Hence the success of Roman imperialism. No direct intervention in the native societies was embarked upon, except where such societies challenged the Roman authorities, peace or the social order. Rome rarely forced peoples to change their way of life or to accept the Latin language or deities. Initially, the major indirect 6 impact on the society was of a primarily military kind, beginning some forty years after Caesar's conquest with the end of the Civil Wars and the reconsolidation of the Roman Empire under Augustus. A large number of Roman soldiers were then advanced into the Rhine area to secure territory, and these continued to advance into free Germania as can be seen by the various campaigns of Drusus and his successors.

 The majority of locals may have been unaffected by Roman conquest for several decades, especially those in the countryside; Celtic oppida like the Titelberg had their heyday after the Gallic War, 8 although they declined rapidly thereafter. This work sets out to describe the effect of the Roman conquest and the subsequent integration of the Vangiones into the Roman Empire. This integration was comprised of processes of interaction between the two cultures, which had an impact on the local economy, epigraphy, technology, culture, religion, and so on. 9 Changes in material culture are seen as a reflection of social and political changes taking place during the first centuries of Roman rule. Concentrating on one civitas only allows for detailed studies of, for example, the development of the regional settlement pattern or the epigraphic habit.

Several problems require consideration. One, of a general kind, is the state of publication of the archaeological record, which is scattered, out of date, dependent on political borders, and usually not concerned with the problematic nature of 'Romanisation'. Furthermore, there are problems with dating, even for major architectural structures (like villas, basilicae, etc.), and the fine dating necessary for work on the transition period from La Tène to Roman times is not available. This is particularly obvious in the publication of the coinage of this area in Fundmünzen (FMRD). A haphazard recording of coin-finds hinders statistical analysis.

In Quest of the Vangiones

It is uncertain whether the Vangiones were a Celtic or Germanic people -if indeed, this division can be made at all. While the literary sources describe them as Germanic, 10 the material evidence and epigraphy indicate that they were a Celtic people.

Stümpel notes a possible division of the later civitas into two distinct cultural groups around the eve of the Roman conquest. 11 In the north-east, rough handmade pottery and urnburials dominate, giving way towards the south and the west, including Borbetomagus, to an indubitably Celtic culture with painted late La Tène wheel-thrown pottery and cremations (Leichenbrand), aspects which can be found in the north-east only rarely. If one agrees on the

THE ROMANISATION OF THE CIVITAS V A N G I O N U M

43 concept of two culturally different areas, 12 then it appears that, while the south-west was Celtic and probably populated by either Mediomatrici or Treveri, 13 the culture of the northeast was more likely to be Germanic and therefore Vangionic; a hypothetical process of 'Celticisation' is needed to explain the atypical 'Germanic' culture in the north-east. This causes another problem for Stümpel's hypothesis because the later capital of his 'Germanic' civitas Vangionum was -at that time -the 'Celtic'-dominated city Borbetomagus; a puzzle he solved by assuming a further, peaceful movement of the 'Vangiones' southwards before the creation of the civitas by the Romans. And yet, it is striking that his 'Vangionic' territory became the military district of Mogontiacum, while his 'Celtic' regions in the south and west the civitas Vangionum.

Recently, the Germanic origin of the Vangiones has been questioned, owing to the typically Celtic nature of the material evidence. 14 The dubious literary evidence on ethnic origin can be ignored, for example, the statement 'ipsam Rheni ripam haud dubie Germanorum populi colunt, Vangiones Triboci Nemetes' 15 of Tacitus who tells that even the Treveri -for us a Celtic people -claimed a Germanic origin. The modern division between Celtic and Germanic derives from the material evidence; the comments of ancient authors were presumably based on political or ethnological concepts. The name Vangiones, as pointed out by Bannert, 16 could derive either from the Germanic wanga or the old-Celtic vanga. 17 The Celtic origin of the neighbouring Nemetes and Triboci has been proved in the

well known from the Mediterranean world -now appear in large quantities; for example, we find Latin epigraphy and Roman-style pottery, especially terra sigillata, and also roads, and architecture incorporating Roman building techniques. The few typical artefacts of pre-Roman culture are often dated to pre-Roman times (i.e. La Tène DT 1 ) because of difficulties of dating non-Romanized sites into the Roman period. In addition, there seem to be hardly any archaeological contexts where La Tène and Roman artefacts are found together. [START_REF] Cf | excavation of a Romano-Celtic settlement near Mogontiacum[END_REF] Only in certain periods of German historiography, 3 when a German(ic) omnipresence was being stressed for nationalistic reasons, was the Roman era described as a time of occupation with an emphasis on the continuity and resistance of the Germanic tribes. Hence, F.M. Illert's statement in the 1936 guide to the Worms Archaeological Museum: [START_REF] Illert | [END_REF] Wenn es auch scheint, als ob der Vangione völlig zum Römer geworden wäre und als ob die stolze Haltung des römischen Reiters, zu dessen Füßen die Gestalt des besiegten Germanen kauert ... der eigentliche Ausdruck des endgültigen Sieges der Römer sei, so war diese Zeit doch schließlich nur ein Durchgang durch die übermächtige Gewalt und Herrlichkeit des Weltreiches.

In concluding he suggests that this period presented the Germanic tribes with the possibility of making themselves lords over that Empire:

Wir tun gut daran, sie nicht als einen Irrweg oder gar als Schuld zu verleugnen, sondern als Schicksal zu bejahen, weil sie letzten Endes die ungeheuren Kräfte weckte, die die germanischen Stamme befähigten, sich selbst zum Herrn dieses Weltreichs zu machen.

Even this ideological approach, quick to discover 'resistance' in any pre-Roman survival, does not manage to describe the 'acculturation' processes at work in indigenous and Roman culture.

meantime. 18 Due to the supposed Germanic origin of the Vangiones, held until recently, severe problems of interpretation have been raised. The greatest concern has been to find a suitable date for this 'Germanic' tribe's crossing of the Rhine. Speculations have ranged from the time before Caesar under Ariovist, 19 up to the middle of the first century AD since it is argued that Caesar had not allowed 'Germanic' tribes to settle on the left bank. 20 Two questions arose from such an extrapolation. Firstly, where did the Vangiones come from? Schmidt 21 suggests the Wetterau (for an East-Germanic or Suebian origin see Nierhaus who convincingly proves that it should be rejected 22 ). Secondly, there is the question of which peoples previously inhabitated the region. Despite the traditional view (Treveri 23 ), the Mediomatrici seem the most likely choice. This debate was used to disregard the archaeological evidence. Hommel wrote, for example, that 'despite of prevailing Celtic commodities, one should not conclude that the population of these territories was in the first centuries of our era substantially Celtic. Instead, as is natural, Celts (who still lived here) and left-bank workshops delivered the Germanic newcomers.' 24 This style of free re-interpretation resulted occasionally in rather obscure statements, for example Nierhaus's comment on the absence of Germanic names on inscriptions in Germania Superior, and that we find only 'gallo-römische Namensformen, die über das Namensgut ihrer Träger gar nichts aussagen. Von Germanentum keine Spur mehr!' 25 The obvious solution is that the population was not Germanic at all. We should therefore reject several former interpretations and I will refer to this, at the very least Celticised people as the Vangiones, Celts or Gauls operative within a wider Gallic and Celtic cultural background.

The territory of the civitas Vangionum cannot be determined precisely. As can be seen from Fig. 1, I take into consideration roughly the territory of the later bishopric of Worms as far as R A L P H H Ä U S S L E R the river Glan in the west and the river Rhine to the east [START_REF]Zangenmeister decided to exclude the area of Bingen and Bad Kreuznach from the civitas Vangionum, although he could not assign it to any other civitas[END_REF] (civitates becoming bishoprics with Christianity), together with all of Rheinhessen; 27 but I exclude the military post Mogontiacum because it was not a part of the administrative unit of the civitas [START_REF] Arnold | Mainz, although archbishopric at that time, was even part of the Wormsgau as late as AD 822[END_REF] and because its material culture was strongly influenced by the army.

THE FIRST ONE HUNDRED YEARS

In the first decades of Roman occupation, Roman influence came primarily from the army, an army which had probably moved from inner Gaul to the Rhine in preparation for Drusus' campaigns against free Germania after 20 BC. Previously, the defeated and allied Gallic peoples, [START_REF]Amongst the latter we could count the Vangiones who had already fought together with Caesar at Pharsalus, if we can believe Lucan[END_REF] left alone by Caesar, remained pacific. Rome was far away and disrupted by civil war, [START_REF][END_REF] while the peace in Gaul made an economic recovery in the region possible. This peace was needed as the enormous and excessive battles of the Gallic War must have had a disastrous effect on the Gallic economy for decades. 31 Trade with Rome could now be extended. Roman merchants are attested at a very early date even on the (non-Roman) right bank of the Rhine, where some of them were killed, forcing the governor Marcus Vinicius to interfere in 25 BC. 32 With Augustus, a man came into power who wanted a reorganisation of the Roman Empire.

This intention also affected the land along the Rhine which now became a military deployment area. The Emperor Augustus stayed in the region from 16 to 13 BC. When he left, seven legions were stationed along the Rhine, two of them on Vangionic territory in Mogontiacum;

in some periods, up to twenty-four thousand legionaries plus various auxilia units had to live off the land of the Vangiones. [START_REF] Cf | Legions based in Mainz and Mainz-Weisenau. From 13 BC : leg XIV Gemina, XVI (Gallica)[END_REF] Some of the legions also remained for some time in Borbetomagus or had detachments there. 34 This was perhaps the time when the inhabitants of the later civitas Vangionum felt the presence of Rome in the form of road-building, occupation of land, and through requisitions of timber and food for the army, since this number of legionaries (as many as based in the whole of Britain) would have consumed about two hundred and sixty-five thousand bushels of wheat every year. 35 The land was now owned by Rome, as was common in civitates peregrinae, though leased to the former owners who now had to pay rent. 36 Furthermore, troops under the command of native nobles, and organized after the pattern of Roman auxilia units, had to be supplied by the various tribes, i.e. as non-Roman citizens the people were forcibly conscripted, and not paid by Rome. 37 For the Vangiones a cohors I Vangionum milliaria equitata is attested. 38 Around the year AD 50, Vangiones, together with an auxilia unit of the neighbouring Nemetes, had to fight against the invading Chatti; for their victory the Roman general in Mainz received triumphal insignia.

Realising that they were no longer masters in their own country, Celtic nobiles organised an open rebellion against Roman rule. Already in AD 21, the neighbouring Treveri had rebelled against excessive taxes and tribute, but they could allow themselves to be more subversive since there were no legions based in their territory, while the Vangiones had to live with from two to four Roman legions, whilst having an enemy (the Chatti) on the other side of the Rhine -a fact which might explain their action in the Batavian revolt.

The Batavian revolt began in AD 69 in Germania Inferior, then expanded to the Treveri and Lingones who fought for an independent Gallic kingdom, 39 Resistance against the Romans failed. After the Batavian revolt, national auxilia units were no longer under local command, 41 and in addition local troops were moved around, in order to destroy the relationship between the soldiers and their regions. Some years later, the partmounted Vangion-cohort mentioned above would be found at Hadrian's Wall. 42 Fig. 1 The assumed territory of the civitas Vangionum, based on Bannert (1978), Cüppers (1990), Zangemeister (1905), CIL XIII, p. 178, Bernhard (1979), including the neighbouring peoples, some major sites and Roman roads.

R A L P H H Ä U S S L E R

The province Germania Superior was created at the end of the first century AD. The name Germania was taken, although most of the population (like the Helvetii or Sequani) were undoubtedly Gauls. This action effectively separated inner Gaul from a military deployment zone, from where a conquest of the Germanic territories beyond the Rhine could be launched.

Probably from this time on, the territory of the Vangiones was organized with a selfgoverning body and constitution in a Roman pattern. While the pre-Roman society of the Vangiones did not seem to know 'towns' as administrative centres, 43 from now on the society was to be organized principally like a polis or civitas consisting of a city, Borbetomagus, together with its territory. This effected a break with traditional tribal organization.

From this time on, the leadership of the civitas seems to have consisted of annually elected duoviri iuredicundo, assisted by aediles and other magistrates, and with the ordo as council. 44 The 'noble equites' were converted into decuriones (councillors). 45 For the civitas Vangionum several councillors are attested: Lucius or Titus Romanius Respectus, 46 Marcus Adiutorius Memor, 47 and especially Gaius Lucius Victor who had held all magistracies 'omnibus honoribus functus' and built a (perhaps honorary) arch for his hometown. 48 Gains Candidus Martinus was in charge of the imperial cult as 'IIIIIIIvir

Augustali c[orporis]I senio[rum]', 49 and as such was not a decurion. We might describe the 'servus arcarius rei p(ublicae) civ(itas) Vang(ionum)' as an unfree civil servant in charge of the city finances. The highest office, that of the duumvir ('mayor'), is not attested, but this is very common in many regions. There is no duumvir recorded, for example, for the civitas Ulpia Sueborum Nicretum, nor for Mogontiacum, and there is only a 'IIvir aerarii publici' 50 for the Treveri. The evidence from Lugdunum shows clearly that it is simply a matter of epigraphic habit, i.e. inscriptions appear to reflect a certain kind of inter-élite competition, put up by 'social climbers' to show off their newly achieved status, and therefore the most common office attested is that of the sevir Augustalis, a typical magistracy for freedmen. A certain stratum in the élite, and obviously those people who were potential duumviri, do not seem to have felt a need to record their achievements. [START_REF]Among that vast amount of inscriptions of Lugdunum, as published in CIL XIII, there are five occurences of aedilis, four of quaestores, and around sixty of seviri Augustalis, but[END_REF] In contrast, the known magistracies in the civitas Vangionum may be taken as proof for a standard constitution.

Millet regards the establishment of a Roman-style civitas as a strengthening of the local élite who became integrated into a system which reinforced their power. 52 Nevertheless, it seems a bit far-fetched to interpret the new ordo as merely a Roman form clothing an old, native content (i.e. an assembly of Celtic nobles).

If this were so, the ordo must presumably begin with an already large number of about 100 councillors, [START_REF]the more income a city had (admissions fee for council and philanthropy)[END_REF] with rules for voting and the holding of elections, oaths of magistrates to Jupiter and the emperor, and the recording of decrees in the city archive. [START_REF] C F . E ; B | Lex Irnitana ch. 19 ff[END_REF] This is quite different from Celtic society which by contrast encompassed three classes, 'classe sacerdotale' consisting of various types of druids, 'classe guerriere' who controlled the land, and the almost unfree 'classe artisanale et productive'. 55 To the Celts, the druids were superior to the rulers, while for the Romans, the chief magistrates were priests at the same time, creating a unity between religious and political spheres; 56 a system which was part of the Roman constitution of the civitas because imperial cult, flamines and haruspices were municipal magistrates, like the sevir Augustalis mentioned above. The practices of the druids were forbidden in the reigns of Tiberius and again by Claudius due to rites involving human sacrifice and their presumed 'nationalistic', anti-Roman intentions -and one can only speculate that these same men may later be found as sevir Augustaliss 57 or as doctor artis calculaturae. 58 Moreover, it is significant that only administrative functions remained with the decuriones with the creation of the civitas, now dependent on the provincial governor and on Rome but without real statesmanship; [START_REF]A similar situation occured in the Greek poleis, although their constitutions usually remained unchanged, so that there were fewer direct changes except for the introduction of a provincial governor and the emperor. And yet Plutarch tells us that[END_REF] the last initiative for independence had been punished after the Batavian revolt.

In addition, the decuriones were responsible for the collection of tributum (taxes). 60 This was not only a burdensome obligation; 61 tributum was also a symbol of subservience, and Roman tax collectors had previously undertaken this work. Hence it must have been a rather unpopular office, made worse by the enormous expenses involved in the post which are stated in 'standard constitutions' [START_REF]Such as the constitution of Urso, the so-called lex coloniae Genetivae luliae or lex Ursonensis (44 BC) (ch. 70), cf[END_REF] where expenses of at least 2,000 sesterces per year needed to be undertaken by magistrates, in addition to their admission fees for becoming a councillor.

In pre-Roman times a system of bondings between aristocrats and clients existed. Constitutional changes reduced the personal power of an aristocrat over his subjects to the duties entailed in public office, and replaced élite competition with discussions in the curia. This, together with military recruitment dominated and organized by Rome, at the very least weakened the traditional Celtic relationship between nobleman and client. If some nobiles emigrated across the Rhine, as the Treveri did after the failed Batavian revolt (see above), the old system of personal bondings would probably have been radically disrupted or destroyed, precipitating a chaotic situation, so that the constitutional reorganisation introduced by the Romans would probably have been welcomed, as it would have allowed Rome-friendly newcomers to gain a high status in the municipal administration without having previously possessed any significant social status within the tribal context. [START_REF] Aosta | Walser describes the rise from slave to duumvir and member of a senatorial family in just three generations[END_REF] From all this one cannot conclude that there was a strengthening of the local élite, as Millett has done, but rather a profound break in social structure in which the members of the élite changed both their environment and the functioning of traditional methods of élite competition.

T H E S E T T L E M E N T P A T T E R N

Some changes in the settlement pattern are obvious. The typical hill-towns (oppida) o f Caesar's time declined, Romanised cities and villages along the Roman roads grew, and the countryside became Roman in appearance, with typical Roman villae replacing native farmsteads.

The countryside of the Vangiones during La Tène D is difficult to assess. A very large number of possible settlements have been recognized which might be described as 'hamlets', 64 together with a few larger settlements, probably oppida, like Bingen, Alzey, Worms, or Donnersberg.

Since this was the society of an equestrian élite, where display of warrior status, or of having trade connections with the Mediterranean world was important, 65 a distribution map R A L P H H Ä U S S L E R of the graves of warriors (Pl. 1) or of those containing amphorae and other prestigious goods might indicate the homesteads of the Celtic élite, though not of lords or kings as there were no Fiirstengräber at that time. Figure 2 shows the widespread nature of such finds across the territory suggesting that centralization is unlikely. Even a large settlement like the oppidum Donnersberg was just a local 'hill-fort' 66 and did not function as a capital, 67 as Borbetomagus would by the end of the first century AD, contrary to the traditional pattern.

The decline of hill-towns

Caesar mentions several categories of Celtic settlement which he describes as oppida (towns), vici (townships), aedificia (farmsteads) or castelli. The oppida Caesar was mostly concerned with were Celtic cities on hilltops, although he mentions other possible locations, for example on plains, protected by rivers at a ford. 68 The Donnersberge [START_REF]For the following cf[END_REF] was one such Celtic oppidum in the territory of the Vangiones, approximately thirty kilometres west of Borbetomagus, on a 687 m high mountain, overlooking the Rhine valley to the east. It covered some two hundred and forty hectares, had typically Celtic late La Tène Zangentore, 70 and contained a temenos. The oppidum dates to the late La Tène period, except for a much later cross-wall which can be dated more precisely by the presence of Italic amphorae to the middle or third quarter of the first century BC. It seems that 'a further fortification was built here during the, nominally, Roman period' 71 some time after Caesar's conquest.

Pl. 1 La Tène grave goods of a warrior (sword, scissors, lance-blade, etc.) in the Museum of the City of Worms in St Andrews (courtesy of Stadtarchiv Worms).

Fig. 2 The distribution of élite graves, either warrior graves, or graves containing amphorae, etc. and of late La Tène cemeteries in general (after Appendix I).

R A L P H H Ä U S S L E R

But its days were numbered. There is not a single Roman find to indicate that it survived long into the Roman period, 72 although it would be re-occupied in the third century. 73 Possibly the inhabitants had to settle in another place on the plain, as happened to the people of Bibracte who moved to Augustodunum (Autun). Despite Millett's statement that 'the forced removal of native towns from hill-tops to new cities on the plain ... is exceptional', 74 we can state that in general, the occupation of many, if not all, such oppida declined heavily around the turn of the millennium, 75 as can be seen, for example, at Titelberg, 76 Donnersberg, 77 or Bad Dürkheim. 78 In a prestige-goods system, the extent of voluntary geographical mobility is unknown. That people should leave their home communities and family holdings because of the advantages of urban infrastructure is less than convincing. Or did people leave their now prospering Titelberg or even Donnersberg where they had just improved the fortifications for the future, because of the newly established pax Romana, a peace so insecure that it was not able to prevent the Chatti from crossing the Rhine even a century after Caesar? Is it not more likely that migration occurred, as at Bibracte, by order of the Romans? May Drusus have depopulated the Celtic strongholds, in an attempt to avoid a war on two fronts, the Celts to the left, the 'Germanic' tribes to the right, or even a coalition between them? Nevertheless, the citizens moved to other towns in the civitas which were situated along the newly built Roman roads, towns which now had advantages because of the changing priorities and which therefore developed into important market and administrative centres. One of those cities within sight of the Donnersberg was, and still is, Borbetomagus, which seemed now to have grown enormously in comparison to its pre-Roman settlement.

Borbetomagus

Already in pre-Roman times, Borbetomagus had been an important place, and probably a Celtic oppidum. It was situated at the essential river-crossing on the Rhine, the crossing of through-roads of the continent. In addition, situated on the most southern bank, the town was protected from flooding on the Rhine, and, according to Stumpel, 79 it was also the approximate site of an important centre of the late La Tène ceramic industry.

The importance of the town's location and the fact that the strongly fortified hill-towns like the Donnersberg (which was, in the dangerous periods before the 'pax Romana', probably the more important centre) could not be integrated into a Romanised structure led to a clear preference for Borbetomagus; initially, as a military garrison, then as a candidate for a caput civitatis. There were no other cities of similar importance in the territory. The Donnersberg was by then deserted, and vici like Alzey were neither strategically nor economically important, while Mogontiacum was a military creation, despite its Celtic name, and without a native predecessor. From its street-grid, Borbetomagus does not seem to have been a planned Because of the lack of evidence, it is difficult to decide whether the army was based here solely because of the town's strategic importance on the Rhine or because of political factors, to oversee the septs of a tribe based here. 82 The Roman fort together with the canabae around it did not comprise the foundation of the later caput civitatis. Instead, the existing native settlement, stimulated by the Roman garrison and a growing market, became an administrative centre, a place of residence for the élite, and eventually a Roman town. 83 The town, both administrative centre and garrison, and the 'higher social prestige of the town-dweller' 84 promoted contact with the Romans, and stimulated the Romanisation of the native élite; urbanisation could be described as 'Motor der

Romanisierung der eroberten Gebiete' 85 -the Roman appearance of the towns is one consequence of the process.

As the administrative and religious centre, the capital of the Vangiones, Borbetomagus, would have been 'nicely' decorated in the following centuries in competition with the neighbouring tribes, as can be seen by the triumphal arch or city-gate, porta, built by the decurion Lucius Victor 'ob amorem patri[a]e et civium'. 86 It was the custom everywhere in the Graeco-Roman world for councillors to spend money on public buildings.

Certain public buildings indicate the city's self-government. The most typical Romanstyle import, the basilica (now underneath the cathedral of St Peter), together with the forum and Jupiter-temple, perhaps capitolium, constituted the centre of the municipality. Here, the ordo met, justice was administered, and Roman state gods were worshipped by the magistrates.

Public baths and a(n amphi)theatre can be assumed. Mediterranean peristyle-houses, other stone-houses with hypocaustum and wall-plaster, bridges and urban defences have also been found. A Rhine harbour can be assumed from its early mention in medieval sources of AD 858 87 (see Fig. 3).

Unfortunately, we possess only dedications to gods as indicators of temples. There appears to have been at least one temple for Mars Loucetius, one for Jupiter or probably for the Capitoline triad (the typical Roman state trinity), and at least an altar for the imperial cult.

Since the actual buildings have not so far been found, we cannot know whether the temples were built in a Roman style (as can be assumed for the Jupiter-temple) or as native Gallo-Roman Umgangstempel (as would have been likely for Mars Loucetius).

The Roman architectural appearance of the city was completed by paved streets which Fig. 3 Plan of a peristyle-house and of the basilica in Borbetomagus, re-drawn after Weckerling (1887) and Grünewald (1986).

Fig. 4 Borbetomagus, the capital of the civitas Vangionum. Streets according to Weckerling, cf. Grünewald (1986), based on a map by G. Illert (1950).

have been traced to a large extent (cf. Fig. 4). Mention has already been made of the very irregular arrangement of the town, which could be taken as proof that the city was not founded by Rome (as was Trier for example). Instead there seems to have been an older foundation dictating the course of the streets, probably that of the Celtic settlement, giving the city a more indigenous element in appearance, while a more regular extension may be seen in the southern part where more elaborate residences have been discovered.

This growing city, a relatively large municipium [START_REF] Amm | LPRIA', abbr. for Late Pre-Roman Iron Age. 90 Rivet[END_REF] covering approximately seventy-five hectares inside the pomerium as indicated by the cemeteries in the north, west, and south as well as the rivers to the east, increasingly relied on an efficient exploitation of the hinterland.

The Countryside

The countryside was fundamental to the settlement pattern, to the organisation of society and its political structuring because the essence of civitas is, in the words of M. Millett, the encompassing of town and country 'within the same administrative unit derived from LPRIA tribal group'. 89 A new element in the countryside was the villa rustica, defined by Rivet as the 'rural seat of one who needed land to hold power in the civitas'. 90 Around Borbetomagus there were a very large number of these villae rusticae, three in Osthofen on the road towards Mogontiacum, five in Abenheim on the road towards Bingen, one each in Weinsheim, Heppenheim, and at Horchheim on the road to Metz. A similar distribution can be found around the vici Alzey, Bingen, and Mainz. But despite this, villas were ubiquitous in the region, except for the less accessible western areas, around Donnersberg and the Rheinhessische Schweiz (Fig. 5).

Regarding their function, we can see from the few excavated villas that they were indeed noble seats, with baths and hypocausta, splendidly decorated with wall-plasters and mosaics (Pl. 2).

The fact that so few villae in the area have been excavated prevents us from establishing the necessary chronology for the development of the countryside.

Aerial photography has revealed a rough plan of a typical villa rustica just outside Borbetomagus (Fig. The pattern of settlement also appears to be similar. In summarising, one may suggest a slight but systematic shift from less accessible areas to those territories in the plains and along Roman roads. This does not mean that all people moved, but that in those areas there was no élite desiring the display of their wealth in the form of villae rusticae. But in general we can state that there appears to be strong continuity in the pattern of settlement (hamlets and single farmsteads) and in the sites occupied. More striking is the quantity of villas already discovered in this territory. Since a villa rustica is a form of élite wealth-display, 96 one might suggest that there must have been relatively more people of wealth in the region than are indicated for the pre-Roman period by warrior-graves.

From this, it could be speculated that the Roman Empire gave the population the impetus for upward social mobility; this impression recurs in relation to grave goods and epigraphy.

THE POPULATION PATTERN

In relation to funeral practices, we gain a strong impression of Romanisation. Instead of Leichenbrand and grave-gardens, 97 the local population of the Roman period used urns, [START_REF]With so-called 'soul-holes' in the bottom[END_REF] erected monuments and tombstones, set up testamentary obligations, but retained the habit of burning the property of the dead. 99 Many inhumed objects were first damaged, for example an axe found with a bent handle or a knife with a broken blade. 100 This is a habit not noted previously in Roman graves, 101 while it was a very common phenomenon in Celtic warrior burials. 102 It is not improbable to assume the survival of a Celtic ritual here. 103

Religion

Celtic deities survived, as did Celtic culture in general, though strongly influenced by Roman ideas. The evidence -inscriptions, statues, reliefs -is of Roman origin, but the Celts adopted these styles along with the foreign deities, to express their own religious beliefs.

We must therefore distinguish between two different types of deities. On the one hand, and more likely to be found in an administrative centre like the caput civitatis, were those deities representing Roman state religion (e.g. the imperial cult or members of the Capitolinian trias) who were introduced by representatives of the Roman state, as well as other Graeco-Roman cults and foreign gods introduced by soldiers from all over the Empire. On the other hand, there were the numerous native deities for which the Roman style of statues or dedications on inscriptions, sometimes even a Latin name and representation, was adopted, both by natives (probably from the Romanized upper-classes who wanted to express their beliefs in a

Roman style) and by people of foreign origin, like veterans who felt a need for the help of a local god. If there had been any unbroken continuity of Celtic traditions in a non-Romanized style -e.g. in a grove or with wooden statues-it would prove difficult to trace archaeologically if not associated with artefacts dating to the Roman period.

We know that the imperial cult was observed from an inscription of Gaius Candidius

Martinus who was sevir Augustalis in the civitas capital. 104 Few dedications to deities of personified abstracta can be found. There is a dedication to This not only indicates a commons strong belief in this type of 'god/saint', but it also makes us aware that Neptune in this case was not necessarily the 'God of the Sea' since the nearest sea was about four hundred kilometres distant. Neptune rather represents the god of the fishermen or may even be a river-god. 109 We are not aware of a possible Celtic parallel, although one may think of a 'personified' river Rhine.

It was Jupiter however, the Roman state god, who was most dominant in the caput civitatis.

There are nine known inscriptions of him, usually as 'Iupiter Optimus Maximus' (LO.M.), No other religious monument seems to have been erected so often in Germania Superior The idea of the Jupitergigantensäule may have originated in the worship of Celtic gods in the form of trees, but the design is completely Roman in tradition (inspired by the Jupiter column of Mainz). 122 The riding god defeating the giant is a concept which must derive from Celtic mythology. If we accept Bauchhenß' interpretation, the riding god (rather than the god driving a chariot) seems to represent the god of heaven; his fight against the giant illustrates the fight between good and evil. His attributes, 'wheel' and 'thunder' identify him as the god of light, a quality which Jupiter has only partially retained.

and

T H E R O M A N I S A T I O N O F T H E CIVITAS V A N G I O N U M 59

The Celtic character of Iupiter Optimus Maximus is obvious, 123 although his artistic representation is Roman in style. As to dedications to 'actual' Roman deities, we are left with the imperial cult and two private inscriptions to Fortuna and Victoria, while Victoria in combination with Mars may be identified as the Celtic Nemetona.

Some deities show in their names an obvious Celtic origin, and were either called by their Celtic names or by a combination of Celtic and Roman names.

In Borbetomagus, a temple, perhaps a Gallo-Roman Umgangstempel, can be assumed for the Celtic Leucetius, unified with the Roman Mars.

Celtic Onomastics

The Celts used writing, borrowed from the Romans and Greeks, only sporadically. It was as part of the 'acculturation' process that some adopted the habit of erecting tombstones in a

Roman manner with ' Dis Manibus' on the top and the name of the commemorator at the bottom, or inscribed dedications with typical Roman formula like 'V.S.L.L.M.', or took Latin(ised) names.

Altogether around two hundred and sixty inscriptions have been found inside the civitas Vangionum (excluding Mainz) recording approximately two hundred names, many of them belonging to the native population. 138 An analysis of this material shows its similarity to epigraphy in other Gaulish regions, e.g. Gallia Lugdunensis, 139 regarding the (Celtic and Roman) names used and the way in which Celtic names became Latinised, as the following short survey illustrates.

Beginning with the gentilicium, we can notice the same phenomenon as in the other Gaulish provinces. It was not usual for new Roman citizens to take the name of the emperor, so that we can find only five Aurelii 140 who are all soldiers, three of them from Thrace, two

Valerii, 141 and one F'lavius 142 out of two hundred people, i.e. the gentilicium of the emperor was probably taken only by those who were actual members of that gens 143 or had moved, for example from the eastern provinces.

Otherwise, the gentilicium was formed from the father's name, creating so-called 'pseudogentilicia' based on local Celtic names, like Mallius. 144 Another possibility was the adoption of Latin cognomina, a habit which seems to be widespread in the civitas Vangionum; for example Acceptus became Acceptius, 145 -similarily Candidius, 146 Romanius, 147 and Victorius. 148 Some pseudo-gentilicia like Candidius or Acceptius are, according to Szabo, 149 so typical that they would even show the Gallic origin of the bearer if found outside the Gallo-Germanic provinces.

A few examples show an artificial creation, as in CIL 6244, when Victorinus' brother took the name Victorius Florentinus; i.e. the gentilicium seems to derive from the brother's name.

When looking at single names or cognomina, we find a large number of typical Celtic names, e.g. Mallius, Maianus, Seccus, Carantus, Smertullianus, Bellicus. 150 Other names showed an 'interaction between Roman and Celtic elements', 151 Regarding the 'degree' of Romanisation, the Roman tria nomina rarely appears, but when it does, filiation and tribus are frequently missing. Praenomina are hardly used, instead we find gentilicium and cognomen alone, or with a filiation at the end of the nomenclature; Celticstyle single names were still common.

What is important is not the survival of Celtic onomastic in a world dominated by Rome, but that Romanised names and Roman ways of name-giving were incorporated into the Celtic tradition, creating an enriched source of names. In this Szabo should be followed, 157 in that we should not interpret the survival of Celtic onomastics as an opposition to Roman culture, 158 but allow that it was possible for a society to come about with a culture in which Celtic and Roman elements were not in opposition ... they adjusted the custom of using family names, which was something new to them and which they had taken over from the Romans, to their own tribal traditions, by bearing the family name formed from the father's name. As for the cognomen, they either retained their Celtic name or chose a Latin name that was akin to it. This last they did so often that the Celtic and Latin elements became inseparably fused in the name.

The Use of Epigraphy

A considerable increase in the use of epigraphy from the first to the second century can be traced (Fig. 9). 159

In the first century, it is primarily soldiers and generals who make use of inscriptions (Pl.

4). One exception is the tombstone of a civilian who was, or had become, a Roman citizen, Quintus Celius Firmus. 160 Only in the second century, did the native population widely accept epigraphy for tombstones or dedications, and instead of soldiers' memorials, 161 we find inscriptions for members of the local élite like decurions, teachers, doctors, traders, and many of unknown profession. This increase runs parallel with developments in other western provinces. 162 A few people wanted to show, by their use of the tria nomina, the possession of the precious Roman citizenship. 163 For the same reason, it was usual to state the name of the commemorator, together with expressions like 'faciendum curavit '164 or 'frater et heres', 165 because the typical Roman institution of a 'will' including a testamentary obligation needed at least the ius Latii and therefore this must have been seen as an expression of status. The third century still saw quite a widespread use of epigraphy, and we now find inscriptions more frequently in the countryside. 168 The fact that many names appear to be 'gekünstelt' and 'primitiv' could, if we accepted Scharf's view,169 indicate the use of epigraphy by people who were less Romanised than the representatives of the élite of the second century. In Nierhaus' interpretation there was an impoverishment of the old wealthier citizens, while the poorer, less Romanised social strata rose quickly. 170 This might also be assumed from the distribution pattern of villas and the widespread wealth of grave goods which may suggest a relatively larger stratum in society of wealthy people than existed in preRoman times; but we then have to consider that firstly, most sites of socalled villas have not yet been excavated, are therefore not dated and thus cannot provide a chronological development, and secondly, that the late pre-Roman Iron Age of the region under consideration was indeed a period of poor grave goods.

If epigraphy was used mainly by upper-class people to show their Romanitas, as suggested above, and the use of epigraphy had been as widespread as the adoption of the villa rusticabuilding type, then the distribution of inscriptions may indicate the location of their residences. Instead, as can be clearly seen in Figure 10, inscriptions seem to be concentrated in larger settlements and along major roads, while there are many elaborate villas without inscriptions. This is due to the epigraphic habit, as already mentioned, with epigraphy mainly reflecting the inner-élite competition of larger settlements, such as Borbetomagus and Mogontiacum, and also Alzey, Bingen, Eisenberg, and Altrip. The fact that in the third century more inscriptions come from the countryside, even some from relatively remote areas, could indeed suggest social change such as a disintegration of the civitas.

From the epigraphy, it seems possible to distinguish various social layers within the THE ROMANISATION OF THE CIVITAS VANGIONUM 67 copy Latin names. Then there are some with a Celtic cognomen, and others have just one Celtic name. Good quality stone and reliefs tended to be used by people bearing proper Latin names (Pl. 6), often with tria nomina, while some poor quality works (like that of Fausta (Pl. 7)) often belonged to those whose names suggest a less Romanised background.

Regional variations are also recognizable. From the epigraphy, the vici Alzey and Eisenberg appear to have been relatively Celtic, and similarly in the hilly area west of the civitas (e.g. in Landstuhl, Wolfstein, or St Julian), while in the civitas capital most people adopted Latin(ised)

names in one way or another (Fig. 10).

Fig. 10 The distribution of inscriptions in the civitas Vangionum, including Mainz, (after CIL, Fundmünzen and Appendix I, column H).

Mobility

The Roman Empire of the Principate brought the possibility of a mobility not conceived of in a La Tène society with its system of personal bondings. The army seems to be the major motivating force of social change. The epitaphs of most foreigners are those of soldiers, from units first recruited in Hispania, Gallia, Belgica, or on the Danube, who often died during their duty, or as veterans after their period of service. Many of them came from other Celtic regions, like Tartus 'natione Treveri' or the 'Helvetius' Licinus from Nantes, but there were also Thracians, like Aurelius Dizza and his companions. 171 There were officials from Arezzo, civilians from Monetium, Texander, and Termes.

The evidence from the funerary record supports this view of increasing mobility (Fig. 11). Fig. 11 The movement of people and military units into and out of Borbetomagus according to inscriptions and grave goods.

THE ECONOMIC CHANGES

Few details are known about the organization of the La Tène D economy. The Celtic economy had long advanced beyond the subsistence level of the early Iron Age and at the eve of Caesar's conquest efficient production of surplus was necessary to enable the exchange of prestigious goods. In oppida like Manching large quarters for craftsmen have been found 175 and 'non productive classes' 176 had developed. Coinage (see below) was introduced and efficient agricultural exploitation made possible. 177 The Gallic War of 58-50 BC, however, seemed to have disrupted the economy of Eastern Gaul for approximately a century. 178 Although the Celts had long-established trade contacts with the Mediterranean world, access to prestige goods was controlled by the aristocracy; 179 finds from the Mediterranean were extremely rare in the territory of late La Tène Vangiones. In Roman times, imports increase enormously, with Roman traders finding a new market there as early as the twenties BC.

180 But prestigious goods, like terra sigillata or wine, lost their value with the coming of the army a decade later, owing to the subsequent abundance of these goods, and eventually their local production. In order to appear to keep up a 'Roman way of life', oil, ointments, perfumes, fish paste, etc. were imported to the Rhine throughout the following centuries.

Locals, too, got involved in the wider and more market orientated Roman economy, so that, for example, a trader, 181 a negotiator and a 'river-shipper' can be found in Borbetomagus. 182 Despite flourishing trade and craft production, the region remained dependent on agriculture, and except for the examples mentioned, wealth was still mainly attributed to the possession of land.

Villae demonstrate the relationship between town and country. They were the residences of decuriones, elaborately decorated with wall-plaster, mosaics, and baths. The proximity of villas to Roman roads and towns shows the need for transport and perhaps an orientation towards a market economy. 183 The density of villas spatially does not allow for the existence of large latifundia farmed by slaves; large-scale production for export to Rome, as in North Africa, also seems to have been unlikely because of the tremendous costs of transporting goods across the Alps.

Changes in the types of crops grown cannot be proved, except for the introduction of vines which is suggested by numerous installations of wine-presses and associated tools. An increase in the production of cereals has to be assumed, in order to supply the cities and armies, 184 but very extensive agricultural exploitation had already been possible. 185 In the Roman period, the centre of iron-mining in the region became Eisenberg, a vicus on the road from Metz to Worms dating to the first century AD. The major occupation of its inhabitants was the iron production industry. The smelting furnaces were simple constructions. In the early period, iron bars were still made in the pre-Roman form of doublepyramids. In Göllheim, further west, a copper-mine with 12 shafts and evidence for Roman surface mining have been found, that was probably in use during the second and third centuries AD.

186 Despite the pre-Roman double-pyramid bars, only mines opened during the Roman period have been found. Army management for the mines has been suggested on the basis of a dedication of an active legionary to Mars, 187 but the fact that native techniques were employed rather indicates native exploitation. In contrast, the quarry at Bad Dürkheim, Krimhildenstuhl, exploited only shortly after AD 200, was worked by the 22nd legion.

There was a complete break in the style of pottery. Not that new techniques were introducedthe potter's wheel had already long been in use. But virtually no single grave with mixed La Tène and Roman ceramics has been found. Stümpel explains that a quick change in production was possible because the La Tène pottery industry, which used standardized forms and patterns, was based in two centres around Worms and Kreuznach supplying Rheinhessen and Nordpfalz with fine ceramics, and also with painted ware, so that the change had only to occur in those two centres. 188 On the other hand, one could speculate that the new and 'fashionable'

Roman pottery was now favoured for use in funerary contexts over the colourfully painted late La Tène ceramics.

Many pottery kilns suggest a continous pottery production in Borbetomagus, but, like the Gesichtskrüge (face-jugs) of the later Empire, the Worms pottery shows only local distribution, while imports of pottery came mainly from nearby Rheinzabern.

While traditional Celtic crafts like carpentry or metalworking declined, other crafts were introduced, for example, stone carving and glass-blowing.

The Celts had their own coinage, but they were not accustomed to a monetarized economy.

Instead, coins seem to have been used more as political symbols, enabling tribe and kings to demonstrate their importance. 189 There are coins attributed to the Vangiones, 190 but, as has been already pointed out by Bannert,191 relatively few of them were actually found inside the civitas Vangionum and they may well have been minted elsewhere. The coins found there originate from all over the Celtic world. Coins from the Catalauni and Leuci seem to be especially common, while those of the neighbouring Treveri and Mediomatrici are relatively rare (see Appendix I, column N), probably indicating that these two tribes never played any dominant rôle in the Vangionic region. Indeed, this distribution shows no clear dominance by any coinage, suggesting that there was probably no mint in the territory. It could also demonstrate trade contacts or the mobility of individuals, so that the concentration of coins in camps at Mogontiacum could have been due to Celtic auxiliary soldiers of various origins being assembled there. Finds of scales (Schnellwagen) 192 suggest that the weight of precious metal -and also of coins, rather than their face value -was of importance.

The minting of Celtic coinage continued during the reign of Augustus even in military contexts, 193 as seen in Mainz legionary fortress. 194 But then, with the end of the Celtic coinage and mints, came the end of independence, too. The Roman coinage, which had circulated in large quantities since Augustus' reign (see Fig. 12), corresponding with the appearance of soldiers along the Rhine, caused the gradual spread of coin use, first in the early and large military site of Mainz, then, in the later towns affected by the army, e.g. Worms and Alzey.

Less so in the countryside. Finds of coins are widespread, but only in small numbers. Since, unfortunately, there is little documented in Fundmünzen (FMRD), the ratio between coin finds in towns and the countryside cannot be examined, but we can state that hoards have primarily been found in larger settlements (Appendix I, column M).

Fig. 12 The distribution of coin loss for Worms, Alzey, Mainz and Bingen, percentages compiled according to the information given in Fundmünzen. (A) distributions set against the average (after Appendix III).

The 12,000 to 24,000 legionaries stationed inside the civitas, each earning 10 asses per day195

or 228 denarii per year 196 (making an allowance for clothing, food, subscriptions, etc. of approximately twenty per cent), caused between 2.5 to 5 million denarii to flow into the civitas every year, paid to locals on regular visits to local markets, and for food and drinks. 197 This, together with a taxation system based on coinage, forced the provincial inhabitants to use Roman coins. The development would only have been delayed if we assume that the local aristocracy initially collected goods in kind from their 'subjects' and clients, and paid Rome in cash, which they got, for example, from transactions with the Roman army.

A more monetarized economy 198 would have allowed land to be sold and veterans to buy land.

Traditionally, all land was owned by the tribe and controlled by the nobles who could not sell it, but gave it to 'clients'. Monetarisation and taxation on all land eventually replaced the patronclient relationship with that between landlord and tenant; 199 a veteran and Roman citizen who bought a plot of land could hardly become a client of a Celtic nobleman.

SUMMARY

The Romans brought about elementary changes in society. The La Tène social structure and bonding system disintegrated, not through a conscious policy of Romanisation, but as a consequence of the Roman imperial policy to secure peace. The carrying of weapons, symbolic of Celtic aristocracy, was forbidden, druids were prosecuted, a new mobility destroyed traditional relationships, and since Rome organized the recruitment of the natives for the auxilia, the concept of 'warrior' was replaced (from the end of the first century) by that of a soldier serving 25 years abroad and often never returning. In this way, the Celtic concept of the 'warrior' split into those of 'soldier' and 'councillor'.

This, together with the monetarization of the economy, the possibility of avoiding the local hierarchy by calling on the Roman governor, and the development of a 'Handwerks-und Dienstleistungsgruppe' (manufacturing and service-trades groups 200 ) which removed members of the lower classes from their social bondings, 202 caused a re-structuring of Celtic society, bringing an increased independence in the choice of profession, and the possibility of social mobility to lower stratas, while reshaping the influence of the élite, with their dominance shifting from personal to more formal relationships.

With more prosperous times, there was even an increase in the numbers of the élite, which was now based on wealth, members serving in the ordo, wearing the Roman toga, bearing Latin names, and attempting to gain the precious Roman citizenship. In contrast to the few La Tène warrior graves, it took a much larger élite to built Gallo-Roman villas. Limited La Tène grave goods such as mirrors become increasingly common. The epigraphy may suggest that the Romanised second-century élite gave way to less Romanised layers in the third century. But it is not only the élite who became `Roman', the lower classes did so too.

People accepted various elements of the Roman culture because this meant higher living standards (theatres, baths, water supplies, Roman stone houses with under floor heating, etc.). The aspiration towards the precious Roman citizenship -Rome's 'Lockmittel' for the native élite 202 -is reflected in the archaeology: locals accepted Roman funeral practices (the use of urns and the Charon-coins), Roman cuisine (use of mortaria, imports of oils and fish sauce), Latin(ised) names and epigraphy (mainly as an expression of Roman citizenship). On reliefs, they tend to appear usually in Roman, or at least mixed Celtic and Roman costume. 203 Since the provincial élite acquired a Graeco-Roman education, Latinisation came automatically, a factor which of course did not apply as strongly to people of lower social standing, especially those outside an urban environment. 204 Various distribution patterns show strong regional variations, with usually a contrast between 'town' and 'countryside'. Epigraphy, for example, is very common only in towns, can also be found along major roads, but rarely appears anywhere else. Typical Roman cults, like I.O.M., and concepts such as the inscribing of dedications are again found primarily in larger towns. Celtic onomastics were less influenced by Latin names in more remote areas in the west, while, especially in Borbetomagus, names tended to become Latinised. Villas seem to be extremely widespread, though usually close to a Roman road, except in the western half of the civitas.

Thus, it seems that Roman culture was strong in the cities of Worms and Mainz where a strong contact with the Romans created an atmosphere of 'acculturation' and 'self-assimilation'; to a lesser degree, this is also the case for Alzey and Bingen. And from the towns, Roman culture spread out into the countryside.

RALPH HÄUSSLER

Appendix I

List of sites

The following list gives the information for the various distribution pattern maps. It has been compiled

using the information given in Franke (1960), Chantraine (1965), Behrens (1923), Kühne (1942), Kofler (1888), updated with Stümpel (1955, 1956, 1959, 1967a, 1967b, 1969, 1978, 1986, 1991), Grünewald (1986, 1989a, 1989b, 1990), Bittel (1981), Engels (1967), Kriesel (1978: Karte 16-17). loss of a specific site, that site does not contribute to the average.

Explanations

- - - - x - - - - - - 63. Freinsheim x- x ? - x 1 x - . = - - 64. Frettenheim - - - - x - x 1 VC&VR ++ - - 65. Friesenheim - 1 - - x - - - . . - - 66. Fürfeld - - - - - - - 1 VR ++ - - 67. Fußgönnheim x x x - x >2 x - ? = - - 68. Gabsheim x - x - - - x 1 VR = - - 69. Gaualgesheim x x - - x - x l? VR? = - - 70. Gaubickelhm - x - - - - - 2-4? VR + - - 70a. Gaubischofshm - - - - - - - 2-3? VR ++ - - 70b. Gauheppenhm - - - - x - x 1 -2 VR ++ - - 71. Gaulsheim - - - - x 1 x - . + - - 72. Gauweinheim x - - - - x - - . . - - 73. Gensingen x 1? - - x - x - VR ++ - - 74. Gimbsheim x x - - x 1 1 - ? - - 75. Gimmeldingen - - - - - - x x VR ++ - - 76. Göllheim - - - - x - x 1 V R ++ - - 77. Gönnheim - - - - - - x - . + . . 78. Grolsheim ? - - - x - x - . . - - 79. GrBockenheim - - - - - x - - . . - C 80. GrNiedersheim - - - - x x - - . + - - 81. GrWinternhm x x x x - x 3-6? VR = 1 I 82. Grünstadt x - - - x - x ? V / V C ++ - F,H 83. Gundheim x x - - - - - 1 VR = - - 84. Gundersheim x - - - - - x 1? VR? ++ - - 85. Guntersblum - x - - x - x - x - - 86. Hackenheim - x - - x - x - x - - 87. Hahnheim x x x w x - - 1-3? VR = 1 - 87a. Hamm x ? - - - - l - . . - - 88. Hangenweishm x x - w x - - l VR = - - 89. Harxheim x 1 - - - - - - - -- - - 90. Haßloch - x - - x - x . . = - - 91. Haßloch (NW) - - - - x - x - x ++ - - 92. Hechtsheim - - - - x I x 1 VR ++ - - 93. Heidesheim x x - w x - x 2 VR = - - 94
x - W x 4 x >1 VR = - - 96. Heßloch - x - w x - x - x = - - 96a. Hettenleidelhm - x - - - - - - . --- - 97. Heuchelheim - - - - - - x - . + 98. Hillesheim - - - - - x - - ? . - - 98a. Hochborn x x - - - 1 - - . -- - 99. Hohensülzen x ? - - x - x - x? + - - 100. Horchhm (Ws) x x - - x 1 x 1? VR? = - - 101. Horrweiler - - - - - - - 1 VR ++ - - 102. Iggelheim - - - - - x? - - . . - - 102a. Ilbesheim - 2 - - - - - - . . - - 103. Ingelheim - - - w x 1 X 3 VR ++ - - 104. Jakobsweiler - - - - x - x - . ++ 105. Kallstadt - - - - x X - - . + 106. Kempten x - - - x - x 1 -2 VR ++ 1 - 107. Kirchheim - - - - - 2 x - . ++ 108. Kirchhm-Bol. - - - - X - x - . ++ - - 109. Kl-Winternhm x x ? - X >10 x 2 V&VC? = - - 110. Kongernhcim x x - w - - - 1? VR? . - - 110a. Kreuznach - - - - x x x 1 V&VR . - - 111. Kriegsheim x x - - x - x - x = - - 1 12. LachenSpeyerd. x x x - - - x x . - - P 113. Lambsheim - - - - x - - - . ++ - - 114. Laubenheirn - - - - - 6 x 3 VR ++ - - 115. Leistadt - - - - - - - - QU - - 116. Leiselhm (Ws) x - x - - - x - VR = - - 117. Lonsheim - 1 - - - - - - . . - - l l 7 a . Lorzweiler - - - - x - - >1? VR? ++ - - 118. Mainz - - - - x x - - V C ++ >10 2B 3C 8D2E 3FGHLNO PQR 2S2T 119. Marnheim - - - - x - - - . . - - 120. Marienhorn x ? - w x 1 x 1? VR? + - F 121. Maudach, Lu - - - - x 2 x - x ++ - - 122. Meckenheim - - - - - - x - . + - - 123
- x - W - - - - x = - - 125. Mommenheim x x - w x 2 - 1? VR? = - - 126 Monsheim - x - w x 1 x - x + - - 127. Monzernheim x 1 - - - - -x 1? VR = - - 128. M ör st ad t - - - - x - - - - . - - 129. Mußbach - - - - - x - 2 VR ++ - - 130. Mutterstadt - - - - x 1 x - VC? ++ - D 131. Nackenheim x x - - x - x 1 -2 VR = - - 132. Neubamberg x - - - x - - - x? . - - 133. Neuhsn (Ws) - x - - x 2 x - . = - - 134. N e u h o f e n - - - - x - x - ? . 1 - 135. N e u l e i n i n g e n - - - - - - x - . + + - - 136. N e u s t a d t / W - - - - - 5 x - - ++ 1 - 137. N d r f l ö r s h m - - - - x - - - - . - - 138. N d r h i l b e r s h m - - - - x - x 2 VR ++ - - 139. N d r -I n g e l h e i m x x x w x 6 x 3? VCVR = 3 - 140. N i e d e r -O 1 m x x x W x >10 x x VR = - - 141, Niederwiesen - - - - x - - - . . - - 142. Nierstein x x x W x 9 x 4 V&VC = - - 143. Oberflörshm - - - - x - x - - ++ - - 143a. Oberhilbeshm - - - - - - x - . . - - 144
Although the general approach was inspired by R. Reece (e.g. 1972) various changes were necessary because in this case the beginning of Roman occupation, rather than its end, had to be analysed; this especially affects the division of the periods, which needed a further subdivision in the earlier centuries.

Longer periods are possible from the middle of the third century onwards, resulting in the following: There were certain problems, especially with the entry 'Worms. Stadtkreis' in Fundmünzen, where coins from sites outside the city district or from hoards could not be separated from the individual finds, causing, for example, almost 54 per cent of all coins to date to AD 238-275. This would have distorted the statistics if I had not separated it by making a division before and after AD 238. For similar reasons, the pre-Augustan coins, especially those from the Greek world, had to be ignored as it is unknown how many of them were actually purchased and not found.

The number and origin of the Celtic coins are given in Appendix I.

  With the arrival of the Romans in Northern Gaul, the effects of Romanisation can almost immediately be detected in what was to become the Northern Provinces which include the territory of the Vangiones under consideration here. The typical remains of Roman culture -

  and ended between Mainz and Worms where the Treverian Tutor, supported by Vangiones and Triboci, fought against the 22nd legion. Faced by the prospect of battle with a Roman legion, the Vangiones and Nemetes deserted and eventually the rebels lost. The Treverian commanders Tutor and Cranicus are said to have emigrated, together with 113 councillors, into so-called 'free Germany', which probably amounted to the complete loss of the tribal aristocracy for the Treveri.40

  Roman city -a creation for resettling the Celts from the hill areas. Instead, I would rather believe it to have been the uncontrolled development of a native settlement, supported indirectly by the pax Romana, trade, and a garrison. It is difficult to explain what factors caused the inhabitants of sites approximately two miles north and south of Borbetomagus, Rheingewann and Adlerberg, both occupied since T H E R O M A N I S A T I O N O F T H E CIVITAS VANGIONUM 51 the Neolithic, to abandon their homes, though this occurs at approximately the time when Borbetomagus shows the beginning of strong occupation, at around the middle of the first century according to the distribution of coins (see Appendix III), fibulae, and terra sigillata. 8 0 From the beginning of the Roman occupation, Borbetomagus was a military post. Until AD 69 eight auxiliary units were based there, plus various legions or detachments. 81 Roman roads led along the Rhine north to Mainz, south to Strasbourg, north-west to Bingen, Köln, and Trier, west to Metz, one via Eisenberg, another via Pfeddersheim, and across the Rhine to Ladenburg, to the Wetterau and the Odenwald, and into free Germany.

  6), similar to examples from Grünstadt and Bad Dürkheim-Ungstein. Known examples of villae rusticae are in the main typical of the Gallo-Roman type of villas with U-shaped halls and porticos; this concept of a 'hall'-type villa has been thought to have originated in Celto-Germanic society, 91 which suggests that the occupants, the Celtic élite, remained attached to older forms, while desiring 'palaces', with all the amenities of Roman civilization, such as baths, wall-paintings, mosaics, or -very useful in this climatehypocausta. Most of the earlier examples seem to date to the second century, a period of economic prosperity and peace as, with the limes securing the country, the army could now live from the newly incorporated territories on the right Rhine-bank, allowing a certain degree of surplus production, and thus prosperity on the left bank. 93 Some of the excavated examples show evidence of earlier, and sometimes even of late La Tène buildings, or more frequently of La Tène finds and graves, which indicate continuity in settlement (cf. Appendix I, columns B-D).

Fig. 6

 6 Fig. 6 An outline of villae rusticae in (A) Bad Dürkheim-Ungstein, (B) Worms-Weinsheim, and (C) Bad Kreuznach. Bad Durkheim and Bad Kreuznach re-drawn afterCüppers (1990), Worms-Weinsheim after an aerial photo inGrünewald (1986: 50, fig. 32).

Victoria

  by the councillor Lucius or Titus Romanius Respectus, 105 a second to Mars and Victoria by someone bearing a Celtic name from Eisenberg, 106 a third to Fortuna by Lucius Gnatius Mascellius; 107 i.e. two dedicants were Roman citizens, two bear Celtic names. The female companion of Mars is usually the Celtic goddess Nemetona with whom he even shared the same temple, for example, in Klein-Winternheim, Worms and Trier. Thus, the combination of Mars and Victoria on a dedication by a person with a Celtic name might indicate that Victoria represents Nemetona. 108 Almost two thousand years of continuity are represented by the medieval St Nicolas' church in Worms, where a Roman altar for St Nicolas' pagan counterpart, Neptune, was found.

  during the second and third century AD than the so-called Jupitergigantensäulen; the representation of I.O.M. as 'Gigantenreiter' can give more information about the character of the Romano-Celtic Iupiter-Taranis. The monuments consist of a Viergotterstein (of which around three hundred examples are known 120 ), i.e. a four-sided relief usually showing Iuno, Minerva, Hercules, and Mercurius, a column with scale pattern, and Jupiter riding on a horse above the giant (Pl. 3). Various examples, of either complete monuments or typical parts of it (like, for example, the Viergötterstein), have been found. Several examples were found at the site of the forum (cathedral) of the civitas capital Borbetomagus (Worms) and there is a recycled piece from the south cemetery of the Roman city. Other Jupitergigantensäulen were found in the suburbs Hochheim and Weinsheim, as well as in Alzey, Armsheim, Biebelnheim, Bingen, Eimsheim, Eisenberg, Frettenheim, Ingelheim, Kerzenheim, Planig, Udenheim, and Westhofen (see Fig. 7). 121

  Fig.7The distribution of dedications to various deities (after Appendix I and CIL)

  166 ' Romanitas was also demonstrated where children had Roman names while their parents retained their Celtic names, or when we find a mixture of Roman and indigenous costumes and hair-styles on reliefs (Pl. 5). Typical of the second and early third centuries are tombstones like that of a trader from Worms-Weinsheim, similar to the Igelsäule of Trier, emphasising social function; such displays of wealth took place in Italy already in the first centuries BC /AD. 167 Pl. 4 The tombstone of the Celtic soldier Argiotalus, son of Smertulitanus (courtesy of

Vangiones

  Fig. 9 The use of epigraphy in the civitas Vangionum and the origin of names in Worms and Alzey. (A) number of names of natives and (B) number of inscriptions (white = military personnel) in the first, second and third centuries, in the civitas Vangionum (Scharf, 1938: 94 ff.). For Worms (C) and Alzey (D), number of names of Roman origin (dark = natives, shaded = relatives bearing Celtic names, white = soldiers) possible Celtic origin and Celtic origin (dark = the full name of Celtic origin, white = at least one Celtic element).

  Burials indicate, for example, the occasional deceased of British or Marcomannian origin, 172 while the majority of grave goods, especially fibulae, show the region's strong relation to central Gaulish areas. 173On the other hand we can find Vangiones outside their civitas, like the mounted cohort on Hadrian's Wall in Britain, and Candida -a common Vangiones name -who was stationed at fort Niedernberg upon the Rhine.174

  In La Tène D small hamlets or single farmsteads (Caesar's aedificia) seem to be the rule, as can be clearly seen from the territory of Ober-and Niederolm with five separate cemeteries. As Stümpel has pointed out, the Roman settlement pattern of individual villae rusticae does not mean a change from the La Tène pattern.

95

Moreover, one can observe the regular appearance of several villas together, three in Osthofen, four in Abenheim, six each in Engelstadt and Großwinternheim, indicating a more La Tène-style 'hamlet' arrangement than a large Roman-style latifundium.

Discontinuity, on the other hand, can be noticed in only a few examples, e.g. in Wonsheim where hardly any Roman finds followed an intensive La Tène D settlement, while a few sites in the fertile Rheinhessen were newly settled in the Roman period. A few new villae rusticae developed, especially around towns, and new vici, primarily Eisenberg where a vicus grew around a newly opened mining estate (see below), while the other vici, like Oggersheim, Alzey, Bingen, perhaps Nierstein, seem to have been of importance already in pre-Roman times.

  Iuno Regina,110 in Borbetomagus, which suggest the existence of a temple, if not a capitolium for the whole Capitoline triad, near the assumed forum-basilica complex underneath the medieval cathedral.Early dedicants to Jupiter were on one hand Roman citizens and officials, like the praefectus of the Ala Scubulorum Gains Barburius Festus from Arretium 1 11 or the prefect Lucius Octavius.112 The majority (approximately seventy-five per cent) of dedications to I.O.M.in Borbetomagus were made by natives-representatives with typical Celtic names (see Appendix II), like Maianus 113 and Mallius. Therefore it may follow that they took Jupiter Optimus Maximus as equivalent to the Celtic Taranis,114 an equation about which we can be quite certain. An inscription from Chester mentions the I(uppiter) O(ptimus) M(aximus) Tanarus 115 and a commentary on Lucanus also equates Jupiter with Taranus.116 The location on the cathedral mount, as the highest elevation, could suggest a pre-Roman sanctuary (Viereckschanze) of this major Celtic god existed, now replaced by a stone building. Continuity can also be seen in the now abandoned Donnersberg oppidum, always identified with the weather-gods Taranis, Donar, Jupiter.117 And as 'god of lightning' Taranis, I.O.M., and occasionally even Iuno, are represented on reliefs with wheel and thunderbolt.118 It has already been pointed out by von Kienle that the cult of Jupiter and Juno Regina was a local characteristic of the Upper Rhine valley, found in larger towns, but atypical for any other Gallic civitas, and definitely not of Roman origin where the pair I.O.M. and Juno never had this importance.119 While his conclusion was to recognize Suebian deities, because Triboci, Nemetes, and Vangiones were believed in the 1930s to be of Suebian origin, it seems to me of more importance to stress both the Celtic idea of putting a female companion at a god's side (like

	Mercurius

and Rosmerta, Apollo and Sirona (see below), or Mars and Nemetona) and the mainly Celtic names of the dedicants. It seems that the Capitoline triad was of importance and represented a fusion of Celtic and Roman ideas, stimulated by a suggested early replacement of an important Gallic sanctuary for Taranis by a Roman-style temple for I.O.M. on the cathedral mount.

  Many of the names of Latin origin, like Servandus and Senecio or Senecianus, 153 were characteristic of Gaul. Names which are hardly attested outside the Gaulish provinces came into use, so that, for example, Sollemnis is limited to Gaul, while names like Secundus or Severus came with soldiers into the provinces. 154 These 'provincial' names like Saturninus or

	THE ROMANISATION OF THE CIVITAS VANGIONUM	63
	A large number of names appear to have been artificial creations with alliteration, if not
	deriving from a filiation as gentilicium, e.g. Faustinius Faustinus, Lupulius Lupianus, Spectatia
	Spectata, Severia Severa, Victorius Victor. 156
	Victorinus were relatively rare in Italy. 155

like Saturnina, Saturninus resembling Celtic names beginning with satto-, Marcellina those with marc-/ merc-, Decimus, Secundus, Secundinus, those beginning with Þec-(s,d=Þ), and Senecianus those with senn-.

752

ad column f: 'graves of the La Tène élite'

						Appendix I: Sites
			finds	graves	settlement	graves of the elite	finds	inscriptions	graves	villae	settlement	continuity	coin hoards	Celtic coins
	no.	Place	La Tène			Roman					Coins
	a	b	c	d	e	f g	h	i	j	k	l	m	n
	62. Freilaubenhm
	a	grave with Italian amphora				sr	string-ring, indicating a warrior grave
	w	grave with military content				k	knife
	W	more than one 'warrior grave'
	ad column k: 'settlement'
	CC	Caput Civitate					V/VC Villa or Vicus
	VR Villa Rustica					B	'Road Post'
	VC Vicus					?	not certain
	x	traces of settlement
	ad column n: `Celtic coins'
	A Senones						M Bellovaces
	B Leuci						N Hermunduri
	C Treveri						O Carnuti
	D Aduatuci						P Helvetii
	E Nemesi						Q Caleti
	F Catalani						R East Celts
	G Vangiones						S Baiocasses
	H Mediomatrici						T Veliocasses
	I Boii						U Avernei
	K Sequani						V Haedui
	L Ambiani						W Iceni
	hrd coin hoard of unknown denominations
	(a number in front of a letter indicates the number of coins found)

Acknowledgements

This is a shortened and revised version of the report submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of MA in Archaeology of the University of London in 1992. For help and support in my work, I have to thank Dr Mathilde Grünewald, director of the Municipal Museum of the City of Worms in St Andrews, and the Public Record Office of the City of Worms and its director, Dr F. Reuter. I am grateful to Emma Stafford, Cairo Huxley, Margaret Roxan and Prof. M.H. Crawford who have read the whole manuscript and commented on it.

Fundmünzen.

The 'average' is compiled from the total number of coins found at Worms, Alzey, Mainz, Bingen, Köln, Speyer, Rheinzabern, and Dalheim. In comparing the average with the distribution of coin

Abstract

This is a study of the process of integration of the Vangiones into the Roman Empire from the first century BC to the third century AD. These were a Celtic people, as will be shown, on the left bank of the Rhine. Changes in settlement patterns from La Tène to Roman times are analysed in detail, like the decline of oppida on hilltops, the form and function of villae and the urbanisation as seen in the civitas capital Borbetomagus (Worms). The various changes in society are investigated through a detailed study of Celtic onomastics, the use of epigraphy, comparison of élite residences in pre-Roman and Roman times, etc.

The influence of urban settlements and the army (which was based in the provincial capital

Mogontiacum on the land of the Vangiones) on the Romanisation process are mentioned, as well as economic developments, especially the introduction of coinage. Three appendices give information of over more than two hundred sites in the civitas, listing names, deities, and titles found on the over two hundred and sixty inscriptions, and produce a statistic for coin use of some sample sites.

Appendix II

Prosopography of the Civitas Vangionum

This appendix lists names from the Civitas Vangionum, together with profession, origin and, if part of a dedication, the name of the deity. Underlining indicates a name of Celtic origin or of possible Celtic origin according to Holder (1896) (volume and page number in brackets), or if a suffix is listed as Celtic in Schmidt (1957)

Appendix III Coinage

The following table, that forms the basis for Figure 12, was compiled using the information given in