotion of media networks as well as modern science and technologies. As such, the policy should ensure: a) Inclusion of national languages in regular media and science and technology promotion programmes. b) Creative use of technology for language maintenance, promotion and learning. c) Strengthening of the use of national languages in official (written and audio-visual) media such as the presentation of news in national official languages and a sign language.

A National Literacy and Non-Formal Education Policy An appropriate language policy for Cameroon should duly take into account the needs of adult literacy and non-formal education for youths. Policy should thus guarantee: Promotion of adult literacy with focus on special learning needs. Promotion of non-formal education for youths and out-ofschool children. Gender-sensitiveness in adult literacy and non-formal education.

Interconnections between adult literacy, non-formal education and formal education

A National Book Policy A language policy based on national languages must make provision for the promotion of books in these languages. A national book policy should:

Trigger enthusiasm in book production and publishing in national languages.

Encourage the creation of a national language book industry for a developing Cameroon. Encourage professionalisation through the emergence of publishers, editors, literary and scientific writers, music writers, etc. in national languages.

Motivate the establishment of national language libraries at local, regional and national levels.

Policy Document and Declaration

There is need for a policy document detailing the main components of the policy statement. The document shall clearly define the goals, strategies and mechanisms of implementation. It shall specify all relevant policy sources such as constitutional and legal provisions.

The contents of the document shall be publicly declared by a competent authority most preferably, the President of the Republic.

Translation and Interpretation

An appropriate and operational language policy for a multilingual Cameroon will definitely need to cater for translation and interpretation services. The policy should thus guarantee: Institutionalisation of translation and interpretation involving national languages. Dissemination of vital development information through translation into and from national languages in domains such as HIV/AIDS, agriculture, health, hygiene and sanitation. Professionalisation and job creation in the area of translation and interpretation involving national languages.

Policy Management

Management is an important aspect of language policy effectiveness and success. In our case, the policy should be ensured by:

A Cameroon Language Policy Advisory Board: This board should advices government in matters of policy formulation and implementation. Its membership should comprise researchers, practitioners and specialised institutions. Its main goal should be to provide counselling on strategies and techniques of policy implementation.

A National Language Policy Board: This board should cater for the implementation of language policy in the country. It should be a neutral body created specifically and duly empowered for this purpose. As such, it should enjoy institutional, human resource and financial autonomy. The Board should have regional and local offices.

A National Certification and Qualifications Board: This board should be responsible for assessment and certification at national level. It should work closely with the National Language Policy Board at national, regional and local levels.

Appropriateness of Policy

Given the context of language policy formulation, it seems imperative for us to address the crucial question of appropriate policy. As indicated earlier on, some Cameroonians are of the opinion that the country has a language policy. To this category of Cameroonians, what the country lacks is the political will to ensure implementation. My opinion on this matter is that what others consider as policy; rightly constitutes some important elements of policy but is not policy in purely scientific terms, as stated in Chumbow (1990: 288). From the steps enumerated above and the specifications of each of the steps, we realise that we cannot truly say that Cameroon has a policy worthy of the name. What we have is a set of fragmented pieces of constitutional and legal frameworks that can conveniently be referred to as expressions of intent or as half-baked policy. On-going work by the Ministries of Basic Education and Secondary Education lend credibility to our view. They are currently working on the language policy for the protection and promotion of national languages.

If what Cameroon is currently promoting is not policy enough, what then is an appropriate or ideal policy? What are its fundamental defining features? Bamgbose (1999: 24-28) makes an important contribution to this effect. While recognising the necessity for the participation of all role players and stakeholders in the process of language planning, he stresses on the overarching role of government in ensuring the success of planning actions. According to him, for language policy to be appropriate, it must enjoy the following central ingredients:

1) Government must be convinced of the role of African languages in development: Apparently, the Cameroon government is convinced of the need to promote national languages. However, judging from its rather laissez-faire attitude, it is doubtful if such conviction really exists. 2) Policies must be such as are likely to raise the status of African languages: Present legal frameworks are mute on the status of Cameroonian languages.

3) Policies on development of African languages must be phased:

There is practically no goal specification and consequently no clear definition of phases of implementation of policy. 4) Implementation must be specified at the point of policy formulation: Constitutional and legal frameworks provide for the promotion of national languages but nothing is mentioned about implementation. 5) Implementation is best entrusted to specialised agencies rather than to government ministries and departments: So far, ministries exercise overwhelming power in matters of policy design and implementation. Again, there seems to be no indication of government preparedness to surrender implementation to a neutral body. 6) development must be encouraged: Here, government neither encourages nor prohibits grassroots and private initiative. However, through its lukewarm attitude towards elaborate formulation and implementation of policy, it clearly discourages private initiative particularly within local community, missionary and civil society levels. They want to engage in actions and processes that enjoy government recognition.

7) Negative attitudes to African languages must be combated through awareness campaigns: Although government is visibly consistent in its promotion of official bilingualism, very little effort is made to improve on the public image of national languages. 8) For policies to succeed, they must be backed by a strong political will: As we have indicated earlier, political will to promote national languages is extremely low.

Policy Formulation Process

Policy formulation is a highly technical process. Given the technicalities involved, it is critical that the process be diligently followed. Rubin (1983: 6-9) identifies four key steps in the formulation of policy which I take the liberty to summarise here as follows:

Fact finding: This is the step set aside for the collection of vital amount of data on the situation in which planning is taking place.

Information is needed on the languages in use, their different dialects, other languages used, how these language relate to ongoing socioeconomic and political processes (such as education, democratisation, HIV/AIDS prevention, poverty alleviation). In short, information is required on the needs, interests and aspirations of the target population. Here the more the information, the better.

Decision-making: The information collected enables planners to make policy decisions. Decision-making involves several levels and different sets of people. Decisions are made based on prior studies, referred to above as fact finding. One of the decisions should be whether or not to assign official and regional status to national languages. After determining the needs of the target population, decision-makers may prioritise problems involved.

Establishment of goals, strategies and outcomes: Here the goals, strategies and outcomes of policy are specified. Goal specification too takes place at several levels. First, a legislature establishes some general goals and assigns responsibility for implementation. Then the agency or institution of implementation defines these goals more specifically in line with other considerations like funding and staff capabilities. Finally, the implementers may define goals in terms of the local situation. Usually, outcomes are not established in advance even though it would be helpful if they were. The identification of actors, strategies, resources (human and material) as well as the institutional framework for implementation is crucial in this step. Goal specification should be done according to short, mid and longterm needs.

Implementation: This step involves concrete policy actions such as (a) the mobilisation of resources, general finance and personnel management, (b) motivation and supervision of those involved with the management of the programme and the targets, (c) the sequencing and coordination of related aspects of the policy such as the preparation of texts in languages not formerly used as media of instruction. Implementation is a critical variable in the success of the plan. An important clarification concerning implementation is that it shall be phased depending on priorities established by the implementers.

Evaluation: Evaluation involves analysis of trends and general monitoring system as well as specific aspects of a particular programme. The planner must determine whether actual outcomes match projected outcomes, and if not, then why not? This information enables him to know whether or not to modify his strategies in order to achieve predicted outcomes. Evaluation also permits the planner to provide feed-back on the implementation process. Ideally, evaluation should take place in the short, mid and long-terms in line with established policy goals.

Conclusion

For many years now, Cameroon has recognised the need to adopt an alternative language policy to fill the gaps created by the dominant English-French language policy. As we celebrate 50 years of reunification, therefore, the formulation of an appropriate and operational language policy for Cameroon becomes even more compelling. To succeed in this noble journey, government openness to different sheds of opinion is an absolute necessity. But even more importantly, the diagnosis and treatment of language problems in this country must be informed by scientific and inclusive approaches. In this paper, we have attempted to make proposals that could inspire 20 stakeholders in this direction. Whatever the limitations of these proposals, they constitute nevertheless, a scientific basis for more reflections on ways and means of forging ahead with the language policy formulation process. The historical and political implications for urgent action are obvious and should be given serious consideration.

table below :

 below besides the two levels of status and corpus planning, another critical level, which is the acquisition planning level. The table below specifies the different components of each of these levels.

	of language)	Religious	language/second
		Form (Policy Mass media	Function (language language/literacy
		formulation) Work	cultivation)
	Society (status	1. Selection Selection	3. Implementation Implementation
	planning)	(decision	(Educational spread)
		procedures) role in society	role in society
		a. Problem Extra-linguistic aims a. Correction Extra-linguistic aims
	identification Corpus (about Standardisation of	procedures Modernisation (new
	language)	b. Allocation of corpus	b. Evaluation functions)
		norms Standardisation of	Lexical
	Language	2. Codification auxiliary code	4. Elaboration Stylistic
	(corpus	(standardisation Graphisation	(functional Renovation (new
	planning)	procedures)	development) forms, old forms)
		a. Graphisation	a. Terminology Purification
			modernisation Reform
		b. Grammatication	b. Stylistic Stylistic
			development simplification
		c. Lexicon	c. Internationalisation Terminology
	Source: Kaplan & Baldauf (1997: 29) unification
			Elaboration
		Linguistic aims	Semi-linguistic aims
	Language Policy and Planning goals: an integrative framework
	Type	Planning policy	Cultivation planning
		approach (on form)	approach (on
			function)
	Status	Officialisation	Revival
	planning	Nationalisation	Maintenance
	(about uses of	Standardisation of	Spread
	language)	status	Interlingual
		Proscription	communication
			international,
			intralingual
	Acquisition	Group	Reacquisition
	planning	Education/School	Maintenance
	(about users	Literary	Shift Foreign