Jörg Stolz

Christophe Monnot

The Established and the Newcomers. A Weberian-Bourdieusian View of Congregations in the Swiss Religious Field 1

, scholars have claimed that religious groups may compete for public recognition and resources in religious fields. According to this theory, established groups will enjoy a variety of privileges and will try to exclude non-established groups from these privileges by means of various strategies.

). 2 One important reason why the established/newcomer structure has not yet been empirically described in detail in respect of religious fields has been the absence of appropriate data. The Swiss National Congregations Study (NCS), conducted in the winter of 2008-2009, allows us for the first time to assess, in relation to a whole country, key differences between established and newcomer congregations concerning their resources as well as their intergroup behavior. 3 We can therefore treat a central question that Weberian-Bourdieusian field theory suggests: Are established religious congregations in the Swiss religious field privileged when it comes to resources and, if so, do they defend these privileges by excluding newcomer congregations?

; Giordan (2013). We are not, however, aware of any other congregational study that allows comparisons to be made over the whole religious field of a given country.

established/newcomer structure lend themselves very well to a description of the religious situation in Switzerland, but that established groups -in a very key point -do not behave as expected. That is, they do not exclude, but include, competitors in order to keep their privileged position.

The chapter is organized as follows: After an introduction, we describe the theory and hypotheses (part 2), the method (part 3), and the context (part 4). In our results section (part 5), we show how established congregations are privileged concerning resources, even when various background variables are considered, and demonstrate that established congregations try to maintain their privileged status not by excluding, but by including competitors. A discussion (part 6) is followed by concluding remarks (part 7).

Theory and Hypotheses

In general, "establishment" refers to preferential treatment of one or more religious groups, their members, or their institutions. If such preferential treatment is afforded by the state, we speak of the legal establishment [START_REF] Whelan | Church Establishments, Liberty & Competition in Religion[END_REF]). This may take many forms, including paying clergy salaries, collecting church taxes, harassing religious competitors, or giving preferential access to positions in schools, hospitals, media, or the military. If the preferential treatment is afforded by society (without explicit legal backing), we speak of a de facto establishment [START_REF] Beyer | Deprivileging Religion in a Post-Westphalian State: Shadow Establishment, Organization, Spirituality and Freedom in Canada[END_REF]). 4 This is the case when groups are given special rights because they seem to "naturally" belong to the place, e.g. because of a long tradition of incumbency, or because they are in the majority. De facto establishment may also involve negative stereotyping and discrimination of groups that are not de facto established.

An important body of sociological literature has suggested that the relationship between established and non-established religious groups can be considered a social field. The idea itself -though not the term -goes back to Max [START_REF] Weber | Economy and society. An outline of interpretive sociology[END_REF][START_REF] Weber | Economy and society. An outline of interpretive sociology[END_REF], 424f. 439 f., 1158f.), who described how "priests" (the "religious establishment") would combat both "prophets" and "magicians" (the "newcomers"). Weber saw "priests" as keepers of religious tradition who deliver an official religious message, based on an "office" in an often bureaucratically organized "church"; "prophets" as preachers of a new religious message based on personal revelations and charisma who lead a small group of believers -a "sect"; and "magicians" as solving individual problems in miraculous ways based on personal charisma, often without a religious community. Bourdieu's approach to religion may be considered as a rearticulation of Weber's insight within a structuralist framework5 generalized into the idea of "social fields" (Bourdieu 1990[START_REF] Bourdieu | Outline of a Theory of Practice Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology[END_REF]. This approach saw social (political, artistic, philosophical, etc.) fields everywhere in social life. Bourdieu also applied the field concept to the religious sphere (Bourdieu 1987a, b, 1991, 1998[START_REF] Bourdieu | La Sainte Famille: l'épiscopat français dans le champ du pouvoir[END_REF]. 6 "A field in Bourdieu's distinctive terminology is a hierarchically structured social arena (or market) in which actors compete for money, prestige and power" (Verter 2003, 153). Fields are then "structured spaces of positions" around a common stake, and including different types of symbolic capital, in which there is a battle going on "between the newcomer who tries to break through the entry barrier and the dominant agent who will try to defend the monopoly and keep out competition" (Bourdieu 1993, 67). 7 Thus in both the Weberian and the Bourdieusian versions of the religious field, established groups and actors defend their privileged position and try to exclude newcomers from different positions in the field.

Established groups may try to defend their privileged position against newcomers in various ways. A first possibility is to limit contact with the newcomers to prevent them from participating and enjoying the established groups' privileges. Norms of social closure are set up, and members of one's own group who transgress these norms are viewed as traitors or as people who have been contaminated by contact with the outsiders. In the famous community study by [START_REF] Elias | A Sociological Enquiry into Community Problems[END_REF][START_REF] Elias | A Sociological Enquiry into Community Problems[END_REF]) the established group "excluded all members of the other groups from non-occupational social contact with its own members" (xvi). Means of social control ("blame-gossip") were used to keep the established group's own members in line. A second possibility is to create a negative social image of the outgroup and a positive social image of the ingroup. The outgroup is said to have all kinds of negative attributes in contrast to the positive attributes of the ingroup. It is then argued that one could not possibly extend the privileges of the ingroup to the outgroup as well. Again, the Elias and Scotson study is a good example: the established group was convinced that the newcomers (who were sociologically identical but had arrived later) were unclean, not well educated, poor and unsocial, and referred to them as "evacuees", "refugees", and "cockneys" [START_REF] Elias | A Sociological Enquiry into Community Problems[END_REF][START_REF] Elias | A Sociological Enquiry into Community Problems[END_REF]), 96 f.). A third possibility is to appeal to the state and the officials in power, to show them the importance of the established group for the state and society. The goal is to convince the state and its officials to continue to grant legal establishment [START_REF] Fligstein | Toward a General Theory of Strategic Action Fields[END_REF].

Introductory texts routinely describe Weberian and Bourdieusian religious field theory as holding great promise for sociological analysis -but they have trouble in pointing to concrete studies that in fact apply the concept at the level of inter-group competition 8 (Pickel 2011, 238ff.;Knoblauch 1999, 212ff.;[START_REF] Rey | Marketing the goods of salvation: Bourdieu on religion[END_REF][START_REF] Rey | Bourdieu on Religion. Imposing Faith and Legitimacy[END_REF][START_REF] Schultheis | Salvation Goods and Domination: Pierre Bourdieu's Sociology of the Religious Field[END_REF][START_REF] Dianteill | Pierre Bourdieu and the sociology of religion: A central and peripheral concern[END_REF][START_REF] Swartz | Bridging the Study of Culture and Religion: Pierre Bourdieu's Political Economy of Symbolic Power[END_REF]. Thus empirical applications of the concept have so far mainly looked at the individual (and sometimes the intra-denominational) level, focusing on the social backgrounds and power relationships of, for example, different types of bishops (Bourdieu and Saint Martin 6 For a critique of Bourdieu's approach to the definition of religion and the religious field see Pollack, Detlef, and Rosta (2015, 57f.) 7 Other literature that treats the importance of the established/newcomer structure in religion in a different way is to be found under the category "economics of religion" [START_REF] Iannaccone | Introduction to the Economics of Religion[END_REF]. Here, the relationship between different religious groups is not called a "field", but a "religious economy" or "religious market". For a recent appraisal and critique see De [START_REF] Graaf | Secularization: Theoretical Controversies Generating Empirical Research[END_REF]. 8 As Verter underlines : "In order to see Bourdieu' relevance for sociologists of religion, one must -paradoxically -turn away from his writings on religion. " (2003 : 150). 1982), 9 "spiritual capital" [START_REF] Rey | Marketing the goods of salvation: Bourdieu on religion[END_REF]), self-identification as spiritual or religious [START_REF] Streib | Modeling the Religious Field: Religion, Spirituality, Mysticism, and Related World Views[END_REF], phenomena of individualization in the religious field [START_REF] Pollack | Individualisierung auf dem religiösen Feld[END_REF] or the acceptance of homosexuals in Anglicanism [START_REF] Mckinnon | Bourdieu, Capital, and Conflict in a Religious Field: The Case of the 'Homosexuality' Conflict in the Anglican Communion[END_REF]Brittain 2011).

We define the term "congregation" as "a social institution in which individuals who are not all religious specialists gather in physical proximity to one another, frequently and at regularly scheduled intervals, for activities and events with explicitly religious content and purpose, and in which there is continuity over time in the individuals who gather, the location of the gathering, and the nature of the activities and events at each gathering" (Chaves 2004, 1-2). This definition covers the groups historically established in Europe, as well as those in the process of implantation [START_REF] Monnot | The Diversity of Religious Diversity. Using Census and NCS Methodology in Order to Map and Assess the Religious Diversity of a Whole Country[END_REF].

Based on the literature, we try to gain focus by concentrating on two hypotheses: 1. That the established groups have more income, staff and property than non-established groups, even when various background factors and the numbers of participants are used as statistical controls. 2. That the established groups seek ecumenical contacts mainly among themselves, thus excluding newcomer groups from privileged positions in the field.

When we have presented the following analyses at conferences and panels concerned with interreligious dialogue, we have sometimes met with the criticism that field theory wrongly assumes strategic thinking and power interests in a domain where the overall goal is precisely the opposite, namely understanding, peace, and the unmaking of power differentials. In response to this criticism we answer that -in a sociological perspective -no domain should be a priori seen as free from strategic interests (or, for that matter, completely dominated by them). In our view, it is an empirical question if, and to what extent, establishment has the effects predicted by our hypotheses.

Context

Switzerland is an appropriate country in which to study the established/newcomer structure, because a very clear case of a religious establishment has emerged during its history [START_REF] Stolz | Switzerland[END_REF].

The Reformed and Roman Catholic denominations are established in what may be called an intermediate church-state system (Landeskirchentum) (Pahud de Mortanges 2007, Cattacin et 9 The one empirical application of the theory of religious field that Bourdieu contributed himself concerned the French Catholic hierarchy (co-authored with Monique de Saint Martin). [START_REF] Bourdieu | La Sainte Famille: l'épiscopat français dans le champ du pouvoir[END_REF] argue that the image of unity of the episcopate hides a struggle between bishops from a modest social background ("oblats") and others from an upper-class social background ("héritiers"). These findings are also discussed in a more theoretical manner in [START_REF] Bourdieu | The Laughter of Bishops[END_REF]. It may be important to note that we do not apply the Bourdieusian approach in its entirety, but only insofar as he speaks of religious fields of groups with different power (just as Weber or other field theorists would), see : Wood, and Algtlas (2010). (Baumann and Stolz 2007a;[START_REF] Bochinger | Religionen, Staat und Gesellschaft[END_REF]. The non-Christians who have been in the country the longest are the Jews, whose communities can be traced back to the Middle Ages and who were granted full citizenship in 1866 [START_REF] Gäbler | Schweiz[END_REF]Kupfer and Weingarten 1999). These newcomer groups have remained -with very few exceptions 12 -without public recognition. Among the non-Christian congregations, we can observe groups whose religious traditions based on a collective and organized ritual such as the Jews, the Muslims, the Buddhist, and the Hindu connected to the diaspora [START_REF] Baumann | Götter, Gurus, Geist und Seele: Hindu-Traditionen in der Schweiz[END_REF], Baumann et al. 2003[START_REF] Knott | Becoming a 'Faith Community': British Hindus, Identity, and the Politics of Representation[END_REF]) and, also the "other" groups favoring networks and an alternative and individual spirituality. If nearly a half of the local religious groups are not established, only 15% of the population is affiliated to these groups. 13 In public discourse, the legal establishment of the Reformed and Roman Catholic Churches is strongly legitimated by several arguments, the most important being that these churches (1)

10 Historically, the intermediate church-state system (Landeskirchentum) grew out of a strong church-state system (Staatskirchentum) that was still in place in the eighteenth century. (Vischer, Schenker, and Dellsperger 1994, 182 ff.). When going over to an intermediate church-state system, cantons naturally initially recognized only their own traditional denomination; but during the twentieth century the "other" large denomination was recognized in all cantons as well (and sometimes the Christ Catholic denomination, too).

11 In this paper, we do not focus on the causal effect of the strength of establishment, but instead compare established and non-established congregations on a variety of dimensions (for an investigation of the causal effect of strength of establishment see [START_REF] Stolz | Does Disestablishment Lead to Religious Vitality? The Case of Switzerland[END_REF]).

12 By 2008 there were other groups that enjoyed some form of public recognition. Christ Catholics enjoy strong establishment, comparable to the Reformed and Roman Catholic Churches, in nine cantons, while specific Jewish congregations have degrees of recognition in six cantons (see Appendix). All these groups are small and for the sake of clarity we exclude them from our analysis. Non-established Jewish congregations are included.

Our results are similar with or without this exclusion.

13 20% of the Swiss population has no affiliation (de Flaugergues 2016).

have a long history in Switzerland and preserve the Christian heritage of the country; 14 (2) embrace the great majority of the population; and (3) offer a kind of "public service" (welfare, help for the needy) not only for their own members but for everybody [START_REF] Winzeler | Einführung in das Religionsverfassungsrecht der Schweiz[END_REF]. This legitimation has come under increasing pressure, especially because points (2) and (3) seem to be less and less true (Stolz and Ballif 2010, 49). Since ever greater numbers of individuals are either without any religious affiliation or are members of non-Christian religions, it is increasingly difficult for the established Christian churches to argue that they represent the whole population and that their services are important for everybody. Thus, several cantons (e.g. Basel Stadt, Vaud, Fribourg) have changed their constitutions to allow public recognition of newcomer groups as well.

The main points here are (1) that in Switzerland there has been a historical development of a clear established/newcomer structure;

(2) that the establishment of the established groups is currently threatened; and (3) that we have representative data on congregations of all the religious traditions.

Method

The National Congregations Study Switzerland (NCSS) was conducted in 2008/09 (Monnot 2013a;[START_REF] Stolz | Die religiösen Gemeinschaften in der Schweiz: Eigenschaften, Aktivitäten, Entwicklung[END_REF]. It was modeled on the National Congregations Studies conducted in the United States in 1997-98, 2006-07 and 2012[START_REF] Chaves | The National Congregations Study: Background, Methods, and Selected Results[END_REF][START_REF] Chaves | Continuity and Change in American Congregations. Introducing the Second Wave of the National Congregations Study[END_REF][START_REF] Chaves | Congregations in America[END_REF]). 15

Sampling and data collection

In order to create the sampling framework, we conducted a census from September 2008 to September 2009 16 , counting all local religious groups in Switzerland. This was done by combining all sources of information we could find, such as: a) existing lists of local religious groups by Churches and Federations; b) existing lists (published or not) by scholars of religion; c) existing lists appearing on institutional internet sites, directories or databases; d) data collected from the terrain with, notably, snowball sampling and interviews with informed individuals within the religious milieus. We combined all this information, finely filtering the types of organizations so as to identify only the local religious groups (congregations). Each entry on the final list was checked by two independent sources of information.

14 Very often, this is now expressed as the "Judaeo-Christian heritage", thus including the Jews in the group that represents the roots of Swiss culture. This is, of course, a very new kind of thinking. On the difficult history of the integration of Jews in Switzerland see Kupfer and Weingarten (1999). 15 The National Congregation Study Switzerland (NCSS) was conducted by Christophe Monnot and Laurent Amiotte-Suchet and directed by Jörg Stolz and Mark Chaves. For a detailed account of the methodology of the NCSS, see [START_REF] Monnot | Croire ensemble. Analyse institutionnelle du paysage religieux en Suisse[END_REF]. For more details about the U.S. NCS, see http://www.soc.duke.edu/natcong (Accessed 4 Feb 2016). 16 The American and Swiss NCSs used different sampling strategies. A notable difference with the American study resides in the fact that, in Switzerland, a mapping of all the congregations in activity has been undertaken, see Monnot (2013, 243-254) for more sampling details of the Swiss case.

All this information was collated and reviewed to identify local religious congregations. A congregation was retained in the final list only if it appeared in two independent sources of information. In the second phase of our study, we drew from the resulting list of 5,734 congregations a representative sample of 1040 religious communities in Switzerland, starting from the census report. The existence of the census data allowed us to stratify our sample and to overrepresent religious minority groups. This is why our data let us compare local religious groups across both majority (established) and minority traditions (newcomers). For every chosen congregation, one key informant (in most cases the spiritual leader) was interviewed by telephone (CATI) in one of the three national languages. A closed question questionnaire was used that was adapted from the American counterpart [START_REF] Chaves | Continuity and Change in American Congregations. Introducing the Second Wave of the National Congregations Study[END_REF]. 17 Special care was taken to adapt the questionnaire to Swiss conditions and the whole range of religious traditions.

In order to avoid well-known types of bias in key informant studies, the approximately 250 questions were centered on concrete and verifiable practices as well as on the tangible characteristics of the organization for which the respondent could provide reliable information [START_REF] Chaves | The National Congregations Study: Background, Methods, and Selected Results[END_REF]: 463-465, McPherson and Rotolo 1995: 1114). 18 The various religious federations supported the project by encouraging the local leaders to take part in the inquiry, thus producing a response rate of 71.8% 19 .

Operationalization and data analysis

Our key independent variable is a seven-step measure combining religious tradition and a dummy variable measuring whether the religious tradition is legally established. The variable distinguishes "Christian established", "Christian non-established", "Jewish", "Muslim", "Buddhist", "Hindu" and "Other". The "Christian established" category includes only Reformed and Roman Catholic congregations. The dummy variable measuring establishment captures whether a religious tradition was publicly recognized as an institution of public law or of public interest in 2008. We relied on the information in Cattacin, Famos, Duttwiler, & Mahnig (2003), Pahud de Mortanges (2007), and [START_REF] Frey | Schweizerische Kirchenrechtsquellen I: Kantonales Recht[END_REF].

De facto establishment was conceptualized in terms of the duration of the presence of the congregation and majority status. Duration of presence of the congregation was measured by asking the key informant in what year the local religious group was founded. Majority status was measured as the percentage of the population of Switzerland or the canton concerned 17 For the adaptation of the questionnaire, we refer to [START_REF] Behling | Translating Questionnaires and other Research Instruments: Problems and Solutions Sage University Papers Series[END_REF], [START_REF] Forsyth | Methods for Translating an English-Language Survey Questionnaire on Tobacco Use into Mandarin, Cantonese, Korean, and Vietnamese[END_REF]. 18 For a key informant survey, the obvious question is if the key informant will give valid and reliable answers to our questions. The literature has shown many possible biases, e.g. the false consensus effect (the informant falsely believes that other members of the group have similar opinions to him or her), effects of limited information of the key informant, and so on. Our solution to this problem is not to ask the key informant any questions on the values and beliefs of the congregation members or on the goals or missions of the congregation, but only questions concerning directly observable facts. It has been shown that the answers to such questions are normally very valid and reliable. For example: key informants are normally well able to answer the question: Including you/the leader, how many people currently work in this congregation as full-time paid staff? 19 The response rates correspond to RR1 calculated according to the standards defined by the AAPOR (2011).

according to the Census 2000 [START_REF] Bovay | Le paysage religieux en Suisse[END_REF]). We used the information on a de facto establishment not as a separate independent variable, but to provide a further description of the establishment situation in Switzerland.

A first set of dependent variables focuses on the "success" of the rituals of the religious traditions by looking at different types of members, at the age and gender of attenders, and at changes in attendance over the last 10 years. The number of official members in established groups was calculated per the Census 2000 following [START_REF] Bovay | Le paysage religieux en Suisse[END_REF]. Further information on membership structure was gathered by asking the key informant how many persons were associated in any way with the religious life of the congregation ("members with any link"), how many persons regularly participated in the religious life of the congregation ("regular members"), and how many persons were present at the last regular religious celebration ("attenders"). Change in attendance was measured by asking the key informant on a 5-point scale whether the number of regular participants, as compared to 10 years earlier, had grown by more than 10 per cent, grown by 10 per cent or less, stayed stable, shrunk by 10 per cent or less, or shrunk by more than 10 per cent. Social attributes of attenders were measured by asking the key informant what percentage of participants at the last ritual were individuals in the age ranges 18-35, 36-60, and 60+. Similarly, the percentage of female participants was asked.

A second set of dependent variables concerns the resources of the congregation in respect to wealth, staff and type of building. Congregations' income was measured by asking the key informant to specify the total amount of congregational income from all sources during the past year. This variable was logged (as log 10) in our analyses. Spiritual leader's income was measured by asking the yearly salary of the spiritual leader. Staff attributes were measured using three variables. Two dummies indicated whether the spiritual leader was paid and was working full-time for the congregation. A third variable measured the number of part-time and full-time staff. Building attributes were measured with three dummies indicating, first, whether the building in which the ritual took place was built for religious purposes; second, whether the congregation was the owner of the building; and, third, whether the building was subject to any kind of protection or preservation for historical reasons.

A third set of dependent variables concerned relationships with other congregations and exclusivism. Relationships with other congregations were measured by asking whether the congregation had organized joint rituals with other congregations, whether the congregation(s) joining in those rituals belonged to the same religious tradition as the surveyed congregation, and, if this was not the case, to what kind of religious tradition the other congregation(s) belonged. 20 This is, of course, only a limited measure of the possible relationships among congregations since congregations can be linked in many other ways (e.g. joint social and political activities; joint membership in overarching organizational bodies; ecumenical and/or interreligious talks, etc.). Nevertheless, we argue that joint ritual is a valid and central dimension of inter-congregational contact.

The exclusivism was operationalized with four dummy variables. Two dummies measured whether congregations would accept individuals as fully fledged leaders if they lived in an openly gay relationship and if they lived in cohabitation without being married. A third dummy variable asked if the congregation had a group that discussed other religions (yes/no).

A fourth dummy -only for Christian congregations -asked if the congregation considered the Bible to be the literal and inerrant word of God.

Finally, three control variables are included in our models. The size of the community where the congregation is located was measured by an 8-level variable, based on Swiss government data, ranging from 1 (fewer than 1,000 inhabitants) to 8 (100,000 or more). The traditional denomination of the canton was measured by two dummy variables where 1 denotes respectively the existence of a Catholic or Reformed tradition in the canton. If both dummies are zero, this means that the Canton has a mixed denominational tradition. The canton's denominational traditions were coded according to [START_REF] Pfister | Kirchengeschichte der Schweiz. Dritter Band 1720 -1950[END_REF]. Strength of regulation in the different cantons is measured with a version of the scale described in [START_REF] Chaves | Regulation, Pluralism, and Religious Market Structure[END_REF], adapted to capture as much of the inter-canton variation as possible. 21 The scale ranges in principle from 0 to 10, though no canton received a score of 0, 9 or 10. Coders used information given in [START_REF] Frey | Schweizerische Kirchenrechtsquellen I: Kantonales Recht[END_REF]SSK (2009). Inter-coder reliability was .87, with discrepancies resolved by the first author. As shown in Table A1 in the appendix, the coding procedure yielded a distribution of cantons across the establishment scale that seems qualitatively correct.

Results

Duration of presence in the canton and (threatened) majority status

As mentioned above, much of the legitimation of the legal establishment of the Reformed and Roman Catholic Churches rests on their historical importance and their majority status. In what follows, we will analyze the extent to which these arguments can be backed up empirically. We will also see that the reasons for the legal establishment are coming under increasing pressure.

Let us first look at the duration of presence in the country. As can be seen in Figure 2, more than 55% of established congregations were founded before 1800: indeed, the median established Christian congregation was founded in 1690! By comparison, Christian nonestablished and Jewish groups are much younger, with median foundation years of 1950 and 1971 respectively. Muslim, Buddhist, Hindu and Other groups are much younger still. Most of them have been founded since 1975 (median foundation years: 1992, 1997, 1991, and 1987 respectively). We are truly faced with a situation of established and newcomer congregations. 21 See [START_REF] Stolz | Does Disestablishment Lead to Religious Vitality? The Case of Switzerland[END_REF] for details of the scale. For a recent overview, comparison, and evaluation of different scales of church-state relationships -including the one used in this article, see [START_REF] Traunmüller | Zur Messung von Staat-Kirche-Beziehungen: Eine vergleichende Analyse neuerer Indizes[END_REF]. We chose an adapted Chaves/Cann scale, since it allows the central church-state variation in Switzerland to be conceptualized and measured in a very straightforward way.

Figure 1 Year of foundation, by religious tradition

Note: Differences are significant where p < .001.

Turning to majority status, Table 1 shows that the Reformed and Roman Catholic denominations together make up roughly half of all the congregations in Switzerland (NCS 2008) and 74.8% of the resident population (Census 2000). All other groups are much smaller and have both fewer congregations and fewer members. The majority situation differs according to the canton: rural cantons are traditionally Roman Catholic, while urban cantons are traditionally predominantly Reformed [START_REF] Bovay | Le paysage religieux en Suisse[END_REF]Baumann and Stolz 2007b). 22 But the overall finding is that taken together, the two established denominations are in a majority position, especially when it comes to official members.

Table 1 Numbers of congregations and their official members, by religious tradition Congregations (1) Individuals (2) N % N %

22 Swiss cantons have either a Reformed, a Roman Catholic, or a mixed religious tradition. This goes back to the time of the Reformation [START_REF] Maissen | Geschichte der Schweiz[END_REF][START_REF] Vischer | Oekumenische Kirchengeschichte der Schweiz[END_REF]. During that time, the big city cantons and their territories became Reformed, while the rural cantons stayed Roman Catholic. There was, in other words, a "cuius regio, eius religio" ("who rules the land determines its religion") system. This was abolished in 1848 and freedom of religion introduced. (2) Census 2000 according to [START_REF] Bovay | Le paysage religieux en Suisse[END_REF].

Interestingly, this legitimation is increasingly threatened by the fact that the established churches are less and less able to claim that they embrace the whole of the Swiss population or that their services are geared to everybody [START_REF] Monnot | Mesurer la pratique religieuse. Différentes mesures, différents taux? Analyse comparative à partir de la Suisse[END_REF]). Notes: All overall differences significant with p < .001.

(1) According to Bovay (2004, 110).

(2) According to Medienmitteilung OFS 19.6.2012: Ein Fünftel der Leute konfessionslos (One fifth of people without religious affiliation) -corrected version.

(3) We use the median.

(4) Ratio of the medians.

(5) We use the mean.

Our main point here is that Switzerland is an almost textbook example of a country where there are two established religious groups -Reformed and Roman Catholic -while (almost) all other groups are non-established. The established position of these two groups, however, is threatened because of waning numbers of official and attending members.

Resources

Our first hypothesis claimed that established groups would have more resources than nonestablished groups -regardless of the success of their religious rituals. In this section, we look at the first part of the hypothesis, the resources.

The results are very clear. What is striking is not so much the direction of the covariations, but their magnitude. Established Christian congregations have on average far more resources than non-established congregations. This is true of income, staff, and types and ownership of buildings.

The Notes: All differences are significant where p < .001.

(1) We use the median, in Swiss Francs (CHF).

(2) We calculate the income regardless of whether the cost of spiritual leaders appears in the budget. When the cost of the spiritual leader appears, the budgets rise to 500,000 for the Christian-established and to 180,000 for the Christian non-established.

Concerning buildings, almost 100% of established Christian congregations have the use of a building built explicitly for religious purposes. In 84.6% of the cases they are the owners of this building, and in 72.4% of the cases it is a protected heritage building. Again, the differences from non-established Christians (58.6% buildings built for religious purposes; 56.4% owners; 17.3% protected heritage buildings) are important and the differences in contrast to Muslims, Buddhists, Hindus and Others are huge. In this area once again, it is the Jewish congregations that resemble the established Christian congregations most closely.

These differences between established and non-established congregations cannot be attributed to other underlying variables. In fact, the findings are robust and highly significant even when we check for the influence of cantonal regulation, the size of the political community, the denominational tradition of the canton, or even the number of regular participants or participants with any link to the religious congregation. 23The striking differences in resources between established and non-established congregations are evidently rooted both in legal and de facto establishment. It is legal establishment, with its possibility of levying an obligatory church tax, even from members who have no other link to the congregation, that creates such a large income for established Christian congregations and that accounts for such high percentages with paid full-time and part-time staff. And it is because of the de facto establishment that they almost all have their own churches at their disposal -often heritage buildings worthy of protection.

Relationships

Field theories are built on the assumption that the established will try to preserve their privileges against newcomers. This is the second hypothesis that we attempt to test in our special case by looking at the actual behavior of Swiss congregations. Do established congregations exclude non-established groups to preserve their threatened privileges?

The most noteworthy result of our paper may be that this hypothesis fails (Table 4). Established Christian congregations do not seem to try to exclude other religious groups. On the contrary, they are both very inclined to be open to engaging in ecumenical and interreligious contacts, and comparatively tolerant concerning the religious and social diversity of their members. In the past year, established Christian congregations have engaged in a joint ritual with another congregation more often than any other religious tradition (83.3%). In roughly 70% of the cases, this other congregation was of a different religious tradition from theirs (against 56% for non-established Christians). In most cases, this common ritual was with another Christian congregation, and in roughly 1/3 of the cases with another non-established congregation. In comparison, these numbers show somewhat more openness to ecumenism and interreligious dialogue than among non-established Christians and clearly more openness than among all the other religious traditions (at least when it comes to the items used here). These results remain highly significant when controlling for other variables (confession of the canton, regulation regime, size of the congregation). In figure 2 * Links are weighted by the means of the number of joint rituals as reported from both partners. We multiplied all weights by 0.8 and omitted weights below 2 for better visual clarity. We introduced (established) Christ Catholics for this graphic.

Discussion

The findings in the preceding section pose the question if the Weberian-Bourdieusian theory should be rejected. After all, established congregations are immensely privileged but do not engage in exclusion strategies and power struggles with congregations of other religious traditions.

In our view, rather than reject the Weberian-Bourdieusian field theory, we should adjust it, as suggested by Verter (2003: 156), so that it can explain our findings. This is easily done when we recognize that established groups can try to preserve their privileges not only by exclusion, but also by inclusion strategies. They will choose inclusion rather than exclusion strategies if this seems to be furthering their interests more efficiently -given the sociopolitical context.

Already a short look at the current Swiss context shows that it does indeed seem to be more rational for established congregations to turn to inclusion strategies. Exclusion strategies such as criticism or denigration of other religious groups are seen in a very negative way by both the society and the state officials (Stolz et al. 2016, 109 ff.). In such a situation, established congregations may turn to inclusion strategies.

In fact, established groups may first use inclusion strategies to regain a kind of majority status. As Bourdieu observed, the groups can be close to one another "by choice or by necessity" (1989: 16). While losing members themselves, they can create a coalition of large religious groups. Second, they may thus present themselves as organizers of ecumenical and interreligious dialogue, thereby demonstrating their important function for society. Third, they may thus motivate the state to opt for an extension of public recognition of religious groups rather than a separation of church and state.

There is much socio-historical evidence that corroborates this interpretation. To give just three examples:

(1) In various Swiss cantons (e.g. Vaud, Fribourg), established churches have actively helped to put into place new constitutions that allow other religions to be publicly recognized.

Establishment for new groups is, however, planned to be less far-reaching than the establishment that already exists for the Roman Catholic and Reformed congregations [START_REF] Loretan | Die Oeffentlich-rechtliche Anerkennung von Religionsgemeinschaften in der Schweiz[END_REF]. Established congregations thus appear to include other groups, while at the same time preserving a considerable comparative privilege.

(2) Established churches have also engaged in important ways in ecumenical and interreligious dialogue and have shown themselves to be the central organizing actors of these endeavors [START_REF] Könemann | Interreligiöser Dialog in der Schweiz. Grundlagen -Brennpunkte -Praxis[END_REF][START_REF] Bürgisser | Interreligiöser Dialog. Grundlagen -Erfahrungen -Perspektiven[END_REF]. Many churches even put a certain percentage of work for ecumenical and interreligious practices into the job descriptions of their clergy (Bürgisser 2009, 52). These activities have helped the churches to gain a positive social image in society [START_REF] Winter-Pfändler | Kirchenreputation. Forschungsergebnisse zum Ansehen der Kirchen in der Schweiz und Impulse zum Reputationsmanagement[END_REF][START_REF] Willaime | Protestantisme et nouvelle donne oecuménique[END_REF][START_REF] Könemann | Interreligiöser Dialog in der Schweiz. Grundlagen -Brennpunkte -Praxis[END_REF].

(3) The example that best shows the strategic aspect of this interreligious dialogue is probably the foundation of the "Council of Religions" in 2006, with six members representing the Reformed, Roman Catholic, Christ Catholic, Jewish and Muslim faiths. This council was founded to furnish politicians with a partner for dialogue that represents the most important religious voices in Switzerland. When founded, it had the (at least implicit) goal of winning back the leadership in public discourse for the established churches (Baumann and Stolz 2007a, 368).

We do not mean to say that established churches engage in ecumenical and interreligious activity only for strategic reasons. Quite clearly, a genuine belief in the inherent importance of such endeavors is often involved (Bürgisser 2009, 51;[START_REF] Basset | Le dialogue interreligieux[END_REF]; also, the theology of established congregations has been very dialogue-minded since the 1960s (Bernhardt 2008, 52). Nevertheless, in our view, strategic considerations are normally also involved.

To add another disclaimer, we do not wish to say that established congregations never engage in exclusion practices. For example, there undoubtedly exist certain exclusion practices concerning interreligious dialogues. Some more conservative Jewish or Muslim groups or new religious movements such as LDS (Mormons), Raëlians or Scientology are rarely or never invited. 24 Also, Reformed and Roman Catholic theological faculties have in the past lobbied to convince the state not to accredit evangelical theological faculties. 25 However, overall, and in the light of our quantitative data, we can say that established congregations clearly seek to use inclusive rather than exclusive means to further their strategic interests.

Conclusion

In this paper, we have tested a hypothesis suggested by Weberian-Bourdieusian field theory, namely that established religious groups will try to retain their privileges by excluding nonestablished religious groups. 24 An interesting reaction to such exclusion practices was the foundation of a group of excluded religious movements that formed an interreligious organization (CLIMS) in 1997, bringing together LDS, Scientology, the Unification Church, Sukyo Mahikari, and the Fraternité Blanche Universelle. For more information on CLIMS see http://www.clims.ch/index.php (Accessed 4 Feb 2016). 25 This is an example that one of the authors has personally witnessed during his time as dean of a Faculty of Theology and Religious Studies.

We could address this question because we had the first National Congregation Study in a European country to hand, and since the Swiss religious field may be considered an almost textbook example of both the legal and de facto establishment of Reformed and Roman Catholic congregations, while (almost) all other congregations are non-established.

We found that established congregations in Switzerland are indeed strongly privileged and have much more plentiful resources than non-established congregations -even though they have a relatively low and shrinking attendance and an ageing attender structure. Other than expected, established groups do not seek to keep their threatened status by using exclusion, but do so by using inclusion strategies. They try to retain their privileges by engaging in ecumenical and interreligious contacts and rituals and by showing themselves to be tolerant concerning individual social and religious diversity.

Our contribution has been to apply one of the central theoretical tools of the sociology of religion -the religious field concept and more specifically the established/newcomer structure -to the religious situation in a whole country, and to show that Weberian-Bourdieusian field theory must be extended in a specific but important way: Established groups may use privilege-maintaining inclusion strategies.

Of course, this paper has its limits. Firstly, this being a descriptive-comparative paper, we have not looked at the explanatory question as to how much the differences found are caused by different degrees of establishment or other factors (see for this Stolz/Chaves (2017)). Secondly, in the interest of brevity we could not treat many intra-religious differences in more depth. Thirdly, our results are specific to the Swiss case. We suspect, however, that similar situations might be observed in other European countries. 26We would welcome further studies in other countries, to see whether similar differences between established and non-established congregations can be observed and whether established congregations also seek to strengthen their situation by including rather than excluding newcomers.

Appendix

  The percentage of individuals who are official members of either the Reformed or the Roman Catholic Church dropped from 95.8% in 1970 to 66.6% in 2010. At the same time, the number of individuals without any religious affiliation has risen from 1.1% to 20.1%, while the proportion of non-established Christians and Muslims, taken together, has increased to about 8%. The picture is no more encouraging for the established churches if we look at attendance. While they still have many more official members than all other religious groups, the number of individuals in fact participating in their local religious groups is relatively small and is only a tiny fraction of the official members. The ratio of attending member to member with any link to the congregation is lower for established congregations than for the congregations of all other religious traditions. Established congregations are twice as likely to have shrunk in attendance over the last 10 years (46.4%) than to have grown (21.2%) -in stark contrast to all other types of congregations, which on average have more often grown than shrunk. Finally, established congregations have a very high average age (58.2% of attenders are 60+) compared with the congregations of all other religious traditions, meaning that they are not able to draw in younger generations and pointing to future losses of attenders once the older generations have died.

Table 2

 2 Official members and attenders: changes and attributes by religious affiliation

			Christian -	Christian -	Jewish Muslim Buddhist Hindu Other	None
			established	non-
				established
	Official members
	(%) (1)
	1970 (%)		95.8%	1.6%	0.3%	0.3%		0.1%		1.1%
	1980 (%)		91.5%	2.0%	0.3%	0.9%		0.2%		3.8%
	1990 (%)		84.7%	3.4%	0.3%	2.2%		0.4%		7.4%
	2000 (%)		74.9%	4.2%	0.2%	4.3%		0.8%		11.1%
	2010 (%) (2)		66.6%	5.5%	0.2%	4.5%		1.1%		20.1%
	Change 1970-2000 -29.2%	+3.9%	-0.1% +4.2%		+1%		+19.0%
	Attenders
	Attenders	(last	50	70	53	80	10	12	14
	weekend) (3)
	Regular		100	80	80	60	20	15	15
	members (3)
	Members with any	500	110	200	200	35	40	30
	link (3)
	Ratio	:	10.0%	63.6%	26.5% 40.0% 28.6%	30.0% 46.7%
	attending/any
	link (4)
	Change	in
	attendance (last
	10 years) (5)
	Grown (%)		21.2%	44.6%	54.5% 61.7% 63.6%	46.9% 36.8%
	Stayed the same	32.3%	24.1%	18.2% 35.0% 25.0%	28.1% 42.1%
	(%)
	Shrunk (%)		46.4%	31.3%	27.3	3.3%	11.4%	25.0% 21.1%
	Attributes,
	attenders (5)
	Attenders 60+ (%) 58.2%	28.5%	30.9% 17.6% 12.3%	22.2% 24.5%
	Attenders	18-35	14.2%	29.7%	32.0% 40.7% 25.7%	30.7% 24.0%
	(%)

  Of established Christian congregations, 97.5% have a paid spiritual leader; in 72.1% of the cases this spiritual leader works full time. The percentages are again much lower for nonestablished congregations. Thus, only 62.7% of non-established Christians pay their spiritual leader and only in 45.4% of the cases is this person employed full time. For all other religious traditions, the percentages are even much lower -except, again, for the Jews. Looking at the numbers of paid staff (part-time and full-time), we find that the median established Christian congregation employs five paid staff, the median non-established Christian congregations only one -and the median Muslim, Buddhist, Hindu and Other congregations none at all!

	congregation (1)(2)
	Income	of	95,000	50,000	67,500 0	0	0	0
	spiritual leader (1)
	Staff
	Paid	spiritual	97.5%	62.7%	88.9%	33.9% 6.5%	10.3% 9.8%
	leader
	Full-time spiritual	72.1%	45.4%	44.4%	30.5% 0.0%	3.4% 7.3%
	leader
	Paid staff (part-	5	1	2	0	0	0	0
	time and full-
	time) (1)
	Building
	Religious building 97.9%	58.6%	72.7%	28.8% 8.0%	5.6% 8.5%
	Owner of building 84.6%	56.4%	81.8%	37.9% 18.0%	11.4% 14.3%
	May use building	13.1%	9.7%	0.0%	13.6% 20.0%	11.4% 28.6%
	free of charge
	Rents building	2.3%	33.8%	18.2%	48.5% 62.0%	77.1% 57.1%
	Protected heritage	72.4%	17.3%	30.0%	10.3% 14.3%	0.0% 9.3%
	building
	Table 3	Financial resources, staff and type of building by religious tradition
			Christian -	Christian -	Jewish Muslim Buddhist Hindu Other
			established	non-
				established
	Financial
	resources
	Annual income of 400,000	130,000	200,000 22,500 7,250	7,000 2,450

median established Christian congregation has an annual income of 400,000 CHF; this is more than three times what the median non-established Christian congregation collects, about 17 times more than the median Muslim congregation receives and more than 50 times what Buddhist, Hindu or Other congregations live on. The richest non-Christian congregations are Jewish, with a median income of 200,000 CHF.

These differences in income are partly reflected in substantial differences regarding staff.

  , these same findings are presented graphically. Yet another way of visualizing this finding is shown in figure3a/3b. Here, the left-hand side shows what might have been expected in a situation where established groups had completely excluded non-established groups from joint worship (our hypothesis). The right-hand side shows the actual relationships, where links are weighted by the means of the number of joint rituals. Again, we see strong relationships among established groups, but also relatively high numbers of links between established and nonestablished groups.In a similar vein, we find that established Christian congregations do not stand out regarding different items that may be grouped under the heading "exclusivism". Compared with nonestablished Christians, they are about as likely to have a discussion group on another religion; they are much less likely to believe the Bible to be inerrant (27.8% for established Christians against 80.6% for non-established Christians); and they will strikingly more often accept gays and cohabiting unmarried persons as their members and leaders (in the table we show only data for leaders). While some religious traditions seem to be even more open in some of these respects (especially Buddhists and Hindus regarding liberal views on homosexuality and cohabitation), it is fair to say that Christian established congregations cannot be described as particularly exclusive. Again, this finding is stable when controlling for other variables.

	Figure 2	Ecumenical/interreligious rituals of established and non-established
		congregations
	100%
	Table 4 90%	Joint rituals and exclusivism according to confession
	80%
	70%		Christian -	Christian -	Jewish Muslim Buddhist Hindu Other
			established	non-
	60%			established
	Joint ritual with 50%
	any 40%	other	83.3%	73.9%	45.5% 56.1% 59.2%	38.9% 50.0%
	congregation
	(own tradition or 30%
	other) 20%
	with other tradition 68.4% what other 57.1% 10%	56.0% 33.2%	27.3% 42.4% 30.6% 18.2% 31.8% 12.0%	19.4 13.9% 20.0% 30.0%
	tradition: 0% (mult. resp.) With any other congrega9on establ. (own tradi9on or other)	With other tradi9on -established		With other tradi9on -not established
	What	other	25.6%	16.9% Established	9.1% Not established 27.3% 14.0%	16.7% 23.3%
	tradition:	non-
	establ.	(mult.
	resp.) (1)
	Exclusivism Figures 3a/3b Ecumenical/interreligious rituals between different religious traditions
	Discussion group	43.2%	42.1%	45.5% 48.5% 30.0%	25.7% 43.3%
	on	another
	religion (2)
	Bible inerrant	28.8	80.6	-	-	-	-	-
	Acceptance	of	57.1% (3)	8.7%	40.0% 14.5% 97.8%	66.7% 44.6%
	Gays (as leaders)
	Acceptance	of	89.4%	21.8%	50.0% 48.4% 97.8%	85.7% 56.1%
	cohabiting	non-
	married couple (as
	leaders)
	Notes:
	All differences are significant where p < .001, unless otherwise noted.
	(1) Not significant
	(2) Significant with p < .05
	(3) Concerning acceptance of Gays, Reformed are significantly more open than Catholic a. expected relationships b. actual relationships*
	congregations. under exclusion hypothesis

  Table A1 Legal establishment of religious groups and strength of religious regulation in Swiss Cantons (in 2008) 27

		Reformed Roman	Christ	Jewish	Strength
			Catholic	Catholic	(some)	of
						establish-
						ment (1)
	GE	+	+			1
	NE	+	+	+		2
	AG	++	++	++		3
	AR	++	++			3
	NW	++	++			3
	BS	++	++	++	++	4
	SH	++	++	++		4
	AI	++	++			4
	GL	++	++			4
	GR	++	++			4
	ZG	++	++			4
	LU	++	++	++		4
	SZ	++	++			4
	TG	++	++			4
	SG	++	++	++	++	4
	OW	++	++			5
	SO	++	++	++		5
	UR	++	++			5
	TI	++	++			5
	VS	++	++			6
	FR	++	++		++	6
	BL	++	++	++		6
	VD	++	++		+	7
	JU	++	++			7
	ZH	++	++	++	+	8
	BE	++	++	++	++	8
	++	strongly recognized (as corporate bodies under public law)
	+	weakly recognized (as playing a role in public life)

For an interesting view on the complexity of "varieties of establishment", see various chapters in[START_REF] Sullivan | Varieties of Religious Establishment[END_REF]. Much of the relevant literature can be found under the heading of "State-Religion Relations". For an overview of such relationships in the countries of the EU see Robbers(2005).

See Verter 2003 : 152-153.

This last question permits multiple responses.

We do not show the models here for lack of space. Note that we did not introduce the number of regular participants and participants with any link at the same time for reasons of collinearity.

See the study already mentioned byKörs (2017) on Hamburg; Vejrup,[START_REF] Nielsen | Religion and State in Denmark: Exception Among Exceptions?[END_REF], who describe the Danish Folkekirke as established, rich, threatened in its establishment -and very inclusive; and for the Nordic folk churches in general[START_REF] Gustafsson | Politicization of State Churches -a Welfare State Model[END_REF].

Since 2008, some additional groups have been (weakly) established: the Christengemeinde (a free Evangelical Protestant congregation) in Basel-Stadt in 2010 and two Alevi groups in Basel-Stadt in 2012.

(1) According to adapted Chaves and Cann regulation scale