Aisi / Beni

Hmed K2 Ketama

Distal clitic DO Direct object EA Etat d'annexion (annexed state) EL

Keywords: Phonology, Morphology, and Morphosyntax Senhaja, Berber, Northern Morocco, verbal morphology, morphophonology, clitics, partial clitic fronting, contact linguistics, grammatical borrowing, polylectal grammar, descriptive grammar, dialectal variation, morphologie et morphosyntaxe senhaja, berbère, Maroc du Nord, morphologie verbale, morphophonologie, clitiques, attraction partielle des clitiques, linguistique du contact, emprunt grammatical, grammaire polylectale, grammaire descriptive, variation dialectale

This thesis presents a polylectal study of Senhaja Berber varieties (Northwestern Morocco), underlining the differences and commonalities between them. The thesis is based on fieldwork data, issuing from seven varieties. Three varieties -Ketama (West), Hmed (Center), and Zerqet (East) -are focused on to cover Senhaja most fully and accurately. The studied varieties are important for the understanding of the linguistic variation and history of the region. Senhaja shows some similarities to the Ghomara language (spoken to its West), and to Tarifiyt (spoken to its East), but there are also substantial differences. Senhaja and Ghomara might share a common origin.

The thesis covers the major domains of the language (phonology, morphology, morphosyntax) and pays attention to the contact linguistics phenomena. Senhaja has been heavily influenced by Arabic in its lexicon, morphology, and syntax. Arabic patterns are found, for example, in verb derivation and derivation of diminutives. In Senhaja, adjectives form a distinct class, which is not common in Berber. Some Senhaja varieties allow for adjectives to be conjugated, which makes them similar to verbs. Another special feature of Senhaja is the divergent behavior of the verbal clitics. Across Berber, clitics are fronted under specific syntactic conditions. In Ketama, clitic fronting can be incomplete, and the deictic clitic may be doubled. In other parts of Senhaja, clitics can remain postposed, where they normally should be fronted. It is argued that the main driving forces behind the divergent clitic behavior in Senhaja are reanalysis, grammaticalization, and the drive to avoid ambiguity.

Table of Contents

A lot of people helped me in various ways during the preparation of this PhD thesis, and it is impossible to mention them all and to thank them all here in the way that they deserve. This thesis was written in seven countries (Morocco, The Netherlands, France, Spain, Cuba, Russia, and Norway), and I thank my language informants, hosting families, colleagues, family members and friends in each of these countries for their invaluable help.

My language informants deserve to be thanked first, as they have invested a lot of time in answering my numerous questions with surprising patience. Unfortunately, most of them will not be able to read the results of our work, but I am sure they will be very happy to know that their efforts were not in vain, and something finally came out of it. My language informants shared with me not only their language but also their homes and meals (even when the harvest was not rich). They introduced me not just to their language, but also to different aspects of their culture, worldview, and life. It feels a bit awkward to refer to them as "language informants", as many of them became my very good friends. I hope we can stay in touch after the thesis is completed. (Beware, I will always find new questions to ask you!) Special thanks go to the story-tellers. Sometimes, Senhaja speakers say that they do not have a "proper language," perhaps because El Mejdub could only give them remnants of other languages (see Appendix 1, Text 3). However, they manage to express themselves with these "left-overs" very well, and there is also plenty of material for linguists to study and to ponder about! I owe a million thanks to Maarten Kossmann, who has repeated "ad nauseam" (using his own words) that he is only giving me advice as an interested colleague, but the value of whose advice goes beyond what any student could dream of. It is Maarten Kossmann's "fault" that I became interested in Berber in the first place and that I continued studying Berber after my MA in Leiden. Thank you, Prof. Kossmann, for answering most of my innumerable questions, but I thank you also for leaving some of them unanswered, and thus making me more focused. This thesis would not have been possible without the advice and help of my supervisor, Catherine Taine-Cheikh. I thank her for her support and help in both scientific and administrative matters.

I would like to thank my colleagues and friends for making me believe that my thesis is of interest and will be read by a few more people than Berberologists and the jury members. Many of them have provided valuable feedback on earlier drafts of my work. I would especially like to thank Khalid Mourigh, Marijn van Putten, Vermondo Brugnatelli, Mena Lafkioui, Amina Mettouchi, Lameen Souag, Ouahmi Ould-Braham, Mohamed el Medlaoui, Hamid Ouali, Abdelhak El Hankari, Omar Mouffok, Sofiane Smaïl, Massinissa Garaoun, Alex François, Jonas Sibony, Larbi Rabdi, and Amazigh Bedar. I also thank Otto Jastrow, Michael Cook, David Wilmsen, Alex Magidow, Yonatan Belinkov, Amina Naciri Azzouz, Bruno Marty, and David Owen for discussing with me some questions related to Arabic (and sometimes, to other languages). Several Moroccan Arabic speakers helped me with questions regarding Moroccan Arabic, among whom I would like to thank Reda Chouhani, Mohamed Rimah, and Ashraf Hebrare in particular. Many thanks to Jonathan and Althea Byler, Guido Suurmeijer, Paul van der Meer, David Kreuer, Jakob Lesage, and Neige "Cнежинка" Rochant, and K.P. (who prefers to stay anonymous) for their encouragement, for trying to make my research and terminology less Berberocentric, and simply for their friendship. I want to thank A. G. for letting me write the final bit of my thesis at the back of her bakery. It is the best place to focus in Oviedo, especially after midnightand it has a lovely aroma, too (and no, I didn't touch any of those cookies)! Thank you, too, Jamie, for your eagerness to share with me your office space. Although it seems like such a long time ago, I also thank my officemates and colleagues in Villejuif (Lacito), especially Aurore Tirard and Jiayin Gao (who let me work in the office even when I didn't have the official pass and the key). Thanks to Anissa Forget for finally providing me with the pass and the key. Thanks to Tom Durand for helping me to understand better not only French but also France. And -although this seems eons of years ago, I thank my colleagues and officemates at Leiden University (LUCL), where it all started. Or did it actually start with my parents, or with my grandparents, perhaps? Generally, I wish to thank my family in Russia, Serbia, Norway, Cuba, and Spain.

The biggest thanks goes to the (not so) little Rafael, who grew faster and bigger than this thesis. He is my constant reminder that life is not only about studying, although studying life with him is the most wonderful thing I've done in my life.

And thank you, dear Olga, for distracting me on the last day when I had to deliver my thesis, and was just about to correct all the mistakes it contains!..

Symbols and Abbreviations

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Morpheme Boundary = Clitic Boundary ^ Assimilation, elision/ truncation, vowel sandhi 1. Introduction

Berber Languages

This thesis studies some particular grammatical features of Senhaja Berber (Northwestern Morocco), with special attention to the verbal morphology and the behavior of the clitic complex. This work is descriptive in nature. Several Senhaja varieties are studied, with a focus on Ketama (Western Senhaja, spoken in several villages in the Abdelghaya-Souahel municipality). Comparisons are provided with other Senhaja Berber varieties and other Berber languages.

Senhaja Berber belongs to the Berber language family. (Some prefer the term

Tamazight, but not all Berber speakers use this term to refer to their mother tongue).

Berber languages are spoken in North Africa from Morocco in the West to the Egyptian oasis Siwa in the East. General overviews can be found in Basset 1952, Galand 1988, and Kossmann 2012. In Morocco, there are three major Berber languages: Tarifiyt (Rif Berber) in the North-East; Middle Atlas (also: Central Moroccan Berber) in the Middle Atlas, and Tashelhiyt (Sous) Berber in the South. The lingua franca in Morocco is Moroccan Arabic. In school, Standard Arabic and French are taught. Spanish has had (and continues to have) a considerable influence on the northern part of Morocco.

The whole northern part of Morocco is known as the Rif. The geographical territory of the Rif mountains does not correspond to the linguistic use of the term "Rif, Riffian".

In this study, the term Tarifiyt is used to refer to the Berber varieties spoken between

Al Hoceima and Berkane. The western part of the Rif is known as the Jbala ('mountain region'). The major cities in this region are Tétouan, Chefchaouen, and Ouezzane. The Jbala region is predominantly Arabic-speaking, but includes two discontinuous Berberspeaking areas: Ghomara in the province of Chefchaouen, and Senhaja in the province of Al Hoceima. On Ghomara Berber, see Colin 1929, El Hannouche 2008 and 2010, and Mourigh 2015. The present work is devoted to the study of Senhaja Berber varieties (with a focus on Ketama). Ghomara and Senhaja are separated by an Arabicspeaking area. It is interesting that in spite of this geographical discontinuity, the languages share a lot of features, and Senhaja can be seen as a "bridge" between Ghomara Berber and Tarifiyt.

'Senhaja', 'Ketama', and other Names

Senhaja Berber is known under different names, such as: [Berber of] Senhaja de Srair/ Senhaja Sraïr, Senhajiya, Shilha/Shelha (ššelḥa), Shilha n Jbala, Tajeblit, Tamazight n Jbala, Tasenhajit. Shelha is an Arabic term used for Berber varieties in general (and often, but not exclusively, to Tashelhiyt spoken in the Southwest of Morocco). Shelha n Jbala (or Tamazight n Jbala) means 'the Berber of the Jbala region'. In Lafkioui (2007a), Senhaja Berber is referred to as "Western Rif". In the present work, "Western

Tarifiyt" refers to the Tarifiyt dialect spoken by the Waryaghel (the area of Al Hoceima).

The most widespread exonym is Senhaja de Srayer Berber, which stems from the name of the macro-tribe. As the Westernmost tribes (partly) are found in the mountains of Ketama, the term "Ketama Berber" is also sometimes used. The speakers of Senhaja Berber themselves, however, normally do not refer to their language as "Senhaja", except for some Berber activists, the most prominent of which is Charif Adardak (see Section 1.6.3). Neither do they use the term Tamaziġt (they usually understand Central Moroccan Berber by this term). The most widespread endonym (term used by the speakers themselves) to refer to their language is ššelḥa 'Shelha'. 1 If necessary, one can specify, depending on the (sub-)tribe: Shelha of Ketama, Seddat, Taghzut, etc., or simply "our Shelha" (Ketama: ššelḥa nna).

As the term ššelḥa is ambiguous, it is not used in this thesis. In this work, the term 'Senhaja Berber' is used to refer to all Senhaja Berber varieties, while the term 'Ketama Berber' is used to refer specifically to one (Westernmost) of them. Note that the term 'Ketama' is confusing as well. The term 'Berber' is used here, following a

Berberological tradition, and without an intention to offend anyone. [START_REF]Clitics are accentually dependent (an accentual test)[END_REF] See Tilmatine (1995, 1998, 2007) for a study of various terms used to refer to Berber languages, and of their connotations.

Senhaja de Srayer Tribes

According to most sources, the Ketama tribe belongs to the larger group of Senhaja de Srayer tribes. 3 There are many names and spellings to refer to Senhaja: Aẓnag (PL Iẓnagen), Izenhadjen, Znaga, Zenaga, Sanaga, Senaja, Senhaji, Sanhaja, Sinhâja, 1 Cf. already in Renisio (1932: X), where the author states that Senhaja speakers do not consider themselves Riffians, do not call their language Tamazight (but Shelha), and call themselves "Chleuh".

2 Some Berber speakers take offense at the etymological association of the term Berber with the term Barbarian.

Çanhaja (Julien 1994), Arabic Ṣanhājah .)صنهاجة( Note that the name Senhaja has an Arabic form, and nobody in the region refers to themselves as Iznagen. 4 It might be a precolonial administrative term.

'Ketama' may refer to:

a tribe in Kabylia, Algeria (also: Kutama, Kotama, Ikutamiyene, Iktamen...), part of the confederation of the Bavares. It is referred to as Koidamousii in the Greek sources (Ptolemy), Ucutamani in the Byzantian sources, and Ukutamanorum in the Roman sources (Laporte 2005). [START_REF]Clitics can attach to material already containing clitics (and affixes)[END_REF] While the tribe bears the same name as Ketama in Morocco, there is no way to be sure that this is actually the same tribe. This tribe played an important role in the Middle Ages, namely in the creation of the Fatimid empire in the tenth century.

a tribe living in the Moroccan Rif, bordering on or belonging to Senhaja de Srayer tribe confederation (see Section 1.3 below);

rural commune 'Ketama' (formerly Tetla-Ketama/Tlata Ketama), or its center (Tlata Ketama, also known as 'Ketama');

district 'Ketama': the whole region of Ketama mountains including the Ketama tribe (Ketama rural commune) and the Seddat tribe (Issaguen commune, with a capital in Issaguen, which used to be called Ketama at the times of the Spanish protectorate and which is still sometimes referred to as Ketama).

Cognates of the name 'Senhaja' are found in many North African countries (cf. Zenaga in Mauritania). The Senhaja de Srayer tribe agglomeration is not to be confused with other Senhaja tribes, such as Senhaja-de-Gheddou and Senhaja-de-Mesbah in the Jbala region (south of Ketama and north of Taounate and Taza), which are Arabic-speaking. 6 The origin of the Senhaja in the north of Morocco is not easy to trace. Renisio (1932: X) cites Michaux-Bellaire, who thinks that the Senhaja came from the South of Morocco, and Gautier, who thinks that Zenata invasion cut Senhaja into two, one that is found in Algeria (to the East of the Kabyles), and one in the West of Morocco. Cf. also Colin 1929. This hypothesis implies that the Senhaja are not part of the Zenata tribe. 7 Biarnay (1917) also speaks about the distinction of Zenata vs. Senhaja. In this 4 See Kossmann 2013a: 196-197 regarding h in the term Senhaja. While Ibn Khaldun considers h a later addition to the Berber word in order to adapt it to the Arabic language (Ibn Khaldoun 1852-1856: ii),

Kossmann argues that h is original, and was subsequently lost in the Berber forms (Iẓnagen etc.).

study, Senhaja is defined as an ethnolinguistic group in Northwestern Morocco. The historical implications lie beyond our research.

On the West, Senhaja de Srayer borders on the Ghomara tribes. The Ghomara macro-tribe (consisting of nine tribes in the province of Chefchaouen) includes two Berber-speaking tribes: Beni Bouzra and Beni Mensour (partially Berber-speaking).

These tribes are separated from the Senhaja by Arabic-speaking tribes (Beni Rezin and Beni Khaled, near Bab Berred). To the north and to the east of Senhaja de Srair, one finds Berber tribes speaking other Berber varieties. These tribes are Gmil and Bufrah (Bufraḥ) to the north, and Ammart (ɛammart) to the east. The tribe of Mezduy is between Senhaja and Tarifiyt both geographically and linguistically. It can be said to form a bridge between Senhaja and Tarifiyt.

According to Renisio (1932: 9), the agglomeration of Senhaja Srayer consists of the following nine branches (traditionally referred to as "tribes"): Ketama, Seddat, Taghzut, Bushibet (mostly Arabized), Hmed, Bunsar, Khennus, Zerqet, and Bshir. 8 Some sources (see e.g. Lafuente 1942, Cabello Alcaraz 1951, Mikesell 1985, Adardak 2016) also include Mezduy, making ten tribes in total. As mentioned earlier, some sources exclude Ketama from Senhaja. There are also sources that include Targuist.

Nowadays, Targuist is better understood to be a small city comprised of individuals of various tribal identities. Not all individuals refer to themselves as part of Senhaja; rather, they commonly use the name of their tribe only ('Ketama', 'Seddat', etc.). As Mourer (1968) noted, "tribal affiliation is a matter of identity".

The data for this thesis come from 35 villages across seven tribes (Ketama, Seddat, Taghzut, Hmed, Bunsar, Zerqet, and Mezduy). Cf. Appendix 2 for the geographical coordinates and the list of the villages. The map on the following page shows the location of the tribes and the villages in question. 9 The names of the remaining three Senhaja tribes are given in gray. The names in parenthesis are the neighboring non-Senhaja tribes. The village of Bujay is written in Italics and marked with an asterisk because linguistically, it is not part of Senhaja.

8 Cf. also Hoffmann 1967. In the names of the Berber tribes, usually, the initial element Ayt ('sons of') is included. The element Ayt is a Berber equivalent of the Arabic Bni ('sons of'), cf. Section 6.5.5. In Senhaja,

the Berber Ayt and the Arabic Bni are used interchangeably. Thus, the Senhaja tribes that contain Ayt (e.g.

Ayt Bushibet, Ayt Hmed, etc.), can also be referred to as Bni (Bni Bushibet, Bni Hmed, etc). In fact, Bni is more widely used by the Senhaja Berber speakers than Ayt. In this thesis, the element Ayt (~Bni) in the names of the tribes is omittied. The village Beni Hmed within Ketama is referred to as 'Beni Hmed', to avoid confusion with the (Ayt/Beni) Hmed tribe with the center in Imugzan. Pan-Senhaja forms are marked as 'pan-Snh.', 'Snh.' in lists and tables.

Administrative Division and Demographic Data

The Senhaja macro-tribe is situated in the province of Al Hoceima. Prior to 2015 (from 1997 to 2015), the province of Al Hoceima led the Taza-Al Hoceima-Taouanate region (one of the sixteen regions of Morocco). The region consisted of the following provinces: Al Hoceima, Taounate, Taza, and Guercif. In 2015, the administrative division changed. According to the new division, the province of Al Hoceima (including Senhaja) now belongs to the Tanger-Tetouan-Al Hoceima region (one of the twelve regions of Morocco, with the capital in Tangier). This territory consists of two prefectures (Mdiq-Fnideq and Tangier-Assilah) and six provinces (Al Hoceima, Chefchaouen, Fahs-Anjra, Larache, Ouezzane, and Tetouan

Geography and Dialectology

This section lists major villages and centers of each Senhaja tribe, as well as names of major language consultants for each variety.

1) Ketama (Iḵuṯamen)

Villages

There are seven Berber-speaking villages in what is known as the Ketama (Ikuṯamen) valley: Beni Aisi, Beni Hmed,10 Sahel, Lmekhzen, Asammar, Talghunt, and Zgara. The data for this work were predominantly collected in Beni Aisi (Arabic: bni ɛisi; Berber:

ayṯ ɛaḵsi) and Beni Hmed (Arabic: bni ḥmed; Berber: ayṯ ḥmeḏ). Dialectal differences with Sahel, Lmekhzen, and Talghunt are sometimes noted. Lafkioui 2007a covers the villages of Sahel, Lmekhzen, and Asammar. The major language consultants for the present work are: families El Bouzidi, Aghzout, El Morabit, Haoumalik (Beni Hmed), El Atallati, Chniwal, Aharmouch, Arfouy (Beni Aisi), Amattach (Sahel), El Hadrati (Lmekhzen), and Suwani (Talghunt). The remaining villages of the Ketama region are Arabic-speaking, e.g. Takusht (counted among the Berber-speaking villages in Renisio 1932), Tlata (Tlata d Ketama ~ Ketama), Tamlawggit, Wahshiyet, Griha, etc. There are two centers within the Ketama tribe: Ikawen (administrative center for Beni Aisi and Beni Hmed villages, the "capital" of Abdelghaya-Souahel municipality) and Tlata, the "capital" of Ketama commune. Tlata Ketama was officially renamed as 'Ketama' in 1963 (which can cause confusion with 'Issaguen', the capital of Seddat, previously known as 'Ketama').

The closest market to the Ketama valley is in Ikawen (on Saturdays).

Alternatively, one could also go to Tlata Ketama (on Tuesdays). The market of the neighboring Taghzut tribe (Tuesday) is also near, but it is very small, so people from other tribes do not go there. The biggest market takes place in Issaguen (Thursday), which is the capital of Seddat tribe.

Demography

The Ketama Berber villages (and the neighboring Arabic-speaking villages) belong to the rural commune of Abdelghaya Souahel, within the larger cercle of Ketama. At the time of the 2004 census, the commune had a total population of 24,013 people living in 3337 households (HCP). In 2014, the population of this commune was 25,817

people. The number of speakers of Ketama Berber can be roughly estimated at ca. 17,000, living both inside and outside their commune.

Within the cercle Ketama, there is a separate rural commune 'Ketama' with a center in Tlata (Tlata d Ketama, now officially 'Ketama'), including Arabic-speaking villages (Azaghar, Wahshiyit, Tamlugit). As noted above, the term 'Ketama' is variously used to refer to Tlata, Issaguen, the Ketama tribe, and the entire region.

Dialectology

The Berber variety of Ketama is particularly interesting, especially in the behavior of the verbal clitics. There is full mutual intelligibility among Ketama Berber-speaking villages, but there are also some dialectal differences, even though the geographical distance between the villages is quite small. Differences are found in all language realms:

pronunciation, e.g. the term for 'egg': Beni Hmed awfilṯ, Beni Aisi agfilṯ;

morphology: the preverbal negator u is usually present in Beni Aisi, while it can be often omitted in the remaining villages;

syntax, e.g. the placement of verbal clitics in specific contexts (see Chapter 13):

Beni Aisi and Beni Hmed villages usually split the IO+DO clitic complex, so that only the IO clitic is fronted. In Lmekhzen, there is a construction with a dummy DO. Finally, in Sahel, both pronominal clitics are usually fronted;

lexicon, e.g. 'female mule': Beni Hmed aserdunṯ, Beni Aisi lebhima (<Ar.), Talghunt ddabba (<Ar.).

Some other examples of dialectal differences among Ketama villages include:

-'cinders, ashes': Beni Hmed akffus, Beni Aisi ayfus;

-'woman, wife': Asammar/Sahel/Talghunt (ṯ)amṭṭuṯ, Lmekhzen/Beni Hmed/Beni Aisi/Zgara (ṯ)amġarṯ;

-'wait': Beni Hmed sagum, Beni Aisi sagem; cf. 'wait for me': Beni Hmed sawgm=ay, Beni Aisi sagm=ay;

-'I love': Asammar/Sahel/Lmekhzen tarri-ġ, Beni Hmed/Beni Aisi/Talghunt/ Zgara ḥemmi-ġ;

-'I called': Asammar/Sahel/Lmekhzen/Talghunt laġi-ġ, Beni Hmed/Beni Aisi nedh-a, Zgara laġi-ġ ~ nedh-a;

adverb 'now': Asammar/Sahel/Lmekhzen derwaḫ, Beni Hmed ḏruḫ, Beni Aisi luḫ, Talghunt daba, Zgara ḏrux ~ derwaḫ;

preposition 'to': Asammar/Sahel/Talghunt la, Lmekhzen ḏa, Beni Hmed/Zgara ar, Beni Aisi ar ~ al; -'in it' (preposition 'in' + 3S pronoun): Beni Hmed geyy-es, Beni Aisi gig-es.

2) Seddat (Ayṯ Seddaṯ)

Villages

Major villages in the Seddat region include: Azila, Tamadda, Talarwak, Tidwin, Stah, and Igersif. 11 The center of Seddat tribe is Issaguen. 12 Issaguen is situated on the intersection of roads Chefchaouen-Al Hoceima (N2) and the road to Fes (R509), which also goes through Tlata d Ketama. As mentioned previously, Issaguen is sometimes referred to as 'Ketama', as Tlata d Ketama and the whole region.

Demography

At the time of the 2004 census, the commune of Issaguen had a total population of 15,425 people, with 1,628 living within the town of Issaguen itself. In 2014, there were 17,095 people, with 2,474 in the town.

Dialectology

There are some dialectal differences among Seddat villages, e.g. in pronunciation (/t/ > /ț/ in Talarwak) and in verbal morphology (3MS verb prefix has different realizations in different dialects), as well as in negation. 13 As Issaguen is bigger than centers of the Ketama tribe (Ikawen and Tlata), it is also an exterior center for the Ketama people (e.g. for higher education). Ketama speakers who travel often to Issaguen and who are regularly exposed to Seddat Berber, sometimes learn it as a second Berber variety, and thus have no problems understanding it. However, Seddat speakers who have not travelled to the Ketama region, cannot understand Ketama Berber variety easily. A certain degree of mutual understanding is helped by the high percentage of Arabic loans in both (and in all)

Senhaja varieties. Of course, there is also shared Berber vocabulary. However, different varieties underwent different sound changes, which impedes the mutual understanding for those who have not had a long exposure to the different dialects. As with other closely related varieties, one can find many "false friends" in Ketama and Seddat. For example, aḫčiw means 'boy' in Ketama and 'something dirty' (MS) in Seddat and in most other Senhaja varieties.

11 All Seddat villages (wrongly) are counted as "Arabophone" in Renisio.

12 See Gonzalez Ruso 2014 on the history of this town. 13 There are three different markers of 3MS in Tidwin, depending on the context: ḏ-is found in the Aorist following the future/irrealis marker (š-)a; Ø is found in Perfective Negative following the negator ur; and y-is found in Imperfective Negative following the negator ula.

3) Taghzut (Ṯaġzuṯ)

Villages

Major Berber-speaking villages in Taghzut region are Lqela (Lqelɛa), Ssaqya, Beni Khlef, Bekkar, Ulad Wartit, and Iguraren. Taghzut has one Arabic-speaking village:

Tiririn. The center is Ulad Wartit, which hosts a hospital and weekly market. Major consultants for this thesis include the families El Marwani-El Idrissi and El Khalifi from Lqela, and Sofia El Marwani from Beni Khlef.

Demography

At the time of the 2004 census, Taghzut commune had a total population of 5,115 people living in 912 households (HCP). In 2014, there were 5,132 people living in 966 households. Thus, the overall population has remained stable, while families tend to become smaller.

Dialectology

There are two major dialect groups within Taghzut: Lqela vs. the rest. In Lqela, phoneme /ṯ/ as a prefix (used as a feminine nominal prefix and a verb subject prefix of 2S/3FS/2P) is preserved, while it changes to /h/ ~ Ø in other villages, e.g. 'fig' :   ṯazarṯ in Lqela vs. (h)azarṯ in other villages (as in Ketama). Also, 1SG verb marker -ġ is preserved in Lqela, while in other villages it became -a (as in Ketama). Taghzut (Lqela) variety is more spirantizing than Ketama, so that Ketama's /b/ corresponds to /ḇ/ in Lqela. In Lqela, /t/ is realized as /ț/ (as in Hmed and in Talarwak dialect of Seddat).

Furthermore, Ketama /y/ (<*/l/) usually corresponds to /ž/ in Taghzut (e.g. 'heart':

Ketama uy~ wiyyi, Taghzut už). These and other phonetic changes make Taghzut Berber sound quite different from Ketama, and it is often difficult to understand for the neighboring Berber tribes.

As is the case with Ketama and Seddat, there are many examples of "false friends" between Ketama and Taghzut, e.g. Ketama (ṯ)amġarṯ 'woman, wife' vs. Taghzut (ṯ)amġarṯ 'mother-in-law', 'husband's mother' (the word for 'woman' in Taghzut is (ṯ)amṭṭuṯ). Cf. also Ketama aġeddu 'grape tree' vs. Taghzut aġeddu 'fig tree' (the word for 'grape tree' in Taghzut is (ṯ)aḏewerṯ), and there are many more of such examples.

4) Bushibet (Ayṯ Bušibet)

The major villages in Bushibet are El Khendaq and Ttefah (both Arabic-speaking). Renisio (1932) also lists Taberrant and Ibezzazen (also Arabic-speaking). This tribe is almost entirely Arabized: the only Berber-speaking village is Tarya (Lafkioui 2007a).

No fieldwork by the author was conducted in the area. All the information in this thesis about the Berber of Bushibet tribe comes from Lafkioui 2007a. At the time of the 2004 census, the commune had a total population of 8,102 people living in 1,285 households (HCP). The 2014 census reports 9,032 people in 1,530 households.

5) Hmed (Ayṯ Ḥmed)

The administrative center of Hmed is Imugzan. Berber-speaking villages can be divided into two major dialect groups: 1) Imugzan, Irebji, Mazuz, Tafurnut, Asensu, Tamyan(d)ast, Ud ̱̣ i (the name comes from the word hotel), Afeggay, Iqraren, Buyenduz;

and 2) Bumsahel ~ Lehlaf, Tafza, Awni. There are also villages that are Arabicspeaking, e.g. Amazzer, Alwan, Adrirwen (Berber name: Addar Iyerwi), Zzawiya, Iqraren, Almu. In some villages, there is a mix of Arabic and Berber, e.g. Afkay,

Lbedma. At the time of the 2004 census, the commune had a total population of 8,949 people living in 1,355 households. In 2014, there were 9,086 people in 1,519 households.

The major language consultants for the present book are the families Aarab from Imugzan, and El Mettichi and El Chikh from Tafurnut. The variety of Mazuz (from the same dialect group) is covered in Lafkioui 2007a. Within each dialect group, there are still some differences, e.g. Imugzan ani-s da ṯelliḏ? vs. Tafurnut ani-s ṯelliḏ? 'Where are you from?'; Imugzan kkeyd lbal ~ rgbb-id-iyyi! vs. Tafurnut ṣṣaḥed-iyyi! 'Look at me!'.

The name of this tribe is homophonous with the name of the village Beni/Ayt Hmed in the region of Ketama. In the present book, to avoid confusion, 'Hmed' is used to refer to the tribe, and 'Beni Hmed' (B.H.) to the village in Ketama. It must be kept in mind, however, that the Berber speakers from the Hmed tribe and from Beni Hmed village refer to their tribe/village by the same name. When necessary to clarify, the Hmed tribe is described by the speakers as "Hmed of Bushibet" (as it borders on the Bushibet tribe), or "Hmed Imugzan" (after its center), while Beni Hmed village is described as "Hmed of Beni Aisi" (as it is near Beni Aisi village). There are also multiple entities of the name "Beni Hmed" outside the region of Senhaja. The Berber of the Hmed tribe is in many ways different from Ketama Berber (and thus of the village Beni Hmed).

6) Bunsar (Ayṯ Bunsar) Villages

Berber-speaking villages in this region include Luta (Luda), Amakdan, Iattaren, Tamadit, Zarkaṯ, and Izurdaz, better known as Shurfa, consisting of Shurfa and Shurfa Ssaqya. 14 The center of the tribe is Tuggit (Arabic-speaking), which is the place of the market, now better known as Lhed (because the market day is Sunday). Major language consultants for the present thesis are: the families Ahtit (Luta/Tamadit), Dardak (Iattaren), Slimani (Tamadit), Elkhadiri (Zarkat), and a group of students in Martil: Ezzaghouani, Mahboub, Elbarradi, Ettahiri (all from Amakdan), and El

Majjaoui and Elbakouri (from Luta).

Bunsar is geographically the center of the Senhaja tribe agglomeration, whose borders touch practically all Senhaja tribes except for Bushibet and Mezduy. Many

Bunsar villages outside the center (Lhed) have primary schools; for secondary education, students go to Lhed. Some individuals from the neighboring Hmed tribe also go to Lhed for the secondary education. For higher education, in the past (before 2015), Bunsar and most Senhaja students went to study in Oujda. Since 2015, after the administrative division changed, Bunsar students normally go to study to Tétouan/Martil or Tangier. In 2016, there were 32 students from Bunsar in Tétouan/Martil and Tangier. Note that Ketama students (unlike those of Bunsar/the rest of Senhaja) usually go to study in Fes.

Demography

At the time of the 2004 census, the Bunsar commune had a total population of 8,112 people living in 1,123 households. In 2014, there were 7,660 people living in 1,242 households.

Dialectology

There are some dialectal differences among Bunsar villages, for example: Renisio lists as main Berber-speaking villages: Imsed, Oudil, El Qoura, Tasasnout, Bou Hadi, Igouriden; Arabic-speaking: Tadiacht, Tagounit, Feddan Mana. The village treated in Lafkioui 2007a is Tizirt. No fieldwork was conducted in the area by the author. At the time of the 2004 census, the commune had a total population of 5,959 people living in 851 households. In 2014, there were 6,527 people in 1,017 households.

Luta,

8) Khennus (Ayṯ Ḫennus)

In the region of Khennus, Renisio lists: Ledday, Igraimiyen, Bou Atta, Tizi Khattab, Tigraou, Tayman, Ikhadiren, Tamsiyet (all Berber-speaking). The village treated in Lafkioui 2007a is A'raben. No was conducted in the area by the author.

Administratively, Khennus tribes falls within the cercle Ketama (mostly corresponding to commune Moulay Hmed Cherif). At the time of the 2014 census, the commune had a total population of 9,765 people.

9) Zerqet (Zerqeṯ)

In the region of Zerqet, Renisio lists as Berber-speaking villages: Bellehkem, Ikherruden, Wersan, Ifellihen, Afrag u Aish, Amlal, Agouni, Adjab, Bunjel, Almu n Teizirt, Iyermallet, Amtar, Tighza, Smaet, Igedman, Timilukt, Bou Qeruash. The political center is in Timdiqit (Berber-speaking). The villages treated in Lafkioui 2007a

are Aghennuy and Wersan. Among Arabic-speaking villages are, for example, Lqitun and Hmaid. At the time of the 2004 census, the commune had a total population of 6750 people living in 1048 households. In 2014: 6,691 people in 1,160 households. 15 The symbol ^ indicates that babi is not used in Bunsar as an independent word for 'father' (which is baba as elsewhere) but it becomes babi when used in combination with possessive pronouns.

The major consultants from Zerqet for this thesis include: the families Atouf from Ajal, Ahrar and Elmorabit from Ikherruden and Bellehkem, Abdellah Igalla from Aghennuy, El Ayadi from Bunjel, Rhimu from Wersan, as well as Zerqet students in Martil:

Ahitour, Charrah, and Belhaj, all from Amtar. In 2018, I was fortunate to meet Jonathan Byler, an American based in Targuist and familiar with the Zerqet dialect.

10) Mezduy

The Mezduy tribe is located in the rural commune of Sidi Boutmim. At the time of the 2004 census, the commune had a total population of 10,242 people living in 1,689 households. In 2014, there were 9,988 people living in 1,831 households.

Mezduy is a Berber-speaking tribe whose language variety is rather close to Tarifiyt. This is not unexpected, as Mezduy is the immediate neighbor of the Ammart (Rif Berber) tribe, and it has tight economic relations with the Rif (Waryaghel).

Mezduy thus forms a bridge between Senhaja and Tarifiyt Berber. The villages treated in Lafkioui 2007a are: Bu'di and Budjay (separated by the river, Oued Ghis). Renisio

1932 does not list Mezduy as part of Senhaja. The speakers of Mezduy tribe selfidentify as Senhaja. As demonstrated by Lafkioui (2007a), the dialects of the two villages on different sides of the river differ considerably, so Mezduy has at least two major dialect groups.

The major language consultants for the present thesis from the Mezduy tribe come from the villages of Tuzelt (Taibi family), Lhasen (Bouchmal family), and Ihusen (Lachehab family). It must be also noted that there is at least one village within the geographical borders of the Mezduy tribe where a Berber variety close to Tarifiyt is spoken. This village is Beni Bujay (also known as Ulad Elhani, listed as 'Bujay' in this thesis). In the village of Beni Buzemmur, the majority speak Mezduy variety, while a minority speak a variety close to Tarifiyt. It is believed that their ancestors came from Tuzin/Midar (Central Rif).

11) Targuist

The town of Targuist is on the border between the Senhaja and Rif Berber tribes. It is also the border of the Jbala region. Targuist is the largest town in the region and could be considered the capital of Senhaja. In 2004, it had a population of 11,560. In 2014, Targuist as a municipality counted 13,390 people and as a cercle: 50,317. The cercle of Targuist unites a number of rural communes and tribes, some of which are Senhaja (Hmed, Bushir, Bunsar, Zerqet), and some are not (e.g. Ammart).

The village 'Azza in the vicinity of Targuist is treated in Lafkioui 2007a. According to the data in Lafkioui (2009a, 2009b, 2011a), this dialect is of the Eastern Rif type.

However, most original dwellers in the vicinity of Targuist (e.g. Azza, M'ellmin, Issa, Isma'len, and east beyond Sidi Boutmim) are actually Arabic speaking.

1.6. Culture and Sociolinguistics

Number of Speakers

Senhaja Berber was erroneously declared dead several times, e.g. Ethnologue 15 (2005) and Ethnologue 16 (2009). In the later editions (Ethnologue 17 (2013), Ethnologue 19 (2016)), the status of the language has been changed to "living" ("threatened") and the number of speakers was estimated at 50,000, which is not a reliable figure. On the basis of Moroccan census data from 2014 cited above, the number of Senhaja speakers can be estimated at ca. 85,000. The following table shows an estimated number of speakers for each Senhaja variety. While Senhaja Berber has been declared dead, not much language recession is directly observed among the younger generation in the Berber-speaking villages where the fieldwork for this thesis was conducted. In these villages, few people speak only Arabic. When Berber speakers move to an Arabic-speaking village (due to migration, work, marriage, etc.), they usually switch to Arabic. Children who grew up in Arabicspeaking towns and cities usually grow up speaking only Arabic.

Estimated number of Berber speakers for each Senhaja tribe

Name of tribe

In spite of Arabization, there is no strong pejorative attitude towards Senhaja

Berber among its speakers. The attitude of usual Senhaja Berber speakers to their language is neither positive nor negative (they are neither ashamed, nor proud of it).

When they learn that there is a foreign linguist interested in their language, they consider it their duty to explain that studying their language is not extremely useful, as it is hardly spoken or understood outside their region. However, at the same time, they can be positively surprised and happy that someone coming from outside is interested in their language, and they are generally eager to share the knowledge of their language.

Language Status

Berber has the status of a national language in Morocco. However, it is the "Moroccan Standard Tamazight" which is meant. The standard Berber is based on three large

Moroccan Berber varieties (Tashelhiyt, Middle Atlas Berber, and Tarifiyt). Senhaja speakers find it difficult to follow TV broadcasts in standard Berber (or in any of the major Moroccan Berber languages).

Senhaja Berber speakers are usually not engaged in the Amazigh Cultural Movement. This is probably because they are cut away from the rest of the Berber world (and even from the Moroccan society), due to various reasons: geographic isolation in the mountains, the economic situation (their region being the center of cannabis cultivation), prejudice against them, the fact that they are overlooked by Berbers from other regions, and so on. There are only a few Berber activists working to promote the Senhaja region. Recently, an association "Amazighs of Senhaja of the Rif" was formed. The most active members of this association include Charif Adardak,

Iliasse Aarab, Mounir Aghzennay, Mohamed Ben Abdellah Aghzout, Mohamed

Benyahia and a few others. Their activities include, among others, publication of the magazine Tidighine devoted to the cultural and linguistic heritage of Senhaja. Adardak has several publications devoted to the Senhaja (Adardak 2016a, 2016b, 2017, 2019).

Writing Senhaja Berber

Senhaja Berber is rarely written. While its (younger) speakers are usually able to write Arabic and sometimes also French, they are not used to write their own language, and the idea of writing it sometimes seems awkward to them. In the rare cases where they write their language, they do it either in Latin or in Arabic script. 16 When Senhaja Berber is written in computer-mediated communication (CMC), e.g. on Facebook/ Messenger or Whatsapp, it is usually written in Latin script.17 Some data containing Senhaja Berber written by native speakers were gathered by the author. 18 Tifinagh script is practically never used by Senhaja Berber speakers, except for some rare cases by Berber activists (e.g. some publication titles in the Tidghine magazine). When Senhaja is written in Latin script, many consonants are underrepresented, as there are no equivalents in the Latin script. The central vowel schwa is either written as a, or not written at all. Numbers are sometimes (but not consistently) used to represent some sounds. One may find, for example:

2 = ' = ء 5 = ḫ = ﺥ 7 = ḥ = ﺡ 3 = ɛ = ﻉ 6 = ṭ ط = 9 = q = ﻕ 4~8 = ġ = غ
Symbol x is used to represent š in Northwestern Morocco/Jbala region (whether writing Berber or Moroccan Arabic). 19 In the rest of Morocco, ch is used (based on French orthography). In this book, the IPA [χ] is spelled with ḫ rather than with x, to avoid confusion among the native speakers (when they wish to read transcriptions of their texts). In Moroccan CMC, the sound [χ] is usually written either with a number <5>, or as a digraph <kh>.

Berber and Arabic

Practically all Senhaja Berber speakers are bilingual (including children), speaking

both Berber and dialectal (local) Moroccan Arabic ("Darija"). Some individuals are "less bilingual" than others, i.e. some might be more comfortable speaking Berber than Darija. Senhaja speakers regularly code-switch between Berber and Darija in everyday conversations, phone calls. Impressionistically, this code-switching is stronger in Western Senhaja than in Eastern Senhaja. Code-switching also occurs in fairy tales, where some lines and formulas are normally cited in Arabic, e.g. the introduction formula sir la tḫaf ('go without being afraid'). It turned out to be difficult to collect oral poetry and songs in Berber, as those are often entirely in Arabic. There are some modern writers/poets in the region who write in Berber. 20 Songs that accompany different ceremonies (such as birth, death, marriage, etc.) are sung in Arabic. Jokes are typically told in Arabic, too, although one may also occasionally hear a joke in Berber.

Of course, bilingual speakers have no problems translating a joke or a fairy tale to Berber, even if they have originally heard it in Arabic.

Code-switching (CS) is sometimes less and sometimes more difficult to distinguish from borrowing. Generally, in this book, judgments of native speakers were followed in order to decide what to consider "Berber" as opposed to "Arabic", especially in cases when the question "Is the use of an Arabic word obligatory?" could not be answered easily. There are still some cases where it is difficult to decide whether the person spoke Berber or Arabic. In any case, the use of Arabic (loans, constructions, and entire sentences) is an integral part of Senhaja Berber, and it can be characterized as a language that has undergone extreme influence of Arabic.

Both the lexicon and the grammar of Senhaja Berber have been greatly influenced by

Arabic. Examples of language influence are numerous (see Section 1.9). In some cases, two terms (one of Berber and the other one of Arabic origin) exist next to each other.

In a few cases, there is a difference between old people and young people's speech, which shows an ongoing lexical replacement of Berber terms by Arabic equivalents (e.g. terms referring to colors in the speech of Bunsar).

As the study of borrowings shows (see Section 1.9.1), even the so-called "basic lexicon" did not resist borrowing. There are both integrated and non-integrated loans in Senhaja Berber. Borrowing is quite common in Berber languages in general (cf. Kossmann 2010; 2013). Senhaja borrows lexemes belonging to any word class from Arabic. Borrowed verbs are always integrated in Berber verbal morphology. Borrowed nouns may be integrated in Berber nominal morphology, or may keep their original (Arabic) morphology. Borrowed adjectives and participles normally keep their original morphology, while Berber verbal affixes may be applied to them in the Taghzut variety, thus incorporating them in the Berber verbal class.

Life in the Ketama Region

Main Occupations in the Region

Ketama (Tlata Ketama, Issaguen, and the entire area) is known as "Morocco's capital of cannabis". Numerous studies are devoted to this topic. 21 Indeed, the main source of income for the local population is growing cannabis (kif). Contrary to the widespread belief, this does not mean that the local population is rich. Indeed, the farmers working on the land are usually not the ones who profit the most from their produce.

As it is usually the women who do most of the work in the field, the situation in the Senhaja land is unusual for Morocco in that it is the women who earn (or more precisely, work to make) money. Although women spend a lot of time producing kif, they never use it, while it is quite common for men. The local population has mixed feelings and opinions about cannabis. One Ketama woman summarized it as follows:

"Kif is our everything; it is our blessing and our curse; it is the source of our bread and the source of evil".

Besides cannabis, Ketama people also grow wheat, barley, lentils, beans, and some vegetables. Some people keep livestock (mostly sheep, sometimes also goats, rarely cows). Besides crops and livestock, Ketama has beautiful mountains covered with cedar trees, with magnificent views. However, few visitors come to the region, and travelling in this region is in fact not easy due to the lack of infrastructure (see Adardak 2017 on tourism in the Senhaja land). The biggest city within Ketama district is Issaguen. As mentioned above, Issaguen is situated on the intersection of roads Chefchaouen-Al Hoceima (N2) and the road to Fes (R509) Apart from these two roads (which are narrow and winding), there is little infrastructure in the region. Smaller roads, leading to the villages of Beni Hmed and Beni Aisi, can be blocked by snow in winter. Temperatures below zero are quite common in Ketama, and winters can be very harsh.22

Beni Hmed and Beni Aisi

The village of Beni Hmed has around 400 families. Everybody knows each other since people regularly meet on holidays or during marriages, which are celebrated by the entire village, as well as during funerals. People also gather if there is some problem, and they work collaboratively together on community projects, e.g. road construction.

The village of Beni Hmed traditionally has a good relationship with the neighboring Beni Aisi (further in the same valley), while Beni Aisi also has a good relationship with Taghunt. In the past, there used to be a bad relationship between the villages of Lmekhzen and Beni Hmed. Even at present, there is more intermarriage between the villages of Beni Hmed and Beni Aisi than between Beni Hmed and Lmekhzen or Asammar.

There are five mosques and one (primary) school in Beni Hmed (for children between 6 and 12 years old). As elsewhere in Morocco, teachers typically come from other regions, and hence they do not speak Ketama Berber. Beni Hmed has a hospital, but in fact it is a hospital building as there are no doctors working there. The nearest doctors can be found in Ikawen. For any serious medical issue, Ketama inhabitants have to go outside of the region.

The village of Beni Aisi is larger than Beni Hmed. It has more schools and mosques, but no hospital [building]. It is the only village in the Ketama region that has eight mosques. One of them (Iġi) also functions as a tribunal with ṭṭulba (SG ṭalib).

If people have some problem, they go to ṭṭulba, especially if they cannot go to the police because the problem involves kif production (e.g. discussion about the borders of the fields).

Taking Care of the Field

Take care of the field includes the following main activities: plowing, sowing, and irrigation.

1) leqlib (Ar.=B.) 'plowing'

The plowing is done by lġanču (Ar.=B.) 'plow'. It can be done manually (by people) or by zzawža (Ar.=B.) 'a pair (of mules)' (yoke). Tractors cannot be used in the region, because it is a mountainous area and the land is not flat. The time of plowing depends on the weather. Plowing takes place when the rain season ends, between January and March. In 2013 (the first year of my fieldwork), it was raining a lot, so plowing took place late, only in April 2) ẓẓeṛṛiɛa (Ar.=B.) 'sowing'

Sowing takes place a few days after plowing. It is usually done manually. The word for 'seed(s)' is ẓẓṛiɛa. All types of cannabis seeds are sown at the same time, but each type has its own characteristics, such as water demand, size, time of harvest, amount of harvest, quality and quantity of kif it yields, and so on.

3) ssqi (Ar.=B.) 'irrigation'

Irrigation continues all the time, after sowing and until the harvest (between March and October). There is no need to irrigate between January and March because it usually rains. There are several Berber terms for 'field' (depending on the size and location) such as iger, arqaɛt~ arqaɛṯ (Ar. feddan, mṭera).

There are two major types of fields: lbeɛli (Arabic/Berber) 'not irrigated (but rain-fed)

one' and sseqwi (Arabic/Berber) 'irrigated one'.

Types of Irrigation

There are different types of irrigation:

1) Ar. ssaqya = B. ṯerga '(small artificially dug) canal (next to the field)';

The water from the canal can have a different source, e.g.

-Ar. sariž = B. asarižt '(artificially dug) pool.' This pool is surrounded by a wall made of stones and soil. The sariž has a small hole (B. imi n sarižt 'mouth of sariž') that is blocked by a long wooden pole called B. aṯemmunṯ 'pole'. The pole is rotated in order to open the hole, so that the water goes to the canal;

-Ar. ɛayn = B. ṯayya 'a natural water-source/spring', from which one irrigates directly, i.e. without sariž;

-Ar. lwad = B. asif 'river'. If the water-source is shared by many people (i.e. if it is not owned privately), people take turns (Ar.=B. nnawba 'turn') to use it, so that for example one group irrigates their fields on Monday, another group on Tuesday, etc. Nnawba can turn in tenthirteen days, hence the group does not always irrigate on the same day of the week.

2) rššaša (Ar.=B.) 'a pole turning around and throwing water'; the water is brought to the field by (Ar.=B.) tiw 'tube, pipe' (< French tuyau).

Fields irrigated by rššaša are mostly found high in the mountains. They cannot be irrigated by canal, so the water is brought from mountain springs by tubes. One can irrigate many fields by just one tiw ('hose,' from French tuyau) and one rššaša, if one moves them. If there is a large source of water in the community land (high in the mountains), one can find more than thirty tubes in it belonging to different families.

If the water source is not enough for a big number of tubes, one would also need to take turns (this is a kind of nnawba, although this term is usually not used in this case). This is found only in the mountains of Beni Hmed village (in the place called Ima iksiġun). Tubes are used to bring water not exclusively to rššaša, but also to houses (in order to drink, cook, wash, clean...), if the houses are not near a river or spring. Some houses have a lbir 'well'.

Other irrigation systems (rare in Ketama villages) include lbir 'well' and goutteà-goutte ('drip irrigation'). Drop irrigation is not found in the Ketama valley but is used in some villages near Ikawen (e.g. Beni Hassan and Hallaba).

Senhaja Berber vs. Tarifiyt/Zenatic

Subclassification in Berber is often problematic (see e.g. Kossmann 2020; Souag 2017a). Senhaja Berber has been grouped differently in different studies (e.g. Kossmann 1999a: 31, Naït-Zerrad 2001; 2004: 102). It is usually treated separately from Tarifiyt. An exception is Lafkioui 2007a (in this section referred to as Atlas, with the numbering referring to the map) and Lafkioui 2009a; 2009b; 2011a: 169-194. According to Lafkioui's dialectometric analysis of the varieties studied in the Atlas, the primary split is found within the varieties classified as "Tarifiyt". Thus, the split of the Senhaja is only secondary (Lafkioui 2011a: 188). At the same time, Lafkioui (2011a: 190) states that there are other analyses in which the Senhaja dialects constitute a primary split. Kossmann 2017a describes the place of Senhaja in Berber dialectology.

His article is based primarily on the data found in the Atlas. However, the two authors have different approaches (synchronic analysis in Lafkioui 2009a, 2009b, 2011a, and diachronic analysis in Kossmann 2017a), and their conclusions are different. 23 In what follows, some linguistic features of Senhaja vs. Tarifiyt (or, more generally, Zenatic) are discussed, based on Kossmann 2017a. 24 Differently from Kossmann 2017a, differences between Senhaja varieties are listed here. In Tarifiyt (and in other Zenatic languages), in some nouns, the initial vowel can be dropped in Etat Libre (EL). 25 This happens with nouns whose base starts with a single 23 There are different approaches to linguistic isoglosses, how to count them, how to weigh them, and how to represent them. See Lafkioui 2020 on a qualitative and quantitative approach to classification in Tarifiyt. See François 2014 on trees and waves as models of language diversification, and Kalyan & François 2018 on the historical glottometry and freeing the comparative method from the tree model. This approach is interesting, but in order to run a glottometric study of Senhaja, one would first need to compile a list of innovations and code them. 24 The name "Zenatic", "Zenete" (e.g. Destaing 1920) stems from the name of one of the great Berber macro-tribes of the Middle Ages (next to Senhaja and Masmouda), cf. Section 1.3. Note, however, that the use of the term "Zenatic" in Berber linguistics is somewhat arbitrary, and it is not referring to the historical tribe. Several isoglosses characterize this group, especially on the phonology and morphology levels (Destaing 1920, Kossmann 1999a, Naït-Zerrad 2001, 2004). In Morocco, Zenatic languages (Tarifiyt, Figuig) are distinct from Tashelhiyt and the (Western) Middle Atlas. Zenatic languages in Algeria include Chaouia, Mzab, Ouargla, and exclude Kabyle (Kossmann 2013a: 21-24). consonant followed by a full vowel, e.g. (Zenatic) fus 'hand', fud 'knee', etc. This feature is absent in Senhaja, where there is no vowel-drop, e.g. 26 Masculine nouns:

-Snh. afus vs. Tarifiyt fus 'hand' (Atlas 6); -Snh. aḵal/aḵay/aḵaž vs. Tarifiyt šal/šař/šar 'earth' (Atlas 57); 27 -Snh. (Zerqet) alim vs. Tarifiyt lum/rum/řum 'straw' (Atlas 2); Ketama ayyum, Seddat/Hmed ayyim, Bunsar ayyem (Taghzut țḇen, from Arabic);

-Snh. afuḏ vs. Tarifiyt fud 'knee';

-Snh. ad ̱̣ ar/aḏar vs. Tarifiyt d ̱̣ a(r) 'foot';

-Snh. (Zerqet) ifilu (Hmed ifiyu) vs. Tarifiyt filu/fiřu 'thread' (Atlas 3); 28 -Snh. (Zerqet) ifiġer vs. Tarifiyt fiġer 'snake' (Atlas 327).29 Feminine nouns:

-Snh. (majority) ṯafukṯ vs. Tarifiyt ṯfuyṯ/ṯfušṯ/ṯfuḵšṯ 'sun' (Atlas 39); different from the Atlas, Ketama has ṯafuyṯ (as Khennus), not ṯafiyṯ;

-Snh. (majority) ṯimmiṭ(ṭ) vs. Tarifiyt ṯmiṭṭ 'navel' (Atlas 315);30 etc.

Ghomara behaves as Senhaja in this regard, i.e. there is no dropping of the initial vowel, e.g. alum 'straw', afus 'hand', aḵal 'earth', afuḏ 'knee', aṭaṛ 'foot', etc.

Internal vowel drop in iCiCi-nouns

In Tarifiyt and other Zenatic varieties, an internal vowel in the nouns of the iCiCi type is dropped, e.g. igidi > iždi 'sand', inisi > insi 'hedgehog'. There is only one word of this type in the Atlas, namely 'hedgehogs' (Atlas 111). In Senhaja varieties, according to the Atlas, the internal vowel is preserved in this word (the singular form, which is more frequent, is indeed inisi in Zerqet and Seddat). However (different from the Atlas), our Ketama informants from all the consulted villages (Beni Aisi, Beni Hmed, Sahel, Lmekhzen, Talghunt) say insi, with an internal vowel drop. Taghzut (both Lqela and Beni Khlef) has qenfud (< Arabic), recorded already in Renisio 1932. The word for 'sand' in Senhaja has been replaced by an Arabic loan (ṛṛmel/ṛṛemḷa). Ghomara data for the internal vowel drop are also lacking: Berber words where this drop is found are substituted with other lexemes: ašnikef 'hedgehog', ṛṛmel/ṛṛemla 'sand'.

Nouns of the type CuC ~ CiC

Tarifiyt/Zenatic u in some nouns with the (V)CVC-structure corresponds to i in Senhaja, e.g.

-Snh. (Seddat, Bunsar, Hmed, Zerqet) aḏif (according to the Atlas) vs. Tarifiyt aḏuf 'bone marrow' (Atlas 1); however, Ketama and Taghzut have aḏuf All in all, the data are not conclusive in this regard. Note also that the word for 'river'

(
has the vocalization CiC in Senhaja, asif (Atlas 10), while it seems that the Zenatic form (not encountered in Tarifiyt) is suf (Boutkan & Kossmann 2001). 31 In Ghomara, vocalization CuC is found in alum 'straw' (Mourigh 2015: 485) and aḏuf (Mourigh, p.c.). The word for 'river' is asif.

4. Reflexes of the word-final *-eḇ# Word-finally, the old *eḇ became -i in Tarifiyt/Zenatic, but -u in Senhaja (Kossmann 1999a: 86-91), e.g. Snh. aġu (Zerqet and Seddat, as in Ghomara) vs. Tarifiyt aġi '(butter)milk' (Atlas 333-334).32 However (different from the Atlas), Ketama uses the Arabic loan leḥlib to refer to both milk and buttermilk. In other Senhaja varieties, for 'milk', we found Seddat aḵfay, Taghzut ṯaġemmaț, and Zerqet ṯaẓeḵṯ. Hmed has ṯaẓiḵ(ṯ)

referring both to milk and buttermilk. Hence, once again, the data are not conclusive here.

Labialized consonants

Tarifiyt/Zenatic dialects have no short labialized consonants, while they exist in some words in some Senhaja varieties (cf. Section 3.1.2.6 on labialization). In the following, the data from Atlas and our own are provided:

-Atlas 64: Snh. agʷemmaḍ-/aḡʷemmaḍ-(Taghzut agemmad ̱̣ -) vs. Tarifiyt ažemmaḍ Labialization of simple consonants is very common in Ghomara: Ghomara has k w , ḵ w , ḡ w , g w , ḫ w , and ġ w . However, also in Ghomara, labialization can be differently realized, e.g. the underlying /š-a ffeġ w / is realized as š-a ffuġ 'he will exit' (see Mourigh 2015: 59-62).

Senhaja k/g and Tarifiyt š/ž

There are some lexemes that show correspondence of the Senhaja k(k), g(g) to (Central) Tarifiyt/Zenatic š(š), ž(ž). 36 Note that in some examples, we observe g > y (> Ø) in Hmed. However, we have not found examples where g > ž in Senhaja.

Consider the following examples:

-Snh. aḵal/aḵay/aḵaž vs. Tarifiyt šal/šař/šar 'earth' (cf. Atlas 57);

-Snh. nek(k) vs. Tarifiyt neš(š), niš, neč, nič 'I' (cf. Atlas 60);

-Snh. genna 'above, high' vs. Tarifiyt aženna 'sky';37 -Snh. ṯirget 'ember' (Ketama iregḏet, PL irreg, Taghzut ṯirgeț, PL irrig, Seddat ṯirget, PL irrig ~ ṯirgin) vs. Tarifiyt ṯiažet (Mourigh & Kossmann: fc.). 38 Cf. Kabyle ṯirgeț, PL ṯirgin (but collective irriž where g > ž).

Ghomara has the non-Zenatic forms, i.e. with k(k) and g(g), as Senhaja and unlike

Tarifiyt, e.g. aḵal 'earth', nekk 'I', genna 'sky', and tirget 'ember'.

According to the data in the Atlas, there are also some words where non-Zenatic kk corresponds to šš or č in Senhaja, as it does in Tarifiyt. However, we have not found confirmation of this among the varieties we have studied. Below, we list examples from the Atlas and the forms we have encountered in the field.

-Reportedly (Atlas 61), Senhaja has aššiy/ačil/ačiy, cf. Tarifiyt aššir/ačir 'curd'. This corresponds to kk in non-Zenatic, e.g. Kabyle ikkil. Different from the Atlas, our Ketama and Hmed informants are not familiar with this lexeme (they use ṛṛayb < Ar.), while Taghzut, Seddat, and Zerqet have variants with k:

Taghzut ikkiž, Seddat ikki, and Zerqet ikkil; 39 -Reportedly (Atlas 35), Senhaja has ṯakeča/ṯaḵeča, cf. Tarifiyt ṯakešša 'worm'. This corresponds to Kabyle ṯawekka. 40 Different from the Atlas, Senhaja does not have č in this word: Ketama has awkka(t)/(ṯ)abkiwṯ, PL iwkkatten/iwkka/ ibkkiwin (alongside dduda from Arabic); Taghzut (ṯ)aḇkiwṯ, PL (ṯ)iḇkiwin, Seddat ṯik w et, PL ṯik w a, Hmed/Zerqet ṯiwekkiṯ, PL ṯiwekka ~ ṯiwekkiwin (Zerqet also tiwkkiwa).

In a few examples found in the Atlas, Senhaja has ǧ/ž corresponding to the non-Zenatic g (<*gʸ), just as Tarifiyt. Once again, our data contradict these examples. Below, the data found in the Atlas and our own data are contrasted:

-Reportedly (Atlas 65), several Senhaja varieties employ žar 'between' (alongside Ketama/Taghzut/Bushibet gar), Mezduy gar~žar, cf. Tarifiyt žar.

Different from the Atlas, we found Ketama and Taghzut gir, Seddat ḡer, Zerqet ger/ḡer (gra-/ḡra-with pronominal suffixes), Hmed iyyer (ira-), and no forms with ž;

-Reportedly (Atlas 68), for the word 'thunder', Seddat/Bunsar/Hmed/Khennus have aǧaž, Zerqet/Bshir ažžaž, Mezduy aggag~ ažžaž (alongside Taghzut/Bushibet aggag); cf. Tarifiyt ažžaž. Different from the Atlas, we found Bunsar and Zerqet aggag, and Hmed aggay. This lexeme is not known in Ketama, Taghzut, and Seddat, where an Arabic loan ṛṛɛed is used in this meaning (cf. Ghm. ṛṛɛeḏ). 41 Ibáñez (1959) and Renisio (1932) also give non-Zenatic forms ger, gar 'in' and aggag 'thunder' for Zerqet and Hmed. We have found no contradiction to Kossmann's (2017a: 97-98) conclusion that Senhaja g corresponds to Tarifiyt/Zenatic ž.

Morphology

1.

Aorist CCu vs. Perfective CCa

In Zenatic, verbs that originally had a vowel alternation in the Aorist (CCu) and Perfective (CCa), now have the vowel a in both stems, e.g. Figuig ḇḍa (AOR=PERF)

'divide'. This is different in the non-Zenatic varieties, where CCV-verbs preserve the difference between the Aorist on -u and Perfective, e.g. Tashelhiyt bḍu (AOR) vs. bḍa (PERF) and Ghomara ḇṭu (AOR) vs. ḇṭa (PERF) 'divide'. Kossmann (2017a: 98), basing on Lafkioui 2007a, concludes that Senhaja preserves vowel alternation in such verbs: 40 Cf. Tasahlit ṯaḵeččawt (Buyusef variety; Massinissa Garaoun, p.c.). 41 Taghzut also has agemgum.

-Reportedly (Atlas 349), Snh. AOR wd ̱̣ u vs. Tarifiyt AOR bd ̱̣ a 'divide'. However, different from the Atlas, this verb is not known in the Senhaja varieties we have verified (Ketama, Taghzut, Seddat, Bunsar, Hmed, and Zerqet), where the verb 'to divide' is ẓun, which is used alongside loans from Arabic, qṣem, fṛeq, feṛṛeq; 42 -According to the Atlas (350), most Senhaja varieties (besides the Westernmost Ketama and the Easternmost Mezduy) have AOR bd ̱̣ u vs. Tarifiyt AOR wd ̱̣ a 'fall'. The Atlas specifies that Ketama has ḥsa, while Mezduy has bd ̱̣ u/bd ̱̣ a and

(dialectally) wd ̱̣ a, as Tarifiyt. Among the Senhaja varieties we have studied, only Zerqet has this lexeme, and it indeed has bd ̱̣ u (AOR) vs. bd ̱̣ a (PERF). 43 Ketama and Hmed have ḥsi, Taghzut ttaki, and Seddat d ̱̣ er.

Nevertheless, the isogloss proposed in Kossmann (2017a: 98) is correct, as we find:

-Ketama bdu, PERF bda (in alternation with bdi) 'to start, begin' (Taghzut/Hmed ḇḏu, PERF ḇḏi/ḇḏa). This verb is originally from Arabic, but well-integrated into Berber morphology; Zerqet shows variation for this verb, having two Aorist forms, either bdu (as in the rest of Senhaja), or AOR=PERF, bdi/bda;

pan-Snh. bnu, PERF bna; cf. Tarifiyt AOR=PERF bna 'build ' (cf. Lafkioui 2007a: 177); this is again a well-integrated Arabic loan;

pan-Snh. zLu, PERF zLa 'to slaughter' (capital L indicates the original/abstract phoneme that has different realizations in different Senhaja varieties): Zerqet z(z)lu, PERF z(z)la, Ketama/Seddat/Hmed z(z)yu, PERF z(z)ya, Taghzut žžu, PERF žža.

CC-verbs

In non-Zenatic (e.g., in Tashelhiyt), there are two types of CC-verbs (verbs with two consonants without a full vowel):

1) CC*: with an alternating vowel in the Perfective, e.g. AOR nġ, PERF nġi/a 'kill';

and

2) CC: without a vowel, e.g. AOR=PERF ġz 'dig'.

In Zenatic, CC-verbs of the two types merged, so that all of them have an alternating vowel in the Perfective: AOR nġ, PERF nġi/a 'kill'; AOR ġz, PERF ġzi/a 'dig'.

In Ghomara, unlike in Zenatic, there are different kinds of CC-verbs according to their Perfective conjugation. Note that Ghomara actually has three (and not two) kinds (Mourigh 2015: 153):

1) verbs that always have -a in Perfective (in all persons); the only example is nuġ (/nġ w /); 44 2) verbs that have -a in Perfective only when followed by an inflectional suffix, e.g. nes 'be extinguished', ḵes 'herd', ẓeṛ 'see', fk 'give', res 'land';

3) verbs that do not change at all (have no alternating vowel), e.g. meḏ 'finish', ẓed ̱̣ 'grind', mel 'show', suġ (/sġ w /) 'buy'. Ibáñez 1959 and Renisio 1932 do not provide the Perfective forms, and Lafkioui 2007a does not have CC-verbs without vocalic alternation in the Perfective. Therefore, this important isogloss is left blank in Kossmann (2017a: 98, 100). Indeed, it turned out to be difficult to fill in this gap. So far, only four biradical verbs not showing vowel alternation in the Perfective have been found in Senhaja: d ̱̣ er 'to fall' in Seddat, ġez 'to dig' and res 'to land', 'to get off' in Hmed, and rez 'to return (something)' in Hmed, Zerqet, and Bunsar. 45 None of these is found in Ketama. 46 If we can draw conclusions based on these few examples, Senhaja (or, rather, Seddat, Hmed, Bunsar and Zerqet) behaves like Tashelhiyt rather than like Zenatic/Tarifiyt, i.e. distinguishing the two classes of CC-verbs. However, the CC* class (with the vowel alternation) is by far more frequent than the CC class without the alternating vowel. It must also be noted that many biradical verbs developed into other types in Senhaja (see below).

CC* verbs in Ketama include: neġ (~nuġ) 'to kill' (Imperative SG nuġ, PL nġ-aṯ;

PERF 1S nġi-ġ, 3MS i-nġa). 47 Other verbs that have i/a vowel alternation in the Perfective include: seġ (~suġ) 'to buy', ẓer 'to see', 48 ḵes 'to herd', res 'to dress'='to land', reẓ 'to break', ġer 'to study'. Other Senhaja varieties have cognate verbs in the same (CC*) category, e.g. Seddat neġ 'to kill', seġ 'to buy', ḵes 'to herd', etc. 44 In Amtiqan dialect, the verb has a only when followed by a suffix (El Hannouche 2010: 256), i.e. it belongs to the following type. 45 The verb ġez 'to dig' should be distinguished from the verb ġezz (<ġezzez) 'to gnaw' (reduced to ġez(z) in many Senhaja varieties).

46 Ketama uses Arabic loans for the first two meanings: ḥsi 'to fall', and ḥfer 'to dig'. For 'to land', Ketama has res, as Hmed, but this verb has a vowel alternation in Perfective (rsi/rsa) in Ketama and thus belongs to the CC* class. For 'to return (something)', Ketama has rri. 47 The vowel u that shows up in some forms is a result of the lost labialization (cf. Section 2.1.6). The same feature is found in some other verbs, e.g. suġ 'to buy', kkur 'get up'. In the verb mmuṯ 'die', vowel u has been introduced by analogy with the Perfective form. Eastern Senhaja varieties (e.g. Zerqet) have IMP.SG forms with e, e.g. neġ 'kill', seġ 'buy', kker 'get up' and mmeṯ 'die'. 48 Pharyngealization is hardly audible in this word in Senhaja, and is absent in Hmed.

Some biradical verbs have been replaced by Arabic loans. Thus, the verb 'to dig' in Ketama is ḥfeṛ (as in Ghomara, vs. Hmed and Tarifiyt ġez). The verb 'to see' in Seddat is ḫzeṛ (rather than ẓeṛ which is used in other varieties, sometimes alongside ḫzeṛ, as in Zerqet). 49 Other biradical verbs in Ghomara and Tarifiyt correspond to verbs with lengthening of one of the two consonants. Compare, for example, Ghomara mel 'to

show' and Ketama mmey, Zerqet mmel; Ghomara ẓed ̱̣ and Ketama/Zerqet ẓẓed ̱̣ 'to grind' (first consonant is long); Tarifiyt seř 'to hear' and Ketama/Hmed sell, as in Ghomara (second consonant is long).

Regarding CC verbs with long consonants, there is also an interesting pair in Ketama:

ẓẓed ̱̣ 'to grind, mill' and ẓeṭ(ṭ) 'to weave (carpet), to plait (hair)'. In Kabyle, there is only one form, ẓed ̱̣ , with two meanings, 'to grind' and 'to weave'. Outside the Ketama pair ẓd ̱̣ /ẓṭ, it is difficult to find minimal pairs distinguished by ḍ (d ̱̣ ) vs. ṭ(ṭ) in Berber,

where ṭṭ generally serves as a long counterpart of ḍ (see Section 2.1.2.2). 50 In Zerqet, some originally biradical verbs have evolved by means of verbal prefixes.

Thus, the verb les 'to dress (oneself)' developed into ssels by generalizing the originally causative form 'to dress someone'. Currently, the verb ssels can be used both transitively and intransitively in Zerqet. Similarly, the verb nes 'to spend the night' evolved into ssens (originally a causative of nes). The verb zzenz, originally a causative of nez 'to be sold', can be currently considered the base form (as nez is no longer used).

The verb sel(l) 'to hear' has evolved into tsla. Here, the originally IMPERFECTIVE form has been reinterpreted as the AOR (cf. ẓeṭṭ 'to weave' above). Finally, the verb res 'to land' is a-initial in Zerqet: ares, PERF ursa.

To sum up, due to different changes, Senhaja has very few CC verbs, especially when compared to Ghomara. Among the CC verbs that exist, the CC* type with the vowel alternation in the Perfective is by far more numerous than the other class (without the vowel alternation), represented (so far) by four examples, d ̱̣ er 'to fall' (Seddat), ġez 'to dig', res 'to land' (Hmed), and rez 'to return (something)' (Hmed, Bunsar, Zerqet). Ghomara has more examples of CC verbs. It is thus possible that Ghomara is more conservative in this regard, while Senhaja might be losing the distinction between the different classes of biradical verbs, thus approaching the situation found in Tarifiyt.

3.

Vocalization in the Perfective of CC and CCa verbs

In non-Zenatic varieties (Senhaja, Tashelhiyt), the alternating vowel in the Perfective of CC-verbs and in CCa-verbs is usually the same, e.g.

-CC-verb 'kill': Tashelhiyt 1S nġi-ḥ, 3MS i-nġa, 3P nġa-n; cf. Senhaja 1S nġi-ġ, 3MS i-nġa, 3P nġa-n;

-CCa-verb 'divide': Tashelhiyt 1S bḍi-ḥ, 3MS i-bḍa, 3P bḍa-n; cf. Senhaja 'build': 1S bni-ġ, 3MS i-bna, 3P bna-n. 51 In Zenatic, the alternating vowel in such verbs differs, e.g.

-CC-verb 'kill': Iznasen 1S nġi-ġ, 3MS y-enġa, 3P nġi-n; Figuig 1S nġi-ḫ, 3MS i-nġu, 3P nġ-en;

-CCa-verb 'divide': Iznasen 1S bḍi-ġ, 3MS y-ebḍa, 3P bḍa-n; Figuig 1S bḍi-ḫ, 3MS i-bḍa, 3P bḍa-n.

The following table is adopted from Kossmann (2017a: 99).

Vocalization in the Perfective of CC and CCa verbs

Tashelhiyt Iznasen/Zenatic Figuig/Zenatic CC CCa CC CCa CC CCa

1/2S -i -i -i -i -i -i 3S/1P -a -a -a -a -u -a 2/3P -a -a -i -a Ø -a
The Iznasen forms are the ones most commonly found in Tarifiyt (Atlas 207, paradigm I), while Tashelhiyt forms correspond to Senhaja (Atlas 207, paradigm III). In the border varieties between Senhaja and Tarifiyt (i.e. Mezduy, 'Ammart, Ibeqquyen), there are different forms (Atlas 206, paradigm II, 207, paradigm II), where vocalization in both paradigms is the same (unlike in Zenatic).

In Ghomara, as in Tashelhiyt and Senhaja, the vocalization in the Perfective of the verbs of the two types is the same (e.g. nġ 'kill' and ḇṭu 'divide'). However, unlike in other non-Zenatic Berber varieties including Senhaja, the vowel is a in all persons, e.g. nġa-ḫ 'I killed', t-enġa-t 'you (SG) killed', i-nġa 'he killed'.

4.

Passive marker

In Tarifiyt/Zenatic, the passive prefix is ttwa-, ttw-, ttu-, which is also found outside the Zenatic varieties (e.g. Kabyle ițțwa-). A second type of the passive prefix, not found in Zenatic, contains the palatal semi-vowel y (ttyi-, ttuy-). In Senhaja, both types of passives exist. The prefix with y is found in Ketama (ttya-), Taghzut (țțya-), Seddat/ Bunsar (ttuya-), Hmed (țțuya). In the Easternmost varieties (Zerqet/Mezduy), the passive prefix is like in Tarifiyt, i.e. with the semi-vowel w: t(t)wa-. 52 The original passive form is lost in Ghomara. 53 In Senhaja, besides the prefixes with y or w, one also finds prefixes t(t)- (Taghzut ț(ț)-) and n(n)-, as well as the middle prefix m-~n-(the choice is usually lexical, although some verbs accept multiple prefixes). See also Section 3.3 (tmeč(č)) 52 Our data differ from Atlas 205 in that the prefix in Taghzut lacks the vowel u, while our Bunsar informants use the same form as in Seddat (ttuya-) rather than ttwa-(as in Zerqet). 53 In Senhaja, too, some verbs take (only) Arabic passives, e.g. Taghzut nneqțel 'killed'. The passive is thus suppletive to the Berber verb neġ 'to kill'. There are many more examples of this kind.

Summary of phonetic and morphological isoglosses

Below follows the table summarizing the isoglosses (cf. Kossmann 2017a: 100). The lacking data for isogloss 8 have been supplied. For the sake of precision, Ketama and

Zerqet are treated separately here, to demonstrate that "Senhaja" does not always behave as a homogenous entity. Kossmann (2017a: 100) concludes that in spite of some dialectal variation within the Senhaja (isoglosses 6 and 10) and within Tarifiyt (isogloss 9), for the majority of isoglosses, Senhaja differs from Tarifiyt/Zenatic, and is rather similar to Ghomara. We must specify that dialectal variation within Senhaja (in particular, between Ketama and Zerqet) is found also in isoglosses 2, 3, 5, and 8, and that we lack Ketama data for isogloss 4. For isogloss 8, the data are also very limited.

Summary of isoglosses

Isogloss

When treated separately, Zerqet (which is geographically closer to Tarifiyt) behaves differently from Tarifiyt/Zenatic in nine cases out of ten, behaving like Tarifiyt only in isogloss 10. Interestingly, Ketama, which is geographically further from Tarifiyt, behaves differently from it only in five cases (isoglosses 1, 6, 7, 9, 10). Note that there are only three isoglosses (1, 7, and 9) that unambiguously show that Senhaja (both Ketama and Zerqet) behave differently from Tarifiyt/Zenatic (and this when omitting the variation in the Rif border dialects for isogloss 9). While conclusions in Kossmann 2017a are largely correct, it must be emphasized once again that it is difficult to treat Senhaja as a linguistic unity, as variation within this group is quite large.

Ghomara (non-Zenatic) behaves differently from Tarifiyt in seven cases (isoglosses 1, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9), behaving like Tarifiyt only in isogloss 3 (where the data are very limited); there are no data for isoglosses 2 and 10. When comparing Senhaja and Ghomara, we can observe that Ghomara behaves like Zerqet for six isoglosses, and like Ketama for five. This might be somewhat surprising, considering the fact that Ketama is geographically closer to Ghomara than Zerqet is. However, there are also examples where Ketama behaves like Ghomara (and unlike Zerqet), e.g. the number distinction in nominal deixis (cf. Section 6.6). Hence, it must be noted that different conclusions can be reached depending on the choice of isoglosses.

Lexicon

There are significant differences in lexicon between Senhaja and Tarifiyt/Zenatic, e.g.

-(pan-)Snh. (=Ghomara) ḵšem vs. Tarifiyt aḏef 'enter' (Atlas 345);

-Snh. aġuL (Taghzut aġuž, Seddat/Bunsar aġuy, Hmed ġuy, Zerqet aġul ~ aġġul) vs. Tarifiyt ḏweL 'become/return' (Atlas 347); however, Ketama has qleb (in the dialects studied in the Atlas) and werri (Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed dialects);

Ghomara has qqul;

-Snh. (=Ghomara) awrez vs. Tarifiyt (i)nirz, (i)nerz, nurz 'heel' (Atlas 312); different from the Atlas, Ketama has agruz (cf. agurzet 'malleolus');

-Snh. (e)kk (Ghomara fk) vs. Tarifiyt uwš 'to give'.

Interestingly, the word for 'slaughter' is zLu in Senhaja (Zerqet z(z)lu, Ketama/Hmed zyu, Taghzut žžu, etc., cf. Kabyle zlu), 54 vs. a much more wide-spread in Moroccan Berber ġres (found in Tarifiyt, Tashelhiyt, and Middle Atlas Tamazight). This time, Ghomara behaves like Tarifiyt and unlike Senhaja, i.e. it has ġres.

For 'tomorrow', Senhaja has az(ek)ka (and variants, see also Section 3.2.2.3), cf.

Kabyle azekka, vs. Tarifiyt ṯiwšša (Waryaghel ṯuḏešša). However, these lexemes might be related: see André Basset 1952 (map on p. 53 and comments on p. 56). It is possible that Senhaja (as well as Middle Atlas, Kabyle, Tasahlit, Ghadames, etc.) kk in this word corresponds to šš in Tarifiyt (as well as Mzab, Ouargla, Gourara, etc.) and čč in Chaouia, Sud Oran, Figuig, Warayn, etc. However, the variation in z and w remains unexplained. René Basset (1883: 52) considers azekka as a compound of ass 'day' and the verb ekk 'to pass'. However, it is not explained why *asf became az before kk. This theory is also problematic because Zenatic has ekk 'to pass' (with kk and not šš). 54 Tasahlit has both zlu and ġres.

In Kabyle, the word for 'tomb', aẓekka, is distinguished from azekka 'tomorrow' by pharyngealization. Its cognate azekka ('id.') in Ketama lacks pharyngealization and is distinguished from the word for 'tomorrow' (azka) by consonant length. 55 No cognates have been found in other Senhaja varieties or in Tarifiyt. Thus, we find imd ̱̣ el in Zerqet, imd ̱̣ ey (<*imd ̱̣ el) in Seddat, (feminine) ṯimd ̱̣ elṯ in Hmed. 56 Cf. Tarifiyt anḍař (<anḍel). These words are cognates of the Kabyle timḍelt/tinṭelt (syn. of aẓekka)

'tomb', and they all derive from the same root MḌL (variants: MṬL, NḌL, NṬL) 'to bury'.

Lexical isoglosses do not always provide good evidence for language (sub)groupings, especially when taken in isolation. When taken as a bundle, as it often happens in Berber, different lexical isoglosses provide conflicting evidence. Some words unite Senhaja and Ghomara, others are common to Senhaja and Tarifiyt, still others to Senhaja and Kabyle. There is often a split within Senhaja, similar to the lexical differences within Tarifiyt. Therefore, lexical isoglosses presented further in this study are not provided as a proof of anything, but are merely listed for illustration purposes.

1.8.2. Senhaja vs. Ghomara

Common features

Several features that are not common in Berber, are shared by Ghomara and Senhaja (cf. Kossmann 2017: 102-103).

Number marking in nominal clitics

In some Western Senhaja varieties (Ketama and Taghzut), nominal clitics are marked for number, as in Ghomara (cf. Atlas 240-242). The number distinction is lacking in the rest of Senhaja (Seddat, Bunsar, Hmed, Zerqet). The following table shows Ketama and Taghzut forms compared to that of Ghomara (Mourigh 2015). 57 Cf. Section 6.6. for the forms in other Senhaja varieties. 55 The basis of the word for 'tomb' in Kabyle and Ketama seems to be the (old) verb ẓk 'to build' (cf. Dallet 1982), which is no longer used in these varieties. In the varieties that still have this verb, ẓ is often assimilated in voice to k, and pharyngealization is lost. In Ketama, apparently, only pharyngealization was lost. However, this does not solve the loss of consonant length in 'tomorrow'. 56 Hmed isenḍay 'graveyard' is derived from the same root. 57 In Ketama, distal and anaphoric pronominal clitics are identical. There is also an anaphoric clitic nda (invariable for number and gender). Senhaja and Ghomara have some lexical items that are not normally found in other Moroccan Berber varieties, but are found elsewhere, e.g.

Nominal deixis in

-Senhaja of Hmed isin, Ghm. asan 'tooth'. A cognate is found in Tuareg, esen 'tooth'. However, other Senhaja varieties do not have this lexeme:

Bunsar/Zerqet aqerruš, Ketama/Taghzut/Seddat aferrum. 58 There are other words for canine and molar teeth;

-Snh. (e.g. Taghzut, Zerqet) ṯaḡfilṯ (Ketama of Beni Aisi agfilṯ, PL igfiyyen; Beni Hmed awfilṯ, PL iwfiyyen; Hmed ṯifilṯ, PL ṯifiyyin); Ghm. tawfalt 'egg'. This form corresponds to tofelt in Tetserret in Niger (Lux 2011: 514). See Kossmann 2015d for the ancient Berber word for 'egg'.

Differences Senhaja vs. Ghomara

There are also some important features not shared between Senhaja and Ghomara.

*ḍ > ḍ/d ̱̣ in Senhaja vs. ṭ in Ghomara

There are correspondences of Senhaja ḍ/d ̱̣ and Ghomara ṭ, e.g. 59 -Snh. ad ̱̣ ar (Hmed aḏar), Ghm. aṭar 'foot, leg'; -Snh./Ketama/Hmed ḵṣud ̱̣ , Ghm. ḵṣuṭ 'be afraid'.

-
In the following word, however, Ketama and Ghomara ṭ corresponds to d ̱̣ in the rest of Senhaja: Ketama iṣmeṭ (Ghm. tiṣmeṭ) 'cold' vs. Hmed/Zerqet aṣemmid ̱̣ 'id.'. Mourigh (2015: 21) notes that in Ghomara, there is a tendency in some speakers' speech for ṭ to become d ̱̣ after a vowel or a voiced consonant, e.g. ayeffeṭ (Iaraben form, cf. Beni Mensour aḵfeṭ) > ayeffed ̱̣ 'cattle', lmuṭaɛ > lmud ̱̣ aɛ 'to a place', baɛṭem > baɛd ̱̣ em 'to each other', and mriṭ > mrid ̱̣ 'ill'. In Ketama, we note free variation in the forms ṣeyfed ̱̣ ~ ṣeyfeṭ 'send'. 60 Within Senhaja, we find Ketama and Seddat lḫiṭ (Ghm. lḫayṭ) vs. Taghzut lḫid ̱̣ 'thread', Ketama ḫeyyeṭ vs. Hmed/Zerqet ḫeyyed ̱̣ 'sew', Ketama/Zerqet ḫṭeb vs. Hmed ḫd ̱̣ eḇ 'betroth', and so on. That is, some Arabic loans preserve ṭ, while others do not. Generally, Taghzut and Hmed varieties tend to integrate Arabic loans into the Berber phonological and morphological system better than Ketama.

Spirantization

The spirantization in Senhaja is not as regular as in Tarifiyt, and does not follow the same rules as Ghomara (see Mourigh 2017). According to the speakers themselves, "it is all according to the tongue" (i.e. different people can pronounce the same word differently, sometimes with spirantization and sometimes without, depending on what one finds "easier to pronounce"). It is necessary to note that different Senhaja varieties have slightly different rules of spirantization. See further Chapter 2 (Section 2.1.4).

3.

Feminine plural marker: Snh. -in vs. Ghm. -an

Feminine plural noun suffix is -in in Senhaja (as elsewhere in Berber), while it is -an in Ghomara, e.g. Snh. ṯ-i-mġar-in vs. Ghm. t-i-mġar-an 'women' (from SG tamġart).

4. 2S verb suffix: Snh. -eḏ vs. Ghm -et

The 2S verb suffix is -eḏ in Senhaja (as in Tarifiyt and parts of the Middle Atlas), while it is -et in Ghomara (as in Tashelhiyt and in other parts of the Middle Atlas), e.g.

Senhaja ṯ-feṛq-eḏ (Ketama h-feṛq-eḏ), vs. Ghomara t-feṛq-et 'you (SG) divided'. The same correspondence (Snh. ḏ vs. Ghm. ṯ) is also found in the Imperfective form of the verb 'to go', Ketama ttuḏu vs. Ghm. ttiṯu.

Imperative plural suffix

In Senhaja, the IMP:PL suffix is -aṯ in Ketama, Taghzut, Seddat, and -(e)ṯ in the rest of Senhaja (Zerqet also -(e)m in specific circumstances, e.g. in combination with the clitics; cf. Tarifiyt -(e)m, -(e)ṯ, Atlas 203), cf. Section 3.4.2. In Ghomara, the forms are -aṯ or also -aweṯ. The IMP:PL suffix with w is found in some dialects of the Middle Atlas, Siwa, and Niger Tuareg (Kossmann 2001: 26-28).

Conclusions

Overall, conclusions in Kossmann 2017a are correct that Senhaja often exhibits non-Zenatic features that are also found in Ghomara. It is thus safe to say that Ghomara and Senhaja are most likely genetically related, and Ghomara is probably the closest relative of Senhaja, while Tarifiyt (Zenatic) stands apart. At the same time, Ghomara also differs from Senhaja considerably in some points. It is interesting to note that some features might be shared by Ghomara and Ketama (but not by Zerqet), while others might be shared by Ghomara and Zerqet (but not by Ketama). This is due to the fact that Senhaja does not form a linguistic unity, and there is large linguistic variation within this group. There are also some features that are shared by Ghomara and

Tarifiyt (e.g. the lexeme ġres 'slaughter', also found in Tashelhiyt and Middle Atlas),

while Senhaja has zLu (with different realizations of *l, depending on the variety), as in Kabyle. Depending on the choice of isoglosses, one may arrive at different conclusions.

Senhaja Berber and Language Contact

Senhaja Berber is known to be among the Berber varieties that have been most

influenced by the Arabic language. Already Renisio (1932: XI) notes that Senhaja has borrowed many Arabic terms (without always Berberizing them). It is thus not a recent feature of the language. Senhaja is characterized by extensive borrowing, across different word classes and in various semantic fields. In what follows, first, some examples of lexical Arabic borrowings in Senhaja are presented: Section 1.9.1 treats the "basic vocabulary", while Section 1.9.2 groups the borrowings by semantic field.

Section 1.9.3 deals specifically with verbs. In Section 1.9.4, Arabic influence on other domains than lexicon (e.g. on morphology, syntax) is discussed. The discussion is largely inspired by Kossmann 2013a. Differently from Kossmann (2013a), examples stem from the fieldwork data, and different Senhaja varieties are distinguished (when they behave differently). Most Arabic nominal loans contain the Arabic article l-(or its assimilated form), e.g. ddem 'blood' (Zerqet), ššṯa 'rain' (Ketama), etc.

1.9.1. "Basic Lexicon" (the Leipzig-Jakarta List)

There is a specially-designed list (the so-called "Leipzig-Jakarta list" or "LJ-100 list") of 100 items in basic lexicon focusing on the study of borrowing (Haspelmath & Tadmor 2009a; cf. Kossmann 2013a: 106-125). According to the estimations in Kossmann (2013a: 110) based on the LJ-100 list, 17% of Senhaja vocabulary is borrowed. 61 For comparison, percentage of borrowed vocabulary in other Moroccan

Berber varieties (based on the same list) is estimated at 6% for Tashelhiyt, 9% for Figuig, and 10% for Tarifiyt in the same source. Among Moroccan Berber varieties, only Ghomara has a higher percentage of loans than Senhaja (37%), and outside Morocco, also Siwa (26%).

As already noted in Kossmann (2013: 10), some lexical items have both a Berber and an Arabic equivalent in Senhaja. This is not always due to the dialectal preferences. Within the same dialect, one may find a number of such doublets, when the "same meaning" can be expressed either by a native Berber lexeme or a borrowed Arabic one. Sometimes, such doublets can be distributed among generations. For example, in the Bunsar variety, the color terminology is currently being replaced by the Arabic loans. The older generation still uses the Berber terms (alongside the borrowed Arabic terms), while the younger generation prefers the Arabic terms and might have difficulties finding the Berber equivalents. When there are doublets in the LJ-list for a given concept, it is possible to count this as 0,5% borrowing. Alternatively, a more common term among the doublets can be selected and counted as 1% borrowed or native. For the three varieties we have investigated, the percentages of borrowings in the LJ-100 list are as follows: 62

Ketama Hmed Zerqet

Without doublets 35% 29% 29%

With doublets 38% 32% 31% 61 The estimation is largely based on the Zerqet and Hmed Senhaja varieties (Ibáñez 1959). 62 The entire LJ-100 list for Senhaja can be consulated at https://academia.li/gutova/lj-senhaja (omitting the doublets) and https://academia.li/gutova/lj-senhaja-doublets (with the doublets). For comparison with Ghomara, see https://academia.li/gutova/lj-senhaja-and-ghomara.

The total number of borrowings in Senhaja in LJ list is 40. Since the percentage of borrowings in our lexical database (of over 6,000 entries) is estimated at ca. 50%, this confirms that in LJ list, the percentage of borrowings is lower than across the lexicon.

Also, we observe that Ketama (Western Senhaja) has more loans than other varieties. This is also confirmed by the data in the lexical database.

For the shared native vocabulary in the LJ-list, i.e. native Berber words shared by the studied varieties, the comparison is as follows: In what follows, we present some items from the LJ-list that have been borrowed by Senhaja. When there are dialectal differences, this is noted. All borrowings come from Arabic (or, in some cases, from other languages through Arabic).

Cognates

-'fire': Hmed lɛafya (<Ar.) vs. native Berber lexeme in other Senhaja varieties (Ketama imsi, Taghzut/Seddat/Bunsar ṯimsi, Zerqet ṯimssi); 63 -'to go': Senhaja (Ketama, Taghzut, Seddat, Hmed, Zerqet) uses suppletive imperative form sir, PL sir-u (vs. Berber verb 'to go' in non-imperative forms); 64

-'blood': Ketama iḏammen~ idammen (<Berber) ~ ddem (<Ar.), Taghzut iḏammen; Hmed/Zerqet ddem; Ghomara has adem which looks like a Berberized form from the Arabic demm;

-'rain': Ketama: ššṯa (<Ar.), cf. Taghzut lemšati; Hmed ṯimeqqiṯ (i.e. 'drop'); Bunsar/Zerqet anẓar (<Berber);

-'meat/flesh': Ketama/Seddat/Hmed llḥem (<Ar.), Taghzut aksum~aḵsum, Bunsar aysum (<Berber), Zerqet aḵsum;

-'night': Snh. llil (<Ar.). 65 A native term is used for 'evening': Seddat/Bunsar/Hmed/Zerqet ṯaḏegg w aṯ;

-'far': Ketama/Taghzut/Seddat/Bunsar/Hmed/Zerqet bɛiḏ, bɛeḏ (Ghomara bɛiḏ) (<Ar.); 66 In Zerqet, bɛiḏ is an adjective (and considered as "Arabic", though it occurs in the language), while bɛeḏ is a verb (and is considered as Berber, i.e. it is an integrated loan). There is also a causative derivation ssbaɛḏ 'to move something far away'.

-'bitter': in Senhaja (Ketama/Taghzut/Hmed varieties), the Arabic adjective merr is sometimes used, alongside the Berber verb rzag (Ketama)/rzay (Hmed);

-'hair': Snh. ššaɛṛ (<Ar.); cf. Ketama aššaɛṛun 'single hair'; 67 -'who?': Ketama/Seddat/Bunsar/Hmed/Zerqet škun (also can be used as 'what');

-'fish': Ketama sserḏin (coll.); 68 Taghzut/Seddat/Bunsar/Hmed/Zerqet iselman (SG aslem/asyem) < Berber; Zerqet as most other Senhaja varieties has sserdin in the sense 'sardine';

63 Cf. Tasahlit lɛafit (Buyusef) vs. tamest (Segoual); Massinissa Garaoun, p.c. 64 Cf. Imperative forms of the verb 'to come', which is (Ketama) arwaḥ (Seddat rwaḥ), vs. the verb ddu=d ('go' + ventive). Only in child-directed speech ("baby-talk"), the imperative form addu~adu is used. 65 This lexeme is also borrowed in other Berber varieties spoken in northern Morocco.

66 id. 67 According to Kossmann 2013a: 119, Senhaja has (coll.) ššaɛr (cf. Ghomara ššɛaṛ <Ar.) vs. a Berber word anzeḏ for a single hair. In Ketama, Arabic loan is used for a single hair, as well. Cf. Zerqet/Hmed ššeɛṛa and Warayn aššeɛuṛ 'single hair'. The Ketama form aššaɛṛun sounds as a "pseudo-Arabic" term:

aššaɛrun is not possible in Arabic, because the tanwin cannot co-occur with the article. Instead, this form must be rather analyzed as containing the Berber nominal prefix a-and suffix -un. Cf. also Menguellet Kabyle akelbun 'puppy'.

68 SG aserḏin, PL iserḏinen: a loan from Romance languages, ultimately from Latin and Greek, cf. English 'sardine' (a herring-like fish); in Ketama, it is used to refer to fish in general. There are not many different types of fish available in Ketama. All of them are referred to as sserḏin.

-'black': Ketama (a)kḥḥel (<Arabic, Berberized, like all color terms in Ketama); Seddat/Hmed/Zerqet aberḵan (in other varieties, Arabic loans are used in as well, but alongside Berber ones);

-'to bite': Ketama ɛeṭ (as Ghomara, < Ar.), cf. Seddat/Zerqet ɛeṭš; Hmed bber;

-'wind': Ketama/Seddat/Bunsar/Hmed/Zerqet leɛwan (as in Ghomara; <Ar.);

-'smoke': Ketama/Seddat/Bunsar/Hmed/Zerqet dduḫḫan (<Ar.);

-'new': Ketama/Seddat/Hmed/Zerqet ždiḏ, PL ždaḏin (<Ar.);

-'to burn' (intr.): Ketama/Seddat/Hmed/Zerqet ḥreq (<Ar.);

-'good': Ketama/Seddat/Hmed/Zerqet ṣbaḥ (ṣbeḥ) (verb), mezyan (adjective), both <Ar. (among other terms);

-'sand': Ketama/Seddat ṛṛemla, Ketama/Hmed ṛṛmi, Zerqet ṛṛmel (<Ar.);

-'leaf (of a tree)': Ketama/Hmed afraw; 69 Seddat afriw ~ lwerqa, Zerqet afer~ afar~ afriw; for 'leaf of a book', a loan is used: lwerqa, luraq (< Ar.); Berber F/DIM derived form is ṯawriqṯ;

-'red': (a)ḥmeṛ (<Arabic, Berberized); Hmed/Zerqet azeggʷaġ;

-'liver': Ketama isattin (Beni Aisi, Beni Hmed, Lmekhzen, pl.tant.) (<Berber). vs. lkebda (Sahel village, as in Ghomara <Ar.); 70 Seddat lkebda; Bunsar/Hmed Zerqet ṯasa;

-'to hide': ḫebbeɛ (as in Ghomara < Ar.), Zerqet also ffer;

-'skin/hide': Ketama (ṯ)aželluṭ (Berberized from Ar. žželd); Zerqet/Hmed žželda; cf. Tasahlit ažlud 'animal skin' (Buyusef; Massinissa Garaoun, p.c.); -'heavy' K. ṭqil (as in Ghomara); Seddat ṭqel (verb), Ay Hmed ṯqi (verb), Zerqet ḏqel (verb);

-'old': (about things) Ketama/Hmed/Zerqet qḏim, PL qḏamin (adj.), Seddat qḏim (verb);

-'thigh': Zerqet lbeḏɛa;

-'thick/fat/strong': Ketama/Seddat/Hmed Zerqet ġlid ̱̣ , PL ġlad ̱̣ in (Ghomara ġliṭ)

~ ṣḥiḥ, PL ṣḥaḥin (< Ar. ṣaḥā 'to recover', ṣiḥḥa 'health');

-'long': Ketama/Seddat/Hmed/Zerqet ṭwil, PL ṭwalin (adj.);

-'to fall': Ketama/Hmed ḥsi (cf. Ghomara ḥṣel) < Ar. ḥṣel 'to get stuck'; Seddat d ̱̣ er; Zerqet bd ̱̣ u; all with suppletive causative tiyyaḥ < Ar.;

-'dog': (pan-Snh.) aherḏan (< dialectal Arabic hred 'to chew noisily, devour', see Kossmann 2013a: 156). 71 Also Ketama ḥerraz (< Ar. 'protector, guardian'). An original term for a 'young dog, puppy' is now used in the sense 'adult dog':

aqzzun, (ṯ)aqzzunṯ 'female dog '. Cf. Lafkioui 2007a: 260-261. Different from the Ketama PL ifrawen (Beni Hmed) ~ ifriwen (Beni Aisi) (dialectal difference in the plural form).

Within Ketama, Sahel village appears to be more Arabized than the other villages.

Senhaja is thus one of few Berber varieties that borrowed an Arabic term for 'dog'.

Atlas, our language informants are not familiar with the term ayḏi (PL iyḍan)

for 'dog';

-'sweet': Ketama/Seddat/Hmed Zerqet ḥlu, PL ḥluwin (adj.), as in Ghomara, from Arabic;

-'shade, shadow': Ketama/Seddat d ̱̣ d ̱̣ ell (Ghomara ḍḍel); Zerqet ṯili, Hmed ṯiyyi;

-'bird': Ketama/Seddat/Hmed, Zerqet afruḫ, PL iferḫan (as in Kabyle) < St. Ar. farḫ 'young bird';

-'salt' (n.): Ketama lmelḥ; Hmed/Zerqet lemleḥ (lemlaḥ); cf. also the verb 'to salt': Ketama/Taghzut/Hmed melleḥ, Zerqet/Bunsar meǧǧeḥ; the passive participle is mmelleḥ (fem. mmellḥa, pl. mmellḥin). Zerqet also uses an attribute noun amǧaḥ 'salty (one)';

-'wide': Ketama/Hmed waseɛ (as in Ghomara), Zerqet wseɛ 'to be wide' (the noun 'width' is lɛerd ̱̣ );

-'star': Ketama/Hmed/Zerqet iṯri; Seddat/Bunsar nnežma (PL nnžum); in Bunsar, iṯri is reserved for a 'falling star';

-'hard': verb qṣeḥ, 72 adj. qaseḥ (pan-Senhaja).

Borrowings by Semantic Field

This Section discusses some Arabic loans in Senhaja, grouped by the semantic field.

1) Body parts Kossmann (2013a: 126) states that 16 nouns referring to body parts are not borrowed by any Berber language: 'mouth', 'tongue ', 'tooth', 'ear', 'eye', 'neck', 'shoulder', 'hand', 'finger', 'fingernail', 'belly', 'knee', 'foot', 'toe', 'heart', 'bone'. Senhaja data, particularly from Ketama, contradict this observation. Thus, we find:

-'tongue': Ketama lsan vs. Bunsar/Zerqet iles (Berber iles is also found in Ghomara, which generally has a higher percentage of borrowings than Ketama), Hmed iyyes;

-'tooth': Ketama/Seddat aferrum (PL iferrumen), which is probably a loan from Arabic; 73 72 Schwa (e) is realized as a before back consonants (h q, ḫ, ġ, ḥ, ɛ, and h), but is spelled as <e> in this thesis. See Section 3.2.3.1. 73 Cognate forms of this word exist in Kabyle (afermaš 'toothless'), Algerian Arabic (fermaš 'id.'), Tasahlit (furrem 'to be toothless'), and Jijel Arabic (fǝrrām 'to be toothless'). Dallet (1982) has ffurrem 'être ébreché, abimé, détérioré', ffermeš, afermeš 'être édenté'. Apparently, the word derives from the Arabic root FRM (aframu 'with broken teeth').

-'neck': Snh. (Ketama, Taghzut, Bunsar, Hmed, Zerqet) lɛunq/lɛenq (vs. Ghomara a(y)ḡeṛṭ); there is also a separate lexeme for 'back of the neck': Ketama rraqba,

Taghzut aẓuẓi, Hmed ṯamggert, Bunsar ṯamggarṯ, Zerqet/Hmed ṯamggarṭ (PL Zerqet ṯimg(g)ʷrad ̱̣ , Hmed ṯimurad ̱̣ ).

-'knee': Ketama (Sahel) rrukba, PL rrkabi, alongside the Berber term in other villages (as well as in other Senhaja varieties and beyond, including Ghomara) afuḏ, PL ifadden; 74 -'heart': borrowed in Bunsar (lqelb, PL qluba), vs. Zerqet ul, Ketama and Hmed uy(yi)/weyyi (native Berber). It must be noted that even in those varieties that have a native term for 'heart', the Arabic term may still be used (especially in poetry for stylistic purposes).

Some borrowed lexemes related to body parts have been treated above under the "basic lexicon". They include: ddem 'blood' (not in all varieties), žželda (Zerqet), (ṯ)aželluṭ (Ketama) 'skin'; ššaɛr 'hair'; lbeḏɛa (Zerqet) 'thigh', lkebda 'liver' (not in all varieties).

For the remaining body parts, the following terms are loans in Senhaja:

-'forehead': Ketama nnhir ~ aṣentuḥ (aṣentiḥ), Zerqet aṣenduḥ (cf. Lafkioui 2007a: 251), Hmed ṣenṭiḥa < Arabic ṣenṭiḥa (cf. Behnstedt & Woidich 2011: 96); 75 -'eyebrow(s)' = 'eyelash(es)': Ketama/Taghzut/Hmed/Bunsar/Zerqet lešfaṛ;

-'face' = 'cheek(s)': lkemara (PL lkemaraṯ/ lkmamer); Zerqet uses aqebbuz in the meaning 'cheek';

-'lip(s)': Ketama ššnifa, PL ššnayef; ašelgum, PL išelgam, coll. ššlagem (both from Ar.), Seddat/Bunsar/Zerqet ašendur, PL išenduren (etymology uncertain);

Seddat also ššnader ~ ššlagem; Taghzut igenber; 76 Hmed anwer, PL inuran;

-'mustache': Snh. ššlaġem, lmustaš (from Romance);

-'beard': (Zerqet) alḥiḥ, (Bunsar) ṯalḥiḥṯ (<Ar.), (Hmed) ṯammarṯ (< Berber);77 -'arm': Snh. ddraɛ (<Ar.); 74 Cf. rrekbeṯ found in parts of Kabylie (Basset 1929: 91). 75 Cf. Tasahlit aɛenṭus. 76 It is not certain if ašendur and igenber are related to Kabyle ašenfir and are Berber in origin, or a borrowing from the local Arabic ššnader 'lips' (not widely used in Morocco). Cf. also Tarifit ššnaḇa (<ššnaber) 'mustache'.

-'kidneys': Ketama lklawi (<Ar.), Hmed ṯiẓẓiṯ, PL ṯiẓẓay; Zerqet ṯagezzalṯ, PL ṯigezzal; 78 -'intestines': Taghzut/Seddat/Bunsar lmsaren (<Ar.), vs. Ketama/Seddat/Hmed/Zerqet aḏan (<Berber). There is also (Seddat/Zerqet) ṯamelwaḏat, PL ṯimelwaḏaṯin, Zerqet ṯameswadat, PL ṯimeswaḏaṯin 'cecum' ('caecum'). We did not find ṯamfwaḏat (Kossmann 2013a: 128).

For 'nose', we find native Berber ṯinzarṯ (Seddat, Taghzut, Hmed), inzarṯ (Ketama), ṯinzar (Zerqet, Mezduy, Hmed), anzar (Bunsar). However, we also find Zerqet amḫur 'nostril(s), nose' and Hmed ṯaḫenfurṯ (PL leḫnafer) 'id.', cf. Ghomara leḫnafer 'nose', from Arabic manḫar, cf. Bahrayn Arabic ḫanfūṛ (Kossmann 2013a: 116). The Ketama lexeme aḫenfirṯ is also related, but is used in the sense 'face'.

We conclude, then, that the number of borrowings in this domain in Kossmann 2013a: 128 (7 borrowings) is underestimated. However, Kossmann's general conclusion that Senhaja has a large amount of borrowings in this domain still stands strong.

2) Natural phenomena

In the domain of natural phenomena, the following words were verified: 'sun', 'moon', 'star', 'thunder', 'lightning', 'wind', 'rain', 'snow', 'ice', 'mud', 'dust', and 'sand'. Among these terms, four were treated above under "basic lexicon": 'wind': leɛwan; 'rain':

Ketama: ššṯa, Taghzut lemšati; 'sand': ṛṛemla, ṛṛmel; 'star': nnežma (alongside a Berber lexeme). The following words are likewise Arabic loans:

-'thunder': Ketama ṛṛɛed (<Ar.) vs. aggag found elsewhere in Senhaja (e.g. Zerqet);

-'lightning': Ketama/Seddat/Bunsar/Zerqet lbarq~ lberq (Ghomara lebbṛaq);

-'mud': Ketama/Seddat/Hmed/Zerqet lġis ~ lġayes;

-'dust': Ketama/Seddat/Bunsar/Hmed/Zerqet lġebṛa, Seddat also laɛžaž(a);

-'sky': Snh. (Ketama/Bunsar/Zerqet) ssma (<Ar.) ~ genna (<Berber). In Senhaja, the word genna is usually used in the sense 'above', while 'sky' is expressed by an Arabic loan, ssma.

3) Cultivated Plants

Senhaja has native Berber words for: 78 Ghomara makes a distinction: human kidney lkelwa, vs. animals' ṯaḡẓelt.

-'barley': Ketama imzzin, Taghzut (ṯ)imzin (not pharyngealized), Hmed/Zerqet imendi;

-'(durum) wheat': Ketama/Seddat/Taghzut/Hmed/Zerqet irḏen ~ irden;

-'pearl millet': Taghzut/Zerqet illan.

Besides these cereals, there is also:

-'maize/corn': Ketama/Taghzut/Hmed/Seddat ddra (<Ar.);

-'spelt/emmer': Ketama/Taghzut/Seddat/Hmed/Zerqet lfarina (<Latin/Romance); 79

-'oats': Ketama/Taghzut/Seddat/Hmed lḫurtal, lḫertal (<Ar.); 80 vs. Zerqet insli;

-'rye': Ketama/Seddat/Hmed/Zerqet ṯašentiṯ ~ ṯišentiṯ, maybe from Spanish centeno through Andalusian Arabic š.ntiyya (Kossmann 2013a: 138). In Ketama and Seddat, however, they define this term as a "non-edible plant which is used in order to fill the donkey's side saddle bags". In Zerqet, ṯišentiṯ stalks are used for thatched roofs, as they are very weather-resistant;

-'cereals, grains (generasl term)': Snh. lḥeb(b), PL lḥbub (<Ar.) (SG. ṯiḥebbiṯ, PL ṯiḥebba).

Some other terms related to cereals include:

-'seed(s)': Ketama/Seddat/Taghzut/Hmed/Zerqet ẓẓriɛa (<Ar.);

-'(regular) flour': Ketama/Taghzut/Seddat/Hmed/Zerqet ṭṭḥin (<Ar.);

-'fine flour': Snh. lfurṣ (<force, from European languages); 81 -'semolina' (the hard grains left after the milling of flour), ground wheat (of irḏen): Ketama/Taghzut/Seddat/Hmed/Zerqet ssmiḏ(a) (<Ar.);

-'barley seeds, pounded to break apart': Ketama/Taghzut/Seddat tšiša; vs. Hmed/Zerqet iberyen;

-'barley pounded and roasted in an oven': Ketama zembu, Zerqet zenbu, Hmed zembu~zenbu.

Note also that Senhaja borrowed these words from Arabic:

-'grass': Ketama/Seddat/Zerqet ṛṛbiɛ, Taghzut/Hmed ṛṛḇiɛ;

79 Senhaja speakers use farina for spelt/emmer, while it is used for other grain types elsewhere (and for 'flour' in Taznatit, cf. French farine). 80 In Senhaja land, they normally do not eat oats, but use it as fodder for the animals. 81 The word lfurṣ is not a Senhaja-specific term. It is used all over Morocco (Agadir, Marrakesh, Casablanca, the Rif...), but not in Algeria. Some Moroccans believe it comes from the (American?) air force as fine flour was delivered to Morocco as (post-WWII?) help. Alternatively, the term origins from a brand name. In Zerqet, they explain the difference between lfurṣ and ṭṭḥin as follows: lfurṣ is made from irḏen lmeɛzuza (wheat) and is finer than ṭṭḥin lɛadi ('normal/regular flour') from lfarina (spelt/emmer).

-'dough': Ketama lɛažina, vs. Taghzut/Hmed amṯun, Zerqet aruḵṯi (general), afd ̱̣ ir (dough for cornbread), ṯafd ̱̣ irṯ (a small lump of dough), aɛǧǧin (large lump of dough);

-'dry bread/ toast' (re-baked in the oven and made dry): Ketama lgušmaṭ, Taghzut/Hmed/Zerqet lgešmad ̱̣ (SG ṯagešmaṭṭ).

-'dried cookies': Snh. lfeqqas (<Ar.).

The following verbs related to agriculture and cereals are borrowed from Arabic:

-'knead': Ketama/Hmed/Zerqet ɛžen (<Ar.), Ketama/Taghzut/Bunsar/Hmed/Zerqet rfes (<Ar.), Zerqet also ugg w (<Berber);

-'winnow': Hmed/Zerqet ṣeffi ~ ṣeffa (<Ar.) alongside zuzzer (Berber).

4) Vegetables

One vegetable name is practically never borrowed in Berber: abaw 'faba bean'. Senhaja

is not an exception here, preserving this term. Some terms for (different types of) beans and other vegetables are borrowed:

-'cowpea': Ketama/Hmed llubiya, Seddat/Zerqet ǧǧubiya (<Ar. lubiya);

-'lentil': Snh. leɛḏes; -'quince': ssferžel, (unit/tree) tasferželṯ;

-'almond': Ketama llawz, majority of Snh. lluz (Hmed 'tree' ṯayuzeț), Zerqet ǧǧuz (<Ar. llawz), ṯal(l)uzṯ 'almond tree' (Lafkioui 2007a: 74 -'olive': Ketama/Zerqet zziṯun~ zzitun (used for domesticated olives); tree: ṯazitunṯ, ṯazitunt; the native Berber azemmur is reserved for wild olives. In Hmed, the word azemmur is used for 'olives' in general (tree: ṯazemmurṯ). There is also berri (type of olives), tree: ṯiberriṯ;

-'peach': (Snh.) lḫuḫ.

6) Domestic animals

In this section, some terms for (domestic) animals in Senhaja are discussed. Some of them are borrowed from Arabic, while some are native Berber.

Regarding the term for 'camel', there is a division in Senhaja: some varieties (including Ketama) use an Arabic loan žžmel, while others (e.g. Zerqet) preserve an older term alġum (PL ileġman). 85 Senhaja borrowed the following terms related to horses: 86 -'horse/stallion': Ketama/Seddat/Hmed lɛewd (lɛawd, lɛewḏ, lɛawḏ), lḫayl (alongside the Berber term agemmar that is mostly used by old people, not in Hmed);

-'packhorse': Hmed akidar, PL ikidar ~ ikidaren;

-'mare': Ketama/Seddat/Hmed lɛewda (lɛawda, lɛewḏa, lɛawḏa) (alongside Berber agemmarṯ, not in Hmed).

While the term for a 'male mule' is native Berber (aserdun, aserḏun), female mules can be referred to in Ketama by loanwords from Arabic. Thus, there is a dialectal difference: Beni Aisi lebhima (<Ar.), Talghunt ddabba (<Ar.) vs. Beni Hmed aserdunṯ (native Berber, a feminine derivation from aserdun). In Hmed (Tafurnut), both ṯaserdunṯ and lebhima are used, while ddabba refers to any animal. 84 There is also asemmum 'young almonds' (Zerqet). 85 On alġum, see Kossmann 2005b: 27-55. Ketama/Western Senhaja and Ghomara seem to be the only Berber varieties that borrowed this term from Arabic (Kossmann 2013a: 156). The fact that this lexeme is borrowed is not surprising, however, as there are no camels in the Senhaja region. 86 It must be noted that horses are not very common in the Senhaja land.

For 'cow', no Arabic loans are found. However, the most common Berber term ṯafunasṯ is only rarely found in Senhaja (restricted to For 'sheep' (male and female), Senhaja employs nouns based on onomatopoeia:

'male sheep/ram' is abeɛɛaš (Ketama, Seddat, Hmed, Zerqet), and 'female sheep' is (ṯ)abeɛɛašṯ.

For 'dog', Senhaja does not preserve the Berber term aydi. The most common term (found across Senhaja) is aherḏan, while Ketama also has ḥerraz (see above under "basic lexicon"). The original term for 'puppy', aqezzun, is also widely used, and is the base for the feminine derivation (ṯ)aqezzunṯ. There is no designated word for 'puppy';

a descriptive phrase afruḫ n uherḏan 'the young of the dog' may be used. The lexeme afruḫ also means 'bird', but can generally apply to the young of animals ('cub'). Thus, in the meaning 'lamb', the phrase afruḫ n ubeɛɛaš (lit. 'the little/young of the sheep') is usually used.

For poultry, both native terms and loans are found. For 'rooster', the native ayazid ̱̣ (Zerqet, Seddat, Bunsar) is found alongside aferruž~afeṛṛuž (Zerqet, Seddat < Ar.), aɛettuq (Ketama <Ar.) and afullus~afulus (Ketama, a loan from Latin pullus, cf.

Kossmann 2013a: 157). Taghzut and Hmed have amudden (an agent noun derived from the Arabic verb wdden 'to call for prayer') because roosters are calling in the morning like the azan calls for prayer.

For 'chicken, hen', a similar situation is observed. The terms are morphologically feminine derivations based on the male counterparts. However, masculine and feminine pairs are sometimes spread across different Senhaja varieties. Thus, we have 87 Interestingly, in Ghomara, aɛbibez is a diminutive of aɛebbiz 'calf' (Mourigh 2015: 117). 88 The term tiġsi was originally 'goat/sheep' (cf. Kossmann 2013a: 153), but apparently the sense became restricted in Ketama.

(native) ṯayaziṭ (Zerqet, Seddat, Bunsar), aful(l)usṯ (Ketama), ṯafullusṯ (Hmed), and ṯaferružṯ (Taghzut). For the young of the chick, we find Zerqet afellaṯ, Seddat afellus (from Latin pullus), Bunsar afeṛṛuž (which is used in the sense 'rooster' in Zerqet and Seddat), Ketama abeǧǧiw, Taghzut asiwsiw, Hmed asiḵsiw (onomatopoea). 89

7) Insects

Among names of different insects, the following terms are borrowed:

-'worm

8) Metals

The following names of metals are loans in Senhaja:

-'iron': Ketama/Zerqet/Hmed leḥḏiḏ; most Berber languages preserve Berber uzzal; in Zerqet, the word uzzal is only preserved in the meaning 'knife' (Hmed uzzay, fem. ṯuzzalṯ, Taghzut ṯawzzaṯ);

-'copper': Ketama/Hmed/Zerqet nnḥas;

-'lead': Hmed leḫfif (< Ar. ḫfif 'light'); Zerqet plomo (<Sp.) or plomb (<Fr.);

-'tin': Ketama/Hmed/Zerqet lqezdir ~ zzeng;

-'gold': Ketama/Hmed/Zerqet ddheb (many Berber languages preserve ureġ);

-'silver': Ketama/Hmed/Zerqet nnuqra ~ nneqra (vs. Berber aẓref). 89 The Taghzut term asiwsiw is used for the young of the chicken or partridge. 90 The same term is sometimes used in Seddat in fairy tales as a synonym of 'Ogress', something scary (when talking to children). In Hmed, nanna fuffu means 'dandelion' (when it is white). In Ketama, fuffu is a baby-talk term for 'fire'.

Verbs

According to estimations in Kossmann (2013a: 158), Senhaja has 32% of verbs borrowed (in a list of 120 verbs). Only Siwa and Ghomara have more borrowings, 35%

and 49%, respectively. Thus, the percentage of borrowings is high in both the "basic lexicon" and the verbs list. This shows that verbs, just like other word classes, can be routinely borrowed by Berber, and that Senhaja is influenced by Arabic in various domains ("basic vocabulary", as well as a larger sample of a specific word class).

Among the "basic verbs" that are normally not borrowed by any Berber language, a note has to be made regarding Senhaja: the verb 'to come' is a native Borrowed Arabic participles also often have suppletive relationship to the native Berber verbs (cf. Section 2.5).

Some verbs have already been treated above under "basic lexicon", e.g. ɛeṭ~ ɛetš 'to bite'; ḥreq 'to burn', ḫebbeɛ 'to hide', ḥsi 'to fall', as well as verbs describing state/quality (some of which can be also used as adjectives), e.g. bɛeḏ 'to be far', ṣbeḥ 'to be beautiful/nice/good', ṭqel/ḏqel 'to be heavy', ġliḍ ~ sḥiḥ 'to be fat/thick/strong', ṭwil 'to be long', ḥlu 'to be sweet', wseɛ 'to be wide', qseḥ 'to be hard'. Below are some other verbs that have been borrowed in Senhaja:

-'to swim': ɛum; -'to fast': aẓum (Hmed uẓum) < Ar. ṣām;

-'to pray': ẓẓall (Zerqet/Bunsar ẓẓaž) <Ar. ṣallā.

Arabic Influence on Senhaja besides Lexicon

Arabic has exercised influence on all language domains in Senhaja. Arabic loans constitute just one example of this influence.

1.9. -'mouth': (Mezduy) aqemmum (<imi) (the rest of Senhaja: imi);

-'back': (Ketama/Hmed/Zerqet) aɛrur (<arur, not found in Snh.);

-'belly': (Snh.) aɛeddis, ṯaɛeddisṯ (<adis, not found in Snh.). Some other words do not add, but replace the original (native) phoneme by a new ("expressive") one, e.g. aqezzun 'dog' (elsewhere found with g or k instead of q) (cf. Kossmann 1999a: 243).

97 See Kossmann 2013a: 177 regarding the phonetic correspondence of Arabic ṣ and Berber ẓ. At the same period, the word 'mosque' was borrowed: Snh. ṯimezgiḏa (Ketama mezgida) < Ar. masǧid (where Arabic s and ǧ correspond to Berber z and g).

Morphology

In morphology, Arabic influence is easier to detect than in phonology. A word class that consists almost entirely of Arabic borrowings, is the class of numerals. Arabic numerals are found in most Berber varieties, so this is not a feature limited to Senhaja.

However, some Berber varieties still preserve a few Berber numerals. In Senhaja, only the numeral 'one' is Berber (and even so, when counting, the borrowed Arabic numeral 'one' is used). 98

1) Adjectives

In Senhaja, one finds many borrowed Arabic adjectives. These are borrowed together with their derived forms (feminine singular and plural), e.g. mezyan 'good', FS mezyana, PL mezyan-in. 99 The borrowed Arabic adjectives contrast with the native (Berber) adjectives that developed in Senhaja from the stative verbs (e.g. Ketama meẓẓi 'small', meqquṛ 'big'). Berber adjectives distinguish the same forms as borrowed Arabic adjectives, i.e. MS, FS and PL, e.g. (Ketama) MS meẓẓi 'small', FS meẓẓi-ṯ, PL meẓẓi-n.

However, the gender/number markers differ from those found with the Arabic borrowed adjectives. There is thus a split in Senhaja adjectives according to their origin. The class of Arabic adjectives is much larger than the class of Berber adjectives.

Both classes of adjectives, in spite of the different origins, have the same function in syntax. The same feature is found in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 205-206).

Within Senhaja, different varieties behave differently when it comes to the old stative verbs. In Ketama and in Hmed, these lexemes are adjectives, as they cannot be marked for person. In Taghzut, the corresponding lexemes are also adjectives, although they can be conjugated. 100 In Seddat, old stative verbs became regular verbs (with the regular marking), albeit lacking the aspectual distinctions, different from the class of (borrowed) Arabic adjectives that bear no person marking.

In Zerqet, the same lexeme can appear with three different types of morphological marking: 1) special PNG marking (carried out by suffixes only), e.g. as an equivalent of 'He is blind' using an attribute noun (Ketama: netta lɛweṛ). To express some meanings, using a verb is the only option, e.g. (Ketama) i-tsela=šay 'He is deaf', lit. 'He does not hear'. Here, no adjective or an attribute noun is available.

The choice is lexical. To sum up, the following alternatives exist in Senhaja to express state/quality:

attribute nouns;

regular verbs (with a regular marking);

-Berber adjectives (conjugated or not);

borrowed Arabic adjectives. participles can also be used as attributes.

2) Participles

Arabic participles constitute another word class that has been borrowed by Senhaja. 105 Just like Arabic adjectives, they also keep their original morphology, e.g. maši 'going', In most cases, however, we find a suppletive relation between the native Berber verb (such as Zerqet rgel 'to close') and the borrowed Arabic participle (mesdud ~ mbelleɛ 'closed'). In many cases, the use of the Arabic passive participle is the only way to express the intended meaning, as many native verbs do not accept passive derivation.

While in Ghomara, Berber passive derivation has been lost, it still exists in Senhaja.

However, it is used only rarely, and far not as frequently as borrowed Arabic passive participles.

As regards Arabic active participles, in some contexts, they could be substituted by the native Berber verb in the Imperfective aspect, e.g. i-ttuḏu 'He walks'

(imperfective verb form) ~ netta maši 'He is walking' (active participle). However, there are some differences in the use of Berber The distinction between collectives and unit nouns is most frequently found in terms for fruits and vegetables.

Syntax

In the domain of syntax, Arabic influence is visible, for example, in negation (see Section 5.6 on the negation of the verbal predicate, and 6.1.2.2 on the negation of the nominal predicate), e.g.

the use of preverbal negators ma and la (limited to specific contexts);

the use of postverbal negators š, ši, šay (from Ar. šayʔ 'thing');

the use of the negative element maši, especially with non-verbal predicates (e.g. with nouns, adjectives, and participles).

Arabic influence is also visible in the use of Arabic conjunctions:

-'and': w (logical connector; (rarely) coordination); -'in order to, so that' (purpose): baš;107 -'because': (ɛ)laḥeqqaš, ḥit, ḥitaš.

In interrogatives, Arabic influence is visible in a number of borrowed question words:

- 'who/what': cf. škun (cf. Lafkioui 2007a: 238). Zerqet also preserves the Berber mi, which however does not appear alone. 108 As an independent question word, only škun is found. In some contexts, it can be abbreviated to šk, e. -'which (one)': (a)š-men ~škun (cf. Lafkioui 2007a: 161-3), as in Ghomara, e.g. (a)š-men ṯamġarṯ ~ škun ṯamġarṯ 'which woman'.

Finally, both Senhaja and Ghomara employ ka as a polar question marker. As pointed out by Souag (2018: 64), this must originate from the Arabic lukan 'if' rather than from the question word ḵa 'how', which is pronounced with a fricative ḵ.

Conclusions

Berber languages are known to have been influenced by Arabic for a long time. This is especially true for Senhaja, which is spoken in an area surrounded by Arabic and which has been in intense contact with it. It is not surprising, then, to find a lot of Arabic elements in Senhaja. Some elements, however, are more apt to be borrowed than others.

Arabic influence on the Berber lexicon is ubiquitous. Most Berber languages have borrowed a large number of Arabic lexemes. Many of the borrowed lexemes are part of the "basic lexicon". When comparing lexical borrowing in Berber, there is a difference between the varieties. Ghadames is less lexically influenced by Arabic than most other varieties, that can be characterized as "high borrowers" (whether compared within Berber or beyond). In the Leipzig World Loanword Database (Haspelmath & Tadmor 2009b), which provides a comparison of borrowing in a ca.

1500-word database of over forty languages, Tarifiyt takes a second place with over 50% of borrowings. Among "relatively bigger borrowers", Senhaja, Ghomara, and Siwa stand out with a high percentage of borrowings, which makes them "universally high borrowers". Senhaja and Ghomara have an unusually high percentage of borrowing in the "basic lexicon" when compared to other Berber varieties. Borrowings are found in all word classes and semantic domains. Siwa (Souag 2010: 146-147).

In parts of Senhaja (Ketama, Taghzut, Hmed, Zerqet), as well as in Ghomara, ancient stative verbs developed into "Berber adjectives". The difference between Senhaja and Ghomara is that stative conjugation is preserved in parts of Senhaja (e.g.

in Zerqet) and that in parts of Senhaja (Taghzut, Seddat, Zerqet), ancient stative verbs can receive regular verbal marking. It is tempting to suggest that the development of Berber adjectives was prompted by the large number of borrowed Arabic adjectives.

However, it could have also been an internal development. It is important to note than in both Senhaja and Ghomara, Arabic adjectives are more numerous than the Berber ones. Could the decline of the Berber adjectives be due to the introduction of Arabic adjectives? Or, rather, did the rare stative conjugation and the Berber adjectives decline on their own?

Native Berber adjectives and Arabic borrowed adjectives have the same syntactic function. However, they differ in their morphological marking. Arabic adjectives (as well as participles) are borrowed along with their derived forms (FS and PL). This leads to a situation where native Berber adjectives have Berber morphology (take Berber affixes to mark FS and PL), while borrowed Arabic adjectives have Arabic morphology (take Arabic markers). This situation can be characterized as Parallel System Borrowing (PSB: Kossmann 2013a: 420; Kossmann 2010a). In the PSB, morphological material is introduced with (and remains restricted to) borrowed lexemes. While PSB in the nominal system is common in Northern Berber, PSB in the adjectival system is rare.109 Ghomara goes further than Senhaja in that it has PSB also in the verbal system. In Senhaja, whenever an Arabic verb is borrowed, it is integrated into the Berber verbal morphology.

Borrowing of Arabic active and passive participles did not oust the corresponding native Berber verbs. This results in many suppletive paradigms, where a Berber verb corresponds to an Arabic participle, and often also an Arabic verbal noun, causative, or passive. In a few examples, Arabic morphological markers and vocalic patterns have been applied to the native Berber roots, e.g. to derive a participle (cf.

Section 7.3.2), or stem II causative (Section 3.3.6).

Applying Arabic morphology to the native Berber roots is very rare. This can be explained by the fact that Arabic often uses apophony, which is not as easily borrowed as affixes. In the case of the passive participle, borrowing of Arabic morphology was facilitated by the fact that it is largely carried out by means of affixes (passive participle prefix m-, FS suffix -a, PL suffix -in), although the vocalic pattern also plays a role. Arabic apophony is more difficult to apply to the native Berber lexemes. Even so, there are some exceptions. Thus, Ghomara has borrowed Arabic apophonic patterns to derive diminutives, e.g. aɛebbiz 'calf' -aɛbibez 'little calf' (Mourigh 2015: 111-123). The words aɛbibez and aɛbuz are also found in Hmed variety of Senhaja (where aɛbuz refers to a young calf, and aɛbibez is a general word for 'calf'. This derivation is not very productive in Senhaja. Nevertheless, some internal diminutives have been found (especially in the Hmed variety).

Another example where Ghomara takes over Arabic apophonic patterns with native inflection involves verbs borrowed from Arabic. In Berber, normally, once the Arabic basic form is chosen and borrowed, the native Berber apophonic schemes are applied to it. Ghomara, however, copies Arabic apophony with cVc borrowed verbs (even when they have Berber inflection). The difference between the Arabic perfect (a) and imperfect (u, i, or a) is reflected in Ghomara as the difference between Perfective and Aorist. Arabic vocalization of the imperfect is found in the Ghomara aorist forms.

Thus, originally Arabic apophony is used to differentiate between the Berber Aorist and Perfective stems. This has not been found in Senhaja.

While Senhaja behaves like Ghomara in borrowing a large number of Arabic verbs, there are also some differences. In Ghomara, Arabic verbs can appear with the Arabic imperfective marker ka, and take Arabic pronominal clitics. This does not happen in Senhaja. Whenever borrowed, Arabic verbs are conjugated as native Berber verbs, and take Berber pronominal clitics. On the other hand, in Senhaja, as in Ghomara, Arabic borrowed verbs usually take the passive markers (t(t)-and n(n)rather than the passive markers ttya-/țțuya-/ttwa-. However, it must be noted that the prefix t(t)-is found in many Berber varieties as a native passive marker (Kossmann 2002a), while the prefix n-or m-is used in native middle derivation. In Ghomara,

where the markers t(t)-and n-are combined only with Arabic borrowed verbs, the passive markers themselves must be considered a borrowing. Arabic borrowed verbs in Ghomara can only appear with the Arabic passive prefixes (in fact, the native Berber passive prefix is not preserved in Ghomara), and the native Berber verbs do not appear with these prefixes.

In Senhaja, the situation is different from Ghomara. On the one hand, we also It is obvious from the above that Arabic has exercised a big influence on Senhaja lexicon and morphology. Besides lexicon and morphology, Arabic influence is also found in syntax, e.g. coordination, subordination, interrogation, and negation.

Thus, the Arabic coordinator w/u is borrowed in Senhaja. This coordinator can be used as a clause-linking element (English 'and'). It often marks a logical relationship between clauses (English 'so'). Many borrowed Arabic conjunctions introduce subordinated clauses. In this case, Arabic subordinators replaced earlier Berber 110 The Berber-derived passive form ttwa-wweṯ is used in Zerqet in a specific meaning 'demon-possessed'.

subordinators. In Senhaja, several Berber question words have been replaced by Arabic loans, as well.

Regarding negation, it must be noted that Senhaja generally does not preserve the negative stems. 111 As Senhaja usually employs the native Berber preverbal negator u, the disappearance of the negative stems cannot be linked to the borrowing of the preverbal negator. In Ghomara and in Siwa, it might have been an internal simplification, as well. In Senhaja, as in many other Berber varieties, the original preverbal negator has been supplemented by a postverbal negator. Lucas (2009) argues that this happened due to the influence of dialectal Arabic. In some varieties, the postverbal negator is native. In others, including Senhaja, the postverbal negator is borrowed from Arabic.

Senhaja as a whole has not reached stage III of the Jespersen's cycle, where preverbal negator is also omitted, although preverbal negator can be absent in specific contexts (especially in the presence of other preverbal particles, such as future/irrealis, and in combination with 3MS verb forms). This happens especially in parts of Ketama (Lmekhzen, Talghunt). However, the preverbal negator is more often present than not, especially in Eastern Senhaja (Zerqet). In most contexts, the preverbal negator is Berber in origin (u, ur, uḏ). In specific varieties and in specific contexts, the preverbal negator can be ma or (u)la (rather than the general u). While there is undoubtedly a similarity with the Arabic preverbal negators ma and la, there is also a complication, as these negators are not general in Senhaja. Instead, they are limited to specific contexts. Thus, ma usually appears in the negation of Aorist (e.g. in Taghzut and Hmed), while (u)la appears in the negation of Imperfective forms (in the same varieties). We can thus speak of "specialized" negation markers that are used alongside the "general" negator u. This specialization is not found in Arabic for the negation markers in question. It is thus logical to suggest that the use of these negators in specific contexts has arisen due to the identification of these markers with homophonous elements that exist in Senhaja. For the "future" negator ma, there could have been an identification with the future marker maša (itself likely a borrowing from Arabic, based on the Arabic participle maši 'going' followed by the Berber irrealis particle a). The future marker is often reduced to ša, leaving the ma-part out. The initial ma-could have been identified with the Arabic negator ma. In future negated forms starting with maša, it is impossible to tell if the preverbal negator is absent, or if the element ma fulfills a dual role: negation+future marker. As there also exist forms starting with ma maša, it is clear that ma is not always simply a part of the future marker. 112 On the whole, the element ma is still inviting more research, as to its role and meaning. It is probably linked to the aspect and modality, the probability of something to take place.

As regards the imperfective negator la, this could have been identified with the Berber imperfective marker la (based on the Berber verb 'to be') that is used in some

Berber varieties (e.g. Central Moroccan Tamazight, Gourara, Mzab). The problem is that the element la is not found in imperfective positive forms in any Senhaja variety.

It is impossible to state with certainty if the imperfective marker la was ever used consistently in Senhaja. However, it is clear that the negator la fulfills a dual role (just as its future counterpart ma), as it marks both the negation and the imperfective aspect. Both negators, ma and la, can be substituted by the general negator u, or may also appear in combination with it (u+ma for future negation, and u+la for imperfective negation). Both can appear in prohibitives. However, the choice of the preverbal negator will have influence on the following verb form. The negator ma used in prohibitives is followed by the Aorist verb stem with the usual subject markers. The negator la, by contrast, is followed by the Imperfective verb stem with a special (imperative) marking. Furthermore, the choice of the preverbal negator has influence on the clitic fronting. While ma attracts clitics to the preverbal position, la does not obligatorily cause clitic fronting, and clitics can be left postposed (cf. Section 12.5).

Methodology and Sources

The present study is based on fieldwork data collected between 2013 and 2021 by the author from 35 different Senhaja villages across seven tribes (Ketama, Seddat, Taghzut, Hmed, Bunsar, Zerqet, and Mezduy). See the map in Section 1.3 and Appendix 2 for the geographical coordinates of the villages. In the period between 2013 and 2019, in total, eighteen months were spent in the field (six fieldwork trips of approximately three months each). In 2020-2021, in the times of the coronavirus pandemic, fieldwork was conducted remotely, and the data were acquired by working online with multiple (around thirty, with ten being most active) Senhaja speakers (cf.

Gutova 2021a; Lesage 2021). All in all, more than 300 speakers speaking different Senhaja varieties and dialects have provided data for this study. On the challenges of writing a polylectal grammar, cf. Gutova 2021b. 113 While it is impossible to name all my language consultants here, the names of the major consultants for each tribe are provided in Section 1.5.

While multiple (more than ten) speakers were usually consulted from each village, some sub-dialects are necessarily more represented in our study than others.

Thus, within Ketama, most of the data originate from the villages Beni Aisi and Beni Hmed. In Taghzut, most data come from Lqela. However, some stories were recorded with a speaker from Beni Khlef. In Seddat, most data originate from Azila and Talarwak; some grammatical features (specifically, verb conjugation) were elicited with a few speakers from Tidwin. In Bunsar, most data come from Luta, Amakdan and Tamadit. In Hmed, almost all elicitations were carried out in Tafurnut, while natural data were recorded in Imugzan. In Zerqet, most elicited data originate from Aghennuy and Ikherruden, while recordings were made with the speakers from Wersan and Bunjel. For the Mezduy variety, most speakers (coming from various villages) were consulted in Targuist. It was chosen not to focus on this variety in the present thesis, because Mezduy is a border variety that shows most resemblances with (and is probably most influenced by) Tarifiyt.

Fieldwork was conducted both with men and women from different age groups, varying from children who are just starting to talk (and who are often addressed to using the so-called "baby talk" terms) to the elderly population (about seventy years old). The youngest speaker who has provided a text (a joke in Ketama Berber) was eight years old at the time of the recording, while the oldest one was sixty-five. Some texts (especially short jokes and shorter stories about life) were provided by young speakers (between twelve and thirty years old), while most fairy tales were told by the older speakers, as young speakers are often not such good story-tellers. Thus, the text corpus contains texts provided both by the young and the old speakers, and both by men and women. However, most grammar elicitation was done with younger speakers (between twelve and thirty years old, men and women). Transcriptions and translations of the stories were often done with younger speakers, as well (usually with children of the ones who have provided the stories).

Data on Senhaja Berber were collected using two methods: 1) elicitation and 2) recording of spontaneous speech, dialogues, and texts of various genres. It was carefully verified that the data collected through elicitation correspond to the data collected through recordings of spontaneous speech and texts, and vice versa.

Elicitation was necessary due to the nature of this work (focus on verbal morphology), as it is difficult to gather complete paradigms based on texts alone.

Elicitation was mostly carried out using Moroccan Arabic as language of communication, although a few students in Martil and Targuist are familiar with English and French to some extent. Lexical data stem both from elicitation and from texts. These data were stored using Flex (FieldWorks Language Explorer). In 2021, the lexical database counted ca. 6,000 entries covering seven Senhaja varieties. This number includes various word forms such as plurals of nouns and various derived forms of the verbs.

While a lot of hours of speech were recorded, not all of the texts were transcribed and translated. Thirty texts were selected to be part of the (oral) corpus.

Among these, twenty were transcribed and translated with the help of the speakers.

Among these, ten were glossed and annotated. The texts vary in duration from very short ones (1 minute) to long stories (ca. 30 minutes). Overall, the entire corpus amounts to 2,5 hours of recorded speech. The recordings, transcriptions, and translations are archived and will be made available wherever appropriate (without violating consultants' privacy) to other scholars for purposes of further study and verification, as well as to the community interested in their language and heritage.

This study also provides comparisons of Senhaja to other Berber varieties, wherever relevant. The above three studies sum up all the literature on Senhaja Berber that is based on material collected by the authors themselves. In addition, there is a study by Kossmann (2017a) devoted to the place of Senhaja in Berber dialectology (mostly based on data found in Lafkioui 2007a). This study demonstrates that Senhaja Berber forms part of a different linguistic group than Tarifiyt/Zenati. See Section 1.10 on Ketama Berber vs. Tarifiyt/Zenati based on the features described in Kossmann 2017a.

The Present Study

The Subject and the Plan

This thesis is devoted to the study of phonology, morphology, and morphosyntax of Senhaja Berber varieties. It is a step forward to a complete, fieldwork-based grammar of Senhaja. We adopt a polylectal approach, focusing on the differences and the common features between the studied varieties (cf. the previous section on the notion of a polylectal, or multi-dialectal grammar). Three varieties -Ketama (West), Hmed (Center), and Zerqet (East) -are focused on to cover Senhaja most fully and accurately. The thesis covers the major domains of the language, such as phonology, morphology, and morphosyntax, with a focus on the verbal morphology, the study of the verbal complex, and the movement of the verbal clitics. This thesis does not contain a full description of syntax, but some elements of syntax that are relevant for the present study (in particular, for the clitic movement) are discussed in the final chapters. The essence of this thesis is above all morphological. While it has "Phonology, morphology and morphosyntax" in its title, it is not always possible to distinguish between the three, as everything is related and the three domains influence each other. This interaction between the levels also poses some problems for the clear differentiations. Due to this, sometimes, it was not immediately clear in which part to discuss a particular problem. For example, in the last chapter, we discuss phonology, but also morphology and (morpho)syntax.

The thesis starts with a description of phonology (Chapter 2), which is necessary for the understanding of the verbal morphology and everything that follows. The While a lot of data for this thesis were elicited and it presents a lot of paradigms, it was always carefully verified that the data correspond to the actual (natural) speech of our informants. For this purpose, a lot of texts were recorded and analyzed by the author. Unfortunately, due to the time constraints, it was impossible to properly gloss and translate all the texts. Nevertheless, some texts (glossed and translated) are provided in Appendix 1. In particular, the first text recorded in Ketama ('A joke about a mouse'), already contains some examples of partial clitic fronting in this variety. The

Zerqet Berber text about El Mejdub is provided for its historical and cultural interest, as the story describes the legendary origin of the Senhaja language and tries to explain its diversity. More texts (some with, some without the glosses) in different Senhaja Berber varieties (including Taghzut, Seddat, Hmed, Bunsar) can be consulted at https://academia.li/gutova/senhaja-texts. This file also contains the links to the audio recordings (including the texts presented in Appendix 1).

In preparation of this thesis, a lot of lexical data were collected. While the lexicon is not presented here as part of the thesis, a Senhaja Berber dictionary is currently being prepared by the author, in collaboration with Jonathan Byler. 117 While this thesis is devoted to Senhaja, wherever relevant, comparisons are provided with other Berber varieties. As Senhaja Berber is geographically close to Ghomara and Tarifiyt, it is most often compared and contrasted with these languages. Because of the important of the Arabic influence on Senhaja, a large part is devoted to it in the Introduction part (Section 1.9) and throughout the thesis.

This thesis presents a synchronic analysis of the language as it is currently spoken. Wherever possible, some historical notes are made about possible language changes. As Berber is only rarely approached from a historical linguistics perspective, few historical observations (going deep in time) are made here. However, some observations can be made when comparing different Senhaja Berber varieties, or Senhaja with other Berber languages. Such historical observations cannot be pinpointed exactly to some specific time. Some of the proposed historical changes are more certain than others. This work is not exhaustive due to time and space constraints. It is hoped that this thesis provides some answers to some questions, while some questions are necessarily left unanswered.

Morphology: Roots and Schemes

The following word classes (lexical categories) are common for Berber languages:

verbs, nouns, pronouns, adverbs, prepositions, and numerals. Different from many other Berber languages, in Senhaja, adjectives and participles are distinct morphological classes. Most of the adjectives and participles are borrowed from

Arabic, but some are formed within Senhaja (Chapter 7).

In Senhaja, as in Berber in general (and as in Semitic languages), one finds roots which are not specified for the word class. Word class is specified by means of derivation. However, one does not necessarily find both a verb and a noun derived from the same root. Some roots are found only in verbs, whereas others only in nouns. 118 The root can be predominantly consonantal (i.e. composed of consonants, or radicals), although there are also roots involving vowels or semivowels. 119 There are verbs that differ only in a vowel, e.g. (pan-Snh.) asi 'to lift' vs. as 'to come'. In forming of the aspectual stems, one may find a vowel scheme applied to the root, e.g. some Aorist and Perfective pairs, such as (pan-Snh.) asi > Perfective usi 'to lift'. Sometimes, consonant lengthening (gemination) takes place, e.g. in the formation of the Imperfective (e.g. Ketama ḵrez > Imperfective ḵerrez 'to plow'). However, consonant gemination can already be present in the citation form.

In Berber, one frequently finds the same opposition expressed by different means. Nevertheless, certain patterns emerge if other criteria (e.g. the type of the verb root) are considered. Cf. Chapter 4 on formation of the MA(N) stems. Word formation involving vowel schemes is akin to apophony, where sounds (often vowels) alternate in a word to encode grammatical information.120

Phonology

This chapter discusses Senhaja Berber phonology. The phonologies of Senhaja and (the local) Arabic are nearly identical. Nevertheless, there are some differences within Senhaja (most notably, in the existence of labialized velars, and the degree of spirantization). Consonants are treated first (Section 2.1), followed by the vowels (Section 2.2). The section on vowels treats three plain (peripheral) vowels (a, i, u) and the central vowel schwa (written here as e). Semivowels /y/ and /w/ (and their relation with the vowels /i/ and /u/) are discussed in Section 2.3. Section 2.4 is dedicated to assimilations and vocalic sandhi. Northern Berber languages are usually said to have no lexical stress. The "rules of stress" in Berber often refer to sentence intonation (cf. Chaker 1995: 97-116). The intonation falls outside the scope of the present study.121

Consonants

This section describes the consonantal inventory of Senhaja in general. The following oppositions exist in the consonantal system:

1) voice: voiced vs. voiceless consonants;

2) length: short vs. long consonants;

3) pharyngealization: non-pharyngealized vs. pharyngealized consonants; 4) spirantization: stops vs. fricatives (spirantized consonants); 5) assibilation: t vs. ț (only in parts of Senhaja); 6) labialization (absent in Ketama and Taghzut).

Consonant Inventory

As other Berber languages, Senhaja Berber knows the opposition of voice, length, and pharyngealization (cf.

(p) -b s -z k -g t -d ṣ -ẓ ḵ -(ḡ) ṭ -ḍ š -ž ḫ -ġ ṯ -ḏ č -ǧ
In Senhaja, ḡ is very marginal (it is found in parts of Zerqet, for example). Within Ketama, ḡ is found in a few lexemes, in free variation with g. Phonetically, ḡ also occurs in Ketama as a voiced realization of ḵ as a result of assimilation. The following sections discuss other contrastive features in Senhaja consonants: length, pharyngealization, spirantization, assibilation, and labialization.

Length: Short and Long Consonants

There is a distinction between short and long consonants. Long consonants have been analyzed as tense by some scholars (Galand 2002: 147-161), and as geminated by others (Saïb 1997). In this thesis, we use the neutral term "long", following Kossmann 2012a: 25. 123 In Berber, short consonants and their "long" counterparts do not differ in length alone. Since length plays an important role in the opposition, it is taken here as the definition of contrast (cf. Chaker 1984; Ouakrim 1995; Louali & Maddieson 1999, Kossmann 2012a: 25). Long consonants are written by doubling the letter.

Consonantal length can be lexical, morphological (used in morphological oppositions), or a result of assimilation.

Almost every consonant has a long counterpart. In Senhaja, consonant length is neutralized word-finally. We indicate underlying length (that is apparent from contrasting forms) in parentheses, e.g. i-sel(l) 'he heard', cf. sell-en 'they heard'

(Ketama/Taghzut/Hmed). A sequence of a long consonant and its short counterpart is not allowed, e.g. Zerqet ġellel 'to milk', ġell=it (*ġelll=it < *ġellel=it) 'milk it!'.

Overview of short and long counterparts

Pairs of short and long consonants are established in morphological oppositions. While most consonants have a long counterpart, sometimes, this opposition is combined with another feature. Short fricatives typically have long stops as their counterparts, although long spirantized consonants also occur in the language.124 123 However, we also use the terms gemination (for the consonant lengthening) and degemination (for the loss of the consonant length), which are common in the literature on Berber. Besides, the terms geminated, gemination are also common in the literature on Arabic, for example in the description of the formation of the so-called stem II of the verb (cf. Section 3.3.6), which is often found in Senhaja. This stem is derived from stem I by doubling (geminating) the second radical. Such verbs are also referred to as "C2

geminated", and we adopt this terminology here.

Fricative/plosive pairs in Senhaja include: ṯ -tt, ḏ -dd, ḇ -bb and ḡ -gg. Some phonemes have "short" and "long" variants which however do not function in morphological oppositions, e.g. p and pp, ḷ and ḷḷ. Below, the short and long counterparts that are found in morphological oppositions are listed.

Short and long consonant pairs in

Senhaja b -bb (also ḇ -bb) f -ff d -dd (also ḏ -dd) t -tt (also ṯ -tt) ṭ -ṭṭ ḍ/d ̱̣ -ṭṭ k -kk (also ḵ -kk) g -gg (also ḡ -gg) r -rr ṛ -ṛṛ n -nn m -mm ḫ -ḫḫ ɛ -ɛɛ ḥ -ḥḥ z -zz (also z-ddz) s -ss (also s -tts) ẓ -ẓẓ (also ẓ -ḍḍẓ) ṣ -ṣṣ (also ṣ -ṭṭṣ) ǧ -ǧǧ ž -žž (also ž -ǧǧ) š -šš (also š -čč) q -qq ġ -qq w -ggʷ ~gg (~ww) y -ll (<*l -*ll) ž -žž (<*l -*ll) y -ǧǧ (<*l -*ll l -ǧǧ (<*l -*ll)
See the following section on some special short/long counterparts including the reflexes of the original *l -*ll pair. As Imperfective stem is often (albeit not always)

formed by doubling the second radical, we use the Aorist/Imperfective forms to illustrate the length opposition in Senhaja. Below are some examples of short/long counterparts. In varieties that have labialized velars (majority of Senhaja excluding Ketama and Taghzut), w usually corresponds to gg w in morphological oppositions. In Ketama and

Examples of regular short/long pairs in Senhaja

Taghzut, w often corresponds to gg (original ggʷ that lost labialization). Note that ww exists as a phoneme, and sometimes also serves as a long counterpart of w. The following table shows these correspondences.

Ketama

Taghzut Zerqet Translation rwi -rewwi ~ reggi rwež -reggež rwel -reggʷel escape zwi -zewwi zwi -zewwi zwi -zeggʷi shake off
The verb w(w)eṯ 'to hit' is unique (as in many other Berber varieties): here, w(w) corresponds to kk(ʷ) in the Imperfective: wweṯ -kkʷaṯ (Zerqet/Hmed); wweṯ -kkaṯ (Ketama).

2) Original l -ll correspondence

The originally regular pair *l -*ll has developed into the following correspondences in Senhaja: There are some exceptions to this general rule caused by different factors. Thus, l does not always become y, while ll does not always become ǧǧ, especially in Arabic loans.

3) Long counterparts of sibilants

In Zerqet, a short sibilant corresponds to an affricate long consonant. Thus, we find the following correspondences: s -tts, ṣ -ṭṭṣ, z -ddz, š -čč, and ž -ǧǧ. 126 The correspondence š -čč is more widespread, both within the lexicon and across Senhaja, as it is also found in Seddat, Hmed, and Taghzut. The following table summarizes the correspondences of short sibilants in Senhaja.

125 See below (Section 2.1.7) on the fate of the original *l and *ll.

126 These correspondences are also found in Figuig (Kossmann 1997b: 29) and Kabyle (Dallet 1982) and, for š -čč, also in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 26). Long šš is also found as a long counterpart of š, e.g. in ḥšem -ḥeššem 'to be ashamed'.

Correspondences of short sibilants in Senhaja

Short

Corresponding long counterpart in different varieties

Ketama

The correspondence ž -ǧǧ needs some additional notes. First of all, ž can also correspond to žž. Second, there is sometimes free variation between ž and ǧ in the Aorist and Perfective forms of the verb. For some verbs, then, we can state that ž corresponds to žž and ǧ corresponds to ǧǧ. Nevertheless, for some verbs, there is a preference to have a short ž in the Aorist/Perfective and a long ǧǧ in the Imperfective, e.g. (Zerqet) nžer -neǧǧer 'to carpenter' (vs. Hmed nǧer -neǧǧer).

Pharyngealization

Pharyngealized consonants are also called "emphatic" in literature on Berber. In Senhaja, as in other Berber varieties, pharyngealization occurs with dentals and alveolars. As noted by Kossmann (2012a: 25), only two pharyngealized phonemes can be reconstructed for Proto-Berber, ḍ and ẓ. Other pharyngealized phonemes developed in Berber later (some under the influence from Arabic). The following Examples of minimal pairs include:

-anzar 'nose' vs. anẓar 'rain' (Bunsar);

-lluz 'almonds' vs. ḷḷuẓ 'to be hungry' (Hmed);

-rez 'to return (something)' vs. ṛeẓ 'to break' (Hmed);

-rwi 'to flee' vs. ṛwi 'to soak' (Hmed);

-issenday 'he is churning' vs. iṣṣenday 'he is getting ripe' (Zerqet);

-ssif/ssayf 'sword' vs. ṣṣif/ṣṣayf 'summer' (pan-Snh.);

-nnes 'his/her' vs. nneṣ 'half' (pan-Snh.).

Pharyngealization is not always strongly pronounced in Senhaja. Also, the lexical distribution depends on the dialect: there are words that contain pharyngealized phonemes in some dialects, but not in others. For example, one finds a minimal pair izi 'fly' vs. iẓi 'gallbladder' in the majority of Senhaja. Kossmann 2012a: 27). In many cases, the place of articulation changes as well.

Namely, the fronting takes place, e.g. dentals become interdentals (e.g. t > ṯ, d > ḏ).

In this work, following a tradition in Berberology, spirantization is marked by a bar underneath the letter.

The spirantization in Senhaja is not as regular as in Tarifiyt, and does not follow the same rules as Ghomara (see Mourigh 2017). In Senhaja, spirantization is not exactly the same across different varieties. While the changes t > ṯ, d > ḏ, and k > ḵ are found in all varieties, the changes b > ḇ and g > ḡ are limited to specific varieties or words (ḇ is found in Taghzut, Hmed, Bunsar and parts of Zerqet; ḡ is found in Seddat and parts of Zerqet). Moreover, spirantization is not always consistent. The same word can be variously pronounced with and without spirantization even by the same speaker, e.g. adrar~aḏrar 'mountain ', kšem~ḵšem 'to enter', id ~ iḏ 'and'. 130 This is the case in many words, but there are also words that are consistently pronounced with or without spirantization, and there are some minimal pairs distinguished by spirantization alone, e.g.

-ka 1) question marker, 2) counterfactual if' vs. ḵa 'how' (Ketama); 131 -ṣḇaḥ 'to be morning' (e.g. i-sḇaḥ lḥal 'it is morning') vs. ṣbaḥ 'to be nice' (e.g. iṣbaḥ 'he is nice') (Hmed and Wersan dialect of Zerqet).

Stage 2 Spirantization with Subsequent Mergers

In some varieties, spirantized consonants have developed further into different sounds.

Such subsequent changes can be described as 'stage 2 spirantization' (e.g. g > ḡ > y; t > ṯ > h). In extreme cases, the spirantized phoneme may become zero (e.g. g > ḡ > y > Ø and t > ṯ > h > Ø). The consonant g/ḡ has merged with y in some words in Eastern Senhaja (Hmed, Bunsar, Zerqet, Mezduy), whereas Western Senhaja (Ketama, -ṯamuda 'sow (female pig)' (Hmed ṯamuḏa);

-ṯurin (pl. tant.) (same in Bunsar/Zerqet/Mezduy) 'lungs'.

The 2S/3FS/2P verb prefix is usually realized as h-or a-~ah-, but not as "zero" in Ketama (unlike the feminine nominal prefix), except for assimilation contexts.

There are also some other examples of ṯ > h (>Ø) outside the context of these grammatical markers, e.g. in the pronominal system:

-3FS independent pronoun is nettaṯa in most Senhaja (Hmed nțṯa), nettaha in Ketama, and nțțaha in Taghzut (including Lqela); -the FS nominal prefix (ṯ > Ø); -2S/3FS/2P verb subject prefix (ṯ-> h-/a-/ah-);

-in the pronominal system (third person DO clitics and independent pronouns).

The following table lists spirantized counterparts of plosives in Senhaja, including stage 2 spirantization that concerns only specific varieties, words, and contexts. verb prefix is found in all the dialects. This is not the case for Taghzut, where there is a major division between the dialect of Lqela vs. the rest. In the dialects outside Lqela, ṯ is realized as in Ketama. In Lqela, ṯ-is preserved both as a feminine nominal prefix and as a verb marker of 2S/3FS/2P. Lqela is thus more conservative in this regard, and behaves like other Senhaja varieties.

Spirantization in Senhaja

Stop

Optional and Obligatory Spirantization

In Senhaja, spirantization is often optional, and there is dialectal variation. Within Ketama, Beni Aisi speakers tend to spirantize more than Sahel speakers.

The feminine suffix -ṯ

Generally, the feminine suffix -ṯ tends to be spirantized in most Senhaja varieties, even after another consonant including a nasal or a liquid. However, spirantization of -ṯ is blocked by the preceding nasal in Zerqet. In Hmed, the feminine singular suffix is consistently -ṯ in such cases, and may be optionally left out. The following table

summarizes the most frequent forms of the FS suffix following consonants in three Senhaja varieties and lists some examples.

Ketama -Cṯ (-Ct) Hmed -C(ṯ)

Zerqet -Cṯ, -nt, -mt Transl.

- Labialized velars and uvulars do not occur in Ketama and Taghzut, while the remaining varieties have them, albeit not always in the same lexemes. Differently from Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 59), the schwa adjacent to the labialized phoneme is not always realized as u in Senhaja. 136 In some lexemes, labialization has been lost, and its traces are only visible in the vowel u, e.g. Seddat ṯaġummerṯ 'elbow/corner'. In Ketama,

where labialization is absent, its traces are present in some lexemes in the form of u (<e).

Examples of Labialization in Senhaja

Below follow examples of labialized phonemes from different Senhaja varieties (excluding Ketama and Taghzut, that lack these phonemes). The phoneme ggʷ is the most frequent labialized phoneme in our database, largely because ggʷ is a long counterpart of w found e.g. in the Imperfective verb stems, e.g.

Example

ḫeggʷi (Hmed/Zerqet) Imperfective of ḫwi 'to empty';

reggʷel (Zerqet), Imperfective of rwel 'to escape', -zeggʷi (Hmed/Zerqet), Imperfective of zwi 'to shake off';

neggʷ (Hmed), Imperfective of ww (<*nw) 'to be ripe, to cook'. This phoneme is also found outside Imperfective verb forms, e.g.

uggʷ (Zerqet) 'to knead';

ggʷeḏ (Zerqet) 'to fear';

ggʷed ̱̣ (Hmed), Perfective of awed ̱̣ 'to arrive';

ggʷi (Hmed), Perfective of awi 'to take'.

The following examples demonstrate ggʷ in nouns:

aḏeggʷay (Hmed) 'wife's brother/father' (Ketama ad ̱̣ eggay);

ṯaḏeggʷaṯ (Zerqet/Hmed) 'evening' (Bunsar ṯaḏuggaṯ);

ṯaggʷerṯ (Bunsar) 'door' (Taghzut ṯaggurṯ, Ketama/Zerqet ṯawwerṯ);

ṯaggʷeṯ (Bunsar)/ṯaggʷuṯ (Zerqet) 'fog' (Hmed ṯawweṯ). A single gʷ is rare in our database, and has only been found in Hmed:

igʷen (Hmed) 'one', cf. Seddat iggʷen, Zerqet yewwen, Ketama yan; -gʷ (Hmed) 'in', cf. Ketama g.

Examples of Lost Labialization in Ketama

In the following verbs, Ketama (similar to Ghomara, Mourigh 2015: 59-62) has u in some verb forms that disappears when the vowel occurs in an open syllable. This u typically corresponds to the underlying e (realized as a before back consonants, cf. Section 2.2.3.1) in the rest of Senhaja including Taghzut. For such verbs, Mourigh (2015: 59-62) proposes an underlying labialization in Ghomara, on the basis of other forms which have actual labialization. This is different from Ketama, where in contrasting forms, there are no traces of labialization, and the vowel u (<e) simply disappears. We first present examples with u that are common for Ketama and Ghomara and that correspond to e in the rest of Senhaja.

Ketama

Ghomara

2) Feminine nouns on -lṯ

In FS nouns that have suffix -ṯ, the final -lṯ may be preserved, or l may undergo the usual changes (>y in most Senhaja, > r in Mezduy), e.g.

-(ṯ)agfilṯ (Ketama/Taghzut), ṯifilṯ (Hmed) 'egg';

-amdakkulṯ ~ amdakkuyṯ (Ketama), ṯamdakkʷelṯ ~ ṯamdakkʷeyṯ (Hmed), ṯamtakežṯ (Taghzut) 'female friend';

-aġyulṯ (aġyuyṯ) (Ketama), ṯaġyulṯ (Taghzut/Hmed), ṯaġyurṯ (Mezduy) 'f. donkey';

-(ṯ)aqbilṯ (pan-Snh.) 'tribe'.
The final -l can be preserved in Hmed even when the FS suffix -ṯ is absent: ṯaġyul(ṯ)

'female donkey', ṯaqbil(ṯ) 'tribe'.

The final -lṯ is preserved in parts of Zerqet (e.g. Wersan), but changes to -šṯ in some dialects (e.g. Ikherruden, Aghennuy, Bunjel) and parts of Seddat and Bunsar. In parts of Seddat, Bunsar (e.g. Amaktan, Tamadit, Luta, Tahaya Yzem), and Mezduy, the final *lṯ > č [tš]: *l lead to the palatalization of -t, which became č. 139 For example:

-abṣelṯ (Ketama), ṯibṣelṯ (Hmed, parts of Zerqet), ṯibṣešṯ/ṯibšešṯ (parts of Zerqet), ṯibṣeč (parts of Seddat/Bunsar) 'onion';

-(ṯ)agfilṯ (Ketama/

Notes on Specific Consonants and Irregular Correspondences

In this section, specific consonants are treated that show inner-Senhaja variation and have irregular correspondences. The fate of the original *l and *ll is discussed separately in the following section.

Phonemes p, pp

The phonemes p and pp are mainly found in (European) loans, sometimes in free variation with b and bb, e.g.

p

-lpastiya (Snh.) 'pill' (Hmed also lbaṣṭiya, lḇaṣṭiya); <Fr. pastille;

-lepḷaya (Hmed) 'beach'; <Sp. playa;

-lpakiya (Snh.) 'pack, pile' (cf. Fr. pack, paquet);

-lpaḷa (Zerqet) 'shovel' (also lbaḷa, that is preferred in other varieties <Sp. pala);

-lpinwar (Snh.) 'bathrobe'; <Fr. peignoir;

-paḵḵa (Zerqet), cf. Seddat piḵḵa 'chameleon'.

pp

-akeppud ̱̣ (Zerqet) 'coat', Hmed akeppuṭ, Ketama/Seddat akkebbuḍ < Sp. capote;

-lkappa (Ketama/Seddat/Hmed/Zerqet) 'coat/jacket' < Sp. capa;

-čappa (Hmed/Zerqet) 'tin can' (cf. Spanish chapa 'bottle cap');

-ččappu/ššappu (Hmed/Zerqet) 'hat' (<Fr. chapeau);

-ṣṣappa (Ketama/Seddat/Zerqet/Hmed) 'hoe' (cf. Italian zappa);

-ṭuppa (Zerqet/Seddat) 'rat' (from Darija, could be related to Sp. topo 'mole');

-čuppa (Snh.) 1) 'lollipop'; 2) pacifier (after the Spanish brand name of lollipop chupa chups, from the Spanish chupar 'to suck').

The phoneme p(p) is also found in some baby-talk lexemes, e.g. pappa 'bread', pipip 'car', etc. (cf. Gutova 2016).

Phonemes b, ḇ

In Taghzut and Hmed, b > ḇ, although a plosive b is also found, often in free variation with ḇ, e.g. baba (most Senhaja) 'father' > Taghzut/Hmed ḇaḇa (alongside baba, baḇa). In some lexemes, the variant with a fricative ḇ is preferred, e.g aneḇḏu 'summer'

(vs. a n-ebdu 'we will start'). In this case, b is always spirantized in the word for 'summer' (aneḇḏu), and may be optionally spirantized in the word for bḏu (~ḇḏu) 'to start'.

In some examples, we find the correspondence between b and m, e.g.

-abḥḥišṯ (Ketama, informal) 'kiss' ~ amḥḥišṯ 'kiss', cf. abaḥḥat ~ amaḥḥat 'id.', cf.

baby-talk baḥḥa ~ maḥḥa 'id.';

-lǧib (Zerqet) ~ lǧim (Hmed) 'pocket'.

In some examples, b > f when followed by a FS suffix -ṯ (cf. Section 2.4.1.1 on assimilations):

-Zerqet ṯažellafṯ 'djellaba (traditional dress)', cf. PL ṯižellabin; cf. Hmed ṯažellaḇṯ;

-Ketama išṭṭefṯ 'broom' < ašṭṭeb 'branch', cf. Zerqet (dialectal) ṯašṭṭifṯ alongside ṯašṭṭibṯ (dialectal) 'small branch' < ašṭṭib 'branch'.

b(b) and w(w)

In a few lexemes, there is a correspondence between b(b) and w(w):

-Ketama (dialectal) (ṯ)abkiwṯ ~ awkka(t) 'worm', PL ibkkiwin ~ iwkka.

-In two words, Hmed ḇ and b correspond to w and g elsewhere:

-Hmed seḇ 'to drink' corresponds to su /sew/ found in the majority of Senhaja; Word-finally, -u can be the realization of the underlying -ew (cf. below on the behavior of schwa and semivowels), e.g. su /sew/ (most Snh.) 'Drink (SG)!', cf. š-a^t-sw-eḏ 'you (SG) will drink'.

Vowel-Glide Sequence in some Arabic Loans

In a number of Arabic borrowings, there is variation within Senhaja: we find pronunciation with a V-glide sequence, or a single vowel. The distribution is usually dialectal, although some words are found with different pronunciations within the same dialect. Consider the following examples:

1) ay ~ i

lġays (Ketama/Hmed) ~ lġis (Zerqet) 'mud'; Ketama/Hmed speakers consider lġays a Berber word (Berber pronunciation), and lġis an Arabic (Darija) word;

lġayṭa (Ketama) ~ lġiṭa (Hmed/Zerqet) 'flute': Hmed/Zerqet speakers consider lġiṭa Berber and common Moroccan pronunciation, and lġayṭa specific to Jbala;

ssayf (Ketama) ~ ssif (Hmed/Zerqet) 'sword';

ṣṣayf (Ketama) ~ ṣṣif (Hmed/Zerqet) 'summer'.

Note, however, the following words with i (rather than ay) in Ketama:

lḥiṭ 'wall' (alongside ṣṣuṛ which is the preferred word in most other varieties);

lḫiṭ 'thread' (also in Seddat, cf. The change e > a before the back consonants does not take place if it is not in the final syllable:

-eq: leqlib 'plowing', meqquṛ 'big';

-eḫ: leḫmis 'Thursday';

-eġ: leġlib 'winning'; ṛṛeġʷa (Hmed/Zerqet) 'foam'; ṯiseġʷesṯ (Hmed/Zerqet) 'broom';

-eḥ: ameḥžuṛ 'orphan', imeḥḥi (Ketama) 'he erases';

-eɛ: leɛḏes 'lentils';

-eh: ifehhem 'he explains', nehnim (Ketama) 'they', nehnum (Hmed) 'they'.

The difference between the (underlying) e and a (<e) is apparent from morphological variation: underlying schwa is not allowed in an open syllable, and is either elided or changes place (the word is resyllabified). Compare, for example, the following IMP:SG and IMP:PL forms. In IMP:SG, schwa is followed by a back consonant in the final syllable, and is realized as a. In IMP:PL, the word is resyllabified, and the underlying schwa is realized as e.

Analysis and Syllabification Rules

The behavior of schwa in Berber has been the subject of many studies.

Exceptions and Specific Cases

Predictability is not perfect, and there are exceptions from the general rule presented above, especially words ending in CeCC instead of the expected CCeC, e.g.

serf 'comb!' (Zerqet) (alongside sref, with a predictable schwa);

zzenz (Zerqet) 'sell!', vs. Hmed zznez; cf. Zerqet passive stem mmenz 'to be sold';

izerf (Seddat/Bunsar/Zerqet) 'road, path', vs. Ketama/Taghzut/Hmed izref.

Different from Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 49) Saïb 1976a and Kossmann (1995a, 1997b, 2012a) conclude that schwa is sometimes phonemic (inherent), while in the majority of cases, it is predictable (inserted following a set of rules). We follow this approach here. Schwa is always written in this thesis.

Contexts in which Semivowels and Vowels Interchange

In Senhaja, the semivowels y and w are distinguished from the high vowels i and u. At the same time, in certain contexts, y may become i, and w may become u, and vice versa.

ye > i and we > u

The sequence ye > i and we > u when schwa would come to stand in an open syllable (which is not permitted). The rule ye > i also concerns y <*l. Consider the following examples.

-(*le >) ye>i: Hmed qyeḇ (IMP:SG) vs. (*qyeḇ-eṯ >) qib-eṯ (IMP:PL) 'plow!'. PERF 3MS i-qyeḇ 'he plowed' vs. 1S qiḇ-aġ 'I plowed', 3P qiḇ-en 'they plowed';

we > u: pan-Snh. i-ǧǧwen 'he is full' vs. (*ǧǧwen-en >) ǧǧun-en 'they are full'.

-ey# > -i# and -ew# > -u#

In word-final position, synchronically, -ey and -ew do not appear, and only -i and -u are found, respectively. There are usually no morphological variants where the final semivowels y and w reappear. There is thus no reason to assume underlying semivowels in the final position. There are some very rare exceptions to this rule, e.g.

the verb su that can be analyzed as /sew/ underlyingly because the semivowel w resurfaces in the contrasting forms, including its causative derivation ssu /ssew/ 'to let drink, to irrigate':

-su /sew/ (IMP:SG) 'Drink!', cf. š-a^t-esw-eḏ 'you (SG) will drink' (most Snh.); Consonants that normally undergo assimilation are alveolar stops and post-alveolar fricatives. Other consonants may undergo assimilation, but not as regularly.

-
Assimilation is not always obligatory, and there are dialectal differences.

A. Voiceless + Voiced > Voiced

There are many examples of regressive voice assimilation, where a voiced consonant makes the preceding voiceless consonant voiced.

t + d > dd

For example, the Imperfective prefix t-+ d-of the verb stem yields dd in most Senhaja varieties excluding Hmed (see Section 14.1.1.2), e.g. 157 -t+duwwaḫ > d^duwwaḫ (most Snh.), Imperfective of duwwaḫ 'to make dizzy'.

Similarly, the verb subject prefix t-of 2S/3FS/2P t-+ d-of the verb stem also yields dd in most Senhaja (see Section 14.1.1.2), e.g. 158 (1) š-a ^t-duwwaḫ > š-a^d^duwwaḫ 'she will make dizzy'.

FT-NR ^3FS-make.dizzy:A

ṯ + ḏ > dd/ḏḏ
For example, the noun ṯaḏeggʷaṯ 'evening' (Hmed/Zerqet) forms the annexed state (EA, Section 6.1.1.3) by deleting the prefix vowel a: ṯḏeggʷaṯ, which is realized as ddeggʷaṯ (Z)/ ḏḏeggʷaṯ (H).159

There are also many examples where the assimilation in voice does not take place, especially across word boundaries.

B. Voiced + Voiceless > Voiceless

Very frequently, a voiced consonant becomes voiceless when followed by a voiceless consonant. Examples include:

ḏ + ṯ > tt 1) The predicative ḏ + the nominal FS prefix ṯ-> tt (H/Z)
On the predicative ḏ that exists in most Senhaja, but not in Ketama, see Section 6.1.2.

The predicative ḏ assimilates to the following ṯ-of FS nouns, yielding tt, e.g. 160 ( The 1S subject marker -ġ is not devoiced across word boundaries.

Various consonants

Various voiced consonants of the noun stem assimilate to the FS suffix -ṯ. This assimilation is not without exceptions, and there are dialectal differences (see below under a). Assimilation can be incomplete or complete (see under b). When assimilation is complete, the final consonant can be analyzed as underlyingly long, although gemination is not audible word-finally. For the assimilation of pharyngealized consonants to the FS -ṯ, see under c. On the combination of the final -l of the noun stem with the FS suffix -ṯ, see Section In Zerqet, the sibilants z and š likewise assimilate to the following š. This assimilation is not obligatory in Ketama. For example:

(10) u ḵ(ḵ)ruz ši > u ḵ(ḵ)ruš^ ši (Z)
NEG plow:I NEG 'Do not plow!'

168 Different from Ketama (cf. below), there is no audible pharyngealization in Hmed in this word. 169 The examples in Ketama and Zerqet differ in that Ketama uses the negator i rather than u in prohibitives, and that the Imperfective stems are formed differently.

Sibilant harmony

Examples of long-distance assimilation, or sibilant harmony, include:

-ṯibṣešṯ > ṯibšešṯ (both variants found in Zerqet) 'onion' (cf. K abṣelṯ, H ṯibṣel(ṯ));

-zzwiža> žžwiža (both variants found in Hmed and Zerqet) 'pair/yoke';170 -ẓẓaž (< ẓẓaḷḷ, as in Hmed) > žžaž (Zerqet) 'to pray'.

There is no sibilant harmony in the causative prefix s(s-) (Section 3. and the assimilation to l/ḷ seems to be more wide-spread than to r/ṛ. The Hmed variety often employs both the assimilated and non-assimilated forms, while other varieties usually have certain preferences (sometimes depending on the word).

Dialectal differences are found especially when n is followed by a long consonant (ll, ḷḷ, etc.).

1) 1P verbal subject prefix n-+ l, ḷ, r, ṛ

The 1P verbal subject prefix n-can be assimilated to the following consonant of the verb stem.

n + l > ll, n + ḷ > ḷḷ

When the verbal subject prefix n-is followed by the l-or ḷ of the verb stem, this may

2) The Genitive preposition n n + l > ll

The Genitive preposition n undergoes different assimilations (cf. Section 9.2.1.2).

When the Genitive n is followed by the l-of the following noun (Arabic article, or the name proper), this usually yields ll, although non-assimilated variants (n + l-) also occur. 172 In most examples, assimilation takes place in Ketama and Zerqet, while in Hmed, both assimilated and non-assimilated forms are found:

-n leḫmis (H) > l^leḫmis (K/H/Z) 'of Thursday'

-n Layla (H) > l^Layla (K/H/Z) 'of Layla'.

In the following example, however, there is a difference between Zerqet (no assimilation) and Ketama (assimilation), while in Hmed, again, both forms are found:

-n laymun (H/Z) > l^laymun (K/H) 'of (the) lemon(s)'.

When the following word starts in ll-, no assimilation takes place in Zerqet, while assimilation is the preferred variant in Ketama: n + ll > ll. Both variants exist in Hmed:

-n ellil (H/Z) > l^l(l)il > llil (K/H) 'of (the) night'.

n + r/ṛ

When the Genitive n is followed by rr, ṛṛ-, there is normally no assimilation in Ketama and Zerqet, while it is possible in Hmed (n + ṛṛ > ṛ^ṛṛ > ṛ^ṛ):

-n eṛṛadyu (K/H/Z) > ṛ^ṛ(ṛ)adyu > ṛ^ṛadyu (H) 'of (the) radio'.

Other cases

When the Genitive n is followed by other consonants, no assimilation takes place.

When the n is followed by w-of the noun in the annexed state (EA, Section 6.1.1.3), there is usually no assimilation in Ketama, while assimilation is possible in Hmed and

Zerqet, e.g.

-n waman (K/H/Z) > w^waman (H/Z) 'of the water';

Before the vowels, the Genitive n can be optionally omitted:

(14) ši n imendi (H/Z) > ši^ymendi (H) / ši^mendi (Z)
some of barley 'some barley'

3) The final -n in the numeral 'one'

The numeral 'one' is yan in Ketama, and un in Hmed and Zerqet (cf. Section 10.2.1). 173 The final -n becomes -l when followed by l-(usually of the Arabic article), e.g.

-yan lkursi > yal^lkursi (K); un lkursi > ul^lkursi (H/Z) 'one chair'.

The final -n can be omitted in Ketama and Hmed when followed by the u~w-of the annexed state of the noun, e.g. 174 -yan urba > ya^wrba (K); un urḇa > u^werḇa (H) 'one boy'.

Other Consonants r + l > ll

In the Beni Hmed dialect of Ketama, the preposition 'to' is ar (however, the variant al is also found), e.g. ar uḫyam 'to the house'. When followed by the l-of the Arabic article, it is assimilated (and optionally degeminated), e.g. ar lemḏina > a(l)^lemḏina 'to the town'.

m+ṯ > nṯ

The m can become n before ṯ and d, e.g. amdakkʷey ~ andakkʷey (H) 'friend'; ɛamṯ-i > ɛant-i (Z) 'my paternal aunt' (cf. K/H ɛatt-i with a full assimilation); aḫyamṯ ~ aḫyanṯ (K) 'room'.175

Vocalic Sandhi

A sequence of two vowels is normally not permitted in Berber (see, however, Section 2.4.2.4). When two vowels come in contact, the following solutions are possible (sometimes, multiple solutions exist for the same example):

1) one of the vowels is elided (vowel elision);

2) a semivowel is inserted between them (Hiatustilger);

3) one of the vowels becomes a semivowel (i > y and u > w).

Vowel Elision

In some situations, when two vowels are adjacent (in the underlying form), one of them is elided. For example, the 3MS Perfective form of the verb 'to give' is i-kka.

When followed by 3S:IO clitic as, the underlying form is i-kka=as 'He gave to him/her'. However, one of the two a's is elided, so that the surface form is i-kka^s When i or u appear in the vicinity of a vowel, they mostly turn into semivowels: i > y and u > w. Thus, in most Senhaja varieties, the usual form of the 3MS verb subject prefix is i-, e.g. i-ḵšem 'he entered'. However, the prefix is realized as y-when following a vowel (e.g. after the future marker š-a in Ketama), e.g.

(
(23) š-a y-eḵšem (K) 'he will enter'.

FT-NR 3MS-enter:A

Other examples of vowels i and u turning into semivowels y and w follow.

1) i > y

Following a (a + i > a y) In Ketama and parts of Taghzut (outside Lqela), ṯ > h (> Ø) in specific contexts.

(
This affected the 2S/3FS/2P verb subject prefix (ṯ-> h-/a-/ah-, but not "zero"), and the feminine nominal prefix (ṯ > Ø). The Lqela dialect of Taghzut is conservative in preserving ṯ.

Spirantization is often optional in many lexemes, e.g. kšem~ḵšem 'to enter', but there are also lexemes that prefer only one variant, either spirantized or not spirantized. Non-spirantized stops often originated from long consonants or borrowings. There can be also dialectal differences in spirantization. Generally, Ketama (especially the dialect of Sahel) is less spirantizing than the Hmed variety.

Spirantization may be blocked in some cases, e.g. by the preceding n in Zerqet (but not in Ketama or Hmed). On the whole, spirantization in Senhaja is not as regular as in Tarifiyt, and does not follow the same rules as Ghomara (Mourigh 2017).

Assibilated ț [t͡ s] is limited to Taghzut, Hmed, and parts of Seddat. The exact conditioning of assibilation in these varieties differs. For example, the passive prefix ttcan be (optionally) assibilated in Taghzut, but not in Hmed.

Labialized velars and uvulars exist in most Senhaja varieties, but are absent in Ketama and Taghzut. The existence of short labialized velars is an isogloss that distinguishes (parts of) Senhaja (excluding Ketama and Taghzut) from Tarifiyt/Zenatic (Kossmann 2017a: 97). Differently from Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 59), the schwa adjacent to the labialized phoneme is not always realized as u in Senhaja. In some There is a contrast between CyeC# vs. CiC#, and between CweC# vs. CuC#.

The semivowels y and w are distinguished from the high vowels i and u, but in certain contexts, y may become i, and w may become u. Etymological word-final -ew becameu, and word-final -ey became -i.

Assimilations and sandhi

Consonant assimilations can occur within a word or across word boundaries. A sequence of two vowels is normally not permitted in Berber. When two vowels come in contact, the following solutions are possible:

1) one of the vowels is elided (vowel elision), e.g. a + a > a;

2) a semivowel is inserted (Hiatustilger), e.g. a + a > a ya;

3) one of the vowels becomes a semivowel, e.g. a + i > a y.

Summary of isoglosses in phonetics/phonology

The

The Verb

Introduction

Characteristic Features

The verb in Senhaja is characterized by the following features:

1) its ability to play the role of a predicate and to constitute a statement by itself 5). Section 3.4 is devoted to the subject PNG marking and presents the exceptions (impersonal verbs). There is some interaction between the subject marking and the MAN stems and particles. The verbal complex (which includes MAN particles and verbal clitics) is discussed in the Chapter 5: verbal particles in Section 5.2, and verbal clitics in Section 5.3. Morphophonology and morphosyntax of the verbal complex is delegated to the final chapters of the thesis (12, 13, and 14).

(

General Structure

Verbs have abstract roots. There are different classes of verbs according to their root type, such as CCC (triconsonantal), CC (biconsonantal), roots including vowels such as CVC, CCV, and so on. 179 The verbal root typically consists of one to four consonants; three consonants (CCC) is the most frequent type. Many roots are consonantal, while vowels and gemination can be used to convey grammatical information. However, there are also roots that include a vowel, or where consonantal gemination must be specified. Also, the vowel scheme and consonantal gemination are not the only ways to convey grammatical information. In this thesis, the verbal root is analyzed as predominantly consonantal, with the possible inclusion of gemination and plain vowels (excluding the schwa). The root may be extended by a derivational prefix, which adds modifications in voice (Section 3.2). 180 In this thesis (cf. Penchoen 1973: 30), the term "verb derivation" is reserved for derivation that adds modifications in voice, while the term "verb formation" refers to forming of MAN (mood, aspect, negation) stems (Chapter 4).

There is no infinitive form. Aorist is traditionally taken as the citation form in Berber studies, and this practice is followed here. The bare Aorist without the PNG affixes usually coincides with the Imperative singular, which is the only form that is found without PNG affixes. 181 Most verbs distinguish three stems: Aorist, Perfective, and Imperfective. The Mezduy variety and the Wersan dialect of Zerqet are conservative in that they preserve negative stems (Perfective Negative and Imperfective Negative).

PNG markers (prefixes, suffixes, or both) are then added to the stems. These affixes carry information about the person, number, and gender of the subject. For example, for the verb ḵrez 'to plow', there is:

-root: KRZ -bare verb (Aorist stem, citation form, base): ḵrez -extended root: e.g. the passive prefix t-+ the root KRZ (yielding the passive stem): tteḵrez 'to be plowed';

-MA(N) stem, e.g. ḵrez (Aorist=Perfective) vs. ḵerrez (Imperfective);

-conjugated form, e.g. i-ḵerrez 'he plows' (Imperfective with a 3MS marker).

The complete scheme of the verb is (maximally):

PNG pfx +IPF pfx + derivational pfx + MA(N) stem + PNG sfx 179 C = Consonant, C: =long consonant, and V = plain vowel (a, u, or i).

180 There is also a category of labile verbs that can be used both as intransitives and transitives without a change in morphology.

For example:

(1) ṯ-ḵerz-eḏ (most Snh.)

2S-plow:P-2S

'You (SG) plowed.'

(2) i-ț-ett-eḵraz (H) 3MS-IPF-PASS-plow:I 'It is plowed.'

The Verbal Predicate

Introduction

The verb phrase (VP) often functions as a predicate. See Section 5.6 on the negation of the verbal predicate. When the verb is intransitive, the Subject is the only argument of the VP. When the verb is transitive, there are two arguments: the Subject and the Object. Additionally, some verbs take oblique arguments that include: the IO, the prepositional argument, and secondary predicates. 182 The verb in Berber always agrees with the subject in gender and number by means of PNG affixes (cf. Section 3.4, with the exception of impersonal verbs). The subject does not have to be lexically expressed, and the entire VP (and a sentence) can consist of a single verb, e.g.

(3) i-ḵšem (pan-Snh.)

3MS-enter:P 'He entered.'

When the subject is expressed lexically, it can precede or follow the verb. The preverbal position is generally regarded as topicalized (cf. Galand 1964, Lafkioui 2010a, 2011c, 2014, 2017b). 183 In most Berber languages that have a distinction in noun state, the subject is marked differently in the preverbal position and in the postverbal position. This is not the case in Senhaja, where the same form of the noun is used for subjects in either position -the free state (glossed EL, cf. Section 6.1.1.3).

This feature is shared by Senhaja with Ghomara, cf. 185 When fronted, the relative order of the clitics remains in the same in most Senhaja varieties. In Ketama, however, the IO+DO clitic complex is usually split, so that only the IO is fronted, while the DO is left postposed (Section 13.2).

Verb Derivation

Introduction

Overview of Derivations

There are several derivations in Senhaja that express modifications in voice, or diathesis. 187 First, there are two valency-increasing mechanisms that derive causatives.

Causatives can be defined as verbs which refer to a causative situation, i.e. to a causal relation between two events, one of which is considered by the speaker to be caused by another (Kulikov 2001: 886). 188 Causatives can be derived by means of a prefix that starts in a sibilant (s-), which is a common way to derive causatives in Berber. The second type of causatives have a long second radical. This is usually found only with Arabic borrowed verbs (with a few exceptions). In this case, most likely, both the base and the derived verb were borrowed. The verbs with a long second radical are known as stem II verbs in Arabic linguistic tradition, and this term is adopted here. For native Berber verbs, the corresponding stem II causatives are suppletive. 189 There are several valency-decreasing mechanisms that derive passives and, sometimes, middles or medio-passives. 190 Passives are normally derived with prefixes. There are several prefixes starting in a dental: t(t)-(that is common to all Senhaja varieties) and the dialect-specific ttya-(Ketama), țțya- (Taghzut), ttuya-(Seddat/Bunsar), țțuya-(Hmed), and ttwa-(Zerqet/Mezduy). Then, there is a prefix with a nasal n(n)-. While n-in most Berber varieties is a conditioned variant of the middle/medio-passive prefix m-, this is not the case in Senhaja, where n-usually expresses the passive, and is much more frequent than m-. Indeed, in Senhaja, the prefix m-is very marginal, limited to a few examples. As with causatives, some passives are suppletive. In this case, the passive consists of the Arabic borrowed stem, which is suppletive to the Berber native verb, and the passive prefixes t-or n-, which are found both in Senhaja and Arabic.

In this case, the entire suppletive passive is borrowed, rather than derived within Senhaja. Exceptionally, the suppletive stem can take the native prefix ttya-(Ketama) or ttwa-(Zerqet). In this case, the derivation combines the native Berber prefix with a borrowed stem. See Section 3.3.8.2 on the numbers and percentages of different kinds of passives in Senhaja.

Derivational prefixes are also found in other Berber varieties, usually the causative s-, the passive t-(and variants), and the middle m-(~n-). 191 Senhaja is different from most other Berber varieties in its widespread use of borrowed Arabic stem II causatives (that are often suppletive to the Berber underived verbs) and suppletive passives. However, it is similar to Ghomara in this respect (Mourigh 2015). 192 To sum up, the following major types of voice modification are found in Senhaja:

1) valency-increasing mechanisms (causatives): a) derivation with the prefix s(s)-;

b) stem II (C2 geminated) causatives (usually Arabic loans):

• cognate to the base verbs:

➢ directly borrowed from Arabic (majority);

➢ derived from native Berber verbs (exceptions).

• suppletive. 2) valency-decreasing mechanisms (passives and middles/medio-passives): a) derivation with the prefixes t(t)-(common); ttya-, țțuya-, ttwa-(dialectal); b) derivation with the prefix n(n)-, exceptionally with m(m)-; c) suppletive Arabic passives (with the passive prefixes). Some verbs allow for multiple causative or passive counterparts (cf. Section 3.3.8). For example, in certain varieties, some stem II verbs are used interchangeably with sderived verbs, e.g.

Verb

Transl.

Stem II s-derived

The Role of Suppletion

A number of stem II causatives and passives are suppletive to the Berber underived base verbs. 194 In our database, there are thirty-three suppletive stem II causatives and twenty-five suppletive passives. Kossmann (2015d) introduces the term systematic suppletive borrowing (abbreviated as SSB). The SSB is provisionally defined by Kossmann as systematic use of borrowings in order to provide a native word with a derived counterpart. In Senhaja, suppletive causatives and passives are not as systematic as e.g.

suppletive passives in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 199-202) or in Tadaksahak (Christiansen-Bolli 2010: 285ff). 195 In Ghomara and Tadaksahak, the suppletion always takes place. In Senhaja, however, some causatives and passives are moprhologically derived. Hence, we do not speak of SSB in the case of Senhaja. Nevertheless, there are parallels with the SSB (as found e.g. in Ghomara and Tadaksahak), although lacking the systematicity. 196 In Senhaja, it is unpredictable which verb accepts which type of causative or passive (or perhaps, no causative or passive at all, or multiple causatives or passives of different types at the same time). Suppletive causatives constitute almost a quarter of all causatives found in Senhaja (the exact percentage differs depending on the variety: lower in Zerqet and higher in Ketama). 197 While suppletion is not systematic, it clearly plays an important role in the expression of causatives and passives, which is the reason we discuss it alongside various derivation processes.

Suppletive causatives and passives are not considered as code-switching (CS) by Senhaja speakers, who usually have a very good idea of which Arabic borrowings are part of the Berber language as opposed to the "unnecessary" use of Arabic. In most cases, suppletive causatives and passives are considered "necessary" when there is no native Berber counterpart. However, in some cases, suppletive forms exist alongside derived Berber verbs, but nevertheless are considered as an integral part of Senhaja.

Normally, the choice of a causative or passive is lexically determined in the community. However, different judgements are possible with words that accept multiple causatives or passives. For example, Hmed myeḵ 'to marry' accepts both s- When the verb stem includes š, the prefix may become š(š)-(sibilant harmony, cf.

derived
Section 2.4.1.2), e.g.

-ḵšem 'to enter' > ššeḵšem (~sseḵšem) 'to make enter' (T/Z).

When the verb stem includes z, the prefix may become z(z)-. Consider the following causative (frozen in most Senhaja, except Ketama):199

nez (K) 'to be sold' > zzenz (B/Z), zenz~znez (H), znez (K/T) 'to sell'.

The following verb is also a frozen causative (the base is not used):200

zawzzer (K), zuzzer (H/Z) 'to winnow'.

However, most verbs that have z in their stem, take the usual prefix s(s)-: causatives;

Base

verbs derived from nouns and from onomatopoeia;

borrowed stem II causatives with an optional prefix s-;

transitive verbs with an optional prefix s-;

s-derived verbs that are in free variation with the base verbs;

frozen causatives (lacking the underived counterpart);

s prefix combined with the passive derivation (cf. Section 3.3.9.1).

202 See Galand 2002: 105 on this verb. 203 In the Perfective and Imperfective, either i or a is found: ṣṣiweḏ ̱̣ > PERF ṣṣiweḏ ̱̣ ~ ṣṣaweḏ ̱̣ , IPF țssiwad ̱̣ (H) 'to make arrive', ssiwed ̱̣ (AOR=PERF)> IPF ssawad ̱̣ (Z) 'to make arrive', ssizaġ > IPF ssiziġ (Z) 'to maky dry'.

Among verbs with the prefix s-, there are 68 causatives in our database (as opposed to 81 stem II causatives): 41 are found in Zerqet, 31 in Hmed, and 14 in Ketama, which

shows that s-derivation of causatives is more productive in Eastern than in Western

Senhaja. In all varieties, the function of this prefix is not only to derive causatives, but it has much wider semantics. 205 Its most widespread function is to transitivize the structure, i.e. to derive a transitive verb from an intransitive. However, there are also instances of s-derivation that do not fall under the general heading 'transitivizer'.

Thus, if the function of this morpheme were merely to derive transitive verbs, how would it be possible to attach it to verbs that are already transitive, or to labile verbs that allow transitive syntax? Also, the s-prefix can sometimes be attached to nouns to derive verbs. Denominal s-derived verbs may be transitive or intransitive. The s-prefix is then a verbalizer (verbalisateur in Chaker's (1973) terminology), and its function can be described as verbalization. In all these cases, there is an increase in verb valency.

The s-prefix introduces a new argument (Agent), and the resulting construction implies agentivity. In this function, s-is an activator or activizer (Mettouchi 2004: 101). This function is most apparent when the s-prefix is attached to labile verbs. Since the prefix s-has different functions, it is not always appropriate to refer to it as a causative prefix. The precise functions of s-derivation include:

1) to derive a transitive from an intransitive; this function is quite productive, e.g.

-ali (Z) 'to go up' > ss-ali 'to make go up';

-ḵšem 'to enter' > ss-eḵšem (pan-Snh.) 'to make enter'.

2) to derive a ditransitive from a transitive; this function is not productive in Senhaja, but there are some examples, usually found with verbs of lowered semantic transitivity (the ones that can omit their objects), e.g.

ečč 'eat' > ssečč 'make somebody eat (something)' (Zerqet-Bunjel).

3) to derive a verb from a noun; this function is not productive in Senhaja. The examples are derived from nouns that may be no longer used in Senhaja:

- 4) to derive a verb from onomatopoeia, e.g. 208 skuḥ(ḥ) (Ketama) 'to cough' (the onomatopoeia kuḥ(ḥ) is not used on its own in Ketama, but can be used in Zerqet).

5) to derive an unequivocally transitive from a labile verb. This use of the prefix s(s)-is not common, but there are examples, e.g.

ḫwi 'to empty, be emptied' > sseḫwi (H/Z) 'to empty';

-ḥṛaq /e/ 'to burn (transitive/intransitive)' > sseḥṛaq /e/ (H/Z) 'to make burn'.

Furthermore, the prefix s-is found with some verbs that are already inherently transitive. This is especially frequent with borrowed verbs, in particular with stem II causatives (especially in Hmed and Zerqet). In this case, the prefix marks such verbs as causatives using the native Berber morphology. In most cases, the variants with and without the prefix s-are used interchangeably. Depending on the verb and the dialect, the variant with s-is sometimes preferred over the variant without the prefix, e.g.

-(s)deḫḫel (H) 'to make enter', corresponding to ḵšem 'to enter';

-(s)gelles (H/Z) 'to make sit', corresponding to skurem 'to sit';

-(s)bekki (K/H/Z) 'to make cry', corresponding to ttru 'to cry'.

Reanalysis and Lexicalization

Although verbs with the prefix s-usually have a corresponding simple form, this is not always the case, and there are some frozen causatives (or frozen s-derived verbs). or 2) as a causative of the base verb: 'to make someone overnight, to host' (the prefix s-in this case makes a transitive from an intransitive). In Zerqet, the base verb nes is no longer found, and ssens is the only form currently in use. The verb is used as an intransitive, 'to overnight' (an analytic causative is used in Zerqet to express the meaning 'to let someone overnight, to host'). Compare also the verb les (Hmed)~ res (Ketama) 'to dress, put on clothes'. In Hmed, the form s(s)els is a causative counterpart of les or its synonym, while in Zerqet, it is the only form used.

Sometimes, s-derived verbs acquire specialized meanings. In this case, we speak of lexicalized causatives or derived forms with irregular semantics, e.g. su (pan-Snh.

except Hmed) 'to drink' > ssu (pan-Snh. except Hmed) 'to irrigate'. In Ketama, the derived verb ssu is used in the specific sense 'to irrigate', while the suppletive stem II verb šeṛṛeb is used as a semantic causative of the base verb su 'to drink'. In Zerqet, the derived ssu can be used in the sense 'to cause to drink', but only with animals, while with humans, an analytic construction (periphrasis) is used. Only in Hmed, the base verb seḇ 'to drink' has a derived counterpart sseḇ that can be used as a semantic causative of the base verb ('to make drink'), alongside the specific sense 'to irrigate'. ɛellaq /e/ hang tɛellaq /e/ be hung pan-Snh.

T-derivation

The Form of the Prefix

The prefix is realized as a short t when it is immediately followed by a consonant. In other contexts, it is realized as tt-. 212 In Taghzut, the prefix t(t)-is optionally assibilated: t(t) ~ ț(ț). 210 In Ghomara, all t-derived verbs are Arabic loans, corresponding to the Arabic stems V (t-+ stem II) and VI (t-+ stem III) (Mourigh 2015: 199-201).

211 Verbs of Arabic origin with the t-prefix in Senhaja include stem V (Section 3. As it is the case with the prefix t(t)-, both Berber and Arabic have a passive prefix n(n)-. 217 In Senhaja, the prefix n(n)-is found both with native and borrowed verbs. 218 In other Berber languages, the prefix n(n)-is normally a conditioned variant of m(m)restricted to verb stems that include a labial consonant (except w), viz. m, b or f (dissimilation). 219 In Senhaja, by contrast, the prefix m(m)-is extremely rare (Section 3.3.5.2), and n(n)-cannot be regarded as its allomorph. Also, in Senhaja, the prefix n(n)-is regularly combined with Berber and Arabic stems that do not contain a labial consonant. In Arabic (stem VII), the prefix n(n)-has no combinatory restrictions concerning the shape of the base stem. It is thus possible that in Senhaja, with the native Berber verbs without a labial consonant, the original prefix n-became generalized from an allomorph of m-to new contexts (analogical extension). At the same time, Arabic n-derived verbs (stem VII) could have been borrowed as such from Arabic (lexical borrowing). On the other hand, not all Arabic borrowed verbs that are found with n-in Senhaja are also found with n-in Arabic (see below). Some examples follow. Verbs are divided into groups according to their etymology (Berber and Arabic) and the presence/absence of a labial consonant in the stem.

1) Berber etymology, stems with a labial:220 -nneġzem 'be hurt' < ġzem 'hurt' (H);

nnegzem 'be hurt' < gzem 'hurt' (Z), nnegzem 'be cut' < gzem 'cut' (K);

nnemger 'be harvested' < mger 'harvest' (S/H);

nnefren 'be cleaned (grains)' < fren 'clean (grains)' (T/S/H).

2) Berber etymology, stems without a labial:

-nneġṛeṣ 'be cut' < ġreṣ 'cut' (H/Z);

nneḵrez 'be plowed' < ḵrez 'plow' (K/T/S/H);

nnenġeḏ 'be threshed' < nġeḏ 'thresh' (K).

3) Arabic etymology, stems with a labial:

-nnefṛaq /e/ 'be separated' < fṛaq /e/ 'to separate' (pan-Snh.);

nnesbaġ /e/ 'painted' < sbaġ /e/ 'paint' (pan-Snh.).

4) Arabic etymology, stems without a labial:

nneṭlaq /e/ 'be straightened' < ṭlaq /e/ 'straighten' (pan-Snh.);

-nneẓṛaɛ /e/ 'be sown' < ẓṛaɛ /e/ 'sow' (pan-Snh.);

nnežraḥ /e/ 'be injured' < žraḥ /e/ 'injure' (pan-Snh.). It must be noted that not all Arabic loans that take n-in Senhaja are found with n-in Arabic (i.e., not all of them are examples of stem VII). For example, the following derivations are found in Senhaja, but not in Arabic:

nḥelles 'be saddled', passive of ḥelles 'saddle' (T/S/H);

nġerbel 'be sieved', passive of ġerbel 'sieve' (K/T/S/H).

Such derivations are not found in Arabic, and hence cannot be borrowed directly. That is to say, the prefix n-in Senhaja is used in a more general way than in both Arabic and other Berber languages. The generalization of n-could have been strengthened by contact with Arabic, but the prefix itself is not a borrowing.

The Form of the Prefix

The form of the n-prefix follows the same rules as the prefixes t(t)-and s(s)-: the prefix is realized as a short n when it is immediately followed by a consonant.

Prefix n-

Prefix nn- In some cases, we find stem VII (n-prefix with stem I), while stem I is not used in Senhaja. 223 The transitive counterpart is stem II, e.g.

Productivity and Functions of n-derivation

In Tarifiyt (Lafkioui 2007a, map 205). Unlike t(t)-and n(n)-, these prefixes are used exclusively to derive passives, although in some cases, the passive may be lexicalized, i.e. acquire a specific meaning. These prefixes are not as productive as t(t)-and n(n)-.

In our database, there are 24 verbs that accept these prefixes (6,5% of all passives). 227 The ttyasi (K), țțyasi (T), țțuyasi (H), ttwasi (Z) 'be lifted'< asi 'lift';

ttyawweṯ (K), țțyawweṯ (T), țțuyawweṯ (H), ttwawweṯ (Z) 'be hit'; 228 ttyaḵer (K), țțyaḵer (T), ttuyaḵʷer (S), țțuyaḵer (H), ttwaḵ(ḵ)ʷer (Z) 'be stolen' < aḵ ( ʷ ) er 'steal'.

2) Prefixes with Arabic borrowed verbs:

ttyabni/a (K), ttwabni/a (Z) 'be built' < bnu 'build';

ttyaġleb (K), ttuyaġleb (S/B), ttwaġleb (Z) 'be defeated' < ġleb 'defeat';

ttyaqlaɛ /e/ (K), ttuyaqyaɛ /e/ (S), ttwaqlaɛ /e/ (Z) 'be uprooted'.

3) Prefixes with suppletive Arabic stems:

ttwaɛṭa 'be given', suppletive passive of ekk 'to give' (Z);

ttyaḵel 'be eaten', suppletive passive of šš 'to eat' (K).

When the prefix is attached to the verb that starts in a geminate, the consonant may be degeminated in most Senhaja (Taghzut, Seddat, Bunsar, and Hmed), but not in Ketama and Zerqet, e.g.

The prefix m(m)-

The prefix m(m)-is found in many Berber varieties and is generally used to derived medio-passives and middles (especially reciprocals, as e.g. in Central Moroccan Berber). 229 This prefix is not productive in Senhaja. 230 The prefix m(m)-is found only with three verbs in Senhaja: two of Berber, and one of Arabic origin. With the two verbs of the Berber origin, it expresses a passive. With a verb of Arabic origin, it expresses an intransitive/middle. These verbs are:

mnez (T/H), mmenz (S/Z) 'be sold';

229 Generally, in Berber languages, the semantics of the middle prefix m(m)-is more irregular than that of t(t)-. In Eastern Berber varieties, which lack a passive prefix t(t)-, this prefix functions as a passive. This is the case e.g. in Ghadames (Kossmann 2013b). On m-in Zenaga, see Taine-Cheikh 2005. 230 The unproductivity of this prefix could be caused by the spread of the prefix n(n)-(see above).

Alternatively, it could be the demise of m(m)-that triggered the spread of n(n)-. Reciprocals are formed by other means, usually by periphrasis. There is a homophonuous prefix m-used with passive participles.

At present, in Senhaja, most verbs with the prefix m-are understood as passive participles rather than as middles, e.g. qqen 'to tie', passive tteqqen~nneqqen (K/H) 'be tied', passive participle meqqen (H), meqnun (T) 'tied'.

Base Translation PASS (T/S/B/H) PASS (K/Z) Translation

ṭṭef catch țțyaṭef (T), ttuyaṭef (S/B), țțuyaṭef (H), ttyaṭṭef (K), ttwaṭṭef (Z) be caught
The original base of this verb, nez 'be sold', is currently found only in Ketama. In the rest of Senhaja, we only find a lexicalized causative znez, zzenz 'to sell'.

mmečč 'be eaten' (S/H/Z); This is a passive derivation of ečč 'to eat'. Compare also tmečč (T/H/Z) and nmečč (T)

'to be eaten'. These derivations can also be used in a specialized sense 'to be worn out, to become blunt(ed)'.

-mɛuṛṛež 'to limp' (Z-Ikherruden). This is based on the Arabic root ɛṛž. 231 A cognate verb ɛeṛṛež (stem II) has the meaning 'to make someone limp' (causative).

The forms tmečč (T/H/Z) and nmečč (T) 'be eaten' seem to have two derivational prefixes, both of which are valency-decreasing. This is highly unusual in Senhaja. 232 The corresponding passive counterparts in Moroccan Arabic, tenkel and netkel 'be eaten', likewise have a double passive prefix, in varying order: t-and n-or n-and t-. 233 These forms have been borrowed in parts of Senhaja (Ketama, Taghzut, and Hmed varieties), where nnetkel is more frequent than ttenkel. However, the native forms tmečč and nmečč are not necessarily a calque on Arabic. There are two possible explanations for these forms. The first explanation is morphophonological: roots consisting of two consonants or a single geminate are generally rare in Senhaja, and there is a tendency (but not a rule) to expand such roots with a derivational prefix, thus turning them into a more frequent type. 234 In this case, the root čč receives two derivational prefixes, with the resulting forms having the more usual CCC-structure.

The second possible explanation of the form tmečč is the reinterpretation of the Imperfective prefix t-as part of the stem, or as the passive prefix, and hence its generalization to the Aorist. 235 The reinterpretation of t-could have been triggered by the fact that the verb is of an unusual shape (a single geminate). However, this explanation is not valid for nmečč (Taghzut).

The three m-derived verbs and the double-derived tmečč/nmečč do not formally mark the Perfective stem. On the Imperfective of these verbs, see Section 4.5.8.2.

Arabic Stems in Senhaja: Stem II (CC:C, CC:V)

This and the following two sections deal with Arabic stems found in Senhaja. 236 Arabic stems are normally derived from Arabic verbs, and, with a few exceptions, do not apply to verbs of Berber origin. Arabic derived stems are borrowed directly as such, rather than formed within Senhaja. Those stems that are derived on the basis of Berber verbs must have been formed within Senhaja. Stem I is regarded as the base, from which other stems are derived. Stem IV in its original form does not occur synchronically in Moroccan Arabic (Harrell 1962: 29, 34; Marçais 1977: 55-56) or in Senhaja. 237 Verbs derived by gemination of the second radical of the root are known as stem II verbs in Arabic grammar. Stem II is the most frequent Arabic stem found in Senhaja.

Stem II verbs are mostly causatives, but not always. 238 In this section, we focus on stem II causatives. 239 In Senhaja, some stem II causatives are cognate to the base verb, while others are suppletive to the base verb. On the combination of stem II causatives with the prefix s-, see Section 3.3.2.4.

Sub-classes in Stem II Causatives

Stem II causatives in Senhaja may be related to the base verb, or may be suppletive to it (when the base verb is native Berber). When the stem II causative shares the root with the underived base verb, it can be analyzed as derived from it by the gemination of the second radical of the root. Alternatively, it can be analyzed as directly borrowed from Arabic. We consider most stem II causatives as directly borrowed from Arabic.

However, a few native Berber verbs have stem II causatives that must have been formed within Berber by applying Arabic morphology to the Berber material (PAT, or pattern borrowing in Sakel & Matras' terminology). 240 For the numbers, percentages, and distribution of different kinds of causatives in Senhaja, see Section 3.3.8.1. 236 Compare Mourigh 2015: 202-203 for Ghomara. 237 It is not found in Ghomara, either (Mourigh 2015: 217). Aguadé 2012 deals with stem IV verbs from a diachronic perspective, and concludes that there are many verbs in North African dialects that are recognizable as former stem IV verbs. Compare also Durand 1944: 66 andHeath 2002: 338-339. 238 For the definition of causatives, see Section 3.3.1.1. 239 On functions of stem II verbs, cf. Section 3.3.6.4. 240 Sakel & Matras 2004. Compare Matras & Sakel 2007a: 15-29, Matras & Sakel 2007b. Pattern borrowing is the adoption of a strategy or structure from another language.

According to the etymology of the underived verb, we can distinguish among the following sub-categories within stem II causatives in Senhaja:241 1) Cognate stem II causatives: a) with etymologically Arabic verbs as base counterparts (majority); b) derived from etymologically Berber verbs (rare exceptions). 2) CiC verbs (verbs with y as C2) have yy as C2 in stem II.

When the base verb is of the CaC type, the stem II causative also has yy as C2. 245 This verb may be a frozen causative. Compare Ghomara (Mourigh 2015) and Tashelhiyt sis 'to boil', Tuareg aws 'boil', s-wes 'make boil' (Haddadou 2007). In Ketama, sis is an intransitive verb, and siyyes is its transitive counterpart. In Zerqet, the verb is realized as syes, and in Hmed, as siyyes. Both in Zerqet and Hmed, these verbs are labile, and have no causative counterparts.

246 Compare Arabic ḥṣel 'to get stuck', which is also found in Senhaja.

247 From the Arabic root mlk 'to own, possess, have as property'. Zerqet mleḵ, CAUS ssemleḵ ~ zuwwež.

248 Such verbs are realized as the CVC-type (i.e. with a medial full vowel): CuC when the second radical is w, and CiC when the second radical is y.

Some base verbs of the CVC type have different vowels depending on the Senhaja variety, because Arabic CVC verbs can be adopted differently into Berber (cf.

Kossmann 2013a: 265-269). The causative counterparts follow the Arabic pattern. As a result, the verb may belong to the CaC type in a given Senhaja variety, but have ww as C2 in the causative counterpart, e.g.

-Zerqet faṯ 'to pass' (vs. Ketama/Hmed fuṯ), causative fuwweṯ 'to make pass'. is a feature specific to Senhaja, and is not found elsewhere in Berber, including Ghomara (Mourigh 2015). 252 In some verbs, the prefix s with the stem II causative can derive a causative of a causative. Consider, for example, the counterparts of the verb d ̱̣ eṣ (K/H/Z) 'to laugh':

1)

deḥḥek (K/H/Z) 'to make someone laugh' (suppletive stem II causative);

sdeḥḥek (H/Z) 1) 'to make someone laugh' (free variant of deḥḥek), and 2) 'to make someone make someone else laugh' (s-derived causative of deḥḥek).

Such examples are rare, however, and normally, stem II causatives take s-prefix without a change in meaning.

Productivity and Functions of Stem II Verbs

There are 140 stem II verbs in our database (as opposed to 136 s-derived verbs). 253 Not all stem II verbs are causatives (see Section 3.3.6). If we exclude non-canonical causatives from the count, there are 81 stem II causatives in our database (as opposed to 68 canonical s-derived causatives): 47 of them are found in Zerqet, 65 in Hmed, and 56 in Ketama. Among stem II causatives, ca. 41% are suppletive. The percentage of suppletive stem II causatives is lower in Zerqet (36%) than in Ketama (54%).

The different functions of stem II verbs include:254 1) to derive a transitive (causative) from an intransitive This category is especially frequent in Senhaja, e.g.

-bɛeḏ 'be far' > beɛɛeḏ (K/T/S/H/Z) 'make far';

-ban (K/Z), bin (H) 'appear' > biyyen (K/H/Z) 'make appear';

-wqef (K/H) (alongside the native Berber bdeḏ) 'stop, stand' > weqqef (K/H) 'make stop, stand';

different meanings, or the prefix s-is used to mark a labile verb as transitive, e.g. qeddem 1) 'to come close(r)' (intr.), 2) 'to bring close(r)' (tr.) ~ sqeddem 'to bring close(r)' (tr.).

252 In the Berber of Jerba (Brugnatelli p.c.) the verb 'to cook' has two causative forms, ḍeyyeb (stem II) and sḍiyeb. In this case, sḍiyeb has the prefix s-, but lacks the gemination of C2. This example is thus different from what is found in Senhaja.

253 See Section 3.3.8.1 for a comparison of s-derived vs. stem II verbs (and sub-categories). A verb is counted as "stem II" if it has a base counterpart (which needs not be a verb), suppletive or not. Not included in the count are C2 geminated verbs that have no sense 'to cause', have no base counterpart, and have no cognate nouns or adjectives.

-ḥlef (alongside the native ggall) 'swear' > ḥellef (K/T/H) 'make swear';

-rkeb (alongside the native ani) 'ride' > rekkeb (H) 'make ride'.

2) to derive a ditransitive (causative) from a transitive

Examples occur with the so-called verbs of lowered semantic transitivity. All examples are suppletive. Our reason to include such examples in the discussion is the existence of Berber s-derived causatives in the same category:

ešš (K), ečč (H) 'to eat' >wekkel (K/H) 'to make eat, feed' (cf. Z ečč > ssečč);

su 'to drink' > šeṛṛeb (K/Z) 'make drink' (cf. H seḇ > sseḇ);

sell (K/T/H) 'to hear' > semmaɛ /e/ (pan-Snh.) 'to make hear'.

3) to derive an (unequivocally) transitive verb from a labile verb This use of stem II derivation is not common, e.g.

ḥraq /e/ 'burn (labile)' > ḥeṛṛaq /e/ (T/H) 'make burn';

ġli 'boil' (labile) > ġelli (T/H) 'boil' (trans.).

There are stem II verbs that have no corresponding (suppletive or cognate) base counterparts, but show a relationship of some kind to cognate nouns. 255 The following verbs have a corresponding noun that share the same root: 255 The denominal derivation is not always certain (cf. Cuvalay-Haak 1997: 100), especially if there are also stem I verbs with the same root (but different semantics), and alternative classifications are possible. 256 In Cuvalay-Haak 1997: 100, the verb 'to greet' is classified as delocutive (related to the utterance, locution: 'to say as-salāmu ɛalaykum'). There is a related stem I verb, slem 'become Muslim'.

257 Compare tġeddi/tġedda (K/H/Z) with the prefix t-for the intransitive 'to eat lunch'.

258 Compare tɛešši/tɛešša (K/H/Z) with the prefix t-for the intransitive 'to eat dinner'.

259 These verbs (and their senses) are borrowed from (Moroccan) Arabic.

CCC Translation

Stem III verbs with the shape CaCC, CaC:

The following verbs have the shape CaCi and may have the final -i/a alternation in some varieties:

Stem III verbs with the shape CaCi

Stem V (t-x Stem II: tCC:C, tCC:V)

Stem V has a prefix t-and derives an intransitive based on stem II (with the geminated C2), and can be often translated by the English passive. 263 Some examples follow.

1) Stem V verbs with corresponding stems I and II

The following examples are pan-Senhaja.

2) Stem V and stem II verbs with Berber corresponding base verbs

In this group, stem II verbs are pan-Senhaja, while stem V verbs are not always found in all varieties. These stem V verbs are most frequent in Hmed.

3) Stem V derived from stem II with the Berber prefix s-(tt-s-CC:C)

As mentioned above (Section 3.3.2.4), many stem II verbs are optionally preceded by the Berber causative prefix s-. The passive prefix may be attached to such causatives.

The resulting form usually coexists with the passive derivation of stem II without s-.

Some examples follow (Hmed). The base can be cognate (as in a) or suppletive (as in b) to stems II and V.

Base

Stem VII (n-x stem I: n-CCC)

The prefix n(n)-with Arabic stem I yields stem VII. 265 The following examples are pan-Senhaja.

Sometimes, the base (stem I) is not used in Senhaja or in specific Senhaja varieties, and stem VII is suppletive to the native Berber verb, e.g.

Stem VIII (the -t-infix: CtCC, CtaCC)

Stem VIII verbs have the infix -t-that is inserted between C1 and C2 of the root; the shapes are CtCC and CtaCC. 267 This stem, like the previous one, is derived from stem I and involves argument reduction. The semantics is less predictable that that of stem 268 The verb ɛtaṛef 'to admit' has a stem I counterpart in Arabic, ɛṛef 'to know', corresponding to the Berber ssen 'to know. In Senhaja, the stem II causative ɛeṛṛef is also borrowed.

Arabic Stems: Special Cases

t-x stem I (t-CCC)

In Senhaja, the prefix n-in many n-derived verbs can be freely substituted by the prefix t-without a change in meaning. The resulting derivation can be described as t-x stem I, e.g. ttekteb (alongside nnekteb) 'be written', ttežraḥ /e/ (alongside nnežraḥ /e/)

'be wounded'. 271 There may be a preference for the prefix n-or t-depending on the dialect and on the specific verb. In some cases, the prefix n-has a more medio-passive or reflexive interpretation, while t-has a more passive interpretation.

n-x stem II (n-CC:C)

Similarly, the prefix t-in many t-derived verbs can be freely substituted by the prefix n-. The resulting derivation can be described as n-x stem II, e.g.

nḥelles 'be saddled', passive of ḥelles 'saddle' (T/S/H);

nḫelleṣ 'be paid', passive of ḫelleṣ 'pay' (T/S/H).

Hybrids tn-, nt-, t+t

The following verb has two prefixes, t-and n-(in varying order), or the prefix toccurring twice: 272

In Ketama, Seddat, and Hmed, the form ttetkel 'be eaten' also occurs. Cf. the discussion in Section 3.3.5.2 with the Berber equivalent tmečč.

Passives (V, VII, t-x I, n-x II) derived from Berber verbs (Hmed)

As mentioned above, stem In Hmed (Central Senhaja), among 150 verbs of both types, there are: 64 s-derived verbs (43%), and 86 stem II verbs (57%). For Ketama, the numbers are (among 90 in total): 23 s-derived (25,5%), and 67 stem II (74,5 %). That is, in Ketama, stem II verbs are three times as frequent as s-derivation. For Zerqet, among 122 verbs in total, we find 66 s-derived (54%), and 56 stem II (46%). That is, only in Zerqet/Eastern Senhaja, s-derivation is more frequent than stem II derivation, and even there, the difference is not huge.

273 Only those verbs that have a base counterpart of some sort were counted. Thus, frozen s-causatives are omitted from the count, as are stem II verbs without a corresponding base (cognate or suppletive).

Intransitive

m- --- 2 (1%) 3 (2%) 2 (0,5%) suppletive -with n- -with t- -with ttya/ttwa- 15 (14%) -8 -6 -1 14 (5,5%) -6 -8 --- 6 (4%) -2 -3 -1 25 (7%) -11 -12 -2
Total 105 256 141 366

The table demonstrates that passives are usually derived by means of the prefix t-in Senhaja, which is more frequent than the prefix n-in all Senhaja varieties. Derivation with the prefix n-is the second most productive passive derivation in Senhaja (constituting ca. a quarter of all passives). Following is the derivation with the native prefixes ttya-/țțuya-/ttwa-. Here, we observe dialectal preferences: in Zerqet, the native prefix constitutes 10% of all passives, while this number is lower in Hmed and Ketama. With suppletive passives, there are also dialectal differences. This type of passives is more frequent in Ketama (14%) than in Zerqet (4%). As regards derivation by means of the prefix m-, this has not been found in Ketama (no examples in our database), and is very marginal in Hmed and Zerqet.

The following table compares suppletive passives and suppletive causatives in Senhaja. The table demonstrates that suppletive causatives are more frequent than suppletive passives per each variety and for Senhaja as a whole, and the percentage of suppletion (of all passives and all causatives) is generally rising from Eastern Senhaja (Zerqet) to

Suppletive passives and causatives in Senhaja

Ketama

Western Senhaja (Ketama).

Combination of Derivations

Introduction

Combining derivational processes is possible to some extent in Senhaja. However, most examples involve t-derived passives of stem II causatives, which corresponds to stem V in Arabic. Such forms are most likely directly borrowed from Arabic. However, examples with native Berber verbs are also found (Hmed), and in this case, derivation must have taken place within Senhaja (Section 3.3.7.8).

The combination of derivational prefixes (passive + causative, or, very rarely, causative + passive) is also found, to a varying extent in different Senhaja varieties.

Nearly all examples of combined passive and causative prefixes come from Hmed, just as stem V verbs mentioned above, or the combination of the passive prefix t-with stem II causatives of native Berber verbs. Two derivational prefixes can revert transitivity, e.g. when a passive prefix that functions as an "intransitivizer" is combined with a causative prefix that functions as a "transitivizer", e.g. (the following base verbs are intransitive):

nez 'be sold' > znez 'to sell' > tteznez 'be (made) sold' (K);

-mġuṛ 'grow' > ssemġuṛ 'make grow' > ttessemġuṛ 'be made grow' (H).

The resulting double-derived verb is close in meaning to the base form, but not identical to it, as it implies an external agent (a basically intransitive verb is contrasted with a derived passive).

In the following chain, the situation is different, since here, a causative prefix that functions as a "transitivizer" is combined with a medio-passive prefix that functions as an "intransitivizer"; the base verb is labile:

-ṛẓem 'to release = be released' > nnuṛẓem 'become/get released' > snuṛẓem 'make released' (Z, dialectal). 274 The above verb is the only example of a causative prefix combined with the prefix n(n)-in our database. All the remaining examples involve passives of causatives.

Passives of s-derived Causatives

Practically all examples of passives derived from s-causatives in our database come from Hmed. Combinations of two derivational prefixes are extremely rare in other parts of Senhaja (unless it is a frozen passive or causative). In Hmed, s-derived verbs can take the passive prefixes t(t)-or n(n)-, which are in free variation.

Combination of t-~n-(passive) and s-(causative) prefixes in Hmed

The only double derivation (passive of causative) in Ketama in our database is a passive derived from the causative on the basis of a patientive verb 'to be sold' mentioned above. 275

274 The derivation nnuṛẓem is medio-passive (no external Agent implied), cf. the true passive tteṛẓem (an extern Agent is implied). The addition of the causative prefix makes the prefix nn-degeminated. 275 The forms tteznez, nneznez are also used in Hmed. The difference is that the base verb nez is not used in Hmed and hence, these forms are synchronically passives of the base verb znez 'to sell' in this variety.

Base

PNG (Person, Number, Gender) Subject Marking

Verbal subject PNG markers express the person (first, second, and third), number (singular and plural), and gender (masculine and feminine) of the subject. In most Senhaja varieties with the exception of Easternmost Senhaja (Zerqet and Mezduy), the gender is marked only in the third person singular. Zerqet and Mezduy allow for gender marking also in 2P and 3P. The affixes appear both before (prefixes) and after (suffixes) the stem. There are different sets of subject affixes:276 1) the normal set;

2) the imperative and injunctive;

3) the relative form ("the Berber participle").

There is some interaction between the PNG marking and the MAN (Mood, Aspect, and Negation).

Normal Conjugation

Overview of the PNG Markers

There is a relative homogeneity in the PNG subject marking of Berber languages. 277 In Senhaja, some PNG markers show variation as a result of phonological changes and reanalysis. The following table shows Senhaja PNG marking system. The table covers all contexts (all MA(N) stems: Aorist, Perfective, Imperfective, including the negation contexts). The marking is slightly different in the Aorist following the irrealis particle a(ḏ) (due to its assimilation to the following 2S/3FS/2P verb prefix) and, on the other hand, in the Perfective and Imperfective. The "X" stands for the verb stem.

Following the scheme is the conjugation of the verb ḵrez 'to plow' in the Aorist following the irrealis particle a(ḏ) (glossed NR) ('I will plow', 'You will plow ', etc.) and in the Perfective (positive) without any preverbal element ('I plowed', 'You plowed', etc.). 278 The Aorist and the Perfective stems coincide for this verb.

Senhaja PNG marking (Aorist/Perfective/Imperfective) Pfx Stem Sfx Notes 1S X -aġ, -a, -ġ Most Snh. -aġ, Ketama/most Taghzut -a; -ġ for V-final stems (including Ketama) 2S t-, ṯ-, a/h-X -ḏ t-in AOR following a(ḏ); PERF/IPF: ṯ-in most Snh., h~a(h)-in Ketama/most Taghzut 3MS y-, i-, ḏ-/Ø X ḏ-or "zero" in most Snh. (except Ketama and Zerqet) in marked contexts (irrealis, negation) 3FS t-, ṯ-, a/h-X 3FS prefix = 2S prefix 1P n- X 2P t-, ṯ-, a/h-X -m 2P prefix = 3FS and 2S prefix 2FP t-, ṯ- X -mt Zerqet, Mezduy; cf. 2S prefix 3P X -n 3FP X -nt Zerqet,
2S a t- ḵerz -eḏ pan-Snh. 2S a/h-ḵerz -eḏ K/T ṯ- ḵerz -eḏ most Snh. 3MS a y- ḵrez K 3MS i- ḵrez pan-Snh. a ḏ- ḵrez T/S/H aḏ i- ḵrez B/Z 3FS a t- eḵrez pan-Snh. 3FS a/h-eḵrez K/T ṯ- eḵrez most Snh. 1P a n- eḵrez pan-Snh. 1P n- eḵrez pan-Snh. 2P a t- ḵerz -em pan-Snh. 2P a/h-ḵerz -em K/T ṯ- ḵerz -em most Snh. 2FP a t- ḵerz -emt Z 2FP ṯ- ḵerz -emt Z 3P a ḵerz -en pan-Snh. 3P ḵerz -en pan-Snh. 3FP a ḵerz -ent Z 3FP ḵerz -ent Z
Compare the PNG marking system employed in Tarifiyt (Lafkioui 2008c). The Tarifiyt system represents the situation close to the original in Senhaja.

Tarifiyt PNG marking 1S X -ġ (~-ḫ) 1P n- X 2S ṯ- X -ḏ 2P ṯ- X -m 3MS y/i- X 2FP ṯ- X -nt/mt/mṯ/m 3FS ṯ- X 3P X -n 3FP X -nt/n
The following features are shared by Senhaja with most other Berber languages:

-All finite verbs have PNG marking: prefixes (3MS, 3FS, 1P), suffixes (1S, 3P), or circumfixes (2S, 2P);

-Verb affixes carry information about the person (1/2/3), the gender (masculine/feminine), and the number (singular/plural);

-There is no gender distinction in 2S (unlike in the pronominal system);

-Gender is distinguished in 3S.
Senhaja PNG marking has the following features:

-2S suffix is -ḏ (that has developed from d as a result of spirantization);

-In most Senhaja varieties, gender is distinguished in verb forms only in the third person singular. In Eastern Senhaja (Zerqet and Mezduy), gender can be (optionally) distinguished in 2P and 3P verb forms. 279 In this case, the FP form refers to a group of females or feminine objects. In the rest of Senhaja, the 2P and 3P verb forms are unmarked for gender.

In principle, PNG affixes are nearly the same for all verbs. Some differences depending on the verb type and preverb are discussed below (Section 3.4.1.2). Additionally, there is variation in the placement of the schwa (cf. Section 2.2.3.2):

-Triradical verbs (CCC) have schwa following the PNG prefix (except for 3MS), e.g. (most Snh.) ṯ-eḵšem 'she entered' (Ketama/Taghzut (a)h-eḵšem).

-Verbs starting in a vowel have no schwa following the prefix, e.g. (most Snh.)

ṯ-usi 'she lifted' (Ketama/Taghzut (a)h-usi).
-Verbs starting in CV-(including Ce-) likewise have no schwa following the prefix, e.g. (most Snh.) ṯ-sellem 'she greeted' (Ketama/Taghzut (a)h-sellem).

When PNG affixes are added to the stem, this can lead to the resyllabification in the stem, e.g. (pan-Snh.) ḵšem 'enter', ḵešm-en 'they entered'.

PNG marking in Senhaja varies according to the verb characteristics, as well as the presence/absence of the preverbal and postverbal MAN markers and clitics (pronominal and ventive).280

Variation in Senhaja PNG Marking

This section discusses the variation in Senhaja PNG markers in different contexts, types of verbs, and dialects. The 1P prefix n-and the 3P suffix -n are not discussed here, as they remain invariable in Senhaja. The variable markers include: 1S suffix (originally *eġ), 2S/3FS/2P prefix (originally t-), and the marking of 3MS (originally i/y-). The section concludes with some notes on the reanalysis of the original -ḏ of the irrealis marker.

1S suffix (-aġ, -a, -ġ)

The 1S subject suffix is originally (and can be argued to be still underlyingly) -eġ (as in Tarifiyt, cf. above). As e is realized as a before ġ in most varieties (cf. Section 2.2.3.1), the 1S marker is realized as aġ in most cases in these varieties (except Mezduy, the Wersan dialect of Zerqet, and the Lqela dialect of Taghzut). The final consonant is dropped in Ketama and in Taghzut outside Lqela when the verb is not followed by a postverbal negation particle or a clitic. In the rest of Senhaja, the final -ġ is realized (albeit weakly). When there is a postverbal negation particle or a clitic, the final -ġ is also present in Ketama and Taghzut. Also, if the verb stem ends in vowels i or u (indicated as "V-final" in the tables below, i.e. a verb stem ending in a vowel), the 1S

marker is -ġ. The following examples demonstrate the different realizations of 1S

subject marker in Ketama depending on the verb stem (C-final vs. V-final).

1S marker in Ketama

1S -a

(C-final) Translation 1S -ġ (i-final) Translation 1S -ġ (u-final) Translation saway-a 'I speak' ddi-ġ 'I went' š-a ddu-ġ 'I will go' š-a sw-a 'I will drink' zyi-ġ 'I slaughtered' š-a zyu-ġ 'I will slaughter' ḵešm-a 'I entered' ẓẓi-ġ 'I planted' š-a ẓẓu-ġ 'I will plant'
In some varieties (e.g. Ketama), the final -ġ of 1S marker is realized as ḫ when it assimilates to the third person DO clitics (cf. Section 14.3.1.2). 1MS -ḫ is also encountered in some Tarifiyt varieties, sometimes in free variation with -ġ (cf. Lafkioui 2008c). 1S marker is -aḫ in Ghomara (~ ḫ following a vowel) and -aġ when followed by a by a vowel or a voiced consonant (Mourigh 2015). Thus, 1S -ġ and -ḫ are found both in Senhaja and Ghomara, but in different contexts: in Senhaja, -ġ is the default realization, while -ḫ is the result of devoicing. In Ghomara, -ḫ is the default realization, while ġ is the result of voicing.

2S/3FS/2P prefix (t-, ṯ-, h-)

There is one prefix common to 2S, 3FS, and 2P verb forms. 2S is distinguished by its suffix -ḏ, and 2P by its suffix -m (3FS has no suffix, and is marked by the prefix alone).

A characteristic feature of Senhaja is that the 2S/3FS/2P prefix has different realizations in the Aorist following the irrealis marker aḏ and in the Perfective/ Imperfective.

The original prefix of 2S/3FS/2P is *t-, which became ṯ-in most Senhaja varieties as a result of spirantization. This realization of the prefix is found in Perfective and Imperfective (positive and negative). In Ketama and in Taghzut dialects outside Lqela, the spirantized ṯ-

further developed into h-~ a(h)-as a result of stage 2 spirantization (cf. Section 2.1.4.2). The variant h-is preferred in Beni Aisi dialect of Ketama, while a(h)-is preferred in Beni Hmed dialect of Ketama, e.g. -h-eḵrez (Beni Aisi) ~ a(h)-ḵrez (Beni Hmed) 'she plowed'.
In Beni Aisi, the prefix is realized as a-when the verb stem starts in h-, e.g. a-herq-eḏ 'you (2S) threw away'.

In the Aorist, following the irrealis marker a(ḏ) or the future š-a(ḏ) (which contains the irrealis marker a(ḏ)), 2S/3FS/2P prefix is t-(not spirantized) in all Senhaja. This is a result of assimilation: aḏ+ṯ > at^t > a^t. 281 Consider the following examples:

(1) ṯ-eḵrez (most Snh.)

h-eḵrez ~a-ḵrez (K/T) 3FS-plow:P 'She plowed.'

(2) š-a ^t-eḵrez (pan-Snh.)

FT-NR ^3FS-plow:A 'She will plow.'

To sum up, the original prefix t-became ṯ-(> h~a-) in Senhaja as a result of spirantization, but is realized as t-in the Aorist following a(ḏ) as a result of assimilation.

In many Senhaja varieties, the prefix is fully assimilated to the following t-(or ț)

of the verb (whether of the verb stem or the Imperfective prefix). Thus, in Taghzut and Hmed, the 2S/3FS/2P prefix is assimilated to the Imperfective prefix ț-, e.g. țasi 'she lifts', țasi-ḏ 'you (SG) lift', țasi-m 'you (PL) lift'. In Bunsar, the assimilation of the prefix ṯ-to t-of the verb is optional: (ṯ-)tasi 'she lifts'.

In the consecutive Aorist forms that are not preceded by (š)a(ḏ), the 2S/3FS/2P prefix in Ketama is (h)a-.

3MS marker (i/y, ḏ-or Ø)

The 3MS verb subject prefix has different realizations depending on the variety, the formal characteristics of the verb (C-initial vs. V-initial), and the context (unmarked:

positive Perfective and Imperfective vs. marked: future/irrealis, negation, relative clauses/focalization, all introduced with special preverbal markers that have influence on the realization of the subject prefix).

a) C-initial verbs

The original 3MS prefix in Berber is i-/y-, as is still found in Ketama. The y-is found after a vowel, e.g. after the irrealis marker a, the future marker š-a, the relative marker a, or the negator u, e.g. (Ketama) (4) i-ḵrez (K)

3MS-plow:P 'He plowed.'

(5) š-a y-eḵrez (K)

FT-NR 3MS-plow:A 'He will plow.'

While i/y-as 3MS prefix is found in Perfective and Imperfective (positive) verb forms throughout Senhaja, the prefix is realized differently in "marked" contexts -namely, in the Aorist following the future/irrealis (š)a(ḏ), and in Perfective Negative following the negator u(ḏ) ~ ur, depending on the variety. Thus, Taghzut, Seddat, and Hmed varieties have ḏ-as 3MS marker in these contexts, e.g. šaḏeḵrez (T/S/H) 'He will plow.'

There are two possible ways to analyze (and segment) this sequence:

(a) š-a ḏ-eḵrez

FT-NR 3MS-plow:A

➔ the irrealis particle is a, and ḏ is the innovative 3MS marker

(b) š-aḏ Ø-eḵrez FT-NR 3MS-plow:A
➔ ḏ is a part of the irrealis particle and Ø is a 3MS marker Both analyses are possible synchronically, while diachronically, ḏ is originally part of the irrealis marker that came to interact with the 3MS marker: š-aḏ y-eḵrez or š-aḏ iḵrez > šaḏeḵrez 'He will plow.'

In the Perfective Negative, the same ḏ is found that must have been reanalyzed

and introduced from the irrealis particle aḏ, e.g. uḏeḵrezš (T/S/H) 'He did not plow.'283 Again, there are two possible analyses: In the Imperfective Negative, the 3MS is y-following the negator ula, e.g. ( 7) ula y-ḵerrez š (T/H/S-Tidwin) NEG 3MS-plow:I NEG 'He does not plow.'

In some dialects of Seddat (Azila, Asaka), the preverbal negator in the Perfective and Imperfective is the same, and hence the 3MS prefix is realized in the same way:

(8) u ḏ-ḵerrez š (S: Azila, Asaka) NEG 3MS-plow:I NEG 'He does not plow.'

In the present work, we consider ḏ as part of the preverbal marker only in cases where the 3MS prefix is marked with i-/y-(as in Zerqet), e.g. ( 9) š-aḏ i-ḵrez (Z)

FT-NR 3MS-plow:A 'He will plow.'

In other cases, we analyze ḏ-as an innovative 3MS marker (Taghzut, Seddat, Hmed):

(10) š-a ḏ-eḵrez (T/S/H) FT-NR 3MS-plow:A 'He will plow.'

In Bunsar, in 3MS verb forms in marked contexts, both ḏ and the following i are optional. In other words, 3MS marker can be realized either as i-(when following ḏ) or as zero (when not following ḏ), e.g.

(11) š-aḏ i-ḵrez ~ š-a ḵrez (B)
FT-NR 3MS-plow:A ~ FT-NR 3MS:plow:A 'He will plow'.

The following table compares the different realizations of the 3MS verb subject prefix with a C-initial verb ḵrez (Aorist=Perfective; Imperfective ḵerrez) 'to plow' in different varieties and contexts.

3MS verb subject prefix with the verb ḵrez 'plow'

Ketama Taghzut/Seddat/Hmed Bunsar/Zerqet Translation

i-ḵrez i-ḵrez i-ḵrez He plowed u y-eḵrez š u ḏ-eḵrez š (T/S/H) ur Ø-eḵrez š (S) u(ḏ i-)ḵrez š (B) uḏ i-ḵrez š (Z) He did not plow u y-ḵerrez š ula y-ḵerrez š (T/S/H) u(ḏ) ḵerrez š (S) u(ḏ i-)ḵerrez š (B) uḏ i-ḵerrez š (Z) He does not plow š-a y-eḵrez š-a ḏ-eḵrez š-a(ḏ i-)ḵrez (B) š-aḏ i-ḵrez (Z) He will plow b) V-initial verbs
When a verb stem starts in a vowel, 3MS marker is realized as y-throughout Senhaja in the context of the Aorist. Variation is found in the preverbal ḏ, which is present in most Senhaja varieties, but absent in Ketama, e.g. ( 12) š-aḏ y-asi (most Snh: Taghzut/Seddat/Hmed/Bunsar/Zerqet)

š-a y-asi (Ketama)
FT-NR 3MS-lift:A 'He will lift.'

In Perfective (positive), with u-initial verbs, the 3MS prefix is realized as i-in Ketama and Seddat, and the vowel u of the verb stem is realized as w (as sequences of two vowels are not permitted, cf. Section 2.4.2), e.g.

(13) i-wri (K/S) 3MS-write:P 'He wrote.'

In Hmed, in this case, the vowel u-of the verb stem normally remains unaltered, while the 3MS subject prefix is realized as y-: y-uri 'He wrote.' Both realizations are found in Taghzut, Bunsar, and Zerqet: i-wri~ y-uri 'He wrote.'

In the negated Perfective, the 3MS marker with V-initial verbs is i-/y-in most varieties (also as one possibility in Taghzut), alongside a "zero" marker in Taghzut and some dialects of Seddat, while other dialects of Seddat have ḏ-, e.g. 284 (14

) u y-usi š (K) uḏ (y-)usi š (T) uḏ y-usi š (H) uḏ i-wsi š (B/Z) u ḏ-usi š (S: dialectal) ~

Reanalysis of ḏ of the irrealis marker

The final -ḏ of the irrealis marker aḏ became reinterpreted and generalized to new contexts, such as the Perfective Negative (following the negation marker u). 286 In the majority of Senhaja, it is currently found (in a non-assimilated form) only with Vinitial verbs in verb forms lacking a prefix (1S and 3P), e.g. (pan-Snh.)287

(15) š-aḏ asi-ġ

FT-NR lift:A-1S

'I will lift.'

(16) uḏ usi-ġ š NEG lift:P-1S NEG 'I did not lift.'

In the assimilated form, ḏ is also found with the 2S/3FS/2P subject prefix ṯ-(that is realized as t-following aḏ): aḏ + ṯ > a^t-. As described in the preceding section, ḏ can also be analyzed as a 3MS verb subject prefix in specific contexts.

The Imperative, Prohibitive, and Injunctive

The Imperative

The Imperative has a specific PNG marking. The singular form has no PNG affixes. As the plural form is marked by the suffix, the singular form can be said to contain a zero suffix. There are two main IMP:PL suffixes in Senhaja which form an isogloss (cf.

Section 1.8.2.2). The suffix -aṯ is used in Western Senhaja (Ketama, Taghzut, Seddat), while the suffix -(e)ṯ appears in Central/Eastern Senhaja (Hmed, Bunsar, Zerqet, Mezduy). 288 Additionally, especially in combination with the ventive clitic d, the suffix -(e)m is employed in the IMP:PL in Zerqet and Mezduy. Some verbs accept the suffixem more easily than others (while the suffix -(e)ṯ is always possible). Thus, the verb ḵšem 'to enter' usually takes the IMP:PL form ḵešm-eṯ, while ḵešm-em is very rare, unless it appears in combination with the ventive: ḵešm-em=d 'Enter (here)!' (Z/M). 289 Zerqet can optionally distinguish between the MP (-eṯ~em) and FP (-eṯ~-em ~-emt)

Imperative forms, while in the rest of Senhaja, the plural form is unmarked for gender. 290 The scheme and examples follow.

Imperative conjugation

Stem Suffix

Variety/Notes SG X Ø pan-Snh.

PL X -aṯ K/T/S X -ṯ H/B/Z/M X -m Z/M (second possibility) FP X -mt Z/M (
PL ttw -aṯ Forget (PL)! K/T/S (T țțw-aṯ) ttu -ṯ Forget (PL)! H/B/Z/M ttu -m Forget (PL)! Z (second possibility)
When a verb stem ending in -a is followed by the suffix -aṯ, the vowels coalesce, and thus dialectal differences (Western Senhaja -aṯ vs. Eastern -ṯ) are neutralized, e.g.

tɛešša-ṯ (Ketama=Zerqet) 'have dinner (PL)!'. On the combination of IMP:PL suffix with the clitics, see Section 14.3.1.4.

Some verbs have suppletive imperatives, which can be borrowings from Arabic. For example, the verb 'to go' (Ketama/Taghzut/Hmed ddu, Bunsar/Zerqet ɛḏu) uses the 291 As mentioned above, this suffix is preferred when there is a following ventive: ḵešm-em=d.

Arabic Imperative form sir (pan-Senhaja). The plural form can be realized as sir-u

(with the Arabic IMP:PL marker), as in Ketama, Taghzut, and Hmed, or as sir-u-ṯ (amalgamation of the Arabic and Berber IMP:PL markers), as in Taghzut and Zerqet.

The form sir-eṯ (Arabic borrowed Imperative with the Berber affix) is only rarely found in Hmed. Imperatives can appear in sequence, e.g. kker ečč! (Hmed) ~ kker hešš! (Ketama), lit.

'Get up eat (SG)!' > 'Go eat!'. Compare also the following example with the Arabic Imperative sir 'go!': sir ḫḏem! (Ketama/Hmed) 'Go work (SG)!'

The Prohibitive 1) Prohibitive with the Berber negator

The Prohibitive, when used with the Berber negator u (or variants) has the same PNG markers as the Imperative, but is based on the Imperfective stem. Thus, the singular form has no affixes, while the plural form has the suffix -aṯ (Western Senhaja) ~ -eṯ

(
SG i~u(r)~(u)la X Ø š(i)~šay Snh. (NEG K i, S u(r), H (u)la) PL i~u(r) X -aṯ š(i)~šay K/T/S u~(u)la X -ṯ š(i)~šay H/B/Z/M
As an example, consider the following prohibitive forms of the verb ḵrez 'to plow' (Imperfective ḵerrez).

Prohibitive forms with the verb ḵrez 'to plow' (Imperfective ḵerrez)

NEG Stem Suffix NEG Variety and notes SG i~u(r)~(u)la ḵerrez -ø š(i)~šay Snh. (NEG K i, S u(r), H (u)la) PL i~u(r) ḵer(r)z -aṯ š(i)~šay K/T/S u(la) ḵer(r)z -eṯ š(i)~šay H/B/Z/M
When the Imperfective verb stem ends in a vowel, it becomes a semivowel before the plural suffix -aṯ (i > y and u > w), as in the Imperative. Just as with the Imperative, when an Imperfective verb stem ending in -a is followed by the suffix -aṯ, there is vowel coalescence, and thus dialectal differences (Western Senhaja -aṯ vs. Eastern -ṯ)

are neutralized (in those cases where the Imperfective stem in the different varieties is the same).

2) Prohibitive with the borrowed negator ma

In some Senhaja varieties, there exists an alternative Prohibitive form (which is a calque on Arabic) with the borrowed preverbal negator ma. Prohibitive PNG marking with the borrowed negator ma

NEG NR Stem Suffix NEG SG m a t- X -eḏ š(i)~šay PL m a t- X -em š(i)~šay
Example: the verb ḵrez 'to plow'

NEG NR Verb Suffix NEG SG m a t- ḵerz -eḏ š(i)~šay PL m a t- ḵerz -em š(i)~šay
Example: the verb asi 'to lift'

NEG NR Verb Suffix NEG SG m a t- asi -ḏ š(i)~šay PL m a t- asi -m š(i)~šay

The Injunctive

The injunctive is used to encourage the addressee to do something together with the speaker. There are two possible constructions employed in Senhaja. Both appear following the irrealis marker a and are usually preceded by yaḷḷah ~ 'Let's!'):

1) the form with the 1P prefix n-;

2) the form with the 1P prefix n-combined with the IMP:PL suffix -aṯ (Western Senhaja)/-eṯ (Central/Eastern Senhaja). 293 The schemes and examples follow. The example is based on the verb ḵšem 'to enter'.

The Injunctive: scheme and examples

Scheme 'Let's enter!' Variety 1) a n-X a n-eḵšem pan-Snh.

2a)

a n-X-aṯ a n-ḵešm-aṯ K/T/S 2b) a n-X-eṯ a n-ḵešm-eṯ H/B/Z/M

The Relative Form ("Berber participle")

There is a form traditionally known in Berber Studies as the "Berber participle", but which we call the relative form to avoid confusion with the participles borrowed from Arabic. 294 This verbal form appears in subject relative constructions, i.e. in relative clauses where the head (antecedent) functions as the subject. Cf. Section 12.4.3 on relativization.

The relative form is used in most Senhaja varieties with Perfectives and Imperfectives, both in affirmative and in negative contexts, but does not occur with the construction aḏ + Aorist, except Zerqet. The formation of the relative form is homogeneous throughout Senhaja, although there are differences in its use (especially in contexts of negation). The shape of the relative form is i-X-n: the form consists of the prefix i-(~y-) (like the 3MS marker) and the suffix -(e)n. In most Senhaja varieties, the relative form usually follows the relative marker, which is a or na(ḏ):

Ketama/Taghzut a, Seddat/Hmed/Bunsar (n)a, Zerqet/Mezduy na(ḏ), glossed "RM".

The prefix of the relative form is realized as y-following a and as i-following ḏ. The relative form is invariable for number and gender throughout Senhaja. 295 Additionally, Zerqet allows for a distinct FP relative form that has the shape: i-X-nt. In Ketama, this verb either takes the Arabic pronominal suffixes (cf. Section 8.6.2) or the Berber pronominal suffixes that in form coincide with the suffixes following prepositions and kinship terms (cf. Section 8.3, e.g. 3MS -s rather than the 3S:IO clitic as). The Arabic Dative preposition l can also (optionally) be used. 297 For example:

a y- X -n K/T a y-ḵerz-en na y- X -n S/H/B/Z na y-ḵerz-en naḏ i- X -n Z/M naḏ i-ḵerz-en FP naḏ i- X -nt Z naḏ i-ḵerz-
(23) Mimun ḥsab =(l) -es belli Zuliḫa h-edda (K)
Mimun seem (=DAT) -3S COMP Zulikha 3FS-go:P 'Mimun believes that Zulikha left.'

In Taghzut and Hmed, the verb ḥsab in the sense 'to reckon, to seem to' is not frequently used. Instead, these varieties use the Imperfective stem of the Berber verb (ț)iġaž (Taghzut)/(ț)iġay (Hmed) (ț-is the Imperfective prefix) 'to reckon' (see below).

țiġay(d) (Hmed) 'to reckon, seem to'

The verb țiġay(d) 'to reckon, think, believe, seem to' (Hmed) is most frequently used in the Imperfective (with the prefix ț-). The Aorist stem is iġay. 298 In the Aorist, the verb The impersonal verb ḥsen 'to be better (for)' found in Zerqet takes IO clitics, e.g.

(25) ḥesn =as (Z) be.better=3S:IO 'It is better for him/her.'

Conclusions

Verb Derivation

There are several derivations in Senhaja that express modifications in voice. There are two valency-increasing mechanisms that derive causatives: derivation with the prefix s(s)-(common among Berber), and the gemination of C2 (the second radical of the verb root, the Arabic stem II), usually found with borrowed verbs, but in some cases, applied to the native Berber verbs (pattern borrowing). For native verbs, stem II causatives are often suppletive. There are several valency-decreasing mechanisms that derive passives and, sometimes, middles or medio-passives. Passives are derived with prefixes t(t)-and n(n)-(shared with Arabic) across Senhaja, while there are also dialect-specific prefixes with a semivowel: ttya-(K), țțuya-(H), and ttwa-(Z). These are Berber prefixes, but they can be found with borrowed Arabic verbs. The passive prefix m(m)-is very rare, and the prefix n(n) cannot be seen as its allomorph (different from other Berber varieties). It is possible that n-became widespread in Senhaja under the influence from Arabic, while not necessarily being borrowed. As with causatives, some passives are suppletive. While derivational prefixes are found across the Berber world, Senhaja is special in its widespread use of borrowed Arabic stem II causatives (often suppletive to the Berber verbs) and suppletive passives. This feature is also found in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015). Some verbs allow for multiple causative or passive counterparts. The combination of different derivations is possible to a certain extent.

Besides the derivations mentioned above, Senhaja has borrowed a large number of Arabic derived verbs. In some cases, Arabic patterns are applied to the native Berber verbs -most notably, stem II, formed by C2 gemination, but also stem V, that combines stem II with the t-prefix. With Arabic borrowed verbs, some hybrid forms are found that do not exist in Arabic, such as the combination of the t-prefix with stem I (the underived base), or the n-prefix with stem II (with the geminated C2).

PNG (Person, Number, Gender) Subject Marking

Verbal subject PNG markers express the person, number, and gender (PNG) of the subject. In most varieties with the exception of Easternmost Senhaja (Z/M), the gender is marked only in the third person singular. Zerqet and Mezduy allow for gender marking also in 2P and 3P. The affixes appear both before (prefixes) and after (suffixes) the stem. There are different sets of subject affixes: 1) the normal set; 2) the imperative; 3) the relative form (traditionally called the "Berber participle").

Some PNG markers show variation as a result of phonological changes and reanalysis. The marking is slightly different in the Aorist following the irrealis particle a(ḏ) vs. in the Perfective and Imperfective. The variable markers in Senhaja include:

1S suffix (originally *eġ), 2S/3FS/2P prefix (originally t-), and 3MS prefix (originally i/y-). The 1S subject suffix has developed from -eġ into -aġ in most varieties, and to -a in Ketama. With V-final verbs, the 1S suffix is -ġ, e.g. (K) ḵešm-a 'I entered' vs. ddi-ġ 'I went'.

There is one prefix for 2S, 3FS, and 2P: the prefix ṯ-. In Ketama, it developed into a-/h-/ah-, e.g. ṯ-eḵrez (most Snh.) vs. a(h)-ḵrez~h-eḵrez (K) 'she plowed'. In the Aorist following the irrealis marker a(ḏ), the prefix is realized as t-as a result of assimilation (aḏ+ṯ > at^t > a^t), e.g. š-a ^t-eḵrez (pan-Snh.) 'she will plow'.

The 3MS prefix is originally i-/y-, and this realization is still found in some contexts, e.g. i-ḵrez 'he plowed'. In parts of Senhaja (T/S/H), in the Aorist forms following the irrealis aḏ, there is no i-, e.g. aḏeḵrez 'he will plow'. In such cases, the prefix can be analyzed as zero (aḏ eḵrez), or the final ḏ of the irrealis particle can be considered as the new subject prefix (a ḏ-eḵrez). Compare Ketama a y-eḵrez, Zerqet aḏ i-ḵrez 'id.'. Bunsar has aḏ i-ḵrez ~ a ḵrez.

In Perfective Negative, ḏ is found in parts of Senhaja (T/S/H), generalized from the Aorist, e.g. uḏeḵrez š 'he did not plow'. Again, the 3MS marker can be analyzed as zero (uḏ eḵrez š), or as ḏ-(u ḏ-eḵrez š). Ketama has u y-eḵrez š, Zerqet uḏ i-ḵrez š, and Bunsar uḏ i-ḵrez š ~ u ḵrez š 'id.'. A zero marker is also found in parts of Seddat with the negator ur: ur eḵrez š 'id.'.

When a verb starts in a vowel, 3MS prefix is i-/y-across Senhaja in unmarked contexts (e.g. Perfective, affirmative: y-uri ~ i-wri 'he wrote'), and in the Aorist following the preverb aḏ: aḏ y-ari (most Snh.), Ketama a y-ari 'he will write'. In Perfective Negative,

3MS is i-/y-in most varieties: uḏ i-wri š (~uḏ y-uri š) (H/B/Z), u y-uri š ~ i-wri š (K) 'he did not write'. In Taghzut, y-is optional: uḏ (y-)uri š. Seddat (dialectally) has u ḏ-uri š ~ ur uri š.
The Imperative singular has no PNG affixes. There are two plural suffixes which form an isogloss: -aṯ in Western Senhaja (K/T/S), -ṯ in Eastern Senhaja (H/B/Z/M). Zerqet uses IMP:PL -em before the ventive clitic d (-em=d). For example: ḵšem 'enter (sg.)!'

(pan-Snh.); ḵešm-aṯ (K/T/S), ḵešm-eṯ (H/B/Z/M) 'enter (pl.)!'.

The Prohibitive, when used with the Berber negator u (or variants) has the same marking as the Imperative. The varieties differ in the choice of the preverbal negator:

most varieties u (T/B/S), Ketama i, Seddat u(r), Hmed (u)la. In some varieties, there exists an alternative Prohibitive form (a calque on Arabic) with the borrowed preverbal negator ma. It takes the second person PNG affixes, and uses the Aorist stem (following the irrealis aḏ), e.g.

(

) m^a ^t-asi-ḏ š NEG^NR ^2-lift:A-2S NEG 'Do not lift (sg.)!' 26
The injunctive uses the 1P prefix n-, optionally combined with the IMP:PL suffix -aṯ/ -eṯ, always used with the irrealis particle a, e.g. a n-eḵšem (pan-Snh.), a n-ḵešm-aṯ

(K/T/S), a n-ḵešm-eṯ (H/B/Z/M) 'Let's enter!'.
The relative form (also known as the "Berber participle") is a verbal form used in subject relative constructions. The shape of the relative form is i-X-n, invariable for number and gender, e.g. i-ḵerz-en 'who plowed'. Optionally, Eastern Senhaja (Z/M) uses a FP form: i-X-nt.

Impersonal verbs can be used without PNG markers, or PNG markers may be optional or frozen. They can take pronominal IO clitics, which makes them similar to pseudoverbs, e.g. (i-)ḫeṣṣ=ay ((3MS-)need=1S:IO 'I need' (lit. 'it is needed to me').

4. MAN (Mood, Aspect, Negation)

Function

The Aorist (or unmarked stem), when appearing without a particle, is usually used for the imperative or as a consecutive (sequential, narrative) form. 302 More commonly, it is preceded by a preverbal marker such as the irrealis a(ḏ), glossed NR, or the future (ma)š-a(ḏ), glossed FT-NR. 303 In this case, it expresses a non-realized event (irrealis, future, uncertainty, possibility, probability, wish, conditional, prospective, subjunctive, etc.). 304 The preverbal markers trigger clitic fronting (cf. Section 12.4.2).

The Perfective is used in different manners, and can have different interpretations depending on the verb: a dynamic event in the past, or a stative (including resultative) event. 305 It is especially in the Perfective that the distinction between dynamic and stative verbs is important for the interpretation. Labile verbs can have different readings (cf. Appendix 6 for a list of labile verbs in Senhaja). The Imperfective is used for the progressive, simultaneous, habitual, general, iterative, durative, etc. It may also express inchoative with verbs describing states/quality.

The verbal form can appear in negative contexts, preceded by the negative particle (u(r), uḏ, la, ma) and followed by the postverbal negative particle (š~ši~šay). In Mezduy and parts of Zerqet (Wersan), special negative forms of the verbs are found (Perfective Negative and Imperfective Negative).

Morphological distinctions between the MA(N) stems

In Senhaja, many verbs do not formally distinguish between the Aorist and the

Perfective stem (such verbs are referred to as "AOR=PERF" in this thesis). However, there are also verbs which distinguish the Perfective from the Aorist. The Imperfective is almost always distinguished. Verbs starting in a-always distinguish between the Aorist and Perfective, as they form the Perfective by changing the initial a-to u-. The following table shows three pan-Senhaja verbs in three stems:

302 For the study of the Aorist in Zenaga, see Taine-Cheikh 2009b and 2016. On the consecutive Aorist, cf. Galand 2002: 261-265, Galand 2010: 228, and Bentolila 1981: 153-154. 303 On (ma)š and a, cf. Mourigh 2015: 407-409. In both Senhaja and Ghomara, maš is borrowed from the Arabic participle maši (FS maša, PL mašyin) 'going'. In Senhaja, unlike in Ghomara, the marker (ma)š can appear in relative and subordinate clauses. Also, in Senhaja, (ma)š is not limited to the speech of the older people, but rather is a rare (and a more emphatic) variant of š.

304 Cf. Bentolila 1981: 146. 305 See Galand 2010: 207-224, Mettouchi 2003b, and Kossmann 2012a: 79. Not all stative verbs are resultatives, however (cf. Chaker 1995: 63-82). For a discussion of the difference between resultative states and "pure" states expressed by the adjectives and participles, cf. the verb ttru 'to cry' (Hmed țru) is originally the Imperfective that has been reanalyzed as the Aorist. 306 In Ketama, this verb is a rare example of AOR=PERF=IPF verb. In Hmed, Bunsar, and Zerqet, there is a newly formed

Imperfective tettru (Hmed țețru).

In what follows, the morphology of the three verbal stems is studied in more detail, in both underived and derived verbs, starting with the Aorist (taken as the basis) and followed by the Perfective and Imperfective. As mentioned previously, in this thesis, the term "verb formation" refers to forming of MA(N) stems. Verb formation is related to the formal characteristics of the verb. Thus, most CCC verbs do not formally distinguish between the Aorist and the Perfective, while a-initial verbs always do so (cf. the above table). In the final section, some conclusions are drawn regarding major differences in verb formation in underived and derived verbs.

The Aorist

Variations within Aorist Paradigms

In this section, we present some variations within Aorist paradigms:

1) some verbs have u~Ø alternation in the Aorist stem in Ketama: u that appears in forms without suffixes alternates with Ø (zero) in forms with suffixes;

306 The verb ru is found in Tarifiyt.

2) some verbs acquire the final -i before 2P suffix -m and 3P suffix -n (Ketama, Taghzut), usually in free variation with the conjugation without the i;

3) some verbs have the final -i/a alternation in the Aorist in Zerqet, corresponding to the invariable -i in the rest of Senhaja (Ketama, Taghzut, Hmed). 307 In Zerqet, the final -i appears in 1S and 2S, and -a in the rest of the paradigm; in Imperative, the Ikherruden dialect of Zerqet has -a.

All these peculiarities of the Aorist are discussed below.

Ketama u~Ø Alternation

In Ketama, some verbs have u in IMP:SG and in finite forms without suffixes (i.e. 3MS, 3FS and 1P), but u is lacking in forms with suffixes (i.e. IMP:PL, 1S, 2S, 2P and 3P). In some cases, such forms must be a result of lost labialization (as e.g. in the verb n(u)ġ 'to die'). The same feature is found in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015). Cf. With some verbs, in Ketama and Taghzut, the verb stem optionally acquires i in the Aorist 2P and 3P forms. This is especially frequent with biradical verbs or verbs consisting of a single long consonant. This must be an old feature that might be disappearing. Such verbs usually show i/a vowel alternation in the Perfective, cf. 307 Ketama usually behaves like Hmed (i.e. has invariable i in the Aorist), while some verbs show alternation, as in Zerqet. In this case, the Imperative in Ketama ends in -i. 308 Different from Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 152-153), the verbs qqen (cf. Ghomara qqun) 'to tie' and rkem (cf. Ghomara lkum) 'to reach' do not belong to this category in Ketama. In Zerqet, there are many verbs that show the final -i/a alternation (indicated by "i/a"), where -i is used in 1S and 2S, and -a appears in the rest of the paradigm. 309 In most Senhaja varieties, this kind of alternation is limited to the Perfective (cf. Section 4.3.1.3). 310 Ketama has -i/a alternation in a few verbs, but in most cases, the stem is invariable. Typically, the verbs with -i/a alternation have Imperatives on -a in Zerqet, corresponding to the invariable -i in other varieties. The paradigm of the verb ġenni/a 'to sing' in the Aorist follows (Zerqet).

Aorist i/a alternation in Zerqet: the verb ġenni/a 'to sing'

1S a ġenni-ġ 1P a n-ġenna 2S a t-ġenni-ḏ 2P a t-ġenna-m 3MS aḏ i-ġenna 3P a ġenna-n 3FS a t-ġenna
Below we list other Zerqet verbs that fall into this category. Comparisons with other Senhaja varieties are provided.

Zerqet -i/a alternation vs. invariable -i in most Snh. (T/S/K/H)

309 The difference is thus not between the verb forms with suffixes vs. without suffixes, as e.g. in Tarifiyt (Mourigh & Kossmann f.c.). 310 Similarly, in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 151), stem alternation exists only in the Perfective.

Zerqet (1S+2S/the rest) Most Snh. Translation

ɛelli/a ɛelli go up glaṣi/a glaṣi freeze smth.

laqi/a laqi meet semmi/a semmi name

2) Final i/a alternation in derived verbs

In derived verbs, the final i/a alternation is also found outside Zerqet, e.g. in Ketama.

In this case, Ketama behaves like Zerqet, with the Imperative in -a and the final i/a alternation, while Taghzut and Hmed have the invariable -i. 311 This is found with tand n-derived verbs. For example:

t-derived verbs n-derived verbs

In verbs derived with the prefixes ttya (K), țțya (T), ttwa (Z), there is i/a alternation in Zerqet, and an optional alternation in Ketama and Taghzut, e.g.

Aorist Different from the Imperative

Usually, the Aorist stem without the PNG affixes equals the Imperative singular form.

There are, however, some exceptions:

1) some verbs have suppletive imperatives;

2) some verbs acquire the initial h-in IMP:SG in Ketama that is absent in other verb forms (IMP:PL and all finite Aorist forms).

311 Seddat variety behaves like Ketama/Zerqet (with the alternation), while Bunsar behaves like Taghzut/Hmed, lacking the alternation. ). In what follows, the verbs that distinguish the Perfective stem from the Aorist are presented first. This group of verbs is divided into subgroups according to the formation of the Perfective. Verbs are grouped according to their type (formal makeup). Verbs that do not formally distinguish the Aorist from the Perfective are treated afterwards.

The Perfective Distinct from the Aorist

The Perfective stem can differ from the Aorist in the following ways:

1) initial vowel change (AOR a-vs. PERF u-), Section 4.3.1.1;

2) medial vowel change (AOR i vs. PERF a; AOR u vs. PERF a), Section 4.3.1.2;

3) final vowel insertion or alternation (Perfective i/a alternation), Section 4.3.1.3.

Initial Vowel Change

Verbs that start in the vowel a-in the Aorist change this vowel to u in the Perfective.

The following

Verbs with alternation u ~ a in Aorist and Perfective

The following two verbs of the type C:aC ~ C:uC have free variation between a and u in both Aorist and Perfective (i.e. Perfective=Aorist).

AOR=PERF Translation Variety

ggall~ggull swear K/H (cf. Z ggažž~ggužž) ẓẓaḷḷ~ẓẓuḷḷ pray K/H (cf.
Z ẕ̣̌ ẕ̣̌ až~ẕ̣̌ ẕ̣̌ už, ẓẓaž~ẓẓuž)

Perfective -i/a Vowel Alternation

Some verbs insert a final vowel in the Perfective, while in others (V-final verbs), the final vowel may be altered (either in the entire paradigm, or in specific persons). In all cases, the final vowel has alternation in the Perfective: -i appears in the 1S and 2S, and -a in the rest of the paradigm (cf. Section 4.2.1.3 on -i/a alternation in the Aorist). 313 Vowel alternation in the Perfective is much more common than vowel alternation in the Aorist, and is found in all Senhaja varieties. This feature is found in verbs of different types.

The following examples are pan-Senhaja:

A. C-final verbs:

1) C-final verbs, e.g. kk, PERF kki/a 'give'; ḵes, PERF ḵsi/a 'herd';

B. V-final verbs:

2) u-final verbs, e.g. ẓẓu, PERF ẓẓi/a 'plant'; bnu, PERF bni/a 'build';

3) i-final verbs, e.g. ġeṭṭi, PERF ġeṭṭi/a 'to cover'; ḫwi, PERF ḫwi/a 'to empty'.314

313 Verbs that show i/a alternation in the Aorist in Zerqet remain unchanged in the Perfective. Such verbs typically correspond to the unchanged -i in the Aorist in Hmed (and usually in Ketama, too), and i/a in the Perfective.

The Perfective relative form (RF) of -i/a alternating verbs has a preceding the suffix -n.

The following examples are pan-Senhaja:

kk 'give', PERF kki/a, RF i-kka-n;

ḵes 'herd', PERF ḵsi/a, RF i-ḵsa-n;

bnu 'build', PERF bni/a, RF i-bna-n;

ḫwi 'empty', PERF ḫwi/a, RF i-ḫwa-n. Aorist and the Perfective) is an isogloss that distinguishes Senhaja from Tarifiyt (Kossmann 2017a: 98). Also, the vocalization in the Perfective of CC and CCV verbs is the same (for example, we find nġi/nġa as Perfective of naġ /neġ/ 'kill', and bni/bna as Perfective of bnu 'build'), while in Tarifiyt, the alternating vowel in such verbs differs (Kossmann 2017a: 99), making it another isogloss. In the rest of Senhaja, where there is no variation in the Aorist, the Perfective stem is homophonous with the Aorist.

Final -i > i/a

Type

2) Perfective Ø~a Alternation (Taghzut, Ketama)

The verb sell 'to listen' that optionally shows Ø/i alternation in the Aorist 2P and 3P, optionally has Ø/a alternation in the Perfective 2P and 3P, and no vowel in the rest of the paradigm. The forms with a are becoming rare in Ketama, but are still found in Taghzut. Compare the Aorist and Perfective 2P and 3P forms of this verb: 317 The meaning 'to cause to drink' is preserved in Hmed.

AOR PERF 2P

a t-selli-m~ a t-sell-em h-sell-em ~h-sella-m 3P a selli-n ~ a sell-en sell-en ~sella-n 4

Aorist=Perfective in Specific Varieties

A certain verb can belong to the Aorist=Perfective category in one Senhaja variety, but to the Aorist≠Perfective category in another. This is usually related to the formal makeup of the verb, which can differ per dialect due to the phonological changes that took place. For example, the following verbs end in -el in Zerqet (Aorist=Perfective),

Initial u > a and i > a

The change u > a in the initial position (following the s-prefix and preceding the first consonant of the root) is found in Ketama and Hmed, but not in Zerqet. For the change i > a, there is also dialectal variation: in Western Senhaja, the change is obligatory; in Hmed, the change may be optional; in Eastern Senhaja (Bunsar/Zerqet), the vowel remains unaltered.

Initial a > u (Zerqet)

Some causatives in Zerqet change a in the initial position to u, e.g.

The vowel a in the initial position remains unchanged in Hmed, e.g. 320 Compare Hmed ssuḥi 'make tired', Perfective ssuḥi/a from the base uḥi 'be tired'.

321 Cf. Hmed ssani 'to make ride', Perfective ssani/a from the base ani 'to ride'.

AOR

Medial u > a

In some verbs, the u changes to a in the medial position (after C1). This change can be optional, especially in Hmed.

AOR

Final -u and -i> -i/a alternation

In some verbs, the final -u and -i correspond to the alternating -i/a in the Perfective. In Hmed, with i-final verbs, the final -i can remain unchanged in the Perfective.

-u > -i/a -i > -i/a (Hmed: -i > -i/a or -i = -i) 322 Compare Hmed causative sseḥmi (also used in Ketama). In some verbs in Zerqet, the final -i/a alternation is found both in the Aorist and in the Perfective (Aorist=Perfective). In Hmed, the alternation is only found in the Perfective (alongside the forms without alternation):

AOR

Insertion of -i/a after the last consonant

Some causatives derived from CC verbs insert -i/a after the final consonant. This has been found in Taghzut, Hmed, and Zerqet. However, in these same varieties, the Perfective can also remain unaltered (for the same verbs).

Aorist=Perfective

Many causative verbs do not distinguish between the Aorist and the Perfective stems. This is true for causatives derived from triradical verbs (across Senhaja), as well as for the causatives of some other verb types (with dialectal differences). The following Perfective stem equal to the Aorist. There are, however, dialectal differences, as in parts of Senhaja, such verbs may have Perfective distinct from the Aorist, as described above.

The Perfective of t-and n-derived Verbs

The Perfective of t-and n-derived verbs largely follows the same rules as that of underived verbs. The Perfective may be formed by a change in a vowel. In Hmed, some Perfectives have final -i/a alternation, which makes them different from the Aorist, while in Ketama and Zerqet, the alternation is usually present in both stems.

The Perfective Distinct from the Aorist

Vocalic changes

The following verbs found in Hmed derive the Perfective by a change in a vowel (a > u, u >a, i > a). 325 In Ketama, both tsugg and tsagg may be used as the Aorist, and tsagg as the Perfective. 326 In Ketama, tqis and tqas in the sense 'be touched' (rather than 'be tasted') are used as the Aorist, while tqas is the Perfective.

The Imperfective

The Imperfective stem is almost always (with rare exceptions, see Section 4.5.5.3) different from the Aorist. There are different ways to form an Imperfective stem, such as:

1) consonant (C2) gemination;

2) C1 gemination combined with other features (e.g. u insertion);

3) prefixation of t(t)-; 4) vowel insertion;

5) insertion of the final -i/a (Ketama/Taghzut) or -ay (Hmed/Zerqet).

Combination of the above strategies is also possible, most typically:

1) prefixation of t(t)-+ insertion of -a before the final consonant;

2) prefixation of t(t)-+ insertion of the final -i/a (K/T) or ay (H/Z).

There are also irregular and suppletive Imperfectives. The same verb can have multiple Imperfective stems within the same dialect used in free variation. There are also dialectal differences: some types of Imperfectives are more commonly found in specific dialects. All these differences are discussed in this section.

Consonant Gemination

The Imperfective is often formed by a consonant gemination. When the first consonant is ġ, it corresponds to the long ġġ (and not qq) in Zerqet. 331 The prefix is not voiced in Hmed: yy > țegg.

AOR (H/Z) IPF (H) IPF (Z)

(B/Z).
The prefix may be combined with other changes (Section 4.5.4), such as vowel insertion, replacement, or addition. This Section treats the cases where the prefix t(t)is used on its own, without other modifications.

1) V-initial verbs

Prefix t(t)-is the usual way to form Imperfectives of vowel-initial verbs.

a-initial verbs

All The majority of C-initial verbs that form Imperfective by means of the prefix t(t)-, combine the prefix with vocalic changes. Vocalic changes can be divided into the following categories:

1) insertion of a vowel before the final consonant;

2) replacement of the final vowel with -ay (or -i/a);

3) addition of the final -i/a ~ -a(y), rarely -i, -u;

4) insertion/replacement of the middle vowel and addition of the final vowel.

CCCC > tCCCVC

Quadriliteral verbs form Imperfectives by the prefix t-combined with the insertion of a vowel before the final consonant. 337 This vowel is often a, but not always. There are dialectal differences as to which vowel is inserted (in a given verb).

CCCC > tCCCaC

The following verbs insert the vowel a before the final consonant.

AOR

CCCC > tCCCiC

The following verbs insert the vowel i before the final consonant. The verb ṭṭwi 'to fold' also belongs to this category, although the prefix is invisible since the verb starts in ṭṭ: IPF ṭṭway 'fold' (K/Z).

AOR

The Hmed verb uġġi 'to be stuck' forms Imperfective by the prefix t-and the change of the final -i to -ay: țuġġay. 340 The verb tesli/a 'to hear' in Zerqet has i/a alternation. The Aorist form is the reinterpreted Imperfective. 341 The current Imperfective in Zerqet replaces the final -i/a with -ay: teslay.

The verb seqsi (K/H), Z seqsi/a 'to ask' shows variation in the presence of the prefix t-(cf. Imperfectives of s-derived causatives, Section 4.5.6). The final -i corresponds to -ay in the Imperfective across Senhaja: K seqsay, H (ț)seqsay, Z tseqsay.

b) Prefix t-and replacement of the final -a with -ay

There are very few a-final verbs in Senhaja. 342 342 Excluding i/a alternating verbs in Zerqet. Some passives and causatives are a-final. 343 In other dialects, the verb awi 'to take' (IPF t(t)awi) is used in this meaning.

c) Prefix t-and replacement of the final -u with -ay~-aw

Some u-final verbs form the Imperfective with the prefix t-combined with the replacement of the final -u by -ay or -aw. 344

Imperfective of t-and n-derived Verbs

Verbs with the prefixes t-and n-largely form Imperfectives using the same mechanisms as underived verbs. For example, a frequent way to form the Imperfective is by the insertion of a before the final consonant of the verb. In most varieties (Ketama, Seddat, Bunsar, Zerqet), the Imperfective prefix t-and the derivational prefix t-have the same form, and it is impossible to state with certainty if the two prefixes coalesce, or if the Imperfective prefix t-is simply absent. 367 In Hmed and Taghzut, by contrast, the Imperfective ț-is combinable with the passive prefix (Hmed t-, Taghzut ț-~t-). In Taghzut, the Imperfective ț-can be (optionally) realized as s-before the passive ț-(dissimilation), as it is before a voiceless dental. With n-derived verbs, the Imperfective prefix is combinable. There is no ț > s-in Taghzut, unless the Imperfective prefix is followed by a voiceless dental.

In those varieties where the Imperfective t-and the passive t-coalesce, the Imperfective stem of t-derived passives can be homophonous with the Imperfective stem of the corresponding base verb without the passive prefix. The Imperfectives are distinguished in Taghzut and Hmed. Compare, for example, the Imperfectives of the stem II verb sebbaq /e/ 'make precede' and the corresponding stem V tsebbaq /e/ 'to be preceded' in most varieties vs. Taghzut/Hmed.

366 For this verb, Ketama also has AOR=IPF. 367 As discussed above, the Imperfective prefix t-is also absent in s-derived causatives in Ketama and Zerqet.

Insertion of a before the final consonant

In many Imperfectives, the vowel a is inserted before the final consonant. This change is combined with the Imperfective prefix with t-derived verbs in Hmed and Taghzut, and with n-derived verbs across Senhaja.

t-derived verbs n-derived verbs

In Hmed, t-derived passives of stem II causatives with an optional s-form Imperfectives in the same way, i.e. insert the vowel a before the final consonant, combined with the Imperfective prefix ț-: The following Hmed verb derived from the CC-type base verb, forms Imperfective by three mechanisms: 1) the Imperfective prefix ț-; 2) gemination of the initial consonant of the verb root, and 3) insertion of a before the final consonant. As syllabification changes, the prefix is realized as t-in the Aorist and as tt-in the Imperfective:

Insertion of a before the final i (final -i > -ay)

Imperfectives of verbs that end in -i (including -i/a alternating verbs in Ketama and Zerqet) are often formed by replacing the final vowel with -ay.

t-derived n-derived

The following verb is i-final in Taghzut, -i/a-final in Ketama, or u-final in Ketama and Hmed. In the Imperfective, all varieties have the final -ay:

Insertion of a before the final u (final -u > -aw)

In some cases, final -u corresponds to -aw in the Imperfective (cf. below for the alternative Imperfective): or by adding i before the final consonant and the addition of the final -ay. The verbs end in the back consonants (ɛ, ḥ) and have an underlying schwa in the Aorist.

AOR

t-derived n-derived

Special cases and Imperfective=Aorist

The following passives of the type tteC:u (derived of base verbs of the type C:u) likewise form their Imperfectives in different manners. In the first type, the Imperfective is homophonous with the Aorist in Ketama, and is distinguished from the Aorist in Hmed by means of the Imperfective prefix ț-. 369 Alternatively, the Imperfective inserts a before final u (final u > aw). 369 The Imperfective and Aorist stems are also homophonous in Taghzut and Zerqet, e.g. Taghzut țeẓẓu (AOR=IPF) 'be planted'. This is due to the fact that in these varieties, different from Hmed, the Imperfective prefix is not combinable with the passive prefix, or the two coalesce. However, some Imperfectives have been found. Within Zerqet, Imperfectives of ttwaderived verbs are more frequent in the Bunjel dialect than in Ikherruden. 371 Most of them are formed using the same mechanisms as underived verbs, such as the insertion of a before the final consonant of the verb or the change of the final -i to -ay. In Ketama and Zerqet, the Imperfective prefix t-is not used with the derivational prefix ttya-(Ketama) and ttwa-(Zerqet), or, in any case, they coalesce, so that the Imperfective prefix t-is not distinct. In Hmed, by contrast, the Imperfective ț-precedes (and does not assimilate to) the prefix țțuya-. In Taghzut, the Imperfective prefix ț-is realized as s-before țțya-. Consider the following examples.

Insertion of a before the final consonant

With C-final verbs 370 In Tarifiyt, verbs with the passive prefix ttwa-cannot be used in the Imperfective (Cadi 2006). 371 The Imperfectives found in the Bunjel dialect were not accepted as grammatical by the speakers from Ikherruden.

AOR

țțyaṭef (T) țțuyaṭṭef (H) ttwaṭṭef (Z) ttyaṭṭaf (K) sețțyaṭaf (T) țețțuyaṭṭef (H) ttwaṭṭaf (Z) be caught

With V-final verbs (final -i > -ay)

In Zerqet, the following ttwa-derived verbs can occur in the Imperfective in the Bunjel dialect, but not in the Ikherruden dialect.

In the following u-final verb found in Zerqet, the Imperfective stem can be homophonous with the Aorist. Alternatively, the Imperfective can be derived by the insertion of a before the final u (-u > -aw). 372

Imperfective of m-derived Verbs

There are three m-derived verbs in Senhaja. For the verb mɛuṛṛež 'to limp' (Z), the Imperfective stem is temɛuṛṛuž, built with the prefix t-combined with the insertion of u before the final consonant. In the Bunjel dialect, the alternative form nɛuṛṛež derives Imperfective in the same way: tenɛuṛṛuž.

The verb mnez (T/S/H), mmenz (Z) 'to be sold' has the Imperfective stem țmenzay (T), tmenzay (S/Z-Bunjel), țemmenzay (H), built with the Imperfective prefix t-and the insertion of the final -ay. In the Ikherruden dialect of Zerqet, the Imperfective stem of this verb is temnuzay, built with the prefix t-, the insertion of the final -ay, and the insertion of u before the final consonant. 372 The Imperfective ttwattu is preferred in Bunjel, and ttwattaw in Ikherruden. Compare also Hmed țțuyațțu (AOR) -țețțuyațțaw (IPF). This verb inserts u before the stem in the Aorist, its Perfective=Aorist, and it has two

Imperfective forms: either derived by inserting a before the final consonant, or by inserting u instead, copied from the initial position:

The remaining examples of double-derived verbs are t-and n-derived passives of scausatives in Hmed. These verbs form MA(N) stems as expected: the Perfective stem is usually homophonous with the Aorist, while the Imperfective is usually formed using the same means as in underived verbs: the Imperfective prefix ț combined either with the insertion of a before the final consonant, or with the addition of the final -ay.

Rarely, the Imperfective prefix ț-is used alone. Some examples follow.

1) Insertion of a before the final consonant

The verb tteznez 'be sold

2) Addition of the final -ay

3) The Imperfective prefix ț-(optionally combined with other changes)

The following verb can form the Imperfective stem by the Imperfective prefix ț-alone.

Alternatively, it also inserts the vowel u before the final consonant (copied from the u inserted before the base following the causative s-):

V-final verbs (that usually have the alternation -i/a in the Perfective) form the Imperfective by the change of the final vowel to -ay: The Aorist, or unmarked stem, when appearing without a particle, is usually used for the imperative or as a consecutive (sequential, narrative) form. More commonly, it is preceded by the irrealis a(ḏ) or the future (ma)š-a(ḏ). In this case, it expresses a non-realized event (irrealis, future, possibility, wish, subjunctive, etc.). The

Perfective has different interpretations depending on the verb: a dynamic event in the past, or a stative (including resultative) event. The Imperfective is used for the progressive, simultaneous, habitual, iterative, durative, etc. It may also express inchoative with verbs describing states/quality.

In Senhaja, many verbs do not formally distinguish between the Aorist and the Perfective (in such verbs, AOR=PERF). The Imperfective is almost always distinguished. The formation of MA(N) stems is related to the formal characteristics of the verb. For example, most CCC verbs do not formally distinguish between the Aorist and the Perfective.

1) The Aorist

There are variations within the Aorist paradigms. In Ketama, some verbs have u~Ø alternation, while some optionally acquire the final -i in 2P and 3P. In Zerqet, some verbs have the final -i/a alternation (i-appears in 1S and 2S, and -a in other persons), corresponding to the invariable -i in the rest of Senhaja. In Ketama, the i/a alternation in the Aorist is limited to t-or n-derived verbs, e.g. tɛešši/a (K/Z) vs. tɛešši (H/T) 'to have lunch'. Usually, the Aorist stem without the PNG affixes equals the Imperative singular. Some verbs acquire h-in IMP:SG in Ketama that is absent in other forms.

2) The Perfective

The Perfective is often formed by the following mechanisms:

1) the initial vowel change, often a-> u-, e.g. asi > usi 'carry' (pan-Snh.);

cf. in derived verbs: ssaḥel > ssuḥel (Z) 'make tired'; ttayem > ttuyem 'be drawn (of water)' (H); țțyaḵer > țyuḵer 'be stolen' (T). The initial u after the causative s-can change in Ketama/Hmed to a, e.g. ssufaġ > ssafaġ (K/T/H) 'make go out'.

2) the medial vowel change (i >a; u > a). This is found in Ketama/Hmed, e.g.

žif > žaf 'choke' (K/H), fuṯ > faṯ 'pass' (K/H); in derived verbs: sɛum > sɛam (K/H)
'make swim'; tsugg > tsagg 'be driven' (H).

3) the final vowel insertion or alternation. In this case, the Perfective has -i/a passives ttežraḥ /e/ > ttežriḥay (Z) ~ nnežraḥ > tennežriḥay (Z) 'be injured'.

Exceptions. Some verbs may lack the Imperfective, or the Imperfective can be irregular or suppletive. Exceptionally, AOR=IPF, in cases when the Imperfective has been reinterpreted as the Aorist, e.g. ttru 'cry' (K); tsyay 'hear' (B). Some causatives have AOR=IPF in Taghzut, while other varieties add the final -ay, e.g. ssemġuṛ (T) 'make grow'. In passives, AOR=IPF is found in Ketama, e.g. ttettu (AOR=IPF, alongside IPF ttettaw) 'be forgotten'.

5) The Imperfective Negative (parts of Zerqet and Mezduy)

The Imperfective Negative is restricted to a few verbs, and is found in Mezduy and in parts of Zerqet (Wersan no a in the Imperfective), the Imperfective Negative is the same as Imperfective.

The Verbal Complex

Introduction

The verbal complex is defined here as the verb together with the verbal clitics (pronominal clitics of the DO and IO series, and the ventive clitic d), and some preverbal elements (such as verbal particles). The postverbal negation particles are also considered as part of the verbal complex. Some of the preverbal elements may trigger clitic fronting, while others don't. that can also function as a pseudo-verb, especially in locative expressions.

In this thesis, following the linguistic conventions, affixes are separated by a hyphen (-), and clitics are separated by an equation sign (=). Verbal clitics are considered attached to the verb (whether in a postverbal or preverbal position). The reason why the clitics are not written as attached to a preverbal element (such as the negator u) is that in some contexts, such as relativization, clitic fronting takes place, even in the absence of an overt attractor (a relative marker). Also, in subordinate clauses, although the subordinating conjunction can be analyzed as an attractor, it does not always play the role of a clitic host, because in some examples, there can be a pause between the conjunction and the following clitic. In such cases, the clitics must be analyzed as attached to the verb. Hence, we consistently write them as attached to the verb, also in contexts where the preverbal element could have been analyzed as an attractor (and a clitic host). Preverbal and postverbal particles (such as negation markers) are written separately from the rest of the verbal complex. In one particular context, namely in prohibitives in some varieties, the fronted clitic appears following a general negator u, and preceding a prohibitive negator i. In such cases, both the preverbal particles and the clitic are written separately from the verb. The conventions followed here are just one possibility, and different choices could have been made.

Verbal Particles

There are two groups of verbal particles. Particles in the first group are modal particles: they carry information about the mood (Section 5.2.1). In the second group, there are preverbal and postverbal negative particles, whose function is to negate the structure (Section 5.5.2). The combination of the particles is discussed in Section 5.2.3.

Modal Particles

The Irrealis Particle a(ḏ)

There are two modal preverbal particles common to Senhaja: the irrealis marker a(ḏ),

glossed NR, and the future marker š-a(ḏ), glossed FT-NR. Both particles signal that the action expressed by the verb has not been realized. 375 Although in many contexts, a(ḏ)

and š-a(ḏ) are interchangeable, there are some contexts where only a(ḏ) can be used.

For example, a(ḏ) is used with verbs that are complements of another verb (such as 'to want/need', 'to be able to'), etc. For example:

(1) i-ḫeṣṣ =as a y-eḵrez (K) 3MS-need:P =3S:IO NR 3MS-plow:A 'He wants/needs to plow.'

The final ḏ of aḏ behaves differently in different varieties and contexts. In most cases, it is only preserved in an intervocalic position. In Ketama, this is limited to the 1S and 3P verb forms (i.e. those that have no subject prefix) with V-initial stems. In Zerqet, ḏ is also preserved with 3MS verb forms, that carry the prefix i-. This is different in Ketama, where 3MS prefix is realized as y-following the irrealis marker a. In Taghzut and Hmed, the final ḏ of the irrealis marker has been reinterpreted as the 3MS verb subject prefix (in specific contexts), see Section 3.4.1.2. The same element ḏ has also been generalized to other contexts. For example, it appears following the negator u (uḏ).

When the irrealis particle aḏ is followed by a verb form in 2S, 3FS, or 2P (prefix ṯ-), there is assimilation: aḏ + ṯ > a^ t-(cf. Section 14.1.2.1). When the irrealis particle is followed by a fronted clitic starting in a-(such as 3S:IO as), the vowels coalesce (cf.

Section 14.3).

The Future Particle š-a(ḏ) ~ maš-a(ḏ)

The second preverbal modal particle is š-a(ḏ), that also has a variant maš-a(ḏ). It consists of the future marker (ma)š (possibly from the Arabic participle maši 'going')

followed by the irrealis a(ḏ). The same particle is found in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015).

Most commonly, the particle expresses a simple future, e.g.

(

) š-a y-eḵrez (K) š-a ḏ-eḵrez (H) š-aḏ i-ḵrez (Z) 2
FT-NR 3MS-plow:A 'He will plow.'

The particle can be used in questions, e.g.

(3) fuqaš š-a ^t-ddu (K/H) when FT-NR 3FS-go:A 'When will she go?'

In some cases, in combination with the verb 'to be', the particle š-a expresses a probability:

(4) š-a y-yi g uḫḫam (K)

FT-NR 3MS-be:A in house:EA 'He is probably at home.'

The following example shows the allomorph aḏ before a vowel-initial verb stem:

(5) š-aḏ ani-n (K/H) FT-NR ride:A-3P 'They will ride.'

The morpheme ma also exists on its own in Senhaja, separately from the future marker (ma)š-a. In fact, there are different ma's. One ma serves as a negation marker in specific contexts (cf. below). Another ma is used in combination with some conjunctions and has a function similar to the English '-ever', e.g. ani ma 'wherever'.

The Future Particle la (Taghzut)

Other preverbal modal particles are dialect-specific. In Taghzut, alongside š-a(ḏ), the future particle l^a(ḏ) is sometimes used, which is a combination of la and the irrealis a(ḏ):

(6) l ^a ^t-eḵrez (T) F ^NR 3FS-plow:A 'She will plow.'
This l^a is a different morpheme than la found in Imperfective Negative forms (see below).376

Negative Particles

There are negative particles that form a bipartite negation. 377 They may have different forms depending on the context (verb mood and aspect) and dialect. In most cases, the preverbal negative particle is combined with the postverbal negative particle š ~ ši ~ šay. 378 In specific contexts, either the postverbal or the preverbal negator can be absent. A single negator maši can be also used with a verbal predicate. For more details on the negation of the verbal predicate, see Section 5.6.

The General Negator u

The most frequent form of the preverbal particle is u, which is found across Senhaja and in most contexts, e.g.

(7) u n-eḵrez š(ay) (pan-Snh.) NEG 1P-plow:P NEG 'We did not plow.'

In Ketama, the preverbal negator is absent in the presence of the future particle (ma)ša(ḏ), cf. below. The preverbal negator can also be omitted with 3MS verbs forms (prefix i-), e.g.

(8) i-dda šay (K)

3MS-go:P NEG 'He did not go.'

Outside these contexts, the preverbal negative particle is usually present in the dialect of Beni Aisi, but can be occasionally omitted in other Ketama dialects.

Specialized negators

Besides the general negator u, Senhaja has several specialized negators that only occur in restricted contexts.

Negator ma (Aorist, prohibitive based on the Aorist)

The negator ma (probably from Arabic) can be used with the Aorist verb forms to negate an unrealized event (Ketama, Taghzut, Hmed). 379 In Taghzut (and Hmed), the negators u and ma can be combined. The final vowel -a of ma and the following irrealis particle a coalesce, and the presence of the irrealis a(ḏ) is only visible in the assimilation of the following 2S/3FS/2P verb subject prefix ṯ-, which is realized as t-: It is interesting that the negator ma, which is used in Moroccan Arabic in all contexts, has a restricted use in Senhaja, occurring only in specific contexts (irrealis and prohibitive). 380 It is possible that this development took place due to the influence of the future marker maš-a, so that currently, morpheme ma combines the properties of the negation and the future marker (conflation):

(u) ma maš-a > (u) ma š-a > (u) ma (š-)a.
The negator ma is also sometimes used in Ketama prohibitives (a calque on the Arabic). 381 The following verb form has the regular second person PNG affixes, e.g. In Taghzut, Hmed, and some dialects of Seddat (especially Tidwin, but also Talarwak and Takerkurt), there is a specialized negator la (free variant: ula) used with the Imperfective. The morpheme la is probably a shortening of ula, which is a contraction of the negator u and the verb 'to be' (Perfective lli/lla). 382 The "Imperfective Negator" la is a different morpheme than found in Taghzut with the Aorist (affirmative). It could be that this morpheme has two sources: it initially could have originated as a progressive marker from the verb 'to be', and later conflated with the Arabic negator la, thus acquiring its restricted use as a progressive negation marker (conflation, as was proposed for the negator ma used exclusively with the Aorist verb forms). 383 As discussed in Section 12.5, the negator la (or ula) does not obligatorily attract verbal clitics, and some varieties (Sahel dialect of Ketama, Seddat, Bunsar) that use the negator u with Imperfective verb forms also allow for the postposed clitics. In these same varieties, clitic fronting is not obligatory in prohibitives, which are based on the Imperfective verb forms, albeit the prohibitives do not employ the negator (u)la.

In Taghzut, alongside the usual (u)la, the preverbal negator with Imperfective verb forms can be also u or a. With 3MS Imperfective Negative forms, the negator u is not used, possibly in order to keep the 3MS Imperfective Negative and the prohibitive verb forms distinct, that would have become homophonous otherwise (cf. Section 12.5).

The Tidwin dialect of Seddat also has a specialized negator ur used only with the Perfective. In other dialects of Seddat, both u and ur are used in such contexts.

Negators and the 3MS subject prefix

The preverbal negators (u, ma, ur, la) have influence on the shape of the 3MS verb subject prefix in the varieties where the variation in the preverbal negator is found (Taghzut, Seddat, Hmed), cf. Section 3.4.1.2. Following the negator u (with Perfective Negative), the 3MS prefix is ḏ-in these varieties. Following the negator ur that is used with Perfective Negative in parts of Seddat, the 3MS prefix is Ø:

(13) u ḏ-eḵšem š (S/T/H) ur (Ø)-eḵšem š (S: Tidiwn) NEG 3MS-enter:P NEG 'He didn't enter'.

In these varieties, it is impossible to have the negator u followed by the 3MS subject prefix y-in Perfective Negative. Indeed, the marker y following the negator u must be interpreted as a fronted 1S pronominal clitic in these varieties.

In the Imperfective Negative, if a general negator u is used in Seddat, the 3MS prefix is ḏ-. If a specialized Imperfective negator la (or ula) is used, the 3MS prefix is y-(as in Taghzut and Hmed in such contexts), hence:

(14) u ḏ-ḵeččem š (S)
ula y-ḵeččem š (S/T/H) NEG 3MS-enter:I NEG 'He is not entering'.

Negator i (prohibitive)

In most Ketama dialects, in prohibitives, the preverbal negative particle is i, e.g.384 When the prohibitive verb form contains a fronted clitic, there are two preverbal negative particles: the general u followed by the clitic followed by the prohibitive i: u

+ CLITIC + i + VERB + ši.

Combination of Preverbal Particles

The negative particle u can be combined with the future (ma)š-a(ḏ) in Zerqet and Seddat. In Hmed and Taghzut, the negative particle is optional in this case, while in Ketama, the negative particle is absent in the presence of (ma)š-a(ḏ), as it is in the presence of other preverbal elements (e.g. the relative marker a), e.g.

(19) u (ma)š ^aḏ i-ɛḏu š (Z) (u) (ma)š ^a ḏ-eddu š (H) (-) (ma)š ^a y-eddu š (K)
NEG F ^NR 3MS-go:A NEG 'He will not go.'

Verbal Clitics

This section discusses the verbal clitics -pronominal clitics of the DO and IO series, and the ventive clitic d. Pronominal objects are usually expressed by pronominal clitics (when in non-peripheral positions, i.e. when they are not dislocated). 385 These elements are syntactic clitics, as they can undergo movement (clitic fronting, discussed in Chapter 12). For the combination of clitics, see Section 12.3 and 14.2. Although usually found with verbs, pronominal DO clitics can be also found with pseudo-verbs, discussed in Section 5.3.4.

Direct Object Clitic Pronouns

The function of DO clitic pronouns is the direct complement of the verbal predicate. In Senhaja, DO clitics can attach to verbs or to pseudo-verbs (see Section 5.3.4). Direct object pronouns express person, number and gender. Like in independent pronouns (cf. Section 8.2), gender is only distinguished in the second and third person singular in most Senhaja varieties. Zerqet and Mezduy optionally distinguish the gender in the second person plural and third persona plural.

The shape of clitic pronouns depends on phonetic and syntactic context. The major distinction is between clitics placed after the verb (postverbal clitics) and those before the verb (fronted/preverbal clitics). Clitics follow the verb in unmarked contexts such as Perfective, affirmative. Clitics are fronted in specific syntactic contexts (cf. Section 12.4) such as after the irrealis particle a(ḏ), the negation marker u, and in contexts of relativization (usually after the relative marker (n)a or i).

This section does not discuss the shape of DO pronouns in combination with the ventive clitic d, for which see Section 14.2.1, and some instances of assimilation, for which see Section 14.3.

2MS (a)ḵ (i)k (a)ḵ, (a)k (a)k (a)ḵ (a)k 2FS (a)(ḵe)m (i)kem (a)(ḵe)m (a)kem (a)m (a)(ḵe)m 3MS (i)ṯ (i)ṯ (i)ṯ (i)ṯ (i)ṯ (i)ṯ 3FS (i)t (i)ț (i)t, (i)ț (i)ț (i)t (i)t 1P (a)na (
ṯen (i)ṯen (i)ṯen (i)ṯen (i)ṯen (i)ṯen 3FP (i)ṯent (Z) ((i)tend) (rare)
Series a (after the vowel of the verb stem)

After the vowel of the verb stem, e.g. after i-ẓṛa 'he saw', on the surface, we find clitics starting in consonants in most Senhaja varieties, e.g. 388 Indeed, clitics with the initial vowel occur everywhere if not preceded by a vowel. 389 Taghzut has 1S ay, 1P aneġ vs. 2MS ik, 2FS ikm, 3MS iṯ, 3FS iț, 2P iken, and 3P iṯen in this series.

Series c (following verb subject suffixes)

When following the verb subject suffix (e.g. following ẓṛa-n 'they saw'), the paradigm in the majority of Senhaja is like in series a: most clitics are V-initial, except for the third person. In Taghzut, clitics of this series are V-initial for the first person, and Cinitial for the second and third person.

2) Paradigms with postverbal DO clitics

In this section, we present the paradigms with the postverbal clitic pronouns in Senhaja. The following table shows clitics of the series a following a V-final verb form i-ẓṛa (pan-Senhaja) 'he saw'.

Postverbal

2FP i-ẓṛa=went i-ẓṛa=wend (i- ẓṛa=kund/kunt/kumt) Z M 3P i-ẓṛa=ṯen i-ẓṛa=hen most K 3FP i-ẓṛa=ṯent (i-ẓṛa=ṯend) Z, M (M)
The following On morphophonology of the verbal complex and on the issue of schwa in the 3P subject suffix -en in combination with V-initial clitics, see Section 14.3.1.1.

3) Variation in Senhaja postverbal DO clitics

Regarding variation of postverbal DO clitics in Senhaja, the following observations can be made:

In series a, clitics can be analyzed as underlyingly V-initial (e.g. 2MS aḵ), but on the surface are realized as a single consonant in most Senhaja varieties (e.g. 2MS ḵ).

Longer forms such as e.g. 2MS yaḵ with the initial hiatustilger point to the fact that the clitics are underlyingly V-initial.

For the third person singular clitics, in most Senhaja varieties, 3MS ṯ is distinguished from the 3FS t by means of spirantization. In Taghzut, Hmed, and parts of Seddat, 3MS ṯ is distinguished from the 3FS ț (an affricate).

In 1P, Ketama and Taghzut outside Lqela lack the final -ġ unless the clitic is followed by the ventive or a postverbal negator. The -ġ is preserved in the rest of Senhaja. There is variation in the vowel of 1P clitic. Most Senhaja varieties (including Ketama, Hmed, majority of Zerqet) have a, while Taghzut and Wersan dialect of

Zerqet have e (neġ). Both variants are found in Seddat.

There are different forms of the 2P:DO clitic: wen (Ketama, Bunsar, Zerqet), ken (Taghzut), kʷen (Seddat/Hmed). There also varieties that have different forms, but one is normally more frequent that the other (e.g. wen is more frequent in Mezduy than kun). In parts of Zerqet and Mezduy, the variant wem is also found. 390 Zerqet and Mezduy optionally mark 2FP: Zerqet/Mezduy went, Mezduy wend (<went) or ḵund (< kunt).

For the 3P, the underlying form is ṯen, which becomes hen in Ketama and in Taghzut variety outside Lqela when in intervocalic position (series a and b). Zerqet and Mezduy optionally mark 3FP.

In series c (after the PNG suffix), V-initial clitics are used for the first person (1S and 1P), and C-initial clitics for the third person (3MS, 3FS, and 3P). The difference is in the second person: whereas most Senhaja varieties have V-initial clitics, Taghzut has C-initial clitics.

Preverbal DO clitics 1) Usage and forms of preverbal DO clitics

Clitic fronting is found in contexts such as irrealis and negation (cf. Section 12.4).

With the exception of the 1S clitic in parts of Senhaja (Ketama, Taghzut, and Zerqet), 390 According to Kossmann (2006a), the 2MP:DO pronoun was originally *kUm or *kUn (vs. IO *wem or *wen), where "U" stands for a rounded element, which could either be a labiovelarization or the full vowel u. In other words, it is not known if labialization is original, and whether the final nasal was *n or *m (or whether originally there was a difference with IO pronouns).

the shape of the verb form does not influence the form of the clitic, so there is only one series of preverbal clitics. Regarding the variation in some varieties, the following observations can be made:

-1S y/yṯ in Ketama: the form yṯ is limited to specific contexts (e.g. with 3MS verb forms, cf. below);

-1S y/yḏ in Taghzut and parts of Zerqet: as in Ketama, the form yḏ is limited to specific contexts. In the Ikherruden dialect of Zerqet, in these specific contexts, the form yḏ is the only accepted variant. In the Bunjel dialect, yḏ is found alongside the regular y in such contexts.

-3P ten/hen in Hmed: the choice depends on the dialect: ten is found in Imugzan, and hen in Tafurnut.

-3P ṯen/n in Bunsar and Mezduy: in Bunsar, both ṯen and n occur in the same contexts. In Mezduy, ṯen is usually reduced to n in specific contexts, e.g. when followed by the ventive d, or when followed by the verb subject prefix t (realized as d in this case) of 2S/3FS/2P. In such contexts, the fronted 3P clitic has the same form as the 1P clitic (as in Ketama). 391 The choice depends on the dialect: e.g. Iattaren wen, Tamadit kʷen.

The following table shows a paradigm with preverbal clitic pronouns in different Senhaja varieties. Clitics follow the future marker š-a (pan-Senhaja) and precede a 3MS form of the verb ẓeṛ 'to see' in the Aorist stem ('he will see me, you', etc.). 392 The irrealis marker in this variety is a (that is also found in Senhaja in certain contexts and that is part of the future marker š-a).

Preverbal DO clitics in Senhaja with the verb 'he will see' preverbal particle (e.g. irrealis a, negation u) or a relative marker (n)a or i. In this case, it is not clear whether their form is underlyingly C-or V-initial. 393 If we do not take the initial vowel into account, the following observations can be made regarding the difference between the postverbal and the preverbal series in Senhaja:

Senhaja (Mezduy

in parts of Senhaja (Ketama, Taghzut, some dialects of Zerqet), the preverbal 1S clitic has two forms, depending on the following verb form. There is either the regular y (as in the postverbal position), used in most cases, or the unusual yṯ (Ketama)/yḏ (Taghzut/Zerqet), used with 3MS (and 3P) verb forms.

the 1P clitic has a different form when in preverbal position in all Senhaja varieties. In the majority of Senhaja, we find preverbal ġen vs. postverbal nag/neġ (metathesis), while in Ketama, we find preverbal hen vs. postverbal na.

The preverbal 1P hen becomes homophonous with the 3P clitic in Ketama. In Mezduy, the preverbal ġen can be reduced to n, and then has the same form as the reduced form of the 3P:DO ṯen that is used in some specific contexts (cf.

below for more details).

the remaining clitics (2MS, 2FS, 3MS, 3FS, 2P, and 3P) normally have the same form whether in postverbal or in preverbal position. In Ketama, the third person clitics have different realizations of ṯ/t (> h) depending on the phonetic environment, but the underlying forms are the same: 3MS ṯ, 3FS t, and 3P ṯen.

In the preverbal position, 3P is realized as hen. This variant is also found in Hmed, where ṯ is usually preserved.

3) Senhaja inter-dialectal variation in preverbal DO clitics

Regarding variation of preverbal DO clitics in Senhaja, the following observations can be made:

-1S clitic y is found in all Senhaja varieties. Three varieties (Ketama, Taghzut, and parts of Zerqet) also have the unusual forms of the fronted 1S clitic;

-2MS is k/ḵ in all Senhaja;

-2FS kem/ḵem is found in all varieties. In Ketama, Bunsar, and Zerqet, it is usually reduced to m; -3MS is (underlyingly) ṯ in most varieties, and is distinguished from 3FS t by spirantization; Taghzut and Hmed have t in preverbal position (vs. postverbal ṯ), which is distinguished from 3FS ț;

-1P is ġen (metathesized form of postverbal neġ) in the majority of Senhaja. Ketama has the unusual preverbal hen, coinciding with 3P:DO. In Mezduy, the preverbal ġen can be reduced to n, partly coinciding with 3P:DO in specific contexts;

-2P is mostly ken or wen (Seddat/Hmed kʷen, Bunjel dialect of Zerqet and Mezduy also wem); some varieties allow for variation, while others give preference to one form over the other: wen is frequent in Ketama, Bunsar, and Zerqet, ken is frequent in Taghzut; kun is found alongside wen in Mezduy. In Zerqet and Mezduy, 2FP can be optionally marked;

-3P is underlyingly ṯen in all Senhaja varieties. The clitic is realized as ten in preverbal position in Taghzut and Hmed. In Ketama, the postverbal clitic can become hen, while the preverbal clitic is always hen; the preverbal hen is also found in parts of Hmed (Tafurnut). 394 In Mezduy, in specific contexts, ṯen can be reduced to n. In Zerqet and Mezduy, 3FP can optionally be marked.

Special forms in Senhaja DO clitic pronouns

Some forms in Senhaja DO clitic pronouns are unusual and require some explanation.

The preverbal 1S yṯ and yḏ

The fronted 1S has an unusual form (Ketama yṯ, Taghzut and parts of Zerqet yḏ) with 3MS and 3P verb forms, as well as in relative forms. In Zerqet its use with 3P verb forms is possible, but not obligatory.

In Outside Ketama, preverbal 1S yṯ with 3MS and 3P verb forms is also found in the Amtiqan dialect of Ghomara (Mourigh 2015), while in the dialect of Iaraben, the form is ṯ (which is probably a development from yṯ). 395 The form yṯ in Ketama and Ghomara must be a shared innovation.

In Taghzut and parts of Zerqet (Ikherruden), the form of the preverbal 1S with 3MS and 3P verb forms is yḏ. This could be an amalgam of the original y and ḏ The fronted clitic yḏ cannot be a combination of y with a ventive clitic d. First of all, the ventive is not spirantized in such contexts. Second, the form y+d (1S:DO+ ventive) also occurs, and contrasts with yḏ (fronted 1S:DO) in both meaning and form (cf. Section 5.3.3 on the ventive).

(

3MS, 3FS, and 3P

In most Senhaja varieties, except for Taghzut, Hmed, and parts of Seddat, the 3MS:DO clitic is distinguished from the 3FS by means of spirantization in both postverbal and preverbal positions: 3MS ṯ vs. 3FS t. Originally, 3MS was t and 3FS was tet. 396 Later, the 3FS tet became tt which led to a plain, unspirantized t. In Taghzut, Hmed, and parts of Seddat, tt developed into the affricate ț. Thus, the gender of the third person singular DO clitic in Senhaja is distinguished either by spirantization (3MS ṯ vs. 3FS t)

or spirantization and/or affrication (3MS postverbal ṯ, preverbal t vs. 3FS ț). For a combination of the DO clitics and the ventive, see Section 14.2.1.

For the 3P clitic, the majority of Senhaja has ṯen (fronted and postverbal), while In the preverbal position, the clitic normally follows some preverbal element ending in a vowel, and is realized as hen in Ketama, coinciding with the fronted 1P clitic.

In Bunsar, the preverbal 3P:DO clitic can be reduced to n (found alongside ṯen):

(32) š-a (ṯ)n= i-ẓeṛ
FT-NR 3P:DO=3MS-see:A 'He will see them.'

In Mezduy, the preverbal 3P:DO clitic can be reduced to n in specific contexts:

normally, when followed by a verb form that starts with the prefix ṯ-(marking 2S, 3FS, and 2P), which is realized as d following the clitic. In this case, in Mezduy, the 3P:DO clitic can be homophonous with the reduced 1P:DO clitic (ġen > n), e.g.

(

1P postverbal na

In Ketama and in Taghzut variety outside Lqela, the postverbal 1P clitic is na. This developed from neġ (neġ > naġ > na). 397 The final -ġ is there when the clitic is followed by the ventive or a postverbal negator. The same is observed with the 1S subject suffix for C-final verbs (originally -eġ), which is realized as -a, but which becomes -aġ when followed by the ventive or a postverbal negator.

1P preverbal ġen, hen, n

In most Senhaja varieties, the preverbal 1P clitic is ġen (Ketama hen, Mezduy ġen~n).

The clitic ġen is a metathesized form of the postverbal neġ. 398 Collins (1981 and1982) described this phenomenon for Tunisian Berber varieties, calling it "symétrie par métathèse". On metathesis in pronominal clitics in other Berber varieties, see Brugnatelli (1993 and 2012). In Berber languages, metathesis in preverbal pronominal clitics is found in 1P (neġ > ġen) and also (less frequently) in 3P pronoun (ten > nt). 399 397 Outside Senhaja, the loss of final -ġ in 1P clitic pronoun is also found e.g. in Ouargla (Delheure 1989) and Beni Salah (Laoust 1912: 49). 398 The metathesis of 1P clitic pronoun in Senhaja has been noticed by Renisio (1932: 97). 399 According to Brugnatelli 2012, metathesis in 3P pronoun is found in Tunisian Tamezrett, Jerba (only in old texts), and in Zwara (alongside the regular ten, depending on the context), while metathesis in 1P is

According to Lafkioui (2007a: 125), in Tarifiyt, the preverbal 1P has a facultative metathesis, so that (ḏ)aġen, (ḏ)aḫen are found next to the forms without metathesis:

(ḏ)aneġ, (ḏ)aġ, (ḏ)aneḫ, (ḏ)aḫ. In Ghomara, the preverbal 1P clitic is ġen, just as in Senhaja, while the postverbal clitic is realized as naḫ (Mourigh 2015). As metathesis in preverbal pronouns (at least for 1P) is found in quite a number of Berber varieties, and the geographical distribution is rather vast, it is not likely to be a shared innovation.

The preverbal ġen might have been the original form, while neġ would have been a

change by analogy.

In Ketama, the preverbal form of the clitic is hen. The lack of ġ could be due to the fact that the postverbal form lost the final -ġ, so that ġ ceased to be a 1P marker, and only n remained. However, in Mezduy, the fronted 1P can also be realized as n (alongside ġen), while Mezduy preserves ġ in the postverbal neġ. It is thus possible that Ketama had n as the fronted 1P clitic (as Mezduy), merging with one of the allomorphs of the 3P clitic, which has n and hen. Later, hen was added as a 1P

allomorph (by analogy with the 3P) and replaced n.

DO clitic pronouns in Senhaja, Ghomara, and Tarifiyt

The following table compares DO clitic pronouns in Senhaja and Ghomara (Mourigh 2015). In Ghomara, the initial vowel of DO clitics is always a-, while in Senhaja, it is i-for the third person pronouns (and in Taghzut, also for the second person pronouns). If we do not take the initial vowel of the clitics into the account, the following observations regarding DO pronouns in Senhaja vs. Ghomara can be made:

Senhaja and Ghomara

-1S postverbal is (a)y in both varieties;

-Both in Senhaja and Ghomara, there are two forms of 1S preverbal clitic: the regular y when followed by 2S, 3FS, and 2P verb forms, and the unusual yṯ (in Ketama and in the Amtiqan dialect of Ghomara) , ṯ (the Iaraben dialect of Ghomara), yḏ (Taghzut and parts of Zerqet) when followed by 3MS (and 3P) verb forms;

-2MS (a)ḵ is shared by Senhaja and Ghomara, although spirantization in Senhaja is optional;

-2FS (a)m is also shared by Senhaja and Ghomara; however, in Senhaja, (a)ḵem and (a)kem also occur;

-3MS is underlyingly ṯ, which can turn into h in Ketama and Ghomara, the initial vowel in sub-series b is different: Senhaja i-vs. Ghomara a-;

-For 3MS in the preverbal position, Senhaja has ṯ/t (Taghzut/Hmed), h (Ketama) vs. Ghomara y/ṯ.400 -3FS is underlyingly t, which can turn into h in Ketama and Ghomara; again, the initial vowel in series b is i-in Senhaja vs. a-in Ghomara; in Ghomara, there is also tet, teṯ;

the 1P clitic pronoun, when postverbal, is (a)naġ/neġ/na in Senhaja, and (a)naḫ in Ghomara. The final -ġ is lost in Ketama (unless the ventive follows the clitic) and is devoiced in Ghomara;

the 1P clitic pronoun, when preverbal, is ġen/hen in Senhaja (in Ketama, the preverbal hen is homophonous with 3P) and ġen in Ghomara.

-2P (a)wen is shared by parts of Senhaja and Ghomara, although the variants (a)kun, (a)kʷen, (i)ken are also found in Senhaja;

-3P is underlyingly ṯen in Senhaja and ten in Ghomara. In both Ghomara and Senhaja (Ketama and Hmed), the consonant can turn into h. The initial vowel in series b is different: Senhaja i-vs. Ghomara a-. In the preverbal series, Ghomara has n. This variant only rarely occurs in Ketama in some idiolects.

In Senhaja, postverbal and preverbal series differ only in the first person. In Ghomara, the difference is found also in the third person.

The following table compares DO clitic pronouns in Senhaja, Ghomara (Mourigh 2015), and Bujay Tarifiyt. 401 The following table shows the IO clitics in Senhaja. postverbal anaġ (most Snh.), aneġ (T/S/M), ana (K), vs.

Senhaja

3MS (i)ṯ; t (T/H, preverbal) (a)ṯ; t preverbal y; ṯ (i)ṯ 3FS (i)t, (i)ț (T/H) (a)t, tet, teṯ (t) (i)t(t) 1P (

IO clitic pronouns in

preverbal [a]ġen (most Snh.), [a]hen (K).

Additionally, in Ketama, Taghzut, and Zerqet, as with DO clitics, the difference is also found in the 1S:IO:

postverbal ay (pan-Senhaja), vs. preverbal [a]y (pan-Senhaja, also K/T/Z in specific contexts), [a]yṯ (K), [a]yḏ (T/Z) (in specific contexts).

Underlyingly, IO clitics are all V-initial (starting in a). If the preceding verb ends in a, one of the two a's is elided, e.g. (pan-Snh.)

(34) i-kka =aḵ > i-kka^(a)ḵ > i-kka=ḵ
3MS-give:P =2MS:IO 'He gave (something) (to) you (MS)'.

Alternatively, the semivowel y is inserted between the verb and the clitic (hiatustilger). This does not occur in Taghzut, Hmed, and Mezduy. Within Ketama, hiatustilger is more frequent in Beni Aisi than in Beni Hmed, e.g.

(35) i-kka =yaḵ 3MS-give:P =2MS:IO 'He gave (something) (to) you (MS)'.

In the preverbal series, the initial vowel is often elided, because there is usually a preverbal element that ends in a vowel (e.g. the irrealis particle a, or the relative marker (n)a or i, or the preverbal negator u, etc.), e.g. (pan-Senhaja) 404 (36

) š-a [a]ḵ= i-k > š-a^ḵ=i-k
FT-NR 2MS:IO= 3MS-give:A 'He will give (something) (to) you (MS)'.

IO vs. DO clitic Pronouns

In some Senhaja varieties, the IO and DO pronominal clitics are homophonous, except for the third person. In other varieties, the DO series and the IO series can be distinct also in other persons. The varieties differ in what distinctions they make. The following table compares the two series of clitic pronouns.

3S and 3P

As follows from the table, the third person DO and IO clitic pronouns are distinct throughout Senhaja. While the DO pronouns have a gender distinction in the third person singular, there is no distinction in the IO series. The 3S:IO clitic pronoun is as, and 3P is asen. These pronouns are uniform across Senhaja, and are, in fact, pan-Berber (cf. Galand 1994). 404 In those cases where there is no V-final preverbal element, the IO clitics are V-initial, which is why we consider this the underlying form. Cf. Section 14.

2FS

Taghzut, Hmed, and Tamadit dialect of Bunsar distinguish between the DO and IO series in the 2FS. 405 The short forms are used in Hmed, and the long forms in Tamadit.

In Taghzut, both short and long forms are found for the DO, but only the long form for the IO pronoun: Across Senhaja, the DO and IO clitics have the same form in the first person (singular and plural). 405 In Bunsar, the 2FS clitics in the DO and IO series can be homophonous in Iattaren (DO=IO am). 406 In Taghzut, usually: š-a km=i-mmaher.

Paradigms with IO clitics

The following table shows the paradigms with postverbal IO clitic pronouns in Senhaja following a V-final verb form i-kka 'he gave' and a C-final verb form kka-n 'they gave'

(with the 3P subject marker).

Postverbal IO clitics with the verbs 'he gave', 'they gave'

The following table shows a paradigm with preverbal IO clitic pronouns in Senhaja (unrealized event: 'he will give to me, to you', etc.).

Preverbal IO clitics with the verb 'he will give'

With i-kka

'
M 2FS i-kka=(ya)m kka-n=am 2FP (i-kka=went) (kka- n=awent) Z/M 3S i-kka=(ya)s kka-n=as 3P i-kka=(ya)sen kka-n=asen all 3FP (i-kka=sent) (kka-n=asent) Z/M IO clitics in Senhaja Variety 1S š-a^y=i-k; š-a^yṯ=i-k; š-a^yḏ=i-k most; K; T/Z 2MS š-a^ḵ=i-k all 2FS š-a^m=i-k all 3S š-a^s=i-k all 1P š-a^ġn=i-k; š-a^n=i-k š-a^hn=i-k most incl. M; (M) K 2P š-a^wn=i-k (š-a^wm=i-k) all (Z/M) 2FP (š-a^went=i-k) Z 3P š-a^sn=i-k all 3FP (š-a^sent=i-k) Z

Double Reference (Dative Doubling)

As in other Berber languages, in Senhaja, the IO pronominal clitic can co-occur with the coreferential independent pronoun or a lexical noun following the Dative preposition i (cf. Section 3.2.3). In this case, the IO is expressed twice in the sentence, both by the clitic pronoun and the prepositional phrase. This phenomenon is known as In Ketama, the IO clitic doubling is possible when the object is indefinite: 408

(39) kki-ġ =as lḥem iḏ yah n emšiš give:P-1S = 3S:IO meat DAT one GEN cat 'I gave meat to a/one cat'.

IO clitic Pronouns in Senhaja, Ghomara, and Tarifiyt

The following table compares IO clitic pronouns in Senhaja and Ghomara (Mourigh 2015). In Ghomara, as in parts of Senhaja, the IO clitic pronouns differ from the DO series only in the third person. The forms of third person pronouns are the same.

Unlike in the DO series, there are no mergers in the IO series, due to the existence of special third person pronouns. Figuig (Kossmann 2014), some Kabyle varieties, especially Eastern Kabyle (Galand 1959, Mettouchi 1998, Aoumer 2008 and 2011, Belkadi 2018), Tasahlit, Chaouia (Penchoen 1973: 57), Ouargla (Delheure 1987: 43, 208), Tunisian Berber varieties (e.g Douiret; Collins 1982), and Nefusa (Libya), among others. Two deictic clitics are found, e.g., in Tashelhiyt (Galand 1959, El Mountassir 2000, Fleisch 2007),

Seghrushen/Middle Atlas Berber (Bentolila 1969), some varieties of Kabyle (Chaker 1983: 236 ). Siwa (Laoust 1931: 135, 136; Souag 2010: 181) and Awjila (van Putten 2014: 82) have no functioning deictic clitics, although some traces of them can be found.

Meaning

The canonical meaning of the ventive clitic is directional: it expresses that the action or movement takes place in the direction of the speaker. 414 In this meaning, the ventive clitic is found with action or movement (motion) verbs, such as 'to go'

(together with the ventive, it acquires the sense 'to come'), 'to take' (with the ventive:

'to bring'), 'to enter' ('to come in'), 'to arrive', 'to go down', 'to give', 'to send', 'to carry', e.g. 415 According to Talmy (2000), the directed motion verbs encode a path. This path can have different shapes. Verbs of perception or vision can be conceptualized in terms of motion, and involve 'fictive motion' (Slobin 2004). Fictive motion is a metaphorical or perceived motion of some entity or stimulus along an abstract path (Talmy 2000; Slobin 2008). 416 Belkadi 2015 studies the use of directionals to encode the associated motion. This describes an additional motion prior or subsequent to the event described by the verb that appears with the directional clitic. The verb 'to draw water' can serve as an example: here, the ventive describes the movement back (to the initial place). i.e. 'to draw water and to return'. 'to return something'), ḫlaq /ḫleq/ (Z), ḫyaq /ḫyeq/ (K/H) 'to be born', e.g.

(46) i-ḫelq =id (Z) i-ḫiq =id (K)
3MS-be.born =VC 'He was born.'

Other criteria of importance are telicity and displacement (Belkadi 2015). Many verbs that accept the ventive clitic are not (canonical) motion verbs. Hence, the motion/ direction is not the only meaning that the ventive clitic can contribute to the verb. If the verb is not a motion verb, the use of ventive can underline the current relevance of the action, its result, the involvement of the subject in the event.418

417 In Hmed, when the verb verb i-dda 'he went' takes the ventive, the consonant dd is degeminated: i-dda + d > i-da=d. The same phenomenon is found in Taghzut, but not in Ketama. In Ketama, the Perfective of the verb as 'to come' is used in some fixed expressions.

The verb 'to say' with the ventive can precise the trajectory of the message (Bentolila 1969: 110). 419 In some Senhaja varieties (Hmed, Zerqet), the verb nn/ini 'to say' can combine with the ventive, e.g.

(47) i-nna =(ya)s =d "Ssalam!" (Z)

3MS-say:P =3S:IO =VC Hello 'He said to him/her: Hello!'

In this example, the ventive expresses relevance of the utterance for the present, and also carries a temporal value: it situates the event in the recent past vs. remote past. 420 Perception verbs can be conceptualized as movement verbs, as well. This explains why 'to see' can accept ventive. In this case, it often denotes 'to see that something was previously hidden/invisible', 'to see from a distance, from far, from above'.

Finally, the directional clitics can have expressive value and stylistic effects in narration (Bentolila 1969: 93, El Mountassir 2000: 147-151; Kossmann 2014: 274 ff).

Mettouchi 2011 proposes the general function 'Viewpoint of the (direct or reported) speaker (or protagonist)' for the ventive clitic in Western Kabyle, and this description is largely valid for Senhaja, as well.

Relation with the Nominal Deixis

The ventive is normally realized as a non-spirantized d (unless it follows third person singular DO clitics, in which case it can be spirantized in some varieties, see Section 14.2.1), and thus contrasts with ḏ, e.g. the final ḏ of the irrealis particle, that has also been generalized to other contexts. Compare the following examples:421 (48) š-aḏ awi-n (K/H/Z) FT-NR take:A-3P

'They will take (away).'

419 According to Mettouchi (2011), in Western Kabyle, the verb 'to see' without ventive refers to the fact of uttering something, while with ventive, it refers to answering and saying something relevant to the speaker. In Ketama, the use of ventive with the verb 'to say' is possible in some villages, but impossible in others. 420 Similarly, in Figuig, ventive can express not only the proximity in space, but also the proximity in time (i.e. recent past/close future) (Kossmann 1997: 139). The temporal value is also possible in Zenaga (Taine-Cheikh 2015).

(49) š-a d= awi-n (K/H/Z) FT-NR VC= take:A-3P 'They will bring (here).'

The hypotheses. The first hypothesis is that the directionals were grammaticalized from motion verbs. The second hypothesis is that the directionals were grammaticalized from demonstratives. 422 The link with nominal demonstrative clitics seems more apparent than with the motion verbs. On the whole, it is agreed that there is a link between the ventive d and the proximal ad (Ketama aḏ), as well as between the ientive n and the distal a-n (Ketama aḏin). However, there are still some questions:

• In the first place, it is not clear how to analyze the initial element a-in the proximal clitic aḏ: is it a supporting pronoun? 423 This idea is strengthened by Ketama/Taghzut number opposition in nominal clitics (singular a vs. plural i) (cf. Section 6.6). However, in many Berber varieties, including most Senhaja, the a-is only found in proximal clitics.

• In the second place, many (if not most) Berber languages do not have a-d, but a form without -d for the proximal clitic, e.g. Seddat/Zerqet yya.

• In the third place, it is possible that the proximal a forms go back to *äʔ, cf. Zenatic (Figuig) and Ghadames forms with u, o (Kossmann 2013b: 322).

• Some varieties (Tuareg, Zenaga, most Senhaja except Ketama) have a triple distinction, with the proximal, distal, and middle;

422 While giving more weight to the second hypothesis, Mettouchi notes that a combination of both factors could have played a role in the development of the verbal clitics. Thus, proximal clitic could be the outcome of a complex grammaticalization process with a main source, the locative demonstrative d, and "peripheral reinforcements": verb ddu, equative-locative copula d. This would mean that grammaticalization is not always "linear" (along a single path). We agree with Mettouchi that grammaticalization is not always linear. 423 Galand (e.g. 2010:155-6) analyzes these clitics as pronominal forms ("supports de détermination") followed by a deictic element, e.g. Tashelhiyt a=d PROX and a=nn DIST. The primary role of "supporting" pronouns is to host modifiers which cannot function independently, including demonstrative clitics or relative clauses.

• Also, most Berber languages distinguish between proximal, distal, and anaphoric clitics (while in Ketama and Taghzut, distal=anaphoric).

In brief, we do not yet have a good reconstruction of the nominal deictics, and hence, it is difficult to establish the exact relationship with the verbal clitics.

To conclude, the existence of two directional clitics is characteristic of Berber, but not all varieties preserved both clitics. There is a general opposition of d (proximal) vs. n (distal), which can be also found in the nominal demonstrative deictic system. There is some variation in the usage/meaning of the clitics, while the core meaning is movement towards the deictic center (ventive) or away from it (ientive). New meanings originated from the original (directional) one: locative, temporal, expressive... Taine-Cheikh 2017 notes that verbal suffixes with comparable functions were noted in other Afro-Asiatic languages (see e.g. Frajzyngier 1987 for Chadic).

Allomorphs

The ventive has different allomorphs depending on the phonological and morphological context and on the dialect. The form d can be considered as the basic form, as it occurs in contexts where the use of other allomorphs is not required. On the interaction between the ventive clitic and the PNG affixes, see Section 14. The ventive also has special forms when found in combination with the third person singular DO clitic pronouns (cf. Section 14.2.1). For example, in Ketama, iḏ is found after 3MS:DO, and ed after 3FS:DO.

The following table shows the paradigm of the verb ḵšem 'to enter' followed by the The following table shows the paradigm of the verb ḵšem 'to enter' with a fronted ventive in attraction context (Aorist with the future particle). As follows from the table, the 2S/3FS/2P subject prefix ṯ-assimilates to the fronted ventive:

d + ṯ-> d.
The verb 'to enter' in Aorist with the ventive distinctions, which betrays their verbal origin. There are some elements that are similar to pseudo-verbs in that they take pronominal elements, but that take pronominal suffixes (as prepositions and kinship nouns) rather than verbal clitics.

K/H/B/Z K-Sahel/T/S K/H/B/Z K-Sahel/T/S 1S ḵešm-aġ^d ḵešm-aġ^d 1P n-ekšm=id n-eḵšem=d 2S h-ḵešm-e^d h-ḵešm-e^d 2P h-ḵešm-em=d h-ḵešm-em=d 3MS i-kešm=id i-ḵšem=d 3P
Some take Berber, and some Arabic pronominal suffixes, while some allow for variation (cf. Section 8.6.2.2). There are not many pseudo-verbs in Senhaja when compared to some other Berber languages (e.g. Kabyle), but there are some examples.

Some of them are defective, taking DO clitics only in specific persons. Some of them take special forms of the DO clitics, different from the usual clitics as found with verbs. As usual, there are dialectal differences. The following words can be categorized as pseudo-verbs in Senhaja: 424 The same phenomenon is found in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 55). 425 We have not encountered pseudo-verbs with the ventive clitic d, which is possible in some other Berber languages. On pseudo-verbs, see e.g. Kossmann 2012a: 86-87.

The particle and the pseudo-verb (a)qa is discussed separately in Section 5.5.

2) B/Z

There are special forms of this word based on the stem (g)anik (with a final -k) used only when referring to a third person. For the third person masculine singular, the stem (g)anik is (synchronically) used without any additional marker. When referring to a third person feminine singular, the form is (g)anik-ṯ (synchronically coinciding with the 3MS:DO clitic). When referring to the plural, the form is (g)anik-en, where the final -en on the surface looks like a 3P subject PNG suffix. Historically, this is reminiscent of a special series of DO markers found in other Berber languages, e.g. Figuig: 3MS i, FS it, PL -in (cf. Brugnatelli 1993, Kossmann 1997). It looks like the final -i of (g)ani 'when' followed by i-of the pronoun (i+i, yy) resulted in k: 426

ġar 'be careful' + 2:DO clitics

The pseudo-verb ġar takes the second person pronominal clitics in Zerqet and expresses a warning: 'watch out!', 'be careful!'. The pseudo-verb ġar is different from the preposition ġur 'at' that can be used to express possession and that takes pronominal suffixes (cf. Section 9.2.1.5). 427 The following table compares the forms:

In Ketama and Hmed, 'be careful' is expressed by ɛend-('at') borrowed from Arabic that takes Arabic pronominal suffixes: 2S ɛend-ak, 2P ɛend-akum.

a šan 'what's the matter with' (Taghzut, Hmed, Zerqet)

The construction a šan 'what's the matter with' (based on the indefinite pronoun a and the Arabic ša'n 'matter') is found in Taghzut, Hmed, and Zerqet, and is followed by DO pronominal clitics. In Taghzut, the third person DO clitics are of the c series (normally 426 Within Senhaja, i + i > k is also found e.g. in Taghzut with the verb awi 'to take' in combination with the usual series of DO pronouns, e.g. the verb i-wwi 'he took' in combination with the 3MS:DO iṯ yields iwwiḵṯ 'he took it (M)'. 427 In Moroccan Arabic, ɛend is used in both meanings (in warnings and in possessives). found after a PNG suffix, cf. Section 5.3.1.1). In Hmed/Zerqet, the third person clitic pronouns are V-initial, i.e. of the b series (found after the final consonant of the verb).

Current form

In the second person clitics, Hmed and Zerqet clitics lack the initial a-, which is normally present in these varieties in clitics of all series. The entire paradigm is as follows:

In Taghzut, there is an alternative construction consisting of the independent word a šani that is followed by a noun or an independent pronoun (b) (not accepted in Hmed

Tense/Aspect Markers and Auxiliaries

There are various particles and auxiliaries that can be used to mark the past, future, habitual/progressive, or the relevance of the utterance for the present.

Markers/Auxiliaries of the Past

Different Senhaja varieties have different markers (Ketama ara~ala, Taghzut indi,

Zerqet iža) to make the reference to the past explicit, which are most commonly found with a verb in the Perfective. These markers have other uses as well. The absence of the past marker in a sentence with a verb form in the Perfective yields a grammatical sentence. With non-verbal predicates, the presence of the past marker is required to make the reference to the past explicit. Some varieties require the use of 'to be' with the past marker. Ketama ara~ala and Zerqet iža are grammaticalized and reduced forms of the verb 'to be' in the Perfective that underwent different phonetic changes:

Ketama ll>l (>r) and Zerqet ll > ǧǧ > ž. 428 Within Ketama, ara is more frequent in Beni Aisi, and ala in Beni Hmed. In Sahel and Lmekhzen, the stem is tala (from the past marker ta followed by the reduced form of the verb 'to be'), and it is conjugated as a regular verb (with the usual PNG affixes), e.g. i-tala 'he was', h-tala 'she was', talan 'they were', etc. Taghzut indi might be cognate to the Adagh Tuareg 'distant past'

ăndin (Kossmann 2011: 109). In Ketama, following ara~ala, there is normally a conjugated form of 'to be' (different from Sahel/Lmekhzen). In Hmed, similarly to Sahel and Lmekhzen, the past marker g (cf. Ghomara aḡ ~ aḵ, Mourigh 2015: 429)

and the verb 'to be' in the Perfective blended in one form, gella, which can be optionally conjugated (with the alternating stems gelli/a).

The Past Marker with a Verbal Predicate

The past markers can be combined with verbs in any aspect. Depending on the verb aspect, interpretation (meaning) of the markers can be different.

1) The Past Marker with a Verb in the Perfective

When used in combination with the verb in the Perfective, the past marker either simply makes the reference to the past explicit, or expresses a prior event in the past (the pluperfect, plusquamperfekt). Some varieties (e.g. Ketama) optionally use the verb 'to be' in the Perfective following the past marker, but it is not common. When referring to a prior event in the past, the use of the past marker is not obligatory, and the bare verb in the Perfective can be used instead.

( 'When I arrived, they had (already) gone.'

) (a) ara i-šša amaṛṛeḫt (K) iža i-čča ṯamaṛṛeḫt (Z) PST 3MS-eat:P pottage:EL (b) (i-)gella i-čča ṯamaṛṛeḫt (H) ( 58

2) The Past Marker with a verb in the Imperfective

The past marker is used with the Imperfective to express a continuous or habitual action in the past. Again, the verb 'to be' in the Perfective is optional in such constructions (Ketama, Zerqet). It can also be understood as the description of a past habit:

(61) (a) ara i-tett amaṛṛeḫt (K) 3) The Past Marker with a verb in the Aorist

indi^ (i-)šečč ṯamaṛṛeḫt (T) iža i-tett ṯamaṛṛeḫt (Z) PST 3MS-eat:I pottage:EL (b) (i-)gella i-sețț ṯamaṛṛeḫt (H) ( 3MS
The combination of the past marker (+ optionally the verb 'to be' in the Perfective in Ketama) + š-a + verb in the Aorist expresses an anterior non-realized event, e.g.

(

) (a) ara (y-ella) š-a y-ffuġ (K) PST 3MS-be:P FT-NR 3MS-go:A (b) indi š-a ḏ-effeġ (T) iža š-aḏ i-ffaġ (Z) PST FT-NR 3MS-go:A (c) (i-)gella š-a ḏ-effaġ (H) ( 64
-)PST:be FT-NR 3MS-go:A 'He was going to go out.'

The Past Marker (+ 'to be') + Non-verbal Predicates

To make a reference to the past with a non-verbal predicate (nominal, adjectival, prepositional, etc.), in Ketama, the verb 'to be' in the Perfective is used, preceded by the past marker. In Taghzut and Zerqet, following the past marker, the use of 'to be' is optional.

(65) (a) ara y-ella mezzi (K: Beni Aisi)

indi (i-lla) mezzi (T) iža (y-eǧǧa) meẓẓi (Z)
PST 3MS-be:P small:MS PST:be-3P at-3S workers '(S)he had workers.'

Markers/Auxiliaries of the Future

To make the reference to the future, with a verbal predicate, the verb is used in the Aorist in combination with the irrealis particle aḏ or the future (ma)š-a (cf. Section 5.2.1), e.g.

(70) š-a y-eḵrez (K)

FT-NR 3MS-plow:A 'He will plow.'

With non-verbal predicates, auxiliaries are used. There are constructions based on the verb 'to be' or on the verb 'to find'. Both can be combined with a verbal predicate.

Constructions with 'to be'

With non-verbal predicates, the auxiliary verb 'to be' is used across Senhaja, e.g.

(71) š-a yyi-ġ meqquṛ (K) š-aḏ iži-ġ meqquṛ (T) š-a(ḏ e)yyi-ġ meqquṛ (H) š-aḏ ili-ġ meqquṛ (Z)
FT-NR be:A-1S big:MS 'I will be big/old.'

(72) š-a yyi-ġ ḫeddam (K) š-aḏ iži-ġ ḫeddam (T) š-a(ḏ i)yyi-ġ ḫeddam (H) š-aḏ ili-ġ ḫeddam (Z)
FT-NR be:A-1S working:MS 'I will be working.'

The following example is with a nominal predicate, that takes an optional predicative particle ḏ in Hmed:

(73) ša ḏ-iyyi (ḏ) aryaz (H)
FT-NR 3MS-be:A (PRED) man:EA 'He will be a man.'

The construction š-a + 'to be' in the Aorist can convey probability. The following sentence has two interpretations:

(74) š-a y-yi g uḫḫam (K)

FT-NR 3MS-be:A in house:EA 'He will be home.' or 'He is probably at home.'

The verb 'to be' can be combined with a conjugated adjective (cf. Section 7.4):

(75) š-aḏ iži-ġ meqqṛ-eġ (T)

š-aḏ iyi-ġ meqqṛ-eġ (S) š-aḏ ili-ġ meqquṛ-aġ (Z)
FT-NR be:A-1S big-1S 'I will be big/old.'

The verb 'to be' in the Aorist can be followed by a verb in the Perfective to describe an accomplished action (or a state) in the future, e.g.

(76) š-a yyi-ġ ḵerz-a (K)

FT-NR be:A-1S plow:P-1S 'I will have plowed.'

(77) š-a yyi-ġ mġuṛ-a (K) š-a(ḏ e)yyi-ġ mġuṛ-aġ (H) š-aḏ ili-ġ mġuṛ-aġ (Z)
FT-NR be:A-1S grow:P-1S 'I will have grown.'

In such constructions, š-a + 'to be' can also convey probability, e.g.

(78) š-aḏ ili-n ḵešm-en =d (Z)
FT-NR be:A-3P enter:P-3P =VC 'They must have entered.'

When the verb 'to be' in the Aorist is followed by a verb in the Imperfective, it describes a future progressive, e.g.

(79) š-a y-yi i-ḫeddem (K) š-a ḏ-iyyi i-ḫeddem (H)
FT-NR 3MS-be:A 3MS-work:I 'He will be working.'

Constructions with 'to find'

In the Hmed variety of Senhaja, the construction 'you will find' based on the verb af 'to find' is grammaticalized and is used to express '(there) will be'. There are two FT-NR ^2S:find:A rain:EL tomorrow 'There will be rain tomorrow'.

An example with an Arabic pronominal suffix follows:

(81) š-a^taft -ni gʷ eḫḫam (H) FT-NR^2S:find:A -1S:DO in house:EA 'I will be at home.'

The following example demonstrates that just as it is the case with 'to be' and the nominal predicate in Hmed, š-a^taft-construction can optionally combine with the predicative particle ḏ:

(82) š-a^taft -u (ḏ) aryaz nn-es (H)
FT-NR^2S:find:A -3MS:DO (PRED) man:EL of-3S 'He will be her husband.'

The constructions (š-a^t-af-eḏ or š-a^taft) with a verb in the Perfective expresses an accomplished action in the future or a hypothesis (possibility), e.g.

(

) (a) š-a^ t= t-af-eḏ i-ḵšem (H) FT-NR^ 3MS:DO^2S-find:A-2S 3MS-enter:P (b) š-a^taft -u i-ḵšem (H) 83
FT-NR^2S:find:A -3MS 3MS-enter:P 1) 'He will have entered.', 2) 'He might have entered.'

The constructions can also be followed by a verb in the Imperfective to express a progressive in the future:

( 'Khadija is usually home', 'Khadija tends to be home.'

The following example expresses the habitual in the past:

(91) (a) gella(-n) țaf-t ^ten ġur-es iḫeddamen (H)

PST:be(-3P) 2S:find:I-2S ^3P:DO at-3S workers

(b) gella(-n) țaft -hum ġur-es iḫeddamen (H)
PST:be(-3P) 2S:find:I-3P at-3S workers '(S)he used to have workers.'

Markers of the Present Relevance

There are two particles in Senhaja that can be used to mark the relevance of the utterance for the present: the particle ṛa-/ṛah (especially in Western Senhaja) and the particle (a)qa (especially in Eastern Senhaja). Both of them have other uses and are frequently found with non-verbal predicates, especially in locative expressions, but can be found with a verbal predicate, as well. In Ketama, ṛah is invariable. In Hmed, ṛatakes the Arabic pronominal suffixes (cf. Section 8.6.2.2). In Eastern Senhaja (Bunsar/Zerqet), the particle aqa is either invariable, or it functions as a pseudo-verb, i.e. takes Berber pronominal DO clitics. The particle aqa is discussed separately in the following Section. Below, the particle ṛa(h) is treated.

The element ṛa-(Hmed)/ṛah (Ketama) comes from (Classical) Arabic ra'ā 'to see'

(which is not preserved in dialectal Arabic in this sense). 432 Compare the Berber present relevance marker qa (that is used in similar contexts in Eastern Senhaja) that might be etymologically linked to the verb qqel 'look' (not preserved in the Berber varieties that currently employ qa). In the source language (Arabic), ṛa-takes pronominal suffixes that agree in person, number and gender with the logical subject.

The entire paradigm in Arabic is: 1S ṛa-ni, 2S ṛa-k, 3MS ṛa-h, 3FS ṛa-ha, 1P ṛa-na, 2P

ṛa-kum, 3P ṛa-hum. In Hmed, the element ṛa-takes Arabic suffixes (cf. Section 8.6.2.2), but there are some peculiarities. In the 2FS, alongside the common 2S ṛak/ṛaḵ, the specifically feminine ṛakem/ṛaḵem is also used. In 1P, alongside ṛa-na with the Arabic suffix, we also find ṛa-naġ with the Berber suffix. In all persons, ṛa-can be preceded by a-. The particle ṛa(h) is usually negated as in Arabic, with the discontinuous negation ma... š, e.g. ma ṛah š for the 3MS, while u ṛah š is also found in Hmed.

In Ketama, the originally 3MS form ṛa-h became generalized to other persons and became invariable (ṛah). In Ketama and Hmed, the particle ṛa can be considered a semantic equivalent of the Eastern Senhaja particle As noted above, the Berber qa might be linked to the verb qqel 'look', while Arabic ṛa-comes from the Classical Arabic verb ra'ā 'to see'. Colin (1963: 6-7) states that the particle ṛa is especially common in regions with Berber substrates, and according to him, the origins of the particle's use must be sought in Berber (cf. also Colin 1966: 174). On the other hand, in the Middle Eastern Arabic, we find similar elements. 433 In Jordan, Palestine, and Syria, there are variants with the pharyngeal ɛ as well as with a laryngeal stop [']: arɛ ~ ar'. In the these varieties, there are also variants with the initial h-, e.g. harɛ. This parallels the initial h-forms in Berber haqa-(cf. Section 5.5).

On the whole, it is more likely that the Berber qa is a calque on (Maghrebian)

Arabic ra, rather than the other way around. Another option is to consider the possibility of multiple etymologies. That is, the origin in the Maghreb might be ultimately the Arabic ra'ā, but in turn (re)influenced in an additional wave by the Berber qa. While Maghrebian ra is very similar to other reflexes of ra'ā in the Middle Eastern Arabic, it could be a related but distinct innovation. It is interesting to see that some Berber varieties, such as Senhaja, but also Jerba (Brugnatelli p.c.) employ both qa and ra(h).

433 Taine-Cheikh ( 2013) cites examples from Landberg 1909 (Yemen, Daṯînah) with the pseudo-verb raɛ-.

Cf. Vanhove (1995, 2010) on Yâfi (Yemenite) raɛ. In Vanhove 1995, raɛ is analyzed as a semantic equivalent of Moroccan ha rather than ra (i.e. belonging to the deictic system). Vanhove 2010 states that (when used as a copula) "the particle adds an important modal and discursive/pragmatic intensity component to the predicative relation, which can be glossed as 'S is truly, really P'" (Vanhove 2010: 337-8).

The Particle aqa and the Pseudo-verb (a)qa

The element (a)qa is found across Senhaja, and occurs in different forms and meanings, also depending on the variety: its use is more restricted in some varieties than in others. There are cognate forms in Tarifiyt (qa) and Kabyle (aql). In all Senhaja, qa can be used as an attention-seeking device and in warnings ('beware!'). In this meaning, qa can take the second person pronominal clitics: it is a defective pseudo-verb. In Zerqet, there is both an invariable aqa and a pseudo-verb qa (with variants) that takes the complete set of DO pronominal clitics. The particle aqa can be used as a marker of the relevance of the utterance for the present, and can convey probability. The pseudo-verb qa is usually found with non-verbal predicates, especially in locative expressions. The particle aqa (without the clitics) and the pseudo-verb qa (with DO clitics) can co-occur. Here they are glossed as AQA and QA, respectively.

The Pseudo-verb aqa as an Attention-seeking Device

The pseudo-verb qa can be used as an "attention-seeking device", to introduce a topic ('look', 'you see', 'y'know'), to alert, or to make a warning: 'pay attention', 'mind you', 'be careful', 'watch out', 'I told you', 'I warned you'. 434 Examples with this pseudo-verb range from 'I am still home, y'know!' to 'I warned you, this is super dangerous!'. In this meaning, qa is found only with the second person pronominal clitics, which agree in gender and number with the addressee. Western Senhaja varieties (Ketama, Taghzut) usually employ qa only in this meaning. In other parts of Senhaja (Seddat, Zerqet), such uses of qa with the second person DO clitics are also found. As qa in this meaning occurs only with the second person clitics, it belongs to the imperative group of pseudo-verbs, as some of the pseudo-verbs discussed above, such as ġar 'be careful!'

(Zerqet). The pseudo-verb qa as an attention-seeking device is optionally preceded by ha 'here'. The complete short paradigm of this defective pseudo-verb is as follows. 435 Such forms are not used alone as an exclamation, but form part of a larger sentence.

(h)aqa 'lo, beware' (pan-Snh.)

Form Usage 2MS (h)aqa^ḵ with a male listener 2FS (h)aqa^m with a female listener

2P

(h)aq^awen with multiple listeners 434 It fits the definition of presentatives in Bloch (1991: 54). 435 In Taghzut, aqa takes 2P:IO pronominal form (wen) rather than a DO form. In Hmed, aqa can take either a 2P:IO form (wen) or a 2P:DO form (ḵʷen).

Examples:

(

The Uses of aqa and qa

Zerqet has both the invariable particle aqa (that does not take pronominal clitics) and the pseudo-verb qa, that can take DO clitics in any person. The particle aqa can mark the relevance of the statement for the present (cf. the element qa in Tarifiyt, Mourigh & Kossmann 2020). 436 Ketama lacks the invariable aqa as a present relevance marker. 437 The particle aqa (without the clitics) can be combined with verbs in different aspects.

When aqa is combined with a verb form in the Perfective, it stresses the present relevance of the described event. It can also convey probability. In this use, it can be substituted by the future š-a in combination with the verb 'to be' in the Aorist (cf.

Section 5.4.2.1). The following sentence could be said by someone expecting that the event has happened:

(101) aqa ḵešm-en =d (Z) AQA enter:P-3P =VC 'They must have entered.'

In the following example, the two people are debating whether someone they will call by phone is still sleeping. One could say:

( The particle aqa can be found with the verb 'to be' in the Perfective, e.g.

(105) aqa ǧǧi-ġ gi Martil (Z)

AQA be:P-1S in Martil 'I have been in Martil.'

The particle aqa can occur in the possessive ġur-construction (cf. Section 9.6.1.2). In a conversation where a certain kind of component is being searched for, one could say:

(106) aqa iža i-ǧǧa ġur-eḵ nnuɛ =nna (Z)

AQA PST 3MS-be:P at-2MS kind =ANP 'You used to have that kind.'

When aqa is found with a verb in the Imperfective, it describes a habitual event that is relevant to the present (cf. Mourigh & Kossmann 2020). For example, if someone had a neighbor who was always too noisy, he could go to the landlord and say:

(107) aqa waḏin i-tṣeḍḍaɛ =anaġ ku(l) nnhar (Z)

AQA DIST:MS 3MS-disturb:I =1P:DO every day 'That one disturbs us every day (and this is presently relevant).'

In the following examples, aqa expresses both present relevance and probability. The following sentence is said by someone who knows the other person is coming, because he said he would:

(108) aqa i-ɛeddu =d (Z)

AQA 3MS-go:I =VC 'He is coming.', 'He must be on his way (here).'

The following sentence is said of some phrase or expression that might be in use in another dialect of Zerqet (Wersan):

(109) (yemken) aqa qqaṛ-en =t gi Wersan (Z) maybe AQA say:I-3P =3FS:DO in Wersan '(Perhaps) they say it in Wersan.'

The particle aqa can be found in combination with a verb form in the Aorist, e.g. The particle aqa and the pseudo-verb qa can co-occur. When aqa is directly followed by aq, the vowels coalesce: aqa+aq > aqa^q: The paradigms with the pseudo-verb qa is given in the following Section.

The Pseudo-verb qa

When combined with the pronominal clitics, there are different bases depending on the variety and the person of the clitic, e.g. Bunsar aqa-~ aqala-. In Zerqet, the pseudo-verb can be preceded by the presentative ha 'here'. There is also the base qay (Bunsar/Zerqet) used with the third person pronominal elements, that in Bunsar differs from aqa(la) in that it refers to an object that is further away from the speaker and hearer. In other words, qay is "distal"/"there", while aqa(la) is "proximal"/"here".

The reason why the base qay is most often found with the third person pronominal elements is that the third person tends to be further away from the speaker (that is, the first person/speaker and the second person/hearer tend to be in the aqa(la)range). However, the base qay can be found with the first (and second) person pronouns, as well. The paradigm is presented in the following QA=3P:DO here 'They are here.'

Forms with and without ha

The presentative ha can be combined with the pseudo-verb qa (and variants). The forms with ha be characterized as "marked" or "proximal". The initial ha ('here') serves as a "proximal" marker or "pointer". It stresses proximity/visibility, and is used especially when pointing at something or someone. The ha-initial forms are typically used when the speaker and hearer are in the same room, and normally not by telephone, unless it is a video call (skype, whatsapp), where the interlocutor can see you or the thing you are speaking about. The distinction between the forms can be generally described as the distinction between visible (ha) and not visible. The proximity/visibility can be perceived not only from the speaker's, but also from the hearer's point of view. This explains the existence of 1S aqa=y and ha^qa=y, e.g. The second person forms with the initial ha are not frequent (although grammatically possible). This is possibly due to the fact that it is not common to draw someone's attention (by means of ha) in order to point out the location of themselves. Similarly, in English, it is not common to say 'Look! There you are!' (although it is possible to say 'There you are!' or 'Look! There they are!'). However, there are some situations where ha^qa=ḵ could be used. For example, a mother is looking for her child. When she finally finds him, she can say ha^qa=k ḏa! '(Look) you (MS) are here!' Thus, she is using the presentative ha to make, as it were, the child to look at himself. This is not common, since in real life, you rarely need to point someone's attention to themselves.

In questions about the location, the base aqa is used, e.g.

(122) ani aqa=ḵ? (Z)

where QA=2MS:DO 'Where are you (MS)?' (e.g. in a phone conversation)

Third Person Forms in Zerqet

The third person forms demand special attention. In Zerqet, for each person, there are five distinct, forms, e.g. 3MS aq=eṯ, ha^q=eṯ, aqay=ṯ, ha^qay=ṯ, qay=ṯ. 439 The stem qay is only found with the third person.

aq=eṯ

The form aq=eṯ can be described as a general, unmarked form, not carrying information about the proximity and not accompanied by a nod/pointing gesture. The form aq=eṯ can be combined both with ḏa 'here' and ḏin 'there', e.g.

( It is not common to find aqay=ṯ in combination with ḏa 'here'. 439 As discussed above, in the first person, there is a general opposition of aqay (neutral) and haqay (visible).

ha^qay=ṯ

The form ha^qay=ṯ is based on aqay=ṯ ('distal') and thus seemingly presents a contradiction (ha "proximal" + aqay "distal"?). However, this form is used. Here is a possible context where ha^qay=ṯ may occur: one person is looking for a cup in the next room, but the cup is with me at the desk. I could call to that person and say ha^qay=ṯ (although he cannot yet see me or the cup) 'Look, it (M) is here!'. In this phrase, ha marks the near/visible (for me), while aqay marks the distance (to the hearer).

qay=ṯ

The form qay=ṯ is usually used in situations of pointing out where someone or something is. This is probably the reason why there are no first or second person equivalents. Consider the following situations. A person enters the room and asks another person about Mohammed, who is also in the room and visible (but the speaker hasn't yet noticed him), 'Where is Mohammed?'. The answer could be: While this is a general rule, there may be exceptions. Thus, for the question Muḥemmeḏ, ani aq=eṯ? 'Mohammed, where is he?', the answer could be:

1) A far location (distal object)

In combination with a location which is far (i.e. implying distance), e.g. gi Bni Bunsar 'in (the land of) Beni Bunsar', the following forms can be used:

(130) (a) aq=eṯ gi Bni Bunsar (Z) (b) qay=ṯ gi Bni Bunsar (Z, rare) QA=3MS in Beni Bunsar
'He is in Beni Bunsar.'

Both ha-initial forms are impossible, as they imply visibility.

2) Neutral location (object is not visible)

In combination with a neutral location (which is not specified as far or close), e.g.

with g eḫyam 'at home', the following forms can be used:

(131) (a) aq=eṯ g^ eḫyam (Z) (b) qay=ṯ g^ eḫyam (Z) QA=3MS:DO in house:EA 'He is at home.'
The form aqay=ṯ g^eḫyam is not frequent, and both ha-initial forms are impossible.

While qay=ṯ g^eḫyam 'He is at home' is grammatical, the form *qay=ṯ ikiḏ-i g eḫyam is ungrammatical (intended: 'He is with me at home'), as qay=ṯ cannot be combined with ikiḏ-i 'with me' which implies proximity.

The form ha^q=eṯ g^eḫyam 'He is at home' is rare, but marginally possible. One might imagine a (doll) house, around which two children are looking for their pet mouse. The first one to find him could say ha^q=eṯ g^eḫyam, thus indicating that the listener can/should come and see it.

The form ha^q=eṯ ikiḏ-i g^eḫyam '(Here) he is with me at home' is not frequent, either; the variant aq=eṯ ikiḏ-i g eḫyam with the "neutral" aq=eṯ is more common.

3) A near location (visible object)

In combination with a location which is near (implying proximity), e.g. with ḏa 'here'

or with (i)kiḏ-i 'with me', (i)kiḏ-eḵ 'with you (MS), the following forms can be used:

aq=eṯ (since it is also combinable with a distant location, it is considered as a neutral form, unmarked for the distance), ha^q=eṯ (as expected, as it implies visibility), e.g.

(

) (a) aq =eṯ (i)kiḏ-i (Z) QA=3MS:DO with-1S (b) ha ^q =eṯ (i)kiḏ-i (Z) 132
here ^QA=3MS:DO with-1S

'(Here) he is with me.'

The form ha^qay=ṯ is not found in combination with ikiḏ-i 'with me' as it works better on its own: 'he is here', 'here he is!' Similarly, the form aqay=ṯ is not frequently found with ikiḏ-i 'with me', but for a different reason: since it implies distance. The same can be said about the form qay=ṯ, which is not combinable with ikiḏ-i 'with me' as it implies distance.

4) State description

In combination with the adjective that describes a state, e.g. with mezyan 'good', only the aq-forms (e.g. 3MS aq=eṯ) can be used, and none of the other forms, e.g.

(133) aq=eṯ mezyan (Z)

QA=3MS:DO good:MS 'He is fine/good.'

5) Verbal predication

In combination with a verb form in the Imperfective, e.g. i-skurrem 'he sits', the following forms can be used: qay=ṯ, aq=eṯ, and ha^q=eṯ, e.g. In combination with a verb form in the Perfective, e.g. with i-ɛḏa 'he went', none of the forms of the pseudo-verb qa (with a DO clitic) can be used. As described in Section 5.5.2.1, the particle aqa (expressing the present relevance) can be used in such contexts. Similarly, in combination with a verb form in the Aorist, e.g. with š-aḏ i-ɛḏu 'he will go', only the invariable particle aqa can appear, and none of the forms with the pronominal clitic.

Conclusions

The following table summarizes the uses of the particle aqa and the pseudo-verb qa (and variants) in Zerqet. In these forms, ha stresses the proximity, and is used especially when pointing at something or someone; the stem aq (as in aq=eṯ) can be described as a "neutral" form, and has maximum compatibility. Other observations follow:

Stem

1) the invariable form aqa without pronominal elements is the only form that can be found in combination with a verb form in Perfective or Aorist. It serves to emphasize the relevance of the utterance (situation that already happened or will happen in the Future) for the present, or conveys probability;

2) the stem aqa(y) is found in combination with all persons (when combined with the third person pronouns, there is always a final -y, e.g. 3MS aqay=ṯ). It is neutral with regard to proximity. In combination with the third person (e.g. the 3MS form aqay=ṯ), it is usually not used with a locative predication so that e.g. aqay=ṯ gi Bni Bunsar 'He is in Beni Bunsar' is not commonly used. Instead, the form aq=eṯ is found in these contexts. It can be concluded that the 3MS semantic equivalent of 2MS aqa=ḵ (etc.) is aq=eṯ and not aqay=ṯ;

3) the stem ha^qa(y) is found in combination with all persons (in the third person the stem is ha^qay). It implies proximity and visibility due to the initial ha ('here') and hence cannot be used in locative predication implying nonvisibility. It can be used in exclamations e.g. ha^qa=wen ḏa! 'There you (PL) are!' 4) the stem aq is found in combination with the third person (3MS aq=eṯ etc.).

However, with other persons, we can also posit the same stem, if we analyze aqa=y, aqa=ḵ etc. as aq=ay, aq=aḵ etc. As we find the forms aqaḵ in locative predication, and this is also the context where aq=eṯ is found, we can analyze them as belonging to the same paradigm. aq=eṯ is the only possible form found in combination with adjectives (state description); and the variety. In Ketama, especially in Beni Hmed and in specific contexts, the preverbal negator can be omitted. The first negator is typically omitted when there are other preverbal elements (such as the irrealis a, future š-a, the relative marker a, the past marker ara, etc.) and with 3MS verbal forms that have the prefix i-. The dialect of Beni Hmed tends to omit the preverbal negator more frequently than the dialect of Beni Aisi.

The second (postverbal) negator can be š, ši, or šay: the three are usually in free variation. However, there are certain tendencies to use a specific postverbal negator depending on the mood/aspect and pragmatic factors (e.g. insistence, emphasis, contradiction). The postverbal negator follows the entire verbal complex. The postverbal negator can be absent in specific contexts, especially when there are other negators or negative elements in the sentence (such as walu 'nothing', ḥedd 'no one', ḥetta 'not even', etc.), but also in some other contexts.441

In verbal negation, many Berber languages also make use of specific (negative) verb stems (the Perfective Negative and the Imperfective Negative). In Senhaja, the use of negative verb stems is limited to parts of Zerqet (Wersan) and Mezduy (cf. Sectios 4.4 and 4.6.).

Sometimes, a single negator maši can be used to negate the verbal predicate (Section 5.6.3.1). The negator maši is most frequently used with non-verbal predicates (cf. Section 6.1.2.2 on the negation of the nominal predicate). At the same time, the discontinuous negation (such as u... š) is not specific to the verbal predicate, and can be also found with other types of predicates (cf. Section 7.6 on the negation of the adjectival and participial predicate). 442 In what follows, we first focus on the relationship between the bipartite negators and the verbal MA(N) stems (Section 5.6.1), then discuss negation of the verb 'to be' (Section 5.6.2), and then other negation strategies and negative elements (Section 5.6.3). 442 According to Lafkioui (2013b: 115), the verbal negation mainly expresses existential values, while the non-verbal negation is used for both existential and attributive purposes. The author further notes that "The existential negation marker is similar in verbal and non-verbal negation, while attributive negation is mainly marked by the continuous morpheme maši... (or their variants)."

Verbal Negation and

The preverbal negator u is realized as uḏ when followed by a vowel, e.g. with vowelinitial verbs in 1S and 3P (these forms that have no PNG prefix), e.g.

(137) uḏ ufi-ġ š (pan-Snh.)

NEG find:P-1S NEG 'I did not find.'

The final -ḏ in uḏ must be the generalized ḏ of the irrealis marker aḏ. With 3MS verb forms, Ketama has the negator u followed by the 3MS prefix y-, Taghzut and Hmed have the negator u followed by the 3MS prefix ḏ-, and Zerqet has the negator uḏ followed by the 3MS prefix i-. 443 For example:

(138) u y-essen š (K) u ḏ-essen š (T/H) uḏ i-ssen š (Z) NEG 3MS-know:P NEG 'He doesn't know.
As mentioned previously, the preverbal negator can be absent in Ketama, especially with 3MS verb forms, e.g.

(139) i-ssen š (K)

3MS-know:P NEG 'He doesn't know.

Aorist

When the verb form in the Aorist following the future marker (ma)š-a is negated, the preverbal negator is usually absent in Ketama. In Zerqet, by contrast, the preverbal negator u is usually present in such contexts. In the rest of Senhaja (Taghzut/Seddat/Hmed), the preverbal negator u before (ma)š-a is optional, e.g.

(

) (-) (ma)š-a y-tḥerrek š (K) (u) (ma)š-a ḏ-tḥerrek š (T/S/H) u (ma)š-aḏ i-tḥerrek š (Z) 140
NEG FT-NR 3MS-move:A NEG 'He will not move.'

In some Senhaja varieties and especially in Hmed, with verbs in the Aorist, alongside the common variant (u) (ma)š-a with the optional negator u before the future (ma)š-a, the particle ma can be used alone (with the assimilated irrealis particle a). In this case, ma is a combination of the negation marker and the future marker: this form combines the properties of the Arabic negator ma with the future marker maš-a. For example:

(141) (u) ma(^a) ẓṛ-aġ š (H) NEG NEG:FT(^NR) see:A-1S NEG 'I will not see.'

The negator ma is not used with verb forms in the Perfective.

In Taghzut, alongside (u) (ma)š-a, in the negation of the Aorist, we find the future particle l^a (cf. Section 5. In parts of Ketama (Talghunt, Sahel, but not frequently in Beni Aisi), it is also possible to form the prohibitive with the negator ma (followed by the irrealis a). In this case, the Aorist form of the verb is used with the usual second person (singular or plural)

PNG markers, e.g.

(147) m ^a ^t-ḵerz-eḏ š (K-Sahel)

NEG ^NR ^2-plow:A-2S NEG 'Do not plow (SG)!'

Negation of 'to be'

The verb 'to be' is negated like other verbal predicates, i.e. by means of the bipartite negation (u... š), with the preverbal negator depending on the verb MA(N) stem (and variety). The negated form of 'to be' is often used as a negation strategy with nonverbal predicates (cf. Section 6.1.2.2 on the nominal and Section 7.6 on the adjectival and participial predicate), and in relative clauses with non-verbal predicates.

Aorist ( 148)

- (ma)š-a yyi-n š ḏi (K) (u) (ma)š-a yyi-n š ḏa (H) u maš-aḏ ilin š ḏa (Z)
NEG FT-NR be:A-3P NEG here 'They will not be here.'

Perfective 446 (149) u lla-n š ḏi (K/T) u lla-n š ḏa (H)
NEG be:P-3P NEG here 'They are not here.'

When the reference to the past is made, the verb follows the past marker (ara in Ketama, indi in Taghzut, iža in Zerqet, cf. Section 5.4.1). The negator follows the past marker in Taghzut and Zerqet. In Ketama, in the presence of ara, the preverbal negator u is normally absent. In Hmed, the special (past) stem of the verb gelli/a is used, which is negated as other verbal predicates:

(150) (a) ara - lla-n š ḏi (K) indi u lla-n š ḏi (T) iža u ǧǧa-n š ḏa (Z)
PST NEG be:P-3P NEG here

(b) u gella-n š ḏa (H)
NEG PST:be-3P NEG here 'They were not here.'

When 'to be' is used as an auxiliary verb (e.g. expressing a progressive or as a past marker), the negation can apply to the auxiliary or to the following predicate:

446 Without the past marker, understood as a reference to the present in Western and Central Senhaja.

(151) ara lla-n š ḫeddm-en (K)

PST be:P-3P NEG work:I-3P The element ɛemmeṛ 'never' (cf. Section 8.6.2.2 on the pronominal suffixes that it takes) can be optionally combined with the negator ma, which can either follow or precede it (depending on the verb aspect and variety), and which usually does not combine with the postverbal negator š in Zerqet, but can take š in Hmed. When ma follows ɛemmeṛ with a verb form in the Aorist, it can be interpreted either as the future marker (part of maš-a), or the negator (or a portmanteau morpheme combining the features of both), e.g.

(

) (a) ɛemmeṛ-ha maš-a ^t-sali š (H) never-3FS FT-NR ^3FS-end:A NEG (b) (ma) ɛemmeṛ u maš-a ^t-sala (Z) NEG never NEG FT-NR ^3FS-end:A (c) (ma) ɛemmeṛ m-a ^t-sala (Z) 171
NEG never NEG-NR ^3FS-end:A 'It (F) will never end.' baš ma 'in order not to'

In the positive sentence, baš is followed by the irrealis particle a:

(172) baš a ḵerz-en (pan-Snh.) so.that NR plow:A-3P

'So that they plow.'

In the negative counterpart, baš is followed by ma (in this context, ma is a negator, followed by the irrealis a with which it coalesces) and in this case, the postverbal š is optional in Ketama and Hmed. In Zerqet, the postverbal š is not used in such contexts:

(

Conclusions

The verbal complex is defined here as the verb together with the verbal clitics (pronominal clitics of the DO and IO, and the ventive d), and particles. Auxiliaries are also discussed here. Some of the preverbal elements trigger clitic fronting.

Verbal Particles and Negation of the Verbal Predicate

There are modal and negative particles. There are two modal particles common to Senhaja: the irrealis a(ḏ) and the future (ma)š-a(ḏ) (which is a combination of (ma)š and the irrealis a(ḏ)). Both particles signal that the action has not been realized. In Taghzut, alongside š-a(ḏ), the future l^a(ḏ) is sometimes used, which is a combination of la and the irrealis a(ḏ).

There are negative particles: preverbal (u and others) and postverbal (š~ši~šay, that are usually in free variation). In specific contexts, one of the two particles can be absent. The preverbal particles are: u (general), ma used with the Aorist in Hmed, alongside the general u, and with prohibitives based on the Aorist, in Ketama; la~ula used with the Imperfective in Taghzut, Hmed, parts of Seddat, and (optionally) with prohibitives based on the Imperfective; ur used with the Perfective in parts of Seddat;

the prohibitive negator i used in Ketama in all prohibitives, and in Seddat with prohibitives that have a fronted verbal clitic. When the verb contains a clitic, the scheme in Ketama and Seddat is u + CLITIC + i + VERB + š.

The negative particle u can be combined with the future (ma)š-a(ḏ) in Zerqet. In Hmed, the negative particle is optional in this case, while in Ketama, the negative particle is absent in the presence of other preverbal elements.

Besides the discontinuous negation, there are other negation strategies. The negator maši can be used to negate the entire clause. The negation u (+ VERB) + bu can be used with an object complement, e.g. u nna-n bu lhadra 'They did not say a word.' There are various negative elements that influence the use of the bipartite negation, e.g. walu 'nothing', uṯqul (negating the sentence), ḥetta 'not even', ḥed(d) 'no one', ɛemmeṛ 'never', baš ma 'in order not to', gaɛ (Taghzut also meṛṛa) 'not at all'.

Verbal Clitics

Verbal clitics are syntactic clitics, as they are mobile and can be fronted under certain syntactic conditions. Verbal clitics include: the pronominal clitics of the DO and IO series, and the ventive clitic d. Although usually found with verbs, pronominal DO clitics can be also found with pseudo-verbs.

DO Clitics

The shape of the clitic pronouns depends on phonetic and syntactic context. The major distinction is between postverbal and preverbal clitics. Within postverbal clitics, there are sub-series depending on the shape of the verb that they follow: in parts of Senhaja (Ketama, Taghzut, parts of Zerqet), the preverbal 1S clitic has two forms: the regular y, or the innovated yṯ (K)/yḏ (T/Z), used with 3MS and 3P verb forms;

the fronted 1P clitic is ġen in most varieties, hen in Ketama, vs. postverbal (a)neġ (T/S/Z, dialectal) > (a)naġ (most varieties) > (a)na (Ketama);

the fronted 3P clitic is hen in Ketama (as the fronted 1P) and Hmed.

IO Clitics

Morphologically, the IO clitics and pronominal suffixes belong together: the IO clitics consist of a + pronominal suffix. Different from the independent and DO clitic pronouns, but as pronominal suffixes, IO clitics do not distinguish gender in the third person singular. In some Senhaja varieties, the IO and DO pronominal clitics are homophonous, except for the third person. In other varieties, the DO and the IO clitics differ also in other persons. The varieties differ in what distinctions they make.

The Ventive Clitic

There is one deictic clitic in Senhaja: the ventive clitic d, often denoting direction toward the speaker. Its opposite, the ientive, does not occur. The ventive has different allomorphs depending on the phonological and morphological context and on the dialect. It is usually not spirantized. There is probably a relation between the deictic clitic d and the proximal nominal deictics. In some Senhaja varieties (most dialects of Ketama, Hmed, Bunsar, Zerqet), following C-final verb stems, the form of the ventive is id. In other varieties (Taghzut, Seddat, and the Sahel dialect of Ketama), the clitic remains d in such contexts, e.g. i-ḵešm=id (K/H/B/Z) vs. i-ḵšem=d (T/S/K-Sahel) 'he entered (here)'. In Bunsar, the fronted ventive can (optionally) follow 1P verb prefix n-

(rather than precede it as in other Senhaja varieties), e.g. š-a d=n-eḵšem (pan-Snh.

incl. B) ~ š-a n^d^eḵšem (B) 'We will enter'.

Pseudo-verbs

Pseudo-verbs are elements that lack the subject (PNG) markers and aspectual distinctions, but can take verbal clitics. In Senhaja, pseudo-verbs with DO clitics have been found. Examples are: škun 'who?' (Z), (g)ani 'where?' (S), ġar 'be careful!' (Z), a

šan 'what's the matter with?' (T/H/Z), and the particle (a)qa (discussed below).

The Past Markers/Auxiliaries

Different Senhaja varieties have different markers (Ketama ara~ala, Taghzut indi, Zerqet iža) to make the reference to the past explicit, which are most commonly found with a verb in the Perfective. In Hmed, the past marker g and the verb 'to be' in the Perfective blended in one form, gella, which can be optionally conjugated. When used in combination with the verb in the Perfective, the past marker either makes the reference to the past explicit, or expresses a prior event in the past (the pluperfect).

The past marker is used with the Imperfective to express a continuous or habitual action in the past. The combination of the past marker (+the verb 'to be' in the Perfective in Ketama) + š-a + the verb in the Aorist expresses an anterior nonrealized event. To make a reference to the past with a non-verbal predicate (nominal, adjectival, etc.), in Ketama, the verb 'to be' in the Perfective is used, preceded by the past marker. In Taghzut and Zerqet, following the past marker, the use of 'to be' is optional.

The Future Markers/Auxiliaries

To make the reference to the future, with a verbal predicate, the verb is used in the Aorist in combination with the irrealis particle aḏ or the future (ma)š-a. With nonverbal predicates, auxiliaries are used. There are constructions based on the verb 'to be' or on the verb 'to find'. The construction based on 'to find' has been grammaticalized as a future auxiliary in Hmed. It can take Arabic personal pronouns, although the origin of the construction is Berber. The future auxiliaries can be combined with a verbal predicate, e.g. to express an accomplished action/state in the future (with a verb in the Perfective) or a continuous action in the future (with a verb in the Imperfective). The same verbs 'to be' or 'to find' in the Imperfective can be used to express the habitual with non-verbal predicates.

The Particle and the pseudo-verb (a)qa

The element (a)qa is found across Senhaja, and occurs in different forms and meanings, also depending on the variety: its use is more restricted in some varieties than in others. In most varieties, aqa can take the second person DO clitics and is used as an attention-seeking device, or as a warning. In Eastern Senhaja (Zerqet/Bunsar), the particle aqa can be used as a marker of the relevance of the utterance for the present, and can convey probability. The pseudo-verb qa in Zerqet can take all DO clitics, and is usually found with non-verbal predicates, especially in locative expressions. When combined with the pronominal clitics, there are different bases depending on the variety and the person of the clitic, e.g. Bunsar aqa-~aqala-. In Zerqet, the pseudo-verb can be preceded by the presentative ha 'here', and has the forms (h)aqa (with most persons); (h)aqay, (h)aq, qay (with the third person clitics).

With the third person clitics, there is a distinction between the distal (aqay) and proximal (qay), while aq is a generic, unmarked form.

Noun

6.1. Introduction

Overview

There exist two major morphological types of nouns in Senhaja: nouns with Berber affixes (the 'Berber-morphology class', or Class I), and nouns with Arabic morphology ('Arabic-morphology class', or Class II). 449 The third, much smaller class consists of nouns that lack affixes (non-affix class, or Class III).

In our database of ca. 2,000 nouns, almost 48% belong to the Arabic-morphology class. Nouns with Arabic morphology thus form an integral part of Senhaja grammar. 450 The number of Arabic loans is higher than this, as many Arabic loans are integrated and incorporated in Class I. Non-integrated loans do not accept Berber affixes. Instead, they preserve their original morphology (e.g. to mark the gender and number) and typically occur with the Arabic definite article l-(or its assimilated form). 451 European loans are usually integrated into Class II.

Nouns distinguish three categories: gender (masculine and feminine), number (singular and plural), and state (EL or "free" and EA or "annexed", cf. Section 6.1.1.3).

State distinction is only found in Class I nouns, while gender and number can be also distinguished in other word classes.

In what follows, we first provide an overview of the main nominal categories for the various noun types (this section), give the information on the nominal predicate and its negation (Section 6.1.2), followed by a more detailed description of morphology, separate for the different noun types (Class I is treated in Section 6.2, Class II in Section 6.3, and Class III in Section 6.4). Sometimes, there is interaction between Arabic and Berber in nominal morphology. This is described in Section 6.5. Section 6.6 is devoted to the nominal deictic clitics. 449 Cf. Kossmann 2013a: 203. 450 Cf. Mourigh 2015: 63 for Ghomara Berber. 451 As mentioned in the introduction (Section 1.9), this situation can be described as the Parallel System Borrowing (Kossmann 2010a), where some morphological processes are restricted to borrowings. In Senhaja, this happens with the borrowed nouns (as in other Berber varieties), but also with borrowed adjectives (Chapter 7).

Gender

Senhaja distinguishes two genders: masculine and feminine. In Class I countable nouns, most masculine nouns have a feminine counterpart, denoting either a difference in the natural gender (masculine vs. feminine, example 1), or in size (augmentative vs. diminutive, examples 2 and 3).452 Some masculine/feminine pairs refer to slightly different objects (example 4).

Ex. MS Translation FS Translation Variety

(1) arba boy ṯarbaṯ girl most Snh.

( The EL is used in most contexts in Senhaja, such as:

as a citation form, e.g. argaz (Ketama) 'man';

as a grammatical object, e.g.

(1) i-ẓṛa argaz (K)

3MS-see:P man:EL 'He saw a man'.

as a grammatical subject (whether preverbal or postverbal), e. 453 For discussion, see Galand 1964; 2002a: 287-308; Brugnatelli 1997; Mettouchi 2005; 2007; 2008; and 2014; Kossmann 2012: 70. Berber languages have been categorized as "marked Nominative" by some scholars (Sasse 1984), where the unmarked form corresponds to the Accusative, and the marked to the Nominative. On the category of case in languages of Africa, see König 2008. It has also been claimed that state distinction in Berber has no parallels in other languages (Mettouchi & Frajzyngier 2013). There is no opposition between the two states in Zenaga and in Eastern Berber. 454 The Berber 'Annexed state' is not the same category as a construct state in Semitic languages (cf. Creissels 2006 for the definition of a construct state). 455 We chose to use the French terminology here, in tribute to the French Berberological tradition.

456 Different from most other Berber languages that have a state distinction, EA is not used for a postverbal subject in Senhaja. Instead, EL is used (as with preverbal subjects). This feature is shared by Senhaja with Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 300).

after some prenominal elements (see Section 6.5.5. The EA occurs in the following contexts:

after most prepositions, e.g. after the Genitive preposition n 'of': 'one man'.

The Nominal Predicate

Affirmative Contexts

Noun phrases can function as predicates. 458 In most Senhaja varieties, the predicative ḏ is used in this case: optionally in Taghzut and Hmed, obligatory in Zerqet. In Ketama, there is no predicative ḏ:

(8) (a) argaz=aḏ - baba (K) (b) aryaz=dda (ḏ) ḇaḇa (H) (c) aryaz=yya ḏ baba (Z)
man=PROX PRED father:my 'This man is my father.'

457 After some prenominal elements, such as mul 'owner, lord', the following noun is in EL in some varieties (Ketama, Zerqet), while in Hmed and Bunsar, EL and EA are used interchangeably. Cf. Section 6.5.5.

458 On non-verbal predicates in Berber, see Lafkioui 1999 and Lafkioui 2000. When the predicative ḏ is followed by a Berber-morphology feminine noun (ṯ-initial), there is assimilation: ḏ + ṯ > t^t, e.g.

( The nominal prefix typically carries information about the gender (outside Ketama)

and state (cf. Section 6.2.4), although not all nouns mark state. The prefix can also carry information about the number: plural nouns typically have the vowel i-, while singular nouns most often have the vowel a-. There are also singular nouns starting in i, which keep the initial vowel in the plural. The suffix carries information about the gender and number: most masculine plural nouns have the suffix -en, while most feminine nouns have the suffix -in.

To sum up, the categories that can (maximally) be expressed in the noun are: number, gender, and state. Each of these categories has two members: singular vs. plural, masculine vs. feminine, and EL vs. EA. These categories are expressed in the nominal affixes and in the case of number, can sometimes be expressed in the stem. The prefix can simultaneously express state, number, and gender, while the suffix expresses (again) number and gender. In the following sections, the main nominal categories (gender, number, and state) are discussed in more detail.

Gender and Size Derivation

As noted above, Senhaja distinguishes between two genders: masculine and feminine. 460 Gender is usually morphologically marked by means of affixes. 461 As mentioned above, gender derivation by means of affixes is possible for many Class I nouns. In the case of humans and (larger) animals, the change of affixes expresses the natural gender, e.g. In the case of smaller animals and inanimate nouns, the change of affixes usually expresses a difference in size. If a masculine noun refers to a regular-size object, the corresponding feminine noun refers to a smaller-size object (diminutive), e.g.

MS

imger 'sickle' ~ imgerṯ 'small sickle' (K).

If a feminine noun refers to a regular-size object, the masculine noun refers to a largersize object (augmentative), e.g.

arebbiṭ 'bunch' (femine noun, with the final assimilation of d ̱̣ +ṯ > ṭṭ > ṭ, cf.

Section 2.4.1.1) vs. arebbid ̱̣ 'big bunch' (masculine, augmentative) (K).

The choice is lexical, i.e. the base noun is masculine or feminine depending on the word. It is not possible to derive a diminutive of an inherently feminine noun, or an augmentative of an inherently masculine noun. Cf. Section 6.5.2 on the internal diminutives. For some nouns that have both a masculine and a feminine form, it is not easy to decide which one is the "basic" one. Also, some masculine and feminine pairs refer to slightly different objects or have idiosyncratic meanings. Not all masculine words accept a feminine derivation. For example, the noun izref 'road' does not allow a feminine derivation in Ketama, while it is possible in Zerqet (ṯizerfṯ 'small road').

The As in Arabic, diminutives can stress condescendence, childish talk, or involvement on the part of the speaker (cf. Caubet 1993: 132). 463 The word ṯiziṯ has slightly different senses in Senhaja: 'a type of fly that stings animals' (Ketama), 'gnat' (Hmed), 'mosquito' (Zerqet). Grammatically, it is a feminine (diminutive) of izi 'fly'. 464 In addition to the senses 'cane', 'stalk'. (change of stem). The change of stem can be combined with a plural suffix. Some nouns have different plural forms used within the same dialect. The noun obligatorily agrees in number with the verbs, adjectives, and (Arabic) participles. In the plural, the gender distinction is relevant for the agreement only in Zerqet. 465 The plural form can be derived in different ways:

following

MS

1) External plurals (Section 6.2.3.2):

if the prefix is a-in the singular, it usually changes to i-in the plural for masculine nouns; for feminine nouns, the initial ṯa-> ṯi-;

a suffix is added: most often, -en (sometimes -an) for masculine nouns and -in for feminine nouns;

2) Apophonic plurals are derived by a change of the stem (Section 6.2.3.3);

3) A change of stem can be combined with a plural suffix (Section 6. 467 In some vowel-initial stems, the vowel changes in the plural (Section 6.2.4.2).

468 Some nouns maintain the vowel a in the plural (Section 6.2.4.2). 469 In Bunsar, the noun ṯurin can have either FS or PL agreement, but in any case, it has no derived number opposition.

Masculine plural suffixes are -(e)n (most common) and -an (less common). Feminine plural suffixes are -in (most common) and -en (less common).

(1) Suffix -en (masculine and feminine nouns)

a) Masculine nouns

Most Class I masculine nouns (241 in our database, or 62%) form plurals with the suffix -en, e.g. Apophonic plurals are plurals derived by a change of the nominal stem by applying a certain vowel scheme (in addition to the change of the prefix), but without the addition of the suffix. 473 In our database, almost 100 masculine nouns (25% of masculine Class I nouns) and 127 feminine nouns (32% of feminine Class I nouns)

MS

form their plurals by a change of stem. There are different types of apophonic plurals.

A frequent plural pattern inserts the vowel a before the last consonant of the stem.

Apophonic plurals can be in variation with external plurals, e.g. (Hmed):

473 If the stem in the singular already has this scheme, it remains the same on the surface in the plural (i.e. the singular and the plural schemes may be homophonous), although it could be argued that the original (stem) vowels are substituted by the scheme vowels in the plural. On the change of the stem combined with the plural suffix, see below. Some nouns have a before the final consonant in the singular stem. When the scheme (...)-a is applied to such stems, the vowel a does not change on the surface, although theoretically, there can be a substitution of the stem-a by the scheme-a. In some cases, there are no visible vocalic changes in the stem, and as a result, the singular and the plural are distinguished only by the change of the prefix. 474 The gender of the noun is invisible in the plural. In the following feminine nouns, the plural can be analyzed in two different ways:

FS

either the insertion of a after the final consonant combined with the suffix ṯ-in (and variants), or the external plural built with the suffix -aṯin (and variants):

FS FP Translation Variety a-zizw-et i-zizwa-tin bee K ṯ-ilef-ṯ ṯ-ilfa-ṯin sow Z ṯ-iġežḏ-eṭ ṯiġežḏ ̱̣ a-ṭin female kid goat H ṯ-imezg-eṯ ṯ-imezga-ṯin bracelet B ṯ-izerf-eț ṯ-izerfa-țin path H
ṯ-iwes-ṯ ṯ-iwsa-ṯin husband's sister S

In the following example, the vowel a substitutes the i in the singular:

FS FP Translation Variety ṯa-syi-ṯ ṯi-sya-ṯ-in bride H
In some cases, the feminine plural form ends in the suffix -ṯ, and the plural suffix -in is optional, e.g. Other patterns are also found, e.g.

FS

MS MP Translation Variety

a-ḏrar i-ḏur-an mountain K/S/T

Common (Masculine/Feminine) Plurals

In Ketama, genders are not always discernible in the plural. These includes regular (derived) plurals as well as suppletive plurals of nouns of all classes, and concerns nouns with natural gender or inanimate objects. The gender is not morphologically marked in apophonic plurals, e.g. aḫaḏum-ṯ 'ring', plural iḫuḏam 'rings'. The gender of the plural noun has no influence on the agreement. In nouns with the natural gender (referring to male vs. female animate objects), when it is necessary to specify the gender, the words dḵura 'male' and lanta 'female' are added after the noun. For

Voyelle Constante

Some nouns keep the vowel in the EA. This vowel is known as voyelle constante in Berberological literature. In the EA, nouns whose stems start in a-acquire the initial w-, e.g. aššin, EA waššin 'stable' (pan-Snh.).

Penchoen (1973: 7-13) has proposed that the constant vowel can be analyzed as part of the noun stem, while the initial vowels that change are prefixes. This is the idea followed in the present work, so nouns with voyelle constante are analyzed as having vowel-initial stems. In our database, 22 class I masculine singular nouns have the constant vowel a (corresponding to wa in EA). In their plural counterparts, the behavior of the vowel depends on the lexeme and the dialect. In most cases, the vowel a is not preserved, and changes to i. 480 Only five masculine plural nouns have the initial a. That is to say, most plurals do not preserve the voyelle constante. Like with singular nouns with a constant vowel, the EA of the plural forms that maintain the vowel a starts in wa, e.g. aman, EA waman 'water' (pl. tant., pan-Snh.).

479 For the analysis of the voyelle constante, as it is called in literature on Berber, see Basset 1945 [1959]: 82-88; Penchoen 1973: 7. 480 The same situation is found in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 69).

Among feminine singular nouns starting in (ṯ)a, sixteen nouns keep (ṯ)a and thus remain unaltered in the EA, e.g. ṯammenṯ 'honey' (pan-Snh.).481

As mentioned above, all masculine singular nouns starting in i remain unaltered in the EA, e.g. iġeṣ (EL=EA) 'bone' (pan-Snh.). However, feminine (ṯ)i-initial class I nouns behave differently. Most of them drop the vowel in the EA, suggesting that i-is a prefix in these nouns, while some nouns keep the vowel i, suggesting that in these nouns, i is part of the stem, e.g. 484 The nouns presented in this section are found across Senhaja, unless the variety is specified. With a following ǧ/ž, the assimilation of l is optional, and one often finds a variation ǧǧ~lǧ~žž~lž. 487 Variation can be found within the same Senhaja variety (e.g. Zerqet), although there are certain preferences depending on dialect, speaker, speech tempo, particular word, etc. In Ketama, the preferred variants are lž and žž. Consider the following examples:

i-pfx

Scheme (ṯ)i-plurals (ṯ)a-plurals ṯu-plurals

i-pfx i-stem a-> Ø a-> a- u-stem EL (ṯ)i (ṯ)i (ṯ)a (ṯ)a ṯu EA (ṯ) (ṯ)i (ṯ)e (ṯ)
ǧǧelda (H) ~ lǧelda ~ žželda (K/H) ~ lželda 'skin';

ǧǧaw ~ lǧaw ~ žžaw ~ lžaw (K/H) 'weather';

ǧǧiha ~ lǧiha (H) ~žžiha (H) ~ lžiha (K/H) 'side';

ǧǧib ~ lǧib (Z), lǧim (H), lžim (K/H) ~ žžim (H) 'pocket'.

Gender

Introduction

Like Berber-morphology nouns, Arabic-morphology nouns distinguish two genders, masculine and feminine. In the plural, gender distinction is not always made, and specifically feminine plurals are only optionally used (as with Class I nouns), while masculine plurals can be used as common plurals in three cases: to refer to masculine objects, to refer to feminine objects, and to refer to a mixed group of objects. There is no gender distinction in plural agreement in most Senhaja varieties, while it is optional in Eastern Senhaja. The gender of some Arabic loans can differ per dialect. 488 Feminine singular nouns often have the suffix -a, e.g.

- 491 Zerqet distinguishes between ṯašeɛṛurṯ (class I) 'a single hair' vs. ššeɛṛa (class II) 'fishline'.

Number

Like class I, class II nouns distinguish between two numbers, singular and plural. The plural follows the Arabic pattern and is borrowed together with the base noun from Arabic. A limited set of nouns have a dual form, likewise borrowed directly from Arabic. There are external plurals and apophonic plurals. A few nouns combine the change of the stem with suffixation. As with class I nouns, there are often alternative plural forms that can be used interchangeably, and there are also dialectal differences.

External Plurals

The following suffixes can be used to form the plural of class II nouns: -in, -a, -aṯ (-yyaṯ, -ww-aṯ). For a limited number of Spanish loans, the suffix -s is used. More commonly, Spanish plurals follow the patterns of other Arabic-morphology nouns.

Suffix -in is used to derive plurals of both masculine and feminine nouns, e.g. 492 The suffix -a is used to derive both the plurals and the feminine singular forms.

MS

Therefore, some feminine singular and (common) plural forms are homophonous, e.g.

MS FS= PL Translation

lfellaḥ lfellaḥa lfellaḥa farmer lḫiyyaṭ lḫiyyaṭa lḫiyyaṭa tailor Some words form plurals either with the suffix -a or with the suffix -in:

492 Some feminine nouns also have a separate feminine plural with the suffix -aṯ (especially in Zerqet and Hmed). There are many other patterns of plural formation.

MS FS PL -a ~ PL -in

Special Cases (1) Suffixes with a change of stem

There are also plural forms that involve both stem modification and suffixation (especially, the suffix -an), e.g. A small number of nouns referring to numbers or time have the dual form with the suffix -ayen. These words can occur without the Arabic article (in adverbial as well as non-adverbial usage). 495 The word nhaṛ 'day' has a suppletive dual yumayen 'two days'.

SG

494 Some plurals borrowed from the Standard Arabic include the glottal stop [ʔ], written as <'>.

495 E.g. lyumayn-iḏ aṣɛab yumayn g elḥayat inu (K), yumayen-yya aṣɛab yumayyen i lḥayat inu (Z) 'These two days were the most difficult of my life.' The occurrence of the article l-depends on the specific context and reflects dialectal preferences. The feminine-derived noun may refer to a single piece of fruit, or to the fruit tree, e.g. Diminutives formed by gender derivation can only be made on the basis of masculine Berber-morphology nouns. Internal diminutives occur in both genders, and can be derived from both Berber and Arabic morphology nouns. Some nouns allow both an internal diminutive and gender derivation, as well as a combination of the two. This sometimes leads to a four-way distinction, as both the masculine and the feminine noun can have an internally-derived diminutive. 500 The function of internal diminutives is the same as that of derived diminutives (cf. Section 6.2.2). Thus, they can refer to a smaller-sized object, but they can also be used to add expressiveness.

SG

Collective

Just like derived diminutives, some internal diminutives may refer to a slightly different object. Mourigh (2015: 112) argues that in Ghomara, the patterns of the internal diminutives are borrowed from Arabic and were extended to Berber-morphology nouns. In Senhaja, the number of Arabic-morphology diminutives is very limited. It is thus possible that the patterns were transferred directly from Arabic into Berber, without necessarily borrowing the Arabic internal diminutives. In what follows, we will present some examples, and describe the difference between derived and internal diminutives when they exist alongside each other. We treat internal diminutives of Arabic-morphology nouns first, followed by the Berber-morphology nouns. There is one mixed example in our database, where an Arabic-morphology noun changes to the Berber-morphology class in the diminutive form: lḥawd ̱̣ , dim. aḥwiyyed ̱̣ (H/B) 'vegetable garden'.501

Internal Diminutives of Arabic-morphology Nouns

The following table illustrates some Arabic-morphology nouns that have internal diminutives found in Ketama and Hmed. In Zerqet, these forms are not used. As follows from the In Hmed, there is a four-way distinction based on the word asammer. The word asammer refers to a sunny side of a big mountain (from one side to the other), where one could do farming. The internal diminutive, asmimer, refers to a part of asammer, i.e. some part of the sunny side of a big mountain.

The feminine noun ṯasammerṯ refers to a sunny side of a small mountain or a hill. Only the top of the mountain is under the sun, and this is where the farming can be done, while the bottom of the mountain is in the shade. The internal diminutive, ṯasmimerṯ, refers to a part of ṯasammerṯ (i.e. a part of the sunny side of a small mountain).503

FS FS:DIM MS:AUG Translation ṯarebbiṭ ṯarbibeṭ aṛebbid ̱̣ bundle

For the basically feminine noun ṯarebbiṭ (K arebbiṭ) 'bundle', different derivations are found in different varieties: an internal diminutive (ṯ)arbibeṭ (K/H) 'small bundle', and an augmentative aṛebbid ̱̣ (K/Z) 'big bundle'. 502 This word can be used in a situation where for example one tries to fit a lot of things in a small bag (ṯaškikeṛṯ) and does not expect them to fit in. However, in the end, everything fits in and there is even some space left. In this context, one could use the augmentative of the diminutive, signifying: "That's a surprisingly big small bag!". 507 The feminine plural forms are specific to Hmed, while Ketama employs the common plural. 508 In Zerqet, the cognate noun is ameǧǧul 'white one', derived from the verb (not an adjective, as in Hmed) mžul/meǧǧul 'to be white'.

MS

Unmodified and Intergrated Nisba nouns

Arabic terms ending in -i (the so-called nisba formation) are found in Senhaja. Such terms often refer to tribal affiliation, place of origin, and ethnicity. 509 The terms can preserve the original Arabic morphology: the feminine singular ends in yy-a, and the plural ends in yy-in (most Senhaja)~yy-en (Zerqet). If necessary to specify the feminine plural, the suffix -aṯ may be used (H/Z). Some nisba forms have apophonic plurals. 518 In the case of fṛaq /e/ 'to separate' and rbaḥ /e/ 'to win', Arabic-morphology nouns are not verbal nouns, as they do not refer to the act of doing something.

Prenominal Elements ayṯ~bni, bu, mul, sḥab

There are some elements that can precede nouns. The first one, ayṯ, of Berber origin, or its Arabic equivalent bni, can be translated as 'sons of'. The remaining elements (bu, mul, and the plural sḥab) are of Arabic origin, and can be translated as 'owner(s)/possessor(s) of'.

The Elements ayṯ~bni

The element ayṯ (~ay) is used for tribal affiliation. It may be translated as 'sons/people/those of'. Unlike in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 136), there is no Genitive preposition n following ayṯ. 519 It must be noted that Senhaja speakers use the Berber element ayṯ alongside the Arabic equivalent bni 'sons', e.g. ayṯ ḥmeḏ ~ bni ḥmeḏ 'Those of (the tribe of) Ahmed'. The element ayṯ (or bni) is not used with all tribal names.

Among the ten Senhaja tribes, it occurs seven times: Ayṯ Bušibet, Ayṯ Seddad, Ayṯ Ḥmeḏ, Ayṯ Bunṣar, Ayṯ Bšir, Ayṯ Ḫennus, Ayṯ Mezduy. The remaining three tribes do not contain the element ayṯ: Kṯama, Ṯaġzuṯ, Zerqeṯ.

The Elements bu, mul, mwalin, sḥab

The elements bu, mul, and the plural sḥab can be translated as 'owner(s)/possessor(s) of'. The elements bu and mul are normally not interchangeable, since bu is usually used with body parts (and describes a certain trait, characteristic), while mul is used in the sense 'owner, proprietor', and is typically followed by some object such as 'car', 'house', shop', etc. The element bu has an expressive meaning. The following noun is in EA, e.g.

bu (ṯ)ɛeddist (K/S/Z) ~ bu ṯɛeddis(ṯ) (H), lit. 'owner of a belly', someone with an unusually big belly, i.e. someone who likes to eat a lot, or a greedy person;

bu ifadden (K/S/H/Z) 'a person with (unusually big) knees'.

In Ketama and Hmed, bu is unmarked for gender. In Seddat and Zerqet, the feminine equivalent is mi, e.g. mi ṯɛeddist 'owner (F) of a belly' (S/Z).

The Arabic noun mul 'owner, lord' is used in mul + NOUN 'the owner of X' constructions, and is not used with body parts. 520 In Ketama and Zerqet, the noun following mul 'owner' is always in EL. In Hmed and Bunsar, the following noun can be either in EL or in EA.

The feminine form is mulat 'female owner', and the plural is mwalin 'owners'. These forms are rarely used in Zerqet. For the plural ('owners'), in Zerqet, rather, the element sḥab is used. In Hmed, on the contrary, mwalin is more frequent than sḥab, although sḥab (alongside its free variant sḥabin) is also found. Ketama and Seddat use both mwalin and sḥab. The noun sḥab is followed by a noun in EL. Unlike in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 137), sḥab cannot be followed by bu in Senhaja. Examples:

sḥab (ṯ)ɛeddist ~ sḥab (ṯ)iɛeddas (K/H/Z) 'owners of a belly' ~ 'owners of bellies', i.e. 'people who like to eat a lot';

sḥab (ṯ)iḥuna (K/S/H/Z) 'owners of shops';

sḥab leḥiya (K/S/Z) ~ mwalin leḥiya (K/S/H) 'bearded people'.

Nominal Deictic Clitics

Most Senhaja varieties have postnominal clitics with a three-way distinction in exophoric deixis. 521 Such elements are prosodic clitics, i.e. dependent prosodically on the adjacent material, which is the preceding noun. Different from the verbal clitics, they do not undergo movement, and are thus not syntactic clitics (cf. Chapter 12 on the clitic movement, and Section 12.2 on defining syntactic clitics). The exophoric distinction in nominal clitics is: proximal (close to the speaker), medial (close to the addressee), and distal (far from both). Furthermore, most Senhaja varieties have a distinct anaphoric clitic nna. The anaphoric clitic can be translated into English as 'the aforementioned' (or 'that'). It refers to something that has been already mentioned previously.

521 Deixis refers to the phenomenon of context dependence in the meaning of certain referring expressions (cf. Williams 2020). On deixis, see e.g. Lyons 1977, Anderson 1985, Agha 1996, and Levinson 2004, Levinson et al. 2018, Peeters et al. 2021. According to Diessel (1999: 6), demonstratives have two main functions, exophoric and endophoric. In the traditional view, exophoric demonstratives "indicate the relative distance of a referent in the speech situation vis-à-vis . . . the speaker's location at the time of the utterance" (Diessel 2013: 1). The following table provides some examples of deictic clitics following nouns:

MS noun

-MS: argaz (K/T/S)~aryaz (the rest of Senhaja) 'man'; the same clitics apply to FS ṯameṭṭuṯ (T)~(ṯ)amġarṯ (the rest of Senhaja) 'woman';

-MP: irgazen (K/T/S)~iryazen (the rest of Senhaja) 'men'; the same clitics apply to FP ṯimeṭṭuṯin (T)~(ṯ)imġarin (the rest of Senhaja) 'women'. 522 The same phenomenon is found in Figuig and Zwara.

523 This feature is also found in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 240), Tasahlit (Rabhi 1994: 48), Zwara (Mitchell 1953: 376), Awjila ( Van Putten 2014: 119), Zenaga (Taine-Cheikh 2018), and Ghadames (Kossmann 2013b: 56-57), among others.

524 H1 stands for Tafurnut and Imugzan dialects of Hmed, while H2 is the rest (dialects that border on Bunsar: Bumsahel, Tafza, Tasemlalt, Awni). B1 stands for Tamadit dialect of Bunsar, while B2 is the rest (e.g. Iatarren, Ayn Seba, Amaktan, Luta, Zarkat, Tahaya Izem). 525 In Mezduy, the variant ddina is also found, but is less frequent than ina.

526 Also ayenna(h), PL iyenna(h). When a V-initial clitic follows a noun that ends in the -eC sequence, schwa may be preserved or elided, e.g.

Examples of nouns with deictic clitics

-irgazen=iḏ(i) ~ irgazn=iḏ(i) (K (T)) (PROX) 'these men';

-iryazen=ina ~ iryazn=ina (Z) (MED) 'those men'.

Some nouns that only appear in fixed expressions (adverbial phrases) take deictic clitics that do not appear with regular nouns, e.g.

the clitic =an in Ketama: agemmad ̱̣ =an 'the opposite side';

the clitic =in in Hmed/Zerqet: ayemmad ̱̣ =in (H), agemmad ̱̣ =in (Z) 'the opposite side';

the clitic =a in Zerqet: agemmad ̱̣ =a 'the opposite side'.

Conclusions

There There are two basic types of plural formation: external (change of affixes) and apophonic (change of stem). Nouns can have multiple plural forms used within the same dialect. In external plurals, in masculine nouns, if the prefix is a-in the singular, it usually changes to i-in the plural, and the suffix -en is added, e.g. a-šqiq 'brother', PL i-šqiq-en (H/Z). Singular nouns starting in i keep the vowel in the plural. For feminine nouns, the initial ṯa-> ṯi-, and the suffix -in is added, e.g. ṯ-a-šqiq-ṯ 'sister' > ṯ-i-šqiq-in (H/Z). In the plural, the feminine suffix ṯ usually disappears, although some nouns keep it (especially in Western Senhaja).

Apophonic plurals are derived by a change of the stem, e.g. a-ġyul 'donkey' > iġyal (Z). In Ketama, due to the absence of the prefix ṯ-, the gender is not always discernible in the apophonic plurals. A change of stem can be combined with a plural suffix, e.g. weššen 'jackal'> i-weššan-en. Some nouns maintain the vowel in the plural, e.g. ṯaḵna 'co-wife' > ṯaḵniwin (K/H), ul 'heart' > ulawen (Z).

Some nouns keep the vowel in the EA. This vowel is known as voyelle constante. In the EA, nouns whose stems start in a-acquire the initial w-, e.g. aššin, EA waššin 'stable'. In plural, the behavior of the vowel depends on the lexeme and the dialect. In most cases, a is not preserved, and changes to i. The EA of the plural forms that maintain a starts in wa, e.g. aman, EA waman 'water' (pl. tant.). Masculine nouns starting in u(~w) and feminine nouns starting in ṯu remain unaltered in EA.

The Arabic-morphology Noun (Class II)

Class II nouns consist of the Arabic article (l-or its assimilated form), the stem, and

(for some feminine nouns) the suffix -a, e.g.

Non-affix Class

Some nouns do not belong either to the Berber-morphology or to the Arabicmorphology class. They lack the Berber prefix and the Arabic article. Such nouns do not mark state, and there is no regular gender derivation. Plurals are often lacking, or are suppletive. Alternatively, the plural form belongs to the regular Berbermorphology or to the Arabic-morphology class. Some (but not all) kinship nouns belong to the non-affix class, e.g. gma (K/S/T) 'brother' and its suppletive plural ayṯma 'siblings'.

Interaction between Berber-and Arabic-morphology Nouns

There is interaction between Arabic and Berber in nominal morphology.

Nominal Deictic Clitics

Most Senhaja varieties have postnominal clitics with a three-way distinction in exophoric deixis. The exophoric distinction is: proximal, medial, and distal. Most

Senhaja varieties have a distinct anaphoric clitic nna, while Ketama and Taghzut employ distal clitics as anaphoric. Ketama and Taghzut are also special in that they distinguish number in deictic clitics (as in Ghomara, but different from the rest of Senhaja and Tarifiyt).

Adjectives and Participles

Introduction

Adjectives and participles share a number of features, and thus it is practical to discuss them together. Both adjectives and participles distinguish three forms (masculine singular, feminine singular, and plural, with the possibility to mark feminine plural in Eastern Senhaja/Zerqet), and besides, Arabic adjectives and participles share the same suffixes to mark the gender and number. Also, both adjectives and participles can modify the head noun. There are also some differences: Arabic adjectives are frequently nominalized across Senhaja, while nominalization of Berber adjectives is less frequent. There are further differences in the possibility to conjugate adjectives and participles (Section 7.4), and in the use and marking of adjectives and participles in relative constructions (Section 7.5). Adjectives (but not participles) allow for the formation of diminutives in some Senhaja varieties. All these issues are discussed in this chapter. In this section, we provide background information on the adjectival and participial predicate. See Section 7.6 on the negation of such predicates.

The Adjectival and Participial Predicate

An adjective or a participle phrase can function as predicates. The negation of the adjectival and participial predicate is discussed in Section 7.6.

Adjectives

A separate morphological class of adjectives is not found in all Berber varieties.527 ṯ-aġul-eḏ meqqur 'You became big/old.' vs.

ṯ-meqqur-eḏ 'You (SG) are big/old.'

We must note that such lexemes can be conjugated (with the regular or special PNG markers) only in parts of Senhaja, while in parts of Senhaja (Ketama, Hmed), such lexemes are never conjugated. In Zerqet, it also depends on the person (cf. Section 7.4.2). When not conjugated, there are only three forms: MS (no affixes), FS (suffix -(e)ṯ), and one common plural form (suffix -(e)n), which parallels the distinction in borrowed Arabic adjectives. In this work, we analyze such lexemes as adjectives, while noting that these adjectives can be conjugated in some varieties, whether with special or regular markers. 528 The following table summarizes the variation in Senhaja in the marking of Berber adjectives, using the phrase 'You are small/young' as example. In (a), a nonconjugated adjective is used with the 2MS independent pronoun ḵeǧǧi (found in most Senhaja, except for Seddat), while in (b) and (c), the conjugated forms are used, and the gender is unmarked. In Zerqet, the three forms are not found within the same variety, but reflect dialectal preferences (cf. Section 7.4.2). The word for 'small' is mezzi or meẓẓi(y) in most Senhaja varieties, while Hmed employs the adjective meččiḵ.

The phrase 'you are young' in Senhaja

Ketama

Taghzut Seddat Hmed Bunsar Zerqet a) No person marking ḵeǧǧi

mezzi ḵeǧǧi mezzi --- ḵeǧǧi meččiḵ ḵeǧǧi mezzi ḵeǧǧi meẓẓi b) Special PNG --- mezzi-ḏ --- --- mezziy-eḏ meẓẓiy-eḏ c) Regular PNG --- --- ṯ-meẓẓi-ḏ --- --- ṯ-meẓẓiy-eḏ
As follows from the table, in Ketama and Hmed, adjectives are never conjugated, while in Seddat, cognate lexemes are always obligatorily conjugated with regular PNG affixes and are distinguished from regular verbs only by the lack of aspectual distinctions. For Seddat, such words are best analyzed as defective verbs. Finally, in some varieties (Taghzut, Bunsar, Zerqet), both conjugated and non-conjugated adjectives are found. Conjugation may be carried out by suffixes only (Taghzut, Bunsar), or can be regular (Zerqet). Conjugated adjectives (Taghzut, Bunsar, Zerqet) can be regarded as an intermediate category between adjectives and verbs. There is thus a continuum between non-verbs and verbs in Senhaja: Adjectives differ from verbs in that they mark only gender and number (and not person) and in that they have no MAN distinctions. Conjugated adjectives mark the person in addition to number and gender, which makes them similar to verbs, albeit they still lack MAN distinctions. In Seddat, there are no Berber adjectives, but only defective verbs.

The most frequent function of adjectives is the modification of a head noun.

Adjectives can also function as predicates (cf. Section 7.1). Adjectives obligatorily agree with the head noun in gender and number. Both Berber and Arabic adjectives distinguish three forms: masculine singular, feminine singular, and plural. 529 Zerqet optionally marks feminine plural. The adjective can be nominalized. In certain contexts, Arabic adjectives accept the Arabic article l-. 530 In varieties that have suffixal conjugation (Taghzut, Bunsar), not all verbs describing attributes have a special conjugation, and some attributive verbs have a regular marking, e.g. the verb ṣbaḥ /e/ (pan-Snh.) 'to be nice, beautiful'.

There are dialectal differences in the frequency of Arabic borrowed adjectives. While the Ketama variety often employs Arabic adjectives without any change in their morphology, in the Zerqet variety, these are often incorporated into the (regular) verbal class. Compare, for example:

-ašḵaṛṯ tqila (K), ṯašekkaṛṯ tqila (H) 'The bag is heavy' (adjective, FS);

-ṯašekkaṛṯ ṯ-eṯqi (H), ṯašekkaṛṯ ṯ-eḏqel (Z) '
The bag is heavy' (verb, 3FS).

In many Berber varieties, including Senhaja, some nouns can be used attributively, i.e. To sum up, different lexical categories can be used attributively in Senhaja:

adjectives (of Arabic and Berber origin, conjugated or not);

attributive nouns;

verbs (regular or defective).

For convenience, all these lexical categories can be referred to as "quality words". At the same time, it must be kept in mind that this denomination is not morphological:

nouns used as attributes have morphological characteristics of nouns, and verbs describing attributes have morphological characteristics of verbs. Adjectives are an innovation in Senhaja: Berber adjectives have developed from the stative verbs, while Arabic adjectives are a result of borrowing. In both Senhaja and Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 205), the following features are observed:

adjectives constitute a word class of their own, with defined features;

there are native Berber and borrowed Arabic adjectives, with different morphological markers;

the class of Berber adjectives is limited, while Arabic adjectives are numerous.

In most Senhaja varieties, Arabic adjectives differ from Berber adjectives in that they do not have the relative form (cf. Section 7.5.2).

Berber Adjectives

The following where it corresponds to the adjective meččiḵ. This lexeme shows variation in pharyngealization: mezzi is found in the majority of Senhaja, while pharyngealized ẓẓ is found in Zerqet. 533 In Bunsar and Zerqet, we observe the original form of the adjective (-iy) in combination with suffixes. 534 532 As mentioned previously, in Zerqet, the situation is more complicated, as the use of adjectives is complemented with the use of conjugated forms in specific persons (see Section 7.4). The Zerqet MS, FS, and PL (1P/3P) forms are included in this section, because they provide a parallel to the forms found in other Senhaja varieties. However, it must be kept in mind that the "plural" Zerqet form is not used with the 2P referent. By contrast, the Seddat forms that are obligatorily conjugated (i.e. always marked for person) are not provided in this section.

533 Cf. also Seddat meẓẓi which is obligatorily conjugated (Section 7.4). 534 In Senhaja, the final -iy > -i. 535 The marker -en functions both as an adjectival plural marker and 3P verbal marker. 536 In Ketama, all color terms are borrowed from Arabic.

Arabic Adjectives

Introduction

The majority of adjectives found in Senhaja originate from Arabic and preserve Arabic morphological marking. There are slightly over 60 Arabic adjectives in our database. It must be noted that some (morphological) participles can also function as adjectives (cf. Section 7.3). 537 Just like Berber adjectives, Arabic adjectives distinguish between masculine singular, feminine singular, and plural (with a possibility of marking feminine plural in Zerqet), but the markers themselves are different. In Arabic adjectives, there is a distinction between internal (apophonic) plurals and external plurals (i.e. those that are formed by means of suffixes). There is usually a correlation between the type of the plural and the structure of the base adjective.538

There is little variation in the marking of Arabic adjectives in Senhaja. Generally, the use of Arabic adjectives is more frequent in Western and Central Senhaja (Ketama, Taghzut, Seddat, Hmed) than in Eastern Senhaja (Zerqet, Mezduy). Also, many Arabic adjectives are integrated into the verbal class in Zerqet and Mezduy. Sometimes, the same root can be used to form an adjective and a verb, e.g. (Zerqet):

the adjective ṭwil 'tall' (FS ṭwila, PL ṭwalin, no MAN distinctions), and the verb ṭwil 'to be tall with MAN distinctions. 539 Integration of Arabic adjectives is also found in other Senhaja varieties including Ketama, but it is much more frequent in Zerqet. In Zerqet, many Arabic adjectives have cognate verbs, while this is not the case in Ketama. Some words are found only as verbs in Zerqet, while their cognates function only as adjectives in Ketama. The examples provided in this section are valid for most Senhaja varieties, unless explicitly mentioned otherwise.

Adjectives with External Plurals

The suffixes of Arabic adjectives are as follows: The following adjectives not referring to the color belong to the same structural type.

Marking of Arabic adjectives with external plurals

They are found in Ketama, Taghzut, and Hmed. The external plurals are also possible: in most Senhaja varieties. Taghzut allows for two options: the apophonic CCaC-in type as well as the external CCiC-in type. 548 The following examples are pan-Senhaja: 549

MS FS PL (K/T) PL (H) PL (K/T/H)

Special Cases

Some adjectives have irregular forms. In the adjective ḥlu 'sweet' (pan-Senhaja), w is inserted before suffixes:

MS FS PL Translation ḥlu ḥluw-a ḥluw-in sweet
Exceptionally, one adjective has the plural suffix -is in Zerqet (the Ikherruden dialect), and apophonic plural in the Bunjel dialect. In Ketama, the plural is external: ḫaṭir-in.

MS

FS PL Variety Translation

ḫaṭiṛ ḫaṭiṛ-a ḫaṭiṛ-is Z-Ikherruden dangerous 548 In this case, Taghzut behaves like Ghomara, where CCiC adjectives have external plurals (Mourigh 2015: 210). 549 In Zerqet, all these adjectives can also function as regular verbs. 550 There is an alternative apophonic plural form ždad (without the suffix -in) that is also pan-Senhaja. Both passive and active participles retain Arabic morphology in Senhaja. 554 The difference is that in Arabic, participles are derived from the corresponding verb root by applying a certain scheme, while in Senhaja, many participles do not share the root with the corresponding verb. Instead, they often have a suppletive relation to the native Berber verb. At this point, they show similar behavior to borrowed Arabic (C2 geminated) causatives (Section 3.3.6). Because one participle may be common to all Senhaja varieties while corresponding to different verbs in different varieties, the participles are listed in this chapter without corresponding base verbs.

MS FS PL (pan-Snh.) PL (T)

Participles, like adjectives, distinguish three forms: masculine singular, feminine singular, and plural. In Zerqet, a distinct feminine plural is optional. The suffixes are the same as used with Arabic adjectives (that have external plurals). The same suffixes apply to participles derived from native Berber verbs.

Participle marking

Scheme Variety

MS Ø all

FS -a all

PL -in all FP -aṯ Z

Passive (m-derived) Participles

There is a group of participles derived by the prefix m-(and applying a particular scheme to the root, see below). Such participles are usually referred to as passive participles, although they may not always be passive in meaning. Within these participles, we can distinguish different structural types that correspond to different types of Arabic base verbs.

Regular Types

mCCuC

A frequent type of passive participles has the form mCCuC. This type of participle is derived from base verbs with the shape CCC or CC:. Some examples follow. 554 The same is observed in Ghomara Berber:

Passive Participles in -i

When the participle ends in -i, either the glide yy is inserted before the feminine singular and the plural suffix (see the mCCi type below), or the final -i of the participle becomes y before the suffixes. 556 The plural suffix is realized as -in or -en in this case, depending on the variety (cf. adjectives on -i discussed above): -in is found in Taghzut and Hmed, vs. -en in Ketama and Zerqet.

mCCi

Participles of the type mCCi are usually derived from base verbs of the type CCV. 557 When participle has the type mCCi, yy is inserted before the feminine singular and the plural suffix. 558 When Senhaja speakers apply Arabic morphology to Berber verbs (e.g. to derive a passive form or a participle), they sometimes consider the resulting form as valid in (and coming from) Darija. For example, according to some Hmed speakers, ngi 'to push' is Berber, while mengi 'pushed' is Berber and Darija; berr 'bite' is Berber, but nebber 'to be bitten' and mnebber 'bitten' is Berber and Darija, and so on.

MS FS PL (T/H) PL (K/Z)

Generally, derivation of participles from Berber verbs remains marginal in Senhaja, both in terms of Senhaja varieties where this phenomenon is found, as well as in number (thus, even within Hmed, Arabic suppletive participles are much more common than participles derived of Berber verbs). Nevertheless, some examples are found, and are presented in this section.

The Berber verb 'to close' has a corresponding participle found in three Senhaja varieties (Ketama, Hmed, and Taghzut) Most participles derived from Berber verbs are found in Hmed. The following participles have irregular schemes, mC:u and muC:i (not found in participles derived from Arabic verbs). The example messu 'spread' demonstrates that in u-final 559 The participle msemmer derived from the Berber verb summer ('be in the sun', related to asammer 'sunny side of a hill' forms a minimal pair with mṣemmeṛ 'nailed; shod' derived from the Arabic verb ṣemmeṛ 'to nail'. The verb summer 'be in the sun' is not related to the Arabic (and sometimes used in Senhaja) adjective ṣmeṛ 'brown (of skin)'.

participles, the final u becomes w before feminine singular and plural suffixes. In the participle muġġi 'stuck' derived from uġġi 'to be stuck', the final -i goes back to the original -l (cf. Zerqet aġel 'to be stuck'). (Taghzut, Bunsar) allow for Berber adjectives to be conjugated.

MS

In Seddat, cognate lexemes are obligatorily conjugated, and are regarded as defective verbs. Furthermore, Arabic adjectives and participles can also be conjugated in

Taghzut, but not in other varieties. In Ketama and Hmed, adjectives and participles are not conjugated. 562 The adjectival conjugation found in Taghzut and Bunsar is carried out by suffixes only, and as such, it recalls the stative conjugation found in many Berber varieties (Kossmann 2009). However, conjugated adjectives are not regarded as stative verbs in this thesis, because they lack the MAN distinctions. See Taine-Cheikh 2003a on the adjectives and suffixal conjugation in Zenaga. In Senhaja, the situation is not exactly as in Zenaga. 563 Conjugated adjectives are akin defective verbs and are distinguished from them in Taghzut and Bunsar by the special marking. In Seddat, the conjugation of cognate lexemes is regular, making them defective verbs. The line between the conjugated adjectives and defective verbs is thus drawn based on morphological criteria. As noted previously, many Arabic adjectives have been incorporated into the verb class in Zerqet. In this case, they show not only agreement in person, but also MAN distinctions. For example, the Arabic adjective ṭwil 'tall' can function as a verb ('to be tall') in Zerqet, with the regular PNG marking and the Imperfective stem ṭṭwalay ('become taller and taller').

562 Ghomara Berber also does not have conjugated adjectives and participles (Mourigh 2015). 563 In the case of Zenaga, some words can be defined as adjectives, although they bear PNG markers, because there is also a Perfective (of the same root) that has regular conjugation.

In what follows, we will first discuss conjugated Berber adjectives in Taghzut and

Bunsar with the corresponding defective verbs in Seddat and corresponding lexemes in Zerqet. Conjugated Arabic adjectives and participles (only Taghzut) follow. In this section, only forms in affirmative contexts and with reference to the present situation are discussed. 564

Berber Adjectives

As mentioned previously, in parts of Senhaja (Ketama, Hmed), adjectives are never conjugated, while in other varieties (Taghzut, Bunsar), they can be optionally conjugated by means of the special marking (suffixes only). 565 In Seddat, cognate lexemes are obligatorily conjugated with the regular PNG affixes. They are regarded here as defective verbs. In Zerqet, the situation is special (see below).

According 564 For negation of such forms, see Section 7.6; for the reference to the future and past, auxiliaries are used (e.g. the verb 'to be' or 'to find', cf. Section 5.4. 565 In this thesis, we refer to this set as the special set (specific to the adjectival conjugation) to distinguish it from the regular set used with verbs (including defective verbs as in Seddat).

Following are paradigms for conjugated adjectives (and Seddat defective verbs) in Senhaja. In some forms (3MS and 3FS in the special set), there is no formal difference in the marking of non-conjugated and conjugated adjectives. In 2P, Bunsar has -n, Zerqet -m, while Taghzut shows variation (-n~-m). As usual, Zerqet (Ikherruden dialect) optionally distinguishes separate 2FP and 3FP forms (absent in Taghzut, Bunsar, and Seddat).

Conjugation of adjectives and defective verbs in Senhaja

Taghzut/Bunsar/Zerqet-

Bunjel (special set) Seddat (regular set) Zerqet-Ikherruden 1S X -(a)ġ 566 1S X -(a)ġ 1S X -(a)ġ 2S X -(e)ḏ 2S ṯ- X -(e)ḏ 2S ṯ- X -(e)ḏ 3MS X 3MS i- X 3MS i- X 3FS X -(e)ṯ 3FS ṯ- X 3FS ṯ- X (-(e)ṯ) 1P X -(e)n 1P n- X 1P n- X 2P X -(e)n (B/T) -(e)m (T/Z) 2P ṯ- X -(e)m 2P ṯ- X -(e)m 2FP 2FP 2FP ṯ- X -(e)mt 3P X -(e)n 3P X -(e)n 3P X -(e)n 3FP 3FP 3FP X -(e)nt
In Zerqet, different marking is found in different dialects (Bunjel and Ikherruden). In Bunjel, only suffixes are used (special set). In Ikherruden, the paradigm is similar to the regular one, except for 3FS, which can combine the prefix ṯ-and the suffix -ṯ (the suffix can be omitted). Unlike Taghzut and Bunsar, Zerqet does not allow the use of non-conjugated or conjugated adjectives in all persons. In Zerqet, depending on the variety, non-conjugated (Bunjel) or conjugated (Ikherruden) forms are found for the 1S. In 2P, the person is obligatorily marked in Zerqet (Bunjel -m, Ikherruden ṯ-...-m), while a common plural form found in other Senhaja varieties (...-n) is not used.

Following are paradigms for the conjugated adjective meqqeṛ~meqquṛ 'big, old' and Seddat defective verb 'to be big/old'. 567 566 In Bunjel, only the non-conjugated adjectives are found with 1S, with the gender marking (masculine X, feminine X-ṯ). 567 As mentioned previously, this word shows variation with regard to the status of u: it is unstable in Taghzut and Seddat (meqquṛ > meqqṛ-when followed by a suffix).

Conjugation of meqq(u)ṛ '(to be) big'

2S meqq(u)ṛ -eḏ ṯ-meqqṛ -eḏ ṯ- meqquṛ -eḏ 3MS meqq(u)ṛ i-meqquṛ i- meqquṛ 3FS meqq(u)ṛ -eṯ ṯ-meqquṛ ṯ- meqquṛ (-eṯ) 1P meqq(u)ṛ -en n-meqquṛ n- meqquṛ 2P meqq(u)ṛ -en (B/T) -em (T/Z) ṯ-meqqṛ -em ṯ- meqquṛ -em 2FP ṯ- meqquṛ -emt 3P meqq(u)ṛ -en meqqṛ -en meqquṛ -en 3FP meqquṛ -ent
The following table illustrates the conjugation of the adjective mezzi(y)~ meẓẓi(y)

'small, young' and the Seddat defective verb meẓẓi 'to be small/young'. 569

Conjugation of mezzi(y)~meẓẓi(y) '(to

3MS mezzi i-meẓẓi i- meẓẓi 3FS mezzi(y -e)ṯ ṯ-meẓẓi ṯ- meẓẓi(y -eṯ) 1P mezzi(y -e)n n-meẓẓi n- meẓẓi 2P mezzi(y -(e)n (B/T) -(e)m (T/Z) ṯ-meẓẓi -m ṯ- meẓẓiy -em 2FP ṯ- meẓẓiy -emt 3P mezzi(y -e)n meẓẓi -n meẓẓiy -en 3FP
meẓẓiy -ent 568 In Bunjel, only the non-conjugated adjectives are found with 1S. 569 As explained previously, this word shows variation with regard to pharyngealization (zz in Taghzut/Bunsar, ẓẓ in Seddat/Zerqet) and the final -y (present in Bunsar and Zerqet when followed by a suffix).

Arabic Adjectives and Participles

In Taghzut, borrowed Arabic adjectives and participles can also be conjugated. The PNG marking is similar, but not identical to the one found with Berber adjectives. The marking is different in that there is an extra vowel i before the PNG suffixes. The scheme and examples follow.

Conjugation of Arabic adjectives and participles in

Adjectives and Participles in Relativization Contexts

Adjectives and participles can occur in contexts of relativization. In Senhaja, only Berber adjectives have morphologically derived relative forms. Relative forms of adjectives function as modifiers. There are dialectal differences in the way the relative form of Berber adjectives is built. Arabic adjectives and participles can occur in relative constructions, but have no morphologically derived relative forms.

Berber Adjectives in Relativization Contexts

In Ketama, Taghzut, and Hmed, the relative form of Berber adjectives is built by the suffix -n alone and lacks the prefix i-. In Bunsar/Zerqet, the relative form of adjectives has the regular scheme as found with verbs, i-...-n. In Seddat, where cognate lexemes are obligatorily conjugated with regular PNG markers, the prefix is optional: (i-)...-n.

As with verbs, the relative form of adjectives normally follows the relative marker a or na. The relative form is unmarked for gender and number. However, in Taghzut, the relative marker preceding the relative form is a with a singular referent, and i with a plural referent. This is different from relative constructions with verbs, where the same marker a is used in all contexts. 571 Besides the relative form, there exists an alternative relative construction that can be used in relative clauses. In Ketama and Taghzut, its scheme is: a (relative marker) + ylla (a petrified 3MS Perfective form of the verb 'to be'), followed by nonrelative forms of adjectives.572 A similar construction is also found in Hmed, where the form of the verb 'to be' is optional. When it is present, it can be frozen (ylla), relative (yellan), or conjugated. In the rest of Senhaja (Seddat, Bunsar, Zerqet), an equivalent of this construction with the verb 'to be' in the Perfective is possible, but is only used with the reference to the past. a meqqṛu-n na (y-)meqqṛ-en na meqquṛ-en na y-meqquṛ-en~ n(aḏ) i-meqquṛ-en a meqqṛ-en (SG), i meqqṛ-en (PL) 571 Alternatively, one could posit that the relative marker is a in the singular (followed by the prefixless relative form), and that there is no relative marker in the plural (while i is the prefix of the relative form, as with regular verbs). In either case, there is a difference between the singular and plural forms, whether it is expressed in the relative marker or in the prefix.

Arabic adjectives and participles in relative constructions

There are no morphologically derived relative forms of Arabic adjectives and participles in Senhaja. 574 In Bunsar and Zerqet, seemingly, relative forms of Arabic adjectives are possible, with the same scheme as with the regular verbs and Berber adjectives (i-X-n). However, such relative forms are found only with those lexemes that have been incorporated into the regular verb class in these varieties, while those lexemes that function exclusively as adjectives have no relative forms. Therefore, such relative forms are derived from verbs rather than from adjectives. When Arabic adjectives or participles occur in relative constructions, they simply follow the relative marker (a, na), with the frozen form of the verb 'to be' in Ketama/ 1S NEG drink:IPF-1S NEG tea RM insipid 'I do not drink tea that is insipid.'

The Negation of the Adjectival and Participial Predicate

Negation of adjectival and participial predicates can be achieved by using the same means as negation of nominal predicates: by the negative form of the verb 'to be'

(Ketama/Taghzut/Hmed), or by a single negator maši. The negation with maši is considered an Arabism in Ketama/Taghzut, but can be used nevertheless, especially in specific contexts. 579 Taghzut has additional negation strategies (also used with nominal predicates): by means of the invariable uliš (~uniš), and by means of the negators u šay in succession (placed before the predicate). In addition, different from the nominal predicate, adjectival and participial predicates can be negated by the discontinuous negation ma... š/ši/šay. This variant is rare in Zerqet, and rare in Ketama with Berber adjectives (but possible with Arabic adjectives and participles). The discontinuous negation u...ši/ši/šay (with u as the first negator, as used with verbs) is also found in Ketama, Taghzut, and Hmed, but not in Zerqet. The discontinuous negation with u rather than ma as the first element is less frequent with Arabic adjectives and participles. The construction of the type NEG (u or ma) + 'to be' + predicate + š(i) is not encountered in Senhaja, different from Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 294).

The negation strategies are largely the same with Berber adjectives and Arabic adjectives and participles. The difference is that Arabic adjectives and participles are not conjugated in all varieties where Berber adjectives adjectives are conjugated, and that with the discontinuous negation, u... š is preferred with the Berber adjectives, while ma... š is preferred with the Arabic adjectives and participles. Another difference is that the negation by means of maši is more frequent with adjectives than with participles, and is considered less natural with participles in Taghzut and Zerqet. In Hmed, unlike in other parts of Senhaja, the negated form of the Arabic present relevance particle ṛa-(Section 5.4.4) can be used to achieve the negation of an 577 In the Hmed variety, the word messus can be used either as a Berber adjective or an Arabic adjective. 578 Cf. Zerqet-Ikherruden, with a relative form of the verb: nek u ssaɣ š atay na y-messus-en 'id.'.

579 As mentioned previously, the negator maši extends the scope of negation to the entire clause.

Variation in Senhaja

The following comments regarding the form of independent pronouns in Senhaja can be made:

1) Short and long(er) forms of pronouns

While most varieties know "short" and "long(er)" forms of independent pronouns, In Seddat and Zerqet, both variants exist for 2MS: ḵeǧ/keg, while only ḵ is found in 2FS (ḵem). In Bunsar, k vs. ḵ depends on the dialect: Tamadit k corresponds to ḵ in other dialects (2MS keǧ/ḵeǧ, 2FS kem/ḵem, 2P keniwi/ḵeniwi).

their

3) t > h (3FS)

The h in Ketama and Taghzut 3FS nettaha/nțțaha corresponds to ṯ in other Senhaja varieties (nt(t)aṯa and variants). The original ṯ (< t) became h in Ketama and Taghzut.

On ṯ > h > Ø (second stage of spirantization), see Section 2.1.4.2. In nettaha, ṯ is preserved as h probably due to its intervocalic position. Cf. also clitic pronouns of the third person, where ṯ becomes h in intervocalic position.

4) tt > țț (3MS, 3FS)

In 3MS and 3FS pronouns, tt became țț in Taghzut and Hmed (e.g. 3MS netta > nețța).

In Seddat, tt > țț in the dialects of Talarwak and Tidwin.

5) Gemination (1S, 2FS, 3MS, 3FS)

In Senhaja Berber, tense consonants are usually degeminated word-finally or when not followed by a vowel.

7) 3P pronoun

There are many forms of the 3P pronoun in Senhaja: Ketama and Taghzut nehnim,

Seddat ntumi (Talarwak nțumi), Bunsar nimi, ntumi, numi, Hmed nehnam(i), nehnum(i),
Zerqet ntami, ntumi.

8) 2FP and 3FP

In the majority of Senhaja, gender is distinguished only in second and third person singular in independent pronouns. Only the easternmost Senhaja varieties (Zerqet and Mezduy) allow for a gender distinction in the second and third person plural. In these varieties, the 2FP and 3FP forms refer to groups of women or feminine nouns.

However, it is also possible to use the common 2P and 3P pronouns in this case. The distinct 3FP pronouns are more frequently used than 2FP pronouns.

The following table compares independent pronouns in Senhaja, Ghomara (Mourigh 2015), and Bujay (Tarifiyt). For Tarifiyt in general, see Lafkioui 2007a.

Ghomara, Senhaja, and Bujay independent pronouns

Ghomara

Pronominal Suffixes with Nouns and Prepositions

There are two kinds of pronominal suffixes in Senhaja: those used with nouns (with a limited set of kinship terms, see Section 8.3.1 and cf. Appendix 3 on the kinship terminology) and those used with prepositions (Section 8.3.2).

Pronominal Suffixes with Kinship Terms

Some kinship terms accept pronominal suffixes to express possession.

Examples of pronominal suffixes with kinship terms

The following table compares pronominal suffixes used with kinship terms in Senhaja, Ghomara (Mourigh 2015), and Bujay Tarifiyt. 585

Ghomara, Senhaja, and Bujay kinship pronominal suffixes

Pronominal Suffixes with Prepositions

Overview of Forms and Examples

In Senhaja (as in other Berber varieties), pronouns can be suffixed to prepositions.

Often, the form of the preposition used with pronominal suffixes differs from the corresponding form used before a noun (cf. Section 9.2). The following

Ø Ø Ø 1P --- -na(ġ), -ṯ-neġ, ----ṯ-neġ 2MS -ḵ -ḵ -ḵ 2P --- -wen, -ṯ-wen, ----ṯ-kum 2FS -m -m -m 2FP --- (-went), --- -ṯ-ḵend 3S -s -s -s 3P --- -sen, -ṯ-sen, --- -ṯ-sen 3FP --- (-sent), --- -ṯ-

Pronominal suffixes following preposition 'with' (comitative)

iḏ-

(K/T) kiḏ- (H/Z/M) iḏ- (K/T) kiḏ- (H/Z/M) 1S iḏ-i kiḏ-i 1P iḏ-na (K/T2), iḏ-neġ (T1) kiḏ-naġ, kiḏ-neġ (M) 2MS iḏ-eḵ kiḏ-eḵ 2P iḏ-un (K/T2),
iḏ-wen (T1) kiḏ-wen (kiḏ-wem)

2FS

iḏ-em kiḏ-em 2FP ---kiḏ-went (Z)

3S

iḏ-es kiḏ-es 3P iḏ-sen kiḏ-sen

3FP

---kiḏ-sent (Z/M), kiḏ-send (M)

Prepositional Suffixes in Senhaja, Ghomara, and Tarifiyt

The following table compares pronominal suffixes in Senhaja, Ghomara (Mourigh 2015), and Bujay Tarifiyt. 586

Ghomara, Senhaja, and Bujay pronominal suffixes 586 For forms of pronominal suffixes found in different Tarifit varieties, see Lafkioui 2007a. include the final -a, or whether a is the following relative marker (see below). In Taghzut, the bare pronominal head is rarely used with a plural referent when followed by a relative form of the verb, but can be found with adjectives. In this case, the vowel a alternates with i in the plural, although the variant with a is also found. Again, the final a can be analyzed as the following relative marker. In Zerqet, the gender is obligatorily distinguished both in the singular and in the plural. The masculine singular and plural forms are identical, while the feminine singular is identical with the feminine plural.589 the pronominal heads include the final vowel a (Taghzut i in the plural), or if a is the following relative marker (Taghzut i with the following plural relative forms of adjectives). There are basically three scenarios: 1) a is part of the pronominal head;

Ghm

Snh Bujay Ghm Snh Bujay 1S -i, -y -i -i 1P -naḫ -naġ, -neġ, -na -neġ 2MS

MS

2) a is the following relative marker; 3) there are two vowels underlyingly, but they coalesce. These different scenarios yield the same surface form, so the difference is only visible in the gloss:

1) a as part of the pronominal head The existence of the form wi y-fesd ̱̣ -en in Taghzut suggests that at least in this variety, the final -i is better understood as part of the pronominal form itself, as the following relative marker must be a (with relative forms of the verb).

Pronominal Heads in Genitive constructions

The use of pronominal elements with Genitival modifying phrases has been found throughout Senhaja. Again, only Taghzut variety marks number. In most varieties (Ketama, Seddat, Hmed, and Bunsar), the masculine singular and the common plural forms are identical. In Zerqet and Mezduy, there is a distinction in gender (both with the singular and plural referents), while the number is unmarked (MS=MP, FS=FP). For the varieties with the long n, the situation is clear: the pronoun ends in -n and is followed by the Genitive n. However, also for the varieties without gemination (H/Z/M), the underlying construction can be the same, while the Genitive n is simply assimilated to the following u-of the EA (cf. Section 2.4.1.3). In Ketama, where gemination is optional, the alternative form of the pronoun could be wi. This, in fact, could have also been the original form of the pronominal head followed by the relative clauses, while wa would be a combination of the pronoun wi with the following relative marker a. In either case, pronominal heads are unmarked for number in Ketama.

MS

Demonstrative Pronouns

Demonstratives are linguistic expressions serving "to coordinate the interlocutors' joint focus of attention" on a reference object (Diessel 2006: 464). 590 In Senhaja, with some caveats, most demonstrative pronouns can be analyzed as pronominal heads with deictic clitics (cf. Section 6.6). Again, there is a three-way distinction in exophoric deixis (proximal, medial, and distal) There is not always a one-to-one correspondence. Thus, in many varieties (H/S/B/Z/M), the proximal clitic is yya (although dda is found in parts of Hmed and Bunsar), while the proximal demonstrative pronoun is wad(d)a. Similarly, in these same varieties, the distal clitic is yyen (although ddin is found in parts of Hmed and Bunsar), while the distal demonstrative pronoun is wadin.

592 Bunsar: MP wida ~ winda; FP wi(n)da (same as MP) ~ ṯida ~ ṯinda. 593 The Ikherruden dialect differs from Bunjel and Wersan dialects in spirantization. For example, for MS:PROX, waḏa is found in Ikherruden, while wada is found in Bunjel and Wersan. Arabic independent pronouns are used in specific contexts in Senhaja. There is a grammaticalization (and specialization) of independent pronouns in some types of presentatives and in referentials. Arabic pronominal suffixes occur in combination with some borrowed Arabic prepositions and other elements. They cannot be suffixed to words of Berber origin, except for the š-a^taft-construction (cf. Section 5.4.2.2). On the other hand, some elements of Arabic origin can take both Arabic and Berber suffixes. There is also dialectal variation. In Eastern Senhaja (Zerqet), the use of Arabic pronominal suffixes is limited to borrowed fixed expressions.

Arabic Independent Pronouns

In Ketama, Taghzut, and Hmed, Arabic third person independent pronouns (in full or abbreviated forms) can occur following the presentative ha 'here'.599 Berber (personal or demonstrative) pronouns can also be used following ha.600 In the following example, ha is followed by a native Berber independent pronoun in (a), and by a borrowed Arabic independent pronoun in (b):

(

) (a) ha netta (K) (b) ha huwwa (K) 5
here he 'Here he is.'

Arabic Pronominal Suffixes

Overview of Forms

Arabic pronominal suffixes are found in Senhaja in combination with some Arabic borrowed elements (see below). 601 The following table lists Arabic pronominal suffixes.

Arabic pronominal suffixes

In some cases (following certain elements and depending on the variety), the Arabic pronouns can be freely substituted by the Berber pronominal suffixes. Different from Berber pronominal suffixes, the Arabic paradigm distinguishes gender in the third person singular (3MS -u vs. 3FS -ha), while it does not distinguish gender in the second person singular (2S ḵ). In the 2S pronoun, there is a minor difference between the form following a consonant (-eḵ) and a vowel (-ḵ). The Arabic and Berber pronominal suffixes coincide in some cases, e.g. in the 1S (-i). They also partly coincide in the second person: Arabic 2S (common gender) and the Berber 2MS -ḵ. For the 1P, Arabic -na is distinct from the Berber -naġ in the majority of Senhaja (cf. neġ in parts of Taghzut, Seddat, and Mezduy), but is homophonous with the Ketama Berber 1S -na.

The following table compares the forms.

Berber and Arabic pronominal suffixes

Berber Arabic Berber Arabic

1S -i -i, -ni, -ya 1P -naġ, -neġ, -na -na 2MS -ḵ -ḵ 2P -wen, -un ḵum/kum 2FS -m =2MS 2P 3MS -s -h, -u 3P -sen -hum, hem, em 3FS
=3MS -ha, -a 601 Cf. Mourigh 2015: 236 for Ghomara. Different from Ghomara, Senhaja does not use Arabic suffixes with Arabic borrowed verbs. 602 In the 2P ḵum/kum, ḵ and k are in free variation here, as elsewhere.

Singular Plural

1S -i, -ni, -ya 1P -na 2S -ḵ 2P -ḵum/kum 602 3MS -h, -u 3P -hum, hem, em 3FS -ha, -a

Elements that Take Arabic Pronominal Suffixes

The following elements have been found in combination with Arabic pronominal suffixes at least in some parts of Senhaja:

The elements baɛd ̱̣ (iyaṯ-) and binaṯ-can be used in reciprocals. The constructions b ras-, b nefs, b yedd-/bidat-express 'by oneself'. On the presentative/present relevance ṛa-, cf.

Section 5.4.4. On ḥsab(l), cf. Section 3.4.4 on impersonal verbs. The construction š-a^taft-is of Berber origin (based on the verb af 'to find'), but takes Arabic pronominal suffixes. The last two words can occur with and without the suffixed pronouns.

Various fixed expressions are discussed in Section 8.6.2.3.

1) bi-

In Arabic, bi-is the instrumental preposition 'with'. In Senhaja, there is a native Berber equivalent s (cf. Section 9.2.1). The Arabic bi-followed by Arabic pronominal suffixes is only found in a number of collocations:

bla bi-'without' (Ketama/Taghzut/Hmed), e.g. bla bi-ya 'without me'; 603 603 In these same varieties, a variant with bla ('without') followed by the Berber Ablative preposition also occurs. This construction takes native Berber pronominal suffixes. The element fḥal (K-Talghunt, cf. K bḥal, H ḇḥal, T ḥḥal, M bḥar) originally consists of the preposition f-'in' (locative) + ḥal 'situation'. In Ketama (esp. in the Talghunt dialect), it can take both Arabic and Berber pronominal suffixes. In the rest of Senhaja, it takes only Berber pronominal suffixes. However, the Berber 1P suffix naġ is not used, and the Arabic -na is used instead.

Form

5) ɛend-'look out!'

In Senhaja, the use of the Arabic element ɛend-('at' and other meanings) is limited to warnings. In Ketama and Taghzut, ɛend-obligatorily takes Arabic pronominal suffixes.

In Hmed and Zerqet, both Arabic and Berber pronouns are possible. 607 With the 2P suffix, there is an optional extra element a in most varieties (K/T/H). The Arabic 2P suffix is not used in Zerqet with this word. 607 As discussed in Section 5.3.4, in Zerqet, there exists a Berber equivalent based on the pseudo-verb ġar-(distinct from the preposition ġur-'at').

(-iṯ)-(h)a bwaḥḏ-i-na =3MS =3MS 1P bwaḥḏ -i(ṯ)-na bwaḥḏ (-iṯ)-na bwaḥḏ-i-wen ḇeḥḏ-i-neġ weḥḏ-a-naġ weḥḥeḏ-naġ (Z)/-neġ (M) 2P bwaḥḏ- i(ṯ)-kum bwaḥḏ (-iṯ)-kum bwaḥḏ-i-sen ḇeḥḏ-i-wen weḥḏ-a-wen weḥḥeḏ-wen 3P bwaḥḏ- i(ṯ-)hum bwaḥḏ (-iṯ)-hum ḇeḥḏ-i-sen
weḥḏ-a-sen weḥḥeḏ-sen

6) b nisba li-'as far as'

The expression b nisba li-'as for' takes Arabic pronominal suffixes in Hmed variety. An alternative construction (and the only one found in the rest of Senhaja) consists of b nisba + the Dative i 'for' followed by Berber independent pronouns, e.g. b nisba l-i ~ b nisba li-ya (with an Arabic suffix), and b nisba i nekki (H/pan-Snh.) 'as for me'.

7) baɛd ̱̣ (iyaṯ)-'each other' and binaṯ-'between; each other'

The borrowed baɛd ̱̣ (iyaṯ)-'each other' found in Ketama, Taghzut, and Hmed, takes Arabic (plural) pronominal suffixes and is used in reciprocals. 608 The preposition binaṯis found across Senhaja. Besides its literal meaning 'between', it can be also used to express reciprocity at least in parts of Senhaja. This preposition normally takes Arabic (plural) pronominal suffixes. In Zerqet, Berber pronominal suffixes are also possible in 2P and 3P (but not in 1P).

8) b ras-'by oneself', (b) nefs-'(by) oneself'

The Arabic construction b ras-(literally 'with one's head', the equivalent of the Berber construction s uzellif n-'with one's head') is found in Ketama and Hmed. It takes Arabic pronominal suffixes that cannot be substituted by the Berber ones.

The noun nnefs has different meanings including 'self' and can be followed by the Berber Genitive phrase with n-. In Hmed, alongside nnefs, there is the form nefs-(without the Arabic article) that takes Arabic pronominal suffixes, e.g. nefs-u 'himself'.

The construction b nefs-with the Arabic instrumental preposition expresses 'by oneself'

(synonymous of b ras-).

608 Cf. Ghomara baɛṭiyaṯ-/baɛṭ-and, rarely, baɛd ̱̣ -, similarly followed by the Arabic suffixes (Mourigh 2015: 239). The constructions based on bɛaḍ~ bɛaṭ are also found in Mzab, Nefusa, and Awjila (Kossmann 2013a: 297).

Ketama

10) ṛa-(present relevance)

On the element ṛa-(present relevance, locative), cf. Section 5.4.4. In Hmed, the element ṛa-takes Arabic suffixes, but there are some peculiarities. In the second person, alongside the common gender ṛa-k/ṛa-ḵ (as in Arabic), the specifically feminine ṛa-kem/ṛa-ḵem is also used. In 1P, alongside ṛa-na, there is also ṛa-naġ.

11) ḥsab(l)-'to seem to'

On ḥsab(l-) (and Zerqet sḥab(l-)) as an impersonal verb that can take Berber IO pronominal clitics in most varieties, cf. Section 3.4.4. In Ketama, ḥsab(l) either takes the Arabic pronominal suffixes, or the Berber pronominal suffixes (as found following prepositions). The Arabic Dative preposition l can (optionally) be used. For the 2FS, rather than using the Arabic form ḥsab(-l)-eḵ (=2MS), the specifically feminine Berber ḥsab(-l)-em is preferred. The following table compares the forms with Arabic and Berber suffixes found in Ketama.

Singular Plural +Arabic sfx. +Berber sfx. +Arabic sfx. +Berber sfx.

1S

ḥsab(-l)-i ḥsab(-l)-i 1P ḥsab(-l(i))-na ḥsab(-l)-na 2MS ḥsab(-l)-eḵ ḥsab(-l)-ek 2P ḥsab(-l(i))-ḵum ḥsab(-l)-un 2FS (ḥsab(-l)-eḵ) ḥsab(-l)-em 3MS ḥsab(-l)-u ḥsab(-l)-es 3P ḥsab(-l((i))-hum ḥsab(-l)-sen 3FS ḥsab(-l(i))-ha ḥsab(-l)-es

12) š-a^taft (future) and țaft-(habitual)

The construction š-a^taft used as a future marker has been discussed in Section 5.4.2.2.

Cf. Section 5.4.3 on țaft-as a marker of the habitual/progressive. As has been mentioned previously, these constructions are grammaticalizations based on the Berber verb af 'to find'. It is the only case we are aware of where a native Berber verb (albeit grammaticalized) takes Arabic pronominal forms. For the second person, the Arabic suffix -ḵ can be used both for the masculine and feminine, but there are also specifically feminine forms š-a taft-em (future) and țaft-em (habitual) with a Berber 2FS pronominal suffix. No other Berber pronominal suffixes are accepted in these constructions. The verb af 'to find' is also used in other Senhaja varieties, but it has not been grammaticalized in other varieties to such an extent. In Hmed, outside these constructions, the verb af takes the usual Berber PNG subject markers (e.g. š-a^t-af-eḏ 'you (sg.) will find', țaf-eḏ 'you (sg.) find') and pronominal clitics. The clitics are fronted in the Aorist following the future marker š-a. In Hmed, all these constructions (future š-a^taft-and š-a^t-af-eḏ, imperfective țaft-and țaf-eḏ) can be combined with the second person pronouns. This is impossible for š-a^t-af-eḏ in Zerqet, for example, where the verb has not been grammaticalized as in Hmed. The following table lists the Hmed forms with a reference to the future (taft) and present/habitual (țaf). In țaf-eḏ 'you find', the final -ḏ (2S subject suffix) can be freely omitted before the verbal clitics:

š-a^taft-ni š-a y=ṯ-af-eḏ țaft-ni țaf(-ḏ)=ay 2MS š-a^taft-eḵ š-a k=ṯ-af-eḏ țaft-eḵ țaf(-ḏ)=aḵ 2FS š-a^taft-eḵ 609 š-a kem=ṯ-af-eḏ țaft-eḵ 610 țaf(-ḏ)=akem 3MS š-a^taft-u š-a t=t-af-eḏ țaft-u țaf(-ḏ)=iṯ, țaf^t 3FS š-a^taft-ha š-a ț=ṯ-af-eḏ țaft-ha țaf(-ḏ)=iț, țaf=ț 1P š-a^taft-na š-a ġen=ṯ-af-eḏ țaft-na țaf(-ḏ)=anaġ 2P š-a^taft-ḵum š-a kʷen=ṯ-af-eḏ țaft-ḵum țaf(-ḏ)=akʷen 3P š-a^taft-hum š-a hen=ṯ-af-eḏ țaft-hum țaf-t^ten
609 Also: š-a^taft-em, with the Berber 2FS suffix pronoun.

610 Also: țaft-em.

13) ɛemmeṛ 'never'

The element ɛemmeṛ has the sense 'never (in one's life)'. Compare the noun lɛmeṛ (without gemination) 'life, lifespan'. In Ketama and Taghzut, ɛemmeṛ takes Arabic pronominal suffixes. In 1S, the suffix -i is used alongside -ni: ɛemmṛ-i~ ɛemmeṛ-ni '(never) in my life'. The suffix -ni has only been found with this word. 611 In Hmed, both Arabic and Berber pronominal suffixes can be used with this word, with the exception of 1P, where only the Arabic -na is found. In Seddat and Zerqet, ɛemmeṛ remains unchanged in all persons, and occurs in free variation with ɛemmeṛs (cf. Mezduy invariable ɛemmaṛs). The latter is an amalgam of ɛemmeṛ (Mezduy ɛemmaṛ) and the (frozen) Berber 3S pronominal suffix. In Hmed, the frozen ɛem(m)ṛes (with a different syllabification) has also been found, while the variant with an invariable ɛemmeṛ is rare.

14) mul 'owner'

The noun mul (FS mulaṯ, PL mwalin) 'owner, lord' can appear without pronominal suffixes. It is used in mul + NOUN 'the owner of X' constructions (cf. Section 6.5.5).

This word can take Arabic third person pronominal suffixes (across Senhaja). With the plural form of the noun (mwali), the construction with the Genitive preposition nfollowed by the Berber pronominal suffixes is also accepted in Taghzut and Hmed (e.g.

mwali nn-es 'his/her owners').

Fixed Expressions

There are also some other fixed expressions with Arabic pronominal suffixes. It is mostly in fixed expressions that Arabic pronouns are found in Eastern Senhaja (Zerqet, Mezduy), and even in some of these expressions, Berber pronominal suffixes also occur. The expression mreḥba bi-'welcome' was discussed above. The following examples also contain Arabic pronouns: 611 In Arabic, the 1S -ni usually follows the verbal forms, vs. 1S -i that follows nominal forms. In Arabic, both ɛemmṛ-i and ɛemmeṛ-ni are used. The following expression (synonymous of the above) also contains an Arabic suffix pronoun:

MS

(14) debber ras-eḵ (K/T/S/H) tebber ras-eḵ (Z) provide:IMP:SG head-2S

'Provide for yourself', 'Solve your own problems!'

In Seddat, Hmed, and Zerqet, a variant with a Berber 2FS pronominal suffix -em is also used. The suffix is immediately attached to ras-:

(15) debber ras-em (S/H) tebber ras-em (Z) provide:IMP:SG head-2FS

'Provide for yourself', 'Solve your own problems!' 612 The variant maši ssuq nn-es with the Genitive construction n-is also used in Hmed. 613 The variant maši ššġul (Ketama ššġuy, Mezduy ššġur) nn-es also occurs. In Mezduy, this expression contains the predicative particle ḏ: maši ḏ ššġur nn-es.

In Ketama and Taghzut, the above construction is not used. Instead, the entire expression is in Arabic, and the verb takes the Arabic Imperative FS form with the suffix -i:

(16) debbr-i ras-ek (K/T) provide:IMP.FS head-2S

'Provide for yourself', 'Solve your own problems!'

In the second person plural, in Ketama and provide:IMP:SG head-2P

'Provide for yourselves', 'Solve your own problems!'

Conclusions

There are native Berber and borrowed Arabic pronouns in Senhaja. The major types of Berber pronouns are the independent (free) pronouns and bound pronouns. Bound pronouns include clitic pronouns (part of the verb complex) and pronominal suffixes.

Berber pronouns

Independent personal pronouns in Senhaja express person, number, and gender. The gender is distinguished in the 2S and 3S across Senhaja, and in 2P and 3P only in Eastern Senhaja (Zerqet/Mezduy). Some pronouns have different forms which are either in free variation or reflect dialectal preferences. Some pronouns have a short and a long form. Varieties differ in spirantization of k (>ḵ) (2S, 2P), ṯ > h (3FS), t > ț (Hmed, Taghzut in 3MS, 3FS), vowel u vs. e (1P, 2P).

614 Concerning the verb form, in Ketama, the Arabic imperative plural form with the suffix -u is used. In Hmed and Zerqet, the form of the verb remains unchanged. In Taghzut and Seddat, both forms of the verb are possible.

Pronominal suffixes are pronouns suffixed to a limited set of kinship nouns and to prepositions. Some kinship terms (belonging to class III, non-affix nouns) accept pronominal suffixes to express possession, while regular nouns use the Genitive construction with n 'of'. In the absence of any suffix, the 1S reference is understood, e.g. gma 'my brother' > gma-s 'his/her brother' (suffix -s). In singular suffixes, there is no variation in Senhaja: 2MS ḵ, 2FS m, 3S s. Variations is found in the plural forms. In Mezduy, with plural forms of suffixes, ṯ is inserted between the kinship term and the suffix (as in Tarifiyt). The distinct 2FP and 3FP forms are rare even in Eastern Senhaja.

In Ketama and Taghzut, plural pronominal suffixes are not used in some dialects.

Pronouns can be suffixed to prepositions. The forms are largely the same as pronominal suffixes with kinship nouns, with some differences:

-there is a difference in 1S: no suffix with kinship nouns, -i with prepositions;

-Mezduy does not insert ṯ between the preposition and the plural suffixes;

-Ketama and Taghzut accept plural suffixes with prepositions.

The Genitive preposition n-followed by the pronominal suffixes expresses possession.

The preposition has the form n-when followed by a consonant, and nn-when followed by a vowel, including schwa. The 1S form inu is irregular.

When a Noun Phrase is constituted by a pronominal form followed by a determination, such as a relative or a possessive phrase, special pronominal forms can be used, called pronominal heads. Bare pronominal heads can function as heads of relative phrases in Ketama, Taghzut, and Zerqet. In Ketama, the masculine singular and the (common) plural forms are identical. In Zerqet, the masculine singular and the masculine plural forms are identical, while the feminine plural is distinct. Only

Taghzut allows for a distinct plural marking (optional with relative forms of the verb).

Most demonstrative pronouns can be analyzed as pronominal heads with deictic clitics. There is a three-way distinction in exophoric deixis (proximal, medial, and distal) in most varieties, with the additional anaphoric demonstratives. Ketama and Taghzut employ the distal demonstrative as anaphoric. Most varieties distinguish masculine singular, feminine singular, and common plural forms. Some varieties (Zerqet, Mezduy, Seddat, and optionally, Bunsar) distinguish a separate FP form. In postnominal deictics, only Ketama and Taghzut mark the number. In bare pronominal heads, only Taghzut marks the number. In demonstratives, the number is marked in all varieties.

The words for 'other' are also based on pronominal heads. As in demonstratives, the number is marked across Senhaja. Except Mezduy, the same forms can be used on their own (as head nouns) or follow a noun. Central and Eastern Senhaja (H/B/Z/M) also have a different word for 'other', invariable for gender and number, that only functions as a modifier: yad ̱̣ en (H/B) and nnad ̱̣ en (Z/M).

The major variants of indefinite pronouns are: ay (most varieties), nda; ši (Ketama), ța and ḫi (Taghzut). The indefinite pronoun a(y) can take exophoric deictic clitics in Hmed and Bunsar, but not in Zerqet or Mezduy, where it can only take the anaphoric clitic. The pronouns nda (K) and ța or ḫi (T) do not occur with clitics, but ši (K) does.

Borrowed Arabic Pronouns

Arabic third person independent pronouns, full or abbreviated, are found in Western Senhaja (K/T/H) in specific contexts, such as presentatives, following the presentative ha 'here'. With non-third person pronouns, only Berber pronouns are used.

Arabic pronominal suffixes are found across Senhaja with some borrowed Arabic elements. They normally cannot be suffixed to words of Berber origin (with one exception). Different from Berber suffixes, the Arabic paradigm distinguishes gender in the third person singular (3MS -u vs. 3FS -ha), while it does not distinguish gender in the second person singular (2S (e)ḵ). The Arabic and Berber suffixes coincide in 1S (i), and in 1P in Ketama (-na). They also partly coincide in the second person: Arabic 2S/Berber 2MS -ḵ. Depending on the lexeme and the variety, the Arabic suffixes can be in free variation with the Berber suffixes (in all persons or in specific persons). With some elements (e.g. men ġir-'except', ɛemmeṛ 'never', and fḥal-'(one's) home/way'),

the Arabic 1P forms are preferred above the Berber forms even in those varieties that employ Berber suffixes with these elements (Z/M). Usually, in Eastern Senhaja, the use of Arabic suffixes is limited to borrowed fixed expressions, such as mreḥba bi-'welcome'.

The constructions š-a^taft-and țaf-used in Hmed as markers of future and habitual, respectively, are Berber in origin, but accept Arabic suffixes. They are grammaticalizations of the Berber verb af 'to find'. In other Senhaja varieties, the verb af has not been grammaticalized, and does not accept Arabic suffixes.

(1) netta g uḫyam (K) he in house:EA 'He is at home.'

(2) netta iḏ-es (K) he with-3S

'He is with him/her.'

(3) netta aštin n Muḥemmeḏ (K) netta anešt n Muḥemmeḏ (Z) he as.big.

as of Mohammed

'He is as big/old as Muhammed.'

The negation of the prepositional predicate is discussed in Section 9.7.

Simple Prepositions

Simple prepositions can be divided into three groups according to the state of the noun that follows: 617 1) those that take nouns in EA (Etat d'annexion);

2) those that (dialectally) take nouns in a specific form of EA;

3) those that take nouns in EL.

The majority of prepositions takes EA (group 1, Section 9.2.1). In parts of Senhaja (Taghzut, Hmed, Zerqet), nouns following prepositions ending in -gʷ take a special form of EA lacking a full vowel (Section 9.2.2). Finally, a third group of prepositions take nouns in EL (obligatorily or optionally), see Section 9.2.3. There are dialectal differences: some prepositions take nouns in EA in some varieties, but can take EL in others. Following some prepositions, the state of the noun is linked to the gender.

Thus, following the Allative za 'to' in Hmed/Zerqet, masculine nouns of class I take EL, while feminine nouns take EA. 618 Following ffir 'after' in these same varieties, masculine nouns can be either in EL or EA, while feminine nouns tend to be in EL (while EA is also accepted).

617 See Section 6.1.1. 3 and Mettouchi & Frajzyngier 2013 on the theoretical issues of states in Berber.

There are other ways to divide simple prepositions, e.g. those that remain unchanged whether followed by a noun or a pronoun, and those that have two forms (when followed by a noun vs. by a pronoun).

9.2.1.

Prepositions that Take EA

Overview

The following table presents simple prepositions that take nouns in EA. Some details and examples follow the table.

Simple prepositions that take EA nouns

n 'of' (Genitive)

The Genitive preposition n is used to link two nouns (see below on assimilations). It also features as part of some complex prepositions (Section 9.3.1), optionally or obligatorily, and in locative expressions (Section 9.4). In many cases, it is used to express possession, e.g.

n urgaz (K/T/S), n uryaz (H/Z) 'of the man';

n emġarṯ (K), n ṯemġarṯ (H), n temġarṯ (Z) 'of the woman'

The preposition n can be optionally assimilated to the following u-(EA prefix of ainitial masculine singular nouns) across Senhaja (cf. Section 2.4.1.3), e.g. In such cases, i.e. when the preposition n is optionally pronounced (but is underlyingly there), we write n in parentheses, e.g.

Translation +Noun +Pronominal suffix K H Z K H Z of (Genitive) n n n n(n)- n(n)- n(n)- with (Comitative) iḏ kiḏ (i)k iḏ- kiḏ- (i)kiḏ- with (Instrument.) s s s sgi(g)-iyyes(s)-zi(yy)- at (Fr. 'chez') ġu(ḏ), gu(ḏ) ġu(r) ġu(r) ġur- ġur- ġur- on af ḫ ḫ aḫf- ḫf- ḫḫ- (5) aġrum (n) uḫyam (K/Z)
bread:EL of house:EA 'the bread of the house.'

The preposition n can optionally be assimilated to the following l (across Senhaja), e.g.

n lebhima ~ l^lebhima (K/H/Z) 'of the donkey';

n lefžer ~ l^lefžer (K/H/Z) 'of the daybreak';

žžuž n lkelmaṯ > žžuž (l^)lkelmaṯ (K/H/Z) 'two words'.

The preposition has the form n~nn-with pronominal suffixes. The first person singular has an irregular form: 619

inu (pan-Snh.) 'my' (of:1S);

nn-es (pan-Snh.) 'his/her' (of-3S);

nn-un (K), n-wen (T/S/H/B/Z/M) 'your (PL)' (of-2P).

iḏ (K)/kiḏ (H)/(i)k (Z) 'with' (Comitative)

The comitative preposition has the same form iḏ in Ketama and kiḏ in Hmed whether followed by a noun or a pronominal suffix. In Zerqet, there is a difference: (i)k is used before nouns, and (i)kiḏ-before pronouns. The preposition takes nouns in EA in all varieties, e.g. 620 (6) (a) i-dda =d kiḏ umdakkʷi nn-es (H) 3MS-go:P =VC with friend:EA of-3S

(b) i-wsa =d (i)k umddakkʷel nn-es (Z)
3MS-come:P=VC with friend:EA of-3

'He came with his friend.'

In Ketama, the preposition iḏ behaves differently from Hmed/Zerqet, in that it cannot follow a verb, but must follow a (pro)noun. For the discussion of this phenomenon and the grammaticalization process behind, see Souag 2015b. 621 In the following example, 619 On the Genitive preposition n in combination with pronominal suffixes, cf. Section 8.3.2.3.

620 However, one young speaker (25 years old) from the Hmed region (Tafurnut) accepts nouns in EL following this preposition. Other speakers from the same village agreed that "different variants are possible", but have consistently used EA nouns in their own speech.

the pronoun netta 'he' cannot be omitted: construction in (a) is ungrammatical; the grammatical construction must have a noun or a pronoun before iḏ, as in (b):

(7) (a) *i-dda =d iḏ umdakkuy nn-es (K)

3MS-go:P =VC and friend:EA of-3S (b) i-dda =d netta iḏ umdakkuy nn-es (K)

3MS-go:P =VC he with friend:EA of-3S

'He came with his friend.' (lit. 'He came he with his friend')

There is a regular assimilation of the final -ḏ in Hmed with the following ṯ-: ḏ ṯ > t^t, e.g. kit^temġarṯ 'with a woman'. In Ketama, there is an optional assimilation when iḏ is followed by a feminine noun, e.g. iḏ emġarṯ ~ it^emġarṯ 'with a woman'.

In Hmed and Zerqet, but not in Ketama, this preposition also has the sense 'near to', e.g.622

kiḏ uḫam (H), (i)k uḫyam (Z) 'near the house' (lit. 'with the house');

-kit^tḥanuț (H), (i)k ṯḥanut (Z) 'near the shop' (lit. 'with the shop').

Compare also the following examples in Ketama vs. Hmed/Zerqet: The instrumental preposition has the same form (s) in different Senhaja varieties when followed by a noun. In Ketama, it can be homonymous with the Ablative s~seg/zeg 'from'. When followed by a pronoun, different forms are used in different varieties:

(8) (a) tlaqi-ġ iḏ Muḥemmeḏ (H) tlaqi-ġ (i)k Muḥemmeḏ (Z) *tlaqi-ġ i Muḥemmeḏ (K)
Ketama sgig-(~sgiḡ~sgiyy-), Hmed (i)yyess-, Zerqet ziyy-(when followed by singular pronominal suffixes)/zi-(when followed by plural pronominal suffixes). In this case, the preposition is homonymous with the Ablative preposition 'from' both in Ketama and Zerqet, while in Hmed, the prepositions are distinct. Some examples follow:

s ufus (pan-Snh.) 'with the hand, by hand';

s uġrum (pan-Snh.) 'with the bread';

s elmus (K), s wezzay (H), s wezzal (Z) 'with the knife'.

With pronouns:

sgig-i (~sgiyy-i) (K), (i)yyess-i (H), ziyy-i (Z) 'with me';

sgig-es(~sgiyy-es) (K), (i)yyes(s)-(^s) (H), ziyy-es (Z) 'with it';

sgig-un (K), (i)yyes(s)-wen (H), zi-wen (Z) 'with you (PL)';

sgig-sen (K), (i)yyes(s)-sen (H), zi-sen (Z) 'with them'. In Senhaja, this preposition is mainly used with animate nouns (humans). When used with inanimate nouns (this occurs in Ketama and Hmed), it has the sense 'near to', e.g.

(11) uri-ḫ^ t sgig-es (K) uri-ġ =ț iyyes(^s) (H) uri-ḫ =t
ġuḏ uḫyam (K), ġur uḫam (H) 'near the house' (lit. 'at the house');

ġu tḥanut (K), ġu tḥanuț (H) 'near the shop' (lit. 'at the shop'). However, in Hmed, the comitative preposition 'with' is more frequent in this sense, and in Zerqet, it is often the only accepted variant.

The following examples illustrate the use of ġur-with pronominal suffixes: af uẓru (K), ḫ uẓru (H/Z) 'on the stone' Examples with the pronominal suffixes:

-af ṭṭabla (K), ḫ ṭṭabla (H/Z) 'on the table' (17
aḫf-i (K), ḫf-i (H), ḫḫ-i (Z) 'on me' (H/Z also: 'above/over me')

aḫef-sen (K), ḫef-sen (H), ḫḫ-sen (Z) 'on them' (H/Z also: 'above/over them')

Other words for 'above' are discussed below.

This preposition can also be used in the sense 'near to/next to', e.g. This preposition is also used in the following contexts:

(21) i-serkus af emġarṯ nn-es (K) i-tkeddab ḫ ṯemġarṯ nn-es (H/Z)
3MS-lie:I on woman:EA of-3S

'He lies to his wife.'

(22) i-d ̱̣ ṣa aḫf-es (K)/ḫf-es (H)/ḫḫ-es (Z)
3MS-laugh:P on-3S

'He laughed about (lit. 'on') him/her.'

9.2.2.

Prepositions in -g(ʷ) that Take Special EA Forms

Overview

In some Senhaja varieties (Taghzut, Hmed, Zerqet), following certain prepositions ending in g (T/Z)/gʷ (H), masculine singular nouns have a special form of EA lacking the initial full vowel (cf. Section 6.2.4). This distinct form is labelled EA2 below.

Feminine nouns take the regular EA. 625 There are three prepositions that take EA2 in Hmed and Zerqet, and two that take EA2 in Taghzut (since one of them does not end in g):

the Locative gʷ (H)/g (T/Z) 'in'; 626

the Dative gʷ (H)/g (Z) 'for', homonymous with the above preposition in H/Z; 627

the Ablative zigʷ (H)/zeg (T/Z) 'from'. 624 In this sense, it partly overlaps with the prepositions kiḏ/ik (Section 9.2.1.3) and ġur (Section 9.2.1.5). 625 The label "EA( 2)" indicates that the special form applies only to a group of nouns, namely masculine singular. 626 The Locative g is also used in other Senhaja varieties. However, in other varieties (K/S/B), this preposition is followed by the regular EA, e.g. g uḫyam (K/S/B) 'in the house'.

627 In Taghzut, the Dative preposition is iḏ, and is not homonymous with the locative 'in'.

For example:

gʷ eḫḫam (H), 628 g eḫyam (T/Z) 'in the house';

gʷ erba (H), g erba (Z) 'for the boy';

z(i)gʷ eḫḫam (H), zg eḫyam (T/Z) 'from the house'.

This phenomenon has a historical background. Originally, there must have been a

regular EA (e.g. g weḫyam 'in the house'). The initial w-of the noun was transferred as labialization to the preposition (g > gʷ), and labialization was subsequently lost in T/Z: g weḫyam > gʷ eḫyam > g eḫyam. The intermediate stage is found in Hmed,

where the preposition is realized as gʷ in such contexts.

The following table presents simple prepositions that take nouns in EA and EA2 in H/Z

with masculine singular nouns. The Ablative preposition 'from' can be followed by ġur 'at' to form a complex preposition (Section 9.3.2.2).

Simple prepositions that take EA/EA2 in specific varieties

g(ʷ)~i 'in'

The preposition 'in' has different forms (and allomorphs) in different Senhaja varieties.

In Ketama, the preposition has the form g (distinct from the Dative iḏ). In Hmed and Zerqet, prepositions 'in' and 'for' are homonymous. Compare:

-'in': g uḫyam (K), gʷ eḫḫam (H), g eḫyam (T/Z) 'in the house';

-'for': iḏ uḫčiw (K), gʷ erba (H), g erba (T/Z) 'for the boy'.

Other examples with 'in' follow:

g elMeġreb (K/T), i lMeġreḇ (H), gi lMeġreb (Z) 'in Morocco';

g Ṯargisṯ (K/T), i Ṯargisṯ (H), gi Ṯargisṯ (Z) 'in Targuist';

g iberruqen nn-es (K), g iwallen nn-es (H/T), g waǧen nn-es (Z) 'in his/her eyes'.

628 In Hmed, the word aḫam 'house' has no gemination, while gʷ eḫḫam 'in the house' has a geminated ḫḫ.

Translation +Noun + Pronominal suffix State

K H Z K H Z K H/Z in (Locative) g i, gʷ i, g(i) gi(g)- ḏi(yy)- ḏi(yy)- EA EA(2) for (Dative) i(ḏ) i, gʷ i(ḏ), g(i) --- --- --- EA EA(2) from (Ablative) s, seg zi, z(i)gʷ z(g)i, zeg sgi(g)- zi(yy)- zi(yy)- EA EA(2)
With pronominal suffixes, the preposition has two allomorphs in Hmed and Zerqet:

ḏiyy-when followed by singular pronominal suffixes, and ḏi-when followed by plural pronominal suffixes:629

gig-es (K), ḏiyy-es (H/Z) 'in him/her/it';

gig-sen (K), ḏi-sen (H/Z) 'in them'.

i(ḏ)~g(ʷ) 'for' (Dative)

The Dative preposition has the form i(ḏ) in Ketama, i~gʷ in Hmed, and i(ḏ)~g(i) in

Zerqet. As mentioned above, in Hmed and Zerqet, it is homonymous with the preposition 'in'. In Ketama, it is homonymous with the coordinative conjunction i(ḏ)

'and'. For example:

iḏ iḫčiwen (K), i ddrari (H), gi ddrari (Z) 'for the children'.

In Ketama, due to the regular assimilation, the final -ḏ of the preposition is realized as -t before feminine nouns that originally started on ṯ-(cf. the coordinator iḏ 'and'):

-it^eḫčiṯ nn-es 'for/to his daughter' (homonymous with 'and his daughter').

The Dative preposition does not take pronominal suffixes. Instead, it can be followed by independent pronouns, e.g.

i netta (K/H/Z) 'for him'

More commonly, IO clitic pronouns are used (cf. Section 5. 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO to he 'He said to him.'

s(eg)~z(g)i 'from' (Ablative)

As mentioned earlier, the Ablative preposition 'from' (movement away from a location) is homonymous with the Instrumental preposition 'with' in parts of Senhaja.

In Ketama, both forms of the preposition (i.e. the one used with nouns and the one used with pronominal suffixes) are homonymous. In Zerqet, only the forms used with pronouns are homonymous. In Hmed, both forms are distinct. Some examples follow:

s(g) urgaz (K), z(i)gʷ eryaz (H), zg eryaz (Z) 'from the man';

s(g e)ssuq (K), zi ssuq (H), sgi ssuq (Z) 'from the market'.

(24) i-ffaġ s(g) uḫḫam nn-es (K)

i-ffaġ z(i)gʷ eḫḫam nn-es (H) i-ffaġ zg eḫyam nn-es (Z)
3MS-exit:P from house:EA2 of-3S

'He went out from his house.'

With pronominal suffixes, the preposition has two allomorphs in Hmed and Zerqet:

ziyy-when followed by singular pronominal suffixes, and zi-when followed by plural pronominal suffixes:630

sgig-es (~sgiyy-es) (K), ziyy-es (H/Z) 'from it';

sgig-sen (~sgiy-sen) (K), zi-sen (H/Z) 'from them';

yan sgig-na (K), iggʷen zi-naġ (H), iwwen zi-naġ (Z) 'one of us' (lit. 'one from us').

9.2.3.

Prepositions that Can Take EL

Overview

There are some prepositions that take EL nouns, obligatory or optionally (alongside EA), also depending on the variety and (exceptionally, as in the case of the Allative za 'to') on the gender of the noun. Some of these prepositions can be followed by the

Genitive n 'of'. In this case, the following noun is always in EA. The following table

presents an overview of the prepositions that allow nouns in EL at least in one Senhaja variety. In the 'state' column, the state of the noun following the simple preposition (when used without n) is listed. In Ketama, the prepositions ffir n 'behind' and qeddam n 'in front of' are always followed by the Genitive n before nouns, but are simple (ffirand qeddam-, respectively) before pronouns.

(h)anda(ġ) 'like' (Similative)

The Similative preposition (h)anda (K)/andaġ (H/Z) 'like' takes EL nouns in all varieties. This preposition does not take pronominal suffixes. Instead, it can be followed by independent pronouns.

Examples:

(25) (h)anda^ (a)rgaz inu (K) The preposition bla 'without' is simple when followed by a noun, but complex when followed by a pronominal suffix. This preposition is borrowed from Arabic. The following noun can be in EL or EA in Hmed and Zerqet. EA is preferred in Zerqet. In Ketama, by contrast, EL is normally used. 631 Some examples:

andaġ
bla (y)argaz (K), bla yaryaz (H (Z)), bla aryaz (H), bla weryaz (H/Z) 'without a man';

bla yamġarṯ (K), bla ṯamġarṯ (H (Z)), bla ṯemġarṯ (H/Z) 'without a woman'.

This preposition does not take pronominal suffixes. When followed by a pronoun, the complex form bla + the Ablative (=Instrumental in K/Z) sgig-/sgiy-(K)~zi(yy)-(H/Z) is used:

bla sgig-i (K), bla ziyy-i (H/Z) 'without me';

bla sgig-naġ (K), bla zi-naġ (H/Z) 'without us'.

In Hmed, bla can be also followed by the instrumental preposition:

-bla^yyess-i (H) 'without me'; bla^yyes-naġ (H) 'without us'.

In Ketama and Hmed, the borrowed from Arabic bla bi-also occurs. It is followed by Arabic pronominal suffixes (cf. Section 8.6.2.2), e.g.

bla bi-yya (K/H) 'without me'; bla bi-na (K/H) 'without us'.

ar~al (K)/za (H/Z) 'to(wards)' (Allative)

The Allative preposition is ar~al in Ketama and za in Hmed/Zerqet. It has the meaning 'to, towards, in the direction of'. 632 For example:

(27) dda-n ar Ṯargisṯ (K) dda-n za Ṯargisṯ (H) ɛda-n za Ṯargisṯ (Z)
go:P-3P to Targuist 'They went to Targuist.'

631 Nouns following bla 'without' can have EL or EA also in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 254).

632 Senhaja has distinct prepositions for the allative (ar/za 'towards') and the locative ġu(r) 'at'. The same feature is found in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 256),

In Ketama, the preposition ar~al takes EA, while in Hmed/Zerqet, the state of the noun following za depends on the gender for Class I nouns: masculine nouns take EL, while feminine nouns take EA. 633 There is a difference in state between Ketama and Hmed/Zerqet with masculine nouns. As many masculine singular nouns start in a-, and za ends in a, one of the two vowels is usually elided. For example:

( ar warrar (K), za^(a)rrar (H/Z) 'to the threshing floor';

ar waman (K), za^(a)man (H/Z) 'to the water';

ar waššin (K), za^(a)ššin (H/Z) 'to the stable'.

When za is followed by a noun starting in i-(masculine singular or plural), the preposition can be realized either as z or za in Hmed (but as za in Zerqet), e.g.

-z^inisi (H), za^ynisi (H/Z) 'to the hedgehog'.

Class I feminine nouns take the EA following za (as following ar). In Hmed, the preposition can be reduced to z before the feminine prefix ṯ-:634

ar ḥanut (K), z eṯḥanuț ~ za ṯḥanuț (H), za ṯḥanut (Z) 'to the shop'.

The Allative preposition does not take pronominal suffixes, as it does not combine with pronouns in its most basic meaning (movement towards a location). The Allative ar/za can be combined with ġur 'at' (see Section 9.3.2.3). On the combination of ḥetta and the Allative ('until'), see Section 9.3.2.4. 633 The same is found in Middle Atlas varieties with the allative preposition s. In Kabyle, the Allative s takes EL for masculine nouns, and cannot be followed by consonant-initial nouns (this includes Berbermorphology feminine nouns as they have the prefix ṯ-). Just as in Kabyle, the motivating force behind this phenomenon in Senhaja could be purely phonetic, in view of vowel-initial vs. consonant-initial nouns.

ffir (n) 'behind, after' (Locative)

When preceding a noun, the preposition ffir 'behind, after' (locative/temporal) is followed by the Genitive n in Ketama. In Hmed and Zerqet, the Genitive n is optional.

When not followed by the Genitive preposition, it can take nouns in EL in Hmed and Zerqet. While nouns of both genders can appear either in EL or EA following ffir in Hmed/Zerqet, there is a tendency to use EL especially with feminine nouns. In Ketama, where the Genitive n is obligatory (although it can be assimilated before u-), With pronominal suffixes:

only
ngaġf enn-es (H) 'on the top of it/ over it/above it'

On the combination of the Ablative zi 'from' and ngaġef 'on', see Section 9.3.2.6.

qeddam n (K)/staṯ (n) (H)/zḏaṯ n (Z) 'in front of'

The preposition 'in front of', next to' is staṯ (n) in Hmed and zḏaṯ n in Zerqet. It has been replaced by the Arabic loan qeddam n in Ketama. 637 Before nouns, these prepositions are followed by the Genitive n 'of' in Ketama and Zerqet, which is optional in Hmed. When there is no Genitive n in Hmed, the following noun takes the EL. The prepositions combine with pronominal suffixes without using the Genitive n (including the borrowed qeddam-in Ketama). Some examples follow.

(

) qeddam n uḫḫam (K) zdaṯ (n) uḫyam (Z) staṯ (n) uḫam ~ staṯ aḫam (H) 36
in.front of house:EA ~in.front house:EL 'in front of/beside the house'

(37) qeddam n fiyyut (K) zdaṯ n tesklut (Z) staṯ n ṯeskyuṯ ~ staṯ ṯaskyuṯ (H)
in.front of tree:EA ~ in.front tree:EL 'in front of/beside an oak tree'

With pronominal suffixes:

qeddam-es (K), staṯ-es (H), zḏaṯ-es (Z) 'next to him/her'.

(g) ezdu n (K)/z(i)du (n) (H) 'under'

The preposition 'under' is (g) ezdu n in Ketama (where the initial g 'in' is optional) and z(i)du (n) in Hmed (with the optional n 'of'). The following noun always takes EA in Ketama (as it follows the Genitive n), while in Hmed, the noun can be both in EL or in EA if not preceded by n. With pronominal suffixes, the preposition has the form g ezdaw-in Ketama and zidawa-in Hmed (without the Genitive n). There is no cognate preposition in Zerqet. 638 Some examples follow:

(38) (g) ezdu (n) uḫyam (K) (in) under of house:EA z(i)du (n) uḫam ~ z(i)du uḫam ~ z(i)du aḫam (H)
under of house:EA ~ under house:EA ~ under house:EL 'under/below the house'

(39) ezdu n ṭṭabla (K) z(i)du n ṭṭabla ~ z(i)du ṭṭabla (H) under of table ~ under table 'under the table.' (40) (g) ezdu n fiyyut (K) (in) under of tree:EA z(i)du n ṯeskyuṯ ~ z(i)du ṯeskyuṯ ~ z(i)du ṯaskyuṯ (H)
under of t ree:EA ~ under tree:EA ~ under tree:EL 'under/below the oak tree'

638 To express location 'under', Zerqet employs the word ṯili which also means 'shadow', followed by the Genitive n, e.g. ṯili n uḫyam 'under the house'; netta ṯili nnes 'He is under it'.

Depending on the context, in Ketama, g ezdu n can follow the Allative ar or the Ablative s(g), e.g.

(41) mšiš i-rwi ar g ezdu n ṭtabla (K) cat 3MS-flee:P to in under of table 'The cat fled (towards) under(neath) the table.'

(42) mšiš i-ffaġ s g ezdu n ṭtabla (K) cat 3MS-exit:P from in under of table 'The cat went out from under(neath) the table .'

With pronominal suffixes:

g ezdaw-es (K), zidawa-s (H) 'under it/him/her' 9.2.3.9. qbel (n) 'before'

The preposition qbel (n) 'before' usually has a temporal meaning, but can be used as a spatial 'before', too. 639 In Ketama, it is always followed by the Genitive n, and the following noun is in EA. In Zerqet, there is no n, and the following noun is always in EL. 640 In Hmed, n is optional; when there is no n, both EL and EA nouns occur. In Hmed, qbel can be followed by the Ablative preposition zigʷ 'from' without a change in meaning. The following noun is in EA:

639 It also functions as a conjunction, e.g. qbel ma d=y-as azil (Z) 'before midday arrives'.

640 Nouns following qḇel 'before' have EL also in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 254).

(

qbel sgig-es (K), qbel ziyy-es (H/Z) 'before it';

qbel sgig-sen (K), qbel zi-sen (H/Z) 'before them'.

Complex and Combined Prepositions

Complex Prepositions

Overview

Complex prepositions take the Genitive n, and the following nouns are always in EA. Some (optionally) complex prepositions have been discussed above. 641 From the following two complex prepositions, the first one (gesni n 'on top of') has a pronominal form gesnig-without the Genitive. 641 As mentioned above, some prepositions are ambiguously complex because the Genitive n is optional. Those of them that take EL when n is absent, are discussed in Section 9.2.3.

Transl. +Noun +Pronominal suffix

K H Z K H Z on, over gesni n --- --- gesnig- --- --- as big
as, like aštin n anešt n anešt n aštin n(n)-anešt n(n-) anešt n(n-)

gesni n (K) 'on (top of), above, over'

The preposition 'on top of, above, over' in Ketama is based on the element sni that does not occur on its own that follows g 'in' and is followed by n 'of'. With pronominal suffixes, the preposition takes the form gesnig-, and the Genitive preposition is not used. Some examples follow: 'Your (MS) child is as big/old as I.'

(50) gesni (n) uḫyam (K)
In Zerqet, the reduplicated form anešt anešt functions as an adverb (cf. ged ged ~ qed qed borrowed from Arabic in Ketama and Hmed). In this case, it is not followed by a noun. In Hmed, anešt can also appear clause-finally without a following noun, but is not reduplicated. In Ketama, aštin cannot be used clause-finally and is not With pronominal suffixes:

s ġur-es (K), zi ġur-es (H), z(g)i ġur-es (Z) 'from him/her'.

za (H/Z) and ġur 'towards (someone)'

The preposition ġur can be preceded by the Allative za (H/Z) 'to' (see Section 9. 3.2.3) to express direction to someone/someone's place. 645 In Ketama, the Allative a(r) is normally absent in such constructions, but is obligatorily present in combination with ġur-+ pronominal suffixes. For example:

(65) š-a ddu-ġ ġuḏ urgaz inu (K) š-a ddu-ġ (za) ġur uryaz inu (H) š-a ɛḏu-ġ (za) ġur uryaz inu (Z)
FT-NR go:A-1S to at man:EA of:1S 'I will go to my husband.'

645 Compare the preposition l-ɛend in Moroccan Arabic. The combination of the allative and locative prepositions is also found in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 257). The preposition 'until' consists of the element ḥetta (an Arabic loan) followed by the Berber Allative preposition (Ketama ar~al, Hmed/Zerqet za). In Ketama, the initial aof the Allative is assimilated to ḥetta, but the occasional presence of the final -r betrays the presence of the Allative preposition. However, also the final -r can be sometimes absent (see below), and in this case, the Allative is invisible. The element ḥetta on its own can have other meanings, depending on the context, such as 'also' and (conjunction) 'until' (cf. Section 12.4.5). Compare:

ḥetta yaḫḫam (K), ḥeṭṭa^(a)ḫam ~ ḥeṭṭa^yaḫam (H), ḥetta yaḫyam (K/Z) 'also the house';

-ḥetta^(a)r uḫyam (K), ḥetta za^(a)ḫam (H), ḥetta za^(a)ḫyam (Z) 'until the house'

For example:

-ḥetta^(a)r izref (K), ḥetta z izref (H), ḥetta za yzerf (Z) 'until the road'

(68) i-dda ḥetta^ (a)r uḫḫam (K) 3MS-go:P until to house:EA i-dda ḥetta za^ (a)ḫam (H) i-ɛda ḥetta za^ (a)ḫyam (Z)
3MS-go:P until to house:EL 'He went until the house.'

With the temporal sense:

-ḥetta^(a)r ššetwa (K), ḥetta za ššetwa (H/Z) 'until winter'.

In the following example, the Allative preposition is invisible (completely assimilated)

in Ketama, but present in Hmed and Zerqet:

(69) ḥetta^ (a) (a)wazka (K)

ḥetta za^ (a)zekka (H/Z) until to tomorrow 'until tomorrow'

The preposition ḥetta with the Allative 'to' does not take pronominal suffixes. On the combination of ḥetta (+ optionally the Allative 'to') with ġur 'at', see Section 9.3.2.5;

ḥetta ġur-can take pronominal suffixes.

ḥetta and ġur 'toward'

The preposition ḥetta (+ optionally the Allative 'to') 'until' can be followed by ġur 'at' to express 'toward'. -zi ngaġef n uḫam ~ zi ngaġef uḫam ~ zi ngaġef aḫam (H) 'from (the top of) the house'.

s (K)/zi (H/Z) and af (K)/ḫ (H/Z) 'on'

The Ablative s (K)/zi (H/Z) 'from' can be combined with af (K)/ḫ (H/Z) 'on' without a change in meaning ('from').646 Furthermore, in Zerqet, z(g)i 'from' can be also combined with genna n 'on' (Section 9.4.1.4). For example:

(73) s fiyyut ~ s af fiyyut (K) zi ṯeskyuṯ ~ zi ḫ ṯeskyuṯ (H) z(g)i ṯesklut ~ z(g)i ḫ ṯesklut ~ z(gi) genna n ṯesklut (Z)
from tree:EA ~ from on tree:EA ~ from above on tree:EA 'from the (oak) tree'

(74) Muḥemmeḏ i-sserḫa arba=yaḏ s (af) fiyyut (K) Muḥemmeḏ i-shuwwed arba=dda zi (ḫ) ṯeskyuṯ (H) Muḥemmeḏ i-shuwwed arba=yya z(g)i (ḫ) ṯesklut (Z)
Mohammed 3MS-CAUS:descend:P boy:EL=PROX from (on) tree:EA 'Mohammed brought this boy down from the (oak) tree'.

The pronominal forms in Ketama and Hmed are, for example:

s aḫf-es (K), zi ḫf-es (H), 'from him/her/it'.

Locative Expressions

This section discusses some locative expressions. 647 The locative expressions contain the Genitive n, and the following nouns are in EA. There are no pronominal forms.

Section 9.4.1 presents locative expressions based on nouns that can be considered grammaticalized to different degrees. The nouns can be used without preceding prepositions, and mark no state distinction. There are dialectal differences in the degree of grammaticalization, and also in semantics. For comparison, Section 9.4.2 presents locative expressions with the regular nouns. Such nouns follow a preposition and can mark states.

The border between grammaticalized and regular nouns is not watertight.

Furthermore, in Senhaja, some nouns can be used adverbially without preceding prepositions, while preserving their nominal characteristics. Again, there are dialectal differences. For example, in Zerqet, the noun ǧǧiha 'region' can appear without a preceding preposition in the following example. In Ketama and Hmed, by contrast, the preposition 'in' is required. Compare:

(75) h-nn-eqleb yan ṭṭumubil g ežžiha n Ktama (K) ṯ-enn-eqyeb ṭṭumubil i žžiha n Ktama (H) ṯ-enn-eqleb un ṭṭunubin (gi) ǧǧiha n Ktama (Z)
3FS-PASS-turn:P one car in region of Ketama 'A car has flipped over in the region of Ketama.'

In the following examples, the Allative 'to' cannot be omitted in Ketama, but is optional in Hmed and Zerqet:

(76) i-rkem ar mazirṯ nn-es (K)

i-ggʷeḏ za ṯmazirṯ nn-es ~ i-ggʷeḏ ṯamazirṯ nn-es (H) i-wweḏ za ṯmazirṯ nn-es ~ i-wweḏ ṯamazirṯ nn-es (Z)
3MS-arrive:P to land:EA of-3S ~ 3MS-arrive:P land:EL of-3S

'He arrived to his homeland'.

Locative Expressions with Grammaticalized Nouns

The following nouns can function in locative expressions without preceding prepositions:

amraḏ n (K)/am(eḏ)laḏ n (Z)/ṯamiḏa n (H) 'in front of'

In Senhaja, 'in front of' can be expressed by a prepositional phrase based on amraḏ (K)/amlaḏ~ameḏlaḏ (Z)/ṯamiḏa (H) combined with the Genitive preposition n. 'in front of an oak tree'

The following example (a) illustrates the use of the noun ṯamiḏa in EA following the Allative za 'to' in Hmed. In Zerqet, the preposition za is also used in this case (b). The form of am(eḏ)laḏ remains unchanged (masculine singular nouns take EL following za). The Ketama equivalent with the Allative ar is ungrammatical (c), and only the construction without ar is possible (d).

(

) (a) š-a ddu-ġ za ṯmiḏa n uḫam inu (H) FT-NR go:A-1S to front:EA of house:EA of:1S (b) š-a ɛḏu-ġ za (a)meḏlaḏ (n) uḫyam inu (Z) FT-NR go:A-1S to front of house:EA of:1S (c) *š-a ddu-ġ ar umraḏ (n) uḫyam inu (*K) FT-NR go:A-1S to front:EA of house:EA of:1S (d) š-a ddu-ġ amraḏ (n) uḫyam inu (K) 79
FT-NR go:A-1S front of house:EA of:1S 'I will go to the front of my house.'

With pronominal suffixes: amraḏ nn-es (K), ṯamiḏa nn-es (H), amlaḏ nn-es (Z) 'in front of him/her/it', 'next to him/her/it'.

(gʷ) allaġ n (H) 'under'

In Hmed, alongside z(i)du 'under', there is a prepositional complex (gʷ) allaġ n 'under'.

The word allaġ is a noun (EA wallaġ) and can also be used on its own in the sense In Hmed, allaġ=in (but not allaġ) can also function as an adverb. The difference with Zerqet is that in Hmed, allaġ can be linked (by means of the Genitive n) to the following noun, while this is not possible in Zerqet.

'
With pronominal forms: (gʷ) allaġ nn-es 'under/below it'.

ṯili n (Z) 'under'

In Zerqet, ṯilin n is used in the sense 'under, below', e.g. ṯili n zzerbiyya 'under the carpet', ṯili n ṭṭabla 'under the table', ṯili (n) uḫyam 'under the house', ṯili l^lmalṭa 'under the blanket', ṯili^ynu 'under me', ṯili nn-es 'under him/her/it'. The word ṯili was originally used in the sense 'shade, shadow' (currently being replaced by the Arabic loan ḍḍel in this meaning in Zerqet). 650 The noun ṯili can be still used in its original sense following the preposition gi 'in'; however, the Arabic loan ḍḍel is more frequently used:

gi ṯili (Z, rare) ~ gi ḍḍel (Z, more frequent) 'in the shadow';

aq-eṯ gi ṯili ~ aq-eṯ gi ḍḍel (Z) 'He is in the shadow.'

genna n (Z) 'above, on'

The words genna and ṭalaɛ can appear on their own and function as adverbs, or can appear in prepositional phrases. These words can follow the Ablative preposition 'from' or the Allative 'to', and can be followed by the Genitive n. The word genna originally meant 'sky' (currently replaced by the Arabic loan ssma ~ ssama) but came to mean 'above (in the sky)' (K/H/Z) and generally 'above, on top, over' in Zerqet. In Hmed, there is a distinction between genna 'above (in the sky)' and yenna 'sky'

(alongside ss(a)ma).

( The word genna can be followed by the Genitive n in the sense 'on top of' ('in the sky above of'). In Ketama and Zerqet, genna in this construction is optionally preceded by the Ablative s (K)/zi (Z) 'from'. In Hmed, the Ablative zi is absent in such examples.

This construction is especially frequent in Zerqet, where it is used in the general meaning 'on top of, on' (followed by any object, both indoors and outdoors). In Ketama and Hmed, this construction is rare, and can be only understood as 'in the sky above of' (i.e. it has to be outdoors). For a general 'on top of, on', other expressions are used in Ketama and Hmed. For example: There is a free variant d ̱̣ alaɛ in Ketama and Zerqet. In Hmed, when followed by a Genitive phrase, ṭalaɛ is usually used in a more restricted sense 'roof'. In Ketama and Zerqet, in description of the location, ṭalaɛ 'above (of)' is preceded by the Ablative s (K), z(g)i (Z) 'from':

(89) (s) genna (n) uḫyam (K) (rare); better: g esni (n) uḫyam (K) (---) genna (n) uḫam (H) (rare); better: ngaġef (n) uḫam (H) (zi) genna (n) uḫyam (Z) (
(96) s ṭalaɛ (n) uḫyam (K) (zi) ṭalaɛ (n) uḫyam (Z)
from above of house:EA 'above the house'

651 In Hmed, for this construction to be used, it has to be outdoors ('above him/her in the sky').

Otherwise, the construction ngaġef n-is used.

652 It can also function as a participle 'going up, ascending'. 653 In Ketama and Zerqet, the Allative preposition ar (K)/za (Z) 'to' cannot be omitted in this example. In Hmed, it is optional.

With the pronominal forms:

( 'on the other side of my house', 'opposite my house'

In the following example, the Allative 'to' is optional:

(99) ẓṛa-n= t ar ugemmad ̱̣ =an (K)~ ẓṛa-n= t agemmad ̱̣ =an (K) ẓṛa-n= ț (za) ayemmad ̱̣ = in (H) ẓṛa-n= t (za) agemmad ̱̣ = in (Z)
see:P-3P= 3FS:DO to side=DIST2

'The saw her on the other side.'

Compare the following sentences:

654 Ketama also igemmad ̱̣ . 655 The clitics found with this word do not correspond to the regular postnominal clitics found with other nouns (cf. Section 6.6). The same observation is valid for other Senhaja varieties. Cf. 'He went to the other side of it.'

Locative Expressions with Regular Nouns

This Section presents locative expressions with regular nouns. In this case, nouns follow a preposition and have a state distinction.

ammas and lwesṭ 'center, middle'

The noun ammas 'waist' is used in most Senhaja varieties:

(103) ammas inu (K/H/Z) waist of:1S

'my waist'

Base noun Examples

ammas (K/H/Z) 'middle' g wammas n (K/H), g ammas n (Z) 'in the middle of'

lwesṭ (Z) 'center' (g)i lwesṭ n (Z) 'in the middle of' ṭṭerf (K/H/Z) 'side' g ṭṭerf n (K), (i) ṭṭerf n (H), (gi) ṭṭerf n (Z) 'beside' aġezḏis (K/Z) 'side' af uġezḏis n (K), ḫ uġezḏis n (Z) 'on the side of' žžemb/ǧǧemb (K/H/Z) 'side' af žžemb n (K), ḫ ežžemb n (H), ḫ eǧǧemb n (Z) 'on the side of'
This noun has a voyelle constante: the EA is wammas, e.g.

(104) n wammas (K/H/Z) of waist:EA 'of the waist/middle'

The word ammas also has the sense 'center, middle'. In this sense, it is often preceded by g 'in' and followed by the Genitive n 'of'. In combination with the preposition 'in',

we have: g wammas n (K), gʷ ammas n (H), g ammas n (Z) 'in the middle of'.

In Zerqet, in the sense 'center, middle', the Arabic loan lwesṭ is more frequent than ammas. In Ketama and Hmed, by contrast, ammas is preferred, and lwesṭ is considered 'He is in the middle of it.'

ṭṭerf, aġezḏis, žžemb 'side'

There are several nouns in Senhaja that can be translated as 'side'. The noun ṭṭerf (an Arabic loan) has several senses: 'piece', 'edge', 'side', e.g.

(107) ṭṭerf (n) uġrum (K/H/Z) side of bread:EA 'piece of bread'
In the sense 'beside', ṭṭerf follows the preposition 'in' in Ketama (but only optionally in Hmed/Zerqet) and is followed by the Genitive n:

(108) g eṭṭerf (n) uḫyam (K) (i) ṭṭerf (n) uḫam (H) (gi) ṭṭerf (n) uḫyam (Z)
in side of house:EA 'beside the house', 'next to the house'

(109) g eṭṭerf n ṭṭabla (K) (i) ṭṭerf n ṭṭabla (H) (gi) ṭṭerf n ṭṭabla (Z) in side of table 'beside the table'
With pronominal forms:

(110) g eṭṭerf inu (K) (-) ṭṭerf inu (H) 656 (gi) ṭṭerf inu (Z)
in side of:1S

'beside me, next to me'

The Ablative preposition followed by ṭṭerf can be used in its literal meaning, 'from the side/edge', but is also used to mean 'without exception', e.g.

(111) kulši dda-n s eṭṭerf (K) kulši dda-n zi ṭṭerf (H) kulši ɛḏa-n zgi ṭṭerf (Z)
all go:P-3P from side 'Everybody went without exception.'

The noun aġezḏis means 'rib' and by extension, also 'side' in Zerqet and Ketama (only when referring to animate objects), e.g. 657 (112) af uġezḏis nn-es (K)

ḫ uġezḏis nn-es (Z)
on rib:EA of-3S

'on his/her side', 'beside him/her' 656 Does not follow the preposition 'in' in Hmed.

657 Originally, it is a compound from iġes 'bone' and aɛeddis 'belly'. In Hmed, aġezḏis is not used to refer to 'side'. In Ketama, it is used in free variation with aḥṣirṯ.

(113) Muḥemmeḏ aq=eṯ i-qqim ḫ uġezḏis nn-es (Z)

Mohammed QA=3MS:DO 3MS-sit:P on rib:EA of-3S 'Here's Mohammed sitting beside him/her.'

(114) i-teṭṭeṣ af uġezḏis nn-es (K) i-teṭṭeṣ ḫ uġezdis nn-es (Z)
3MS-sleep:I on rib:EA of-3S

'He sleeps on his side.'

The noun žžemb (K/H) means 'side'.

(115) g ežžemb n uḫḫam (K)

i žžemb n uḫam (H)
in side of house:EA 'at the side of the house'

(116) i-teṭṭeṣ af žžemb nn-es (K) i-țeṭṭeṣ ḫ ežžemb nn-es (H) i-teṭṭeṣ ḫ eǧǧemb nn-es (Z)
3MS-sleep:I on side of-3S

'He sleeps on his side.'

Prepositional Interrogatives

The structure of prepositional interrogatives

Prepositional interrogatives are interrogatives that contain a preposition (cf. Section 12.4.4.1 on simple interrogatives, and Section 12.4.4.2 on rules of clitic fronting in prepositional interrogatives in Senhaja). 658 In Ketama, and usually also in Hmed, such interrogatives are composed of the preposition followed by the borrowed Arabic pronoun mmen 'what/who' (glossed WH). 659 Prepositional interrogatives, like simple interrogatives, are always followed by the relative marker a in Ketama before a relative clause. When combined with the relative marker a in fast speech, the final -en of (m)men is clipped, e.g. iḏ emmen a > iḏ emm^a 'for WH', g emmen a > g emm^a 'in WH'. 660 This clipping does not occur in Hmed. In Hmed, alongside the borrowed mmen 'WH', the native Berber element mi can be used with prepositions to form a prepositional interrogative. 661 In this case, unlike with the element mmen, the preposition follows the pronoun, e.g. miyy-es 'with WH' (instrumental). In Zerqet, we usually find the pronominal element mi (or miḏi, see below), depending on the dialect and the interrogative, while the borrowed mmen is rare (sometimes used alongside miḏi in the dialect of Lqitun, but not in Ikherruden). With some interrogatives, in Western Zerqet (Ikherruden, Lqitun), the preposition is found on both sides of the pronoun mi, e.g. k-mi-k 'with WH' (comitative), s-mi-s 'with WH' (instrumental), ḫ-mi-ḫ 'on WH'. In Eastern Zerqet (Wersan), the preposition is found following the pronoun:

mi-k 'with WH', mi-s 'with WH', etc., while in Central Zerqet (Bunjel), both variants occur, i.e. doubling is optional. With some interrogatives in Ikherruden and Lqitun, the preposition precedes miḏi, e.g. zi miḏi 'from WH'.662 It seems that in this case, miḏi became reinterpreted as one morpheme, while originally, it was a combination of mi and a preposition: mi-ḏi 'for WH', homonymous with 'in WH'. With the preposition ġu(r) 'at' (French 'chez'), Zerqet has mu: Wersan mu-ġur, Ikherruden/Lqitun ġu-mu-ġur (alongside ġu-miḏi) 'at whose place/with who?', cf. also za (ġu-)mu-ġur (Ikherruden/ Lqitun also za ġu-miḏi) 'to whose place?'. With some complex prepositions (the ones that include the Genitive n 'of'), the Lqitun dialect of Zerqet employs miḏi or mmen. In the Ikherruden and Wersan dialects, these complex prepositional interrogatives are not found, and forms with mmen are considered Arabic.

A list of prepositional interrogatives

The following table lists prepositional interrogatives in three Senhaja varieties. The last four (complex) interrogatives (with the Genitive n) are not used in the Ikherruden dialect of Zerqet, but are found in the Lqitun dialect. 660 The old generation in Ketama uses the element ma in some prepositional interrogatives, e.g. g ma 'in what'. This ma may be the same as the pronominal element mi found in Hmed and Zerqet prepositional interrogatives, with the final -a that is originally a relative marker, i.e. g m(i)^a 'in WH RM'. It is not excluded that the forms g emm(en) a (with the borrowed element mmen) and the native g m^a influenced each other and became conflated, as they are distinguished only by the gemination in mm. In Ketama, on the other hand, the interrogative 'with who/and who?' is homonymous with 'for who?', while the question 'with who?' (comitative) is distinguished in Hmed and Zerqet. In Ketama, iḏ emmen can be interpreted as 'for who?' and 'and who?', but the constructions are different (Cf. Section 12.4.4.2 for examples with a following relative clause). The interrogative iḏ emmen 'for who?' can start the sentence, while iḏ emmen 'with/and who?' cannot (it must follow an NP), e.g.

Prepositional interrogatives in

(117) netta iḏ emmen (K) he and WH

'With who?', lit. 'He and who?'

663 Cf. Section 9.6.2 for an alternative construction with the verb 'to own', also possible in Ketama.

664 Also 'why?' 665 In zidu men ~ zidu mmen, gemination in m is rare, but possible.

(118) *iḏ emmen (*K) and WH

(Intended: 'With who?').

In Hmed, for 'why', both the prepositional interrogative ḫ emmen (lit. 'on what') and the borrowed ɛlaš are used. Ketama uses the interrogative i men. The exact origin of the initial i in this construction is uncertain, but it coincides with the Dative preposition i (~iḏ), although the interrogative 'for who?' is iḏ emmen, distinguished from i men 'why?'.

Possessive Predicates and Possessive Interrogatives

Possession can be expressed with the Genitive preposition n 'of' or with the preposition ġur 'at'. On the negation of these prepositional predicates, see Section 9.7.2.

Possessive Predicates

Possessive Predicate with the Genitive Preposition n 'of'

The possessive Genitive construction consists of the Subject + the Genitive n 'of' + the predicate, e.g.

(119) ṣṣak=aḏ n Muḥemmeḏ (K)

ṣṣak=yya n Muḥemmeḏ (Z) bag=PROX of Mohammed 'This bag is Mohammed's.'
The following example is with the pronominal form:

(120) waḏ inu (K)

waḏa ynu (Z)
this:MS of:1S

'This is mine.'

Possessive Predicate with the Preposition ġur 'at'

The preposition ġur 'at' can express possession.666 In this case, the syntax is special: if the possessor is lexically expressed, it must be in a topic position (preceding ġur). For example:

(121) Muḥemmeḏ ġur-es ddrari (pan-Snh.)

Mohammed at-3S children 'Mohammed has children.'

When reference is made to the past or to the future, the ġur construction is used in combination with a form of the verb 'to be'. The Aorist (following the future marker ša) is used to refer to the future, and the Perfective (following the past marker) is used to refer to the past. In some varieties (Taghzut, Seddat, Zerqet), to make the reference to the past, it is possible to have the past marker with ġur-'at' without the following verb 'to be', e.g.

(122) ǧǧa ġur-es iḫeddamen (S) PST at-3S workers '(S)he had workers.'

In Zerqet, when the verb 'to be' is present, the agreement is usually with the possessed object. In Ketama and Hmed, the verb 'to be' in ġur-constructions can agree either with the possessor or with the possessed object (in the third person), or have a petrified (impersonal) form. When the possessed object is feminine plural, additionally, the verb 'to be' can be in 3FS (alongside 3MS, 3P, and Ø agreement). Agreement with the possessor follows the same pattern. Schematically:

Possessed Agreement in 'to be' Possessor Agreement in 'to be'

MS 3MS/Ø MS 3MS/Ø FS 3FS/3MS/Ø FS 3FS/3MS/Ø (M)P 3P/3MS/Ø (M)P 3P/3MS/Ø FP 3FS/3P/3MS/Ø FP 3FS/3P/3MS/Ø
There are two possible explanations for this choice in agreement. First, the agreement may be simply (freely) fluctuant, as in the local Arabic. 667 Alternatively, the agreement is not fixed because of the contamination with the old Berber verb (e)l 'to have/possess/own' (e.g. i-la 'he has'), which became conflated with ili 'to be' (e.g. i-lla 'he is/was'). 668 In the following example, (a) demonstrates that the verb can agree with the possessor. In (b), the verb agrees with the possessed object, while in c, there is no agreement either with the possessed object or the possessor:

(123) (a) Dunya ara h-ella ġur-es iḫeddamen (K)

Dunia PST 3FS-be:P at-3S workers (b) Dunya ara lla-n ġur-es iḫeddamen (K)

Dunia PST be:P-3P at-3S workers (c) Dunya ara y-lla ġur-es iḫeddamen (K)

Dunia PST 3MS-be:P at-3S workers 'Dunia had workers.'

Possessive Interrogative

As follows from the list of prepositional interrogatives presented in Section 9. In Zerqet, n miḏi 'of who?' is used in the Lqitun dialect, but has not been found in Ikherruden, which uses a different construction (based on the old verb 'to possess' mentioned above), which is also found in Lqitun:

667 Cf. https://academia.li/gutova/possessive-agreement-senhaja. 668 The verb 'to possess' is not common in northern Morocco. Nevertheless, it is still found in Senhaja (as well as in Tarifiyt) in some constructions (cf. Section 9.6.2).

(125) m^ i-la waḏa? (Z) WH 3MS-own:P PROX:MS 'Whose is this?', lit. 'Who owns this?'

In Ketama, there is a cognate verb 'to own, possess' (with the regular l > y), which only occurs in the following construction:669 Additionally, the negation by means of uliš, u šay (Taghzut) The Genitive preposition n 'of' can be negated by means of the verb 'to be' or the negator maši, as well as by the strategies specific to Taghzut (uliš, u šay) and Hmed The same strategies are used with the pronominalized forms, e.g.

(140) (a) u lla-n š nn-es (K/T/H) NEG be:P-3P NEG of-3S

'They are not his/hers.'

(b) maši nn-es (K/T/H/Z) NEG of-3S (c) uliš nn-es (T) NEG of-3S (d) u šay nn-es (T) NEG NEG of-3S (e) ma ṛa-h š nn-es (H) NEG PRS-3MS NEG of-3S 'It is not his/hers.'
The discontinuous negation is not accepted with this preposition.

Negation of the preposition ġu(r) 'at'

The preposition ġu/ġuḏ/ġur 'at' is special in that it can express possession and has a special syntax (cf. Section 9.6.1. The preposition ġur-with pronominal suffixes can also be negated by the discontinuous u...š (also in those varieties that do not accept this type of negation with other prepositional predicates such as 'with', as e.g. Ketama). Also, in some parts of Senhaja (parts of Ketama and Hmed), the Arabic discontinuous negation ma...š(i) can be accepted with this prepositional predicate. This variant is considered an Arabism by the speakers, but is used nevertheless. As usual, the negator maši extends the scope of negation to the entire clause. The variant (b) (maši ġur-es) implies '(something) is not with him, but with someone else'.

The variant (c) is the usual negation of the possessive construction. When the negator maši is followed by u ġur-es š, this has the meaning 'It is not that he has no...', e.g.

. bu

The discontinuous negation u... bu is especially frequent with pronominalized prepositional predicates, although it can occur in other contexts, as well (cf. Section 5.6.3.2). 672 The second negator bu is always followed by a noun that is an object complement. The noun is in EL. 673 The negation by means of u. Lit. 'In me there is no misbehavior', i.e. 'I am not misbehaving.'

Conclusions

Prepositions serve to indicate the function of a noun or a pronoun that follow them in relation to the predicate. Nouns following most prepositions are in the EA, while some prepositions take nouns in EL. Prepositional phrases can function as predicates. In Senhaja, prepositions can be simple or complex. Simple prepositions consist of a single element and can be divided into groups according to the state of the noun that follows:

1) most prepositions take the noun in EA, e.g. the Genitive n 'of' (n urgaz (K), n uryaz (H/Z) 'of the man'); s 'with' (instrumental) (s ufus 'with the hand');

2) prepositions ending in -g (T/Z) ~gʷ (H): the following masculine singular nouns have a special form of EA (EA2) lacking the initial full vowel. This is -22: tnayn u ɛišrin ~ ṯnayn u ɛišrin ~ tnin u ɛišrin (lit. 'two and twenty').

There are some dual forms that take the suffix -ayn (cf. Section 6.3.4.3), e.g.

- 676 The form ḥd ̱̣ ašer mya (lit. 'eleven hundred') is used e.g. when counting money.

677 menyul is used by the older people.

The Numeral 'one'

For the number 'one', the borrowed numeral (mainly used in counting) coexists with the native one. The native numeral (that has different realizations in different Senhaja varieties) can be used in combination with a noun or independently. When used with a noun, the numeral usually precedes them, but can also follow them. When preceding the noun, 'one' can function as an indefinite marker. The gender is distinguished across Senhaja when the numeral is used independently. In Ketama and Taghzut, the numeral is optionally marked for gender when it is followed by a noun: masculine yan vs. feminine yaṯ, alongside the invariable yan. 678 In Hmed, Zerqet, Mezduy, and parts of Bunsar (e.g. Amaktan), the prenominal numeral is always un, and in Seddat and parts of Bunsar (e.g. Tamadit), it is always ig w en.

The borrowed Arabic numeral for 'one' (used in Western Senhaja outside the context of counting) can also be optionally marked for gender, both when used in combination with a noun or independently: masculine waḥed, vs. feminine/common waḥiṯ ~ waḥda. Other numerals do not mark gender. We first discuss the numeral 'one'

in combination with nouns, followed by the independent use.

Numeral 'one' with a Noun

When combined with a noun, the numeral 'one' can appear before a noun, after a noun, or on both sides of the noun. In combination with a noun, the numeral of Berber origin is normally used in most Senhaja varieties. In Ketama and Taghzut, however, either the Berber or the Arabic numeral for 'one' can be used with nouns: the Berber numeral precedes the noun, and the Arabic numeral follows it, e.g. The following table lists the forms of the numeral 'one' when followed by a noun.

Some examples follow.

The Berber numeral 'one' preceding the noun can function as an indefinite marker. As an indefinite marker, it can precede other numerals in the sense 'some', 'about', 'approximately' (synonym of ši), e.g. 'some people'

2) Postnominal position: NOUN+NUM

In the postnominal position, the numeral is mainly used for emphasis ('a single X', 'only one X'), and cannot be interpreted as an indefinite marker. Gender is differentiated in postnominal position in most varieties; this is optional in Ketama and Taghzut.

Outside Ketama and Taghzut, the postnominal numeral is usually preceded by the predicative particle ḏ (cf. Section 6.1.2). Some examples follow:

K/T S/B/H B/Z

M waḥed~waḥiṯ(~waḥda) ig w en iwwen F waḥda~waḥiṯ ig w eṯ iwweṯ

3) Numeral 'one' on both sides of the noun

In some varieties, the numeral can occur on both sides of the noun. In Ketama and Taghzut, the postnominal numeral is a borrowing from Arabic. In the rest of Senhaja where this construction occurs (Bunsar, Zerqet), the postnominal numeral is of Berber origin (preceded by the predicative ḏ), but this construction is rare. This construction is not used in Hmed. For example:

Numeral 'one' used independently

The following table lists the forms of the numeral 'one' when used independently. In Bunsar, there are dialectal differences between Tamadit, which has the same form as in Seddat and Hmed, and Amaktan, which has the same forms as Zerqet and Mezduy.

In Ketama and Taghzut, both native Berber and borrowed Arabic numerals for 'one' can be used independently, and the two can occur in sequence, e.g.

yan ~ waḥed ~ yan waḥed (K/T) 'one (M)'.

Gender distinction is obligatory in the native numerals for 'one'. 680 The borrowed forms waḥiṯ and waḥda can be used for both genders, while waḥed is specifically masculine. 680 The masculine form can be used e.g. as an answer to the question 'How many boys are there in the room?' or 'How many sons do you have?' The feminine form can be used e.g. as an answer to the question 'How many girls are there in the room?' or 'How many daughters do you have?' When the numeral 'one' is nominalized, it can be used in the sense 'someone'. In this case, it can be preceded by an indefinite marker -either the prenominal numeral 'one'

or the indefinite element ši. In Ketama and Taghzut, the borrowed numeral for 'one', when nominalized, is obligatorily preceded by the native Berber numeral for 'one'

(masculine yan or feminine yaṯ) used as an indefinite marker. The following table

illustrates sentences meaning 'Someone (M) arrived' in different varieties.

The feminine counterparts for 'someone' are:

Specific Set of Numerals

Following the Arabic grammar, cardinal numerals (3 to 19 and 100) have a distinct form in combination with some nouns that refer to time such as 'day', 'month', 'year', etc. These nouns take the suffix -ayn to express the dual number. In this case, the numeral 'two' is not used. Numerals eleven to nineteen take the suffix -er. From three to ten, the noun following the numeral is in the plural. Following numerals from eleven, the singular form of the noun is used. Some nouns have suppletive plurals (e.g. For the number 'one', the borrowed numeral coexists with the native one, that can be used in combination with a noun or independently. When preceding a noun, 'one' can function as an indefinite marker. As an indefinite marker, it can precede other numerals in the sense 'about', 'approximately'. In Taghzut and Hmed, the numeral one as an indefinite marker can be followed by a noun in plural.

The gender is distinguished across Senhaja when the numeral 'one' is used independently. In Ketama and Taghzut, the numeral is optionally marked for gender when it precedes a noun. In other varieties, the prenominal numeral is invariable. The borrowed Arabic numeral 'one' can also be optionally marked for gender. When combined with a noun, in Ketama and Taghzut, it follows it. In other varieties, only

the Berber numeral 'one' can be used with a noun, either preceding or following it.

When the numeral follows the noun, the predicative ḏ is usually used. Constructions with postnominal numerals and rare.

In some varieties, the numeral 'one' can occur on both sides of the noun. In Ketama and Taghzut, the postnominal 'one' is of Arabic origin. In Bunsar and Zerqet, the postnominal numeral is Berber. In Ketama and Taghzut, both native and borrowed numerals for 'one' can be used independently, and the two can occur in sequence.

When the numeral 'one' is nominalized, it can be used in the sense 'someone'. In this case, it can be preceded by an indefinite marker -the prenominal numeral 'one' or the indefinite ši.

Ordinal numerals are all borrowed from Arabic. There are two sets: set 1 is used after a noun and distinguishes three forms (MS, FS, PL), and set 2 is used prenominally and does not mark the gender or number. The following class II nouns usually lack the Arabic article l-in most varieties, while in Hmed, the Arabic article can be present. In Hmed, set 1 numerals can appear prenominally, and set 2 numerals can appear postnominally.

To express 'with the (X number) of us/you/them', Ketama uses the construction b (<Ar.) ~ s (<Berber) 'with' + numeral + bi-(<Ar.) 'with' + Arabic pronominal suffix. In the rest of Senhaja, the construction is s (<Berber) 'with' + yes/is-(linking morpheme) + Berber pronominal suffix.

Adverbs

In Senhaja, one finds true adverbs (lacking nominal characteristics), but also nouns that can be used as adverbial phrases (without a preposition). In this chapter, we focus on true adverbs. 684 Adverbs as well as some nouns used adverbially can take deictic clitics, which, however, do not always coincide with the regular postnominal deixis (as Section 6.6). For example, in both Hmed and Zerqet, we find ḏ-a 'here' vs. ḏ-in 'there', while there are no postnominal clitics a or in in these varieties. Similarly, Ketama has ḏ-i 'here' vs. ḏ-is 'there', but no clitics i or is. The same feature is found in other Berber varieties, cf. Kossmann 2012: 65.

In the following section, adverbs are listed, divided into different semantic categories.

At the same time, there can be overlap between the categories, e.g. spatial/temporal (cf. Haspelmath 1997). Section 11.2 discusses the adverbial predicate and its negation.

Types of Adverbs (1) Adverbs of Place

The following table lists some spatial adverbs. On genna 'sky; on; up', cf. Section 9.4.1.4. On ṭalaɛ, cf. Section 9. 4.1.5; this word can also function as an active participle in the sense 'ascending'. In the following examples, it functions as an adverb:

( (

2) Adverbs of Time and Frequency

The following table lists some temporal adverbs. Almost all are Arabic loans. The first one, deġda 'earlier today', has not been found anywhere else in Senhaja, but is also found in Ghomara, deġdaḵ (Mourigh 2015: 271). The following table lists some adverbs of manner. They are also mostly Arabic loans, while direkt 'straight, direct' is a European loan (cf. French direct, Spanish directo). 685 The variant miḏa is used in Beni Aisi, and deġda in Beni Hmed. 686 There are dialectal preferences: Beni Aisi luḫ, Beni Hmed ḏruḫ, Lmekhzen/Asammar/Sahel derwaḫ, Talghunt daba (all ultimately from Arabic). Adverbs of quantity and degree can be followed by the Genitive n to link the adverb to the noun.

Ketama

(5) Varia Some of the following words have been classified as adverbs. 689

The Adverbial Predicate and its Negation

The adverbial phrases can function as predicates. The adverbial predicate can follow or precede the subject, e.g.

( To express 'He is not there', usually, the negated form of the verb 'to be' can be used in Hmed (and also accepted in Taghzut), and the negator maši in Hmed and Zerqet:

(11) (a) u ḏ-ella š ḏin (T/H) NEG 3MS-be:P NEG there (b) netta maši ḏin (H/Z) he NEG there 'He is not there'.

Conclusions

In Senhaja, one finds true adverbs (lacking nominal characteristics), but also nouns that can be used adverbially without a preposition (especially in the locative expressions). Adverbs as well as some nouns used adverbially can take deictic clitics, which, however, do not always coincide with the regular postnominal deixis.

The adverbial phrase can function as predicates. In this function, it can follow or precede the subject. The adverbial predicate is usually negated using the same Different from the adjectival or participial predicates (and different from Ghomara), the adverbial predicate usually cannot be negated by the discontinuous negation ma...š or u...š, with the exception of ḏin (T/H/Z) 'there' that accepts the discontinuous negation u... š, yielding u ḏin š 'There is no(t)/ There are no(t)'.

12. Verbal Clitic Chain and Clitic Movement for some reasons why the clitics are not written as attached to a preverbal element.

For the discussion of the verbal clitics in isolation (their meaning and forms), see Chapter 5. Here, we focus on the behavior of the clitics when they occur together in a clitic chain in unmarked contexts (postverbal position, Section 12.3), and on the conditions that cause their movement (Section 12.4). The final section of this chapter (Section 12.5) discusses the divergent clitic behavior in Taghzut.

Chapter 14 is devoted to the morphophonology of the verbal complex across Senhaja. Both postverbal and preverbal clitics are discussed in this chapter. In Ketama, the behavior of the verbal clitics under attraction conditions is different from the rest of Senhaja (including Taghzut) in that the clitic fronting can be incomplete, and the ventive clitic can be doubled, and this is not limited to the verb forms in the Imperfective. This special behavior is studied separately in Chapter 13.

12.2. Defining (Syntactic) Clitics

Introduction

As discussed in the Introduction (Section 1.11), there are two major types of clitics in Senhaja. Some are prosodically (phonologically) dependent, but do not undergo movement. These are, for example, the deictic clitics found with the noun (Section 6.6). Such clitics are referred to as prosodic clitics in this thesis, following El Hankari 2021 (see e.g. El Hankari 2021: 199). Another type of clitics is constituted by syntactic clitics. They have an important characteristic -namely, they undergo movement under certain conditions. In Senhaja, these are verbal clitics that make part of the verbal complex (Chapter 5). In this chapter, we focus on syntactic, mobile clitics. See Section 12.2.2 for the theoretical background and problems in defining the clitics. Our goal here is not to examine the status of clitics in a general theory of language structure, or to make generalizations about clitics in other languages, but to study the behavior of mobile clitics in Senhaja.

Verbal clitics are characterized by their mobility. Unlike PNG affixes, their position with regard to the verb is not fixed, and they can be found either following the verb (in unmarked contexts, such as perfective, affirmative), or preceding it (in specific marked contexts such as non-realized, negation, see Section 12.4). There are three types of verbal clitics:

1) pronominal clitics of the Indirect Object;

2) pronominal clitics of the Direct Object;

3) the ventive clitic d ('hither'), glossed here as VC.

Depending on the position and the phonetic environment, the clitics can take different 692 There are some restrictions on the IO+DO combinations. Thus, IO clitics cannot co-occur with the DO clitics other than third person (the Case-Person Constraint). 693 In Ketama, when the IO and the DO clitics co-occur in the contexts of attraction, the clitic complex is usually split, so that the clitic fronting is partial. For example:

( 'He will bring it (M) to him/her.'

In principle, the verbal complex can contain two pronominal clitics (IO and DO).

However, there are some restrictions on the combination of IO+DO clitics. In Senhaja, the IO clitic can be followed by the DO clitic only when the DO is represented by the third person. 694 When the DO is the first or the second person, the clitic combination (IO+DO) is not allowed. Instead, the DO clitic pronoun is used, and the IO is expressed in a non-clitic manner by means of a prepositional phrase with a pronoun (the Dative preposition i followed by the independent pronoun, e.g. i netta 'to/for him',

or the preposition a ġur-followed by the pronominal suffix, e.g. a ġur-es 'to(wards) him/her'), e.g.

( In what follows, we focus on the IO+DO clitic combination, e.g. 694 Constraints on the IO+DO clitic combinations are also found in other Berber languages as well as beyong (the so-called Case-Person Constraint, see e.g. Anagnostopoulou 2017). A situation similar to Senhaja is found in Tarifiyt, Ghomara, Zenaga, the Tunisian Berber varieties (Collins 1981-82), and in Siwi (Souag 2015a and p.c.). This restriction does not exist in Tuareg (Heath 2005, Kossmann 2011), Tashelhiyt, Kabyle, or Figuig (Kossmann 1997).

(4) i-zzya ^sen=t (i nehnim) (K)

3MS-slaughter:P ^3P:IO=3S:DO (to 3P)

'He slaughtered it for them.'

Note that the order of the pronominal clitics (IO+DO, as in a) does not correspond to the order of the lexically expressed complements (DO+IO, as in b):

(5) (a) kk-aṯ =as =t! (K)

give-IMP:PL =3S:IO =3S:DO 'Give (PL) it to him/her!'

(b) kk-aṯ lektab iḏ urgaz! (K)
give-IMP:PL book to man:EA 'Give the book to the man!'

Defining Clitics

As noted by Kossmann (2013: 8): "The differentiation between affixes, clitics and unbound forms is a difficult matter in Berber and Maghribian Arabic". In a classical definition, a clitic is a morpheme that has syntactic characteristics of a word (it is "syntactically independent"), but is "pronounced like an affix", i.e. is phonologically dependent on another word or phrase, called a "clitic host" (Crystal 1980). Sometimes, it is said that clitics behave like affixes, but are phonologically less dependent, as they are not in the prosodic domain of their host (e.g. Haspelmath 2015). There are two main categories of clitics depending on their position in relation to their host: a proclitic appears before its host, while an enclitic appears after its host. In reality, it is not always easy to distinguish "clitics" from "affixes" or independent words, and is not always easy to identify the "clitic host". There is also a distinction into 'simple clitics' and 'special clitics' (Zwicky 1977). However, this distinction is disputed (Bermúdez-

Otero & Payne 2011).
The literature on clitics discusses a number of clitic properties. Zwicky & Pullum (1983) postulate five characteristics that distinguish clitics from affixes: 695 1. Clitics do not select their hosts.

2. Clitics do not exhibit arbitrary gaps. 695 Zwicky & Pullum's study does not provide the defining criteria for comparative concepts of affixes or clitics, but provides a set of diagnostic tests that might be relevant for assigning elements to the crosslinguistic categories of affixes and clitics (cf. Haspelmath 2011, 2015).

verbs, adjectives, nouns, adpositions, etc.), but should be rather linked to familiar syntactic categories.

Similarly, as pointed out by Zwicky (1994: xiii), "clitic... is an umbrella term, not a genuine category in grammatical theory. Umbrella terms are names for "problems", for phenomena that present "mixed" properties of some kind, not names for theoretical constructs." Indeed, the above-mentioned guidelines on how to distinguish clitics from affixes or independent words often leave space for various analyses. This problem has been pointed out by Haspelmath (2011, 2015) Haspelmath 2011 describes some general (and problematic) clitic properties:

-Clitics are generally considered words, but no pause is possible between a clitic and its host.

-Sometimes, the mobility of the element is taken as a proof that it is a clitic.

-It is generally said that morphophonological idiosyncrasies are very common in combinations of stems and affixes, but should not occur in host-clitic combinations. However, morphophonological idiosyncrasies are also found in what by other criteria looks like host-clitic combinations. There are cases where a mobile clitic-like element influences the morphophonology of the host. Haspelmath (2011) summarizes the following main criteria: 1) free occurrence, 2)

external mobility and internal fixedness, 3) uninterruptibility, 4) non-selectivity, 5) non-coordinatability, 6) anaphoric islandhood, 7) nonextractability, 8) morphological idiosyncrasies, 9) deviations from biuniqueness. Among these, some criteria are usually selected and applied "to point in the same direction". However, the method is not rigorous, because the criteria do not always coincide. According to Haspelmath (2011), "the problems boil down to the cross-linguistic disparateness and the withinlanguage non-convergence of the identifying properties of clitics". Haspelmath concludes that it is better to acknowledge that there is no one universally applicable concept of a "clitic" (as there is no one universal concept of a "word") and hence clitics can be defined only in a language-specific way. To be sure, certain predictions about clitic behaviour are possible (e.g., that they should occur in a position peripheral to affixes). However, there is no rigorously defined cross-linguistic concept of a clitic, and clitics cannot always be clearly distinguished from affixes.

Some linguists (e.g. Hopper & Traugott 1993) have proposed a scale between the two poles of inflectional affix and independent word. Compare also Aikhenvald (2002: 43):

"These parameters provide us with a scalar definition of clitics: each prosodically deficient morpheme occupies a particular place within a multidimensional continuum, from a fully bound to a fully independent morpheme". So, we can speak of a continuum from affixes to independent words, where clitics occupy an intermediate position, with possible clusters (such as "affixoids", "clitic groups", "tight phrases", and so on). Also, according to Klavans 1995, clitics are grammaticalized from lexical items and can be viewed as an intermediate stage between an independent lexical word and an affix. Finally, when it is difficult to assign a particular element to the class of "affixes" or "clitics" or "words", a new intermediate category could be set up.

Thus, the term "afficlitic" could be used for the element between affixes and clitics (Haspelmath 2011). Zwicky (1994: xiii-xiv) points out that many continuum proposals share the two main defects, namely a) there is no independently definable dimension for variation, so that the cline is an ad hoc creation, and b) there are many different 'paths' between the poles -not one dimension.

In any case, it is clear that the term clitic is applied to very heterogeneous elements, some of which may be more "independent" (word-like) than others (which are more 2) In Berber, clitics are usually fronted when a certain element (e.g. a preverbal particle) attracts them (hence the term attraction). Consequently, clitics in Berber are normally not found in phrase-initial (P1) position as in Spanish, and are often restricted to a P2 (phrase-second, also known as the Wackernagel) position. 698 Clitic fronting is found almost in the entire Berber-speaking world, under practically the same conditions and targeting practically the same elements. Clitic fronting is absent in the Easternmost Berber varieties (Awjila and Siwa, although clitic fronting exists in Jebel Nefusa and Sokna).

Variation in Berber is found regarding movability of pronominalized prepositions and deictic adverbs. In some varieties, they are part of the clitic chain, and are also fronted in attraction contexts. 699 Sometimes, in these varieties, pronominalized preposition remains after the verb in attraction contexts. In such cases, it is not part of the clitic chain.

Different from these varieties, pronominalized prepositions and deictic adverbs (such as ḏa (S/B/Z), ḏi (K/T) 'here') are not fronted in Senhaja. 700 The following examples show that fronting of adverbs and pronominalized prepositions does not take place in Ketama (a), while it takes place in Tarifiyt (b) (personal notes; Tuzin dialect). 698 There exist some exceptions, however, when clitics are not found in a P2. Furthermore, the P2 is not always easy to define. Cf. below on Wackernagel's Law.

699 Fronting of pronominalized prepositions and adverbs is found e.g. in Middle Atlas Berber, Tarifiyt (Mourigh & Kossmann 2020), Figuig (Kossmann 1997: 271-272), and Tashelhiyt (Dell & Elmedlaoui 1989). In Zenaga, pronominalized prepositions are usually fronted, while adverbs remain postverbal (Taine-Cheikh 2017). In Tuareg, pronominalized prepositions and bare prepositions in prepositional relatives are also movable elements (Kossmann 2011).

There is no clitic fronting in pseudo-verbs, also in the presence of a negator or a question word (contexts that normally trigger clitic fronting, cf. Section 12.4). 701 For example:

(9) ani aqa^ḵ? (Z)

where QA^2MS:DO 'Where are you (MS)?'

In the expression a šan-'what's the matter with' that takes DO clitics (cf. Section 701 Pseudo-verbs are not real verbs, but words that nevertheless have some verbal characteristics. In particular, they can take verbal clitics (in Senhaja, only DO clitics). Cf. Section 5.3.4. 702 On Second-Position clitics, see in particular Anderson 1993, 1996, 2000, 2005. When some preverbal element (e.g. a preverbal particle, a relative marker, a question word, or a conjunction) precedes the verb, this element occupies the first position in the phrase (P1). The clitic is "attracted" by the preverbal element, and still occupies 703 Alternatively, one could say that the clitic remains in its original position, while the verb got "postposed" vis-a-vis the clitic (the verb-clitic inversion). 704 On topicalization in Berber, see Lafkioui 2010a, 2011c, 2012a, 2014, 2017b. ( The combination of the future marker (ma)š with the irrealis marker a(ḏ) could be counted as a single preverbal element occupying P1:

(18) š-a t= i-ẓeṛ (K)

FT-NR 3FS:DO= 3MS-see:A 'He will see her.'

WL can be applied to clitics in some Berber varieties. The law works when the clitics follow a preverbal particle (such as negation, irrealis) or some other elements that occupy the first position in a phrase and thus can serve as clitic hosts (or attractors).

However, sometimes, there is more than one preverbal element, e.g. a combination of the negation marker u and the future (ma)š-a (which is possible in Zerqet). In this case, the fronted clitics occupy P3, unless we analyze the combination of the two (or three) preverbal elements as occupying P1. Compare:

(19) (a) u (ma)š ^a t= i-ẓeṛ š (Z) (b) (u) (ma)š ^a ț= i-ẓeṛ š (H) (c) (-) (ma)š ^a t= i-ẓeṛ š (K)
NEG F ^NR 3FS :DO= 3MS-go:A NEG 'He will not see her.'

In the above example (a), there are (at least) two preverbal elements in Zerqet (or three, if we analyze (ma)š-a as two preverbal elements). In Ketama (c), where the negator u is absent in such contexts, the clitic remains in the same place: following (ma)š-a, and directly preceding the verb. In Hmed (b), the negator u is optional, and its presence or absence has no consequences for the position of the clitic. In all these examples, clitics are adjacent to the verb (hence, they are called verb satellites), no matter how many preverbal particles there are (for the negation of the Aorist, Taghzut allows the preverbal š-a, u š-a, u maš-a, u ma maš-a...). Even if we count u^ma as a single negation particle and maš-a as a single future particle, there are still at least two separate particles involved. In other words, "position 1" may involve complex elements.

More importantly, there is variation in relative clauses and related constructions, which in some Senhaja varieties can be made without an overt relative marker (as e.g.

the relative marker na in Hmed and Zerqet), while in Ketama, the relative marker a is obligatory. Constructions without a relative marker would then have a "zero host", which is problematic for WL. 705 If the preceding noun is analyzed as occupying P1, there is a problem in Ketama, which has a noun in P1 and a relative marker in P2. in Zerqet. A "zero host" is problematic both for WL and the Tobler Mussafia law. 705 There are other Berber varieties that do not have an obligatory relative marker but have clitic fronting in contexts of relativization, e.g. Figuig (Kossmann 1999).

A similar problem is found in questions formed with content question words (cf.

Section 12.4.4). In Ketama, following a question word, there is a relative marker a, where.to 3MS-take:P =3FS:DO 'Where did he take it (F) to?'

and
In example (a), it can be argued that the 3FS:DO clitic is cliticized either to the relative marker a, or to the verb. In example (c), the (postverbal) clitic is clearly cliticized to the verb. In example (b), according to a functional explanation (cf. below Section 12.2.6), the question word layn 'where to' presumably attracts the clitic.

However, it does not serve as a clitic host, as there can be a pause between layn and the clitic, while there cannot be a pause between the clitic and the verb form:

(24) (a) [layn] [t= i-wwi] (Z) (b) *[layn =t] [i-wwi]
where.to 3FS:DO 3MS-take:P 'Where did he take it (F) to?' In conclusion, it can be said that preverbal particles cause clitic fronting, no matter how many of them in a row and no matter what (extra-syntactic) element precedes the particle (such as an independent pronoun, a lexical subject, or an adverb 706 In McConvell's 1996 article, the term 'Split-Wackernagel' is used differently, i.e. not to refer to the split of the clitic chain (as found in Ketama), but to the split in the system, where some clitics sometimes appear in 2P position, and sometimes don't. A split-Wackernagel situation is when the former general 2P cliticization is being replaced by other types of cliticization. This is not about simultaneity of two positions for the clitics, but about simultaneity of two possibilities for the clitics to occur in a clause (as e.g. in Hmed/Taghzut Imperfective Negative).

like 'tomorrow'). WL works in many examples, if we limit ourselves to the verbal complex (defined as including preverbal particles), and if we consider the combination of particles as P1. A modified version of WL can be postulated for Ketama. The constraint on clause-initial clitics (the Tobler Mussafia law) seems to be operative in Ketama, but it is not always operative in Zerqet, where clitics can be clause-initial in relative clauses and related constructions (content questions and some subordinate clauses). The two laws do not apply to all examples across all Senhaja varieties. In Ketama, the laws are more applicable than in Zerqet, due to the presence of an obligatory relative marker that can be analyzed as P1 and a clitic host. To sum up, even within Senhaja, it is necessary to distinguish between different systems for the sake of the (non-) obligatoriness of the relative marker. 707

Clitic Host

It is a question (especially when clitics are "fronted", i.e. when they occur to the left of the verb) if Berber clitics are proclitic or enclitics. Or can they be either, depending on their position vis-a-vis the verb? As discussed above, when clitics are fronted, they can be analyzed as cliticized to the verb (in which case they become proclitics rather than enclitics, as in postverbal position), or as cliticized to the preverbal element that attracts them and serves as a clitic host (in which case they remain enclitics). 708 The problem of the "zero host" in Zerqet constructions without an overt relative marker has also been raised. Dealing with the question of the clitic host, it is important to note that some Berber languages allow for the split (separation) of the clitic from the verb (SCV), where the clitic is separated from the verb by some element (often a particle which in other varieties can be analyzed as a clitic host). SCV can be in the preverbal and in the postverbal position. In Ketama, SCV in the preverbal position is found in prohibitives: 709 707 A similar situation is observed within some other Berber varieties, such as Seghrushen, where the Tahla sub-variety has an obligatory relative marker, unlike the Imouzzar (Kossmann 2017b). 708 The term ambioclitics is sometimes used for clitics whose host is not easily defined.

709 See Section 13.4.2 for more details on Ketama prohibitives. Cf. also prohibitives in Igli Sud Oranais (Kossmann 2010). SCV (of different kinds) is found in Tahla Seghrushen (Kossmann 2017b), Chaouia (Lafkioui & Merolla 2002), Zwara (Serra 1964: 715-7, Brugnatelli 1993: 235), Ghadames (Kossmann 2013b), Zenaga (Taine-Cheikh 2017), and Mali Tuareg (Heath 2005: 593), among others.

Such examples can be taken as a proof that clitics are not always attached to the verb in Berber. Outside the prohibitives in Ketama, verbal clitics are not separated from the verb in Senhaja: they either follow the verb or precede it. Furthermore, the clitic chain in Ketama can be split (with clitics appearing on both sides of the verb), as discussed in Chapter 13.

Proposed Analyses

There are several theoretical studies devoted to Berber clitics, e.g. Ouhalla 1989, 1994, 2005a, 2005b; Boukhris 1998, 2010, 2013; Ouali 2005, 2011 Ouhalla proposes a Clitic-Host Inversion rule that raises the verb to the left of the clitic. In Ouhalla's approach, a verb followed by a clitic is a Clitic-Host inversion.

When there is no grammatical element (such as a tense marker) that hosts the clitic in the preverbal position, the clitic follows the verb and is attached to a "null Tense". The author argues that the verb inversion prevents the occurrence of the clitic as sentence-(or phrase-) initial (the Tobler Mussafia law). Nevertheless, there is an exception, namely relativization without an overt relative marker. In this case, we cannot argue that clitics attach to the "zero" relative marker, as zero cannot serve as the clitic host.

Ouali (2011) discusses agreement, pronominal clitics, and negation in Tamazight (Middle Atlas Berber). Ouali provides a convincing analysis of Tamazight clitics, but it is not entirely applicable to Senhaja. Here, it is important to note that as clitic placement is sometimes flexible in Senhaja, no analysis can in fact "predict" or explain their placement entirely. In a review article, El Hankari (2013) tests the validity of

Ouali's analysis against data from Tarifiyt. Ouali adopts Chomsky's (2001, 2004) theory whereby agreement is a basic relation between two heads. Ouali shows how the word order is derived in Berber. When an auxiliary (in the present work: a preverbal element, e.g. a tense marker) is used, clitics appear between the auxiliary and the verb. However, the verb precedes clitics where no functional word is present. In

Ouali's approach, the ordering of clitics is fixed rather than derived by movement:

"clitics head their own projection where they are base-generated". The positions clitics occupy are non-argument positions. That is, clitics are not arguments, but functional heads which behave more like verbal affixes or agreement markers.

Ouali posits two functional categories for a basic verbal clause, which correlate with two movements of the verb. The first movement is claimed to be syntactic, whereas the second movement is claimed to be phonological. 711 Ouali's analysis works for a number of examples. However, analysis of attachment of clitics to a functional category is problematic in some cases, as there are exceptions. For example, in Senhaja, as well as in Tarifiyt, past markers (cf. Section 5.4.1) such as Ketama ara do not attract clitics, while they are functional morphemes e.g. There are also other functional morphemes, such as the question particles waš or ka, or complementizers ila and belli, that cause no clitic fronting in Senhaja, e.g. 712 (29) i-ssen belli h-esġa =ṯ (K)

3MS-know:P that 3FS-buy:P =3MS:DO 'He knows that she bought it (M).'

Mourigh 2015 discusses content question words (which are normally followed by the relative marker a in Ghomara) and conjunctions and concludes that all conjunctions that cause attraction are either followed by the element a or end in -a, which is historically probably the relative marker (that causes attraction). The situation is largely the same in Ketama, but different in Zerqet (cf. Section 12.4.4.1 for a list of the question words, and Section 12.5 for a list of conjunctions in Senhaja), where there is no relative marker, and clitics may be either fronted or left postposed. Hmed occupies 711 Clitic placement is generally believed to be determined by factors that are partly syntactic and partly prosodic (see Klavans 1980, 1985; Halpern 1993, Ouhalla 2005a, etc.).

712 Across Berber, some complementizers (e.g. an intermediate position, as in this variety, most frequently, clitics are fronted when the relative marker a is used after a question word or a conjunction (as in Ketama), and clitics are left postposed when there is no relative marker (which is one possibility in Zerqet).

As Kossmann 2013a explains, different conjunctions have different origin. Some were borrowed from Arabic. Native conjunctions could have two different origins: some originated from a relative structure, and others from a structure with a grammaticalized verbal element. Different behavior of the clitics with different conjunctions could perhaps be linked to these different origins. In reality, however, it is often difficult to establish the exact origin of each construction, and also, subsequent changes by analogy could take place.

With functional morphemes, there is also a problem of the hierarchical ordering of the two functional categories, e.g. tense and negation. For Tarifiyt, according to El Hankari (2013), it seems that "original" (not grammaticalized) tense markers such as the irrealis a(ḏ) follow the negation marker (hence, NEG+NR), but grammaticalized (originally lexical) items such as the past marker ara/dža (grammaticalized from the verb 'to be') precede negation (hence, PST+NEG: ara ur). In Ketama, two grammatical markers are rarely combined (with the exception of š-a, where the combination of š and a is obligatory). In other varieties, the marker u precedes both the future š-a (as in Tarifiyt) and the past marker (iža/ǧǧa), different from Tarifiyt. Also, in Hmed, the negation marker can precede the future marker š-a^taft, which is grammaticalized from the verb 'to find' (Section 5.4.2.2).

El Hankari 2010 explains that in the presence of multiple functional morphemes, the clitic moves to the functional host that is adjacent to the verb, but cannot move to the highest category due to an adjacency to the verb constraint. This results in WL with the adjacency constraint. However, the adjacency to the verb constraint is not observed in Ketama prohibitives, where the clitic is separated from the verb by the prohibitive i. In this case, the clitic follows the first functional element (and precedes the second one), and for some reason, the functional category is repeated.

Another problem is that some functional morphemes are clitic hosts (such as the future š-a, negator u), while others are not (e.g. prohibitive negator i, past marker ara, complementizers ila and belli), and some show variation (as some conjunctions or question words). Because of this discrepancy, the syntactic approach must be ruled out. At the same time, due to the same discrepancy, cliticization cannot be attributed exclusively to the phonological deficiency of the clitics. Rather, the discrepancy lies with the functional categories themselves, and not with the clitics.

El Hankari (2010) argues that for cliticization to take place, both the clitic and the functional element must be mutually phonologically dependent. That is, if the functional element is deficient such as the irrealis marker aḏ or the negative particle u, cliticization is expected to occur since clitics are not prosodic words that can stand alone. On the other hand, if the functional category is not deficient, such as the past marker ara or the future marker ataf, clitics remain postverbal. This proposal does not explain the origin of discrepancy of the functional categories. If the question word layn 'where to' is phonologically deficient and hence attracts the clitic, then why do we find [layn] [t=i-wwi] and not *[layn=t i-wwi] 'Where did he take it to' (Zerqet)? Also, some question words can attract clitics, but can also be used on their own, which means that they are not phonologically deficient.

In the existing discussions, the major attention is given to the different kinds of functional morphemes, and to why some of them cause clitic fronting, and others don't. What we observe in Senhaja, however, is that under certain conditions, it is not only the functional morphemes, but the clitics themselves that matter. For example, in Ketama, in attraction contexts, different clitics may behave differently: the IO clitic may be fronted, while the DO clitic may remain postposed, and the ventive may be doubled. The interest of Ketama is that there is no uniform clitic behavior under the same fronting conditions. Another type of divergent clitic behavior is found in the Senhaja varieties that allow for postposed clitics in Imperfective Negative. In these varieties, it is not the functional morpheme, and not the clitics, but the verb form (aspect) that seems to be the culprit of the divergent clitic behavior. While in Taghzut, Hmed, and parts of Seddat the unusual behavior may be linked to the specialized negator (u)la, this is not the case in the Sahel dialect of Ketama, parts of Seddat, and Bunsar, which use the same negator u as Perfective Negative.

To sum up, the analyses proposed by e.g. Ouhalla, Ouali, and El Hankari, are able to explain some phenomena related to the Berber clitics, but not all of them. The major problems that have not been resolved yet include:

1) the "zero" clitic host in relative clauses without an overt relative marker (Zerqet);

2) the possibility of postverbal clitics despite the presence of a functional category to the left of the verb (e.g. a past marker);

3) variability in the placement of the clitics and the divergent clitic behavior in Ketama and in some other Berber varieties (e.g. partial clitic fronting and clitic repetition).

There is not one unified theory of Berber clitics that could explain all these phenomena. In our view, different explanations must sometimes be provided for different specific cases. Since the data are different, one theory or explanation cannot capture the clitic system with all its variations in Berber. For example, for the divergent behavior of the clitic complex in Ketama, we propose an explanation based on the grammaticalization, reanalysis, and the drive to disambiguate (cf. Chapter 13). 713 Some other examples of divergent behavior of clitics encountered in other varieties (cf. Section 13.4.4) also have a similar explanation. At the same time, since clitic behavior is the area where Berber varieties differ (even within Ketama there is a lot of variation), a single theory can hardly account for various deviations from the usual scheme.

Conclusion

It could have been possible to do without the term "clitics" in the description of Berber. Pronominal clitics could be classified as a type of pronouns, and the ventive clitic as a type an adverb. But neither of them is an independent word, neither can occur in isolation, and the parts of speech labels are usually applied to independent words. Also, all these elements can undergo fronting, and for this reason, it is convenient to have a term that refers to them all. The ventive is (nearly) invariable and hence "particle-like", but is "moveable" like a clitic (i.e. like the pronominal clitics).

To sum up, the term "clitic" is reserved in this study to mobile bound elements that are dependent (phonologically, morphologically, syntactically) on adjacent material. They are dependent phonologically in that they are "leaning" on the adjacent word (i.e. in pronunciation, they form part of the adjacent word). These elements exhibit some syntactic peculiarities: they often occur in the WL (phrase second) position and undergo fronting under certain conditions.

The term "particle", while it could have been avoided, is used in this study for invariable (indeclinable, uninflectable) grammaticalized elements ("function words", "grammatical words", "closed category words") that have peculiar semantics and idiosyncratic distributions. In Ketama, they occupy a certain position in relation to the verb (i.e. are either preverbal or postverbal).

Both "particles" and "clitics" could be called "small elements of grammar". Both share some properties (both are phonologically dependent, do not occur in isolation, have peculiar semantics). According to some authors, there is no dichotomy clitics/particles, and particles can be clitics (i.e. can be cliticized to the host). 714 Furthermore, what is usually considered a "particle" in most Berber languages, might exhibit characteristics of a "clitic" in some. For example, in Mali Tuareg (Heath 2005), stress placement shows that the preverbal irrealis particle ad is a proclitic. In this study, (syntactic) "clitics" are defined as "mobile", vs. "particles" that occupy a certain position with regard to the verb. As in most sources on Berber, bound pronouns (DO and IO series) and the deictic marker on the verb are considered (syntactic) clitics, and subject markers on the verb are considered affixes. 715

The Clitics in Unmarked Context

This section discusses postverbal clitics in unmarked contexts. In the paradigms, the Perfective Positive form of the verb is used. In unmarked contexts, the clitics can appear only after the verb. For the verb with a single DO and IO clitic, see Sections 5.3.1 and 5.3.2, respectively. For a verb with a single ventive clitic, see Section 5.3.3.

Here, we are only concerned with the clitic combinations (IO+VC, DO+VC, IO+DO, and IO+DO+VC). On allomorphy in DO+VC clitic combination, see Section 14.2.1.

IO + Ventive and DO + Ventive

The following table shows the combination of the IO and DO clitics with the ventive in a postverbal position in Ketama and Zerqet following the verb i-wwi 'he took' (with the ventive: 'he brought'), e.g.

(30) i-wwy =ay =d (K/Z) 3MS-take:P =1S:DO/IO=VC 'He brought me (here).' or 'He brought for me (here).'

The IO and DO clitics are identical in these varieties, except for the third person. 714 In Kossmann 2014, the ventive dd is sometimes called a "particle" and sometimes a "clitic".

715 A different approach is found e.g. in Abdel-Massih 1971. Note that when not attached to the verb (e.g. with prepositions), bound pronouns are considered affixes.

3MS verb form i-wwi 'he took' with IO/DO + ventive in Ketama/Zerqet

The following table shows the combination of the IO and DO clitics with the ventive in a postverbal position in Hmed with the verb i-ggʷi 'he took'. Different from Ketama and Zerqet, Hmed distinguishes the IO from the DO series also in the second person (2MS, 2FS, and 2P).

3MS verb form i-ggʷi 'he took' with IO/DO + ventive in Hmed

The following tables show the paradigms with the verb form šebbṛ-en 'they grabbed'

with the IO and DO clitics with the ventive. The Ketama forms differ from Zerqet and Hmed in the treatment of the schwa in the 3P subject suffix -en, which is realized asan when followed by V-initial clitics (cf. Section 14. expressed by the prepositional phrase. 716 The person of the IO pronoun does not make a difference for the construction.

DO clitic with IO (clitic or prepositional phrase) in Ketama

Third person DO clitics can follow any IO clitic, as the following table demonstrates. 717

IO+DO clitic chain with the verb i-kka 'he gave' (Ketama/Hmed/Zerqet) 716 The pronoun can be either a pronominal suffix, e.g. a ġur-es 'to(wards) him/her', or an independent pronoun (after the Dative preposition i), e.g. i netta 'to/for him'.

i-kka^m=ṯ i-kka^m=t i-kka^m=ț i-kka^m=ṯen 3S i-kka^s=ṯ i-kka^s=t i-kka^s=ț i-kka^s=ṯen 1P i-kka^naġ=ṯ (H) i-kka^naḫ^ṯ (K/Z) i-kka^na^ḫ (K) i-kka^naḫ^t (K/Z), i-kka^na^ḫ (K) i-kka^naġ^ț i-kka^naġ=ṯen (H) i-kka^naḫ^ṯen (K/Z) i-kka^naḫ^ḫen (K) 2P i-kka^wen=ṯ i-kka^wen=t i-kka^wen=ț i-kka^wen=ṯen 3P i-kka^sen=ṯ i-kka^sen=t i-kka^sen=ț i-kka^sen=ṯen

IO + DO + Ventive Clitic Chain

The following table demonstrates the forms with the three clitics in a clitic chain.

In Ketama, when the 3S:DO clitic is followed by the ventive, the gender of the pronoun is distinguished due to the distinct form of the ventive (cf. Section 14.2.1.1).

In Hmed and Zerqet, the forms of the 3S:DO clitics themselves are distinct, while the ventive has the same form (Zerqet iḏ, Hmed id).

IO+DO+ventive with the verb i-kka 'he gave' in Ketama and Zerqet

IO+DO+ventive with the verb i-kka 'he gave' in Hmed 1) preverbal particles (irrealis, future, negation);

IO +3MS:DO+VC K/Z +3FS:DO +VC K +3FS:DO +VC Z +3P:DO+VC K/Z 1S i-kka=y=ṯ^iḏ i-kka^y=ṯ^ed i-kka^y=t^iḏ i-kka^y=ṯen=d 2MS i-kka^ḵ=ṯ^iḏ i-kka^ḵ=ṯ^ed i-kka^ḵ=t^iḏ i-kka^ḵ=ṯen=d 2FS i-kka^m=ṯ^iḏ i-kka^m=ṯ^ed i-kka^m=t^iḏ i-kka^m=ṯen=d 3S i-kka^s=ṯ^iḏ i-kka^s=ṯ^ed i-kka^s=t^iḏ i-kka^s=ṯen=d 1P i-kka^naḫ^ṯ^iḏ (K/Z) i-kka^naḫ^ḫ^iḏ (K) i-kka^naḫ^ṯ^ed i-kka^naḫ^ḫ^ed i-kka^naḫ^t^iḏ i-kka^naḫ^ṯen=d (K/Z) i-kka^naḫ^ḫen=d (K) 2P i-kka^wen=ṯ^iḏ i-kka^wen=ṯ^ed i-kka^wen=t^iḏ i-kka^wen=ṯen=d 3P i-kka^sen=ṯ^iḏ i-kka^sen=ṯ^ed i-kka^sen=t^iḏ i-kka^sen=ṯen=d IO +3MS:DO+VC +3FS:DO +VC IO+3P:DO+VC 1S i-kka^y=ṯ^id i-kka^y=ț^id i-kka=y=ṯen=d 2MS i-kka^ḵ=ṯ^id i-kka^ḵ=ț^id i-kka=ḵ=ṯen=d 2FS i-kka^m=ṯ^id i-kka^m=ț^id i-kka=m=ṯen=d 3S i-kka^s=ṯ^id i-kka^s=ț^id i-kka=s=ṯen=d 1P i-kka^naġ=ṯ^id i-kka^naġ=ț^id i-kka=naġ=ṯen=d 2P i-kka^wen=ṯ^id i-kka^wen=ț^id i-kka=wen=ṯen=d 3P i-kka^sen=ṯ^id i-kka^sen=ț^id i-
2) relativization (regardless of the presence of the relative marker);

3) clefts (a subtype of relative clauses); 4) questions with question words (a subtype of cleft sentences);

5) subordinate clauses with some conjunctions.

Only complete clitic fronting is discussed in this section. For examples of partial clitic fronting and clitic repetition in Ketama, see Chapter 13.

Preverbal Particles causing Attraction

Clitic fronting takes place following the preverbal particles such as the irrealis a(ḏ), future (ma)š-a(ḏ), and negative u, e.g.

After the future š-a: (cf. Kossmann 2013a: 386-388). Galand (e.g. 2010: 155-6) uses the term supports de détermination ('demonstrative supports') for such elements. In his analysis, the element a(y) or i is a type of pronoun whose function is to host a modifier which cannot function on its own. These modifiers include relative clauses, as well as demonstrative clitics.

IO clitic (
In Ketama, the relative marker a is obligatory in all types of relative constructions. In Hmed and Zerqet, the relative marker is optional, especially when the nominal clitic (such as the anaphoric nna) is present. 719 As mentioned previously (cf. Section 12.2), the obligatoriness of the relative marker has consequences for the analysis of the clitic fronting and the identification of the clitic host.

Clitics are normally fronted in relative clauses across Senhaja (except for Hmed), with or without the relative marker, as well as in related constructions, such as clefts.

Interrogatives are discussed separately below. The following is an example of a subject relative clause. In subject relative clauses, in most Senhaja varieties, the use of the relative form of the verb is required. In Hmed, however, the use of the relative form is The following is an example of a clefted construction. 720 Here, the same rules apply.

( 'The man that I brought here...'

Negative Contexts

In Ketama and Zerqet, the relative form of the verb is regularly negated. In Hmed, already in the affirmative relative clauses, the use of the relative form of the verb in subject relatives is not obligatory. In the negated contexts, the use of the relative form is even rarer, and the use of non-relative forms is predominant. 721 The structure of the interrogatives (non-subject relatives)

In Ketama, all question words are followed by the relative marker a, and clitic fronting is obligatory. Some question words end in -a (which originally could have been the relative marker), so the use of the relative marker following them is hidden. Also, the relative marker a can be fused with the fronted IO clitics (such as 3S:IO as).

Nevertheless, in contexts which exclude the coalescence of two vowels, the relative marker is present in Ketama, and hence, we conclude, that it must be underlyingly present in such constructions. This is not the case in Hmed and Zerqet, where two major constructions are possible: with the fronted clitics, and with postposed clitics. In Hmed, there is a tendency to use fronted clitics when there is a relative marker (a or, more rarely na), while in Zerqet, the relative marker is always absent. Nevertheless, even in the absence of the relative marker, clitic fronting can still take place in Hmed in non-subject relatives. In subject relatives, there are three possible constructions in Hmed, depending on whether the relative or the finite verb form is used.

The following example illustrates the constructions with the question word fuqaš The free interrogative 'how many/much?' is šḥal~šḥa (< Arabic šḥal), which has the same realization (šḥal~šḥa) in Ketama and Hmed before a relative clause. In Ketama, when the shortened šḥa is followed by the relative marker a, the two vowels a coalesce. In Zerqet, šḥal is always shortened to šḥa before a relative clause, without the following relative marker. The following is an example of a DO relative. In both (a)

(K/H/Z
with a fronted clitic and (b) with a postposed clitic, a finite verb form is used, unlike in the subject relatives discussed in the following section.

(

Subject relative interrogatives

In interrogatives which are subject relatives, there are three different constructions in Hmed. In (a), the relative form of the verb with a fronted clitic is used, and the use of the relative marker is optional. In (b), a finite form of the verb is used, with a postposed clitic (and without a relative marker). In construction (c), a finite verb is used, with a fronted clitic (with an optional relative marker). In Ketama, only the first construction (a) is used, with a relative form and fronted clitics, and the use of the relative marker is obligatory. In Zerqet, we find construction (a) with a relative form and fronted clitics, but without a relative marker. Less frequently, (b) is found in Zerqet (with a finite verb and postposed clitics). 725

A list of simple interrogatives

The following table lists simple interrogatives in three Senhaja varieties, in two contexts: 1) independent (free interrogatives), and 2) before a relative clause, and indicates if the clitic fronting takes place following them. The sign (+) indicates that the clitic fronting is obligatory, (-) indicates that the clitic fronting does not take place, and (+/-) indicates that the clitic fronting is optional. It must be kept in mind that the clitic fronting is not caused by the interrogative itself. In Ketama, all interrogatives before a relative clause are followed by the relative marker a, which causes clitic fronting. In Hmed, the relative marker a is optional. In the presence of the relative marker, clitic fronting takes place. In the absence of the relative marker, clitic fronting is optional. In Zerqet, the interrogatives are not followed by the relative marker. As in Hmed in the absence of the relative marker, clitic fronting is optional in Zerqet. The following table lists the subordinate conjunctions in three Senhaja varieties, and indicates if the clitic fronting takes place following them. 733 It must be kept in mind that the clitic fronting is not always caused by the conjunction itself. For example, following ga 'when', clitic fronting can be caused by the (hidden) relative marker a in Ketama. In combination with bla ma 'without', clitic fronting is obligatory, as the following verb form is in the Aorist (following the irrealis particle a(ḏ)). Similarly, following qbel ma, there is a (hidden) irrealis particle a(ḏ), and the following verb form is in the Aorist. Following qbel u, clitic fronting takes place because of the negator u. 732 The counterfactual ka is distinct from ḵa (with a spirantized ḵ) 'how' (Ketama).

Simple interrogatives in

733 As with the previous tables (with interrogatives), (+) implies obligatory clitic fronting, (-) no clitic fronting, and (+/-) optional clitic fronting.

Imperative Negative, which is based on the Imperfective verb stem. In the context of the Aorist, however, the clitic complex cannot be split, and there is no clitic repetition.

Imperfective Negative

With

I(V)-D ula^s=ṯ=i-țak=iṯ š ula^s=ṯ=i-țak=iṯ=iḏ š DR ID-D (ID-DV) ula^s=ṯ=iḏ=i-țak=iṯ š DR IDV-D ula^s=d=i-țak=iṯ=iḏ š VR IV-DV ula^s=ṯ=iḏ=i-țak=iṯ=iḏ š DVR IDV-DV ula^s=ṯ=i-țak=as=ṯ š ula^s=ṯ=iḏ=i-țak=as=ṯ(=iḏ) š ID(V)R ID(V)-ID(V)

Prohibitive

Prohibitives are special in some parts of Senhaja in that they employ a specialized prohibitive negator i (cf. Section 5.2.2.2). In Ketama, the negator i is always used with prohibitives, whether they contain a clitic or not. When there is a clitic, Ketama combines the prohibitive i with a general negator u (cf. Section 13.4.2), so that the scheme is u + CLITIC + i + VERB + ši. This scheme is also found in Seddat and

u țak=as=ṯ š u țak=as=ṯ=iḏ š NCF -ID(V) u^s=ṯ i țak š u^s=ṯ=iḏ (i) țak š CCF ID(V)- u^s=țak=iṯ š u^s=țak=iṯ=iḏ š PCF I-D(V) u^s=ṯ i țak=iṯ š u^s=ṯ i țak=iṯ=iḏ š DR ID-D (ID-DV) u^s=ṯ=iḏ (i) țak=iṯ š IDV-D u^s=d=i-țak=iṯ=iḏ š VR IV-DV u^s=ṯ=iḏ=țak=iṯ=iḏ š DVR IDV-DV u^s=ṯ i țak=as š IR ID-I u^s=ṯ i țak=as=ṯ š u=s=ṯ=iḏ=țak=as=ṯ(=iḏ) š ID(V)R ID(V)-ID(V)
With this particular verb (that has the prefix ț-in the Imperfective), it is not common to have CCF (ID-model) without the intervening prohibitive negator i, to avoid the sequence ṯ+ț. However, the CCF (without the intervening i) is possible with the 3P:DO

Comparison between Imperfective Negative and Prohibitive

The following table compares the constructions with repeated clitics for the two contexts: Imperfective Negative ('He is not giving it (M) to him/her here)' and the prohibitive ('Do not give [SG] it (M) to him/here here!'). Although the preverbal element acts as an attractor, it is not sure if it also serves as a clitic host. In fact, there are arguments to consider the clitics attached to the verb in either position.

Although it could have been possible to do without the term "clitics" in the description of Berber, this term is useful to cover different bound elements that always occur with a verb and can change position depending on the syntactic conditions.

Clitics in Senhaja often occur in P2 (Wackernagel) position. However, the P2 position is not clearly defined, as the preverbal position can be occupied by multiple elements.

Another problem is that in Eastern Senhaja (Zerqet), in contexts of relativization, the relative marker is not obligatory, while clitics cannot be attached to the "zero" host.

Different analyses have been proposed to explain the rules of clitic behavior in Berber, e.g. that they must attach to functional rather than to lexical categories, and the Clitic-Host inversion takes place when there is no grammatical element in the preverbal position. However, these analyses do not explain why clitics can remain postposed in the presence of some functional categories to the left of the verb (e.g. a past marker).

Neither do these analyses explain the divergent clitic behavior in Ketama and in some other Berber varieties, such as partial clitic fronting and clitic repetition.

In unmarked contexts (Perfective, affirmative), clitics follow the verb. When they occur together, the sequence is IO+DO+ventive, where any of the members can be absent. There is allomorphy in DO and ventive combination. In accordance with the Case-Person Constraint, only third person DO clitics can follow an IO clitic. For nonthird person DO pronouns, the IO must be expressed by the prepositional phrase.

In specific contexts, clitics are found in the preverbal position. Depending on the context and the dialect, clitic fronting can be obligatory or optional. The following syntactic contexts (can) cause clitic fronting:

1) preverbal particles

The irrealis aḏ and the future (ma)š-aḏ obligatorily attract clitics. The negator u (and variants) usually attracts clitics. In parts of Senhaja, clitic fronting is not obligatory with the Imperfective Negative and prohibitive verb forms.

2) relativization and clefts

Clitic fronting takes place in contexts of relativization (including clefts, which are a subtype of relativization), with an obligatory relative marker a in Ketama, and regardless of the presence of the relative marker in Hmed and Zerqet. The major types or schemes of clitic behaviour in Ketama are:

1) "no clitic fronting" (abbreviated here as NCF), normally found in nonattraction contexts, although in the Sahel dialect of Ketama, clitics can remain postposed also in some attraction contexts; 735

2) complete clitic fronting (abbreviated here as CCF), which is the usual behavior of the clitics in other varieties;

3) partial clitic fronting (abbreviated here as PCF), which is common in Ketama with the combination of the IO (fronted) and the DO (postposed); 4) clitic repetition (abbreviated here as CR), which usually applies to the ventive in the presence of the fronted IO and postposed DO.

There is a hierarchy as to what is found depending on the number and type of the clitics and on the dialect:

1) The IO clitic does not appear postverbally in contexts of attraction, and cannot be repeated in Ketama.

2) The DO clitic, when found in combination with the IO clitic, can be preverbal (CCF: the ID-and IDV-models), postverbal (PCF: the I-D, I-DV, and IV-D models), or (at least seemingly) repeated (CR: the ID-D model).

3) The ventive, when in combination only with the IO clitic, is preverbal (CCF:

the IV-model).

-When in combination only with the DO, the ventive is preverbal in Beni Aisi and Beni Hmed (CCF: the DV-model). In Sahel and Lmekhzen, it can also be postverbal (PCF: the D-V model) and repeated (CR: the DV-V and V-DV models). Moreover, in Sahel, the DO and the ventive can be repeated simultaneously (DVR: the DV-DV model).

-When in combination both with the IO and DO, the ventive can be preverbal (CCF: the IDV-model and PCF: the IV-D model), postverbal (PCF: the ID-V model), or repeated (VR: the IV-DV model).

Some models are more frequent than the others depending on various factors.

All in all, there are 26 individual models found in the attraction contexts, including the 7 models in the NCF scenario (possible in Sahel in IPF.NEG and IMP.NEG contexts). See Section 13.5 for the summary of the possible models. The purpose of this chapter is to give the details of the clitic behavior in various dialects. 735 In Sahel, clitics can remain postposed in IPF.NEG (negated Imperfective) and IMP.NEG (prohibitive, which is based on the Imperfective), thus recalling the situation in Hmed and Taghzut.

In Ketama, the behavior of the clitics does not depend on the semantics of the verb or the exact meaning of the clitic pronoun. The same patterns are found with the verbs 'to give', 'to send', 'to take/bring', 'to kill', and the speech verb 'to say/tell'. Naturally, some verbs are more likely to take the ventive or a pronominal clitic. However, if the verb accepts certain clitics, the behavior of the clitics will generally be the same regardless of the verb type. In the present study, only a few verbs are presented in the tables (paradigms), but it was carefully verified that the same clitic behavior is found with other verbs and in natural discourse.

Complete Clitic Fronting: IO+Ventive and DO+Ventive

This section discusses pronominal clitics in combination with the ventive in marked contexts. In the paradigms, the Aorist form of the verb following the irrealis marker is used. For the verb with a single DO and IO clitic in attraction contexts, see Section 5.3.

For a verb with a single ventive clitic, see Section 5.3.3. Here, we are only concerned with the clitic combinations (IO+VC and DO+VC).

The following table shows the combination of the IO and DO clitics with the ventive in a fronted position with the verb š-a y-awi (K) 'he will take' (with the ventive: 'he will bring'), e.g.

(1) š-a ^y= d= y-awi (K) 1) FT-NR ^1S:DO= VC= 3MS-take:A

2) FT-NR ^1S:IO= VC= 3MS-take:A 'He will bring me (here).' or 'He will bring for me (here).' In this construction, the clitics are found on both sides of the verb. The PCF is not common in Moroccan Berber, including other Senhaja varieties, but is also found in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 322). It is also known in Tunisian Berber (Tamezret) (Collins 1982) and in some Algerian Berber varieties (cf. Section 13.4.4).

IO

Within Ketama, there are differences: PCF with the singular form of DO clitic is

IO+3S:DO with the verb 'to give' in 3MS Aorist

When the DO has the singular form, the person and the number of the IO clitic does not play a role for the construction (with an exception of 1S:IO, see below). With each IO clitic, there are three models (that are found with a different frequency in different dialects):

1) PCF (I-D) e.g. š-a^s=i-kk=it 'He'll give it to him/her': Beni Aisi, Beni Hmed;

2) PCF+t (It-D) e.g. š-a^s=t=i-kk=it 'id.': Lmekhzen, Beni Aisi, Beni Hmed;

3) CCF (ID-) e.g. š-a^s=t=i-k 'id.': Sahel, Lmekhzen (Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed).

739 Also: š-a=(y)ṯ=i-kk=it.

The paradigm for singular and plural IO + plural DO clitics

The following table provides a paradigm with the verb š-a y-ek 'he will give' with the IO and 3P:DO clitics: 'He will give them (3P:DO) to [...]' (with various IO clitics).

IO+3P:DO with the verb 'to give' in 3MS Aorist

Summary

When the DO has the plural form, there are differences depending on the IO pronoun In Ketama, the difficulty is caused by the fact that the initial t-of 3P:DO ten disappeared as a result of "extreme spirantization" (t > ṯ > h > ø), and the resulting form (e)n becomes invisible after all plural forms of the IO (1P hen, 2P wen, 3P sen), while after the 3S:IO (a)s, it becomes indistinguishable from the 3P:IO sen. In what follows, the third person singular and plural DO clitics are discussed separately.

IO + 3S:DO + Ventive

The table on the following page provides a paradigm with the verb š-a y-ek 'he will give' containing IO+3S:DO+ventive clitics: 'He will give it (3S:DO) to [someone] (with various IO clitics) here/in this direction'. When the ventive occurs with the IO and the 3S:DO clitics, it can appear:

1) on both sides of the verb (i.e. it can be repeated): VR (IV-DV model);

2) in the postverbal position: PCF (I-DV model);

3) in the preverbal position: PCF (IV-D) and CCF (IDV-model).

For the combination of IO+DO+ventive, the PCF scenario involves two models (IV-D and I-DV). There are no constructions where IO and DO are fronted, but ventive is postposed (i.e. ventive does not occur postverbally without the preceding DO), or where IO+DO are fronted, and DO+ventive are postposed. When there is a combination of three clitics, DO clitic is not repeated and there are no traces of the dummy DO. Alternatively, the preverbal t could have become assimilated to the ventive d. 747 Also, if the preverbal t could occur without the following ventive, it would be invisible with the 2S/3FS/2P verb forms (prefix t-).

IO+3(M)S:DO+ventive with the verb 'to give' in 3MS Aorist

As the DO is most often split from the IO and found in the postverbal position (whether with or without the following ventive), or in the preverbal position in combination with the ventive, its gender is always distinguished (at least due to the form of the ventive).

748 Also: š-a=(y)ṯ=i-kk=ih^iḏ. Additionally, the PCF (the D-V model) is possible with 1S, 3MS, 1P and 3P. The D-V model is not possible with the 2S/3FS/2P verb forms, as the contact of 3S:DO and the PNG prefix of these forms is avoided. Instead, the clitics remain postverbal with these verb forms.

To summarize, for the (3S)DO+ventive clitic combination, Sahel avoids the sequence of 3S:DO and the 2S/3FS/2P PNG prefix, because in this case, the DO would become invisible. Also, the sequence of ventive d with the "problematic" PNG prefix or with the t-prefix of the verb is avoided. As a result, depending on the person, a certain construction is preferred.

3MS:DO+ventive with the verb 'to give' in IPF.NEG in Sahel

NEG DO VC PNG VERB PNG DO VC NEG Type Model

1S u takki -ḫ^ ṯ i š NCF -DV u h takki -ġ d š PCF D-V 2S u h- takki -t t i š NCF -DV 3MS u y- takka h i š NCF -DV u h d i- takka š CCF DV- u h d i- takka d š VR DV-V u h d i- takka h i š DVR DV-DV u y- takk ih i š NCF -DV u h i- takka d š PCF D-V 3FS u h- takka h i š NCF -DV u h- takk ih i š NCF -DV 1P u n- takka h i š NCF -DV u h d n- takka š CCF DV- u h d n- takka d š VR DV-V u h d n- takka h i š DVR DV-DV u h n- takka d š PCF D-V 2P u h- takka -m ṯ i š NCF -DV 3P u takka -n ṯ i š NCF -DV u h takka -n d š PCF D-V

Divergent Clitic Behavior Outside Senhaja

Outside Senhaja, in Morocco, divergent clitic behavior has been found in Figuig (Kossmann 1997: 191, 272) and in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 322-323). In Figuig, as in Iche Sud Oranais (Kossmann 2010: 93), clitics show a divergent behavior when the ventive is combined with the first or second person DO. This is different from Senhaja.

Ghomara shows both differences and similarities with the divergent models found in Senhaja. The major differences are that in Ghomara, it is possible to have postposed clitics even with the irrealis particle and that in Ghomara, the ventive can be repeated when it is the only clitic in the verb complex. The similarities are that both varieties have partial clitic fronting with a fronted IO and postposed DO, both varieties have the dummy DO, and in both varieties, the ventive can be repeated when combined with the IO and DO. Considering the fact that Ghomara and Ketama are geographically close (albeit separated by an Arabic-speaking area), the similarities between the varieties can be considered a shared innovation.

Outside Morocco, various deviations from the usual model of clitic fronting are found. In Algeria, some varieties of Kabyle (e.g. At Zmenzer, At Smail) show divergent clitic behavior. In At Zmenzer Kabyle (based on the speech of our language consultant, Sofiane Smaïl, as well as in the At Smail variety, as can be seen in some texts in Vincennes 1971), the DO clitic can be repeated in contexts where it becomes assimilated in the fronted position. In Kabyle of Bejaia, the ventive d can be left postposed in contexts of attraction, while it assimilates to the t-of the verb form if fronted (Aoumer 2011: 454). Some other divergent models of clitic behavior have been found in Tasahlit (Massinissa Garaoun, p.c.) and some varieties of Chaouia (Lafkioui & Merolla 2002: 22-29; Reesink 1979: 373). In some dialects of Aurès (Mercier 1896, Brugnatelli 1993: 236), repetition of DO is found. In Ngouça, both the DO and IO can be repeated (Delheure 1989, Delheure, Ochoa & Ould-Braham 2019).

There are examples of divergent clitic behavior from Mzab, some of which are reminiscent of Ketama, e.g. the IV-DV model (Delheure 1989, Brugnatelli 1993: 236).

Repetition of the ventive occurs in Bousemghoun variety of Sud Oranais (Kossmann 2010: 93). In this variety, the postverbal clitic follows the second part of the negation, and is thus separated from the verb. The clitic can be separated from the verb by a postverbal negator also in the Libyan Zwara (Serra 1964: 715-7, Brugnatelli 1993: 235). In the Igli variety of Sud Oranais, when the relative construction contains fronted elements as well as a preverbal particle, the linking element a occurs twice, on both sides of the attracted element, thus separating the fronted clitic from the verb.

This recalls the Ketama prohibitives, with the negators on both sides of the fronted clitic.

Conclusions

In Ketama, clitic fronting does not follow the usual scheme, where all clitics are fronted together as an uninterrupted clitic chain (IO+DO+ventive). The usual scheme is found when the clitic chain consists of one pronominal clitic and a ventive (i.e. When the verb form contains all the three clitics, the most typical scenario is the partial clitic fronting combined with the ventive repetition:

IO+ventive=VERB=DO+ventive. Other constructions are also possible (with the ventive on either side of the verb: fronted following the IO, or postposed following the DO). The complete clitic fronting (IO+DO+ventive=VERB) is also possible, but rare.

Again, there are dialectal differences: some models are preferred in specific dialects.

Ketama uses a specialized prohibitive i, that cannot be followed by a clitic. Instead, the scheme is: u + CLITIC(S) + i + VERB + NEG ši, as also found in Seddat and (as a possibility) in Taghzut (with an optional i). This is the only construction where the clitic is separated from the verb, and it is not clear what functions as a clitic host.

Clitics in prohibitives follow the same rules as in other verbal forms, with partial clitic fronting and ventive doubling under specified conditions (as described above).

In the Lmekhzen dialect, with the third person DO clitics in combination with the ventive, the ventive is fronted, and the DO+ventive is postposed. This construction allows for the distinction in the gender of the DO pronoun, which is otherwise unmarked in the complete fronting construction.

is the preferred option in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed, the PCF+t (It-D) is frequent in Lmekhzen, and the DR (DO repetition) is used in Sahel, as well as the CCF+t (IDtmodel). Generally, for the IO+DO clitic combination, the CCF is found predominantly in Sahel (wherever possible) while Beni Aisi and Beni Hmed have the tendency to split the clitic complex.

It is argued in this thesis that the divergent clitic behavior in Ketama may be linked to the desire to avoid ambiguity. It is linked to morphophonology. In many cases, the inserted "extra" elements (such as the dummy DO or the prohibitive i) have a historical background, but can synchronically be said to serve as dividers between the morphemes, thus serving as disambiguators.

Similarly, keeping the clitic postposed or repeating it helps to avoid ambiguity in some contexts. Clitic repetition can be seen as the unintended result of the transition from the older system (CCF) to the newer system (PCF).

Some new models of clitic behavior can be analyzed as a result of the reanalysis of the original form. The dummy DO is a result of the reanalysis of the fronted 3S:DO clitic, which gradually became devoid of its original meaning, and hence a "real" DO needs to appear in the postverbal position. This is combined with the fact that when fronted, 3P:DO (ten > ṯen > hen > (e)n) are ambiguous when following some IO clitics. In sum, there are different paths that could lead to the origin of the new constructions.

The ambiguity in some constructions have led to the reanalysis of the elements involved. Subsequently, the reanalysis led to the emergence of new constructions, which in many cases avoid the ambiguity. Thus, the main driving forces behind the divergent clitic behavior in Ketama are: reanalysis, grammaticalization, and the drive to avoid ambiguity.

-ṯ-duwwaḫ (most Snh.) 'she made dizzy' (Ketama (a)h-duwwaḫ).

The situation is different in Zerqet 3FS Imperfective forms. Here, when the subject marker ṯ-is followed by the already assimilated IPF prefix d-(<t-), it is fully assimilated, and the verb form with the 3FS subject prefix is identical to the bare IPF verb stem, e.g.

-dduwwaḫ 'she makes dizzy' (<ṯ-dduwwaḫ < ṯ-t-duwwaḫ), identical with the IPF stem dduwwaḫ (<t-duwwaḫ).

In Ketama, the prefix in IPF and PERF forms does not undergo assimilation:

-(a)h-dduwwaḫ 'she makes dizzy'.

In the Hmed variety, the situation is similar to Zerqet in that the bare IPF verb stem (with the IPF prefix ț-) is homophonous with the IPF verb stem with the 3FS prefix assimilated and degeminated:

-țduwwaḫ 'she makes dizzy' (<ṯ-țduwwaḫ), identical with the IPF stem țduwwaḫ. The presence of a postverbal negator, just as the presence of a postverbal clitic (cf.

Section 14.3.1.2), makes the final -ġ of 1S subject suffix -aġ re-appear, e.g. They are shown in the following table. Note that following the 3MS:DO, the ventive is realized with the spirantized ḏ in Ketama and Zerqet (K/Z ṯ=iḏ, Ketama also h=iḏ). 757 The spirantized pronunciation of the ventive following DO clitics is also (optionally) found in Taghzut. In Zerqet, the form of the ventive is usually also iḏ also following the 3FS:DO clitic t (by analogy with the 3MS:DO). In the Ketama dialects of Sahel and Lmekhzen, the final -ḏ of the ventive following 3MS:DO can be absent, so that 3MS:DO+ventive is realized as ṯ=i, h=i. With the 3FS:DO clitic, the ventive is realized as ed in Ketama (the final d is not spirantized), but the clitic itself is spirantized (ṯ, or h in an intervocalic position: ṯ^ed, h^ed). 758 The major differences when compared to the postverbal clitics are:

1) there is no distinction between the 3MS:DO+VC and 3FS:DO+VC in Ketama (the ventive is realized as d in both cases);

2) in Taghzut and Hmed, the fronted 3MS:DO clitic is realized as t (not spirantized), vs. postverbal ṯ, but remains distinguished from the 3FS:DO ț;

3) in Zerqet, in fronting contexts (different from the postverbal position), there is optional distant assimilation of the DO clitic and the ventive. 759 For example:

(14) š-a h= d= i-ẓeṛ (K) š-a t ^id= i-ẓeṛ (H) š-a ṯ ^iḏ= i-ẓeṛ (Z)~ š-a ḏ ^iḏ= i-ẓeṛ (Z)
FT-NR 3MS:DO= VC= 3MS-see:A 'He will see him (from far).' When an IO clitic is followed by a 3P:DO clitic in a fronted position, the 3P:DO is realized as en in Ketama in those dialects that accept IO+DO sequence (Sahel/Lmekhzen). 763 In Zerqet, the 3P:DO is ṯen, as usual, and in Hmed, it is either en and hn:

(31) š-a ^ḵ= en= y-ek (K) š-a ^ḵ= eṯn= i-k (Z) š-a ^ḵ= (eh)n= i-k (H)
FT-NR ^2MS :IO= 3P:DO=3MS-give:A 'He will give them to you (MS).'

The Clitics and the Verb

Besides interacting between themselves, the verbal clitics interact with the verb form:

there is interaction between the PNG suffixes and postverbal clitics (Section 14. In Ketama, the 1S subject suffix with C-final verbs is realized as -a (<*-eġ). The final -ġ of -aġ reappears when the suffix is followed by a clitic (pronoun or ventive). 765 Compare:

With IO The 2S/3FS/2P subject prefix interacts with the preverbal clitics in a number of ways.

39) ẓṛi-ġ =ṯ > ẓṛi-ḫ^ṯ (K/Z) > ẓṛi-ḫ^ (K) ẓṛi-ġ =ṯ (H) see:P-1S =3MS:DO 'I saw him.' (40) ẓṛi-ġ =t > ẓṛi-ḫ^t (Z/K) > ẓṛi-ḫ^ (K) ẓṛi-ġ =ț (H) (

1) 2S/3FS/2P subject prefix and fronted pronominal clitics

In the Aorist, the 2S/3FS/2P verb subject prefix is realized as t-following the irrealis a(ḏ). In Ketama, the prefix is also realized as We adopt a polylectal approach, focusing on the differences and the common features between the studied varieties. Three varieties were chosen as representative of the regions where they are spoken -Ketama (Western Senhaja), Hmed (Central Senhaja),

and Zerqet (Eastern Senhaja) -in order to cover Senhaja as a whole most fully and accurately. The Mezduy variety was not chosen, as it is the border variety that is most influenced be the Tarifiyt Berber spoken to its East. The studied varieties are important for the understanding of the linguistic landscape and history of the region, and the linguistic variation therein.

The thesis covers the major domains of the language, such as phonology, morphology, and morphosyntax. Senhaja has been heavily influenced by Arabic, as is evident in multiple lexical, as well as morphological and syntactic borrowings. Across Senhaja, suppletive borrowing is widespread, so that native verbs correspond to suppletive verbal nouns, causatives, passives, and participles. While lexical borrowing is found across Senhaja, the grammatical borrowing is especially frequent in Western and Central Senhaja. Here, we find Arabic patterns in verb derivation (e.g. derivation of causatives) and in derivation of participles on the basis of native Berber verbs.

Arabic apophony is also borrowed in derivation of diminutives from the native Berber nouns.

There are some important similarities between the Senhaja and the Ghomara Berber language spoken to its West (Mourigh 2015), but also substantial differences.

The similarities can be explained both by the geographical proximity and probably by the common origin. Similarly, there are both similarities and differences with the Tarifiyt Berber spoken to the East of Senhaja (Lafkioui 2007a, Kossmann 2017a). Some isoglosses distinguish Senhaja from Tarifiyt. Despite the geographical proximity, the varieties are not necessarily related genealogically. In this thesis, it was chosen to pay special attention to the verb and the verbal complex, which is why three separate chapters are devoted to it in the morphology part. Chapter 3 discusses the major characteristics of the verb, the verb derivation, and subject marking. Chapter 4 discusses the formation of the verbal stems that express the mood, aspect, and also negation in parts of Senhaja. Chapter 5 is devoted to the verbal clitics and particles, markers and auxiliaries of the past, future, and relevance of the utterance for the present. A separate topic is the behavior of the verbal clitics: the IO, the DO, and the ventive deictic clitic. This behavior is studied in the final chapters (Chapters 12 and 13), while the morphophonology of the verbal complex is studied in Chapter 14.

Phonology

The transcription system used in this thesis is the one that is commonly found in The relative form (also known as the "Berber participle") is a verbal form used in subject relative constructions. The shape of the relative form is i-X-n, invariable for number and gender, e.g. i-ḵerz-en 'who plowed'. Optionally, Eastern Senhaja (Z/M) uses a FP form: i-X-nt.

Impersonal verbs can be used without PNG markers, or PNG markers may be optional or frozen. They can take pronominal IO clitics, which makes them similar to pseudo-verbs, e.g. (i-)ḫeṣṣ=ay ((3MS-)need=1S:IO 'I need' (lit. 'it is needed to me').

MAN (Mood, Aspect, Negation) Verb Stems

In Berber linguistics, it is customary to speak of MAN (Mood, Aspect, Negation) rather than TAM (Tense, Aspect, Mood) distinctions in the verb stems. Most Senhaja varieties distinguish three verbal stems: Aorist, Perfective, and Imperfective, without the negative stems. Mezduy and the Wersan dialect of Zerqet preserve two negative stems:

the Perfective Negative and the Imperfective Negative. That is, in most Senhaja varieties, only the mood and aspect, but not the negation, are distinguished in the verb form (without the negative particles), so we can speak of MA(N) verbal stems, where negation is marked only in parts of Senhaja. Some stems can be homonymous. The Aorist, or unmarked stem, when it occurs without a particle, is used for the imperative or as a consecutive (narrative) form. More commonly, it is preceded by the irrealis a(ḏ) or the future (ma)š-a(ḏ). In this case, it expresses a non-realized event (irrealis, future, possibility, wish, subjunctive, etc.). The Perfective has different interpretations depending on the verb: a dynamic event in the past, or a stative (including resultative) event. The Imperfective is used for the progressive, simultaneous, habitual, iterative, durative, etc. It can also express inchoative with verbs describing states/quality.

In Senhaja, many verbs do not formally distinguish between the Aorist and the Perfective (AOR=PERF). The Imperfective is usually distinguished. The formation of MA(N) stems is related to the formal characteristics of the verb. For example, most CCC verbs do not formally distinguish between the Aorist and the Perfective.

The Aorist. There are variations within the Aorist paradigms. In Zerqet, some verbs have the final -i/a alternation (i-appears in 1S and 2S, and -a in other persons), corresponding to the invariable -i in the rest of Senhaja. In Ketama, the i/a alternation in the Aorist is limited to the passive verbs derived with the prefixes t-, n-, or ttya-.

The Perfective. The Perfective is often formed by the following mechanisms:

1) the initial vowel change, e.g. a-> u-. This is found in both underived and derived verbs (following the derivational prefixes). The initial u after the causative s-can change to a in K/H, but remains unchanged in Zerqet.

2) the medial vowel change. This is found in Ketama/Hmed, but not in Zerqet.

3) the final vowel insertion or alternation. In this case, the Perfective has -i/a alternation (cf. Aorist in -i/a in Zerqet). Verbs that change the final -u to the final -i/a in the Perfective is an isogloss that distinguishes Senhaja from Tarifiyt. Also, the vocalization in the Perfective of CC and CCV verbs is the same, while in Tarifiyt, the alternating vowel differs (Kossmann 2017a: 99).

In The Imperfective prefix t(t)-is realized as tt before a vowel in Ketama. In Zerqet, the prefix is always t, and in Hmed/Taghzut, it is ț. The prefix can co-occur with the causative s-in Hmed (and sometimes in Zerqet). This must be an innovation. The prefix does not combine (or coalesces) with the common passive prefix t-(or the dialect-specific Ketama ttya-, Zerqet ttwa-) in Ketama and Zerqet. This is different in Hmed and Taghzut. In Hmed, the Imperfective ț-is combinable with the passive t-and țțuya-. In Taghzut, the Imperfective ț is realized as s before the passive ț~t and țțya-.

Some verbs lack the Imperfective, or the Imperfective can be irregular or suppletive. Exceptionally, AOR=IPF, e.g. in cases when the Imperfective has been reinterpreted as the Aorist, e.g. ttru 'cry' (K); tsyay 'hear' (B).

The Imperfective Negative. The Imperfective Negative is restricted to a few verbs, and is (partly) preserved only in Mezduy and the Wersan dialect of Zerqet. In cases where it is different, it is derived from the Imperfective by a vowel change: a > i. There are also examples where a of the Imperfective remains unchanged. In most cases (and in all cases when there is no a in the Imperfective), the Imperfective Negative is the same as Imperfective.

The Verbal Complex

The verbal complex is defined here as the verb together with the verbal clitics and particles. Auxiliaries are also discussed here. Some of the preverbal elements trigger clitic fronting, while others don't.

Verbal Particles

There are modal and negative particles. There are two modal particles common to Senhaja: the irrealis a(ḏ) and the future (ma)š-a(ḏ) (which is a combination of (ma)š and the irrealis a(ḏ)). Both particles signal that the action has not been realized. In Taghzut, alongside š-a(ḏ), the future l^a(ḏ) is sometimes used, which is a combination of la and the irrealis a(ḏ).

There are preverbal and postverbal negative particles. The postverbal particles are š~ši~šay, usually in free variation. The preverbal particles are: u (general), ma (used with the Aorist in Hmed, alongside the general u, and with prohibitives based on the Aorist), la~ula (used with the Imperfective in Taghzut, Hmed, parts of Seddat), ur (used with the Perfective in parts of Seddat). The negator i is used in Ketama in prohibitives. In specific contexts, one of the two particles can be absent. The negative u can be combined with the future (ma)š-a(ḏ) in Zerqet. In Hmed, the preverbal negator is optional in this case, while in Ketama, it is absent in the presence of other preverbal elements.

Besides the discontinuous negation, there are other negation strategies. The negator maši can be used to negate the entire clause. The negation u (+ VERB) + bu can be used with an object complement. There are various negative elements that influence the use of the bipartite negation.

Verbal Clitics

Verbal clitics are syntactic clitics, as they are mobile and can be fronted under certain In preverbal clitics, there is one series. The preverbal clitics differ from the postverbal ones in three major points:

-in parts of Senhaja (K/T/Z), the preverbal 1S clitic has two forms: the regular y, or the innovated yṯ (K)/yḏ (T/Z) used in specific contexts, which is a result of the reanalysis;

-the fronted 1P clitic is ġen in most varieties, hen in Ketama, vs. postverbal

Tense/Aspect auxiliaries

Past. Different Senhaja varieties have different markers to make the reference to the past explicit: ara~ala (K), indi (T), iža (Z). In Hmed, the past marker g and the verb 'to be' blended in one form, gelli/a, which can be optionally conjugated. When used in combination with the verb in the Perfective, the past marker makes the reference to the past explicit or expresses a prior event in the past (the pluperfect).

The past marker is used with the Imperfective to express a continuous or habitual action in the past. The combination of the past marker (+'to be') + future š-a + the verb in the Aorist expresses an anterior non-realized event. To make a reference to the past with a non-verbal predicate, in Ketama, the verb 'to be' in the Perfective is used, preceded by the past marker. In Taghzut and Zerqet, following the past marker, the use of 'to be' is optional.

to the Arabic-morphology class. Some (but not all) kinship nouns belong to the nonaffix class, e.g. gma (K/S/T) 'brother' and its suppletive plural ayṯma 'siblings'.

Interaction between Berber and Arabic in nominal morphology

There is interaction between Arabic and Berber in nominal morphology. There are some elements that can precede nouns: ayṯ (<Berber) ~ bni (<Arabic) 'sons of'; bu, mul, and the plural sḥab 'owner(s)/possessor(s) of'. The element bu is usually used with body parts, and describes a certain trait.

Nominal Deictic Clitics

Most Senhaja varieties have postnominal clitics with a three-way distinction in exophoric deixis (proximal, medial, and distal). Most varieties have an anaphoric clitic nna, while Ketama and Taghzut employ distal clitics as anaphoric. Ketama and Taghzut distinguish number in deictic clitics (as in Ghomara, but different from the rest of Senhaja and Tarifiyt).

Adjectives and Participles

In Senhaja, adjectives form a separate morphological class, with distinct markers. When adjectives and participles appear on their own, they refer to the present, or no specific time reference is made. The reference to the future and to the past is achieved with the verb 'to be'. When adjectives (or participles) function as predicates, no predicative particle is used (in contrast to the nominal predicate), that shows that they are not a sub-class of nouns, as in some other Berber varieties. There are different strategies to negate an adjectival or participial predicate, e.g. by the negated form of 'to be' or by a single negator maši (as with nominal predicates), but also by a bipartite negation. In Zerqet, the strategy depends on whether the adjective is conjugated or not.

Pronouns

There are native Berber and borrowed Arabic pronouns, which can both be either independent or bound. Pronominal clitics are part of the verb complex (Chapter 5). Pronouns can be suffixed to prepositions. The forms are largely the same as suffixes with kinship nouns, with some differences:

Berber pronouns

-in 1S, no suffix is used with kinship nouns, vs. suffix -i with prepositions;

-Mezduy does not insert ṯ between the preposition and the plural suffixes;

-Ketama and Taghzut accept plural suffixes with prepositions.

The Genitive preposition n(n)-followed by the pronominal suffixes expresses possession. The 1S form inu is irregular.

Pronominal Heads and Demonstratives

When a Noun Phrase is constituted by a pronominal form followed by a determination

Borrowed Arabic Pronouns

Arabic third person independent pronouns, full or abbreviated, are found in parts of Senhaja (K/T/H) in specific contexts, such as presentatives, following the presentative ha 'here'. With non-third person pronouns, only Berber pronouns are used. Arabic pronominal suffixes are found across Senhaja with some borrowed Arabic elements.

They normally cannot be suffixed to words of Berber origin (with one exception).

Depending on the lexeme and the variety, the Arabic suffixes can be in free variation with the Berber suffixes. With some elements (e.g. men ġir-'except', ɛemmeṛ 'never'),

the Arabic 1P forms are preferred above the Berber forms even in those varieties that employ Berber suffixes (Z/M). In Eastern Senhaja, the use of Arabic suffixes is limited to borrowed fixed expressions, such as mreḥba bi-'welcome'.

The construction š-a^taft used in Hmed as a marker of future, is Berber in origin, but accepts Arabic suffixes. It is a grammaticalization of the verb af 'to find'.

Prepositions

There are simple and complex prepositions. Many prepositions have two forms, one (usually a shorter one) used before nouns and one (usually a longer one) used with pronominal suffixes, e.g. s ufus 'with the hand' (instrumental) > sgig-es 'with it' (K). Some prepositions do not take pronominal suffixes, but are followed by independent pronouns, e.g. anda Muḥemmeḏ

'like Mohammed', anda netta 'like he' (K).

Complex prepositions take the Genitive n, and the following noun is in EA. Some prepositions can be combined, e.g. za ġu ṯḥanuț (H) 'to the shop' (lit. "to at the shop"), ḥetta za^(a)ḫyam (Z) 'until the house' (lit. "until to the house").

Prepositions can be combined with the pronominal elements mmen (<Arabic, in

Adverbs

In Senhaja, one finds true adverbs (lacking nominal characteristics), but also nouns that can be used adverbially without a preposition (especially in the locative expressions). Adverbs as well as some nouns used adverbially can take deictic clitics, which, however, do not always coincide with the regular postnominal deixis.

The adverbial phrase can function as a predicate. In this function, it can follow or precede the subject. The adverbial predicate is usually negated using the same strategies as a nominal predicate (by the negated form of 'to be' or by means of the negator maši). Different from the adjectival or participial predicates, the adverbial predicate usually cannot be negated by the discontinuous ma...š or u...š, with the exception of ḏin (T/H/Z) 'there' that accepts the discontinuous negation u... š, yielding u ḏin š 'There is no(t)/ There are no(t)'.

Verbal Clitic Chain and Clitic Movement

The verbal clitics can appear in a clitic chain, following or preceding the verb, which is why they can be called verbal satellites. Clitic mobility distinguishes syntactic (verbal) clitics from prosodic (nominal) clitics. Prepositions with pronominal suffixes and deictic adverbs do not undergo fronting (also known as attraction) in Senhaja.

Although the preverbal element acts as an attractor, it is not sure if it also serves as a clitic host. In fact, there are arguments to consider the clitics attached to the verb in either position.

Clitics in Senhaja often occur in P2 (Wackernagel) position. However, the P2 position is not clearly defined, as the preverbal position can be occupied by multiple elements. Another problem is that in Eastern Senhaja (Zerqet), in contexts of relativization, the relative marker is not obligatory, and the clitics are still fronted, while clitics cannot be attached to the "zero" host. Different analyses have been proposed to explain the rules of clitic behavior in Berber, e.g. that they must attach to functional rather than to lexical categories, and the Clitic-Host inversion takes place when there is no grammatical element in the preverbal position. These analyses do not explain why clitics can remain postposed in the presence of some functional categories to the left of the verb (e.g. a past marker). Neither do these analyses explain the divergent clitic behavior in Ketama and in some other Berber varieties, such as partial clitic fronting and clitic repetition.

In unmarked contexts (Perfective, affirmative), clitics follow the verb. When they occur together, the sequence is IO+DO+VENT, where any of the members can be absent. In accordance with the Case-Person Constraint, only third person DO clitics

Clitic Fronting in Ketama

In Ketama, clitic fronting does not follow the usual scheme, where all clitics are fronted together as an uninterrupted clitic chain (IO+DO+VENT). The usual scheme is found when the clitic chain consists of one pronominal clitic and a ventive (i.e.

IO+VENT, or DO+VENT). However, when the verb contains two pronominal clitics, typically, only the IO is fronted, while the DO is left postposed, resulting in a partial clitic fronting: IO+VERB+DO. In another construction, the DO is (seemingly) doubled, occurring on both sides of the verb (IO+DO+VERB+DO). However, the fronted DO clitic is an invariable t, unmarked for the gender and number, and it merely signals that the real DO is coming in a postverbal position. In such examples, the fronted DO can be analyzed as a dummy DO, or as a disambiguator.

When the DO has the plural form in an IO+DO clitic chain, there are differences depending on the number of the IO pronoun. With a singular IO, we find (depending on the dialect): the partial clitic fronting (IO+VERB+DO), with or without the dummy DO; the DO repetition (IO+DO+t+VERB+DO), or the complete clitic fronting (IO+DO+t+VERB). In the last two scenarios, the dummy DO is obligatory.

With plural IO clitics, only the partial clitic fronting is possible (IO+VERB+DO), with or without the DO. When the verb form contains all the three clitics, the most typical scenario is the partial clitic fronting combined with the ventive repetition:

IO+VENT+VERB+DO+VENT. Other constructions are also possible (with the ventive on either side of the verb: fronted following the IO, or postposed following the DO). The complete clitic fronting (IO+DO+VENT+VERB) is also possible, but rare.

Again, there are dialectal differences: some models are preferred in specific dialects.

Ketama uses a specialized prohibitive i, that cannot be followed by a clitic.

Instead, the scheme is: u + CLITIC(S) + i + VERB + NEG ši, as also found in Seddat and (as a possibility) in Taghzut (with an optional i). This is the only construction where the clitic is separated from the verb, and it is not clear what functions as a clitic host. Clitics in prohibitives follow the same rules as in other verbal forms, with partial clitic fronting and ventive doubling under specified conditions (as described above).

In the Lmekhzen dialect, with the third person DO clitics in combination with the ventive, the ventive is fronted, and the DO+VENT is postposed. This construction allows for the distinction in the gender of the DO pronoun, which is otherwise unmarked in the complete fronting construction.

In

Morphophonology of the Verbal Complex

There are various assimilations and allomorphy in the verb complex. Different morphemes interact: the verb stem and the prefixes; clitics and affixes; particles and PNG affixes and clitics. The assimilation is usually regressive, except for the fronted ventive d, that causes the following t (e.g. 2S/3FS/2P verb subject marker) to assimilate.

The t of the subject prefix, Imperfective, or passive, assimilates to the following d (or ḍ) of the verb stem in Ketama and Zerqet, but not in Hmed. In Imperative Plural forms, the Ketama suffix -aṯ assimilates to the following clitics (DO, ventive), while in Zerqet, the suffix -eṯ is substituted by -em in this case.

Pronominal clitics can assimilate in voice to the following ventive d, e.g. 3S:IO as+d > az=d, 2MS aḵ+d > aḡ=d, including the long-distance assimilation in Zerqet of 3P:IO asen+d > azen=d. There are specific forms of third person DO clitics and the ventive (which is usually realized as id following third person pronouns). In the preverbal position, the 3MS and 3FS:DO can merge. In Zerqet, assimilation in voice takes place only in the preverbal position.

In Ketama, the final -ġ of 1S subject marker and 1P:IO clitic is restored when there is a following clitic (e.g. ventive) or particle (e.g. the negator š), e.g. ḵešm-a 'I entered' > ḵešma-ġ=d 'I entered here', u ḵešma-ġ š 'I did not enter'. If there is a following DO clitic, the ġ is devoiced and realized as ḫ. Similarly, the 1P clitic na (DO/IO) is realized as naġ if there is a following clitic or particle. When 1P:IO na(ġ) is followed by a DO clitic, there is a devoicing: naġ > naḫ before 3S:DO ṯ/t and 3P ṯen. This is also found in Zerqet, but not in Hmed.

When a V-final verb stem is followed by a V-initial clitic, either the vowels coalesce, or a semivowel is inserted, e.g. i-nna+as (3MS-say:P+3S:IO) > innas (K/H/Z), innayas (K/Z, but not Hmed) 'he told him'. When a V-initial clitic follows a subject suffix with a schwa (e.g. 3P -en), the schwa is realized as a in Ketama, while the word is resyllabified in Hmed/Zerqet.

Conclusions

This thesis described the major differences and common features found among Senhaja Berber varieties. The major language domains were covered (phonology, morphology, Ketama is not the only Berber variety with the divergent behavior of the clitics.

Ghomara in particular exhibits very similar features. As Ghomara is geographically close, these deviations can be considered a shared innovation. At the same time, something structurally similar is found also in Algeria (Chaouia, Mzab), and Tunisia (Tamezret). The ventive repetition is also shared by a number of Berber languages.

While some details are known about clitic fronting in particular Berber varieties, we still lack knowledge about variation in clitic behavior across Berber, and about the historical development of the clitic fronting. Since clitic fronting is found almost in the entire Berber-speaking world, it must be an archaic feature. In some Berber languages, this feature became lost or underwent modifications. Those modifications differ in different varieties. Some varieties have no clitic fronting, or acquired partial clitic fronting or clitic repetition. The divergent behavior of clitics in Ketama is most likely an innovation. While the system might appear irregular at the first sight, there are some regularities within this divergent system. Other Berber languages exhibit other deviations. Different modifications of the usual system in different varieties can be independent innovations. However, there are some common tendencies (e.g. no clitic fronting; partial clitic fronting; and clitic repetition, especially ventive repetition).

The fact that similar deviations as found in Ketama also exist in Ghomara, might be an indication that this feature is not very recent, considering the fact that there is little contact between Ghomara and Ketama at present. This shared feature might point to the common origin of Ketama and Ghomara. We also cannot exclude the possibility that Ghomara and Ketama Berber speakers were once geographically closer than at present, and might have influenced each other. It remains to be explained why some things tend to innovate, and why certain innovations are preferred above others.

Thus, the complete story of clitic behavior in Berber still remains to be written.

Résumé substantiel 1. Introduction

Cette thèse décrit plusieurs variétés distinctes mais apparentées du berbère parlé dans Dans les cas où il est différent, il est dérivé de l'imperfectif par un changement de voyelle : a > i. Il existe également des exemples où le a de l'imperfectif reste inchangé. Dans la plupart des cas (et dans tous les cas où il n'y a pas de a dans l'imperfectif, le négatif de l'imperfectif est identique à l'imperfectif.

Le complexe verbal

Le complexe verbal est défini ici comme étant le verbe ainsi que les clitiques et les particules verbales. Les auxiliaires sont également abordés ici. Certains éléments préverbaux déclenchent l'attraction des clitiques, d'autres non. Les pronoms peuvent être suffixés à des prépositions. Les formes sont en grande partie les mêmes que les suffixes avec les noms de parenté, avec quelques différences :

-en 1S, aucun suffixe n'est utilisé avec les noms de parenté, vs le suffixe -i avec les prépositions ;

-le mezdouy n'insère pas de ṯ entre la préposition et les suffixes du pluriel ;

-le ketama et le taghzout acceptent les suffixes de pluriel avec les prépositions.

La préposition du génitive n(n)-suivie des suffixes pronominaux exprime la possession. La forme 1S inu est irrégulière.

Têtes pronominales et démonstratifs

NR ^3FS-prepare:A table

This sentence was accompanied by a gesture: the speaker did as if she put something in her right pocket, and then in her left pocket, as if each mouse was now in a different pocket.

'She will make a salad, she will make everything, for the table... she will prepare the (whole) Answer: aɛellaqṯ 'a tree branch with leaves which is hung on the wall in a stable so that goats eat from it' (it goes out empty because the goats ate the leaves).

2. a-rga =d awwerṯ nn-es a-rsa a-kkaṯ g uzellif nn-es 3FS-close:P =VC door:EL of-3S 3FS-start:P 3FS-hit:I in head:EA of-3S

'It closed its door, (and) it started beating its head.'

Answer: rrḥa 'mill'.

3. a-d ̱̣ laq iḏaren nn-es, a-rsa a-ttažad g ṯarwa nn-es 3FS-release:P legs of-3S 3FS-start:P 3FS-leave:I in children of-3S

'It stretched its legs and it started giving birth to its children.'

Answer: aberranṯ 'marrow'. In this riddle, "legs" refer to branches, because when the marrow spreads its branches, vegetables will appear there. language 3MS-find:P language 3FS-finish:P 'When he arrived to that world to bring the language for them, he found that the language was depleted.' Lluġa ṯ-et-feṛṛaq, uḏ i-qqim š lluġa, ṣafi language 3FS-PASS-distribute:P NEG 3MS-stay:P NEG language that's.it 'Language was distributed, there was no language left, that's it.' so.that NR finish:A-3P language of-3P

I
'He stayed there, he didn't come back to them, and they are still waiting for him to bring them something so that they could complete their language.' U daba i-ǧǧa =ṯen ssawal-en s un lluġa mḫellṭ-a.

and now 3MS-leave:P=3P:DO speak:I-3P with a language mixed-FS 'And now he left them speaking a mixed language.' The terms for children ('son', 'daughter') are not exclusively used as kinship terms, but have a wider range of meanings ('boy', 'girl') when not followed by a possessive pronoun. These terms belong to the Berber-morphology class, except for the Arabic borrowing lɛiyyel (Seddat) 'son, boy' that is class II. The feminine counterpart, ṯaɛiyyalṯ, is Berberized and belongs to class I. The terms for children often have suppletive plurals that may belong to another class. Thus, arba 'boy, son' corresponds not only to irḇan (T/H), but also to ddrari (pan-Snh.) and to ṯarwa. Its feminine counterpart, (ṯ)arbaṯ 'girl, daughter' corresponds not only to (ṯ)irbaṯin (K/H/B), but also to ṯyumba (H/B), ṯižumba (T), and ṯibliġin (Z). Ketama aḫčiw 'boy, son' (more widely used than arba in Ketama) has a regular plural iḫčiwen, but also corresponds to ddrari and yumba (~iwemba, iwenba). While yumba 'boys' clearly corresponds to the feminine tyumba (T ṯižumba) 'girls', these terms are not used in the same varieties. The terms for grandparents and grandchildren are mostly borrowed from Arabic (although they usually lack the article), except for the term ayyaw 'grandson' used in parts of Senhaja. In Ketama, the Arabic loan leḥfed ̱̣ (~leḥfid ̱̣ ~leḥfiṭ) is used instead. Alternatively, periphrasis can be used: aḫčiw n uḫčiw inu ~ arba n urba^ynu 'son of my son', arbaṯ n urba inu 'daughter of my son', etc. In other varieties, where the term ayyaw is found, periphrasis is also possible, e.g. arba n urba^ynu (Z) 'son of my son'. The terms for uncles and aunts are borrowed from Arabic. Some of these terms have extended meanings. Thus, the terms ɛezzi ~ ɛziz(-i) means not only 'paternal uncle', but also 'brother of paternal grandfather' and, (in Seddat) more generally, some man from one's father's family. The term ḫal(-i)/ḫayy(-i) (and variants) refers not only to a maternal uncle and mother's maternal uncle (or generally, some man from one's mother's family), but also to a husband's father (cf. below). The term ḫatt-i/ḫatti may refer to: 1) maternal aunt (mother's sister), 2) mother's maternal aunt, and 3) maternal uncle's wife. There may be dialectal differences in the range of meanings. Thus, the term ɛett(-i) in Seddat may refer to: paternal aunt, wife of mother's brother, wife of father's brother, and generally, some lady older than the speaker. In Taghzut, the term ɛetti is more restricted, and refers only to one's paternal aunt. The same term may refer to different things in different varieties. Thus, in Seddat, the term yayya is a synonym of ɛett(-i) (i.e. 'paternal aunt'). In Taghzut, it is used to refer to some woman you know ('auntie'), alongside titti. Sometimes, a Berber term may be used alongside an Arabic loan, e.g. (Z) aḏeggʷal (and variants) alongside nnsib 'wife's father/brother'. The younger generation is not always familiar with these terms. In many cases, periphrasis can be used, e.g. (K) uytma-s n (t)emġart inu 'wife's sister' (alongside nnsiba~sslifa).

Grandparents and grandchildren

Term

Uncles and aunts

Term

Terms for 'family'

The following terms are used in Senhaja to refer to the family. They belong to Class II, except for ayṯma mentioned above, and do not accept possessive suffixes.

Term Variety Translation

ddeḫla~ddeḫya Z~K/S/H/B nuclear family lɛa'ila pan-Snh. extended family ayṯma H/Z family (in K/S/T 'siblings')

In addition, the term aḫyam 'house' (and its variant) can also be used in the sense 'household, family'.

Examples of usage

Bellow follow some examples including kinship terms.

šḥal ġur-eḵ n ayṯma-ḵ? (K) ~ šḥal ġur-eḵ n išqiqen? (Z/M) 'How many siblings (brothers and sisters) do you (2MS) have?'

780 Also periphrasis, (K) ugma-s n urgaz inu, lit. 'brother of my husband'.

781 Also periphrasis, (K) uytma-s n urgaz inu, lit. 'sister of my husband'.

Appendix 4. Color terms in Senhaja

Color terms in Senhaja may be expressed by different parts of speech: adjectives, nouns, and verbs. Adjectives and nouns can be of Arabic or Berber origin. Thus, the major types of color terms in Senhaja are:

1) adjectives: a) of Arabic origin, e.g. kḥel 'black' (H); b) of Berber origin, e.g. melluy 'white' (H); 2) nouns: a) nominalized Arabic adjectives, e.g. akeḥḥul 'black one' (H); b) nouns of Berber origin, e.g. amelluy 'white one' (H). In Zerqet, borrowed Arabic color terms are usually not nominalized. 3) verbs, e.g. mžul/meǧǧul (Z) 'to be white'.

In most Senhaja varieties, Arabic color terms coexist with the native ones, and may be gradually replacing them, as they are mostly used by the young generation (e.g. in Bunsar). In Ketama, native Berber color terms are not used. Ketama and Hmed varieties allows for internal diminutives of color terms. These can be derived both on the basis of adjectives or nominals.

The following table presents the color terms in Hmed. This variety presents the largest diversity of color terms, including both adjectives (Arabic-morphology and Berbermorphology) and nouns, as well as diminutives. The following table presents the PNG marking used in the context of Perfective and Imperfective (affirmative), without the preverbal markers.

Arabic adjectives (Hmed

Finally, the following table presents the PNG marking following a preverbal negator. 782 In Taghzut, Seddat, and Hmed, the sets are identical in the affirmative forms, but not in the negative ones. The difference is found in the 3MS verb forms: the 3MS marker is Ø or ḏ following the negators u(ḏ) or ur in the negation of the Perfective, but the marker is y-following the negator ula in the negation of the Imperfective. If the negator u(ḏ) is used in the Imperfective (as e.g. in Bunsar, and as a second possibility in Seddat), there is no difference in the 3MS marking. The use of different 3MS subject marker is thus linked to the use of different negators (which are in turn linked to the verb aspect), and not to the verb aspect directly. This thesis presents a polylectal study of Senhaja Berber varieties (Northwestern Morocco), underlining the differences and commonalities between them. The thesis is based on fieldwork data, issuing from seven varieties. Three varieties -Ketama (West), Hmed (Center), and Zerqet (East) -are focused on to cover Senhaja most fully and accurately. The studied varieties are important for the understanding of the linguistic variation and history of the region. Senhaja shows some similarities to the Ghomara language (spoken to its West), and to Tarifiyt (spoken to its East), but there are also substantial differences. Senhaja and Ghomara might share a common origin. The thesis covers the major domains of the language (phonology, morphology, morphosyntax) and pays attention to the contact linguistics phenomena. Senhaja has been heavily influenced by Arabic in its lexicon, morphology, and syntax. Arabic patterns are found, for example, in verb derivation and derivation of diminutives. In Senhaja, adjectives form a distinct class, which is not common in Berber. Some Senhaja varieties allow for adjectives to be conjugated, which makes them similar to verbs. Another special feature of Senhaja is the divergent behavior of the verbal clitics. Across Berber, clitics are fronted under specific syntactic conditions. In Ketama, clitic fronting can be incomplete, and the deictic clitic may be doubled. In other parts of Senhaja, clitics can remain postposed, where they normally should be fronted. It is argued that the main driving forces behind the divergent clitic behavior in Senhaja are reanalysis, grammaticalization, and the drive to avoid ambiguity. Keywords: Senhaja, Berber, Northern Morocco, verbal morphology, morphophonology, clitics, partial clitic fronting, contact linguistics, grammatical borrowing, polylectal grammar, descriptive grammar, dialectal variation.

PNG marking in

Variétés berbères senhaja: phonologie, morphologie et morphosyntaxe

Cette thèse présente une étude polylectale de plusieurs variétés berbères senhaja (nord-ouest du Maroc), soulignant les différences et points communs entre elles. Basée sur des données de terrain issues de sept variétés, elle porte une attention particulière à trois variétés : le ketama, le hmed et le zerqet. Ces variétés sont importantes pour la compréhension de la variation linguistique et de l'histoire de la région. Le senhaja présente des similitudes avec le ghomara, parlé plus à l'ouest, et le tarifiyt, parlé plus à l'est, mais les différences restent substantielles. Le senhaja et le ghomara pourraient avoir une origine commune.

La thèse couvre les principaux domaines de la langue (phonologie, morphologie, morphosyntaxe) et s'intéresse aux phénomènes de linguistique de contact. Le senhaja a été fortement influencé par l'arabe dans son lexique, sa morphologie et sa syntaxe. Le modèle arabe de dérivation se retrouve dans la formation de causatifs et de participes de verbes d'origine berbère. Les adjectifs forment une classe distincte, ce qui n'est pas courant en berbère. Dans certaines variétés, les adjectifs sont conjugués, ce qui les rend similaires aux verbes. Une autre particularité est le comportement divergent des clitiques verbaux. En berbère, les clitiques sont préverbés dans des conditions syntaxiques spécifiques. En ketama, l'attraction des clitiques peut être incomplète et le clitique déictique peut être répété. Dans d'autres variétés, les clitiques peuvent rester postposés, alors qu'ils devraient être préposés. La réanalyse, la grammaticalisation et la volonté d'éviter l'ambiguïté peuvent expliquer le comportement divergent des clitiques du senhaja.

Mots clés : senhaja, berbère, Maroc du Nord, morphologie verbale, morphophonologie, clitiques, attraction partielle des clitiques, linguistique du contact, emprunt grammatical, grammaire polylectale, grammaire descriptive, variation dialectale.

ED 622 -Sciences du langage

  vowel drop in Etat Libre(EL)

FS

  scheme) is applied to the native Berber verbs, e.g.(Taghzut) m-erguž 'closed', FS merguž-a, PL m-erguž-in, derived from the verb rgež 'to close' (cf. Zerqet rgel, Ketama rgi).

  subsequent chapters (Chapters 3 to 11) constitute the Morphology part (cf. below).Because the verbal morphology forms the core of this thesis, three chapters are dedicated to it: Chapter 3 discusses the major characteristics of the verb, the verb derivation, and subject marking; Chapter 4 discusses the formation of the verbal stems that express the mood, aspect, and also negation (MA(N)) in parts of Senhaja; finally, Chapter 5 is devoted to the verbal clitics and particles, markers and auxiliaries of the past, future, and the relevance of the utterance for the present. Following, we move to the description of other major word classes/syntactic categories (nouns in Chapter 6, adjectives and participles in Chapter 7, pronouns in Chapter 8, prepositions in Chapter 9, numerals in Chapter 10, and adverbs in Chapter 11). Conjunctions and question words are discussed in Chapter 12 in relation to the clitic movement.In Senhaja, there are two types of clitics. Some are only prosodically (phonologically) dependent, but do not undergo movement. They are referred to as prosodic clitics in this thesis. These are, for example, the deictic clitics found with the noun (Section 6.6). Others, those found with the verbs, are syntactic clitics. In addition to being prosodically dependent, they have another important characteristic -namely, they undergo movement under certain conditions.116 In unmarked contexts, verbal clitics follow the verb, while in specific (marked) contexts, such as irrealis, negation, clitics are found before the verb. Such clitics are discussed in Chapter 5.3 as part of the verb complex, while their movement is discussed in the final part of the thesis devoted to (morpho)syntax (Chapters 12 and 13). In Section 12.2, we come back to the definition of (syntactic) clitics and the theoretical discussions. Section 12.3 discusses a verbal clitic chain, and Section 12.4 discusses contexts under which clitic fronting takes place. In parts of Senhaja, citic movement is divergent from the usual model, where clitics are fronted together in a clitic chain. Different varieties of Senhaja follow different rules for the clitic movement. Section 12.5 discusses clitic fronting in Taghzut. In this variety, clitic fronting depends on the mood/aspect of the verb. Rules of clitic fronting in Ketama differ from the rest of Senhaja and most other Berber varieties, and are discussed separately in Chapter 13. In this variety, deviations from the usual model are not related to the verb mood/aspect, as in Taghzut, but rather to the nature of the clitics. Here, when the verb contains two pronominal clitics, typically, only the IO is fronted, while the DO is left postposed, resulting in a partial clitic fronting. When the verb form contains three clitics (IO, DO, and ventive), the most typical scenario is the partial clitic fronting combined with the ventive repetition: one ventive clitic is fronted and follows the IO, while the second ventive is left postposed and follows the DO clitic. The knowledge of the clitic movement is needed for the understanding of the morphophonology of the verb complex, which is the final chapter of the thesis.

  the change ṯ > Ø as a feminine prefix and ṯ > h/a-as a 2S/3FS/2P

  have the prefix st-. 270 This derivation is not productive in the dialectal Arabic, and is only rarely found in Senhaja. Some examples follow: the verbs in (a) have stem I counterparts; the verb in (b) has no stem I counterpart. The verb in (c) has the shape staCC (biconsonantal root), while the other ones have the shape stCCC (triconsonantal root).

➔'

  the irrealis particle is u, and ḏ is a 3MS marker (b) uḏ Ø-eḵrez š NEG 3MS-plow:P NEG ➔ ḏ is a part of the negation marker and Ø is a 3MS markerIn Seddat, some dialects (Azila, Asaka, Tamedda) have ḏ (following the negator u, as illistrated above), while some dialects (Tidwin, Talarwaq, Takerkurt) have Ø following the negator ur: He did not plow.'

'

  He did not lift.'The Imperfective stem of V-initial verbs is formed with the prefix tt-(Ketama) ~ ț-(Taghzut/Hmed), t-(Seddat/Bunsar/Zerqet), which makes the stem C-initial.285 In this case, the 3MS subject prefix is realized as with other C-initial stems. The following table compares the different realizations of the 3MS verb subject prefix with a V-initial verb ari (Perfective uri) 'to write' in different varieties and contexts.3MS verb subject prefix with the verb ari 'write'

  The verb 'to come'(ddu-d, literally 'to go' + ventive) has a suppletive Imperative arwaḥ (Ketama) ~ rwaḥ (Hmed), IMP:PL arwaḥu (Ketama) ~ ṛwaḥ-eṯ (Hmed). The verb kk 'to give' can have a regular imperative (ek(k), Ketama he(k)), or a suppletive Imperative aṛa (IMP:PL aṛa-w (Ketama/Zerqet) or aṛa-ṯ (Hmed/Zerqet)).

  292 It takes the second person (2S and 2P) PNG affixes, and uses the Aorist stem. The lack of spirantization in the 2S and 2P verb subject prefix (t-) shows that the form is underlyingly ma + (irrealis) aḏ + verb form. The final vowel of ma and the initial vowel of aḏ coalesce, while the final -ḏ of aḏ is only visible in the lack of spirantization in the following t-(ma + aḏ + ṯ-> m^a^t-...). The negation is completed with the postverbal negator š~ši~šay. Within Ketama, this prohibitive is used in Sahel and Lmekhzen. The Ikherruden dialect of Zerqet does not employ this construction. The scheme and examples follow.

  is conjugated normally, by means of the PNG subject affixes rather than as an impersonal verb with the IO clitcs. The Imperfective stem can be used in two different ways: either the stem țiġay is used with the regular PNG affixes (example a), or the stem țiġay(d) (with the optional final -d) is used as an impersonal verb (without the PNG affixes) accompanied by the IO pronominal clitics (example b):

Section 4 . 3 . 1 . 3 .

 4313 Some examples follow:

3 .

 3 but in -i in Ketama and Hmed (corresponding to the alternating -i/a in the Perfective, . K/H rgi, P rgi/a) CC:C beddel change Z (vs. K/H beddi, P beddi/a) CC:C ḫemmel clean Z (vs. K/H ḫemmi, P ḫemmi/a The following verb has a different shape in different Senhaja varieties. In Ketama, the original Imperfective stem has been reinterpreted as the Aorist. In Hmed and Zerqet, the verb is a-initial, and forms Perfective by the change of a-to u-(cf. Section 4to K (vs. H/Z ares, P ures) As mentioned above, some verbs are u-initial in Hmed (and hence remain unchanged in the Perfective), but a-initial in other varieties (corresponding to u-in the Perfective), e.g. . aẓum, PERF uẓum in the rest of Snh.) Finally, some verbs have the same makeup across Senhaja, but there is a difference in the Perfective. Thus, in Zerqet, verbs with the medial u (hollow verbs) usually remain unchanged in the Perfective, while u can change to a in Ketama and Hmed (cf. The Perfective of s-derived and s-initial Verbs Verbs starting in s-(s-derived causatives, or other verbs verbs starting in s-and thus similar to causatives) have some peculiarities when it comes to the formation of Perfective and Imperfective. Some of them form Perfectives by means of apophony (a change in the vowel). In many cases, Perfective and Aorist are homophonous, as for underived verbs. 4.3.3.1. The Perfective Distinct from the Aorist Causatives that have a vowel u or i can change the vowel to a in the Perfective, while those that have a may change the vowel to u. If the causative ends in a vowel, it often has -i/a alternation in the Perfective. Examples follow.

2 )

 2 C1 gemination and insertion of u a) CCC > C:CuC Some verbs of CCC type form Imperfectives by C1 gemination and insertion of u before the final consonant. This is frequent in Zerqet (especially Ikherruden) and Bunsar. The same formation seems at the basis of forms found in Hmed, where the gemination of the initial consonant is not audible. Hence, in Hmed, the Imperfective in this case is formed by inserting the vowel u before the final consonant. As most CCC verbs also have Imperfectives formed by geminating C1 (Section 4.5.1 above), the two type of Imperfectives often coexist. In Hmed, they are used interchangeably within the same dialect. In Zerqet, there are dialectal preferences: the Ikherruden dialect favors the C:CuC-type Imperfectives, while Bunjel favors the CC:C type. Some examples follow.

( 9 )

 9 m(a) ^a ^t-eḵšem š (K/T/H) NEG NR 3FS-enter:A NEG 'She will not enter.' The negator ma is not found with Perfective and Imperfective verb forms. In some examples, the Aorist and Perfective verb forms are distinguished only by the negator, e.g. (Hmed): (10) (a) ma (^a) ḵešm-aġ š (H) NEG NR enter:A-1S 'I will not enter.' (b) u ḵešm-aġ š (H) NEG enter:P-1S 'I did not enter.'

( 11 )

 11 ma (^a) ^t-ḵešm-eḏ ši (K) NEG NR 2-enter:A-2S NEG 'Do not enter (SG)!' (12) ma (^a) ^t-ari-ḏ ši (K) NEG NR 2-write:A-2S NEG 'Do not write (SG)!' Negators (u)la (Imperfective) and ur (Perfective)

  (15) i ḵeššem ši (K) NEG enter:I:IMP:SG NEG 'Do not enter (SG)!' Alternatively and far less frequently, the prohibitive has the negator uy in Ketama, e.g. (16) uy ḵeššem ši (K) NEG enter:I:IMP:SG NEG 'Do not enter [SG]!'

  -series in postverbal DO cliticsPostverbal DO clitics can be divided into subseries depending on the shape of the verb that they follow. The existence of different series of DO pronouns is widespread in Berber. Most Berber languages know C-initial and V-initial DO clitic pronouns. The two series are in complementary distribution, but the conditions in which the series are used differ in different Berber varieties (seeBrugnatelli 1993 and 1998; Kossmann 1997a; Lafkioui 2007a: 122-144). The three contexts where DO clitics occur are: a) following a V-final stem, b) following a C-final stem, and c) following a verb subject suffix. Series a can be preceded by y (hiatustilger), while series b and c have an optional ay before the basic shape of the pronoun. The series a and c are identical, except for the option to have an extra ay before the pronoun in c. The main difference between series b and a/c is in the third person. The following table shows the three sub-series of postverbal DO clitic pronouns in Ketama. Afterwards, postverbal DO pronouns in Senhaja are compared. Ketama postverbal DO clitic pronouns a) V-final verb b) C-final verb c) after PNG sfx

  a)naġ, (a)neġ (a)naġ, (a)neġ (a)naġ (a)naġ (a)neġ 2P (a)wen (i)ken (a)kʷen (a)kʷen (a)wen ((a)wem) (a)kun (B) (a)wen, (a)wem ((a)kun), akum 2FP (a)went (Z) ((a)wend, (a)kund) akunt 3P (i)hen,

('

  20) i-ẓṛa =ḵ (K) 3MS-see:P =2MS:DO 'He saw you (MS)'.In some Senhaja varieties, clitics of this series have two forms: a long one starting in ya-and a short one consisting of a single consonant, e.gHe saw you (MS)'.The initial y in such examples can be regarded as a hiatustilger, and in this case, the clitics are underlyingly V-initial (iẓṛa-y-aḵ), except for the third person, as in series b and c: 388(22) i-ẓṛa =yaḵ (K)3MS-see:P =2MS:DO 'He saw you (MS)'.Series b (after verb forms that end in a stem consonant)After verb forms that end in a stem consonant , e.g. after i-ssen 'he knows', the V-initial clitics (a-initial or i-initial) are used, including the third person clitics. Again, there are short and long forms, as there is an optional ay before the basic shape of the pronoun.The initial vowel of the clitic differs depending on the variety. In most varieties (including Ketama), the initial vowel is a for most persons, and i only in the third person, e.g. (23) i-ssn=aḵ (K) 3MS-know:P=2MS:DO 'He knows you (MS).' (24) i-ssn=iṯ (K) 3MS-know:P=3MS:DO 'He knows him.' This is different in Taghzut, where clitics in this series have the vowel a-only in first person, while other clitics (the second and third person) have the vowel i-. 389 Most likely, the a-initial first and second person DO clitics that are found in most Senhaja varieties are a result of analogy with the IO clitics, while the i-initial clitics in the third person preserve the original vowel. The analogy may not have taken place in the third person, because for that person, the forms of the clitics in the DO and in the IO series are different.

  DO clitics with the verb iẓṛa 'he saw' (

2 )

 2 a ḵ=i-ẓeṛ all 2FS š-a m=i-ẓeṛ, ša km=i-ẓeṛ K/B/Z/M, (K/)T/S/H/M 3MS š-a ṯ=i-ẓeṛ, ša t=i-zer š-a h=i-ẓeṛ S/B/Z/M, T/H K 3FS š-a t=i-ẓeṛ, ša ț=i-zer K/S/B/Z/M, T/H (S) ṯn=i-ẓeṛ, ša tn=i-zer š-a hn=i-ẓeṛ, ša (ṯ)n=i-ẓeṛ SPostverbal vs. preverbal DO clitics in Senhaja Postverbal clitics have C-initial and V-initial forms. Preverbal clitics usually follow a

'

  Ketama, the final -ṯ of the clitic is probably the result of the reinterpretation of the verbal subject prefix ṯ-(marking 2S, 3FS, and 2P) as part of the clitic. This generalization could have been facilitated by the wish to avoid ambiguity of morpheme y which could be interpreted either as the 1S preverbal clitic or as 3MS subject prefix. Compare (He will see.'In the majority of Senhaja the fronted 1S clitic is realized as y, and it is distinguished from the 3MS verb form without a clitic due to the presence of ḏ (that can be viewed as a 3MS verb subject prefix synchronically, see Section 3.4.1.2), e.g. Seddat/Hmed:

'

  originally part of the irrealis particle aḏ) that became part of the verb when there is a fronted 1S clitic. It is not entirely clear how this ḏ evolved to be part of the fronted 1S clitic. Compare: They will see me.'

  Taghzut and Hmed have ten in the fronted position. The form ṯen is also found in Ketama in specific contexts, while the most recurrent form is hen. The original ṯ is often realized as h in the 3P clitic because it is often found in an intervocalic position. Thus, in the postverbal series a, it follows the vowel of the verb stem, e.g. (Ketama) (29) i-ẓṛa =hen 3MS-see:P =3P:DO 'He saw them.' In series b, when the verb stem ends in a consonant, the form of the clitic itself is Vinitial, e.g. (Ketama) (30) i-ssn =ihen 3MS-know:P =3P:DO 'He knows them.' The initial ṯ is found in series c (after the PNG suffix of the verb), because it is not an intervocalic position, e.g. (Ketama) (31) ẓṛa-n =ṯen see:P-3P =3P:DO 'They saw them.'

  Object (DO) series, pronominal clitics also include an Indirect Object (IO) series. Just as it is the case with the DO, IO is normally expressed by a pronominal clitic if the object is pronominal (when it is not dislocated).402 Most Senhaja varieties distinguish gender in IO clitic pronouns only in the second person singular, while the easternmost varieties (Zerqet and Mezduy) optionally mark 2FP and 3FP. Different from the independent and DO clitic pronouns, IO clitic pronouns do not distinguish gender in the third person singular.401 For forms of the DO clitic pronouns in different Tarifit varieties, see Lafkioui 2007a.402 The function of IO clitic pronouns is an indirect complement of the verbal predicate. It is also possible to have the Dative preposition i followed by an independent pronoun. On the Dative doubling, see5.3.2.4. ḵem, (a)kem, (a)m, (i)km (T) (a)m (i)šem

  a)na, (a)naġ, (a)neġ; preverbal ġen, hen (K) (a)naḫ preverbal ġen (a)neġ, preverbal ḏan 2P (a)wen; ken (T/H/Z), iken (T), ṯend, preverbal (ṯe)nd Morphologically, the IO clitic pronouns and pronominal suffixes (Section 8.3) belong together: the IO clitic pronouns have the shape a + pronominal suffix. 403 Synchronically, a constitutes an IO marker. If IO pronouns are analyzed as the preposition a (Dative) with pronominal suffixes, there are no true IO clitics in Berber.The pronominal elements in the IO clitics are the same as the elements found with prepositions. However, syntactically, IO clitics behave different from prepositions with pronominal suffixes. The IO pronoun is normally the first member of the clitic complex, while prepositions with pronominal suffixes follow the clitic complex (compare Kossmann 2012: 71; for the clitic complex in Senhaja, see Chapter 12).

  naġ; (a)neġ; (a)na most; T/S/M; K (a)ġen; (a)hen mostDO pronominal clitics, IO clitics follow the verb in many contexts, but are preverbal in special contexts such as irrealis and negation. In most Senhaja varieties, morphological differences between the postverbal and the preverbal series are limited to the 1P:

  Hmed, and Tamadit dialect of Bunsar, the difference between 2MS:DO and IO is in the absence/presence of spirantization (DO k, IO ḵ): š-a k=i-ẓeṛ He'll see you IO (a)ḵ i-kka=(ya)ḵ He gave (to) you š-a ḵ=i-k He'll give (to) you In most other varieties, spirantization is optional in both DO and IO series, and is not meaning-differentiating. In Taghzut, the difference in the postverbal clitics is made by using the shorter (DO) vs. the longer (IO) forms of the clitics, while in the preverbal position, spirantization plays a role: He saw you š-a k=i-ẓeṛ He'll see you IO (y)ak; ḵ i-kka=yak He gave (to) you š-a ḵ=i-k He'll give (to) you

  , Hmed, and Tamadit dialect of Bunsar distinguish between the DO and IO in the 2P: wen (all) i-kka=wen He gave you š-a wn=i-k He'll give you In other parts of Senhaja (Ketama, Zerqet, parts of Bunsar, e.g. Iattaren), the pronominal clitics of the DO and IO series have the same form, except for the third person, e.g. (for the 2FS) m=i-ẓeṛ He'll see you. 2FS:IO (a)m i-kka=(ya)m He gave (to) you. š-a m=i-k He'll give (to) you.

  , Naït-Zerrad 2001), Zenaga (Taine-Cheikh 2015), Tamashek Tuareg of Mali (Heath 2005: 301, 595), Ayer Tuareg of Niger (Kossmann 2011), Tetserret of Niger (Lux 2013), Ghadames (Lanfry 1973: 227, Kossmann 2013b

'

  He came out (to us).'With motion verbs, the ventive tends to focus on the direction towards the speaker's deictic center.415 It often denotes a motion towards a starting point (e.g. 'to return') or a place (e.g. 'to come'). Some verbs almost always occur with the ventive, e.g. agum=d (K), ayem=d (H), agem=d (T/Z) 'to fetch water', e.g.416 (43) š-a d= n-agum (K)FT-NR VC= 1S-draw:A 'We will draw water.'The stem as always occurs with the ventive and has the meaning 'to come'. This verb is found in the Aorist in most varieties (K/H/Z):414 The semantics of the ventive has been addressed by different authors. See e.g.Marcy 1939; Galand 1959 and 2011; Aït Ahmed 1992, Mettouchi 1998 (for Kabyle;) El Mountassir 2000: 146-7; Fleisch 2007 and 2012 (for Tashelhiyt); Aoumer 2008 and 2011, Mitchell 2009: 47-48; Brugnatelli 2012: 49-50; Taine-Cheikh 2010 and 2017 (for Zenaga); Chalah 2012; Kossmann 2014 (for Figuig). These studies provide descriptions of the meanings of the clitics as they interact with verbs in individual varieties. See also Mettouchi 2011 on the grammaticalization of directional clitics in Berber, and Belkadi 2015 for atypological survey. For Tamashek, according toHeath (2005: 598), the centripetal (ventive) "specifies direction of movement toward the deictic center, usually the speaker's 'here' but sometimes another deictic center within a narrative".

('

  44) š-a d= y-as (K/H/Z) FT-NR VC= 3MS-come:A 'He will come.'In the Perfective, Ketama and Hmed varieties use the verb 'to go' with the ventive instead, while Zerqet uses the Perfective stem of the stem as, which is usi/usa: He came.'It has been noted by several authors (e.g.Mettouchi 2011, Belkadi 2015) that the meaning of the ventive clitic often depends on the verb. Also, the presence of the IO pronominal clitic (expressing the beneficiary, the recipient, or affected patient) often triggers the use of the directional clitics(Mettouchi 2011). Since ventive denotes direction toward the speaker, it is very common with first person pronouns (especially IO). Visibility, appearance or emergence of an object also triggers the use of ventive: the ventive can mark the event as becoming visible, or coming into existence, as e.g. with the verbs rri=d (K), rz=id (H/Z) 'to vomit' (based on the verbs rri (K), rez (H/Z)

3 .

 3 The postverbal ventive may have different allomorphs depending on whether it is preceded by a vowel or by a consonant of the verb stem. In some Senhaja varieties (most dialects of Ketama, Hmed, Bunsar, Zerqet), following consonant-final suffixless verb forms (Imperative singular, 3MS, 3FS, 1P), the form of the ventive clitic is id. In Taghzut, Seddat, and the Sahel dialect of Ketama, the clitic remains d in such contexts:

  ventive clitic in non-attraction contexts (Perfective Positive). It shows that there are two allomorphs of the ventive in Ketama (most dialects)/Hmed/Bunsar/Zerqet, different from the Sahel dialect of Ketama/Taghzut/Seddat, where the ventive is d in all of these forms. It also shows that the 2S subject suffix -ḏ assimilates to the ventive:-ḏ + d > d.The verb 'to enter' in Perfective with the ventiveWhen a verb form contains the ventive clitic and it is the only clitic, it is normally fronted in attraction contexts, e.g.

FT'

  d^ḵešm-em all3MS š-a d=i-ḵšem all 3P š-a d=ḵešm-en all3FSš-a d^eḵšem allIn Bunsar, the fronted ventive can (optionally) follow 1P verb prefix n-(rather than precede it as in other Senhaja varieties), e.g.424 (53) (a) š-a d= n-eḵšem (common Snh., including B) We will enter.'This is only possible with 1P verb forms, and is considered here a specific type of assimilation. In other contexts, the ventive cannot be placed between the PNG marker and the verb stem. are elements that lack the subject (PNG) markers and aspectual distinctions, but can take verbal clitics (e.g. DO pronominal clitics).425 They are different from impersonal verbs (cf. Section 3.4.4), as impersonal verbs can optionally take PNG markers (or have a frozen PNG marker), and may preserve MAN

  s the matter with him?'

  -)PST:be 3MS-eat:I pottage:EL 'He was eating pottage.' or 'He used to eat pottage.' )PST:be 3MS-play:I ball 'He was playing football.' or 'He used to play football.'

'

  example, the verb 'to be' is used as an equivalent of the English 'there was'. The use of the participle kayen (existential) is optional in this case in Ketama/Taghzut/Hmed: (67) (a) ara y-ella (There was one man.'In Zerqet, either the past marker + 'to be', or the past marker + kayen is used, be:P EXST:MS one man:EA 'There was one man.'In some varieties (Taghzut, Zerqet, Sahel and Lmekhzen dialects of Ketama, but not Beni Aisi and Beni Hmed dialects of Ketama), it is possible to have the past marker with a non-verbal predicate without the verb 'to be', as e.g. in the following example with the possessive predicate based on the preposition ġur-'at' (cf. Sections 9.2(a) indi (lla-n) ġur-es iḫeddamen (T) iža (ǧǧa-n) ġur-es iḫeddamen (Z)PST (be:P-3P) at-3S workers (b) ara lla-n ġur-es iḫeddamen (K: Beni Aisi: lla-n is obligatory) tala-n ġur-es iḫeddamen (K: Sahel/Lmekhzen) gella(-n) ġur-es iḫeddamen (H)

  constructions: 1) the regular verbal construction with the 2S verb form š-a^t-af-eḏ 'you'll find' (example a); and 2) the construction š-a^taft (example b). The construction š-a^taft takes Arabic suffix pronouns (cf. Section 8.6.2.2). 431 The negated forms of this construction are: š-a^taft-(suffix) š, u maš-a^taft-(suffix) š, (ma) maš-a^taft-(suffix) š, m-a^taft-(suffix) š. (80) (a) š-a ^t-af-eḏ ṯimeqqiṯ azekka (H) FT-NR ^2S-find:A-2S rain:EL tomorrow (b) š-a ^taft ṯimeqqiṯ azekka (H)

' 5 . 4 . 3 .'

 543 84) (a) š-a^ t= t-af-eḏ i-ḵeččem (H) FT-NR^ 3MS:DO^2S-find:A-2S 3MS-enter:He will be entering.', 'You'll find him entering.' Markers/Auxiliaries of the Habitual With a verbal predicate, the Imperfective can describe a continuous or habitual action, e.g. (85) i-ḫeddem (pan-Snh.) 3MS-work:I 'He is working', 'He works.' With a non-verbal predicate, the verb 'to be' in the Imperfective is used to express the habitual, e.g. (86) tiyyi-n ġur-es iḫeddamen (K) țiyyi-n ġur-es iḫeddamen (H) tili-n ġur-es iḫeddamen (Z) be:I-3P at-3S workers '(S)he has (tends to have) workers (always).' The past marker can be combined with the Imperfective form of 'to be' to express a habit in the past: (87) (a) ara tiyyi-n ġur-es iḫeddamen (K) iža tili-n ġur-es iḫeddamen (Z) PST be:I-3P at-3S workers (b) gella(-n) țiyyi-n ġur-es iḫeddamen (H) PST:be(-3P) be:I-3P at-3S workers '(S)he used to have workers.' Alternatively, in Hmed, to express the habitual, the construction based on the Imperfective of the verb af 'to find' can be used. Again, there are two constructions: 1) the regular verbal construction with the 2S verb form țaf-eḏ 'you find' (example a); and 2) the construction țaft (example b), that can take Arabic suffix pronouns. In construction (a), the final -ḏ marking 2S subject can be freely omitted before the verbal clitics: țaf-eḏ > țaf. (Cf. Section 8.6.2.2 for the paradigms.) It tends to rain.', 'There's (usually) rain.' Examples with pronominal elements follow: s expensive.' ('It tends to be expensive', 'It is generally expensive.')

'

  (a)qa (although qa is sometimes found in Hmed). In locative constructions (and with other non-verbal predicates) with the reference to the present, ṛa can be substituted with the verb 'to be' (b) or can be absent (c), e.g. (92) (a) netta ṛah g uḫḫam (He is at home.' Another variant of the above sentence contains the existential participle kayen. The participle can be combined with ṛah to emphasize the relevance of the utterance for the present: (93) (netta) ṛah kayen g uḫḫam (K) (he) PRS EXST:MS in house:EA 'He is at home.' The particle ṛah can be used with adjectives: (94) nekki ṛah mezyan (K) I PRS good:MS 'I am good.' It can be used with a verbal predicate to mark the relevance of the utterance for the present situation, e.g. (95) ṛah i-dda (K) PRS 3MS-go:P 'He (indeed) went away', 'He did go away.' (96) (a) ṛah ddi-ġ (K) PRS go:P-1S (b) ṛa-ni ddi-ġ (H) PRS-1S go:P-1S 'I (indeed) went away', 'I did go away.'

  -NR 3MS-go:A to Martil 'Tomorrow he is going to Martil.'The pseudo-verb qa has different forms, discussed in the following section. It is found with non-verbal predicates, e.g. in locative expressions, and does not convey uncertainty. In many examples, the pseudo-verb qa in Zerqet corresponds to 'to be' in Ketama (and Hmed), e.g. in the house.', 'I am home.'

'

  It (M) should be in the house.'When the particle aqa is separated from a pseudo-verb, its underlying form (aq in this case) is visible. Compare the following variants of a sentence that could be said when talking for example about a phone that a person loaned someone else. He may say to It should still be with you!' 'You must still have it!'

(

  120) aqa=y gi Bni Bunsar (Z) QA=1S:DO in Beni Bunsar 'I am in (the land of) Beni Bunsar' (far from the listener, who is in Zerqet) By contrast, ha^qa=y implies proximity/visibility. Hence, the form ha^qa=y gi Beni Bunsar (intended: 'I am in Beni Bunsar') is uncommon, unlike the following form: (121) ha ^qa=y (i)kiḏ-eḵ (Z) here ^QA=1S:DO with-2MS '(Here) I am with you (MS).'

''

  He is there/ There he is' (accompanied by pointing or at least a nod) A person is next to another person and he is looking for his cup (which is right next to him, but he is unable to find it). The other person could say: It is over there.' (pointing at it)In another situation, a person is in another room looking for his cup, which the other person knows is in the same room. Across the house (out of eyeshot), the other person could only use variant (a), aq=eṯ ḏina 'It is there (near you)', and not (b) *qay=ṯ, as pointing is impossible in this case because the speakers cannot see each other, so the listener would have no way of knowing where qay=ṯ refers to. When someone says qay=ṯ, the listener automatically looks to see where the speaker is pointing to.

' 5 . 5 . 2 . 5 .

 5525 He is in Beni Bunsar' This is possible, but not very common. It is probably possible because the location of Beni Bunsar is known, and thus the phrase gi Beni Bunsar takes the place of the pointing gesture.A note on the vowel lengthIn both Bunsar and Zerqet, one of the two a's can be prolonged. When the initial (h)a is prolonged, this might indicate the closeness of the object, e.g. (128) haaa^aqay =ṯ (B) here QA =3MS:DO 'He is here (visible to the hearer)!'When the medial a is prolonged in the qa (distal) forms, this stresses the distance of the object. The farther the object is away, the longer the vowel is pronounced., e.g. (129) qaaaaaay=ṯ ani! (Z) QA=3MS:DO where 'He is (far) over there!' ('there is he', 'over there is where he is!') Distribution of the Third Person Forms in Zerqet It is clear that the situation is different with the third person forms compared to the first and second persons. In what follows, the five distinct forms are examined for the 3MS. The goal is to investigate in which contexts and in combination with what elements they occur, and to describe the emerging patterns.

  ) he is sitting.'

  not see.'In Ketama, in contexts of negation, due to the presence of the postverbal negator š/ši/šay, the final -ġ of the 1S subject marker -a(ġ) resurfaces. Compare the following affirmative and negative forms:

  a) following a V-final stem: most clitics are V-initial underlyingly in Ketama,Bunsar, and Seddat (and C-initial in Taghzut, Hmed, Zerqet, and Mezduy), although can be C-initial on the surface, while the third person clitics are C-initial, e.g. i-ẓṛa=(ya)ḵ (K/B) 'he saw you (MS)', vs. i-ẓṛa=ṯ (pan-Snh.) 'he saw him'; b) following a C-final stem: clitics are V-initial, starting in a-in the first and second persons, and in i-in the third person, e.g. i-ssn=aḵ 'he knows you (MS)', i-ssn=iṯ 'he knows him'. Taghzut is different in that second person clitics are i-initial, e.g. i-ssn=iḵ 'he knows you (MS)'; c) following a verb subject suffix: clitics are V-initial, except for the third person, e.g. ẓṛa-n=aḵ (K/B) 'they saw you (MS)', ẓṛa-n=ṯ (panSnh.) 'they saw him'. Taghzut is different in that second person clitics are C-initial, e.g. ẓṛa-n=ek 'they saw you (MS)'. The series a and c are identical in Ketama, Bunsar, and Seddat (where they are underlyingly V-initial in such context), except for the fact that pronouns in the series a can be realized as C-initial on the surface. The main difference between series b and a/c is in the third person. In preverbal clitics, there is one series. The initial (underlying) vowel of the first and second person clitics is elided after the vowel of the preceding preverbal particle. The third person clitics are C-initial. The preverbal clitics differ from the postverbal series in three major points:

  6) afus n urgaz (K) hand:EL GEN man:EA 'hand of a man' -after the numeral 'one', e.g. (7) ya^ wrgaz (~ yan urgaz) (K/T) one man:EA

( 2 )( 3 )

 23 Scheme MS MP Translation Variety a...a > u...a a-maras i-muras valley, stream T/H vs. K imarasen a...a > u...a a-šaraf i-šuraf old person K ...a (SG=PL) a-wersay i-wersay mushroom H

  -ṯ ~ ṯi-sya-ṯ-in bride H ṯa-mwer-ṯ ṯi-mura-ṯ ~ ṯi-mura-ṯ-in small sickle HIn the following plurals, the addition of the suffix -an leads to a morphological resyllabification: the plain vowel u or i disappears, and the plural acquires the form i-

  -i have the suffix -yy-in in the plural in Ketama and Hmed, which corresponds to yy-en in Zerqet, e.g.

  to Lafkioui 2009c: 111, in Bshir, either non-conjugated adjectives or regularly conjugated forms are used, depending on the syntactic context: nonconjugated adjectives are used as complements of a verb (e.g. 'to become'), and conjugated forms are used on their own, when they are not complements of a verb. We have not observed a similar situation in the surveyed varieties. In Taghzut and Bunsar, where variation in the marking of adjectives is found, both conjugated and nonconjugated forms are found in the same syntactic contexts, e.g. (Tmeqqṛ-eḏ (T), cf. (ḵeǧǧi) meqquṛ-eḏ (B) you:MS big-2S 'You (MS) are big.'

  Scheme 2. Berber adjectives in relative constructions (Ketama, Taghzut, Hmed)

  582 These kinship terms belong to class III (i.e. non-affix class, see Section 6.4). The remaining kinship nouns express possession as regular nouns, i.e. they use a construction with the Genitive preposition n-. In most Senhaja varieties, the pronominal suffixes following kinship terms are largely the same as those following prepositions, except for the first person: a group of kinship terms (class III) are inherently possessed and first singular reference is understood in the absence of any suffix. In Mezduy, with all plural forms

  for a distinct plural marking (optional with relative forms of the verb). Again, different elision scenarios are possible. In fact, it is not clear if Ketama originally distinguished a distinct plural form wi (as inTaghzut), or whether number is underlyingly unmarked (as in Zerqet). Compare: 1) a/i as part of the pronominal head wa yRM RF-spoil:P-RF 'the ones that spoiled'

  The construction b yedd-(literally 'with hand') borrowed from Arabic is found in Ketama, Taghzut, and Hmed. It is the Arabic equivalent of the Berber s ufus n-'with ones' hand'. It normally takes Arabic pronominal suffixes, although Berber suffix pronouns are also possible in Hmed with 2FS, 2P, and 3P pronouns. There is also a free variant bidat-(K)/ḇidaț-(T/H). This variant likewise normally takes Arabic suffixes, while Berber suffixes are accepted in Hmed with 2FS, 3S, 2P, and 3P.

  țaf-eḏ > țaf. Cf. Section 5.4.3 for some examples.

  ) swim:IMP(:SG) sea-2MS lit. 'Swim your (own) sea!' (meaning: Solve your own problem(s)!) Compare the plural form (depending on the variety, the form of the verb can be frozen, or accept Arabic or Berber imperative plural suffix): (13) (a) ɛum-u bḥer-ḵum (K) swim-IMP:PL sea-2P (b) ɛum-u bḥer-ḵum ~ ɛum-eṯ bḥer-wen (H) swim-IMP:PL sea-2MP ~ swim-IMP:PL sea-2MP (c) ɛum bḥer-ḵum (~ ɛum bḥer-wen) (Z) swim:IMP(:SG) sea-2MP 'Solve your own problems!' (IMP:PL)

'

  Mohammed is at his/her place.'The preposition 'on, on top of' has the form af in Ketama, and ḫ in Hmed and Zerqet.623 Before pronominal suffixes, Ketama has aḫf-, Hmed ḫf-, and Zerqet ḫḫ-. In Ketama, the preposition is understood as 'on', while in Hmed and Zerqet, it can have different interpretations ('on' or 'over'), depending on the context. Some examples follow:

'

  The bird is on the house.' (Z also: 'The bird is above the house.') 3MS-fly:I on house:EA 'The bird flies over/above the house.'In Ketama, the following sentence is ungrammatical: (19) *afruḫ i-tferfar af uḫḫam (K) bird:EL 3MS-fly:I on house:EA Intended: 'The bird flies over/above the house.'Instead, the composite preposition gesni n is used in Ketama (cf. Section 9.3.1.1).

  near on man:EA=PROX 'I live next/near to this man.'

  3.2). The IO clitic and the Dative prepositional phrase can co-occur (cf. Section 5.3.2.4 on doubling by means of a clitic, or double reference), e.g. (23) i-nna ^(a)s i netta (pan-Snh.)

  in middle(EA) of-3S

  5.2, there are different ways to form a possessive interrogative in Senhaja, e.g. based on the Genitive preposition n 'of', or based on the preposition ġur 'at'. With the preposition ġur 'at', Ketama uses ġuḏ emmen, Hmed ġur emmen, and Zerqet mu-ġur (Wersan), ġu-muġur (Ikherruden/Lqitun, alongside ġu-miḏi) 'at whose place?', 'with who', 'who has?'. With the Genitive n, Ketama and Hmed use the interrogative n emmen 'of who/what?', 'whose?', e.g. (124) n emmen waḏ? (K) n emmen wadda?

  DO= RF-own:P-RF PROX:MS 'Whose is this?', lit. 'Who owns this?'In this case, both in Ketama and Zerqet, the initial pronominal element is m. The final vowel of the pronominal element coalesces with the following vowel (the i-of the 3MS subject prefix in Zerqet, and the relative a in Ketama). Compare also the following examples illustrating different types of possessive interrogatives in Senhaja: (127) (a) n emmen ḵem arbaṯ? own:P you:FS girl:EL 'Whose daughter are you (FS)?' 9.7. Negation of the Prepositional Predicate Prepositional predicates are similar to other non-verbal predicates in the mechanisms of negation they use (cf. Section 6.1.2.2 on the negation of the nominal predicate and Section 7.6 on the negation of the adjectival or participial predicate). The usual ways to negate a (non-pronominalized) prepositional predicate are: a) by means of the negated form of the verb 'to be', and b) by means of the single negator maši. Most prepositional predicates do not take the discontinuous negation ma...š or u...š, unless they are pronominalized. 670 Pronominalized prepositional predicates are special in that they can take the discontinuous negation u...š, as well as the discontinuous negation u...bu (where bu is always followed by a noun, cf. Section 9.7.3). The Genitive preposition n 'of' is optional following the discontinuous negation u + (preposition + pronominal suffix) + š before the lexical complement. prepositional predicates (such as the locative 'at home') are usually negated: a) by means of the verb 'to be', or b) by means of maši. For example: (128) (a) u y-ella š g uḫḫam (K) NEG 3MS-be:P NEG in house:EA (b) netta maši g uḫḫam (K) he NEG in house:EA 'He is not at home.'

  aḫam=dda ma ṛa-h š n Muḥemmeḏ (H) house=PROX:SG NEG PRS-3MS NEG of Mohammed 'This house is not Mohammed's.'

  2). It is negated by the usual strategies -the negated form of the verb 'to be' or by the single negator maši, or by the additional means used in Taghzut (uliš, u šay) and Hmed (ṛa-): (141) (a) ṣṣak nn-eḵ u y-ella š ġu Muḥemmeḏ (K) bag of-2MS NEG 3MS-be:P NEG at Mohammed (b) ṣṣak nn-eḵ maši ġu Muḥemmeḏ (K/T/H, rare in Z) NEG PRS-3MS NEG at Mohammed 'Your bag is not at Mohammed's (place).'

  ma ġur-es š (parts of K/H) NEG at-3S NEG (e) ma ṛa-h š ġur-es (H) NEG PRS-3MS NEG at-3S 'He does not have (it).', 'It is not with him.'

'

  It is not that he doesn't have a house.' Following the negative u ġur-(suffix) š, the Genitive preposition n is optional before the lexican complement (the possessed object), e.g.

( 4 )

 4 yan urba ~ arba waḥed (K/T) one boy:EA ~ boy:EL one 'a/one boy' ~ 'one (a single) boy' In other Senhaja varieties, only the Berber numerals for 'one' are used with nouns, in both prenominal and postnominal positions. When the numeral follows the noun, it is usually preceded by the predicative ḏ in varieties where ḏ is used. Constructions with postnominal numerals are marked and rare in most Senhaja varieties,

( 6 )

 6 ġur-es ya(h)n žuž (n) iḫčiwen mezzi-n (K) ġur-es yan žuž n eddrari mezzi-n (K/T) ġur-es un žuž n eddrari meččiḵ-en (H) ġur-es un žuž n eddrari mezziy-en (B) ~ meẓẓiy-en (Z) (B:SG= 1S:IO= VC one two kilo of tomatoes 'Give me about two kilos of tomatoes.'679 The variant yan ṯmeṭṭuṯ is preferred in Lqela, and yaț^(ț)meṭṭuṯ in Beni Khlef. Hmed, the numeral one (Taghzut yan, Hmed un) as an indefinite marker can be followed by a noun in plural. This is ungrammatical in the rest of Senhaja, although in Bunsar, collectives can appear in such constructions, e.g.

  strategies as a nominal predicate, viz. a) by the negated form of the verb 'to be', or b) by means of the single negator maši. As with other non-verbal predicates, in Taghzut, the negation by means of uliš or u šay (in succession) is possible, and in Hmed, the negation of the particle ṛa-(ma ṛa-... š, u ṛa-... š).

  the verbal clitic chain and the conditions that cause clitic movement. The verbal clitics make part of the verb complex (cf.Chapter 5), defined here as the verb together with the verbal particles and clitics. While verbal particles have a fixed place (before or after the verb), this is not the case with the clitics, that can follow or precede the verb, depending on the syntactic conditions. Because the verbal clitics can occur on either side of the verb, they are sometimes referred to as verbal satellites(Galand 2010: 174-175). Different from some other Berber languages (e.g. Tarifiyt), prepositions with pronominal suffixes and deictic adverbs do not undergo fronting in Senhaja, and are always found in a postverbal position. The clitics in Senhaja normally cannot be separated from the verb: they always appear either directly following it, or directly preceding it. The only exception is the prohibitive in Western Senhaja.Clitic mobility is taken as a defining feature of syntactic clitics. This feature distinguishes them from other (prosodic) clitics, as e.g. postnominal deictic clitics. The definition of (syntactic) clitics is discussed in Section 12.2, together with the issue of the clitic host and the applicability of Wackernagel's Law in Senhaja. As mentioned in Chapter 5, clitic fronting is known as attraction in Berber, and the element that causes clitic fronting is an attractor. However, it is not certain that the preverbal element that causes clitic fronting serves as a clitic host. Instead, there are some examples that show that clitics are always (prosodically) attached to the verb, whether in a postverbal or preverbal position (notated here with the equation sign). Cf. Section 5.1

  forms (there are different allomorphs). For the different forms of pronominal clitics, see Section 5.3. On the combination of the DO pronominal clitics with the ventive d, cf. Section 14.2.1. Clitics can appear together in a clitic chain (with maximally three members, and where any of the members can be absent). The relative order of the clitics is (across Berber languages, and normally in Senhaja): IO + DO + VC.692 In most varieties, the order of the clitics remains the same when the clitic chain is fronted. There are thus two basic schemes (various deviations from the usual clitic order in attraction contexts in Ketama are discussed in Chapter 13):693

  a) VERB + IO + DO + VC, and b) IO + DO + VC + VERB.

  RM FT-NR 1S:DO=VC= 3MS-take:A to 2MS'The man that is going to bring me to you (MS).'

  affix-like), and that there is no clear-cut clitic/affix distinction. At the end of the concluding chapter of a book on clitics,Spencer & Luís (2012: 149) write: "while the CATEGORY of clitic may not exist, some sort of CONCEPT of clitic remains ubiquitous [...] as an umbrella term. [...] The term usefully points to elements which cannot easily be classified as normal affixes or normal function words".Spencer & Luís (2013) give the following definition: the canonical clitic "has the canonical form properties of an affix [monomoraic CV syllable, prosodically dependent] and the canonical distributional properties of a function word [phrasal placement, wide scope over coordination]"(Spencer & Luís 2013).

  not come to you (MS).'

5. 3 . 4 . 4 ) 4 .

 3444 , the initial element a (the indefinite pronoun) functions as a question word 'who/what' (cf. Section 12.4.4.1). Although a normally causes clitic fronting, the clitics remain postverbal with šan: (10) a šan =iṯ? (H/Z) NDF matter =3MS:DO 'What's the matter with him?'In the negated counterpart (found only in Hmed), in the presence of the negator u or ma (in free variation), the clitics remain postverbal as well, e.g. Wackernagel's LawOne possible analysis is to consider the clitic "phrase second" (P2) in Berber.702 The clitic follows the first element of a phrase. If a verb appears as the first element in the phrase, the clitic follows the verb, e.g.

'

  Postnominal clitics have no consequences for the position of the verbal clitics. In any case, the verbal clitic occupies a different position in Ketama than in Zerqet in the following examples: (20) (a) argaz(=aḏin) a d= i-ḵešm-en (K) man(=DIST:SG) RM VC= RF-enter:P-RF (b) aryaz=nna (na) d= i-ḵešm-en (H) (c) aryaz=nna (-) d= i-ḵešm-en (Z) man =ANP (RM) VC= RF-enter:P-RF 'That man who entered (here)...' Compare the following Zerqet example with the distal deixis, where it is visible that the relative marker is optional (as in Hmed): That man who entered (here)...' Such examples pose a problem for the "phrase second" analysis, as the clitics do not occupy the same position across Senhaja (however the "phrase second" position is defined). WL does not work in all relative clauses, which are central to clitic fronting in Berber. Moreover, it is not clear to what element the clitics are "attracted" in Zerqet (example c above), and what serves as a clitic host in such examples. If it is the verb, the clitics change from enclitics (postverbal position) to proclitics (preverbal position)

  Because of such examples, in the present work, it was chosen to write clitics as cliticized to the verb. Another problem for WL analysis is constituted by the Imperfective (and Imperative) Negative forms, that in some varieties (most dialects of Ketama, Zerqet) require clitic fronting, while in other varieties (Sahel dialect of Ketama, Taghzut, Seddat, Hmed, and Bunsar), clitics can (optionally) remain postposed: (25) (a) u d= ḵeššm-en š (K: most dialects) u d= ḵeččm-en š (Z) NEG VC= enter:I-3P NEG (b) u ḵeššm-en =d š (K: Sahel) ula ḵeččm-en =d š (T/S/H) u ḵeččm-en =d š (S/B) NEG enter:I-3P =VC NEG Divergent behavior of the clitic chain in Ketama, such as partial clitic fronting (example b below, cf. Chapter 13) cannot be readily explained by WL. Contrast the following examples: the construction (a) is found in Ketama as well as in other Senhaja varieties, while the construction (b) is specific to Ketama: ^3S:IO=3MS-give:A =3MS:DO 'He will give it (M) to him/her.' For the construction (b), a split Wackernagel analysis could be proposed, stating that if a fronted clitic occupies P2, the other clitic remains postposed. 706 However, this leaves the variation between (a) and (b) unexplained. Also, WL analysis does not explain the clitic repetition (cf. Chapter 13).

'

  Do not give (SG) to him/her!'

  kka=sen=ṯen=d Introduction As mentioned above, in specific contexts, the verbal clitics are found in the preverbal position. Depending on the context and the dialect, clitic fronting can be obligatory or optional. For example, some conjunctions only optionally attract clitics. The irrealis marker a(ḏ), the future marker (ma)š-a(ḏ), and the negative particles obligatorily attract clitics, except for the negative (u) la used with the Imperfective verb forms in Hmed and Taghzut varieties. Within Ketama, clitic fronting occurs regardless of the verb mood/aspect in Beni Aisi and Beni Hmed dialects. The Sahel dialect is different in that it allows for postverbal clitics also in Imperfective Negative (and Imperative Negative, which is based on the Imperfective stem of the verb), reminiscent of Taghzut and Hmed. Otherwise, clitic fronting is predictable. In what follows, first, the different syntactic contexts which cause clitic fronting are listed. Afterwards, more details for each context and examples are provided. The following syntactic contexts cause clitic fronting:

'

  optional, and the finite form of the verb can be used as well. Clitics are obligatorily fronted in such contexts in Ketama and in Zerqet. In Hmed, clitics are obligatorily fronted in construction (a), with a relative form of the verb (with or without the relative marker), but only optionally fronted in a construction with a finite form of the verb. The variant (a) and (b) are more frequent than (c) in Hmed. (41) (a) argaz(=aḏin) a d= i-ḵešm-en (K) man(=DIST:SG) RM VC= RF-enter:P-RF aryaz=nna (na) d= i-ḵešm-en (H) That man who entered (here)...'

'

  How much did you (SG) pay him/her?'

  Imperfective verb forms, clitics behave differently in Taghzut than in other attraction contexts. In Imperfective Negative, Taghzut allows for postverbal clitics (NCF, no clitic fronting), complete clitic fronting (CCF), partial clitic fronting (PCF),and clitic repetition (CR). The following table shows various models for the 3MSImperfective Negative form of the verb 'to give' in combination with the 3S:IO + 3MS:DO (+ventive): 'He is not giving it (M) to him/her (here)'. The variant with the CCF is not frequent. The NCF scenario is especially frequent with the ventive. Different models might be more frequent depending on several factors, such as a dialect and the age of the informants. In the name of the models, "I" stands for the IO, "D" = DO, "V" = Ventive, and "-" indicates the positing with regard to the verb, e.g. the -ID model stands for the postposed IO+DO (Verb=IO=DO).

  IO 3MS:DO NEG give:I:IMP:SG NEG 'Do not give (SG) it (M) to him/her!' IO=3P:DO give:I:IMP:SG NEG 'Do not give (SG) them to him/her!' The same is true for the DO repetition: the sequence of ṯ/ț+ț is avoided. The solution is either to employ the intervening prohibitive i, or a different construction. Unlike Ketama, Taghzut allows for the repetition of the IO clitic in some circumstances. It can co-occur with the DO repetition, and with the DO + ventive repetition.

  š u^s=ṯ=iḏ=i-țak=as=ṯ=iḏ š IDV-IDV As can be deduced from the table, the difference between 3MS Imperfective Negative and the prohibitive is in the preverbal negator: ula the Imperfective Negative vs. u in the prohibitive. The 3MS verb prefix i-used in Imperfective Negative is paralleled by the intervening negator i in the prohibitive.In some verb forms (second person Imperfective Negative, 2P prohibitive), with the divergent behavior of the clitic complex (PCF: I-D model), the third person DO clitics are a-initial (while normally, they are C-initial after the vowel of the verb, or after a consonant of the PNG suffix, and i-initial after the consonant of the verb stem), e.g. (90) (a) ula ^s= țak-ḏ =aṯ š (I-D) NEG ^3S:IO= (2:)give:I-2S =3MS:DO NEG 'You (SG) are not giving it (M) to him/her.' (b) ula ^s= țak-m =aṯ š (I-D) NEG ^3S:IO= (2:)give:I-2P =3MS:DO NEG 'You (PL) are not giving it (M) to him/her.' give:I-IMP:PL =3MS:DO NEG 'Do not give (PL) it (F) to him/her!' 12.6. Conclusions The verbal clitics can appear in a clitic chain, following or preceding the verb, which is why they are called verbal satellites. Clitic mobility distinguishes syntactic (verbal) clitics from prosodic (nominal) clitics. Prepositions with pronominal suffixes and deictic adverbs do not undergo fronting (also known as attraction) in Senhaja.

  devoted specifically to the behavior of the clitics in Ketama in attraction contexts. It pays special attention to the divergent constructions such as partial clitic fronting (Section 13.2) and ventive repetition (Section 13.3) and attempts to explain how these constructions might have originated. As discussed above, the usual order of the clitics in a clitic chain is: IO+DO+VC. In Ketama, this scheme is usually restricted to the postverbal position (unmarked contexts), so that the model of the clitic behavior in this case is: -IDV.734 In attraction contexts, the relative order of the clitics is preserved when the clitics are fronted in other Senhaja varieties. In Ketama, in attraction contexts, various deviations from the usual scheme are found, depending on the kind of the clitics. When a verb form contains a single clitic, it is obligatorily fronted in the attraction contexts (except for the Sahel dialect of Ketama, where clitics can remain postposed in Imperfective Negative and Imperative Negative), so that we find models I-, D-, and V-(all fronted).The combination of a pronominal clitic and the ventive is also normally fronted, yielding models IV-and DV-(Section 13.1.2). When two pronominal clitics occur simultaneously, the clitic complex is usually split, with the IO appearing before the verb, and DO after it (partial clitic fronting) (model I-D, Section 13.2). The DO clitic may be (seemingly) repeated, i.e. can appear on both sides of the verb (clitic repetition) (Section 13.2.2). However, the fronted DO clitic carries no information about the person, number, and gender, but simply signals the presence of a postverbal DO. In this case, the fronted DO clitic is a petrified element or a dummy DO (in this case, we label the model 'IDt-D', where 'Dt' stands for the dummy DO). Complete clitic fronting is grammatical (model ID-), but not common. When three clitics appear simultaneously, IO and DO clitics are still split, while the ventive clitic is usually repeated: it appears after the IO in the preverbal position, and after the DO in the postverbal position(Section 13.3, model IV-DV). Various other deviations from the usual scheme are possible, depending on various factors.

2 .

 2 /DO+ventive with the 3MS Aorist verb form š-a y-awi 'he'll take' -awi 1P š-a=hen=d=y-awi 2P š-a^wen=d=y-awi 2P š-a=wen=d=y-awi 3P š-a^sen=d=y-awi 3P š-a=hen=d=y-awi 13.Partial Сlitic Fronting: IO + DO Сlitic Сombination: IO+DO clitic combination is only possible when DO is constituted by a third person pronoun (Case-Person Constraint, cf. Section 12.2.1). In unmarked contexts, the clitic combination IO+(3)DO is found together in the postverbal position, while in the attraction contexts, the IO and DO clitics are usually split (PCF: I-D model). Optionally, the DO clitic may be (seemingly) repeated (cf. Section 13.2.2). Complete clitic fronting (CCF: the ID-model) is also possible. The models have different frequency in different Ketama dialects. 13.2.1. Introduction The IO+(3)DO clitic combination behaves differently from other combinations of two clitics (i.e. DO+ventive and IO+ventive). There are also dialectal differences. While DO+ventive and IO+ventive are normally fronted together as a clitic chain (CCF) in Beni Aisi and Beni Hmed (with some exceptions), the IO+(3)DO sequence is usually split in these dialects, so that only the IO clitic is fronted, while the DO clitic remains in a postverbal position. This yields the PCF construction: the I-D model, e.g. go and eat them to your (MS) detriment.' (6) š-a ^sen= y-awi =hen (K)FT-NR ^3P:IO= 3MS-take:A =3P:DO 'He will take them to them.' ^2MS:IO= 3MS-return:A^ 3FS:DO 'I will return it (F) to you (MS).'

  is a dummy DO following the fronted IO, while the DO is postposed. Apparently, the preverbal t became petrified and serves as an indicator that the verb has two pronominal clitics(IO and DO). Hence, such constructions can be regarded a special category of the PCF (the I-D model) with the (optional) preverbal dummy DO. Such constructions could emerge due to the fact that, historically, in many situations, the third person singular DO clitic was not distinguished in the preverbal position (e.g. when followed by the 2S/3FS/2P verb forms). As a result, the preverbal DO lost the gender and number specification, and the DO clitic was "repeated" in the postverbal position to give more explicit information.In Sahel and Lmekhzen, it is possible to have the dummy DO following the fronted 3P:DO clitic, with an optional postverbal 3P:DO, e.g. (11) š-a ^s= en= t= y-ek (CCF: IDt-) FT-NR ^3S:IO= 3P:DO=DO= 3MS-give:A 'He will give them to him/her.' When there is a postverbal DO, the DO is repeated. We label this type DR (DO repetition): IDt-D model, e.g. (12) š-a ^s= en= t= i-kk =ihen (DR: IDt-D) FT-NR ^3S:IO= 3P:DO= DO=3MS-give:A =3P:DO 'He will give them to him/her.'

('

  22) š-a ^sen= t= i-kk =ihen (PCF+t: Dt-I model) FT-NR ^3P:IO= DO= 3MS-give:A =3P:DO 'He will give them to them.' (23) š-a ^sen= t= y-ek (CCF: ID-) FT-NR ^3P:IO= 3S:DO= 3MS-give:A 'He will give it to them'. The CCF construction without the dummy DO is ungrammatical with a plural DO: 744 (24) *š-a ^s= (h)n= i-k FT-NR ^3S:IO= 3PDO= 3MS-give:AIntended: 'He will give them to him/her'.The following example (with a repeated 3P:IO clitic, intended as the DR: ID-D model) is also ungrammatical:741 The label "DR+t" (IDt-D model) indicates that the repetition of the plural DO is accompanied by the dummy DO. There are thus seemingly three DO markers in the construction, although the dummy DO is grammaticalized to such an extent that it cannot be considered a DO marker any more. ^3S:IO= 3P:DO=3MS-give:A=3P:DO Intended: 'He will give them to him/her'.A note regarding 1S:IO+3P:DOThere are some peculiarities when 3P:DO is combined with the 1S:IO clitic. First of all, as with the 3S:DO, it is impossible to distinguish the two models, namely, the PCF (I-D model) and the PCF+t (It-D model): ^1S:IO= DO= 3MS-give:A =3P:DO 'He will give them to me.' This construction (the PCF/PCF+t), which is usually ungrammatical in Sahel for the singular IO+3P:DO combinations, is possible with the 1S:IO clitic, and is actually the only possible variant in this dialect, while the "Sahel models" (DR+t and CCF+t) ^1S:IO= 3P:DO= DO= 3MS-give:A Intended: 'He will give them to me.' 13.2.4.2. Plural IO + 3P:DO When the IO is plural (in addition to the plural DO), only two constructions are found. One of them involves a dummy DO. He'll give them them' Dialect PCF I-D š-a^sn=i-kk=ihen Beni Aisi/Hmed (rare in Lmekhzen) PCF+t It-D š-a^sen=t=i-kk=ihen Sahel/Lmekhzen (rare in Beni Aisi/Hmed) Explanation and glossed examples follow. 1) the PCF (I-D), in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed (and rare in Lmekhzen), e.g. (28) š-a ^sn= i-kk =ihen FT-NR ^3P:IO= 3MS-give:A =3P:DO 'He will give them to them.' 2) the PCF+t (It-D), in Sahel and Lmekhzen (rare in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed), e.g. (29) š-a ^sen= t= i-kk =ihen FT-NR ^3P:IO= DO= 3MS-give:A =3P:DO 'He will give them to them.' With a plural IO in combination with a plural DO, the PCF is still the preferred variant in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed (also found in Lmekhzen). However, the "Sahel models" (DR+t and CCF+t) do not work, because they involve the 3P:DO marker n after the IO marker that already ends in -n. Thus, with the 1P:IO, both the DR+t and the CCF+t constructions are ungrammatical, e.g. ^1P:IO= 3P:DO= DO= 3MS-give:A Intended: 'He will give them to us.' One could also consider that when the IO is plural, the DR+t and the PCF+t constructions merge (a > b), e.g. ^1P:IO= DO= 3MS-give:A =3P:DO 'He will give them to us.'

(

  whether it is singular or plural). With a singular IO, four constructions are possible: the PCF (I-D) in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed (and Lmekhzen), the PCF+t (It-D) in Lmekhzen (also in Beni Aisi/Hmed), the DR+t (IDt-D) in Sahel (and Lmekhzen), and the CCF+t (IDt-) in Sahel (and Lmekhzen). The last two constructions (the "Sahel models" DR+t and CCF+t) are incompatible with 1S:IO and with all plural IO pronominal clitics. 745 Also: š-a^(y)ṯ=i-kk=ihen. clitics, two constructions are found: the PCF (I-D) in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed (and Lmekhzen), and the PCF+t (It-D) in Sahel and Lmekhzen (rare in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed). The CCF+t construction does not work in Sahel as it involves the plural IO clitic ending on -n + the 3P:DO -n. The following table summarizes the found constructions. These are the encountered constructions when the DO is in plural: Clitic behavior in the combination IO + 3P:DO ¶ Comparative note (Taghzut)In the rest of Senhaja, e.g. in the neighboring Taghzut, having a combination of a plural DO and IO (singular or plural) poses no problem, e.g. ^3P:IO= 3P:DO= 3MS-give:A 'He will give them to them'.

''

  Do not enter (SG) (here)!'The optionality of clitic fronting in prohibitives might be explained by the parallel with the Imperfective, as prohibitives are based on the Imperfective verb stem. An alternative explanation lies in the special nature of prohibitives.751 Prohibitives that use the negator ma (with the Aorist verb form following the irrealis a) require clitic fronting across Ketama dialects, e.g. Do not enter (SG) (here)!' As a result, CCF (DV-) and CR (the DV-V and DV-DV models) are only possible in 3MS and 1P. For the remaining persons, clitics remain postposed (NCF).

  IO+ventive, or DO+ventive). For other combinations of clitics, there exists different models of clitic behavior depending on the context, the number and the nature of the clitics involved, and the dialect. For example, when the verb contains two pronominal clitics, typically, only the IO is fronted, while the DO is left postposed, resulting in a partial clitic fronting: IO=VERB=DO. In another construction, the DO is (seemingly) doubled, occurring on both sides of the verb (IO+DO=VERB=DO). However, the fronted DO clitic is an invariable t, unmarked for the gender and number, and it merely signals that the real DO is coming in a postverbal position. In such examples, the fronted DO can be analyzed as a dummy DO, or as a disambiguator. When the DO has the plural form in an IO+DO clitic chain, there are differences depending on the number of the IO pronoun. With a singular IO, we find (depending on the dialect): the partial clitic fronting (IO=VERB=DO), with or without the dummy DO; the DO repetition (IO+DO+t=VERB=DO), or the complete clitic fronting (IO+DO+t=VERB). In the last two scenarios, the dummy DO is obligatory. With plural IO clitics, only the partial clitic fronting is possible (IO=VERB=DO), with or without the DO.

  third person singular DO clitics and the ventiveThere are specific forms of the ventive when following the third person singular DO clitic pronouns, that show dialectal variation. Most common forms are id, iḏ, and ed.

  from him/her.' With ventive (38) (a) ḵešm-a (K) enter:P-1S 'I entered.' ('I went in.') (b) ḵešm-aġ^ d (K) enter:P-1S^ VC 'I entered.' ('I came in.')The final -ġ of the first person subject suffix -aġ assimilates to the following ṯ or t of the third person DO clitics in Ketama and Zerqet in voice, yielding ḫ. In Hmed, the 1S subject suffix remains -aġ. Furthermore, in Ketama, the initial consonant of the third person DO clitic can optionally assimilate to the ḫ. In this case, the 3MS:DO and 3FS:DO merge, and it is only the devoicing of the 1S -ġ suffix that signals the presence of the 3S:DO. For example:

  syntactic conditions. Verbal clitics include: the pronominal clitics of the DO and IO, and the deictic ventive clitic d. Although usually found with verbs, pronominal DO clitics can be also found with pseudo-verbs. DO clitics. The shape of the clitic pronouns depends on the context. The major distinction is between postverbal and preverbal clitics. Within postverbal clitics, there are sub-series depending on the shape of the verb that they follow: clitics of series a follow a V-final stem; clitics of series b clitics follow a C-final stem, and clitics of series c follow a subject suffix. In Senhaja, the series a and c are identical (a=c), except for the fact that pronouns in the series a are C-initial on the surface. The main difference between series b and a/c is in the third person.

  (a)neġ (T/S)/(a)naġ (most Snh.)/(a)na (K); -the fronted 3P clitic is hen in Ketama (as the fronted 1P) and Hmed. IO Clitics. Morphologically, the IO clitics and pronominal suffixes (discussed below) belong together: the IO clitics consist of a + pronominal suffix. Different from the independent and DO clitic pronouns, IO clitics do not distinguish gender in the third person singular. In some Senhaja varieties, the IO and DO pronominal clitics are homophonous, except for the third person. In other varieties, the DO and the IO clitics differ also in other persons. The varieties differ in what distinctions they make. The Ventive. There is one deictic clitic in Senhaja: the ventive d, often denoting direction toward the speaker. The ventive has different allomorphs depending on the context and on the dialect. There is probably a relation between the ventive d and the proximal nominal deictics. In most varieties (H/B/Z, most of Ketama), following Cfinal verb stems, the form of the ventive is id. In other varieties (T, S, parts of Ketama), the clitic remains d in such contexts.

  (e.g. a relative or a possessive phrase), special pronominal forms can be used, called pronominal heads. Bare pronominal heads can function as heads of relative phrases in parts of Senhaja (K/T/Z); only Taghzut marks the number. Most demonstratives can be analyzed as pronominal heads with deictic clitics, with a three-way distinction in exophoric deixis and an additional anaphoric demonstrative in most varieties. Ketama and Taghzut employ the distal demonstrative as anaphoric. Most varieties distinguish masculine singular, feminine singular, and common plural forms. Some varieties distinguish a separate FP form. The words for 'other' are also based on pronominal heads. Except Mezduy, the same forms can be used on their own (as head nouns) or follow a noun.

K

  /H/parts of Z) or the Berber mi (H/Z), miḏi (Z) 'what/who' to form prepositional interrogatives. With mmen, the prepositions precede the pronoun. With mi, the prepositions follow the pronoun in Hmed and Eastern Zerqet, and appear on both sides of the pronoun in Western Zerqet, e.g. s emmen (K/H), miyy-es (H), mi-s (Eastern Z), smi-s (Western Z) 'with what' (instrumental). Possession can be expressed with the Genitive n 'of' or with ġur 'at'. The syntax with ġur in possessives is special: if the possessor is lexically expressed, it must be in a topic position (preceding ġur), e.g. Muḥemmeḏ ġur-es ddrari (Mohammed at-3S children) 'Mohammed has children.' Prepositional phrases can function as predicates. Prepositional predicates are similar to the nominal predicates in the mechanisms of negation they use, e.g. by means of the negated form of 'to be', or by means of the negator maši. Pronominalized

  the Sahel dialect of Ketama, clitics behave like in Taghzut, as they show divergent behavior in Imperfective Negative and prohibitive, albeit the negator used is u and not ula. The deviations from the usual model are not like in Beni Aisi and Beni Hmed, as clitics can remain postposed in attraction contexts or the ventive clitic can be repeated even when it is the only clitic, or can be fronted as the only clitic in an interrupted clitic chain, etc. Another possibility is to have divergent behavior of the clitics with 2P verb forms (also outside the Imperfective). Such deviations from the usual model probably have to do with morphophonology. Outside Senhaja, there are other Berber varieties that show different deviations in clitic behavior. There are certain tendencies, e.g. to front IO and to keep other clitics (DO and ventive) postposed, or to repeat the ventive clitic. Similar deviations as in Ketama are found in Ghomara, but also in Mzab in Algeria and Tamezret in Tunisia. Different factors might have played a role in the development of a new system. In a number of varieties, as in Senhaja, grammaticalization and reanalysis might be responsible for the change in the clitic behavior.

  scheme are found in other parts of Senhaja(Taghzut, Hmed, Seddat, Bunsar). Different from Ketama, these deviations are usually related to the verb aspect/mood (Imperfective, prohibitive), rather than to the nature of the clitics.

  le nord-ouest du Maroc (Rif occidental). Nous utilisons le terme « senhaja » comme terme générique pour désigner toutes ces variétés. Il existe au total dix variétés berbères distinctes parlées dans cette région, correspondant à dix « tribus » (un ensemble de villages qui revendiquent une parenté) faisant partie de la grande région de Senhaja. La thèse se base sur des données de terrain recueillies entre 2013 et 2021, relatives à sept variétés du senhaja parlées dans 35 villages. Ces variétés sont (d'ouest en est) : le ketama [K], le seddat [S], le taghzout [T], le hmed [H], le bounsar [B], le zerqet [Z] et le mezdouy [M]. Nous adoptons une approche polylectale, en nous concentrant sur les différences et les caractéristiques communes entre ces variétés étudiées. Trois variétés ont été choisies comme représentatives des régions où elles sont parlées -le ketama (senhaja occidental), le hmed (senhaja central) et le zerqet (senhaja oriental) -afin de couvrir le senhaja dans son ensemble de la manière la plus complète et la plus précise. La variété mezdouy n'a pas été retenue, car elle est la variété frontalière la plus influencée par le berbère tarifiyt parlé à l'est. Les variétés étudiées sont importantes pour la compréhension du paysage linguistique et de l'histoire de la région, ainsi que pour les variations linguistiques qu'elle connaît.La thèse couvre les principaux domaines de la langue, tels que la phonologie, la morphologie et la morphosyntaxe. Le senhaja a été fortement influencé par l'arabe, comme témoigné par des multiples emprunts lexicaux, morphologiques et syntaxiques.En senhaja, les emprunts supplétifs sont très répandus, de sorte qu'aux verbes berbères correspondent des noms verbaux, des causatifs, des passifs et des participes supplétifs empruntés. Si les emprunts lexicaux se retrouvent partout en senhaja, les emprunts grammaticaux sont particulièrement fréquents en senhaja occidental et central.L'apophonie qui existe dans la langue arabe est également empruntée dans la dérivation des diminutifs à partir des noms berbères.Il existe d'importantes similitudes entre le senhaja et le berbère ghomara parlé à l'ouest(Mourigh 2015), même s'il reste quelques différences substantielles. De même, il existe à la fois des similitudes et des différences avec le berbère tarifiyt parlé à l'est de l'aire linguistique senhaja(Lafkioui 2007a, Kossmann 2017a). Certaines isoglosses distinguent le senhaja du tarifiyt. Malgré la proximité géographique, ces variétés ne sont pas forcément liées génétiquement. Dans cette thèse, il a été choisi d'accorder une attention particulière au verbe et au complexe verbal. C'est pourquoi trois chapitres distincts lui sont consacrés dans la partie morphologie. Le chapitre 3 aborde les principales caractéristiques du verbe, la dérivation verbale et l'accord avec le sujet. Le chapitre 4 traite de la formation des bases verbales qui peuvent marquer le mode, l'aspect, et aussi la négation dans certaines variétés du senhaja. Le chapitre 5 est consacré aux clitiques et aux particules verbales, aux marqueurs et aux auxiliaires du passé, du futur et de la pertinence de l'énoncé pour le présent. Le comportement des clitiques verbaux (l'objet indirect, l'objet direct et le clitique déictique ventif) constitue un problème spécifique, traité à part. Leur comportement est étudié dans les derniers chapitres (12 et 13), tandis que la morphophonologie du complexe verbal est étudiée dans le chapitre 14.2. PhonologieLe système de transcription utilisé dans cette thèse est celui que l'on trouve couramment dans la littérature sur le berbère. Les consonnes longues sont doublées dans la transcription, par exemple bb[bː]. Les consonnes pharyngalisées (traditionnellement appelées "emphatiques") sont écrites avec un point souscrit, par exemple ṭ [tˁ]. Le soulignement indique que la consonne est spirantisée, par exemple ṯ[θ], ḏ [ð], ḏ ̱̣ [ðˁ]. La fricative palato-alvéolaire sourde [ʃ] est notée š, [ʒ] -ž ; [t͡ s] -ț ; [t͡ ʃ] -č ; [d͡ ʒ] -ǧ ; [ħ] -ḥ, [x] -ḫ, [ɣ] -ġ ; [ʔ] (l'occlusive glottale) -<'>, [ʕ] -ɛ et [j] -y.La labialisation s'écrit avec un exposant [ʷ], par exemple kʷ. Il y a trois voyelles simples (périphériques) (a, i, u) et une voyelle centrale, le schwa [ə], notée ici e. Le symbole ^ indique l'élision, la troncation et l'assimilation des voyelles. Le système consonantique du senhaja présente une opposition de voisement, de longueur et de pharyngalisation. Le senhaja a des spirantes, bien que dans de nombreux contextes, les occlusives et leurs homologues spirantisées soient en variation libre. Dans certains cas, la prononciation de l'occlusif ou de la spirante est obligatoire. Les occlusives peuvent avoir différentes sources, telles que : 1) l'emprunt, 2) la simplification des géminées d'origine, 3) la dépharyngalisation des emphatiques. Dans certains contextes, la spirantisation peut être bloquée (par exemple après n). Alors que toutes les variétés du senhaja ont des spirantes, les phonèmes ḇ et ḡ ne se trouvent pas dans toutes les variétés et sont marginaux en senhaja. La plupart des variétés du senhaja ont des vélaires labialisées. Les phonèmes labialisés ne se trouvent pas en ketama et en taghzout, bien que certaines traces de labialisation perdue soient encore perceptibles en ketama. Dans les variétés senhaja, l et son homologue long ll ont subi des changements différents. Dans la plupart des variétés (K/S/H, certaines variétés du bounsar), l > y. En taghzout, l > ž. En mezdouy, l > r (comme en tarifiyt). En zerqet, l a été conservé. /ll/ long > ǧǧ dans la plupart des variétés senhaja (S/B/Z/M). Il correspond à ll ou žž en taghzout. En ketama et en hmed, ll est conservé. Dans le système vocalique, le statut phonétique de la voyelle centrale schwa est ambigu. Le schwa ne se trouve pas dans les syllabes ouvertes et, dans la plupart des cas, celui-ci sert à former des syllabes. Cependant, certaines occurrences du schwa ne sont pas prévisibles et, dans ces mots, il doit être considéré comme phonémique. Dans la dernière syllabe avant les consonnes d'arrière, les différences entre le schwa et le a sont neutralisées. Les voyelles hautes u et i alternent avec les semi-voyelles w et y dans certains contextes. Les séquences de deux voyelles sont évitées par l'élision d'une voyelle, l'insertion d'une semi-voyelle (glide) ou la transformation d'une voyelle en semi-voyelle. Il existe plusieurs dérivations en senhaja exprimant des changements de voix. Il y a deux mécanismes d'augmentation de la valence par dérivation de causatifs : la dérivation avec le préfixe s(s)-(commun en berbère), et la gémination de C2 (la deuxième consonne de la racine du verbe, comme la forme II de l'arabe), que l'on trouve habituellement avec les verbes empruntés, mais qui dans certains cas, s'applique aux verbes berbères (emprunt de modèle). Pour les verbes berbères, les causatifs à C2 géminée sont souvent supplétifs. Il y a plusieurs mécanismes de réduction de valence qui dérivent des passifs et, parfois, des moyens ou médio-passifs. Les passifs sont dérivés au moyen des préfixes t(t)-et n(n)-(couramment attestés en arabe) à travers le senhaja, alors qu'il y a aussi des préfixes spécifiques à certains dialectes avec une semi-voyelle : ttya-(K), țțuya-(H), et ttwa-(Z). Ce sont des préfixes berbères, mais on les retrouve avec des verbes arabes empruntés. Le préfixe passif m(m)-est très rare, et le préfixe n(n) ne peut pas être considéré comme son allomorphe (à la différence de ce qu'on trouve dans d'autres variétés berbères). Il est possible que n-se soit répandu en senhaja sous l'influence de l'arabe, sans être nécessairement emprunté. Comme pour les causatifs, certains passifs sont supplétifs. Alors que les préfixes dérivationnels se trouvent dans presque toutes les langues berbères, le senhaja est particulier dans son utilisation extensive de causatifs à C2 géminée empruntés à l'arabe (souvent supplétifs aux verbes berbères) et de passifs supplétifs. Cette caractéristique est également présente en ghomara (Mourigh 2015).À la forme négative du perfectif, on trouve que ḏ, dans certaines variétés de senhaja (T/S/H), est généralisé à partir de l'aoriste, par exemple uḏeḵrez š « il n'a pas labouré ». Là encore, le marqueur 3MS peut être analysé comme zéro (uḏ eḵrez š) ou comme ḏ-(u ḏ-eḵrez š). Comparez ketama u y-eḵrez š, zerqet uḏ i-ḵrez š et bounsar uḏ iḵrez š ~ u ḵrez š « id. ». On trouve également un marqueur zéro dans certaines variétés du seddat avec le négateur ur : ur eḵrez š « id. » .Lorsqu'un verbe commence par une voyelle, le préfixe 3MS est i-/y-partout en senhaja dans des contextes non marqués (par exemple au perfectif affirmatif : y-uri ~ i-wri « il a écrit ») et à l'aoriste après le préverbe aḏ : aḏ y-ari (la plupart des Snh.), ketama a y-ari « il écrira ». Quand le perfectif est nié, 3MS est i-/y-dans la plupart des variétés : uḏ i-wri š (~uḏ y-uri š) (H/B/Z), u y-uri š ~ i-wri š (K) « il n'a pas écrit ». En taghzout, le y-est facultatif : uḏ (y-)uri š. Seddat (dialectalement) a u ḏ-uri š ~ ur uri š.L'impératif singulier n'a pas d'affixe PNG. Il existe deux suffixes de pluriel qui forment une isoglosse : -aṯ en senhaja occidental (K/T/S), -ṯ en senhaja oriental (H/B/Z/M). Le zerqet utilise la forme IMP.PL -em devant le clitique du ventif d (em=d).Le prohibitif, lorsqu'il est utilisé avec le négateur berbère u (ou une de ses variantes) actualise la même marque que l'impératif. Les variétés diffèrent dans le choix de la négation préverbale : u dans la plupart des variétés (T/B/S), i en ketama, u(r) en seddat, (u)la en hmed. Dans certaines variétés, il existe une forme prohibitive alternative (un calque de l'arabe) avec la négation préverbale empruntée ma. Elle prend les affixes PNG de la deuxième personne et utilise le thème de l'aoriste (après l'irréel aḏ). L'injonctif utilise le préfixe 1P n-, éventuellement combiné avec le suffixe IMP.PL -aṯ/-eṯ, toujours utilisé avec la particule irréelle a(ḏ).La forme relative (également connue sous le nom de « participe berbère ») est une forme verbale utilisée dans les constructions qui relativisent le sujet. La forme est i-Xn, invariable pour le nombre et le genre, par exemple i-ḵerz-en « qui a labouré ». Le senhaja oriental (Z/M) utilise facultativement une forme pluriel féminin : i-X-nt. Les verbes impersonnels peuvent être utilisés sans marqueur PNG ou les marqueurs PNG peuvent être facultatifs ou figés. Ils peuvent prendre des clitiques pronominaux d'objet indirect, ce qui les rend similaires aux pseudo-verbes, par exemple (i-)ḫeṣṣ=ay « j'ai besoin ». Dans de nombreux types de verbes, AOR=PERF, notamment dans les verbes CCC et CC:C, et dans les dérivations basées sur ces verbes. Il y a quelques verbes CC qui ont AOR=PERF : ḏ ̱̣ er (S) « tomber », ġez (H) « creuser », res (H) « atterrir » et rez (H/B/Z) « retourner (trans.) ». La différence entre les verbes CC* (avec une voyelle alternée) et CC (AOR=PERF) est une autre isoglosse qui distingue le senhaja du tarifiyt. Le perfectif (accompli) négatif. Le perfectif négatif est préservé en mezdouy et dans certaines variétés du zerqet. Il est dérivé du perfectif par le changement de voyelle (a > i) ou l'insertion de i. Parfois, a reste inchangé. Les verbes sans voyelle ordinaire insèrent i avant la consonne finale. Contrairement au tarifiyt, i peut être inséré dans les verbes CC:C et dans les verbes CCCC. L'imperfectif (inaccompli). Il existe différentes façons de former l'imperfectif : gémination de la deuxième consonne (C2), dans tout le senhaja ; gémination de la première consonne (C1) combinée à l'insertion de u (dans le senhaja central et oriental) ; au moyen du préfixe imperfectif t(t)-. Le préfixe est souvent combiné avec des changements vocaliques, tels que 1) l'insertion d'une voyelle ; 2) le remplacement de la voyelle finale ; 3) l'ajout d'une voyelle finale ; 4) l'insertion/remplacement d'une voyelle et l'ajout d'une voyelle finale. Le même verbe peut avoir plusieurs imperfectifs. Il existe des préférences dialectales dans la formation de l'imperfectif.Le préfixe imperfectif t(t)-est réalisé comme tt devant une voyelle en ketama. En zerqet, le préfixe est toujours t, et en hmed/taghzout, il est ț. Le préfixe peut coexister avec le préfixe s-du causatif en hmed (et parfois en zerqet). Il s'agit probablement d'une innovation. En ketama et en zerqet, le préfixe ne se combine pas avec le préfixe commun t-du passif (ou le préfixe spécifique à ces variétés : ttya-en ketama, ttwa-en zerqet). Ce qui est différent en hmed et taghzout : en hmed, l'imperfectif ț-peut se combiner avec le passif t-et țțuya-. En taghzout, l'imperfectif ț est réalisé comme s devant le passif ț~t et țțya-. Certains verbes n'ont pas d'imperfectif, ou l'imperfectif peut être irrégulier ou supplétif. Exceptionnellement, l'aoriste=l'imperfectif, par exemple dans les cas où l'imperfectif a été réinterprété comme l'aoriste, par exemple ttru « pleurer » (ketama). L'imperfectif (inaccompli) négatif. L'imperfectif négatif est limité à quelques verbes et n'est (partiellement) préservé qu'en mezdouy et dans le dialecte de Wersan de zerqet.

5 . 3 .

 53 Il existe des particules modales et négatives. Il y a deux particules modales communes au senhaja : a(ḏ) por l'irréel et (ma)š-a(ḏ) pour le futur (c'est une combinaison de (ma)š et de a(ḏ)). Les deux particules signalent que l'action est non (encore) réalisée.En taghzout, à côté de š-a(ḏ), on utilise parfois l^a(ḏ) pour marquer le futur (combinaison de la et de a(ḏ)).Il existe des particules négatives préverbales et postverbales. Les particules postverbales sont š~ši~šay, généralement en variation libre. Les particules préverbales sont : u (général), ma (utilisé avec l'aoriste en hmed, à côté du u général, et avec les prohibitifs basés sur l'aoriste), la~ula (utilisé avec l'imperfectif en taghzout, hmed, certaines variétés de seddat), ur (utilisé avec le perfectif dans certaines variétés de seddat). Le négateur i est utilisé en ketama dans les prohibitifs. Dans des contextes spécifiques, l'une des deux particules peut être absente. Le u du négatif peut être combiné avec la marque de futur (ma)š-a(ḏ) en zerqet. En hmed, la négation préverbale est facultative dans ce cas, alors qu'en ketama, elle est absente si d'autres éléments préverbaux sont présents.Outre la négation discontinue, il existe d'autres stratégies de négation. Le négateur maši peut être utilisé pour nier la proposition entière. La négation u (+ VERBE) + bu peut être utilisée avec un complément d'objet. Il existe divers éléments négatifs qui influencent l'utilisation de la négation bipartite.5.2. Clitiques verbauxLesclitiques verbaux sont mobiles et peuvent être placés avant le verbe dans certains contextes. Les clitiques verbaux comprennent, d'une part les clitiques pronominaux d'objet direct (OD) et d'objet indirect (OI), d'autre part le clitique déictique ventif d. Bien qu'on les trouve habituellement avec les verbes, les clitiques pronominaux d'OD peuvent également se trouver avec les pseudo-verbes. Les clitiques OD. La forme des pronoms clitiques dépend du contexte. La distinction principale est entre les clitiques postverbaux et les clitiques préverbaux. Au sein des clitiques postverbaux, il existe des sous-séries en fonction de la forme du verbe qu'ils suivent : la série a suit une base verbale à finale vocalique, la série b suit une base verbale à finale consonantique et la série c suit une marque suffixée de sujet. En senhaja, les séries a et c sont identiques (a=c), sauf que les pronoms de la série a sont à initiale consonantique. La principale différence entre les séries b et a/c se situe au niveau de la troisième personne. Dans les clitiques préverbaux, il n'existe qu'une série. Les clitiques préverbaux diffèrent des clitiques postverbaux sur trois points majeurs : -dans certaines variétés du senhaja (K/T/Z), le clitique préverbal 1S a deux formes : le y régulier, ou le yṯ (K)/yḏ (T/Z) -une innovation utilisée dans des contextes spécifiques ; -le clitique 1P avant le verbe est ġen dans la plupart des variétés, hen en ketama, vs. le postverbal (a)neġ (T/S)/(a)naġ (la plupart des Snh.)/(a)na (K) ; -le clitique 3P avant le verbe est hen en ketama (comme le 1P avant le verbe) et hmed. Les clitique OI. Morphologiquement, les clitiques OI et les suffixes pronominaux (discutés ci-dessous) appartiennent au même ensemble : les clitiques OI sont constitués de a + suffixe pronominal. Contrairement aux pronoms clitiques indépendants et OD, les clitiques OI ne distinguent pas le genre à la troisième personne du singulier. Dans certaines variétés senhaja, les clitiques pronominaux OI et OD sont homophoniques, sauf pour la troisième personne. Dans d'autres variétés, les clitiques OD et OI diffèrent également aux autres personnes. Les variétés diffèrent dans les distinctions qu'elles expriment. Le ventif. Il n'y a qu'un seul clitique déictique en senhaja : le d ventif, qui indique souvent la direction vers le locuteur. Le ventif a différents allomorphes selon le contexte et le dialecte. Il y a probablement une relation entre le d ventif et les déictiques nominaux proximaux. Dans certaines variétés (H/B/Z, certaines variétés du ketama), après des verbes à finale consonantique, la forme du ventif est id. Dans d'autres variétés (T/Z, variétés de ketama), le clitique reste d dans de tels contextes. Auxiliaires de temps et de mode Le passé. Les variétés de senhaja ont des marqueurs différents pour rendre explicite la référence au passé : ara~ala (K), indi (T), iža (Z). En hmed, le marqueur du passé g et le verbe « être » sont fusionnés dans la forme, gelli/a, qui peut être optionnellement conjugué. Lorsqu'il est utilisé en combinaison avec le verbe au perfectif, le marqueur du passé rend la référence au passé explicite ou exprime un événement antérieur dans le passé. Le marqueur du passé est utilisé avec l'imperfectif pour exprimer une action continue ou habituelle dans le passé. La combinaison du marqueur du passé (+ 'être') + futur š-a + verbe à l'aoriste exprime un événement antérieur non réalisé. Pour faire référence au passé avec un prédicat non verbal, on utilise, en ketama, le verbe « être » au perfectif, précédé du marqueur du passé. En taghzout et en zerqet, après le marqueur du passé, l'utilisation de verbe « être » est facultative. Le futur. Pour faire référence au futur, avec un prédicat verbal, le verbe est utilisé à l'aoriste avec la particule irréelle aḏ ou le futur (ma)š-a. Avec les prédicats non verbaux, le plus souvent en senhaja, on utilise le verbe « être ». La construction basée sur « trouver » a été grammaticalisée en tant que marqueur de futur en hmed. Elle peut prendre des pronoms personnels arabes, bien que l'origine de la construction soit berbère. Les auxiliaires du futur peuvent être combinés avec un verbe au perfectif pour exprimer un événement qui sera accompli dans le futur ou avec un verbe à l'imperfectif pour exprimer une action continue dans le futur. Les mêmes verbes « être » ou « trouver » à l'imperfectif peuvent être utilisés pour exprimer l'habituel avec des prédicats non verbaux. La particule aqa. L'élément (a)qa se trouve dans tout le senhaja et se présente sous différentes formes et significations selon la variété considérée. Dans la plupart des variétés, aqa, qui peut prendre les clitiques OD de la deuxième personne, est utilisé pour attirer l'attention. En senhaja oriental (B/Z), aqa peut être utilisé comme un marqueur spécifique de référence de l'énoncé au présent. Le pseudo-verbe (a)qa en zerqet peut prendre tous les clitiques OD et se trouve généralement avec des prédicats non-verbaux, en particulier dans les expressions locatives. Lorsqu'il est combiné avec les clitiques pronominaux, il existe différentes bases en fonction de la personne du clitique. Avec les clitiques de la troisième personne, il existe une distinction entre le distal (aqay) et le proximal (qay), tandis que aq est une forme générique, non marquée. 6. Nom Il existe deux grands types morphologiques de noms en senhaja. Les noms de la classe I ont une morphologie berbère, tandis que les noms de la classe II (empruntés) conservent leur morphologie d'origine et se présentent avec l'article défini arabe l-. Les emprunts aux langues européennes sont généralement intégrés à la classe II. La troisième classe, beaucoup plus réduite, est constituée de noms dépourvus d'affixes. le suffixe -en est ajouté. Les noms singuliers commençant par i conservent la voyelle au pluriel. Pour les noms féminins, l'initiale ṯa-> ṯi-et le suffixe -in est ajouté. Au pluriel, le suffixe féminin ṯ disparaît généralement. Le nom à morphologie arabe (classe II) Les noms de classe II sont composés de l'article arabe (l-ou sa forme assimilée), de la base et (pour certains noms féminins) du suffixe -a, par exemple lwalid « père », lwalid-a « mère ». Tous les noms se terminant par -a ne sont pas des féminins singuliers. Quelques noms féminins relevant de la morphologie arabe se terminent par -et/eṯ, mais ceci est rare par rapport aux autres variétés berbères. Les noms à morphologie arabe ne distinguent pas les états. La plupart des substantifs distinguent deux nombres. Il existe des pluriels externes et des pluriels apophoniques. Le pluriel des noms de la classe II suit le modèle arabe et est emprunté avec le nom de base. Un nombre limité de noms arabes empruntés ont une forme duelle, ils se rapportent en général aux nombres ou au temps.Classe sans affixe (classe III)Les noms de la classe III n'ont ni de préfixe berbère ni d'article arabe. Ces noms ne marquent pas l'état et il n'y a pas de dérivation régulière du genre. Les pluriels sont souvent absents ou sont supplétifs. Alternativement, la forme plurielle relève de la morphologie berbère régulière ou de la classe à morphologie arabe. Certains noms de parenté (mais pas tous) appartiennent à la classe sans affixe, par exemple gma (K/S/T) « frère » et son pluriel supplétif ayṯma « frères et soeurs ».Interaction entre le berbère et l'arabe dans la morphologie nominaleIl existe des interactions entre l'arabe et le berbère dans la morphologie nominale. Certains noms ont une forme collective relevant de la morphologie arabe, tandis que le nom féminin berbérisé correspondant se réfère à une unité. Le nom d'unité peut à son tour avoir une forme féminine plurielle de classe I, par exemple tteffaḥ (collectif) « pommes », ṯateffaḥṯ « pomme » (unité), ṯiteffaḥin « pommes » (pluriel). Certains noms ont des diminutifs internes. Dans quelques cas, le modèle apophonique arabe est emprunté pour dériver un diminutif d'un nom berbère. Certains noms sont formés sur la base d'adjectifs arabes empruntés. Les noms verbaux sont souvent empruntés à l'arabe. Ils peuvent avoir une relation supplétive avec les verbes berbères. On trouve également des noms verbaux relevant de la morphologie berbère et dérivés du verbe de base. Certains verbes correspondent à deux noms verbaux (un dérivé berbère et un emprunté), ce qui donne des doublets, par exemple ḵšem « entrer », aḵšam ~ ddḫul « le fait d'entrer ». Certains éléments peuvent précéder les noms : ayṯ (< berbère) ~ bni (< arabe) « fils de » ; bu, mul, et le pluriel sḥab « propriétaire(s)/possesseur(s) de ». L'élément bu est généralement utilisé avec les parties du corps, pour décrire un certain trait. Clitiques déictiques nominaux La plupart des variétés du senhaja ont des clitiques suffixés aux noms et expriment une triple distinction dans la deixis exophorique (proximale, médiale et distale). La plupart des variétés ont un clitique anaphorique nna, tandis que ketama et taghzout emploient les clitiques distaux comme anaphoriques. Le ketama et le taghzout distinguent le nombre dans les clitiques déictiques (comme dans le ghomara, mais à la différence des autres variétés du senhaja et du tarifiyt). 7. Adjectifs et participes En senhaja, les adjectifs forment une classe morphologique séparée, avec des marqueurs distincts. Il existe des adjectifs berbères et des adjectifs arabes empruntés. Ils diffèrent par leur marquage morphologique, mais remplissent la même fonction. Les participes arabes empruntés partagent certaines caractéristiques avec les adjectifs : ils peuvent modifier le nom principal et distinguent le même nombre de formes (masculin singulier, féminin singulier et pluriel). Les adjectifs arabes avec pluriel externe et les participes partagent les mêmes suffixes pour marquer le genre et le nombre. Seuls les adjectifs berbères ont des formes dites relatives (car utilisées dans les propositions relatives) morphologiquement dérivées. Les adjectifs sont conjugués dans certaines variétés du senhaja, ce qui en fait des quasi-verbes. Il existe des différences substantielles à travers le senhaja dans le marquage des adjectifs. En ketama et en hmed, les adjectifs ne sont jamais conjugués, tandis qu'en seddat, les lexèmes apparentés aux adjectifs berbères sont conjugués avec les affixes PNG habituels. Certaines variétés (T/B/Z) ont à la fois des adjectifs berbères conjugués et non conjugués. La conjugaison peut être effectuée par des suffixes uniquement (T/B, certaines variétés de Z), mais elle peut également être régulière (certaines variétés de zerqet). En taghzout et bounsar, les adjectifs et les participes arabes peuvent également être conjugués. Cette conjugaison s'effectue uniquement par des suffixes. La conjugaison suffixale rappelle les verbes statifs que l'on retrouve dans de nombreuses variétés berbères. Cependant, les adjectifs conjugués en senhaja ne sont pas des verbes, car ils ne possèdent pas de distinctions MAN. Les adjectifs conjugués peuvent être considérés comme une catégorie intermédiaire entre les adjectifs et les verbes.

3 )

 3 Lorsqu'un syntagme nominal est constitué d'une forme pronominale suivie d'une détermination (par exemple une proposition relative), des formes pronominales spéciales peuvent être utilisées, appelées têtes pronominales. Les têtes pronominales nues peuvent fonctionner comme têtes de propositions relatives dans certaines variétés de senhaja (K/T/Z). Seul le taghzout marque le nombre. La plupart des démonstratifs peuvent être analysés comme des têtes pronominales avec des clitiques déictiques, avec une triple distinction dans la déixis exophorique et un démonstratif anaphorique supplémentaire dans la plupart des variétés. Cependant, le ketama et le taghzout emploient le démonstratif distal comme anaphorique. La plupart des variétés distinguent le masculin singulier, le féminin singulier et le pluriel commun. Certaines variétés distinguent une forme FP distincte. La formation des mots signifiants « autre » se fait également sur la base de têtes pronominales. À l'exception du mezdouy, les mêmes formes peuvent être utilisées seules (comme noms de tête) ou suivre un nom.8.2. Pronoms arabes empruntésLes pronoms indépendants arabes de la troisième personne, complets ou abrégés, se retrouvent dans certaines variétés de senhaja (K/T/H) dans des contextes spécifiques, comme les présentatifs après le présentatif ha « ici ». Pour les pronoms autres que ceux de la troisième personne, seuls les pronoms berbères sont utilisés. Les suffixes pronominaux arabes se retrouvent en senhaja avec quelques éléments arabes empruntés. Ils ne peuvent normalement pas être suffixés à des mots d'origine berbère (à une exception près). Selon le lexème et la variété, les suffixes arabes peuvent être en libre variation avec les suffixes berbères. Pour certains éléments (par exemple, men ġir-« sauf », ɛemmeṛ « jamais »), les formes arabes 1P sont préférées aux formes berbères, même dans les variétés qui emploient des suffixes berbères (Z/M). En senhaja oriental, l'emploi des suffixes arabes se limite aux expressions figées empruntées, comme mreḥba bi-« bienvenue ».La possession peut être exprimée avec le génitif n « de » ou avec ġur « à ». La syntaxe avec ġur dans les possessifs est particulière : si le possesseur est exprimé lexicalement, il doit être en position de sujet (précédant ġur), par exemple Muḥemmeḏ ġur-es ddrari (Mohammed chez-3S enfants) « Mohammed a des enfants ».Les syntagmes prépositionnels peuvent fonctionner comme des prédicats. Les prédicats prépositionnels sont similaires aux prédicats nominaux dans les mécanismes de négation qu'ils utilisent, par exemple au moyen de la forme niée du verbe « être » ou au moyen de la négation maši. Les prédicats prépositionnels pronominalisés peuvent être niés de la même manière, mais ils peuvent aussi prendre la négation discontinue u...š, selon la préposition et la variété, par exemple u kiḏ-es š (H) (NEG avec-3S NEG) « pas avec lui/elle », u ġur-es š (NEG chez-3S NEG) « il/elle n'a pas ».10. NumérauxTous les numéraux cardinaux du senhaja, à l'exception de « un », sont empruntés à l'arabe. Ils sont les mêmes dans toutes les variétés, avec des différences mineures dans la prononciation. Les numéraux cardinaux sont suivis du génitif n qui les relie au nom qui suit. Les noms qui marquent l'état sont à l'EA. Pour le numéral « un », le numéral emprunté coexiste avec le numéral berbère, qui peut être utilisé en combinaison avec un nom ou indépendamment. Lorsqu'il précède un nom, « un » peut fonctionner comme marqueur d'indéfini. Il peut également précéder d'autres numéraux dans le sens de « environ », « approximativement ». Le genre est distingué en senhaja lorsque le numéral « un » est utilisé indépendamment. En ketama et en taghzout, le numéral est facultativement marqué pour le genre lorsqu'il précède un nom. Dans les autres variétés, le numéral précédant un nominal est invariable. Le numéral arabe emprunté « un » peut également être marqué facultativement pour le genre. Lorsqu'il est combiné avec un nom, en ketama et en taghzout, il le suit. Dans les autres variétés, seulement le numéral berbère « un » peut être utilisé avec un nom, qu'il le précède ou le suive. Dans certaines variétés, le numéral « un » peut apparaître des deux côtés du nom. En ketama et en taghzout, le « un » qui suit le nom est d'origine arabe. En bounsar et zerqet, le numéral qui suit le nom est berbère. En ketama et en taghzout, les deux numéraux, berbère et emprunté, peuvent être utilisés indépendamment. Lorsque le numéral « un » est nominalisé, il peut être utilisé dans le sens de « quelqu'un ». Dans ce cas, il peut être précédé par un marqueur indéfini, soit le numéral prénominal « un », soit l'indéfini ši. Les numéraux ordinaux, tous empruntés à l'arabe, forment deux ensembles distincts : ceux de l'ensemble 1 suivent le nom et distinguent trois formes (MS, FS, PL) ; ceux de l'ensemble 2 précèdent le nom et ne marquent ni le genre ni le nombre. Les noms de classe II sont généralement dépourvus de l'article arabe l-dans la plupart des variétés, alors qu'en hmed, l'article arabe peut être présent. En hmed, les numéraux de l'ensemble 1 peuvent précéder le nom et ceux de l'ensemble 2, suivre le nom. Pour exprimer « avec le (nombre X) de nous/vous/eux », ketama utilise la construction b (<Ar.) ~ s (<Berber) « avec » + numéral + bi-(<Ar.) « avec » + suffixe pronominal arabe. Dans le reste du senhaja, la construction est : s (<Berber) « avec » + yes/is-(morphème de liaison) + suffixe pronominal berbère.11. AdverbesEn senhaja, on trouve de véritables adverbes (dépourvus de caractéristiques nominales), mais aussi des noms qui peuvent être utilisés adverbialement sans préposition (notamment dans les expressions locatives). Les adverbes ainsi que certains noms utilisés adverbialement peuvent prendre des clitiques déictiques. Ceuxci, cependant, ne coïncident pas toujours avec la série régulière des clitiques déictiques.Le syntagme adverbial peut fonctionner comme un prédicat. Dans cette fonction, il peut suivre ou précéder le sujet. Le prédicat adverbial est généralement nié en utilisant les mêmes stratégies qu'un prédicat nominal (par la forme niée du verbe « être » ou au moyen du négateur maši). Contrairement aux prédicats adjectivaux ou participiaux, le prédicat adverbial ne peut généralement pas être nié par la négation discontinue ma...š ou u...š, à l'exception de ḏin (T/H/Z) « là » qui accepte la négation discontinue u.... š, ce qui donne u ḏin š « il n'y a pas ».12. Chaîne de clitiques verbaux et déplacement des clitiquesLes clitiques verbaux peuvent apparaître dans une chaîne, suivant ou précédant le verbe, c'est pourquoi ils peuvent être appelés satellites verbaux. La mobilité distingue les clitiques syntaxiques (verbaux) des clitiques prosodiques (nominaux). Les prépositions avec des suffixes pronominaux et des adverbes déictiques ne subissent pas d'attraction en senhaja. Bien que l'élément préverbal agisse comme attracteur, il n'est pas sûr qu'il serve également d'hôte aux clitiques. Il existe des arguments pour considérer que les clitiques sont rattachés au verbe dans les deux positions. Les clitiques en senhaja se trouvent souvent en position P2 (Wackernagel). Cependant, la position P2 n'est pas clairement définie, car la position préverbale peut être occupée par plusieurs éléments. Un autre problème est qu'en senhaja oriental (zerqet), dans les contextes de relativisation, le relateur n'est pas obligatoire et les clitiques sont toujours avant le verbe, alors que les clitiques ne peuvent pas être rattachés à l'hôte « zéro ». Différentes analyses ont été proposées pour expliquer les règles de comportement des clitiques en berbère, par exemple qu'ils doivent s'attacher à des catégories fonctionnelles plutôt qu'à des catégories lexicales ou que l'inversion clitique-hôte a lieu lorsqu'il n'y a pas d'élément grammatical en position préverbale. Ces analyses n'expliquent pas pourquoi les clitiques peuvent rester postposés en présence de certaines catégories fonctionnelles en position préverbale (par exemple, un marqueur de passé). Ces analyses n'expliquent pas non plus le comportement divergent des clitiques en ketama et dans certaines autres variétés berbères, comme l'attraction partielle des clitiques et la répétition des clitiques. Dans les contextes non marqués (perfectif affirmatif), les clitiques suivent le verbe. Lorsqu'ils apparaissent ensemble, la séquence est OI+OD+VENT, où n'importe lequel des membres peut être absent. Conformément à la contrainte cas-personne, seuls les clitiques OD de la troisième personne peuvent suivre un clitique OI. Avec les pronoms OD qui ne sont pas de la troisième personne, l'OI est exprimé par le syntagme prépositionnel. Dans des contextes spécifiques, les clitiques se trouvent en position préverbale. Selon le contexte et le dialecte, l'attraction des clitiques peut être facultative ou obligatoire. Les contextes suivants peuvent provoquer le déplacement des clitiques en position préverbale : 1) Les particules préverbales. Le aḏ d'irréel et le (ma)š-aḏ du futur attirent obligatoirement les clitiques. Le négateur u (et ses variantes) attire généralement les clitiques. Dans certaines variétés de senhaja, l'attraction des clitiques n'est pas obligatoire avec l'imperfectif négatif et les formes verbales prohibitives. 2) La relativisation. L'attraction clitique a lieu dans des contextes de relativisation (y compris les clivées, un sous-type de relativisation), avec un relateur obligatoire a dans ketama et indépendamment de la présence du relateur dans les variétés hmed et zerqet. Les interrogatives portant sur le contenu. En ketama, il n'y a qu'une seule construction : tous les mots interrogatifs sont suivis par le relateur a et l'attraction des clitiques est obligatoire. En hmed, lorsque les clitiques précèdent le verbe, le relateur est optionnel ; lorsqu'ils le suivent, il n'y a pas de relateur. En zerqet, il n'y a pas de relateur et les clitiques peuvent précéder le verbe de façon optionnelle. La position préverbale des clitiques est obligatoire dans hmed et zerqet après le pronom indéfini a qui peut fonctionner comme un interrogatif ayant le sens de « quoi ? », « qui ? ». 4) La subordination. La préfixation du clitique peut (facultativement) avoir lieu après certaines conjonctions, comme ani (H/Z), mani (K) « où » ; zgʷami (H), zgamis (Z) « quand », et est obligatoire en ketama après ga « quand » qui pourrait contenir le relateur a. Après matta (K/Z), manțța (H) « si » (hypothétique), les clitiques sont postposés en ketama, mais peuvent être placés avant le verbe en hmed/zerqet. D'autres clitiques ne provoquent pas l'attraction du clitique, par exemple ka, luka « si » (contrefactuel), ḥetta « jusqu'à », waḫḫa « bien que ». Plusieurs variétés senhaja (T/S/H/B, certaines variétés de ketama) ont un comportement clitique divergent avec les formes verbales de l'imperfectif négatif. En taghzout et hmed, ce comportement inhabituel peut être lié à la présence de la négation spécialisée (u)la utilisée avec l'imperfectif. Cependant, dans d'autres variétés du senhaja, les clitiques peuvent également rester postposés avec la négation générale u. Le prohibitif, qui est basé sur l'imperfectif, a lui aussi un comportement divergent, probablement par analogie avec l'imperfectif. Dans la plupart des variétés senhaja ayant un comportement divergent des clitiques à l'imperfectif (S/H/B), les clitiques sont normalement soit postposés au verbe, soit préposés ensemble, dans une chaîne de clitiques. Le taghzout admet diverses déviations du modèle habituel. Elle est également différente du ketama, où le comportement divergent des clitiques est lié à la nature des clitiques plutôt qu'à le mode/aspect du verbe. 13. L'attraction des clitiques en ketama En ketama, l'attraction des clitiques ne suit pas le schéma habituel, où tous les clitiques sont placés avant le verbe, ensemble, comme une chaîne clitique ininterrompue (OI+OD+VENT). On retrouve le schéma habituel lorsque la chaîne clitique consiste en un clitique pronominal et un ventif (OI+VENT, ou OD+VENT). Cependant, lorsque le verbe contient deux clitiques pronominaux, typiquement, seul OI est avant le verbe, tandis que OD reste postposé, d'où résulte une attraction partielle des clitiques : OI+VERBE+OD. Dans une autre construction, OD est (apparemment) doublé, apparaissant des deux côtés du verbe (OI+OD+VERBE+OD). Cependant, le clitique OD avant le verbe est un t invariable, non marqué en genre et nombre : il signale simplement que le vrai OD arrive en position postverbale. Dans de tels exemples, OD avant le verbe peut être analysé comme un OD factice ou comme un élément de désambiguïsation. Lorsque OD a la forme plurielle dans une chaîne clitique OI+OD, des différences apparaissent selon le nombre du pronom OI. Avec un OI singulier, nous pouvons observer : l'attraction partielle des clitiques (OI+ verbe + OD), avec ou sans OD factice ; la répétition de l'OD (OI+OD+t+ verbe +OD) ou l'attraction complète des clitiques (OI+OD+t+verbe). Dans les deux derniers cas, l'OD factice est obligatoire. Avec les clitiques OI pluriels, seule la préfixation partielle du clitique est possible (OI+verbe+OD), avec ou sans OD. Lorsque la forme verbale contient les trois clitiques, le scénario le plus typique est l'attraction partielle des clitiques combinée avec la répétition du ventif : OI+VENT+ verbe +OD+VENT. D'autres constructions sont également possibles. L'attraction complète des clitiques (OI+OD+VENT+ verbe) est également possible, mais rare. Là encore, il existe des différences dialectales : certains dialectes préfèrent des modèles spécifiques. Le ketama utilise un i prohibitif spécialisé, qui ne peut pas être suivi par un clitique. Le schéma devient alors : u + clitique(s) + i + verbe + NEG ši -schéma qu'on trouve aussi dans seddat et (comme une possibilité) dans taghzout (avec un i optionnel). C'est la seule construction où le clitique est séparé du verbe, et l'identification de l'hôte du clitique n'est pas évidente. Les clitiques dans les prohibitifs suivent les mêmes règles que dans les autres formes verbales, avec attraction partielle des clitiques et doublement du ventif dans des conditions spécifiques. Dans le dialecte de Lmekhzen, quand les clitiques OD de la troisième personne se combinent avec le ventif, ce dernier précède le verbe, OD+VENT restant postposé. Cette construction permet de distinguer le genre du pronom OD, qui autrement est non marqué dans la construction s'il y a attraction complète. Dans le dialecte Sahel du ketama, les clitiques se comportent comme en taghzout : ils montrent un comportement divergent pour l'imperfectif nié et le prohibitif, bien que le négateur utilisé soit u et non ula. Les déviations du modèle habituel ne sont pas celles de Beni Aisi et Beni Hmed. Une autre possibilité est d'avoir un comportement divergent des clitiques avec des formes verbales 2P (également en dehors de l'imperfectif). De telles déviations du modèle habituel ont probablement à voir avec la morphophonologie. En dehors du senhaja, d'autres variétés berbères montrent différentes déviations dans le comportement des clitiques. Il y a certaines tendances, par exemple, à mettre OI en avant et à garder les autres clitiques (OD et ventif) postposés ou à répéter le ventif. Des déviations similaires à celles du ketama se retrouvent en ghomara, mais aussi en chaouia et mozabite en Algérie et en tamezret en Tunisie. Différents facteurs ont pu jouer un rôle dans le développement d'un nouveau système. Dans un certain nombre de variétés, comme en senhaja, la grammaticalisation et la réanalyse pourraient être responsables du changement de comportement du clitique.14. Morphophonologie du complexe verbalIl existe diverses assimilations et allomorphies dans le complexe verbal. Différents morphèmes interagissent : la base du verbe et les préfixes ; les clitiques et les affixes ; les particules, les affixes et les marques de PNG. L'assimilation est généralement régressive, à l'exception du d ventif avant le verbe, qui provoque l'assimilation du t qui le suit (par exemple, le marqueur de sujet du verbe 2S/3FS/2P).Le t du préfixe du sujet ainsi que le t du passif ou de l'imperfectif, s'assimilent au d ou ḍ de la première consonne du verbe en ketama et en zerqet, mais pas en hmed.Dans les formes d'impératif pluriel, le suffixe -aṯ en ketama s'assimile aux clitiques (OD, ventif), tandis qu'en zerqet, le suffixe -eṯ est remplacé par -em dans ce cas. Les clitiques pronominaux peuvent s'assimiler au ventif d qui suit, par exemple 3S:OI as+d > az=d, 2MS aḵ+d > aḡ=d, y compris l'assimilation à distance dans zerqet de 3P:OI asen+d > azen=d. Les clitiques OD de troisième personne et le ventif (qui est généralement réalisé comme id à la suite des pronoms de troisième personne) peuvent prendre des formes spécifiques. En position préverbale, le 3MS et le 3FS:OD peuvent fusionner. En ketama, le -ġ final du marqueur de sujet 1S et du clitique 1P:OI est restauré lorsqu'il est suivi par un clitique (par exemple le ventif) ou une particule (ainsi la négation š), par exemple ḵešm-a « je suis entré » > ḵešma-ġ=d « je suis entré ici », u ḵešma-ġ š « je ne suis pas entré ». S'il est suivi du clitique OD, le ġ est assourdi et réalisé comme ḫ. De même, le clitique 1P na (OD/OI) est réalisé comme naġ s'il y a un clitique ou une particule qui le suit. Lorsque 1P:OI na(ġ) est suivi d'un clitique OD, il se produit un assourdissement : naġ > naḫ devant 3S:OD ṯ/t et 3P ṯen. On le retrouve également en zerqet, mais pas en hmed. Lorsqu'une base verbale à finale vocalique est suivie d'un clitique à voyelle initiale, soit les voyelles coalescent, soit une semi-voyelle est insérée, par exemple i-nna+as (3MS-say:P+3S:OI) > innas (K/H/Z), innayas (K/Z) « il lui a dit ». Quand un clitique à voyelle initiale suit un suffixe sujet avec un schwa (par exemple 3P -en), le schwa est réalisé comme un a en ketama, alors que le mot suit une procès de résyllabification en hmed/zerqet.15. ConclusionCette thèse décrit les principales différences et les caractéristiques communes que l'on retrouve parmi les variétés berbères senhaja. Les principaux niveaux d'analyse (phonologie, morphologie, morphosyntaxe) ont été traités. En raison de la grande influence de l'arabe, une attention particulière a été accordée aux phénomènes relevant de la linguistique de contact. L'emprunt de modèles arabes a été trouvé dans la dérivation des verbes (par exemple, la dérivation des causatifs) et dans la dérivation des participes sur la base de verbes berbères, ainsi que dans la dérivation des diminutifs sur la base de noms berbères. Les variétés étudiées sont intéressantes à différents points de vue. Par exemple, il existe une classe morphologique distincte d'adjectifs, ce qui n'est pas courant dans les langues berbères. En senhaja, les adjectifs forment une classe distincte. Certaines variétés de senhaja permettent de conjuguer les adjectifs, ce qui les rapproche des verbes, mais sans les distinctions aspectuelles. Une autre catégorie morphologique intéressante est constituée par les verbes impersonnels. Contrairement aux adjectifs et comme les verbes, ils peuvent avoir des distinctions aspectuelles et ont une origine verbale. Contrairement aux verbes réguliers, ils n'ont pas de marqueur de sujet obligatoire PNG ou utilisent un préfixe de sujet figé à la 3MS. Très souvent, ces mots prennent des clitiques pronominaux d'objet indirect. Les pseudo-verbes sont une autre catégorie de mots qui peuvent prendre des clitiques pronominaux verbaux, tout en manquant de toutes les autres caractéristiques verbales (tels que le marquage du sujet PNG ou les distinctions aspectuelles). Les clitiques pronominaux trouvés avec les pseudo-verbes ont la même forme que les clitiques pronominaux trouvés avec les verbes, bien qu'ils ne subissent pas d'attraction lorsqu'ils sont placés dans les conditions syntaxiques spéciales. Une attention particulière a été accordée au complexe verbal et au comportement des clitiques verbaux. Les derniers chapitres ont porté sur les questions suivantes : quelles combinaisons de clitiques sont possibles en senhaja ? comment les clitiques se comportent lorsqu'ils sont combinés ? dans quelle mesure ce comportement diffère dans les variétés senhaja ? quels sont les facteurs qui influencent le comportement des clitiques ? Il est apparu que la nature des clitiques ainsi que l'aspect/mode du verbe ont de l'importance. Comme nous l'avons démontré au chapitre 13, l'attraction des clitiques, en ketama, suit des règles spécifiques qui ne sont pas valables dans les autres variétés senhaja. Ainsi, il y a une tendance à diviser la chaîne de clitiques et à ne mettre en avant que le clitique OI, tandis que le clitique OD reste postposé. Lorsque trois clitiques verbaux sont présents, il y a une tendance à répéter le clitique ventif dans les deux positions (préverbalement après OI, et postverbalement après OD). De telles déviations du modèle habituel ne sont pas attestées dans les autres variétés senhaja. En revanche, on trouve d'autres déviations du schéma habituel dans d'autres variétés du senhaja (taghzout, hmed, seddat, bounsar). Contrairement au ketama, ces déviations sont généralement liées à l'aspect/mode du verbe (imperfectif, prohibitif), plutôt qu'à la nature des clitiques. En étudiant les règles régissant l'attraction des clitiques en ketama, nous avons montré quelle était la spécificité du ketama au sein du senhaja et parmi les autres variétés berbères. Le comportement divergent des clitiques en ketama apparaît comme une innovation. Réfléchissant à l'histoire de l'attraction des clitiques en berbère, on en a conclu que plusieurs facteurs influençaient le comportement des clitiques en senhaja. Certains de ces facteurs sont partagés avec d'autres variétés berbères, telle que la différence de comportement des clitiques selon que les contextes sont non marqués (les clitiques sont alors postposés) ou marqués (la position devenant préverbale). D'autres facteurs sont spécifiques aux variétés étudiées, comme la nature des clitiques impliqués (ketama) ou l'aspect/mode du verbe (taghzout et hmed). Cette thèse montre que les principales forces motrices derrière le comportement divergent des clitiques en senhaja sont : la réanalyse, la grammaticalisation et la volonté d'éviter l'ambiguïté. Le ketama n'est pas la seule variété berbère à présenter un comportement divergent des clitiques. Le ghomara, en particulier, présente des caractéristiques très similaires. Comme l'aire ghomara est géographiquement proche, ces déviations peuvent être considérées comme une innovation partagée. En même temps, quelque chose de similaire se trouve dans les parlers chaouia et mozabite en Algérie et en tamezret en Tunisie. Le redoublement du ventif est également partagé par un certain nombre de langues berbères. Bien que certains détails soient connus sur l'attraction des clitiques dans des variétés berbères particulières, nous manquons toujours de connaissances précises sur la variation du comportement clitique à travers le berbère et sur le développement historique de l'attraction des clitiques. Puisque l'attraction des clitiques concerne presque tout le monde berbérophone, il doit s'agir d'une caractéristique archaïque. Dans certaines langues berbères, ce trait s'est perdu ou a subi des modifications. Dans certaines variétés, l'attraction des clitiques tend à disparaître, et est devenue partielle ou s'accompagne d'une répétition du clitique. Bien que le système puisse sembler irrégulier à première vue, il présente quelques régularités dans un système divergent. Parmi les langues berbères, certaines présentent d'autres déviations qui peuvent être des innovations indépendantes. Cependant, il existe des tendances communes, par exemple, la disparition de l'attraction des clitiques, l'attraction partielle et la répétition, en particulier du ventif. Le fait que des déviations similaires à celles présentes dans le ketama se retrouvent dans le ghomara indique que cette caractéristique n'est pas récente, dans la mesure où il y a actuellement peu de contact entre le ghomara et le ketama. Cette caractéristique partagée pourrait être le signe que le ketama et le ghomara ont une origine commune. Nous ne pouvons pas non plus exclure la possibilité que les locuteurs berbérophones du ghomara et du ketama aient été géographiquement plus proches par le passé et qu'ils aient pu s'influencer mutuellement. Il reste à expliquer pourquoi certaines innovations, et pourquoi celles-ci, sont préférées à d'autres. De ce point de vue l'histoire complète du comportement des clitiques berbères reste encore à écrire.

Notes Estimated number of Berber speakers (ca.)

	Ketama	mixed (Berber and Arabic-speaking) 17,000
	Seddat	majority Berber-speaking	17,000
	Taghzut	majority Berber-speaking	5,000
	Bushibet	majority Arabic-speaking	(-)
	Hmed	majority Berber-speaking	9,000
	Bunsar	majority Berber-speaking	7,000
	Bshir	majority Berber-speaking	6,000
	Khennus	majority Berber-speaking	9,000
	Zerqet	majority Berber-speaking	6,000
	Mezduy	majority Berber-speaking	10,000
	Total		ca. 85,000
	1.6.2.

Language Situation and Language Attitude

  different from the Atlas) with u; -Snh. (Zerqet) alim (Hmed ayyim) vs. Tarifiyt lum/řum 'straw' (Atlas 2).

However, according to the Atlas, most Senhaja varieties have a form without a full vowel in this word, i.e. ayem/ažem. Ketama has ayyum, different from the Atlas, i.e. with u. Seddat ayyim, Bunsay ayyem (vs. a yem 'o mother'), Taghzut țḇen (<Ar.).

  on verb derivation in Senhaja. The following table lists some examples of Senhaja passives. The symbol '---' indicates that no morphologically derived passive was encountered in the variety in question. The forms in Italics indicate the suppletive relationship between the base verb and the borrowed Arabic passive.

	Passive prefixes in Senhaja
	Base verb Translation Ketama	Taghzut	Hmed	Zerqet
	ṭṭef	'catch'	ttyaṭṭef	țțyaṭef	țțuyaṭef	ttwaṭṭef
	aḵ ( ʷ ) er	'steal'	ttyaḵer	țțyuḵer	țțuyaḵer	ttw^aḵḵʷer
	ari	'write'	ttyara	țțyuri	ttekteḇ nnekteḇ	---
	ṣeṛṛed ̱̣ ṣayfed ̱̣ ḵrez	'send' 'send' 'plow'	tṣeṛṛed ̱̣ nṣeṛṛed ̱̣ tṣeṛṛed ̱̣ tṣayfed ̱̣ tṣayfed ̱̣ tṣayfed ̱̣ nneḵrez țțeḵrez tteḵrez nneḵrez	tṣeṛṛed ̱̣ tṣayfed ̱̣ ttwaḵrez tteḵrez
	bnu	'build'	nnebna (ttebna)	țțeḇna~ nneḇna	tteḇna nneḇna	ttwabna ttebna
	sew (seḇ)	'drink'	---	neswa	ttesḇa	tteswwa
	ešš/ečč	'eat'	nnetḵel ttyaḵel	nmeč(č)	tmeč(č) mmeč(č)	mmeč(č)

  Snh. ad ̱̣ ad ̱̣ (Zerqet/Taghzut/Hmed usually ṯad ̱̣ aṭ/ṯaḏaṭ, i.e. the F form), Ghm.

	aṭuḡd 'finger' (Atlas 301); Ketama has ad ̱̣ uġd, not ad ̱̣ ud ̱̣ , different from the Atlas;

-Snh. (e.g. Zerqet) ad ̱̣ il (Ketama/Hmed ad ̱̣ i, Taghzut ad ̱̣ iž), Ghm. aṭil 'grape'; -Seddat/Bunsar/Zerqet id ̱̣ eǧi, Hmed id ̱̣ elli, Taghzut iḏyan, cf. Ghm. aṭḡam 'yesterday' (Atlas 248) (Ketama has iggam);

Non-cognates Native lexemes

	Ketama/Hmed	54 (87%)	8 (13%)	62
	Ketama/Zerqet	59 (97%)	2 (3%)	61
	Hmed/Zerqet	59 (89,5%)	7 (10,5%)	66
	When compared with Ghomara and Tarifiyt, we obtain the following results:
		Cognates Non-cognates	Loan	Uncertain
	Ketama/Tarifiyt	52	11	31	2
	Ketama/Ghomara	48	9	42	1
	Hmed/Tarifiyt	56	15	27	3
	Hmed/Ghomara	46	11	42	1
	Zerqet/Tarifiyt	63	11	25	2
	Zerqet/Ghomara	44	10	44	1
	Percentage of cognates vs. non-cognates among native lexemes is as follows:
		Cognates	Non-cognates	Native lexemes
	Ketama/Tarifiyt	52 (82%)	11 (18%)	62
	Ketama/Ghomara	48 (84%)	9 (16%)	57
	Hmed/Tarifiyt	56 (79%)	15 (21%)	71
	Hmed/Ghomara	46 (81%)	11 (19%)	57
	Zerqet/Tarifiyt	63 (85%)	11 (15%)	74
	Zerqet/Ghomara	44 (81,5%) 10 (18,5%)	54

  ': Ketama has Arabic dduda next to the native Berber words (see Section 1.10.1.1, isogloss 6); -'spider': Zerqet and Seddat employ the Arabic loan lɛankbut. In Ketama, as in Ghomara, this term rather refers to the spider's web. In Zerqet and Seddat, one

also finds an alternative term ḥenna Fuf(f)u/ nan(n)a Fuf(f)u ('grandmother Fuffu'); 90 sometimes, e.g. in Seddat, also žeddi Fuffu 'grandfather Fuffu'. Zerqet also uses a descriptive term ssif lġar (lit. 'sword of the cave').

91

In Ketama and Hmed, the term for 'spider' is rrṯila (as in Ghomara); -'mud dauber' (a type of wasp that builds its nest from mud): Ketama msɛuḏ lbennay 'Mseud (name proper) the Builder', Zerqet/Hmed saɛi(d) lbennay 'Said the Builder', Zerqet also irẓẓi lmesmum 'poisonous wasp'.

  Berber lexeme, but its imperative form is suppletive (borrowed from Arabic): arwaḥ, PL arwaḥu. The same situation is observed with the verb 'go', which has the Arabic

suppletive imperative form, sir (PL siru).

It is also worth mentioning that verbal nouns in Senhaja are typically borrowed from Arabic, and thus have suppletive relationship to the native Berber verbs. A few native Berber verbal nouns exist, some alongside the Arabic borrowed ones. Thus, the native Berber verb ḵrez 'to plow' has two verbal nouns, the native Berber ṯaḵerza (Ketama, Bunsar)/ṯayerza

(Taghzut, Hmed, Zerqet)

, alongside the borrowed lḥerṯ 'plowing'. Furthermore, many verbs have suppletive relationship with the borrowed Arabic causatives and passives. Thus, different Senhaja varieties have different lexemes for 'to fall' (e.g. Zerqet bd ̱̣ u, Seddat d ̱̣ er, Ketama/Hmed ḥsi, Taghzut ttaki), while there is a common causative ṭeyyeḥ borrowed by all these varieties.

  old'.101 This does not mean, however, that Zerqet preserves ancient stative conjugation. 102 Also, this morphological distinction does not exist in all persons. Thus, for 1P, only the regular verbal marking is used (n-meqquṛ 'we are old'). As such elements do not behave in the same way among the Senhaja varieties or even within the same variety, it is difficult to categorize them as a single word class. In this thesis, they are discussed together under 'Adjectives' and 'conjugated adjectives' (Chapter 7).All such words could have also been labelled as 'quality words', keeping in mind that they have different behavior in different varieties. At the same time, quality expression can be also achieved by other means, e.g. by using attributive nouns or quality verbs.The fact that Senhaja Berber developed a new adjectival category (probably partly under the influence from Arabic) on the basis of native stative verbs, makes Senhaja different from many other Berber varieties, where nominal modification is

meqquṛ-eḏ 'you (SG) are old'; 2) regular PNG marking (carried out by prefixes and/or suffixes), e.g. ṯ-emeqquṛ-eḏ 'you (SG) are old'; and 3) adjectival marking, where only gender and number (but not person) are distinguished, e.g. ḵem meqquṛ-eṯ 'you (FS)

98

The same situation is found in Ghomara, Tarifiyt, Iznasen and Beni Snous

(Kossmann 2013a: 309)

. On a study of the borrowing of Arabic numerals, see

Souag 2007. 99

Many Arabic adjectives form plural by means of vowel apophony. Those are also borrowed in Senhaja. 100 See Section 7.4 on conjugated adjectives. Taghzut also allows for person marking on borrowed Arabic adjectives and participles.

are usually carried out by other means, such as the use of (stative or regular) verbs or nouns used as attributes. In Senhaja, it is also possible to find examples where one noun modifies the other noun. 103 Color terms are often attribute nouns in Central and Eastern Senhaja, e.g. (Hmed) nek(k) ġur-i aḫam ḏ awṛṛaġ 'I have a yellow house', where the noun awṛṛaġ 'yellow (one)' modifies the noun aham 'house'. 104 Some other examples of attribute nouns in Senhaja include: -(Bunsar/Zerqet) awssar 'old (one)'; -(Hmed/Zerqet) aḥeẕ̣̌ ẕ̣̌ ud ̱̣ 'naked (one)'; -(Taghzut/Seddat/Zerqet) azayzun, (Ketama) absuḥ 'dumb, unable to speak'; -(Seddat/Bunsar/Zerqet) ažɛwar, (Seddat/Zerqet) aḏkwar, (Ketama/Bunsar/Taghzut) lɛweṛ/lɛwar, (Zerqet) aḏerġal 'blind'; etc.

Alternatively, one can use a verbal phrase, e.g. 'He does not see' (Ketama: i-ẓer=šay)

  'heavy'). Stative verbs and adjectives that developed from them are always native Berber. Stative verbs are few in numbers and form a closed word class. In Seddat, this class no longer exists, as stative verbs have merged with regular verbs. Borrowed

The first two categories can be represented by etymologically Berber or borrowed words. Thus, 'blind man' can be expressed by a native word (e.g. Zerqet aḏerġal) or a loan (e.g. Ketama lɛweṛ). Similarly, verbs describing state/quality can be native or borrowed, e.g. (Zerqet) i-rġa 'it (M) is hot' vs. (Zerqet) i-ḏqel 'it (MS) is heavy' (<Ar. ṭqil Arabic adjectives, by contrast, are ubiquitous. They are frequently encountered in natural discourse and texts of all genders. Last but not least, borrowed Arabic

and corresponding participles in Hmed Verb Active participle Passive participle Translation

  imperfective forms and Arabic active participles. Arabic participles generally describe a state, while Berber Imperfective aspect generally describes a continuous or habitual action. Thus, the Ketama form iskurrum 'he sits' (imperfective verb form) is not totally equivalent to netta gales 'he is sitting/seated' (active participle). The latter describes a state, and is not used to describe a habitual action. The same observation applies to other Imperfective/ Participle pairs, including ttuḏu~maši 'walking'. This difference can be approximated in English with the present tense for Berber imperfectives, and present participle for borrowed Arabic participles.The following table illustrates the suppletive relation between some Berber verbs and the corresponding Arabic active and passive participles. While the participles generally have the same form in different Senhaja varieties, the corresponding verbs

	Some suppletive borrowed Arabic verbal nouns exist alongside native Berber verbal nouns derived from the verb, e.g. (Hmed)
	Verb (<B.)	Verbal Noun (<B.) Verbal Noun (<Ar.) Translation
	ḵšem		aḵšam	ddḫul	enter
	4) Collective-unit noun distinction
	Arabic influence on Senhaja morphology is also visible in the introduction of the collective-unit noun distinction (cf. Section 6.5.1.2). (Unmodified) Arabic loans are used for collectives, while Berber feminine singular circumfix ṯ-...-ṯ is used for the unit
	Collective	Unit noun	Translation
	lbaḵur		(ṯ)abaḵurṯ	early fig
	lbeṭṭih		(ṯ)abeṭṭiḫt	melon
	ečč	wakel	mukul	eat
	țțu	nasi	mensi	forget
	skurem	gales	---	sit
	ddu	maši	---	go, walk
	3) Verbal Nouns
	Verbal nouns form another class of words that has undergone extensive borrowing from Arabic and that often has suppletive relation to the Berber verbs, although some native verbal nouns exist as well (Section 6.5.4.2). Some borrowed Arabic verbal nouns have duplicates that have a morphological shape of Berber native verbal nouns (cf. Section 6.5.4.5), e.g.
	Verb (loan)	Verbal Noun (B. morphology)	Verbal Noun (Ar. morphology)	Translation	Etymology
	ḫd ̱̣ eḇ	aḫd ̱̣ aḇ	lḫd ̱̣ aḇa/lḫṭaba/ ḫḫuṭuba	betroth	< Ar. ḫṭeb

often differ depending on the variety. Here, the verb forms found in Hmed variety are listed. The corresponding participles are found across Senhaja. For the sake of space, only MS forms of the participles are listed. Only a few verbs have both active and passive participles, so there are necessarily some gaps in the table.

Verbs

nouns. The following examples are pan-Senhaja (in Ketama, only the suffix -ṯ is pronounced, hence the prefix ṯ-is in parentheses).

  g. when followed by the relative marker a: šk^a 'who/what is it that...?' We have not found the question word man reported in Lafkioui 2007a: 238;

-'when': Ketama faywaḫ~maywaḫ, Hmed fuqaš, faywaḫ, Zerqet fuqaš, faywaḫ, fayeḫ, from Arabic f 'in'+weqt/weḫt 'time'. Cf. Ghomara fhayweḵ. Lafkioui (2007a: 240) also lists faḫš, aḫš, melmi (for Zerqet). We have not found this; -'where to': lay(n) (Zerqet: only layn) (cf. Lafkioui 2007a: 239); it must be noted that Ketama also has the native amani alongside the borrowed term for the same meaning;

  Diccionario español-senhayi (dialecto bereber de Senhaya de Serair), 1959. This work is based on Eastern Senhaja varieties, Zerqet and Hmed. Finally, Senhaja is an integral part of Lafkioui 2007a: Atlas linguistique des variétés berbères du Rif. This atlas is very rich, and it is extremely useful for the study of linguistic variation in northern Morocco. Unlike its predecessors, the Atlas includes all Senhaja varieties, with 17 survey points in the Senhaja de Srayer region. The language data found in Lafkioui 2007a do not always correspond to the data collected by the present author.115

When the source is not explicitly mentioned, data come from personal notes by the author. Most examples from Ghomara stem from Mourigh 2015. Some additional comments were provided by Abdelhalim Elmoudden, a Ghomara speaker from Beni Mansour, Isouka village. His dialect differs from the one described by Mourigh. Most examples from Tarifiyt are supplied from Lafkioui 2007a, Kossmann 2000a for Eastern Tarifiyt, and Mourigh & Kossmann fc. for Nador Tarifiyt. My major Tarifiyt Berber informants are Idir Andich (Tuzin/Midar) and Boutaina (Waryaghel/Al Hoceima). Warayn examples stem from personal notes by the author. Examples from Kabyle originate from Dallet (1982), Naït-Zerrad (2001a), Guerrab (2014), or from personal notes by the author. Major Kabyle Berber informants are Sofiane Smaïl (At Zmenzer) and Cherif Dahmouh (Chorfa/Azazga). Data from Tasahlit ("Far Eastern Kabyle") come from Berkaï 2014 and from Massinissa Garaoun (a speaker of Buyusef variety, Tamridjet, who also has knowledge of the Laalam variety, Erraguène); cf. also Garaoun 2019. Data from Gourara Berber come from Tahar Abbou. Data from other Berber varieties originate from literature.

Previous studies

Literature on Senhaja Berber is very limited. First of all, there is a descriptive grammar by Renisio (Étude sur les dialectes berbères du Rif et des Senhaja de

Sraïr, 1932)

, which only partly covers Senhaja.

114

Second, there is a Senhaja-Spanish dictionary by Ibáñez:

Long consonants common to Senhaja

	Chart 2. Lab	Intrd Alv	Post-alv	Pal	Vel	Uvu Phar Lar
	In these charts, the usual transcription symbols are used. IPA equivalents are given vl. stop (pp) tt kk qq below. 122 vd. stop bb dd gg
	phr. vl. stop Chart 1. Short consonants common to Senhaja ṭṭ phr. vd. stop (ḍḍ)
	vl. fricative vd. fricative vl. stop phr. vl. fric. vd. stop phr. vl. stop phr. vd. fric. approx. phr. vd. stop vl. affricate vl. fricative vd. affricate vd. fricative nasal phr. vl. fric. trill phr. vd. fric. phr. tap vl. affricate lateral vd. affricate phr. lateral	Lab Intrd Alv ff ss zz (p) t ṣṣ b d d ̱̣ ẓẓ d ̱̣ ww ṭ (ḍ) f ṯ s ḏ z mm nn rr ṣ d ̱̣ ẓ ṛṛ ll (ḷḷ)	Post-šš žž alv (ẕ̣̌ ẕ̣̌ ) čč š ǧǧ ž (ẕ̣̌ ) č ǧ	Pal yy	Vel (ḵḵ) ḫḫ Uvu (ġġ) ɛɛ ḥḥ Phar Lar k q (') g hh ḵ ḫ ḥ (ḡ) ġ ɛ
	approx. nasal Chart 3.	w m	n		y		h
	tap		r
	phr. tap		ṛ
	lateral		l
	phr. lateral		(ḷ)

Kossmann 2012: 6, Galand 2010: 49-59)

. Furthermore, as many other Berber languages, Senhaja underwent a process of spirantization. Spirantization reached different degrees in different Senhaja varieties (see Section 2.1.4). An important point of variation is found in labiovelarization: labialized velars are found in most Senhaja varieties, but are absent in Ketama and Taghzut (Section 2.1.6). The two following charts present the consonant inventory of Senhaja as a whole (i.e. only those consonants that are found across Senhaja are listed). Simple and long consonants are listed separately. Phonemes that are present in some Senhaja varieties (but lack in Ketama, for example) are presented in Chart 3. Chart 3 combines short and long consonants. Parentheses indicate rare consonants (e.g. p, ḡ, ẕ̣̌ ). Some plosive and fricative pairs (ḍ and d ̱̣ , d and ḏ, t and ṯ, k and ḵ) are often in free variation, but not always (see Section 2.1.4). Long fricatives are rare, and are not included in Chart 2.

Short and long consonants that are found dialectally

		Lab	Interd	Post-alv	Vel	Vel Lbd Uvu Uvu Lbd
	vl. stop	(pp)				k(k) w
	vd. stop					g(g)ʷ
	vl. fricative					ḵ(ḵ)ʷ
	vd. fricative	ḇ			ḡ(ḡ)	(ġġ) ġʷ
	vl. affricate		tts	č(č)
	vd. affricate		ddz	ǧ(ǧ)
	The following tables present the phonemes found in Ketama with their IPA equivalents and examples. Simple and long consonants are listed separately for Ketama, and together for the remaining varieties.

Ketama short consonants with IPA symbols and examples

  The following table presents Ketama long consonants with IPA symbols and examples.

	Letter IPA	Examples and Notes
	p	p	lpinwar 'bathrobe', lpaṭṛun 'boss'
	b	b	baba 'father', abaw 'broad bean', abḫiḫ 'goat kid', abuṭ 'navel'
	t ṯ Ketama	t θ	tebbaz 'be fat', iẓra-t 'he saw her' ṯerga 'canal', ṯayya '(water) spring', aṯar 'wild pigeon', abkiwṯ 'worm'
	d	d	daba 'now', agenduz 'bull', amdakkuy 'friend, zdi 'open', awi-d 'bring'
	ḏ	ð	ḏi 'here', aḏfi 'snow', afuḏ 'knee'
	ṭ	tˁ	ṭwil 'long', lbaṭaṭa 'potato', lḫiṭ 'thread', iṣmeṭ 'cold'
	d ̱̣ ḍ~d ̱̣	ðˁ dˁ~ðˁ lḫuḍra ~ lḫud ̱̣ ad ̱̣ i 'grape', ad ̱̣ uġd 'finger', ẓẓed ̱̣ 'to grind', ḵṣud ̱̣ 'to be afraid' ra 'vegetables'

k k ka (question marker/'if'), abkiwṯ 'worm', abezzik 'lamb' ḵ ç ḵa 'how', ḵemmi 'you (FS)', aḵay 'earth', abaḵur 'fig' g g gma 'brother', agelzim 'pickaxe', agris 'ice', afrag 'courtyard' ḡ ʝ ḡma (~gma) 'brother', iḡa (~iga) 'he did'. q q qbel 'before', aqezzun 'dog', fṛaq 'separate' h ɦ hen 'say!', awhar 'fox', aherḏan 'dog', ntaha 'she', krah 'to hate' ḥ ħ ḥemmi 'to love', aḥmam 'dove', ameḥžuṛ 'orphan', arwaḥ 'come!' ḫ x ḫḏem 'to work', aḫčiw 'boy', afruḫ 'bird', abḫiḫ 'goat kid' ġ ɣ ġer 'to study', aġyuy 'donkey', aġrum 'bread', nuġ 'kill (SG)!' ' ʔ lɛa'ila 'family' ɛ ʕ ɛqi 'to remember', aɛeddist 'belly', arqaɛt 'field', bɛid 'far', ẓraɛ 'to sow' f f flayyu 'menthe', feṛḥan 'happy', aḏfi 'snow', asif 'river', af 'on' s s sell 'to hear', serkes 'to lie', imsi 'fire', aserdun 'mule', agris 'ice' ṣ sˁ ṣafi 'enough', ḵṣud ̱̣ 'to be afraid', abṣelṯ 'onion', ṭṭeṣ 'to sleep' z z zdi 'to open', azarṯ 'fig', iġzer 'stream', izi 'fly', argaz 'man', agruz 'heel' ẓ zˁ ẓer 'to see', ẓun 'to divide', aẓaṛ 'root', ṛeẓ 'to break' l l leflus 'money', agelzim 'pickaxe', agfilṯ 'egg', qlil 'few', ṭwil 'long' ḷ lˁ ṣṣḷa 'prayer', lbaḷa 'spade' m m meqquṛ 'big', aman 'water', imi 'mouth', aferrum 'tooth', aġrum 'bread' n n nuġ 'kill!', inu 'my', insi 'hedgehog', aserdun 'mule', aššin 'cowshed' r r res 'to land', refraf 'coop', aḏrar 'mountain', abaḵur 'fig', aḵer 'to steal' ṛ rˁ ṛeẓ 'to break', feṛḥan 'happy', ameḥžuṛ 'orphan', lkaṛ 'bus' š ʃ škun 'who?', aġšišṯ 'churning vessel', ḵšem 'to enter', akbaš 'goat kid' ž ʒ žḏiḏ 'new', ažužt 'walnut tree', ɛžen 'to knead', žuž 'two' č t͡ ʃ lčimineyya 'chimney', iḫunčar 'snot', aḫčiṯ 'girl' ǧ d͡ ʒ ḵeǧ 'you (MS)' w w wareg 'to dream', awi 'take', awhar 'fox', abaw 'bean', aḫčiw 'boy' y j yan 'one', yumba 'boys', zyu 'to slaughter', aġyuy 'donkey', aḵay 'earth'

long consonants with IPA symbols and examples Letter IPA Examples and Notes

  The following table lists consonants that are rare or absent in Ketama, but that are found in other Senhaja varieties.

	pp	pː	lkappa 'costume' (pp is usually found in loans)
	bb Consonants bː	Ṛebbi 'God', šebber 'to hold', ḫebbaɛ 'to hide'
	tt	tː	ttrimbu 'spinning top', aɛettuq 'rooster', netta 'he'
	ḍḍ~ d ̱̣ d ̱̣	dːˁ~ ðːˁ	ḍḍlam ~ d ̱̣ d ̱̣ lam 'darkness', iḥeḍḍi~iḥed ̱̣ d ̱̣ i 'he takes care'

dd dː dduḫḫan 'smoke', aɛeddist 'belly', aġeddu 'grapevine' ṭṭ tːˁ ṭṭeṣ 'to sleep', iġaṭṭin 'goats', ašṭṭeb 'branch' kk kː kker 'get up', nekki 'I', iskkerṯ 'garlic', amdakkuy 'friend' ḵḵ çː muḵḵa 'owl', iḵḵeššem (~iḵeššem~ikeššem) 'he enter's gg gː gges 'grill!', iggam 'yesterday', zugger 'look!' qq qː qqaren 'they say', meqquṛ 'big' hh ɦː ifehhem 'he explains' ḥḥ ħː abaḥḥat 'a kiss', deḥḥek 'to make laugh' ḫḫ xː aḫḫam 'house', aḫḫuy 'insect sp.' ġġ ɣː ngeġġa (baby-talk) 'cute' ɛɛ ʕː abaɛɛir 'bull', abaɛɛaš 'sheep' ff fː ffuġ 'Go out!', ššeffar 'thief', akffus 'cinders' ss sː ssend 'to churn', ssaġa 'I buy', ḵessen 'they herd', amssaḵi 'field type' ṣṣ sːˁ ṣṣbaḥ 'morning', ṣṣeṛwal 'trousers', ḫeṣṣ=ay 'I need' zz zː zzitun 'olives', amzzug 'ear', abezzik 'lamb', aqezzun 'dog' ẓẓ zːˁ ẓẓed ̱̣ 'to grind', ẓẓu 'to plant', ġeẓẓen 'they gnawed' ll lː llil 'night', aželluṭ 'skin', afullus 'chicken', imelleḵ 'he marries' ḷḷ lːˁ (A)ḷḷah 'God', weḷḷah 'by God' mm mː mmuṯ 'to die', agemmar 'horse', aḥemmir 'bird', yemma 'mother' nn nː nnuqiṯ 'fig tree', ḵunni 'you (PL)', genna 'sky', inna 'he said' rr rː rrṯila 'spider', aferrum 'tooth', ḥerraz 'dog', iḵerrez 'he plows' ṛṛ rːˁ ṛṛemd ̱̣ an 'Ramadan', abeṛṛani 'stranger', ažeṛṛin 'tail', ṣeṛṛed ̱̣ 'to send' šš ʃː ššiġ 'I ate', wuššen 'jackal', aššin 'cowshed' žž ʒː žžmel 'camel', žželd(a) 'skin' (ẕ̣̌ ẕ̣̌ ) ʒːˁ iẕ̣̌ ẕ̣̌ a 'he is bad' čč t͡ ʃː leččin 'oranges'; baby-talk terms ččuḥ 'sleep' and čaččaḥ 'sit' ǧǧ d͡ ʒː ḵeǧǧi 'you (MS)', ṯaḵaǧǧarṯ 'crow', ǧǧun 'to be full', weǧǧeḏ 'to prepare' ww wː wwiġ 'I took', awwerṯ 'door', gewwez 'pass by', irewwi 'he escapes' yy jː aseyyi 'groom', ayyum 'straw', ṯayya '(water) spring', weyyi 'heart'

that are rare in Senhaja with IPA symbols and examples Letter IPA Examples and Notes pp

pː Zerqet ṭuppa 'rat', čuppa 'pacifier', ššappu 'hat' ḇ β Taghzut ḇnu 'to build', aḇaḵur 'fig', arḇa 'boy', ašteḇ 'branch' ḡ ʝ Zerqet (Wersan) aḡris 'ice', bḏeḡ 'to be wet', ṯaḡfilṯ 'egg', amḡuḏ 'cedar' ḡḡ ʝː Zerqet eḡḡ 'to do', iḡḡa 'he did' ḥḥ ħː Zerqet ḥḥfur 'he digs', iḥḥmul 'he fills' ġġ ɣː Zerqet iġġed ̱̣ 'ashes', aġġul 'to become', iġġmus 'he submerges' ț t͡ s Hmed nțṯani 'she', ițaḵer 'he steals', ṯizerfeț 'path', iẓra-ț 'he saw her' țț t͡ sː Hmed nțțani 'he' č t͡ ʃ Hmed čuppa 'pacifier', čerri 'to tear', aḫenčir 'dirty (one)' čč t͡ ʃː Hmed/Zerqet ččappu 'hat', ičča 'he ate', iḵeččem 'he enters' ǧ d͡ ʒ Hmed nǧer 'to make furniture', ǧelǧel 'to break', lǧim 'pocket' ǧǧ d͡ ʒː Zerqet ǧǧib 'pocket', aǧǧar 'neighbor', ǧǧuẓ 'to be hungry' ḵ(ḵ)ʷ ç(ː) w Seddat/Zerqet aḵʷer 'to steal' (dialectally aḵḵʷer) kʷ kʷ Hmed kʷa 'if (counterfactual)', Seddat ṯikʷet 'worm', PL ṯikʷa kkʷ kːʷ Zerqet aɛekkʷaz 'stick', ikkʷaṯ 'he beats', amddakkʷel 'friend' gʷ gʷ Hmed igʷen 'one', gʷ 'in' ggʷ gːʷ Zerqet ṯaḏeggʷaṯ 'evening', ireggʷel 'he escapes', azeggʷaġ 'red' ġʷ ɣʷ Zerqet ṯiseġʷesṯ 'broom', ṯaġʷummerṯ 'corner', ṯiġʷmas 'molars' Most consonants in Senhaja have a voice opposition. The following consonants form pairs of voiceless and voiced counterparts:

Special short/long counterparts 1) ḍ/d ̱̣ -ṭṭ; ġ -qq; and w -gg/ggʷ

  There are some special short/long pairs in Senhaja (these are also found in other Berber varieties): ḍ/d ̱̣ -ṭṭ; ġ -qq; and w -gg/ggʷ (~ ww). The first two correspondences are illustrated in the following examples.

	t-tt	ftaḥ	fettaḥ		open	Snh.
	ṯ-tt	fṯel	fettel		roll couscous	Snh.
	ṭ-ṭṭ	šṭaḥ	šeṭṭaḥ		dance	Snh.
	z-zz	rzu	rezzu		delouse	K/H
	2.1.2.2. Aorist	Imperfective	Translation	Variety
	u bd ̱̣ ġer	beṭṭu qqar		fall study		Z Snh.
	ġez	qqaz		dig		H
	Aorist		Imperfective	Variety
	Pair ḇ-bb ḥd ̱̣ u~ḥd ̱̣ i Aorist sḇaġ i ḥd ̱̣ ḥd ̱̣ i	Imperfective sebbaġ ḥeṭṭu ḥeṭṭi ḥeḍḍi/ḥed ̱̣ d ̱̣ i	Translation paint Z H K	Variety H
	d-dd	bdu	beddu		start	Snh.
	ḏ-dd	sḏel	seddel		incubate	Z
	f-ff	rfes	reffes		knead	Snh.
	g-gg	rgel	reggel		close	Z
	ǧ-ǧǧ	nǧer	neǧǧer		carpenter	H
	ḥ-ḥḥ	lḥes	laḥḥes		lick	H
	k-kk	sken	sekken		dwell	K/H
	n-nn	bnu	bennu		build	Snh.
	r-rr	ḵrez	ḵerrez		plow	Snh.
	s-ss	ḵes	ḵess		herd	K/H
	ṣ-ṣṣ	lṣaq	leṣṣaq		stick	Snh.
	š-šš	ḵšem	ḵeššem		enter	K

While the long counterpart of ḍ/d ̱̣ is usually ṭṭ, there are some exceptions. Consider the following Aorist and Imperfective stems of the verb 'to oversee, take care of' in three Senhaja varieties.

In the case of this verb, Ketama has the unusual (regularized) d ̱̣ -ḍḍ/d ̱̣ d ̱̣ correspondence. However, exceptions are also found in Zerqet and Hmed, e.g. (Zerqet)

neḍḍel, Imperfective of nḍel 'to bury' (cf. Hmed neḍḍi, Imperfective of nḍi 'id.').

  125

  Taghzut, Seddat) retains g. The following examples show this correspondence (see also Section 2.1.2.2 on correspondence of g with w).Feminine singular nouns in Berber typically have the circumfix t-...-t, i.e. the prefix tand the suffix -t. This has become ṯ-...-ṯ in Senhaja. The prefix is realized as ṯ-in the majority of Senhaja including Lqela dialect of Taghzut, but has been lost entirely inKetama (cf. Lafkioui 2007a, map 53). In Hmed, by contrast, the feminine suffix -ṯ is often optional. In Taghzut dialects outside Lqela, it is either lost or realized as h-.

	Compare the word for 'fig' in different Senhaja varieties:
	Most Senhaja incl. Taghzut (Lqela)	Hmed	Taghzut (Beni Khlef)	Ketama	Translation
	ṯ-azar-ṯ	ṯ-azar(-ṯ)	(h-)azar-ṯ		azar-ṯ	fig
	West Snh. (K/T/S) agenduz Some feminine nouns (exceptionally) preserve the prefix ṯ-in Ketama. These are East Snh. (H/B/Z/M) Translation ayenduz bull normally nouns that do not lose their vowel in the annexed state (cf. Section 6.2.4.2), e.g.
	argaz	aryaz			man
	agelzim	ayelzim			pickaxe
	Most Senhaja incl. Taghzut (Lqela)	Ketama (Beni Aisi), Taghzut (Beni Khlef)	Ketama (outside Beni Aisi)	Transl.
	ṯ-eḵšem	h-eḵšem		a(h)-ḵšem	she entered

However, not all g's developed into y in Eastern Senhaja, and there are many words with g (or ḡ in parts of Zerqet). There is a split of g in Eastern Senhaja: some words preserve g/ḡ, while others exhibit the change g/ḡ > y. So far, no conditioning factor has been established to describe where this change occurs.

Another partial merger is found in Ketama, as well as in Taghzut dialects outside Lqela (e.g. Beni Khlef). Here, in specific contexts, spirantized ṯ has developed into h (and sometimes further into a or Ø). 132 This is true for the verbal prefix marking 2S, 3FS and 2P, which is realized as ṯ-in the majority of Senhaja and in Lqela dialect of Taghzut, as h-in Taghzut outside Lqela and in Beni Aisi dialect of Ketama, and as ah-/a-in Beni Hmed and the remaining Ketama dialects. Compare the realizations of the verb form 'she entered' in different Senhaja varieties:

133

-ṯayya (cf. Zerqet ṯahala) 'water spring';

-ṯerga (cf. Bunsar/Hmed/Zerqet/Mezduy ṯarwa~ṯaṛwa) 'canal';

  134

  In Taghzut, Hmed, and parts of Seddat (e.g. Talarwak dialect), we find the change t > ț [t͡ s]. This change is referred to as assibilation. At the same time, t is also encountered in the varieties in question. In this section, the assibilation in Hmed is described, which is different from assibilation in Taghzut. Further research is needed in order to establish the exact conditioning of assibilation in these varieties. In Hmed, the assibilated ț can be followed by t or ṯ (without assimilation): ț is fully released, before the following t or ṯ is released, e.g. nțṯa 'she'. Taghzut iġmer, Seddat ṯaġummerṯ, Hmed ṯiġmarṯ vs. Zerqet ṯaġ w ummarṯ (our data differ from Lafkioui 2007a, map 311).

	2.1.5. Assibilation (t vs. ț) 2.1.6. Labialization and its Traces
	2.1.6.1. Introduction
	As discussed in Section 1.8.1.1 (isogloss 5 in Kossmann 2017a), labialized velars and uvulars exist in most Senhaja varieties, but are absent in Ketama and Taghzut, although some traces of the lost labialization are still visible. The following two examples show variation in Senhaja with regard to labialization (cf. Section 1.8.1.1): -'partridges': Ketama/Taghzut (ṯ)iskrin vs. the rest of Senhaja ṯisḵʷrin/ṯiskʷrin (cf. Lafkioui 2007a, map 112); -'elbow/corner': Ketama (ṯ)aġmart,
	Ketama	Hmed	Transl.	Ketama	Hmed	Transl.
	aserdun/aserḏun aserḏun mule	krez/ḵrez	ḵrez	to plow
	irden/irḏen	irḏen	wheat	lemdina/lemḏina lemḏina town
	kmez/ḵmez	ḵmez	to scratch	lḫedma/lḫeḏma	lḫeḏma work
	lt	abṣelṯ		ṯibṣel(ṯ)	ṯibṣelṯ	onion
	-rt	iskkerṯ		ṯisker(ṯ)	ṯiskerṯ	garlic
	-nt	aserdunṯ		ṯaserdun(ṯ)	ṯaserdunt	f. mule
	-mt	agelzimṯ		ṯayelzim(ṯ)	ṯayelzimt	adze

ț

Examples of a single ț in Hmed are found e.g. in ațay 'tea', lmakțaba 'library'. In a few examples, -eț is a FS suffix. Unlike the suffix -ṯ, this suffix cannot be omitted, e.g. ṯizerfeț 'path'; ṯaquqeț 'walnut'; ṯibireț '(draw-)well' (<Ar. lbir), cf. PL ṯibirațin. A single ț-is found as the Imperfective verb prefix, e.g. țani, Imperfective of ani 'to ride'; țebber, Imperfective of bber 'to bite'; țduḇay, Imperfective of duḇ 'to melt'. In Hmed, ț-of the Imperfective prefix does not assimilate to the following t(t)-of the verb stem or the passive, e.g. passive ttežraḥ 'to be injured' (Aorist) > țettežraḥ (Imperfective). Cf. Section 14.1.1.2 on assimilations.

țț

Long țț occurs e.g. in țțan 'to bark'; țțu 'to forget'; țțeffaḥ 'apples'; asțțur 'coop'; nețța 'he'. Long țț-is also found in the passive prefix țțuya-, e.g. țțuyaṭef, passive of ṭṭef 'to catch'; țțuyaḵer, passive of aḵer 'to steal'. The passive prefix tt-is often assibilated in Taghzut, but not in Hmed. Compare: Taghzut țțeḇna vs. Hmed tteḇna, passive of ḇnu 'to build'.

t

A single non-assibilated t is found in Hmed in some Arabic loans, e.g. tiq 'to trust'; tyemmem 'to perform ablution without water'; tafaq 'to agree'; rtaḥ 'to sit/rest'; tellef 'to lose' (cf. nnetlef 'to be lost'). A single t is sometimes found as a FS suffix in native Berber words, e.g. ṯamwat 'cow'; ṯahat 'chameleon'.

tt

Long tt is found in Hmed e.g. in ttrikku 'sweater' (< Fr. tricot); ttekteb 'to be written', suppletive passive of ari 'to write'; tteḵrez 'to be plowed', passive of ḵrez 'to plow'; fetti, Imperfective of fti 'to recite'; fettaḥ, Imperfective of ftaḥ 'to open'; ḫatt-i 'my maternal aunt'.

  Ketama originally had a situation similar to Ghomara, where schwa adjacent to a labialized consonant was realized as u, but lost labialization without a trace in other contexts, including the contexts where the original schwa comes to stand in an open syllable. The following table demonstrates how original labialization manifests itself in the form of the vowel u (in the Imperative Singular) which is lost in an open syllable (Imperative Plural forms).The following table shows the reflexes of *l in a number of words in five Senhaja varieties. For Bunsar, Tahaya Izem dialect is listed. There are dialectal differences within Bunsar in the fate of the original *l. Thus, the original *l can become y in the Luta dialect of Bunsar.

	Taghzut aġuž Apparently, IMP 'to kill' Hmed ġuy~ġul aġyul aġyuy~aġyul 'to buy' Bunsar aġuy aġyuy	Zerqet aġ(ġ)ul 'to go out' aġyul	Translation become 'to get up' donkey
	SG	nuġ	suġ		ffuġ		kkur
	PL	nġ-aṯ	sġ-aṯ		ffġ-aṯ		kkr-aṯ
	Compare the following examples contrasting the Aorist 1S form (open syllable, due to Examples of *l in Senhaja the 1S suffix -a) and 3MS form (closed syllable, with the vowel u instead of the original schwa). 137 Ketama Hmed Taghzut Zerqet Bunsar Translation
	AOR ṯayya 1S aseyyi aseyyiṯ	'to kill' ṯahayya š-a nġ-a asyi ṯasyiṯ	'to buy' ṯaža š-a sġ-a asežži ṯižžiṯ 138	'to go out' ṯahala š-a ffġ-a asli ṯasliṯ	ṯahaya 'to get up' water spring aseyyi groom š-a kkr-a ṯaseyyiṯ bride
	zyu	zyu	žžu		zlu	zzyu	to slaughter
	yyi	iyyi	iži		ili	ili	to be
	weyyi	uy	už		ul	wel	heart
	amdakkuy amdakkʷi amtakež	amddakkʷel	amdaki	friend
	ad ̱̣ i sawi	ad ̱̣ i siwi	ad ̱̣ iž siwež		ad ̱̣ il siwel	ad ̱̣ i sawi	grapes speak
	nuġ K/B/Z suġ qli ffuġ qleb	Most Senhaja naġ /neġ/ Transl. K/B/Z saġ /seġ/ to fry ġleb ffuġ /ffeġʷ/ nuġ /neġʷ/ H suġ /seġ w / qyi ffaġ /ffeġ/ qyeḇ to turn slaḫ	Translation H kill ġyeḇ buy go out syaḫ	Transl. to win to skin
	kkur	kkur /kk w er/	kker (~ nker)	get up

MS

š-a y-nuġ š-a y-suġ š-a y-ffuġ š-a y-kkur 2.1.7. The Fate of *l and *ll 2.1.7.1. The Fate of *l 1) General observations As noted previously, a single *l usually undergoes changes in Senhaja, changing to y(y) in most varieties (Ketama/Seddat/Hmed/Bunsar), and to ž(ž) in Taghzut. Rhotacism (l > r), as in Tarifiyt, is found only in Mezduy. Word-final -el and -il > -i in varieties where l > y. A single l is preserved in Zerqet. There are, however, also examples when a single l or ḷ is used in the rest of Senhaja, especially in Arabic and European loans, e.g. tilifun 'phone' (<Fr. téléphone); šifḷur 'cauliflower' (<Fr. choufleur); gḷubu 'balloon' (<Sp. globo); pḷanča 'iron (for clothes)' (<Sp. plancha). In native words, the FS suffix -ṯ often blocks the change of *l, e.g. ṯaġyulṯ 'female donkey' rather than (or alongside) ṯaġyuyṯ (see below for more details on -lṯ). There are other examples of words that (exceptionally) preserve l. Thus, for the lexeme 'heart', there is variation in Seddat (cf. Lafkioui 2007a: 70): uy in Azila, vs. ul in Tamadda. Also, l is preserved in Taghzut/Hmed aġyul 'donkey' (vs. Ketama/Seddat/Bunsar aġyuy), and there are more examples of this kind. The l-of the Arabic article does not undergo these changes, unless it is followed by a stem starting in l-and thus becomes long (ll, which usually becomes ǧǧ in Seddat, Bunsar, Zerqet, and Mezduy), e.g. llibiya > ǧǧubiya 'beans'. Some examples of pan-Senhaja borrowings with the Arabic article l-include: lbeṭṭih 'melon'; leččin 'orange(s)'; leɛḏes 'lentils'; leflus 'money'; leḫmis 'Thursday'; leqlib 'plowing'; lqahwa 'cafe, coffee'.

There are some exceptions caused by different factors. Indeed, l does not always become y in Ketama/Seddat/Hmed/Bunsar, while ll does not always become ǧǧ in Bunsar/Zerqet, especially in Arabic loans. Thus, ll is found across Senhaja in the following Arabic loans: ɛellem 'to learn', ḫelleṣ 'to pay'. The phoneme l can be affected in some varieties (often in Hmed), but remain unaltered in others (often in Ketama).

Consider the following examples, where l is preserved in Ketama (as in Zerqet and Bunsar), but not in Hmed.

In the following examples, l is found across Senhaja: ġlaq 'to cover', ḥmel 'to be full', sali 'to finish', ġleṭ 'to err'. Some irregularities are found in native Berber words, as well, e.g.

1.7.2. The Fate of *ll Long

	Examples of *ll in Senhaja
	Ketama/Hmed	Seddat/Bunsar/Zerqet	Translation
	llubi(ye)ṯ, llubiya	ǧǧubiya	beans
	llawz, lluz	ǧǧuz	almonds
	ḷḷuẓ	ǧǧuẓ	to be hungry
	azellif	azeǧǧif (S), aḏeǧǧif (B), ažžif (Z) head
	amelluy (H)	ameǧǧuy (B), ameǧǧul (Z)	white (one)
	elli (H) id ̱̣ mellaḥ	iḏeǧǧi meǧǧaḥ	yesterday to salt
	lla-n	ǧga-n	they are/they were
	melleḵ	meǧǧeḵ	IPF of 'to marry'

Taghzut/Zerqet)

, ṯagfišṯ/ṯakfišṯ (parts of Bunsar/Zerqet), ṯagfič/ṯakfič (Bunsar) 'egg';

-ṯamddakkʷelṯ (Zerqet) 'female friend', ṯamddakkʷešṯ (parts of Zerqet/Bunsar (including Tamadit, Tahaya Yzem, etc.)) 'female friend; girlfriend'; 140 -(ṯ)aġyulṯ 'female donkey' (pan-Snh. with some dialectal variants, cf. above), ṯaġyušṯ (parts of Zerqet/Bunsar including Tahaya Yzem), ṯaġyuč (parts of Seddat/Bunsar) 'female donkey'.

3) Rhotacism (l > r)

On rhotacism (l > r) in Tarifiyt, see Lafkioui 2007a: 69-75. In Senhaja, rhotacism is found only in Mezduy, e.g. ul > ur 'heart', aġyul > aġyur 'donkey'. In other Senhaja varieties, there is no regular rhotacism. However, in a few examples in Ketama, l is in free variation with r, e.g. al~ar 'to' (Allative preposition); ala~ara 'past marker' (probably related to the verb iy(y)i < ili 'to be'). In some exceptional cases, Ketama r corresponds to l elsewhere, e.g. rkem 'to arrive', cf. Ghomara lkum /lkʷem/; res 'to wear clothes' (homonymous with res 'to land'), cf. Kabyle les; irket 'louse', cf. Zerqet ṯilk(k)iṯ.

141

4) A note on the lexeme *welṯma 'sister' While the original word for 'sister' is *welṯma, besides the expected wiyṯma, we also find the following variants in Ketama: wiṯma, wiyḵma, wiḵma (Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed), wi(y)fma (Sahel). The development probably went like this: *welṯma > welḵṯma> wiyṯma/wiyḵma/wiyfma, i.e. ḵ must have been inserted between l and ṯ, and then l > y, and ḵ became replaced by f in Sahel. 142 This is not a regular sound change in Ketama.

2.ll is preserved Ketama, Hmed, as well as in Taghzut, although a long counterpart of Taghzut ž (<*l) in Imperfective verb forms is often the regularized žž (cf. Section 2.1.2.2). Usually, long ll > ǧǧ in Seddat, Bunsar, Zerqet, and Mezduy (with some exceptions), as in Tarifiyt (cf. Lafkioui 2007a: 72-74). However, long ll might be preserved in some words, especially in Arabic loans. In a few examples, long ll underwent degemination, and is realized as a single l in Zerqet. The following

table

shows examples of ll~ǧǧ in Senhaja.

In many Arabic loans, ll is preserved also in Seddat/Bunsar/Zerqet, e.g. llil 'night'; ddellaḥ 'watermelon'; belli 'that' (complementizer); bellati 'slow(ly), later'; bellaɛ 'to close'; ɛellem 'to teach'; ɛellaq 'to hang'; ḫelleṣ 'to pay'; sellem 'to greet'. Long ll is also preserved in Zerqet in the following examples: ġellel (cf. Hmed ġelli) 'to milk'; afallaṯ 'chick' (cf. Seddat afellus 'chicken').

2.1.8.3. Phonemes č, čč

  143 143 Cf. Kossmann 2008b for this highly irregular verb.-Hmed ṯibura 'doors' corresponds to Zerqet ṯiwira, Bunsar ṯigura. The singular form in Hmed is ṯaggʷur(ṯ), cf. Zerqet ṯawwerṯ, Bunsar ṯaggʷerṯ.

	The phonemes č, čč (that could have also been represented as tš, ttš) are rare in Ketama, but are more frequent in other Senhaja varieties. 144 In Ketama, č is found e.g. in aḫčiw 'boy', aḫčiṯ 'girl', lčiminiyya 'chimney', iḫunčar 'snot'. Long čč is found e.g. in leččin 'oranges'; baby-talk terms ččuḥ 'sleep' and čaččaḥ 'sit'. Ketama šš often corresponds to čč in the rest of Senhaja. Compare the following examples:
	Ketama	Most Senhaja	Translation
	ššiġ	ččiġ	I ate
	išša	ičča	he ate
	iḵeššem	iḵeččem	he enters
	In the case of the verb 'to eat', šš is found in Ketama in all verbal aspects, corresponding to čč (in all aspects) in the rest of Senhaja. In the case of 'to enter', the Aorist stem of the verb is ḵšem in all Senhaja, while the Imperfective stems (derived by geminating the second radical) differ: Ketama has š > šš while the rest of Senhaja has š > čč (cf. Section 2.1.2.2). In a few examples, we find a correspondence between š(š) and č(č) among different Senhaja varieties, and something as free variants within the same variety, e.g.
	-šerreg (Zerqet) ~ čerri (Hmed) 'to tear'; -ššappu ~ ččappu (free variation, Hmed/Zerqet) 'hat'; -ččrawṭ (Hmed) 'torn clothes' vs. singular ašarweṭ.
	In other words, č and š are not interchangeable. Outside Ketama, a single č is found e.g. in čuppa (Hmed/Zerqet) 'pacifier'; čenčef (Hmed) 'to pull hair'; aḫenčir (Hmed) 'dirty (one)'; aḫenčuf (Zerqet) 'inedible mushroom'. Long čč is found e.g. in ččappa (Zerqet/Hmed) 'metal; tin can'; ččiminiyya (most Snh.) 'chimney'; meččiḵ (Hmed) 'small'. In a few words, gemination of č(č) is optional, e.g. (Hmed) č(č)aḇula 'hut'. On the Arabic article + č-of the stem, see Section 6.3.2.

2.1.8.4. Phonemes ǧ, ǧǧ and ž, žž The

  affricate ǧ (that could have also been represented as dž) is usually long (ǧǧ), but a few examples of a single ǧ also occur in Senhaja. These are found in Arabic loans and in the word-final position where ǧ is underlyingly ǧǧ.145 Sequence of t+ž is written as

	tž in this study, e.g. the combination of the Imperfective or passive prefix t(t)-with ž-of the verb stem, e.g. (Zerqet): tžerray [džərray], Imperfective of žerr 'to pull'; tžmaɛ [džmaɛ], passive of žmaɛ 'to gather'. In Seddat, Bunsar, and Zerqet, ǧǧ is often a reflex of *ll, while in the rest of Senhaja, ll is normally preserved (cf. Section 2.1.7), e.g. Ketama lliġ vs. Seddat/Zerqet ǧǧiġ 'I was'. Note that subsequently, ǧǧ (<*ll) can undergo deaffrication, and for some lexemes, variation between ǧǧ and ž is found, e.g. 146 -ǧǧuẓ ~ žuẓ (Zerqet) 'to be hungry' (< *lluẓ); -meǧǧul ~ mžul (Zerqet) 'to be white' (< *mellul).
	There are also examples of free variation between ǧ(ǧ) and ž(ž) in other contexts (both short and long), e.g. ǧelǧel ~ želžel (Hmed/Zerqet) 'break/smash/crash'; rǧu ~ ržu (Hmed) 'to hope'; sǧeḏ ~ sžeḏ (Hmed) 'to bend to pray'; weǧǧeḏ ~ wežžeḏ (pan-Snh.) 'to prepare'; seǧǧaɛ ~ sežžaɛ (Hmed) 'to encourage'; ǧeṛǧeṛ ~ žeṛžeṛ (Hmed/Zerqet) 'to drag'. 147 In the following lexemes, ž is the preferred variant in most Senhaja varieties: sskenžbir 'ginger'; ssferžel 'quince'; ddenžal 'eggplant'.
	On assimilation of the Arabic article l-to the ž/ǧ of the noun stem, see Section 6.3.2. Word-finally, ž is often preferred over ǧ(ǧ) (i.e., deaffrication takes place). For the verb 'to let, leave', the IMP:SG form without clitics is až(ž) (while aǧǧ is rare), and the form with a following clitic is aǧǧ, e.g. aǧǧ=ay 'Leave me!'. Cf. also the Perfective form (u)ǧǧi-ġ 'I left'. Similarly, we find lḥaž(ž) 'hajji' (person who completed the Hajj to Mecca) vs. feminine lḥaǧǧa. Note, however, that in the 2MS independent pronoun (ḵeǧgi, ḵeǧǧini), deaffrication does not always take place, and ḵeǧ(ǧ) is the preferred variant in most Senhaja (Ketama/Seddat/Bunsar/Hmed), while ḵež occurs in Tamadda dialect of Seddat and parts of Zerqet.
	145 There is also a hypothesis that ǧǧ is a geminate in Jbala Arabic (see e.g. Messaoudi 1996). On ǧ vs. ž in Northern Moroccan Arabic, see e.g. Vicente 2000: 45; Moscoso 2003: 43, and Ziamari & Barontini 2008: 49-50.

2.1.8.5. Phoneme g (vs. y and w)

  Consider the following table. Lexemes in group a are found with g across Senhaja.Lexemes in group b are found with g in Ketama and Zerqet vs. y (~ Ø) in Hmed. There are also examples (group c) where both Zerqet and Hmed have y vs. g in Ketama.

	As mentioned in Section 1.8.1.1 (isogloss 6 in Kossmann 2017a), there are lexemes that show correspondence of the Senhaja (and Ghomara) g(g) to (Central) Tarifiyt/Zenatic ž(ž), and Senhaja (and Ghomara) k(k) to Tarifiyt š(š). Contrary to the data reported in Lafkioui 2007a (e.g. maps 35, 61, 65, 68), we have not found the change š > k or ž > g in the surveyed dialects and in this case, no variation within Senhaja has been found. However, in some lexemes within Senhaja, we find a correspondence between g (~ḡ), y (~Ø), and w (cf. Lafkioui 2007a: 49-56): -y most probably has developed from g/ḡ as a result of (stage 2) spirantization (found in Hmed, Bunsar, and Zerqet, cf. Section 2.1.4.2), while g also occurs in the same varieties. There is a split g = g and g > y in parts of Senhaja. Further research is needed to establish if there is any conditioning of this change; -both w(w) and g(w) can be reflexes of the original ggʷ (especially in varieties that lack labialized phonemes, but not only in them); 148 -some correspondences between g, y, and w must be considered irregular.

Correspondences of g ~ y in Senhaja Ketama Hmed Zerqet Translation a) g g g

	The following table lists some lexemes that show correspondence g(g) ~ w(w) in addition to y(y)/Ø in Hmed. In most of these examples (group a, with the exception of 'egg' that shows alternation), Ketama consistently has g, while Hmed has w (again, with the exception of 'egg', where there are no traces of g or w). Zerqet shows alternation: g is found in most lexemes, while w is found in ṯaṛwa 'canal' and ṯamwat 'cow'. The examples in group b have a different historical background. On the verb 'to do' cf. Section 4.5.5.2). 149
	Correspondences of g ~ w in Senhaja
		Ketama	Hmed	Zerqet	Translation
	a)	agfilṯ/awfilṯ	ṯifilṯ	ṯagfilṯ	egg
		amgud ̱̣ agursay	amwuḏ awersay	amguḏ agersul	cedar mushroom
		ṯerga	ṯarwa	ṯaṛwa 150	canal
		amgat	ṯamwat	ṯamwat	cow
	b)	awwerṯ	ṯaggʷerṯ	ṯawwerṯ	door
		yan	igʷen	yewwen	one
		ww	yyi	eḡḡ	to do
	2
		irgi	irgi	irgel	plant sp.
		mezgiḏa	ṯimzgiḏa	ṯimzgiḏa	mosque
		wareg	wareg	wareg	dream
	b)	g	y	g
		gra-	ira-	gra-	between
		afrag	afray	afrag	yard
		agum	ayem	agem	to draw water
	c)	g	y	y
		agelzim	ayelzim	ayelzim	pickaxe
		agenduz	ayenduz	ayenduz	(young) bull
		argaz	aryaz	aryaz	man, husband

.1.8.6. Phonemes ṭ and d ̱̣

	As mentioned in Section 1.8.2.2, Senhaja ḍ/d ̱̣ often corresponds to ṭ in Ghomara, e.g. Snh. ad ̱̣ ar vs. Ghm. aṭar 'foot, leg', Snh. ad ̱̣ i(l) vs. Ghm. aṭil 'grapes'. FS nouns whose stems end on -d ̱̣ , are realized with a final -ṭ as a result of assimilation (see Section 2.4.1.1).
	2.1.8.7. Phoneme h
	As described above (Section 2.1.4.2), in parts of Senhaja (especially in Ketama and Taghzut outside Lqela), h can be a reflex of *t. Other unusual instances of h in Senhaja include: -Initial h-in Ketama IMP:SG forms of biradical verbs (cf. Section 4.2.2.2), e.g. hen(n) 'say (IMP:SG)!', IMP:PL nn-aṯ; heš(š) 'Eat (IMP:SG)!', IMP:PL šš-aṯ; -Archaic h that is found in (parts of) Senhaja in the word for 'water spring': ṯahay(y)a (Seddat/Hmed/Bunsar), ṯahala (Zerqet), ṯahařa (Mezduy); vs. Western Senhaja ṯayya (Ketama), ṯaža (Taghzut) 'springhouse, well'. 151 -Arguably (if we accept a semantic shift from 'lion' to 'fox'), archaic h is also found in the following lexeme: awhar (Ketama, Taghzut), iwhar (Zerqet) 'fox'; cf. Tuareg ahar 'lion', Tarifiyt buharu 'lion; monster' (Kossmann 1999a: 106-107, Kossmann 2001).
	The phonemes ṭ and ḍ/d ̱̣ are sometimes interchangeable (even within the same variety), or there are differences depending on the dialect, e.g. -akkebbuṭ (Hmed/Seddat) vs. akkeppud ̱̣ (Zerqet) 'coat'; -ssd ̱̣ aḥ ~ ššṭaḥ (Snh.) 'roof'; ṣṣṭel ~ ṣṣd ̱̣ el (Snh.) 'bucket'; -lbeǧǧuṭ, lbuḷḷuṭ, abelḷud ̱̣ (all variants found in Bunsar) 'oak tree'; -ḫiyyeṭ (Ketama), ḫiyyed ̱̣ (Hmed/Zerqet) 'to sew'; -mšeṭ (Ketama), mšed ̱̣ (Ketama/Hmed) 'to comb'.
	Arabic loans may preserve ṭ, or ṭ may be substituted by ḍ/d ̱̣ , e.g. -lḫiṭ (Ketama/Seddat), lḫid ̱̣ (Taghzut) 'thread'; -ḫṭeb ~ ḫd ̱̣ eb 'to betroth'; cf. ḫḫuṭuba ~ lḫṭaba ~ lḫd ̱̣ aba (Snh.) 'betrothal'; -ṭlaq (Zerqet, Seddat), ṭlaq/ḍlaq/d ̱̣ laq (Ketama), d ̱̣ yaq (Hmed) 'to release'.

2.2. Vowels 2.2.1. Overview

	Vowel a The vowel a is a near-open front unrounded vowel (IPA [ae]), e.g. ṯayya [θaeyːae] (Ketama), ṯahaya [θaehaeyae] (Seddat), ṯahayya [θaehaeyːae] (Hmed), ṯahala [θaehaelae] (Zerqet) 'water spring'. There are different allophones of /a/ according to its position. Preceding a back consonant or a pharyngealized phoneme, a is lowered (realized as [a]). Following a pharyngealized phoneme, a is backed and lowered (realized as [ɑ]). It is high in other contexts. For example: ṯad ̱̣ aṭ [θaðˁɑtˁ] (Taghzut/Hmed/Zerqet) 'finger'; abeṭṭaw (Hmed) [aebətːˁɑw] 'pumpkin'.
	Vowel i The vowel i is usually realized as [ɪ] or as [i] (depending on the environment). The realization as [i] is usually caused by adjacent alveolar consonants. For example: iles [ɪləs] (Zerqet) 'tongue'; akidar [aekidaer] (Hmed), ikidar [ɪkidaer] (Ketama) 'horse'. Word-finally, -i can be a result of *el (cf. Section 2.1.7.1), e.g. aḏfi (most Snh.) 'snow' < aḏfel (Zerqet); irgi (Ketama/Hmed) 'sticky plant' < irgel (Zerqet). In the vicinity of pharyngealized phonemes, i is realized as [e] (close-mid front unrounded vowel), e.g. lbeṭṭiḫ [lbətːˁex] (Snh.) 'melon'; ašṭṭib [aʃtːˁeb] (Zerqet) 'branch'.
	vowel a is usually realized as [ae], i as [ɪ], u as [u]. a are neutralized. The following table demonstrates the vocalic system of Senhaja. The lowered. In some contexts (before back consonants), the differences between the e and when any of the vowels is adjacent to a pharyngealized consonant, it is backed and from the other vowels (see Section 2.2.3). As mentioned above (cf. Section 2.1.3), and u) and a central vowel (schwa, [ə], spelled here as e). Schwa functions differently Senhaja (as many, but not all other Berber varieties) has three peripheral vowels (a, i, Vowel u Vowel /u/ is usually realized as [u], e.g. rnu [rnu] 'to add' (Hmed/Zerqet). In the vicinity of back consonants (velars, uvulars, pharyngeals), it is backed and realized as [ʊ], e.g. (Ketama) ad ̱̣ uġd [aðˁʊɣd] 'finger'; aɛettuq [ɛʕətːʊq] 'rooster'. When adjacent to a pharyngealized phoneme, /u/ is realized as [o], e.g. abuṭ [abotˁ] (Ketama) 'navel'; lḫud ̱̣ ra [lxoðˁra] (pan-Snh.) 'vegetables'; lbuḷḷuṭ [lbolːotˁ] (Taghzut/Bunsar) 'oak'.
	Senhaja vowel system
	close mid open	i	e a	u

2.2.3. Schwa 2.2.3.1. Realization

	Taghzut lḫid ̱̣ ); spokespeople describe lḫayṭ as a ḵešm-en > ḵšm-en 'they entered'. Schwa can be backed in the vicinity of dialectal Arabic pronunciation. pharyngealized phonemes. It does not merge with a in such contexts, e.g. abeṭṭaw [abɐtːˁaw] (Hmed) 'pumpkin'; lbeṭṭiḫ [lbətːˁex] (pan-Snh.) 'melon'; abeṛṛan [aebɐrːˁɑn] (Zerqet/Hmed) 'male partridge'. In the final syllable, before back consonants (uvulars, pharyngeals, and laryngeals), the difference between schwa and a is neutralized in most Senhaja varieties (both are realized as [a]), with the exception of Mezduy, parts of Zerqet (e.g. Wersan, Bunjel, but not Ikherruden), and Taghzut (Lqela). We write a rather than the underlying schwa in such cases. Consider the following examples, most of which are valid for the entire Senhaja (except parts of Taghzut and Zerqet): 2) aw ~ u -llawn (Ketama, possible in Zerqet) ~ llun (Hmed, possible in Zerqet) 'color'; -llawz (Ketama/Bunsar) ~ lluz (Taghzut/Hmed) ~ ǧǧuz (Zerqet) 'almonds'; -nnawba (Ketama) ~ nnuba (Zerqet) ~ nnuḇa (Hmed/Bunsar) turn'; -ṛṛawẓ (pan-Snh.) 'rice'; ṛṛuẓ is considered typical of dialectal Arabic; -ṣṣawṭ (Ketama/Hmed/Bunsar/Zerqet) ~ ṣṣuṭ (Ketama/Zerqet, as a second variant) 'voice'; ṣṣuṭ is considered dialectal Arabic by Hmed and Bunsar -zzawža (Ketama) ~ zzuža (Hmed) 'yoke' (Zerqet zzwiža~žžwiža). speakers; -eq > aq: ḥṛaq 'to burn'; hraq 'to spill'; fṛaq 'to separate'; lsaq 'to stick'; -eḫ > aḫ: slaḫ 'to skin'; fsaḫ 'to untie'; wessaḫ 'to make dirty'; -eġ > aġ: (dialectal) zḏaġ 'to live'; azaġ 'to be dry'; saġ 'to buy'; naġ 'to kill'; 152 -eḥ > aḥ: ftaḥ 'to open'; šṭaḥ 'to dance'; fṛaḥ 'to be happy'; žraḥ 'to injure'; -eɛ > aɛ: ẓraɛ 'to sow'; bellaɛ 'to close'; wsaɛ 'to be wide'; žmaɛ 'to gather'; -eh > ah: krah 'to hate'; šbah 'to resemble'; ndah 'to call' (Ketama)/'to drive' (Zerqet).
	Senhaja has a short central vowel (schwa). Schwa has different realizations depending on the phonetic environment. Its usual pronunciation is [ə], and it is written here as e, e.g. ḵšem [çʃəm] 'to enter'. It often assimilates to the semivowels w and y: it is realized as [u] before w, and as [i] before y, e.g. duwweš /dewweš/ [duwːəʃ] (pan-Snh.) 'to shower'; ašuwwal /ašewwal/ [aeʃuwːal] (Zerqet) 'tail'; guwwez /gewwez/ [guwːəz] (Ketama/Zerqet) 'to (make) pass'; afiyyu /afiyyu/ [aefiyːu] (Ketama) 'cork oak'; asiyyi /aseyyi/ [aesiyːi] (Ketama) 'groom'.
	Word-finally, -ew > u and -ey > i (cf. Section 2.3 on semivowels) e.g. -su /sew/ (most Snh.) 'Drink! (IMP:SG)'; cf. š-a^t-sw-eḏ 'you (SG) will drink'; -imd ̱̣ i (Seddat) 'grave' < imd ̱̣ ey, cf. Zerqet imd ̱̣ el 'id.'.
	While the speakers have clear intuitions regarding where there is a schwa, in actual speech, schwa can be absent, and sequences of three consonants may be heard, e.g.

IMP:SG and IMP:PL forms of verbs with the underlying e > a IMP:SG (pan-Snh.) IMP:PL (West Snh.) IMP:PL (East Snh.) Translation

  153152 Word-final -ġ is often weakly realized in Senhaja, and is absent following a in Ketama.

	fṛaq	feṛq-aṯ	feṛq-eṯ	separate
	wessaḫ	wessḫ-aṯ	wessḫ-eṯ	make dirty
	šṭaḥ	šeṭḥ-aṯ	šeṭḥ-eṯ	dance
	wessaɛ	wessɛ-aṯ	wessɛ-eṯ	make wide
	If the a is underlying, it does not disappear when it stands in an open syllable, as the following examples demonstrate.
	IMP:SG	IMP:PL		Translation
	rtaḥ	rtaḥ-u / rtaḥ-aṯ / rtaḥ-eṯ	Take rest!
	arwaḥ	arwaḥ-u / arwaḥ-aṯ / arwaḥ-eṯ	Come!
	In some cases, there are no contrasting forms to verify if the vowel is underlyingly an /a/ or a schwa, e.g. naɛnaɛ 'mint'; lemlaḥ 'salt'; ṣṣbaḥ 'morning'; ṛṛeẓẓaq 'property'; derwaḫ (Ketama, dialectal) 'now', nnaġ 'our' (Ketama nna, final -aġ > -a). On the issue of 1S verbal subject marker (eġ > aġ > Ketama -a), see Section 3.4.1.2.
	153 Contrast the following example, where there is no e > a before h in the IMP:PL form, because it is not the final syllable: fhem 'understand (SG)!' vs. fehm-aṯ (Western Snh.) ~ fehm-eṯ (Eastern Snh.) 'understand (PL)!'

Schwa insertion (structure-based syllabification) in Zerqet Without schwa With schwa Translation

	ḵs	ḵes	Herd! (IMP:SG)
	ḵšm	ḵšem	Enter! (IMP:SG)
	tḵšm	ṯeḵšem	She entered
	ssḵšm	sseḵšem	Make enter! (IMP:SG)
	ṯssḵšm	ṯesseḵšem	She made enter
	When due to the addition of affixes or clitics, schwa comes to stand in an open syllable, schwa is elided or the word is resyllabified (i.e., the schwa takes another position). Consider the following examples contrasting with the examples provided above.
	154 Different analyses have been proposed for different Berber varieties (e.g. Kossmann 1997b for Figuig, Dell & Elmedlaoui 1985 for Tashelhiyt), and especially Tashelhiyt seems to work differently from other varieties (Kossmann 1995a). In Senhaja (and elsewhere), the presence and position of schwa in a word can to a large degree be predicted by means of an insertion rule. Schwa is generally inserted from right to left between two consonants, schematically: (C)CC > (C)CeC ('structure-based syllabification' in Kossmann 2012a). As mentioned above, schwa cannot occur in open syllables. Another constraint is that a long consonant cannot be be broken up by schwa. Below are some examples illustrating syllabification in Zerqet. The same syllabification rules apply in the rest of Senhaja.

Resyllabification in Zerqet Without schwa With schwa Translation

	ḵsas	ks=as	Herd for him/her! (IMP:SG)
	ḵšmid	ḵešm=id	Enter here! (IMP:SG)
	ṯḵšmd	ṯḵešm=id	She entered here
	tḵšmm 155	ṯḵešmem	You (PL) entered
	ssḵšmn	ssḵešmen	They made enter
	ṯssḵšmm	ṯessḵešmem	You (PL) made enter
	When schwa in a verbal subject suffix comes to stand in an open syllable (when there is a following V-initial clitic), it changes to a in Ketama/Taghzut, and is elided or moves place in the rest of Senhaja (cf. Section 14.3.1.1).

2.3. Semivowels /y/ and /w/ vs. Vowels /i/ and /u/ 2.3.1. Introduction In

  Senhaja, we find sequences of ye and we. There is a contrast between CyeC# vs.

	we u	-CweC#: ɛwel (Hmed) 'to want'; ɛwen (Zerqet) 'to help'; rwel (Zerqet) 'to flee'; amwer (Hmed) 'sickle'; lɛweṛ (Ketama/Bunsar) 'blind (one)'; sserweṯ (Zerqet) 'to thresh'; -CuC#: ġul (Hmed) 'to return', amgur (Zerqet) 'sickle'; abaḵur (most Snh.) 'early fig'; aɛrur (pan-Snh.) 'back'; aṣġun (pan-Snh.) 'rope'.
	CiC# (e.g. ġyeḇ 'to win' vs. lɛib 'evil'), and between CweC# vs. CuC# (e.g. amwer (Hmed) vs. amgur (Zerqet) 'sickle', rwel (Zerqet) 'to flee' vs. aġul (Zerqet) 'to return'). Below follow examples of ye (vs. i) and we (vs. u). There are no examples of ey and ew, as schwa is pronounced as i before y, and as u before w. In word-final position, -ey > i and ew > u.
	ye i	-#yeC...: yenna (Hmed) 'sky'; -CyeC#: byed ̱̣ (Ketama) 'white'; ġyeḇ (Hmed) 'to win'; hyeḵ (Ketama/Hmed) 'to be sick'; myeḵ (Ketama/Hmed) 'to marry'; qyeḇ (Hmed) 'to turn soil, plow'; -VCyeC#: asyem (Hmed) 'fish'; iberyen (Zerqet) 'barley seeds'; ṯaryel (Zerqet) 'ogress'. -#iC...: imessi (Ketama) 'fire'; ibawen 'beans'; ifri (Taghzut) 'cave'; -CiC#: (i)kiḏ (Hmed) 'with'; lɛib 'evil'; -CCiC#: abɛir (Ketama) 'bull'; abḫiḫ 'goat kid'; agelzim (Ketama) 'pickaxe'; -VCiC# iṣġunin (most Snh.) 'ropes'; abužiž (Zerqet) 'stink beetle'; aḏif (Hmed/Zerqet) 'bone marrow'; ad ̱̣ iž (Taghzut) 'grape'.

. Consonant Assimilations and Vocalic Sandhi

	Other etymological word-final -ew became real -u. The following examples illustrate the change *el > ey > i (the variants with -el are found in Zerqet): -aḏfel (Zerqet) > aḏfey > aḏfi (most Snh.) 'snow'; -azzel (Zerqet) > azzey > azzi (Hmed) 'to run'; -ḏiḫel (Zerqet) > ḏiḫey > ḏiḫi (Hmed) 'inside'.
	See Section 2.4.2.3 on the behavior of i and u in the vicinity of other vowels.
	2.4Consonant assimilations can occur within the word or across word boundaries. Vocalic sandhi occurs across word boundaries and involves vowel elision, change of a vowel to a semivowel, or Hiatustilger (insertion of a semivowel to break up the sequence of two vowels, or hiatus). In the transcription in this thesis, consonant assimilations and vocalic sandhi are indicated by means of ^, e.g. š-a^t-eḵrez (<š+aḏ+ṯ-eḵrez) (assimilation ḏ+ṯ > t) 'she will plow' (pan-Snh.); i-nna^s (<i-nna + as), alongside i-nna=yas (Hiatustilger) 'he told him/her'.
	ssu /ssew/ (IMP:SG) 'Irrigate!', cf. š-a^t-essw-eḏ 'you (SG) will irrigate' (most Snh.).
	Compare also the Ketama verb 'to do': IMP:SG hu, IMP:PL ww-aṯ, AOR 2S š-a^t-eww-eḏ 'you will do' (root ww), which shows some parallels with su. We analyze the IMP:SG as /hew(w)/ underlyingly, which is realized as hu. Cf. Section 4.2.2.2 on h-in Ketama Imperatives.

2.4.1. Consonant Assimilations 2.4.1.1. Assimilations in Voice

	In Senhaja Berber, as in most Berber varieties, voice assimilation is normally regressive (with the exception of the preverbal ventive clitic d). 156 A voiceless consonant followed by a voiced one becomes voiced. When assimilation is complete, it results in a voiced geminate. Gemination is neutralized word-finally, but the voice assimilation still applies. If, on the contrary, a voiced consonant is followed by a voiceless one, it becomes voiceless. If assimilation is complete, it results in a voiceless geminate (that may be neutralized word-finally). Sometimes, a long consonant may undergo degemination not in the word-final position. This is often the case across morpheme boundaries. The morphophonology of the verbal complex is discussed in Chapter 14. Below, we present some examples (with cross-references).

ġ > ḫ before voiceless consonants

	(6) ṯ-ufi-ḏ 2-find:P-2S + 3MS:DO + ṯ >	ṯ-ufi-t^t > ṯ-ufi^t (Z) 'You (SG) found him.'
	2) ḏ PRED + woman:FS:EL + ṯamġarṯ 2) The final -ḏ of a preposition, conjunction + the nominal FS prefix ṯ-> t (H/Z) > t^tamġarṯ (H/Z) 'It is a woman.' This includes the assimilation of 1S subject marker -ġ to the third person DO clitic pronouns in Ketama and Zerqet, but not in Hmed (cf. Section 14.3.1.2), e.g. 164
	Prepositions and conjunctions ending in -ḏ assimilate to the following nominal FS prefix ṯ-, yielding tt (Hmed/Zerqet), e.g. (7) ẓri-ġ+ṯen > ẓri-ḫ^ṯen (K/Z) 'I saw them.' see:P-1S+3P:DO
	(3) (ki)ḏ + ṯemġarṯ > (ki)t^temġarṯ (H/Z) 'with a woman' with + woman:EA Compare also the assimilation of the 1P:IO clitic pronoun (a)naġ to the following third person DO clitic pronouns in Ketama and Zerqet (cf. Section 14.2.2.2), e.g. 165
	In Ketama, iḏ is a Dative preposition, homonymous with the conjunction 'and'. The final ḏ of iḏ assimilates to the following historical ṯ-of FS nouns, yielding a short t, e.g. 161 (8) i-wfa =naġ +ṯen > i-wfa=naḫ^ṯen (K/Z) 'He found them for us.' 3MS-find:P =1P:IO +3P:DO
	(4) iḏ and/for +woman:EA +ṯemġarṯ > it^emġarṯ 'and a woman', 'for a woman'.
	ḏ + ṯ > tt > t
	1) The irrealis aḏ (NR) + the 2S/3FS/2P subject marker ṯ > a^t. 162
	(5) š-aḏ + ṯ-ẓer FT-NR + 3FS-see:A	> š-a^t-ẓer (pan-Snh.) 'she will see'
	2) 2S subject suffix -ḏ + 3S:DO clitic (ṯ, t) > t When the verb subject suffix -ḏ is followed by a 3MS:DO clitic ṯ or a 3FS:DO clitic t, this yields t in most Senhaja (and the DO clitics merge), cf. Section 14.3.1.3, e.g. 163

ḡ + ṯ > ḵ^ṯ: ṯaẓeḡ

  -ṯ > ṯaẓeḵ-ṯ (Zerqet, dialectal) 'milk' (cf. Hmed ṯaziḡṯ).

	ġ + ṯ > ḫ^ṯ: ṯawṛṛaġ-ṯ (H/Z) > ṯawṛṛaḫ-ṯ (H) 'yellow one (F)';
	b) Complete assimilation Assimilation can be complete: ḏ + ṯ > tt > t, e.g. amwuḏ 'cedar (collective)' > ṯamwut '(a single) cedar tree' (Hmed). 168
	When the final -d ̱̣ of the noun stem is followed by the FS suffix -ṯ, this results in ṭ: -ṯayaẓiṭ (S/Z/M) 'chicken', cf. MS ayazid ̱̣ 'rooster', FP ṯiyaẓid ̱̣ in; -amguṭ (Ketama) '(single) cedar tree', cf. MS (collective) amgud ̱̣ 'cedar'.
	2.4.1.2. Sibilants
	Sibilants often assimilate to each other, including long-distance assimilation. It is then customary to speak of sibilant harmony.
	Assimilation to the postverbal negative marker š/ši/šay Sibilants (especially s) of the verb stem are often assimilated to the following š/ši/šay of the postverbal negation marker (cf. Section 5.2.2 on negation), e.g. in singular prohibitives that lack a suffix. This rule is valid in different Senhaja varieties including Ketama and Zerqet, but assimilation does not take place in Hmed. For example: 169
	(9) i u NEG knead:I NEG reffes ši > i reffeš^ ši (K) rrfus ši > u rrfuš^ ši (Z) 'Do not knead!'
	2.1.7.1. 166
	a) Incomplete assimilation b + ṯ > f^ṯ: (ṯ)ažellab-ṯ > (ṯ)ažellaf-ṯ (K/Z) 'jellaba (dress)'; cf. PL (ṯ)ižellabin; 167

.1.3. Assimilation of n

	lexicalized zznez (Hmed)/ zzenz (Zerqet) 'to sell'. 171	2.2), except for the
	2.4The consonant n is special and can undergo different assimilations (the assimilation is regressive, as in the examples discussed above). Most notably, the assimilation of n affects the verbal subject prefix n-(cf. Section 14.1.1.1) and the Genitive preposition n (cf. Section 9.2.1.2). In both cases, n can assimilate to the following l, ḷ, r, ṛ, but does not assimilate to other consonants (including m, b). The assimilation may be optional,

> rr, n + ṛ > ṛṛ

	The verb llaġ (Ketama lluġ) 'to lick' starts in the long ll. The 1P subject prefix n-assimilates to ll (yielding ll). In Hmed, no assimilation takes place:
	(12) š-a š-a FT-NR 1P-lick:A n-(e)lluġ > š-a l^l(l)uġ (K) n-ellaġ (H) 'We will lick.'
	n + r When the verbal subject prefix n-is followed by the r-/ṛ of the verb stem, this may (optionally) result in a long rr/ṛṛ in Ketama and Hmed (cf. Section 14.1.1.1). The assimilation does not take place in Zerqet. For example:
	(13) š-a FT-NR 1P-knead:A n-erfes (K/H/Z) ~ š-a r^rfes (K/H) 'We will knead.'
	optionally yield a long ll/ḷḷ (n+l > ll, n + ḷ > ḷḷ) in Hmed (no examples in other Senhaja varieties have been found), e.g.
	(11) n-(e)lsa 1P-wear:P	~	l^lsa (H) 'we wore (clothes)'

2.4.2.2. Hiatustilger: Insertion of a Semivowel

	i > Ø (17) nekki iḏ I and man:EA of:1S urgaz inu > nekki^ḏ urgaz inu (K) 'My husband and I' ('I and my husband')
	Semivowel y is inserted between a + a, a +i, i + a, u + a. 177 Thus, when i-kka 'he gave' is followed by the 3S:IO clitic as, the resulting form may be i-kka=yas 'He gave to him/her' (alongside i-kka^s with the vowel elision discussed above). 178 Other examples with the Hiatustilger follow.
	a + a > a ya (18) i-nna 3MS-say:P + 3S:IO + as > i-nna=yas (K: Beni Aisi/Zerqet) 'He told him/her.'
	(19) a + arba > a yarba (pan-Snh.) oh + boy:EL 'O boy!' alongside i-kka=yas with Hiatustilger discussed below). 176 Other examples of vowel elision follow. a > Ø a + i > a yi (20) ġa + insi > ġa yinsi (K) 'only a hedgehog' only + hedgehog
	(15) i-nna 3MS-say:P + 3S:IO + as > i-nna^s (K/H/Z) 'He told him/her.' i + a > i ya (21) zdi + awwerṯ > zdi yawwerṯ (K) 'Open the door!' open:IMP:SG + door:EL
	(16) i-dda 3MS-go:P boy:EL of-3S arba nn-es > i-dda^rba nn-es (K/H) 'His (=her) child went.' u + a > u ya (22) bnu + aḫyam > bnu yaḫyam (Z) 'Build a house!' build:IMP:SG + house:EL

2.4.2.3. Vowel Becomes a Semivowel (i-> y-and u > w)

.2.4. Unchanged Sequences of two Vowels

	24) netta + i-ḵrez > netta y-eḵrez 'he plowed' (pan-Snh., T/H nețța y-eḵrez) he + 3MS-plow:P (25) arba + inu > arba^ynu 'my child' (pan-Snh., T/H: arḇa^ynu). boy:EL + of:1S Following u (u + i > u y) (26) i-bennu + iḫyamen > i-bennu yḫyamen (K/Z) 'he builds houses' 3MS-build:I + houses Following i (i + i > i y) NEG + of:1S 2.5. Conclusions (27) maši + inu > maši^ynu (pan-Snh.) '(it is) not mine' It is not always that the second vowel in the sequence of two vowels becomes a glide. In the following examples, the first vowel in the sequence undergoes changes -namely, i becomes y before a (i a > y a): (30) š-a ^t-sawi + anda ḵunni > š-a^t-sawy^anda ḵunni (K) FT-NR ^3FS-speak:A + like you:PL 'She will speak like you (PL).' 2.4Some sequences of two vowels remain unchanged. This is only found across word boundaries, e.g. a + i = a i (31) i-ttezya ibeɛɛašen (K) 'He slaughters sheep.' 3MS-slaughter:I sheep u + a = u a (32) bnu aḫyam! (Z) 'Build a house!' build:IMP:SG house:EL u + i = u i (33) i-zellu ibeɛɛašen (Hmed) 'He slaughters sheep.' 3MS-slaughter:I sheep i + a = i a (34) i-benni aḫyam (K) 'He builds a house.' 3MS-build:I house:EL Consonants Consonants across Berber varieties can be distinguished by voice, length, and pharyngealization. Pairs of short and long consonants are established in morphological oppositions, although in addition to length, other features can play a role. Short spirantized consonants correspond to long plosives, e.g. ṯ -tt, ḏ -dd, etc. As in other Berber varieties, we find the short/long pairs ḍ/d ̱̣ -ṭṭ, ġ -qq, and w -ggʷ. For the last pair, w -ggʷ, we also find w -gg and w -ww, in varieties lacking labialized velars (Ketama, Taghzut). In Zerqet, a short sibilant corresponds to an affricate long consonant: s -tts, ṣ -ṭṭṣ, z -ddz, š -čč, and ž -ǧǧ. The correspondence š -čč is also found in Seddat, Hmed, and Taghzut. The original *l -*ll pair has developed into different correspondences (cf. below): y -ll (Ketama/Hmed), ž -žž (Taghzut), y -ǧǧ (Seddat/Bunsar), l -ǧǧ (Zerqet). There are pharyngealized dentals and alveolars, some of which developed under the influence from Arabic. They have non-pharyngealized counterparts (e.g. ṭ -t). Pharyngealization is not always strongly pronounced in all words, and there are examples of depharyngealization. There are also lexemes that have developed pharyngealized phonemes (often as a result of the pharyngealization spread). All Senhaja varieties underwent spirantization, which turned short stops into fricatives, e.g. t > ṯ, d > ḏ, k > ḵ. In most varieties, b is left unaffected, while in some varieties (Taghzut, Hmed, Bunsar, parts of Zerqet), b > ḇ. Similarly, in most varieties, g is left unaffected, while some varieties (e.g. in parts of Zerqet and Seddat), g > ḡ. In some varieties, spirantized consonants have developed further into different sounds (stage 2 spirantization) or into a "zero": g > ḡ > y (> Ø); t > ṯ > h (> Ø). The consonant g/ḡ has merged with y in some words in Eastern Senhaja (Hmed, Bunsar, Zerqet, Mezduy).
	2) u > w Following a (a + u > a w) (28) netta + u ṣafi > netta w ṣafi 'He and that's it' (pan-Snh., T/H nețța w ṣafi) he + and that's.i Following i (i + u > i w) (29) i + uryaz inu > i^weryaz inu (H/Z) 'for my husband' for + man:EA of:1S The phonologies of Senhaja and (the local) Arabic are nearly identical. Nevertheless, there are some differences within Senhaja -most notably, in the existence of labialized velars, and in the degree of spirantization. Both features can be taken as isoglosses that distinguish Senhaja varieties, or (parts of) Senhaja from Tarifiyt. The transcription system used here is the one that is commonly found in literature on Berber. Long consonants are doubled, e.g. bb [bː]. Pharyngealized (traditionally known as "emphatic") consonants are written with a dot underneath, e.g. ṭ [tˁ]. Underscore indicates that the consonant is spirantized, e.g. ṯ [θ], ḏ [ð], d ̱̣ [ðˁ]. The phoneme [ɣ] is written as ġ, and [ʕ] as ɛ, and [x] as ḫ. There are three peripheral vowels (a, i, u) and a central vowel, schwa [ə], written as e. The symbol ^ indicates assimilation and elision.

  The consonant n often assimilates to the following l (n+l > ll), and can also assimilate to the following ḷ, r, and ṛ, but does not assimilate to other consonants. Assimilation of n affects the 1P subject prefix n-, the Genitive preposition n 'of', and the final -n of the numeral 'one', among others.

	s+š > šš.
	Vocalic sandhi occurs across word boundaries and involves vowel elision, change of a vowel into a glide, or Hiatustilger (insertion of a glide to break up the sequence of two vowels, or hiatus).
	Consonant assimilations are normally regressive (with the exception of the preverbal ventive clitic d). Consonants that frequently undergo assimilation are alveolar stops and post-alveolar fricatives. Many assimilations take place in the verbal complex. Assimilations in voice are very common: voiceless + voiced > voiced (e.g. t + d > dd), and voiced + voiceless > voiceless (e.g. d + t > tt, ġ+ṯ > ḫ^ṯ). Not all assimilations take place in all dialects. Generally, fewer assimilations are observed in Hmed (especially in the verbal complex) than in Ketama and Zerqet. Sibilants often assimilate to each other, including long-distance assimilation (sibilant harmony), e.g.

3.2.4. Prepositional argument

	Mourigh 2015: 300. For example: When two nouns in singular are coordinated with the conjunction 'and', the verb form (4) i-dda argaz =aḏ (K) 3MS-go:P man:EL =PROX:MS 'This man went away'. (5) argaz=aḏ i-dda (K) man:EL=PROX:MS 3MS-go:P 'This man went away'. can be singular or plural (when preceding the subject), e.g. (6) (a) i-dda argaz it^ emġarṯ nn-es (K) 3MS-go:P man:EL and woman:EA of-3S (b) dda-n argaz it^ emġarṯ nn-es (K) go:P-3P man:EL and woman:EA of-3S 'The man and his wife went.' When the verb follows the subject expressed by two nouns coordinated with 'and', the verb form is plural: (7) (a) argaz it^ emġarṯ nn-es dda-n (K) man:EL and woman:EA of-3S go:P-3P 'The man and his wife went.' (b) argaz it^ emġarṯ nn-es *i-dda (K) man:EL and woman:EA of-3S 3MS-go:P Intended: 'The man and his wife went.' 3.2.2. Direct Object (8) i-ẓṛa inisi (S/H/B/Z/M) 3MS-see:P hedgehog 'He saw a hedgehog.' (9) i-ẓṛa =ṯ (pan-Snh.) IO+DO (less common) (14) i-kka =(yas) iḏ urba aġrum (K/T) 3MS-give:P=3S:IO DAT boy:EA bread:EL 'He gave the bread to the boy.' ('He gave the boy bread.') 3MS-see:P =3MS:DO 'He saw him.' When topicalized, the lexical DO precedes the verb. In such contexts, the verb If the two objects are expressed by pronominal clitics, the order is IO+DO. 185 Besides expressing the recipient, the IO can also express the benefactive or malefactive (cf. Rapold 2010), e.g. obligatorily has a DO pronominal clitic (coreferential with the lexical DO), e.g. (10) inisi, i-ẓṛa =ṯ (H) hedgehog 3MS-see:P =3MS:DO (15) i-ḥeṛq =as aḫyam i muḥemmeḏ (K/T) 3MS-burn:P=3S:IO house:EL for Mohammed 'He burnt the house to Mohammed's detriment.' 186 (malefactive) '(As for) the hedgehog, he saw him.' 3.2.3. Indirect Object (16) i-swa =(ya)s =t (K) 3MS-drink:P =3S:IO =3S:DO 'He drank it to his detriment.' (malefactive) The indirect object (IO) usually expresses the recipient, but may have other functions, too. If the IO is expressed by a noun, it follows the Dative preposition i/g (and variants) 'to', 'for' (cf. Section 9.2.2.3). The lexical IO can co-occur with an IO clitic pronoun. This phenomenon is known as clitic doubling (i.e. doubling by means of a The following sentence has a prepositional argument: clitic) or double reference (cf. Souag 2015a; see Section 5.3.2.4). Depending on the verb, double reference may be the preferred variant, e.g. with the verbs 'to say' and 'to give': (11) i-nna =(ya)s i ḥmeḏ (K/T/H/Z) 3MS-say:P =3S:IO DAT Ahmed (12) i-kka =(ya)s aġrum i 3MS-give:P=3S:IO 'He gave the bread to Ahmed.' bread:EL DAT Ahmed ḥmeḏ (K/T/Z) 'He told Ahmed.' (17) (a) i-ndah af gma-s (K) 3MS-call:P on brother-3S (b) i-ɛiyyed ̱̣ ḫ ušqiq nn-es (H/Z) 3MS-call:P on brother:EA of-3S 'He called his brother.'
	Transitive (and ditransitive) verbs can have a direct object (DO). The DO can be expressed by a noun or a pronoun (a DO pronominal clitic), and usually follows the If the two objects are expressed by nouns, their order may vary, but the order DO+IO is more common: verb, e.g. 184 DO+IO (more common) (13) i-kka =(ya)s aġrum iḏ urba (K/T) 3MS-give:P=3S:IO bread:EL DAT boy:EA 'He gave the bread to the boy.'

  In other varieties, one finds only s-derived or stem II causative of these verbs. For example, in Taghzut and Seddat, there is only ḥeffi 'make blunt' (and not *sseḥfi/a).

	All the derivational prefixes (s-, t-, n, ttyya-/țțuya-/ttwa-, n-, m-) are found with both etymologically Berber and Arabic verbs, but depending on the prefix, there may be preferences to use them with Berber or Arabic verbs. 193 Section 3.3.7 discusses various Arabic derived verbs that are found in Senhaja. They that can be considered as borrowed directly from Arabic, and this type of derivation normally does not apply to native Berber verbs. The combination of different derivations is possible to a certain extent, but not frequent; most examples of this are limited to Hmed (Section 3.3.9).
				Translation	Variety
	md ̱̣ i	be sharp med ̱̣ d ̱̣ i/a ssemd ̱̣ i/a	make sharp	K/T/H/B/Z
	ḥfa, ḥfu, ḥfi	be blunt ḥeffi/a	sseḥfi/a	make blunt	(K)/H/B/Z

3.3.2. S-derivation 3.3.2.1. Introduction

  causative ssemyeḵ and the Arabic stem II suppletive causative zuwwež 'to make

	marry'. In many cases, especially in Western Senhaja (Ketama), stem II suppletive causatives were preferred by the speakers over the s-derivation, which may indicate an ongoing shift to the suppletive causatives.
	This section describes the derivation of s-causatives. Section 3.2.2.2 deals with the shape of the prefix. Morphological peculiarities are described in Section 3.2.2.3. Section 3.3.2.4 is devoted to the productivity and functions of s-derivation. The last section presents examples of lexicalization, where the s-prefix became petrified. According to the etymology of the underived verb, s-derived verbs can be divided into two subcategories: 1) derived from etymologically Berber verbs (majority); 2) derived from etymologically Arabic verbs (minority). Examples follow.

1) S-causatives derived from Berber verbs Base Transl. CAUS Translation Variety

	ḵšem	enter	sseḵšem	make enter	pan-Snh.
	rkem	be wet	sserkem	make wet	S/H/B
	fsi	melt	ssefsi	make melt	S/B/Z
	2

) S-causatives derived from borrowed Arabic verbs

	Base	Transl.	CAUS	Translation	Variety
	ɛum	swim	sɛum	make swim	pan-Snh.
	ḥfi, ḥfa	be blunt	sseḥfi, sseḥfa	make blunt	H/B/T, Z
	md ̱̣ i	be sharp	ssemd ̱̣ i	make sharp	K/H/B/Z

3.3.2.2. The Form of the Prefix

	In Senhaja, the causative prefix is usually realized as s(s)-: a single s-is found when the prefix is immediately followed by a consonant. In other contexts, it is realized as ss-. 198
	Prefix s-
	Base Transl.	Causative	Translation		Variety
	ġeṛ	study	sġeṛ	make study		S/T/H/B/Z
	bedd stop/stand	sbedd	make stop/stand	S/B/Z
	Prefix ss-
	Base	Transl.	Causative	Translation	Variety
	ani	ride	ssani	make ride	S/T/B/H
	bḏu	start	ssebḏu	make start	T/H
	ḵšem	enter	sseḵšem	make enter	pan-Snh.

.3.2.3. Morphological Peculiarities

	If the verb contains a pharyngealized phoneme, pharyngealization normally spreads to Base Transl. Causative Translation Variety the prefix in Hmed (s-> ṣ-), but not always in the rest of Senhaja (e.g. in Zerqet). uġġi be stuck ssuġi make stuck H Some speakers allow for both pronunciations, i.e. with s and with ṣ (with pharyngealization only slightly audible in comparison to Hmed). In the following table, causatives in group (a) are usually pronounced with pharyngealized ṣ only in Hmed, while causatives in group (b) have ṣ in both Hmed and Zerqet: The verb kker 'to get up' is originally nker (the form nker is found in Taghzut). 202 The original n shows up in the causative in Ketama, Taghzut, and Hmed, but not in Zerqet. In this case, the geminate remains unaltered in Zerqet:
	CAUS: H CAUS: Z a) s/ṣ ṣṣemġuṛ ssemġuṛ Base Transl. ṣṣeḫṣi sseḫsi kker get up	Translation make grow CAUS: K/T/H extinguish ssenker	Base mġuṛ CAUS: Z ḫṣi (H), ḫsi (Z) be extinguished Translation Translation grow ssekker make get up
	b) ṣ After the causative prefix, the vowel a in some a-initial verbs may change to i. 203 ṣḏ ̱̣ eṣ ṣḏ ̱̣ eṣ make laugh d ̱̣ eṣ laugh ṣṣud ̱̣ ed ̱̣ ṣṣud ̱̣ ed ̱̣ nurse (trans.) suckle ṭṭed ̱̣ Base Transl. Causative Translation Variety awed ̱̣ arrive ṣṣiweḏ ̱̣ make arrive T/S/H/B/Z azaġ /e/ be dry ssizaġ /e/ make dry B/Z 3Verbs that start in a geminate usually degeminate the initial consonant when combined with the causative prefix: However, in most verbs, a remains unchanged (in all aspects), e.g.
	Base bbukk~bbakk explode Transl. Base Transl. kkaw be dry ani ride aru give birth	Causative sbukk~sbakk Causative Translation Translation make explode Variety Variety T/S/H/B/Z skaw make dry ssani make ride T/B/S/H K/T/S/B/Z ssaru make give birth T/S/H
	In the following verb, there is no degemination: -ggʷed 'be afraid' > sseggʷed 'make afraid' (Z).
	Some verbs of the type C:C add the vowel u after the prefix:
	Base	Transl.		Causative	Translation	Variety
	ffaġ /e/	go out		ssufaġ /e/	make go out	pan-Snh.
	azaġ /e/ ṭṭed ̱̣ ṭṭeṣ	Transl. be dry nurse (intr.) sleep	Causative ssazaġ /e/ ṣṣud ̱̣ ed ̱̣ ssud ̱̣ eṣ	Translation make dry nurse (trans.) make sleep	Variety T/S/H, B/Z H/Z Z
	zwar fzeg The following causative is of a similar type, but here, the base verb already contains precede ssezwar make precede T/Z be wet ssefzeg make wet K/T/S/H/B the vowel u-before the geminate; the consonant is ungeminated in the causative: 201

3.3.2.4. Productivity and Functions of s-derivation Our database contains 136 s-derived verbs. 204 Among s-derived verbs, we can distinguish the following sub-categories:

209 Verb with s- Translation Variety Base Translation

	Some verbs occur with a petrified s in some Senhaja varieties, but the base verbs are found in other varieties.
	s-verb	Transl.		Frozen in: Base	Transl.	Var.
	ssani	make ride; bring a bride (Z)	Z	ani	ride	K/T/S/H/B
	znez, z(z)enz	sell		T/S/H, B/Z	nez	be sold	K
	ssens	overnight	B/Z	nes	overnight	K/T/S/H
	ssels~ sles	dress		S/Z	les	dress	H/B/T
	suff	inflate; make swell (Z)	K/T/S/H/ B	uff	swell	Z
	In Hmed, when the verb nes 'to overnight' can be combined with the prefix s, the resulting verb ssens (~snes) has two meanings. It can be used 1) as a free variant (synonym) of the base verb: 'to overnight' (the prefix s-in this case became reinterpreted as part of the base verb, and turns a biradical verb into a triradical verb),
	The following table lists some examples. The base verbs are not used in Senhaja, but are found in other Berber varieties. s(s)ireḏ wash T/S/H/B/Z *ireḏ be washed
	sserweṯ		thresh	S/H/B/Z	*rweṯ	be threshed
	ssend(i)		churn	K/S/H/B/Z	*nd(u)	be churned
	sḏi (S), sḏel (Z)	incubate	S, Z		*ḏel	be covered
	zawzzer, zuzzer winnow	K, S/H/B/Z	*zzer	be winnowed
	ssiff, ssifef	winnow	K/H/S, H/Z	*iff, ifef	be winnowed
	čenčef		pluck	K/T/S/H/B/Z	*nčef	be plucked
	saġ /e/		buy	pan-Snh.	*aġ	take

3.3.3.1. Introduction

	This section describes derivation by means of the prefix t(t)-, which is mostly used to derive passives. Sometimes (usually, with borrowed Arabic verbs), it is used to derive medio-passives or middles, or intransitive counterparts to transitive verbs. Since both Arabic and Berber languages have a passive prefix starting in t-, it is impossible to state with certainty whether this prefix in Senhaja has an Arabic or Berber origin. 210 In Senhaja, the prefix t-can be found with native verbs and with Arabic borrowings. 211 In Taghzut (but not in Hmed), the passive prefix can be optionally assibilated (tt > țț).
	1)

Verbs with the prefix t-derived from Berber verbs Base Translation Derivation Translation Variety

	nġed ̱̣ z(z)yu	thresh slaughter	ttenġed ̱̣ ttez(z)yu	be threshed be slaughtered K K/H/Z
	ġez	dig	tġez	be dug	H
	2

) Verbs with the prefix t-derived from borrowed Arabic verbs Base Translation Derivation Translation Variety

	fṛaq /e/	separate	ttefṛaq /e/	be separated	pan-Snh.
	ɛzel	separate	tteɛzel	be separated	pan-Snh.

Prefix t- Prefix tt- 3.3.3.3. Productivity and functions of t-derivation

	Base Some Arabic borrowed passives with t-are suppletive to the native Berber base verb, Transl. Derivation Translation Variety e.g. wweṯ 'hit' > tted ̱̣ reb 'be hit' (K/H). Some t-derived verbs have no base counterpart, e.g. tmenni (~tmenna) (pan-Snh.) 'hope'; thaweḏ (T/S/H/Z) 'talk to each other'. 215
	naġ /e/	kill	tnaġ /e/	be killed	H
	ẓed ̱̣ šedd	grind tie, close	tẓed ̱̣ tšedd	be ground be tied, closed	H K/T/H/Z
	ɛellaq /e/	hang	tɛellaq /e/	be hung	K/T/S/H/Z
	zeɛzaɛ /e/	destroy	tzeɛzaɛ /e/	be destroyed	T/S/H/Z
	sameḥ	forgive	tsameḥ	forgive each other	K/T/S/H/Z
	Base	Transl.	Derivation	Transl.	Variety
	ɛzel	separate	tteɛzel	be separated	K/H/Z
	nġed ̱̣ ḫṭar	thresh choose	ttenġed ̱̣ tteḫṭar	be threshed be chosen	K/H/Z K/H/Z
	ẓẓu	plant	tteẓẓu	be planted	K/T/H/Z
	In our database, there are 248 examples of t-derived verbs, 239 of which are passives. The prefix has the following functions:
	1) to derive passives, from both Berber and Arabic borrowed verbs, e.g. nġed ̱̣ 'thresh' > ttenġed ̱̣ 'be threshed' (K/H/Z); ɛzel 'separate' > tteɛzel 'be separated' (pan-Snh.); 2) to derive middles and medio-passives of Arabic verbs (Arabic stem V), e.g. 213 beddi (trans.) 'change' > tbeddi (intr.) 'change' (H); ɛellem 'teach' > tɛellem 'learn' (pan-Snh.); feššer (trans.) 'split' > tfeššer (intr.) 'split' (Z). 3) to derive reciprocals from Arabic verbs (Arabic stem VI), e.g. ṣalaḥ /e/ 'reconcile' > tṣalaḥ /e/ 'reconcile with each other' (pan-Snh.).; laqi 'meet' > tlaqi 'meet each other' (pan-Snh.); fahem 'make understand' > tfahem 'understand each other' (pan-Snh.). 214
	3.7.2), Stem VI (Section 3.3.7.3) and also special cases like t-x stem I (Section 3.3.7.8). The combination of t-and n-prefixes is also discussed in Section 3.3.7.8. 213 As mentioned previously, middles express an event caused by an internal agent, while medio-passives express an event caused by an external agent which is, however, not relevant. The examples in this category usually involve the Arabic stem V (i.e. middles/medio-passives of stem II), cf. Section 3.3.7.2. There are, however, also some examples of the transitive stem II corresponding to the intransitive derived by the prefix t-+ stem I, e.g. behhed ̱̣ 'astonish' > ttebhed ̱̣ 'be(come) astonished' (Z). 214 Arabic stem VI derives reciprocals from stem III causatives (cf. Heath 2002: 355).

3.3.4. N-derivation 3.3.4.1. Introduction

	Like the prefix t(t)-, the prefix n(n)-is found in all Senhaja varieties, and is mostly used to derive passives, but can also be used to derive medio-passives or middles. The two derivations are comparable in function. In many cases, n(n)-can be freely substituted by t(t)-, especially in Ketama and Hmed, and sometimes in Zerqet. In other cases, in Zerqet, the variant with n-is not found, or has a slightly different meaning than a variant with t-. 216

3.3.4.3. Morphological Peculiarities

	Base	Transl.	Derivation	Transl.	Variety
	ɛellaq /e/ hang	nɛellaq /e/	be hung	K/T/S/H
	feṛṛaq	distribute	nfeṛṛaq /e/	be distributed	K/T/S/H
	qeṭṭaɛ /e/ cut	nqeṭṭaɛ /e/	be cut	K/T/S/H/Z
	Base	Transl.	Derivation	Transl.	Variety
	ɛzel	separate nneɛzel	be separated	K/T/S/H/Z
	nġed ̱̣ ḫd ̱̣ ar, ḫṭar choose thresh	be threshed aṛ, nneḫṭar be chosen nnenġed ̱̣ nneḫd ̱̣	K/H S, T/H
	When the prefix n(n)-is added, three verbs in our database insert u between the prefix and C1 (Zerqet): 221
	Base	Translation	Derivation	Translation Variety
	ṛẓem	release		nnuṛẓem	be released Z
	ršaq /e/	split		nnuršaq /e/ 222	be split	Z
	ffer	hide		nnuffer	be hidden	Z

.3.5. Prefixes ttya-/ttwa-(and Variants) and m(m)-

	Stem II ḥetteš qeššer šetteṯ 3In this section, we discuss other derivational prefixes that are less productive and less Translation Stem VII Translation Variety cut (grass) nneḥteš be cut (grass) T/S/B peel nneqšeṛ be split, peeled T/H/B break into pieces nnešteṯ break into pieces (intr.) pan-Snh. frequent in Senhaja. First, there are dialect-specific prefixes ttya-, țțuya-, ttwa-. Second, it is a very rare prefix m(m)-. Prefixes in both groups are of Berber origin, are used as a valency-decreasing mechanism, and are found with verbs of both Berber and (more rarely) Arabic origin.
	kellaḥ /e/ embarrass feššer split (trans.) 3.3	nneklaḥ /e/ be embarrassed nnefšer split (intr.)	K/S/H S/H/Z
	our database, there are 90 n-derived verbs, 76 of which are passives. There are less examples of n-derived verbs in Zerqet than in Ketama and Hmed, as the prefix t-is generally preferred in Zerqet, e.g. 224 -žeṛṛ 'to pull' (K/T/S/Z) > passive tžeṛṛ (K/T/S/Z), nžeṛṛ (K/T/S); -riyyeš (K/T/S/H/Z) 'to pluck' > passive triyyeš (K/T/S/H/Z), nriyyeš (K/(S)/H); -lqed ̱̣ (H/S/Z) 'to pluck' > passive ttelqed ̱̣ (H/S/Z), nnelqed ̱̣ (S/H).
	The prefix has the following functions: 225 1) to derive passives, e.g. mger 'harvest' > nnemger 'be harvested' (S/H); 2) to derive middles and medio-passives, e.g. ffer 'hide' > nnuffer 'hide (intr.)' (Z/M), ɛzel 'separate' > nneɛzel 'be separated, separate oneself' (T/S/H/Z). 226
	Some borrowed passives with nn-are suppletive to the Berber native base, e.g. sell 'hear' > nnesmaɛ 'be heard' (K/S/H), n(u)ġ 'kill' > nneqṯel 'be killed' (K/S/H). With some verbs, the n-prefix seems to derive a medio-passive in Zerqet, but a usual passive in Ketama and Hmed, e.g. nneftaḥ /e/ 'to open (oneself)' (Zerqet), e.g. of a door in a haunted house, vs. 'to be opened' (a regular passive) in Ketama/Hmed.
	understood as middles or medio-passives, while in Hmed and Ketama, the same n-derived verbs can be understood either as regular passives or as middles/medio-passives.

.5.1. Prefixes ttya-, țțya-, ttuya, țțuya-, ttwa-

	Alongside the prefixes t(t)-and n(n)-, there is a group of other prefixes starting in a dental stop that likewise are used as a valency-decreasing mechanism. These prefixes are dialect-specific: ttya-(Ketama), țțya-(Taghzut), ttuya-(Seddat/Bunsar), țțuya-(Hmed), and ttwa-(Zerqet). As mentioned in Section 1.8.1.2, the form of the prefix is an isogloss that divides Senhaja into two. On the one hand, there are prefixes with the semivowel y (most varieties). On the other hand, there is prefix ttwa-with the semivowel w, found in Eastern Senhaja (Bunsar, Zerqet, Mezduy), which it shares with

1a. Cognate stem II causatives with Arabic base counterparts Base Transl. Causative Translation Variety

	2) Suppletive stem II causatives a) corresponding to etymologically Berber verbs (majority); b) corresponding to etymologically Arabic verbs (minority).
	Examples in each category follow. 242
	kmel	finish (intr.)	kemmel	finish (trans.)	K/T/Z
	lsaq /e/	stick (intr.)	lessaq /e/	stick (trans.)	T/S/H/Z
	md ̱̣ i	be sharp	med ̱̣ d ̱̣ i/a	make sharp	pan-Snh.

1b. Stem II causatives derived from native Berber verbs

	The following verb also belongs to this category in Ketama: 245
	Base	Transl.		CAUS	Translation	Variety
	sis	boil (intr.)	siyyes	boil (trans.)	K
	2a.
	C2 gemination normally does not normally apply to native Berber verbs to derive causatives. 243 However, there are some exceptions. The following table lists all the examples in our database. Stem II causatives derived from native Berber verbs may be optionally preceded by the causative prefix s-in Hmed.
	Base	Transl.	CAUS		Translation	Variety
	bdeḏ	stop	(s-)beddeḏ	make stop	H
	ḵšem	enter	ḵeššem (K), (s-)ḵeččem (H)	make enter	K, H
	mġi	sprout	(s-)meġġi/a	make sprout	T/H
	rkem	be wet	(s-)rekkem	make wet	H
	nġeḏ ̱̣ 244	be threshed	(s-)neġġeḏ ̱̣	thresh	H/Z

Suppletive stem II causatives with Berber base counterparts

	Base	Transl.	CAUS	Translation	Variety
	azaġ /e/	be dry	gebbes	make dry	H/B
	ḥsi (K/H), taki (T), d ̱̣ eṛ (S), wd ̱̣ u (B), bd ̱̣ u (Z) ffaġ /e/	fall exit	ṭiyyaḥ /e/ make fall ḫeṛṛež make exit	S, B/Z, T K/H/B/Z
	ḵšem	enter	deḫḫel	make enter	K/T/S/H (Z)
	rwi, rwež (T)	flee	herreb	make flee	K/S/H/B, T
	ssen	know	ɛeṛṛef	make know	K/T/S/H (Z)
	wm, mm, ww, wwi/a	cook (intr.) ṭiyyeb	cook (trans.) K, T, S/H (Z)

2b. Suppletive stem II causatives with Arabic base counterparts Base Transl. Causative Translation Variety

	ḥmu	be hot	seḫḫen	make hot	K/S/H/B/Z
	ḥsi 246	fall	ṭiyyaḥ /e/	make fall	K/H
	myeḵ 247	marry	zuwwež	make marry	K/S/H/B

3.3.6.2. Morphological Peculiarities: Stem II of CVC Verbs Verbs of the type CuC and CiC (Arabic "hollow verbs") form stem II in the following

	way: 248 1) CuC verbs (verbs with w as C2) have ww as C2 in stem II;

CuC base verbs (verbs with w as C2)

	Base	Transl.	Stem II	Translation	Variety
	ẓuṛ	visit	ẓuwweṛ	make visit	K/H
	dub	melt	duwweb	make melt	K/T/S/H/B/Z
	duḫ	be dizzy	duwwaḫ /e/	make dizzy	K/T/S/H/B/Z
	2)

CiC base verbs (verbs with y as C2)

	Base	Transl.	Stem II	Translation	Variety
	fiq	wake up	fiyyaq /e/	make awake	pan-Snh.
	rib	be destroyed	riyyeb	destroy	pan-Snh.
	ɛiš	live		ɛiyyeš	make live	pan-Snh.
	CaC Var.	CiC, CuC	Var.	Transl.	Stem II	Translation
	žaf	Z	žif	K/T/S/H	choke	žiyyef	make choke
	ban	K/S/Z ḇin	H	appear	biyyen	make appear
	faṯ	Z	fuṯ	K/T/H	pass	fuwweṯ	make pass
	3.3.6.3

3) CaC base verbs

The following verbs are of CaC type in specific varieties. The first two have yy as C2 in the causative counterparts, while the last one has ww as C2 in the causative counterpart:

. Stem II Causatives with Prefix s-

  Many stem II causatives (especially those that are suppletive to the base) optionally take the Berber causative prefix s-.249 This phenomenon is especially frequent in Eastern Senhaja (Zerqet, Mezduy) and Hmed, but is sometimes found in Western Senhaja, too. 250 Such forms are seemingly 'double-derived', as a change in verb valency is marked both by the use of stem II and the prefix s-. S-derived stem II causatives are normally used interchangeably with their prefixless stem II counterparts. Examples in the following table are suppletive stem II causatives.

	Stem II with s-that have suppletive base counterparts
	Stem II	Translation	Suppl. base	Transl.	Variety
	(s)bekki	make cry	ttru	cry	S/H/Z
	(s)gelles	make sit	skurem	sit	S/H/Z
	(s)neɛɛes	make sleep	ṭṭeṣ	sleep	T/S/H/Z
	(s)wekkel	make eat	čč	eat	T/S/H
	Stem II	Translation	Cognate base Transl.	Variety
	(s)duwweb	make melt	dub	melt	T/S/H/Z
	(s)ɛuwwem	make swim	ɛum(m)	swim	T/S/H
	(s)fehhem	make understand fhem	understand	T/S/H
	(s)feṛṛaḥ /e/ make happy	fṛaḥ /e/	be happy	T/S/H/Z

Examples in the following table are cognate stem II causatives.

Stem II with s-that have cognate base counterparts

Examples in the following table have two alternative base forms (suppletive or cognate to stem II causatives).

Stem II with s-that have suppletive and cognate base counterparts Stem II Translation Cognate base Suppl. base Transl. Variety

	(s)weqqef	make stop	wqef	bded	stop	H
	(s)fiyyaq /e/ make get up	fiq	kker	get up	S/H
	(s)rekkeb	make ride	rkeb	ani	ride	H

In Senhaja, the prefix s-is routinely found with stem II verbs, including those that are unambiguously transitive (i.e., not labile). In such examples, the prefix cannot have the function to make such verbs unequivocally transitive, as in some other Berber varieties.

251

To our knowledge, this optional use of the prefix s-with stem II causatives 250 See Section 3.3.2.4 on such uses of the prefix s-.

251

A few examples of borrowed Arabic stem II verbs with and without the prefix s-are found in Eastern Kabyle (Ihbachen variety, Rabdi forthcoming), where, however, the forms tend to specialize in slightly

C2 geminated Verbs without a Base Counterpart Some

  C2 geminated verbs are not causatives, and have no underived counterparts. In this case, the gemination of C2 can be posited as inherent (specified in the root), at Stem III verbs insert a after C1 and have the shape CaCC, CaCi, CaC:. 261 They are mostly transitive, and can be used to derive causatives from stem I. Stem III causatives may be in free variation with stem II, but stem II causatives are much more frequent.

	3.3.7.	Stem II Other Arabic Stems in Senhaja	Translation	Variety
	ṭlaq /e/ ṣref 3.3.7.1. Stem III (CaCC) release pay for		ṭellaq /e/ ṣeṛṛef	divorce exchange money	pan-Snh. pan-Snh.
	qyeb, qleb	turn/be turned	qelleb		search	H, K/Z
	fsaḫ /e/		open		fessaḫ /e/	disassemble	H/Z
	brem		roll		berrem		drill	H
	qbaḥ /e/ Some examples follow. be bad		qebbaḥ /e/	smack	H/Z
	3.3.6.5. Verb		Transl.	Variety	Verb	Transl.	Variety
	a) Arabic origin			b) Berber origin
	guwwez huwweḏ		send; pass pan-Snh. descend S/H/Z	wrap ḥenned ̱̣ ġellež (T), ġellel (Z) milk	H/Z T, Z
	neqqez/neggez jump	pan-Snh.	ẓeḷḷeg	wring	T
	beddel		change	T/S/Z
	CC:V type
	Verb		Transl.	Variety	Verb	Transl.	Variety
	a) Arabic origin			b) Berber origin
	beddi		change	S/K/H	ẓemmi	wring	K/S/H/Z
	werri		show	K/T/H	ẓeḷḷi	wring	H
	luwwi		roll	pan-Snh.	ḏenni	blow	H
	ɛelli		ascend	pan-Snh.	ġelli	gather	K/H

least within Senhaja. Sometimes, the corresponding verb in Arabic may lack the gemination, e.g. ɛeṛṛež (Hmed) vs. Arabic ɛṛež 'to limp'; qeṭṭeṛ (K/H/Z) vs. Ar. qṭeṛ 'to drip'. The following examples are stem II verbs that have no corresponding base verb: 260 CC:C type

  This stem, as stem V, also contains the valency-decreasing prefix t-. While stem V is derived from stem II, stem VI is derived from stem III. Stem VI is usually the reflexive, medio-passive, or reciprocal of stem III.264 Some examples follow.

		Transl.	Stem II	Transl.		Stem V	Translation
	ɛlem	inform	ɛellem	teach		tɛellem	learn
	ġber	hide (intr.)	ġebber	hide (trans.)	tġebber	be made hidden
	ɛmaṛ	be full	ɛemmeṛ	make full		tɛemmeṛ	be made full
	fṛaḥ /e/	be happy	feṛṛaḥ /e/	make happy	tfeṛṛaḥ /e/	be made happy
	Base	Transl.	Stem II	Transl.		Stem V	Translation
	ḵšem	enter	deḫḫel	make enter		tdeḫḫel	be made enter
	eṣ d ̱̣ ṭṭeṣ	laugh sleep	ḍeḥḥek neɛɛes	make laugh make sleep		tḍeḥḥek tneɛɛes	be made laugh be made sleep
	Base	Transl.	CAUS	Transl.	PASS of CAUS Transl.
	a) base cognate to derived forms
	ḥlef	swear	sḥellef	make swear	ttesḥellef	be made swear
	b) derived forms suppletive to the base
	eṣ d ̱̣ mġuṛ	laugh grow	sdeḥḥek skebbeṛ	make laugh make grow	ttesḍeḥḥek tteskebbeṛ	be made laugh be made grow

3.3.7.3. Stem VI (t-x Stem III: tCaCC)

  This stem is rare in Senhaja, but there are a few examples. Some verbs have no cognate stem I counterparts in Senhaja. 268 Stem IX is rare in Senhaja. Stem IX verbs have the shape CCaC and often describe colors and physical defects. 269 Some examples follow.

	Stem III fahem qatel laqi VII. 3.3.7.6. Stem IX (CCaC) Translation make understand tfahem Stem VI fight tqatel (make) meet tlaqi/a	Translation understand each other struggle (with smth.) meet (each other)	Variety pan-Snh. K/H pan-Snh.
	Stem I	Translation	Stem VIII	Translation
	ftaḥ /e/	open (trans.) nneftaḥ /e/	open (intr.)
	žraḥ /e/	wound	nnežraḥ /e/	be wounded
	Base	Translation	Stem VIII	Translation
	ari 266	write	nnekteb	be written

264

See

Cuvalay-Haak 1997: 104 and Heath 2002: 355

on this stem in Arabic.

265

On stem VII (infaɛal) in Arabic, see e.g. Cuvalay-Haak 1997: 104. This stem is usually described as the intransitive of the transitive stem I. It can be a passive, a medio-passive, or a reflexive. The prefix n-is not geminated in Arabic. Stem Ⅶ is not found in Ghomara

(Mourigh 2015: 217)

.

266

Stem I kteb 'to write' is used alongside ari in Seddat, Zerqet, and parts of Hmed.

267

On stem VIII (iftaɛal) in Arabic, see e.g.

Cuvalay-Haak 1997: 105. Heath 2002: 356

speaks about the shift in Moroccan Arabic from the infix -t-to the prefix t-and writes that this shift could be influenced by the passive prefix t-in Berber.

Numbers and Productivity in Causatives and Passives 3.3.8.1. Numbers and Productivity of s-derivation vs. Stem II verbs

	3.3.8.
					Transl.	Variety
	ešš (K), ečč (T/S/H)	eat	ttenkel nnetkel, nnetḵel	ttetkel, ttetḵel	be eaten	K/T/S/H

V (t-x stem II) verbs are frequent in Senhaja (with ca. fifty examples in our database, most of them in Hmed), and a few examples of this derivation apply to the native Berber verbs (in Hmed). In this case, the double derivation (stem II causative and stem V on its basis) took place within Berber (PAT borrowing). Alongside stem V, three other passive derivations from the same base verbs are used with the same meaning: stem VII (n-x stem I: n-CCC), t x I (t-CCC), and n-x stem II (nCC:C). Examples follow (Hmed variety). 271 On crossed patterns in Arabic, see Lentin forthcoming. 272 On the hybrids tn-, nt-in Moroccan Arabic, see Heath 2002: 357.

Base Transl. t-+ n-n-+ t-t-+ t-

This section compares the productivity of s-derived and stem II verbs. 273 Our database includes 276 examples of both types: 1) 136 s-derived verbs (49%), and 2) 140 stem II verbs (51%). Not all of them are semantically causatives. The numbers above demonstrate that stem II verbs are at least as frequent as s-derivation. These numbers cover Senhaja as a whole. The distribution is demonstrated in the following table. Distribution of s-derived vs.

stem II verbs in Senhaja Ketama Hmed Zerqet All Snh.

	s-derived	23 (25,5%)	64 (43%)	66 (54%)	136 (49%)
	stem II	67 (74,5%)	86 (57%)	56 (46%)	140 (51%)
	Total	90	150	122	276

Transitive Passive/intransitive derivations based on stems I and II

  As mentioned previously, stem II verbs are of two kinds: cognate to the base verb (derived from the same root), or suppletive to it. The distribution is as follows:This table shows that suppletive causatives constitute ca. 45% of stem II verbs in Ketama, and ca. 30% in Hmed and Zerqet. The following table shows numbers of sderived, cognate stem II, and suppletive stem II verbs.

	Base (intr.)	II (trans.) V (t-x II)	VII (n-x I)	t-x I	n-x II
	nġeḏ ̱̣ be threshed Cognate vs. suppletive stem II verbs in Senhaja neġġeḏ ̱̣ tneġġeḏ ̱̣ nnenġeḏ ̱̣ thresh be threshed be threshed rkem rekkem trekkem nnerkem Stem II Ketama Hmed Zerqet be wet Cognate 37 (55%) 61 (71%) 39 (70%) make wet be made wet be made wet be made wet be made wet ttenġeḏ ̱̣ nneġġeḏ ̱̣ be threshed be threshed tterkem All Snh. nrekkem 107 (76%) bdeḏ beddeḏ tbeddeḏ nnebded ttebdeḏ Suppletive 30 (45%) 25 (29%) 17 (30%) 33 (24%) nbeddeḏ stop stop be stopped be stopped be stopped be stopped Total 67 86 56 140
		Ketama	Hmed	Zerqet	All Snh.
	s-derived	23 (25,5%)	64 (42,5%)	66 (54%)	136 (49%)
	stem II cognate 37 (41%)	61 (41%)	39 (32%)	107 (39%)
	stem II suppl.	30 (33,5%)	25 (16,5%)	17 (14%)	33 (12%)
	Total	90	150	122	276

S-derived, cognate stem II, and suppletive stem II verbs

The above table gives an idea of what role suppletion plays in different Senhaja varieties. In Ketama, suppletion constitutes a third of all verbs in this category, with cognate stem II verbs being the most frequent type, and s-derived verbs being in the minority. In Hmed, the suppletive verbs are in the minority, with s-derived verbs being about as frequent as cognate stem II. In Zerqet, suppletive stem II verbs are even a smaller minority than in Hmed, with s-derived verbs being the most frequent type (constituting over a half of all verbs in this category).

The above numbers cover all s-derived and stem II verbs in our database, including those that are not causatives, strictly speaking. If we focus on canonical (semantic) causatives, we acquire the following picture: S-derived vs.

stem II causatives in Senhaja

  It is clear that the percentage of stem II causatives grows gradually from Eastern Senhaja (53% of all causatives) to Western Senhaja (80% of all causatives). The distribution of cognate vs. suppletive stem II (canonical) causatives is as follows:

	Stem II cognate vs. suppletive causatives in Senhaja
	Stem II	Ketama	Hmed	Zerqet	All Snh.
	Cognate	26 (46%)	40 (61,5%)	30 (64%)	48 (59%)
	Suppletive	30 (54%)	25 (38,5%)	17 (36%)	33 (41%)
	Total	56	65	47	81
	This table shows that suppletive causatives constitute ca. 41% of stem II causatives in Senhaja, with percentage being lower in Zerqet (36%) than in Ketama (54%). The
	Causatives	Ketama	Hmed	Zerqet	All Snh.
	s-derived	14 (20%)	31 (32%)	41 (47%)	68 (46%)
	stem II cognate	26 (37%)	40 (42%)	30 (34%)	48 (32%)
	stem II suppl.	30 (43%)	25 (26%)	17 (19%)	33 (22%)
	Total	70	96	88	149
		Ketama	Hmed	Zerqet	All Snh.
	s-derived	14 (20%)	31 (32%)	41 (47%)	68 (46%)
	stem II	56 (80%)	65 (68%)	47 (53%)	81 (54%)
	Total	70	96	88	149

following table shows numbers and percentage of three kinds of causatives: s-derived, cognate stem II, and suppletive stem II.

S-derived, cognate stem II, and suppletive stem II causatives

The above table demonstrates that in Ketama, suppletive causatives are twice as frequent as s-derived causatives, while this is not the case in Hmed or Zerqet, where suppletive causatives are rarer. Only in Zerqet, s-derived causatives are the majority, constituting 47% of all causatives. In Hmed, the majority (42%) is constituted by stem II cognate causatives. The ubuquity of this type of causatives in Hmed is most likely what allowed for an occasional system swap (PAT borrowing), i.e. applying this morphological pattern to the native material.

3.3.8.2.

Numbers and Productivity of Passive Constructions

  These numbers cover Senhaja as a whole. The distribution among the three selected Senhaja varieties is demonstrated in the following table.

	I.	Cognate to the base				II.	Suppletive
	Prefix	Number	Prefix		Number	Prefix	Number
	t-	239	ttya/țțuya/ttwa-	24		t-	12
	n-	76	m-		3		n-	11
							ttya/ttwa-	2
	Different kinds of passives in Senhaja
			Ketama	Hmed		Zerqet	All Snh.
	t-		59 (56%)	177 (69%)	84 (60%)	239 (65%)
	n-		26 (25%)	58 (22,5%)	34 (24%)	76 (21%)
	ttya-~țțuya-~ttwa 5 (5%)	5 (2%)		14 (10%)	24 (6,5%)
	This section compares the productivity of different kinds of passives. Our database includes 366 passives of all types:

Mezduy Conjugation in the Aorist and the Perfective Conjugation in the Aorist Conjugation in the Perfective

	1S	a	ḵerz	-a	K/T	1S	ḵerz	-a	K/T
		a	ḵerz	-aġ	most Snh.		ḵerz	-aġ	most Snh.

  Consider the following example from a Ketama fairy tale

	about an ogress: 282 (3) šš=	as	lḥem nnes,	id ̱̣ aren nnes,

eat:IMP:SG=3S:IO meat POSS.3S legs POSS.3S a-šš-aḏ= as kulši 2-eat:A-2S=3S:IO everything 'Eat his meat, his legs, eat everything (to his detriment)!'

Prohibitive PNG marking with the Berber negators NEG Stem Suffix NEG Variety and notes

Central/Eastern Senhaja). In most Senhaja varieties, the negator used with prohibitive forms is u (Seddat u~ur, Hmed u~(u)la). Ketama uses a special prohibitive negator i, that only appears in the prohibitive forms, cf. Section 5.2.2.2. The negation is completed by the postverbal negator š~ši~šay. The scheme and examples follow.

  The scheme and examples based on the verb ḵrez 'to plow' follow.

	The relative form: scheme and examples
	RM	Pfx Stem Sfx	Variety	e.g. 'who plowed'

  The difference with the pseudo-verbs is that impersonal verbs originate from proper (lexical) verbs and originally had PNG affixes, which are sometimes still possible with some of them. Also, impersonal verbs may still have MA(N) distinctions, which do not exist for pseudo-verbs. The following verbs can be used without PNG affixes (or with a frozen 3MS PNG prefix) in Senhaja. They all can take IO clitics:

	Verb Dative preposition) before the clitic: Translation	Variety	Accepts PNG affixes
	ḫeṣṣ ḥsab(-l) țiġay(d) ḥsen (21) ḥsab need, have to, want believe, think believe, think be better (=l) =as (Z) seem (=DAT) =3S:IO 'It seems to him/her.', '(S)he reckons.' pan-Snh. pan-Snh. Hmed Zerqet	+ (K/T/H), -(Z: only 3MS i-) -+ (cf. Taghzut (ț)iġaž) -
	(22) sḥab	(=l)	=anaġ kulši čča-n (Z)
	naḏ i-ḵešm-en		who entered	Z
	na y-usi-n		who lifted	most Snh.
	naḏ i-wsi-n		who lifted	Z
	Compare the following example with a lexical verb:
	(20) (i-)ḫeṣṣ (3MS-)need=1S:IO NR go:A-1S =ay a ddu-ġ (K/T/H)

ent Additional examples follow: Form Translation Variety/Notes (n)a y-ḵešm-en who entered most Snh. (K/T a, S/H/B na) (n)a y-Tasi-n who is lifting K ttasi, S/B tasi, T/H țasi naḏ i-tasi-n who is lifting Z 3.4.4. Impersonal Verbs 3.4.4.1. Overview Some verbs are used without PNG markers, or PNG markers may be optional or frozen. Such verbs are called 'impersonal'. These can be auxiliaries or modal verbs used in combination with other verbs that express the person. Impersonal verbs can take verbal pronominal clitics, which makes them similar to pseudo-verbs (cf. Section 5.3.4). 3.4.4.2. ḫeṣṣ 'need, want, have to' The verb ḫeṣṣ 'to need, want, have to' accepts PNG affixes in K/T/H, while in Zerqet, it can only take the 3MS prefix i-; across Senhaja, it is usually used with an IO clitic pronoun: 296 (18) (i-)ḫeṣṣ =ay lkisan (pan-Snh.) (3MS-)need=1S:IO glasses 'I need (drinking) glasses.' In Ketama, Taghzut, and Hmed, the plural agreement is also possible, while in Zerqet, it is considered ungrammatical: (19) ḫeṣṣ-an =ay lkisan (K) ḫeṣṣ-n =ay lkisan (T, H, *Z) need-3P=1S:IO glasses 'I need (drinking) glasses.' 'I need to go.' 3.4.4.3. ḥsab ~ sḥab 'believe, think, reckon, seem to' The verb ḥsab 'to seem (to someone), to reckon' (cf. ḥseb 'to count', which is conjugated normally) is special both in that it is impersonal (is used without PNG affixes) and in the pronominal forms that it takes in Ketama (cf. below). In Zerqet, the form sḥab is more frequent, especially in the dialects of Wersan and Allal. The verb ḥsab/sḥab takes the Berber IO clitics in Zerqet, with the optional l-(Arabic borrowed seem (=DAT) =1P:IO all eat:P-3P 'We think everyone ate.'

4.1. Introduction: Function and Form Overview In

  literature on Berber (see e.g. Kossmann 2012a: 39), instead of the TAM (Tense, Aspect, Mood), we find the notion of MAN (Mood, Aspect, Negation).299 Except Mezduy and the Wersan dialect of Zerqet, most Senhaja varieties lack distinct negative verbal stems. Hence, in the majority of Senhaja, it is only the mood and the aspect (and not the negation) that are expressed in the verb stem. Most Senhaja varieties

							Variety
	AOR	asi	af	agem 301	ḵšem	degdeg	pan-Snh.
	PERF	usi	ufa	ugem	ḵšem	degdeg	pan-Snh.
	PERF.N	usi	ufi	ugim	ḵšim	degdig	Z-Wersan/M
	IPF	ttasi ttaf	ttagem	ḵeššem ddegdag	K
		tasi	taf	tagem	ḵeččem ddegdag	S/B/Z/M
		țasi	țaf	țagem	ḵeččem țdegdag	T/H
	IPF.N	tasi	tif (Z-W), taf (M)	tagem	ḵeččem ddegdig	Z-Wersan/M

distinguish three stems, while the Wersan dialect of Zerqet and Mezduy maximally distinguish five stems. In this thesis, they are referred to as the Aorist, the Perfective, and the Imperfective (abbreviated as AOR, PERF, and IPF, and as A, P, and I in the gloss line, respectively).

300

For Wersan and Mezduy, there is also Perfective Negative (PERF.N, glossed PN) and Imperfective Negative (IPF.N, glossed IN). Some examples follow.

Stem

'lift' 'find' 'draw water' 'enter' 'beat' Some verbs have distinct MA(N) stems, while others might show homonymy (especially in the Aorist and the Perfective).

299 On aspects in Berber, see e.g.

Galand 1977. 300

Different names are used e.g. in A.

Basset 1952: 13 and Galand 2010: 207-232

. Our Perfective corresponds to Galand's Accompli and Basset's Prétérit, while Imperfective corresponds to Galand's Inaccompli and Basset's Aoriste intensif. Here we use the terms Aorist, Perfective, and Imperfective following Kossmann 2012a and Mourigh 2015.

  the verb ḵšem 'to enter' is a triradical verb, and as most verbs of this type, it does not formally distinguish between the Perfective and Aorist stem; as many verbs of this type, it forms its Imperfective by geminating the second radical (Ketama š > šš, the rest of Senhaja š > čč, cf. Section 2.1.2.2);

		'to enter'	'to lift'	'to cry'
	AOR	ḵšem	asi	ttru
	PERF ḵšem	usi	ttru
	IPF	ḵeššem (K), ḵeččem (most Snh.)	t(t)asi (K/S/B/Z), țasi (T/H)	ttru (K), tettru (B/Z)
	Comments:

Mourigh 2015: 411-413.

the verb asi 'to lift' has the Perfective stem usi; like other a-initial verbs, it forms its Imperfective by means of the prefix t(t)-(Ketama tt-, Bunsar/Zerqet t-, Hmed ț-);

.1.2. Ketama and Taghzut Ø~i Alternation in 2P and 3P

	IMP:SG	nuġ	suġ	ffuġ	kkur
	IMP:PL	nġ-aṯ	sġ-aṯ	ffġ-aṯ	kkr-aṯ
	4.2

Section 2.1.6 on labialization. Verbs that fall into this category include: n(u)ġ 'to kill', s(u)ġ 'to buy', ff(u)ġ 'go out', and kk(u)r 'stand up'.

308

Below, the Imperative Singular (no suffix) and the Imperative Plural (suffix -aṯ) forms are contrasted.

'to kill'

'to buy' 'to go out' 'to get up'

.2.1. Verbs with Suppletive or no Imperatives

	4.2The following verbs have suppletive Imperatives:
	AOR		IMP	Transl.	Variety/Notes
	ddu, ɛdu	sir		go			K/T/H (ddu), B/Z (ɛdu)
	Ketama, Zerqet ddu + ventive (a)rwaḥ Taghzut, Hmed Translation as + ventive adu (Z), addu (H/B) come Ketama, Zerqet come K/H B/H/Z Taghzut, Hmed	Translation
	tɛešši/a	tɛešši	have dinner	tteḫwi/a	tteḫwi	be emptied
	tġeddi/a	tġeddi	have lunch	tlaqi/a	tlaqi	meet (each other)
	tweḍḍi/a	tweḍḍi	perform ablution tluwwi/a	tluwwi	spin (intr.)
	ttermi/a	ttermi	be thrown	ttelhi/a	ttelhi	be distracted
	Ketama, Zerqet Taghzut, Hmed		Translation
	nneḫwi/a	nneḫwi			be emptied
	nneqli/a	nneqli (B/T), nneqyi (H)		be fried
	AOR SG	hek(k)	Translation hen(n)	Base verb heš(š)	Translation hew(w) [hu] haž	Variety
	ttwabni/a PL kk-aṯ		be built nn-aṯ	bnu šš-aṯ		ww-aṯ	build	až-aṯ	Z
	ttyasi ~ ttyasi/a	be carried	asi			carry	K/T

4.2.2.2. Ketama Singular Imperative in h-

Some verbs acquire the initial h-in IMP:SG that is absent in other verb forms. Such verbs almost always consist of a single long consonant. In other Senhaja varieties, the IMP:SG form of these verbs starts in the schwa. Most likely, the initial h-in Ketama is a way to preserve the initial schwa. The verb ww 'to do' has the underlying form hew(w) in IMP:SG (cf. IMP:PL ww-aṯ), which is realized as hu. On the optional stem alternation in 2P and 3P of these verbs, see Section 4.2.1.2. The verb až~aǧǧ 'to leave' which is currently V-initial also acquires the initial h in IMP:SG. The following examples are all verbs of this type in our database.

IMP kk 'to give'

nn 'to say' šš 'to eat' ww 'to do' až 'to leave'

4.3. The Perfective Most

verbs (especially of the CCC type) have homophonous Aorist and Perfective stems (AOR=PERF). However, some verbs have Perfective stems differing from the Aorist (AOR≠PERF

3.1.2. Medial Vowel Change Some

  table lists some examples.

	Medial vowel u > a
	Type	AOR	PERF		Translation	Variety
	CuC	ɛum	ɛam		swim	K/H (vs. Z ɛum AOR=PERF)
	CuC	ẓuṛ	ẓaṛ		visit	K/H (vs. Z ẓuṛ AOR=PERF)
	CuC	fuṯ	faṯ		pass	K/H (vs. Z faṯ AOR=PERF)
	CuC:	šušš	šašš		look for, search K/H (vs. Z šušš AOR=PERF)
	C:uC C:uC	ssud ̱̣ ḷḷuẓ	ssad ̱̣ ḷḷaẓ~ḷḷuẓ		milk be hungry	K K/H (vs. Z ǧǧuẓ AOR=PERF)
	Type	AOR	PERF	Translation	Variety/Notes
	aCi	asi	usi	carry, lift	pan-Snh.
	aCu	aru	uru	give birth	pan-Snh.
	aCC	agem	ugem	fetch water	K/Z (cf. H ayem, PERF uyem)
	aC:C Z (cf. Type azzel uzzel run AOR PERF Translation	Variety/Notes
	aC	af	ufi/a		find	pan-Snh.
	aC	as(-d)	usi/usa(-d)	arrive	B/Z, always with ventive d
	aC:	až~aǧǧ uži/uža		let, leave
	Medial vowel i > a
	Type	AOR	PERF		Translation	Variety/Notes
	CiC	fiq	faq		wake up	K/H
	CiC	žif	žaf		choke	K/H (vs. Z žaf AOR=PERF)
	CiCC	sisen	sasen~sisen	to dip	H (vs. Z sisen AOR=PERF)

K/H/B azzi, PERF uzzi) aCuC aẓum uẓum fast K/S/B/Z (vs. H uẓum AOR=PERF) The following a-initial verbs of the type aC likewise change a-to u-in the Perfective, but also have i/a alternation (cf. Section 4.3.1.3): K/H/Z (~Z PERF uǧǧi/a) 4.verbs form Perfective by the medial vowel change. This is especially frequent in Ketama and Hmed (as opposed to Zerqet, where the medial vowel normally remains unchanged and thus Perfective=Aorist) and occurs mostly in hollow verbs borrowed from Arabic. 312 Some verbs of Berber origin also occur. The vowel change typically involves i > a and u > a. Some examples follow.

final AOR=PERF verbs i-final AOR=PERF verbs Type Verb Transl.

  In Zerqet, the -i/a alternation can occur both in Aorist and in Perfective, and in this case, the stems are homophonous, different from most other varieties:The following verb has varying final vowel in the Aorist, and i/a alternation in the

	AOR ḫwi qli ili rri Arabic stem II verbs of the CC:V type also belong to this category, e.g. PERF Translation Variety CCi ḫwi/a empty K/T/H/Z CCi qli/a fry K/T/Z (H qyi, P qyi/a) iCi ǧǧi/a be Z (cf. K yyi, P lli/a) C:i rri/a return (trans.) K AOR PERF Translation Variety (s)bekki (s)bekki/a make cry K/T/S/H/Z ġelli ġelli/a make expensive K/T/S/H/B Zerqet Ketama/Taghzut/Hmed Translation AOR=PERF AOR PERF nhi/nha nhi nhi/nha warn ɛelli/a ɛelli ɛelli/a ascend seqṣi/a seqṣi seqṣi/a ask ġelli/a ġelli ġelli/a make expensive ḥeffi/a ḥeffi ḥeffi/a make blunt The following verbs have distinct Aorist and Perfective in Taghzut and Hmed, while the Aorist=Perfective in Ketama and Zerqet: Ketama/Zerqet Taghzut/Hmed Translation AOR=PERF AOR PERF tġeddi/a tġeddi tġeddi/a lunch tlaqi/a tlaqi tlaqi/a meet Variety Type Verb Transl. Variety C:u ttu forget K/Z (H țțu) C:i žži heal K/H/Z/T CCu nṭu climb K CCi rwi escape K/H/B C:Cu ttru cry K/B/Z CC:i ḥemmi love K/H Ketama/Hmed: AOR PERF Transl. Variety ḫemmi ḫemmi/a clean K/H (cf. T/Z ḫemmel, AOR=PERF) rgi rgi/a close AOR Variety PERF Variety Translation K/H (cf. Perfective: ḥfu~ḥfa~ḥfi K/H~K/Z~H/T ḥfi/a K/T/H/Z be blunt

There are also u and i-final verbs that remain unchanged in the Perfective, having no alternation, for example: u-Some verbs are -i final in Ketama and Hmed, corresponding to -el in Zerqet (and -el or -ež in Taghzut). In this case, Zerqet and Taghzut have Aorist= Perfective, vs. Z rgel, T rgež, AOR=PERF) šelli šelli/a wash K/H (cf. T/Z šellel, AOR=PERF) Special cases As both u-final verbs and i-final verbs can correspond to i/a in the Perfective, this can lead to homonymy in some verb forms. Thus, Ketama verbs rru 'to add' (cf. Z rnu) and rri 'to return' have the same Perfective rri/a. The verbs 'to drink' and its causative counterpart 'to irrigate' have -i/a alternation in the Perfective. The verb su 'to drink' is underlyingly /sew/ in most Senhaja varieties (K/T/S/B/Z), Perfective swi/a, while Hmed has seḇ, Perfective sḇi/sḇa. The causative counterpart of this verb is ssu (/ssew/) in most varieties (while Hmed has sseḇ), with the lexicalized meaning 'to irrigate'. 317 It is homophonous or partly homophonous (depending on the dialect) with the verb ssu 'spread a resting place' ('prepare the floor/ground for sitting/sleeping'). 4.3.1.4. Special Alternation in Ketama and Taghzut 1) Aorist Ø~u Alternating Verbs (Ketama) Verbs that have Ø~u alternation in the Aorist in Ketama (cf. Section 4.2.1.1) do not have an alternation in the Perfective. Hence, there is a difference in forms without PNG suffixes (3MS, 3FS and 1P), as in these persons, there is a vowel u in the Aorist, but no u in the Perfective, e.g. the verb kker 'get up', AOR:1P n-kkur vs. PERF:1P nekker. All verbs discussed in Section 4.2.1.1 belong to this category, e.g. ff(u)ġ 'to go out'.

  Quadriradical verbs (which are often made up of reduplicated stems) have homophonous Aorist and Perfective, e.g.

	3) CCCC verbs 5) Varia
	The following verbs with a plain vowel in their stem (of various types) have Aorist=Perfective:
	AOR=PERF Type Verb	Translation Transl. Variety		Variety Type Verb	Transl.	Variety
	bergeg C:i	žži	gossip, inform heal pan-Snh.	pan-Snh. CaCC zaḥem	crowd	H
	AOR=PERF Transl. bežbež be flooded, drenched Variety AOR=PERF Transl. K/H/Z C:u ttu forget K/Z C:Cu ttru ġeẓ dig H res land čenčef pull hair H/B/Z CCi ḥsi fall K/H CCaC ɛyaṛ er fall S rez return (trans.) H/Z cry Variety K/B/Z play pan-Snh. H 318 qefqef shiver, tremble K/Z/H CCu nṭu climb K CCuC ḏkur be full H/B/Z C:iC qqim stay pan-Snh. CCuC mġuṛ grow pan-Snh. d ̱̣ C:uC qquṛ be dry K/Z CiCC siwel speak Z
	uCCa uɛla	be tall	Z (Bunjel/Wersan)
	uC:	uff	swell	Z
	AOR=PERF uCu usu	Translation cough	AOR=PERF S/H	Translation
	ddez		pound	ṭṭef	catch
	AOR=PERF kkes ḥraq /ḥreq/ qqen	Translation remove burn tie	ṭṭeṣ Variety pan-Snh. wweṯ	sleep hit
	dfaɛ /dfeɛ/ Type AOR=PERF Translation push	K/H/Z Variety/Notes
	uCuC uẓum	fast	H, cf. aẓum in the rest of Snh.
	aCi	uġġi	be stuck	H, cf. Z aġel
	uCi	uḥi	be tired	H, cf. Z aḥel
	AOR=PERF ḫelleṣ Section 4.3.1.3): ḥenneḵ qeṣṣeṛ AOR=PERF ġezz Type AOR ḥebb uC:ʷ uggʷ	Translation pay mud plaster make short Translation chew PERF love uggʷi/a	AOR=PERF seḫḫen ṭuwwel wessaɛ /wesseɛ/ make wide Translation make hot make long AOR=PERF Translation hezz Translation Variety shake k(k)ebb pour knead Z

.3.2. Aorist=Perfective 4.3.2.1. Aorist=Perfective across Senhaja Many verbs have identical Aorist and Perfective stems. Among them, triradical verbs (CCC and CC:C) are most frequent. 1) CCC and CC:C verbs Most verbs of CCC type (which is the most frequent type in our database) remain unaltered in the Perfective. The following examples are pan-Senhaja: AOR=PERF Translation AOR=PERF Translation ḫḏem work ḵrez plow ḵmez scratch ḵšem enter Verbs with the underlying schwa that is realized as a before a back consonant (cf. Section 2.2.3.1) also belong to this category, e.g. Verbs of the CC:C type (i.e. triradical verb with a long second radical, including stem II causatives) also have homophonous Aorist and Perfective. The following examples are pan-Senhaja: 2) CC, C:C, CC:, and C:C: verbs a) CC verbs The majority of biradical verbs form Perfective by adding the vowel i that alternates with a (see Section 4.3.1.3). However, there are also some rare examples of biradical verbs that remain unaltered in the Perfective. The following are all examples in our database: As mentioned in the Introduction (cf. Section 1.8.1.2), the difference between the CC* (with an alternating vowel in the Perfective) and CC (without a vowel in the Perfective) classes of verbs is an isogloss that distinguishes Senhaja from Tarifiyt (cf. Kossmann 2017a: 98), although not all Senhaja varieties preserve this difference. b) C:C verbs Most verbs of C:C type have homophonous Aorist and Perfective. The following examples are pan-Senhaja: Verbs that have u~Ø variation in the Aorist in Ketama (discussed in Section 4.2.1.1), have no u in the Perfective, and hence, the Perfective stem and the Aorist stem differ (at least in those persons where the u is absent), see Section 4.3.1.4. c) CC: and C:C: verbs Verbs of CC: and C:C: type have homophonous Aorist and Perfective, e.g. (pan-Snh.) 4) u-and i-initial verbs While a-initial verbs form Perfective by the change of a-to u-(Section 4.3.1.1), u-and i-initial verbs can remain unchanged, e.g. 319 Type AOR=PERF Translation Variety/Notes iCi iẓi fight H/Z (K aẓi, PERF uẓi)

The following verbs start in u-in Hmed, corresponding to a-in other varieties. In Hmed, Perfective=Aorist, while in other varieties, the initial a-> u-in the Perfective:

The following u-initial verb of the type uC:ʷ has i/a alternation in the Perfective (cf.

  Consider the following examples:

	i > a (not in Zerqet)
	AOR	PERF (S/T)	PERF (H)			Transl.
	ṣṣiwed ̱̣ ṣṣawed ̱̣ ssif(e)f ssaff	ṣṣawed ̱̣ ~ṣṣiwed ̱̣ ssif(e)f~ssaf(e)f	make arrive (<awed ̱̣ 'arrive') winnow
	In the following sibilant-initial verbs, the vowel likewise changes from u to a in the initial position (following the sibilant). These verbs have no base counterparts, and are not semantically causatives.
	AOR	PERF		Transl.	Variety AOR		PERF	Transl. Variety
	susef	sasef		spit		T/H	ssumm ssamm	suck	T/H
	ssud ̱̣	ssad ̱̣	milk		K	zzuġer		zzaġer	drag	K
	AOR=PERF	Translation	Base	Translation	Variety
	ṣṣud ̱̣ ed ̱̣ , ssud ̱̣ ed ̱̣ ssuẓum	nurse (trans.) make fast	ṭṭed ̱̣ uẓum	nurse (intr.) fast	H, Z H
	ssufaġ /e/		make go out	ffaġ /e/	go out	Z
	ssud ̱̣ eṣ		make sleep	ṭṭeṣ	sleep	Z
	u > a (not in Zerqet)
	AOR	PERF		Translation	Variety	Base
	ssufaġ /e/	ssafaġ /e/	make go out	K/T/H	ff(u)ġ 'go out'

In Zerqet, the vowel remains the same in the Perfective, and AOR=PERF. This is also possible in Hmed:

  In some verbs, the vowels a and u are in free variation in both aspects:

		PERF	Translation	Base	Translation Variety
	sɛum	sɛam (~sɛum) make swim	ɛum	swim	K/H
	sbukk	sbakk	make explode	bbukk	explode	K
	AOR=PERF		Translation	Base		Translation	Variety
	sbakk~sbakk		make explode	bbukk		explode	T/H/Z
	sgall~sgull (T/H), sgažž(~sgužž) (Z)	make swear	ggall~ggull (T/H), gažž~ggužž (Z)	swear	T/H/Z

3.4.2. Aorist=Perfective dialectally As

	Type 4.3.4.3. Aorist=Perfective CAUS Translation This does not apply to all a-initial verbs, however, and some of them show no such Base Translation alternations, e.g. Many t-and n-derived verbs (especially those derived from CCC and CC:C bases) do not formally distinguish between the Perfective and Aorist stems. The following AOR=PERF *PERF Translation Base Variety examples are pan-Senhaja: țțyasi *țțyusi be carried asi T Variety C: ssečč make eat ečč eat t-derived n-derived Translation Base Translation țțyawi *țțyuwi be taken awi T Z (Bunjel) CC sres make go down res go down K/T/H CC ṣd ̱̣ eṣ make laugh d ̱̣ eṣ laugh T/H CC zznez sell nez be sold C:C ssud ̱̣ ed ̱̣ nurse (trans.) ṭṭed ̱̣ nurse (intr.) H/Z C:C ssufaġ /e/ make go out ffaġ /e/ go out Z C:Cu ssetru make cry ttru cry Z twerri nwerri twerri/a nwerri/a be shown tṣeffi nṣeffi tṣeffi/a nṣeffi/a be sieved laugh'. remain unaltered in the Perfective (Hmed), e.g. ttesḍeḥḥek (AOR=PERF) 'be made Passives derived by the prefix t-of stem II causatives with an optional s-likewise K AOR t-AOR n-PERF t-PERF n-Translation ttešɛi nnešɛi ttešɛi/a nnešɛi/a be switched on tteɛzel nneɛzel be separated ɛzel separate tɛellaq /e/ nɛellaq /e/ be hung ɛellaq /e/ hang Verbs
	CCuC ssemġuṛ	make grow	mġuṛ	grow	T/H/B/Z
	AOR t-	AOR n-		PERF t-	PERF n-	Translation
	tnaġ /e/	nnaġ /e/	ttenġi/a	nnenġi/a	be killed
	tṣaġ /e/	nṣaġ /e/		tteṣġi/a	nneṣġi/a	be bought
	tḵes	nḵes		tteḵsi/a	nneḵsi/a	be herded
	AOR		PERF		Translation	Base	Variety
	ttyak(k)~ttyakki/a ttyakki/a	be given	kk	K
	AOR t-	AOR n-		PERF t-	PERF n-	Translation
	tsugg 325	nsugg		tsagg		nsagg	be driven
	tqis 326 ttayem AOR t-: T/H/B tteḫwi AOR tteqli, tteqyi (H) țțyaḵer țțyari țțyani	nqis nnayem AOR n-: T/H/B nneḫwi PERF nneqli, nneqyi (H) țțyaḵer~țțyuḵer tqas ttuyem AOR t-: K/Z = PERF (all) tteḫwi/a Translation nqas nnuyem AOR n-: K/Z = PERF (all) nneḫwi/a Base tteqli/a, tteqyi/a (H) nneqli/a, be stolen aḵer țțyari~țțyuri be written ari nneqyi/a (H) țțyani~țțyuni be ridden ani	be tasted be drawn (water) Translation Variety be emptied T be fried T T

Final -i/a alternation a) V-final verbs Some V-final verbs have -i/a alternation in the Perfective in Hmed and Taghzut, different from the Aorist. In other varieties (Ketama, Zerqet, Seddat), the alternation may be present in both stems, and hence, AOR=PERF (see below). The following examples are from Hmed: b) C-final verbs Some verbs derived from the CC-type base have -i/a alternation in the Perfective following the final consonant of the verb. The examples are found in Hmed, Seddat, and Bunsar. In Ketama, the situation is either as in Hmed (Aorist in -CC > Perfectivei/a), or alternation -i/a is found both in the Aorist and the Perfective. The following examples are from Hmed: 4.mentioned previously, verbs that have -i/a alternation in the Aorist in Ketama and Zerqet remain unaltered in the Perfective. Their counterparts in other varieties (Taghzut, Hmed, Bunsar) lack the alternation in the Aorist, and have i/a in the Perfective. 4.3.5. The Perfective of ttya/ttwa-derived Verbs 4.3.5.1. The Perfective Distinct from the Aorist Most verbs derived with the prefixes ttya-, ttya-, țțuya-, ttwa-do not formally distinguish between the Aorist and the Perfective. However, there are some exceptions. We will first present these exceptions, and then provide examples of homophonous Aorist and Perfective stems. The passive derivation of the verb ek(k) 'to give' in Ketama has two alternative Aorist forms: ttyak(k) or ttyakki/ttyakka. The Perfective is ttyakki/ttyakka (never ttyak(k)):

In Taghzut, the Perfectives of some țțya-derived verbs from a-initial bases optionally change the vowel a to u. This variant is in free variation with the invariable țțya, in which case Aorist=Perfective, e.g.

with the final -i/a alternation in the Perfective In

  the Hmed variety, verbs with the final -i/a alternation in the Perfective have a stable -i in the Aorist, e.g. țțuyawi (AOR) > PERF țțuyawi/țțuyawa 'be taken'.

	4.4
	AOR=PERF: K	AOR=PERF: H	AOR=PERF: Z	Translation
	ttyasi	țțuyasi	ttwasi	be carried
	4.3.5.2. Aorist=Perfective
	Some examples of verbs that do not formally distinguish between the Perfective and Aorist follow.
	AOR=PERF		Translation	Variety
	ttwabni/ttwabna		be built	Z
	ttwaḫḏem		be worked	Z
	ttyaḵer (K), țțuyaḵer (H), ttwaḵ(ḵ)ʷer (Z) be stolen	K/H/Z
	ttwassels		be worn	Z
	ttyahezz		be lifted	K

In Ketama and Zerqet, the final vowel alternates both in the Aorist and the Perfective, and thus, the two stems have the same form, e.g. ttyabni/a (K), ttwabni/a (Z), AOR=PERF 'be built'.

A given verb may have an alternating vowel in the Perfective in Hmed, but a stable vowel in Ketama, e.g.

AOR=PERF: K AOR: H PERF: H Translation

ttyawi țțuyawi țțuyawi/a be taken Some verbs have a stable final -i in both Aorist and the Perfective across Senhaja. In this case, Perfective=Aorist, e.g.

. The Perfective Negative (Mezduy, Parts of Zerqet)

  The negative verb stems are only found in Mezduy and parts of Zerqet (Wersan, abbreviated as W in the tables below), but are absent in most Senhaja varieties.327 There are Perfective Negative stems and Imperfective Negative stems (on the

	Insertion of i before the last consonant also applies to a-initial verbs (aCC and aC:C types):
	Type AOR	PERF	PERF.NEG	Translation	Variety
	aCC Imperfective Negative, cf. Section 4.6). aḵʷer uḵʷer uḵʷir The Negative Perfective is derived from the Perfective. In cases where PERF.NEG steal W/M aCC awed ̱̣ uwed ̱̣ arrive W/M uwid ̱̣ aC:C azzel uzzel uzzil run W is different from PERF (positive), it is derived by the vowel change (a > i) or insertion aC:C azzer uzzer uzzir run M
	Type CCaC d ̱̣ AOR haṛ CCiC ḏɛif In Senhaja (Wersan and Mezduy), the PERF.NEG i became generalized to longer stems. PERF PERF.NEG Translation Variety d ̱̣ haṛ d ̱̣ hir appear W/M ɛaf ḏɛif lose weight W/M For example, i can be inserted also in cases when the stem has more than three consonants (different from Tarifiyt), e.g. d ̱̣ CiC ɛiš ɛaš ɛiš live W 328 AOR PERF PERF.NEG Translation Variety
	qefqef		qefqef	qefqif	shiver	W/M
	A=P faṯ AOR ssufeġ	PERF.NEG faṯ PERF PERF.NEG Transl. pass ssufeġ ssufiġ	A=P žaf Translation make go out	PERF.NEG žaf Notes Causative of ffeġ	Transl. Variety choke W/M
	A=P	PERF.NEG	Transl.	A=P	PERF.NEG	Transl.
	ssen zzeḡ AOR kk	ssin zziḡ PERF PERF.NEG know milk Transl. AOR nġed ̱̣ ḵšem PERF nġiḏ ̱̣ ḵšim PERF.NEG thresh Transl. enter kki/a kki give as usi/a usi come
	ini Unlike in Tarifiyt, in Wersan/Mezduy, i insertion applies to verbs with a long second nni/a nni say ẓer ẓri/a ẓri see ili ǧǧi/a ǧǧi be bdi bdi/bda bdi start radical (CC:C type), e.g. af ufi/a ufi find mḥi mḥi/a mḥi erase
	A=P beddel bedder beddir PERF.NEG beddil When the plain vowel of the Perfective is u, it remains unchanged in the Perfective Transl. Var. A=P PERF.NEG Transl. Var. change W ġellel ġellil milk W change M ġeǧǧer ġeǧǧir milk M Negative (W/M):
	Type	AOR	PERF	PERF.NEG Translation
	aCu	aru	uru	uru		give birth
	aCuC	aẓum	uẓum	uẓum	fast

(Ø > i). The vowel a changes to i in the following examples: However, the following verbs of CaC type have a in the Perfective, which remains unchanged in PERF.NEG (the following examples are common to Wersan and Mezduy; A=P stands for Aorist=Perfective): Verbs without any plain vowel (e.g. C:C and CCC type) insert i before the final consonant. The following examples are common to Wersan and Mezduy:

327 This section discusses data from the Wersan dialect of Zerqet and the Lahsen dialect of Mezduy (M in the tables below).

328

In Mezduy, this verb has the stem ɛiš in the Perfective (=Aorist).

The same rule applies to some derived causatives (including those with an internal plain vowel, as in the following example):

Verbs that have -i/a alternation in the Perfective (positive), have no alternation in PERF.NEG, but have the final -i in all persons. The following examples are common to Wersan and Mezduy:

gemination and insertion of a before the final consonant a) CC > C:aC

  Most CCC verbs can form Imperfectives by C2 gemination. This does not exclude other types of Imperfective formation for the same verb type, such as t(t)-prefixation Most verbs of the type CCV geminate C2 in the Imperfective. Alternative Imperfectives are rare (but are possible). There are two subtypes: CCu and CCi.

	combined with the insertion of a before the final consonant (typical of Ketama), or (optional) gemination of C1 combined with the insertion of u before the final 2) CCV > CC:V 1) C1 Some verbs of CC type form Imperfectives by C1 gemination and insertion of a before the final consonant: CCu > CC:u consonant (typical of Zerqet). C2 gemination is a common way to form the AOR IPF Translation Variety Notes AOR IPF Transl. Variety AOR IPF Transl. Variety Imperfective stem across Senhaja, while other ways can be seen as morphological bnu bennu build K/H/B/Z ġeṛ qqaṛ study Snh. saġ /e/ ssaġ /a/ buy pan-Snh. isoglosses. The following table provides some examples of CCC > CC:C Imperfectives, ḥmu ḥemmu be hot H/Z K IPF tteḥmay (rare) ġez qqaz dig H ẓer ẓẓar see K/H and also includes alternative Imperfectives. AOR IPF Transl. Variety Alternative IPF ġmeṣ ġemmeṣ cover H/Z rku rekku rot K/H/Z rnu rennu add H/Z ṛeẓ ṛṛaẓ break K/H/Z ẓed ̱̣ grind H/B/Z ẓẓad ̱̣ cf. K rru, IPF terri/a b) CC > C(:)aC(:) K tteġmaṣ, H/Z ġ(ġ)muṣ ḥfer ḥeffer dig K/H/Z CCi > CC:i Z ḥḥfur ḥṛaq /e/ ḥeṛṛaq /e/ burn H AOR IPF Translation Variety Notes H/Z ḥ(ḥ)ṛuq, K tteḥṛaq ḥseb ḥesseb count K/H ḫwi ḫewwi empty K H/Z IPF ḫeggʷi K tteḥsab ḵmez ḵemmez scratch K/H ḵmi ḵemmel finish H H IPF ḵmuy H ḵmuz, K tteḵmaz mger megger harvest S/H/Z mḥi meḥḥi erase K H/Z IPF m(m)ḥuy H/Z m(m)gur sbaġ /e/ sebbaġ /e/ paint ngi neggi push K/H/Z H/B/Z rgi reggi close K/H/B Z AOR rgel, IPF reggel AOR IPF Translation Variety
	naġ /e/ 3) CC > CC: nnaqq raġ /e/ raq	kill be hot	K/Z (H naq) H
	Some CC verbs geminate the second consonant in the Imperfective: 329
	Pair AOR ḏ-dd ḵes w-ggʷ les w-gg d ̱̣ eṣ	IPF ḵess less d ̱̣ eṣṣ	AOR ḫḏem rwel rwež	IPF Translation ḫeddem herd reggʷel wear clothes reggež laugh	Translation Variety work K/S/H escape H escape K/H/B/Z	Alternative IPF Variety pan-Snh. H țlusay Z T K d ̱̣ eṣṣa
	l-ǧǧ (l-*ll) y-ll (*l-ll) 4.5.2. C1 Gemination and Vowel Insertion mleḵ meǧǧeḵ marry myeḵ melleḵ marry	Z K/H
	counterpart of a consonant can be distinguished not only by length, but sometimes also by the place/manner of articulation. ž-ǧǧ nžer neǧǧer carpenter Z Among Imperfectives that are formed by C2 gemination, the most typical scheme y-ǧǧ (*l-*ll) myeḵ meǧǧeḵ marry B z-ddz ḫzer ḫeddzer see B š-čč ḵšem ḵeččem enter T/S/H/B/Z Some Imperfectives are formed by C1 gemination and insertion of a vowel (a or u) before the final consonant.

Most commonly, it is the second radical (C2) which is geminated. Imperfectives formed in this way are found across Senhaja. Imperfectives with other types of gemination are specific to some Senhaja varieties. In some Imperfectives, the first consonant (C1) is (optionally) geminated, combined with the insertion of the vowel u before the last consonant. The resulting Imperfective stem has the type C(:)CuC (cf. Section 4.5.2). Imperfectives of this type are common in Zerqet and Hmed. In Ketama, this type of Imperfective formation is very rare. However, in Ketama, some Imperfectives optionally lengthen C1 in addition to C2. In other words, C2 gemination can be the only means to form an Imperfective, while C1 gemination is combined with other changes (insertion of u or simultaneous C2 gemination). As described in Phonology (Section 2.1.2), the "long" is CCC > CC:C, but other schemes are also found. Verbs that have the structure CCV (CCu and CCi) and CC can also form Imperfective by C2 gemination. Below follow some examples grouped together by the verb type.

1) CCC > CC:C

K ttesbaġ, Z ssbuġ ẓṛaɛ /e/

ẓeṛṛaɛ /e/ sow H H/Z ẓ(ẓ)ruɛ, K tteẓraɛ As described in Section 2.1.2, long counterparts of some consonants are distinguished not by length alone, but also by the place/manner of articulation. Below we present some examples for CCC verbs: The verb naġ /neġ/ (~Ketama n(u)ġ) 'to kill' forms Imperfective by geminating both consonants (n > nn and ġ > qq) and inserting a before the final consonant in most Senhaja varieties. 330 Hmed lacks gemination of the initial n-, while the final consonant is realized as q. Presumably, ġ was originally geminated (ġ > qq), and then qq underwent degemination. The same feature is found in Hmed raġ /reġ/ 'to be hot, Imperfective raq.

  Some verbs of CCi type form Imperfectives by geminating the initial consonant and inserting the vowel u before the final -i, which is realized as y after u. (One could also say that the final -i changes to -uy in these examples.) This type of Imperfective is found in the same area as the C(:)CuC type above (i.e. Hmed, Bunsar, and Zerqet). Gemination of C1 is not audible in Hmed. Some examples common to Hmed and Zerqet varieties follow; Ketama Imperfectives are provided for comparison.

					Translation	Alternative IPF
	dfaɛ /e/	dfuɛ		ddfuɛ	push	H deffaɛ /e/
	ġmeṣ	ġmuṣ		ġġmuṣ	cover	H/Z ġemmeṣ
	ḥfer	ḥfur		ḥḥfur	dig	H/Z ḥeffer
	ḵmez	ḵmuz		ḵḵmuz	scratch	H ḵemmez
	qṣem	qṣum		qqṣum	divide	H/Z qeṣṣem
	b) CCi > C:Cuy
	AOR	IPF (H)	IPF (Z)	IPF (K)	Translation
	ɛṣi	ɛṣuy	ɛɛṣuy	tteɛṣay	disobey
	fti	ftuy	fftuy	ttefti~fetti	recite
	ġli	ġluy	ġġluy	tteġlay	boil
	mḥi	mḥuy	mmḥuy	meḥḥi	erase
	tki	tkuy	ttkuy	tḵay	press

4.5.3. Prefix t(t)-

Another way to form the Imperfective is by the use of the prefix t(t)-(or its variant țused in

Taghzut and Hmed)

. The Imperfective prefix is realized differently depending on the variety and on the verb type. In Ketama, the prefix is realized as tt-before a vowel (including a schwa), e.g. asi 'to lift', Imperfective ttasi; rfes 'to knead', Imperfective tterfas; qqen 'to tie', Imperfective tteqqen. In Bunsar and Zerqet, the prefix is always realized as t-. In Taghzut and Hmed, the prefix is realized as ț. In Taghzut, there is a further optional development of ț into s (usually limited to specific examples). In the tables in this section, we write the prefix as t(t)-when the form is valid across several Senhaja varieties, to be read as tt-for Ketama, t-for Bunsar and Zerqet, and ț-for Taghzut and Hmed. The prefix t(t)-may become pharyngealized as a result of pharyngealization spread (cf. Section 2.1.3). When followed by the consonants d, ḏ, and d ̱̣ , the Imperfective prefix assimilates in most Senhaja varieties, while ț does not assimilate in Taghzut/Hmed, e.g. duwwaḫ /e/ (pan-Senhaja) 'to make dizzy', Imperfective dduwwaḫ /a/ (most varieties), țduwwaḫ /a/ (T/H).

The Imperfective prefix of the verb 'to do' is realized as voiced in some varieties (Ketama, optionally in Bunsar/Zerqet): ww > IPF degg (K), eḡḡ > IPF degg ~ tegg

Prefix t(t)-Combined with Vocalic Changes

  Most verbs of the C:C type form Imperfective with the prefix. In the following table, examples are pan-Senhaja; examples in group a have no vowel alternation in the Aorist, while examples in group b have schwa in the Aorist in most Senhaja varieties

	AOR C:C Compare also this C:VC verb in Hmed: IPF Transl. Variety	AOR	IPF	Transl.	Variety
	uff uggʷ AOR The following verbs are u-initial in Hmed (corresponding to a-in other varieties). tuff swell Z usu tusu cough S/H tuggʷ knead Z uggi tuggi IPF Translation Alternative IPF not to want Z Verbs of the type uCi, uC:i also change of the final -i to -ay (cf. Section 4.5.4.2): ǧǧun țeǧǧun be full H (~ IPF țeǧǧunay) (including Ketama in forms with suffixes), and u in Ketama in forms without suffixes (cf. Section 4.2.1.1). 4.5.4.
	AOR AOR (a) uẓum qqen uḥi qqes uġġi ṭṭeṣ	IPF IPF țuẓum t(t)eqqen țuḥay t(t)eqqes țuġġay t(t)eṭṭeṣ	Translation Transl. fast tie be tired hurt be stuck sleep	AOR (b) Variety/Notes IPF ffaġ /e/ t(t)effaġ /e/ go out Transl. H, cf. aẓum elsewhere kker t(t)ekker get up H, cf. Z aḥel H, cf. Z (AOR) aġel, K aġġi kkes t(t)ekkes remove
	AOR agem t(t)agem draw water K/B/Z IPF Transl. Variety AOR IPF Transl. Variety AOR suppletive Imperfective (cf. Section 4.5.5.3). 332 AOR af IPF žži t(t)ežži heal K/Z ttu t(t)ettu forget IPF taf Transl. Variety Transl. find K/Z (H țțu -țețțu) Variety H/B/Z aḵer t(t)aḵer steal K/H ari t(t)ari write awed ̱̣ tawed ̱̣ arrive H/B/Z asi t(t)asi aẓum t(t)aẓum fast K/S/B/Z aru t(t)aru give birth pan-Snh. ili tili be Z (K yy(i) -tiyyi~tiyyi/tiyya) lift, carry pan-Snh. iẓi tiẓi fight H/Z pan-Snh. AOR IPF Translation Variety/Notes mmi ttemmi show K ẓẓu teẓẓu plant H/Z (K IPF teẓẓi/a)
	AOR IPF	Variety	AOR IPF	Variety	Transl.
	țru	țețru	H		ttru	tettru B/Z	cry
	CCVC and C:VC
	Hmed/Bunsar/Zerqet:
	AOR af AOR AOR až (aǧǧ) kk ɛmaṛ ḡḡ ɛšaṛ ḥtaž u-initial verbs IPF (Ketama) tafi/tafa IPF Translation IPF Translation IPF (H/B/Z) taf ~tafay Variety/Notes Variety/Notes Translation find ttaži/ttaža taž (taǧǧ) ~tažay leave tekk give t(t)eɛmaṛ be full K/H (H ~ IPF țeɛmaṛay) H/B/Z tegg do, make t(t)eɛšaṛ be pregnant K/H (H ~ IPF țeɛšaṛay) Z (also degg, cf. K ww -degg, H yy -țegg) t(t)eḥtaž need K/H (H ~ IPF țeḥtažay) Verbs starting in u-likewise form Imperfectives by the prefix t(t)-. mġuṛ t(t)emġuṛ grow K/H/Z (H/Z ~ IPF temġuṛay)

a-initial verbs (ca. 50 examples in our database) form Imperfectives by the prefix t(t)-. For example:

In Ketama, verbs of the type aC have i/a alternation in the Imperfective (cf. Section 4.5.5.1): -i appears in 1S and 2S, and -a in the rest of the paradigm. In Hmed, Bunsar, and Zerqet, there is usually no vowel alternation. The Imperfective is formed either by means of the prefix t-alone, or by combining the prefix t-with the insertion of the final -ay (cf.

Section 4.5.4.2)

. Compare the following Imperfectives in Ketama vs.

i-initial verbs

There are three i-initial verbs in our database (iCi type). Two of them (the verbs iẓi 'fight' and ili 'be') form Imperfective by the prefix t(t)-. The verb ini 'to say' has a

2) C-initial verbs

Prefix t(t)-without other modifications can also be used to form Imperfectives of some (types of) consonant-initial verbs.

C:

Some verbs that consist of a single geminate form Imperfective with the prefix t-: C:V and C(:)Cu Some verbs of the C:V (C:i and C:u) type form Imperfectives with the prefix:

333

Compare also the following verb of the C(:)Cu type (vs. Ketama ttru AOR=IPF): 334 Some verbs of the type CCVC (CCaC and CCuC) form Imperfective with the prefix.

335

Some of these verbs also have an Imperfective variant with the final -ay in Hmed (cf.

Section 4.5.4.2)

. In Zerqet, very often, only the variants with the final -ay are found.

verbs with the underlying schwa

  When the verb ends in a back consonant, the preceding schwa is realized as a (cf. Section 2.2.3.1). Thus, based on the surface forms alone, the Imperfective appears to be formed by the prefix t(t-) alone. However, when comparing forms with suffixes (e.g. 3P), is it clear that a in the Imperfective is underlyingly a, while a in the Aorist is underlyingly e. For example, the verb lessaq /lesseq/ 'to stick' in the 3P Aorist is a lessq-en 'they will stick', vs. Imperfective tlessaq-en 'they stick'. Some examples

	CCC (with the underlying schwa in the AOR) > tCCaC The following verbs have an underlying schwa in the Aorist (realized as /a/ before a back consonant), that corresponds to the underlying a in the Imperfective (Ketama): AOR /e/ IPF /a/ (tCCaC) IPF /e/ (CC:C) Transl. AOR /e/ IPF /a/ (tCCaC) IPF /e/ (CC:C) Transl. flaq tteflaq fellaq split slaḫ tteslaḫ sellaḫ skin CC:C belonging to this category include (pan-Snh.): ḥraq tteḥraq ---burn wsaɛ ttewsaɛ wessaɛ be wide
	AOR /e/ IPF /a/ qṭaɛ tteqṭaɛ lessaq tlessaq sbaġ ttesbaġ	Transl. qeṭṭaɛ cut stick (trans.) sebbaġ paint	AOR /e/ žmaɛ šeǧǧaɛ ẓṛaɛ	IPF /a/ ttežmaɛ tšeǧǧaɛ tteẓraɛ	žemmaɛ Transl. gather encourage ẓerreɛ sow
	qeṣṣaḥ CCC > tCCaC Imperfectives outside Ketama tqeṣṣaḥ make hard wessaɛ	twessaɛ	widen
	CCC > tCCaC
	AOR	IPF	Translation	Variety	Alternative IPF
	bdeḏ	țebdaḏ	stop			H	țebdaḏay
	ḫzer	teḫzar	look			Z	ḫeddzer
	fhem	tefham	understand	Z	fehhem, ffhum
	AOR	IPF		Transl.	AOR	IPF	Transl.
	ɛemmeṛ	tɛemmaṛ	fill		ṣenneṯ	tṣennaṯ	listen
	ḫeḷḷeṣ	tḫeḷḷaṣ		pay		settef	tsettaf	organize
	qeššeṛ qeṣṣeṛ beɛɛeḏ AOR riyyeb ɛzel dres	tqeššaṛ tqeṣṣaṛ tbeɛɛaḏ (tCCaC) IPF IPF (CC:C) peel make short distance Transl. triyyab destroy tteɛzal ɛezzel separate ġmez siyyes wessaɛ /e/ weǧǧeḏ AOR seḫḫen ttedras ---thresh ḵmez	tsiyyas twessaɛ /a/ make wide persuade tweǧǧaḏ (tCCaC) IPF IPF Transl. (CC:C) prepare tseḫḫan tteġmaz ġemmez wink make hot tteḵmaz ḵemmez scratch
	ḥlef	ttḥlaf	ḥellef		swear	qṣem	tteqṣam	qeṣṣem	share
	hlek	ttehlak	hellek	destroy	rḏem	tterḏam	reddem	demolish
	hyeḵ	ttehyaḵ	helleḵ	be sick	sken	tteskan	sekken	inhabit

4.5.4.1. Prefix t-and Vowel Insertion before the Final Consonant CC:C > tCC:aC Verbs of the type CC:C (including stem II causatives) form Imperfective by the prefix tcombined with the insertion of the vowel a before the final consonant. Verbs of this type are very frequent in Senhaja (following verbs of CCC type). While verbs of CCC type can form Imperfectives by different means, for CC:C verbs, there is no such variation. 336 The scheme CC:C > tCC:aC is found throughout Senhaja. The following examples are pan-Senhaja. Some triradical verbs can form Imperfectives with the prefix t-and insertion of a before the final consonant. This is especially frequent in Ketama, but is sometimes found in other Senhaja dialects (including Hmed and Zerqet). As mentioned above, verbs of this type can also form Imperfectives by geminating C2 (throughout Senhaja), or by applying the C(:)CuC scheme (in Central and Eastern Senhaja). Thus, CCC verbs have three ways to form Imperfectives, with two different manners co-existing within the same variety (CCC > CC:C and CCC > tCCaC in Ketama, and CCC > CC:C and CCC > C:CuC in Zerqet). While many verbs have alternative Imperfective forms used interchangeably by the speakers, some verbs allow for only one Imperfective within the same dialect. The following table lists CCC > tCCaC examples for the Ketama variety. Alternative Imperfectives of the type CC:C are also listed.

CCC > tteCCaC (and CC:C) Imperfectives in Ketama

The following table lists CCC > tCCaC examples outside Ketama. This way of forming Imperfective is not common in these varieties. Alternative Imperfectives are provided.

  The quadriliteral verb pinčer also includes a vowel (CiCCC). It is a loan from Spanish pinchar 'to puncture'. It forms Imperfective by the prefix t-and insertion of a before the final consonant: pinčer > tpinčaṛ 'puncture' (H/Z, in Z also IPF tpinčir).

		IPF	Transl.	Variety AOR	IPF	Transl.	Variety
	beḷbeḷ	tbeḷbaḷ	bleat	K/H	ɛerkel	tɛerkal prevent	H
	beṛbeṛ	tbeṛbaṛ scream	K	ġerbel	tġerbal sieve	K/H/Z
	qefqef	tqefqaf	shiver	K/H/Z	qerqeb tqerqab knock	K/H/Z
	qeṛqeṛ	tqeṛqaṛ croak	H/Z	serweṯ	tserwaṯ thresh	H/Z

Prefix t-and Replacement of the Final Vowel with -ay or -i/a a) Prefix t-and replacement of the final

  Finally, a few verbs of the type CCCC insert u before the final consonant.The verb susef 'to spit' has different Imperfectives in different varieties. In Hmed and Zerqet, the Imperfective is formed by the prefix t-and the vowel insertion (a in Hmed, u in Zerqet). In Ketama, there is no prefix t-in the Imperfective, as in many s-initial

	IPF tbežbiž be flooded Transl. deḇdeḇ tdeḇdiḇ buzz bežbež bezbez tbezbiz buzz weṛweṛ țweṛwiṛ be full with H Variety AOR K/H/Z herher H/Z ḥesḥes K keškeš feṭfeṭ verbs (cf. Section 4.5.6), and the inserted vowel is u: AOR IPF (H) IPF (Z) IPF (K) Translation IPF therhir tickle Transl. Variety K/H tḥesḥis whisper K/H tkeškiš scare K/H tfeṭfiṭ shake K/H/Z susef țsusaf tsusuf susuf spit IPF Transl. Variety AOR IPF Transl. Variety ġeṭṭi tġeṭṭay cover K/H/Z siyyi tsiyyay test, try K/H med ̱̣ d ̱̣ i tmed ̱̣ d ̱̣ ay sharpen K/H/Z ṣeffi tṣeffay sieve K/H/Z neqqi tneqqay clean K/H/Z werri twerray show K/H ḥemmi tḥemmay make hot K bekki tbekkay make cry K/T/H 4.5.4.2. AOR CC:i/CC:a > tCC:ay The following verbs have i/a alternation in the Aorist in Zerqet, corresponding to the invariable -i in most other varieties (cf. Section 4.2.1.3). The Imperfective is common across Senhaja.
	CCCC > tCCCuC AOR (K/H) AOR (Z)	IPF (K/H/Z)	Transl. AOR (K/H)	AOR (Z)	IPF (K/H/Z)	Transl.
	AOR ɛelli heṛheṛ luwwi teftef ġenni lehhi	IPF ɛelli/a theṛhuṛ roar Transl. tɛellay luwwi/a tluwway roll Variety AOR ascend ṛebbi K/Z qeṛqeṛ semmi tteftuf feel, search K/Z bezbez ġenni/a tġennay sing tekki lehhi/a tlehhay distract ẓemmi	IPF ṛebbi/a tqeṛquṛ croak tṛebbay Transl. Variety raise semmi/a tsemmay name K tbezbuz buzz tekki/a ttekkay nap K ẓemmi/a tẓemmay wring
	CVCC > tCVCVC
	CaCC> tCaCaC
	AOR	IPF	Transl.	Variety AOR	IPF	Transl. Variety
	sayes	tsayas	persuade	K/H	ḥawel	tḥawal	try	K/H/Z
	ɛaṛed ̱̣ tɛaṛad ̱̣ invite	K/H/Z	ḫaṭer	tḫaṭar	risk	K/H/Z
	CiCC> tCiCaC and CiCC> tCiCiC The following verb has two alternative Imperfectives in Zerqet, and one in Hmed:

Verbs of the CVCC type often form the Imperfective with the t(t)-prefix combined with a vowel insertion before the final consonant. The inserted vowel can be an invariable a or can be copied from the verb root. The general scheme is thus CVCC> tCVCVC, with the following possible sub-categories: CaCC> tCaCaC, CiCC > tCiCaC (invariable a), CiCC > tCiCiC (vowel i copied from the base), CuCC> tCuCaC (invariable a), and CuCC> tCuCuC. Consider the following examples. AOR IPF (H/Z) IPF (Z) Transl. sisen tsisan tsisin dip (smth. into smth.) CuCC> tCuCaC and CuCC > CuCuC -i(~-a) with -ay Some i-final verbs form Imperfectives by the prefix combined with a change of the final -i into -ay. 338 This group also includes verbs that have i/a alternation in the Aorist in Zerqet, usually corresponding to the invariable -i in other Senhaja varieties (Ketama, Taghzut, Seddat, Hmed), cf. Section 4.2.1.3. This type of Imperfective is distinct from other Imperfectives on -ay formed on the basis of C-final verbs (cf. below, Section 4.5.4.3). While i-final verbs can acquire the final -ay in the Imperfective across Senhaja, ay-final Imperfectives of C-final verbs are absent in Ketama.

Not all i-final verbs replace -i with -ay in the Imperfective. Some verbs form the Imperfective by gemination of the second consonant (cf. Section 4.5.1), and others by changing the final -i to -uy, combined with the gemination of C1 (audible in Zerqet, not audible in Hmed), cf. Section 4.5.2. 339 As usual, alternative Imperfective forms may co-exist in the same dialect. We will first look at verbs of the type CC:i, CaCi, and CCaCi, followed by other types. Many verbs of the CC:i and CaCi types are borrowed from Arabic.

CC:i > tCC:ay

Below follow some examples of CC:i verbs (with an invariable -i) that form Imperfectives with the prefix t-combined with a change of the final -i to -ay. Examples include stem II causatives of CC:i type.

In the following examples of the type tCC:i (t-derived verbs in Arabic), Ketama and Zerqet both have i/a in the Aorist. As verbs are t-initial, the addition of the prefix t-is not audible in Ketama and Zerqet, while in Hmed, ț-does not assimilate to the following t:

C(C)aCi/a > tC(C)aCay

All examples in the C(C)aCi type in our database have i/a alternation in the Aorist in Zerqet, corresponding to -i in Ketama/Hmed. The Imperfective is common.

AOR (K/Z

) AOR (H) IPF (K/H/Z) IPF (H) Translation

  The verb sawi 'speak' is of CaCi type in Bunsar variety, and forms Imperfective in the same way: IPF tsaway.

	Varia Other verbs ending in -i form Imperfective in the same way, for example:
	AOR	IPF		Transl.	Variety AOR	IPF	Transl.	Variety
	žži	t(t)ežžay heal		K/Z	mġi	t(t)emġay grow (of plants)	K/H/Z
	ṛwi	tteṛway	be soaked K	menti tmentay	lie	K
	tɛešši/a		tɛešši		tɛeššay	țetɛeššay	have dinner
	tġeddi/a		tġeddi	tġedday	țetġedday	have lunch
	tweḍḍi/a	tweḍḍi	tweḍḍay	țetweḍḍay	perform ablution
	AOR (K/H) AOR (Z)	IPF (K/Z)	IPF (H)	Translation
	laqi		laqi/a	tlaqay	țlaqay	meet
	ḥaḏi		ḥaḏi/a	tḥaḏay	țḥaḏay	touch
	glaṣi		glaṣi/a	t(t)eglaṣay	țeglaṣay	freeze smth.
	ḫtafi		ḫtafi/a	t(t)eḫtafay	țeḫtafay	disappear

4.3. Prefix t-and Addition of the Final -i/a ~ ay or -u

  For example: Some C-final verbs form Imperfective by the prefix t-combined with the addition of the final -i/a (Ketama) or -ay (Hmed/Bunsar/Zerqet). are of the CCVC type. In Ketama, the Imperfective is formed by the prefix tt-alone, while in Hmed/Zerqet, the prefix is combined with the final -ay.The final -ay is optional in Hmed in all these forms, and also optional in Zerqet in the last example (verb mġuṛ).In the following CCC verbs, the Imperfective is formed in the same way in H/Z (prefix t-combined with the inserted vowel and the addition of the final -ay), while there is no insertion of the final -i/a in Ketama (where the Imperfective is formed by the prefix t-and insertion of a before the final consonant). As mentioned above, in Hmed, the final -ay is often optional.

	AOR ḥfu ḥmu Type C(a)C: C(:)C: C:C C:C 4.5.CVC verbs AOR IPF (K) IPF (H/Z) Transl. AOR IPF Transl. Variety AOR tteḥfay be dull K ḥlu tteḥmay be hot K ḥlu AOR IPF Translation IPF tteḥlaw teḥlay daqq țdaqqay knock k(k)ebb tk(k)ebbay pour ṛṛeẓ țeṛ(ṛ)ẓay be broken mmeṯ tem(m)tay die IPF (K) Variety/Notes Transl. be sweet be sweet H H/Z H (Z IPF tṛuẓay) Z IPF (H/Z) Transl. Variety K ɛiš tɛiši/a tɛišay live ẓuṛ tẓuṛi/a tẓuṛay visit CCC bedd tbedday stop Z CaCC wareg ttwargay dream AOR IPF (K) IPF (H/Z) Transl. AOR IPF (K) IPF (Z) Transl. K/H/Z bdeḏ ttebḏaḏ țebdaḏay (H) stop ɛmaṛ tteɛmaṛ teɛmiṛay be full H/Z Sometimes, additional changes take place, e.g. AOR IPF Translation Variety/Notes ḥlu teḥliway be sweet Z (~IPF teḥlay) ṣud ̱̣ tṣud ̱̣ i/a tṣud ̱̣ ay blow ɛum tɛumi/a tɛumay swim CC: verbs AOR IPF (K) IPF (H/Z) Translation fekk tfekki/a tfekkay untie hezz thezzi/a thezzay shake CCVC ṣɛeb tteṣɛab tṣɛibay be ḫnez tteḫnaz tteḫnizay stink difficult Some verbs change the medial vowel (in addition to the prefix t-and the insertion of the final -i/a ~ -ay) in the Imperfective: AOR IPF (K) IPF (H/Z) Translation Notes The following verbs AOR IPF (K) IPF (H/Z) Transl. AOR IPF (K) IPF (H/Z) Transl. ḷḷuẓ tḷaẓi/tḷaẓa țeḷḷaẓay (H) be hungry Z ǧǧuẓ, IPF teǧǧaẓay
	AOR ḫṭaṛ	IPF tteḫṭaṛ teḫṭaṛay Translation choose Variety ɛšaṛ	tteɛšaṛ	teɛšaṛay	be pregnant
	ẓẓu ḥtaž	teẓẓi/a tteḥtaž teḥtažay plant	need	K (Z/H IPF teẓẓu) mġuṛ ttemġuṛ	temġuṛ(ay) grow
	AOR AOR nnebnu tternu ssebḏu ḷḷuẓ (K/H) ǧǧuẓ (Z) ǧǧun AOR qquṛ kkubb mmuṯ AOR qqim ṛṛeẓ qqim	IPF IPF (K) tennebnay țetternay țssebḏay tḷuẓi/a~tḷaẓi/a (tteǧǧun~tǧawan) Translation IPF (H) Variety be built K/H (also AOR nnebna) IPF (Z) be added H make start H țeḷḷuẓay~țeḷḷaẓay tǧaẓay țeǧǧun(ay) IPF Translation Variety tǧwanay be full Transl. be hungry tġaṛi/tġaṛa (~teqqaṛ) ---tquṛay tkubbu pour K (~IPF tkubbi/tkubba) be dry (tmettaṯ~ttemmuṯ) țemmuṯay~țmețțaṯ tmuṯay IPF (K) IPF (Z) IPF (H) Transl. die tqimi/tqima țġimay~țqqimay tġimay tṛaẓi/a tṛuẓay țeṛ(ṛ)ẓay be broken sit, stay tqimi/a tġimay țġimay~țqqimay sit
	AOR sseḥmu ggall (K/H), ggažž (Z) IPF țesseḥmay ~ (ț)sseḥmaw Compare the following verbs of the C:VC: type. Translation make hot tgalli/a tgažžay Variety/Notes țeggallay ẓẓaḷḷ (K/H), ẓẓaẕ̣̌ (Z) tẓaḷḷi/a tẓaẕ̣̌ ay țeẓẓaḷḷay H (Z IPF sseḥmaw) ttessu țetssaw~țetssu be spread H ttettu ttettaw be forgotten K (H ttețțu, IPF țettețțaw~țettețțu) swear pray tteẓẓu tteẓẓaw~tteẓẓu be planted Type AOR IPF (K) IPF (H/Z) Translation K (H IPF țetteẓẓaw~ țetteẓẓu) AOR IPF qquṛ tġaṛi/a tquṛay ---be dry Transl. Variety/Notes kkubb tkubbi/a pour K, ~ IPF tkubbu, H/Z kkebb, IPF tkebbay ggall tgalli/a (K), țeggallay (H) swear Z ggažž, IPF tgažžay ḷḷuẓ (K), ǧǧuẓ (Z) tḷaẓi/a teǧǧaẓay țeḷḷuẓay be hungry addition of the final -i/a (Ketama) ~-ay (Hmed/Zerqet) combined with the vowel insertion before the final consonant. The inserted vowel can differ per dialect: 4.5.5.
	CC	res	trusi/trusa	țrusay (H)	land
	C:C	ṛṛeẓ	tṛaẓi/tṛaẓa	tṛuẓay (Z)	be broken

In Ketama the final -u can correspond to the i/a alternation (in combination with the prefix t-), e.g. Some causatives and passives are u-final, and form Imperfectives by replacing the final -u with -ay, e.g.

345

Some u-final derived verbs (causatives and passives) have the Imperfective on -aw (sometimes in free variation with -ay or -u), e.g.

C:VC(:) verbs

The initial long consonant is sometimes degeminated following the prefix (cf. Section 4.

5.4.5)

. Sometimes, additional changes take place (e.g. in ǧǧun 'be hungry' and mmuṯ 'die').

Varia

The following verbs of various types form Imperfectives with the prefix t-and the final -ay. The verb wareg 'to dream' has Imperfective on -ay also in Ketama.

Prefix t-and addition of the final -u Exceptionally, the following verb forms the Imperfective by the prefix t-combined with the addition of the final -u:

Insertion of the final -u is also encountered in the Imperfectives of some causatives (cf. Section 4.5.6).

4.5.4.4. Prefix t-, Vowel Insertion/Change, Addition of the Final -a(y)

Some verbs (especially CC or C:C type) form Imperfectives by the prefix t-and the Usually, it is the causatives that form Imperfectives by means of the vowel change (cf. Section 3.3.2 on causatives and Section 4.5.6 on their Imperfectives).

4.5.4.5. A Note on Degemination of C1

The Imperfective prefix t-usually degeminates the initial consonant in Ketama and Zerqet, while degemination usually does not take place in Hmed. Consider the following examples.

Special Cases and Irregular Imperfectives

  'to be ripe, to cook', sw (most Snh.)/ sḇ (H) 'to drink' and its causative ssw (most Snh.)/ sseḇ (H) 'to cause to drink; to irrigate', and a few other cases. There may be irregular vowels or consonants. Irregular changes may co-occur with the prefix t-.The following s-initial verbs are historically causatives.347 One of them forms Imperfective with the prefix t-, while in the other one, the prefix is absent (as is usual In Hmed, in the Imperfective, the initial n-is preserved, and the long counterpart of w is ggʷ (IPF neggʷ).348 In Zerqet, the Imperfective has the same root as the Aorist (ww), and the stem is derived by adding the IPF prefix t-and the final -ay (IPF tuwway /tewway/). In Ketama and Taghzut, the Imperfective is formed by the prefix t-: K ttumi/a, T țemmi/a.

	Suppletion is also discussed in this section. in causatives):
	AOR 4.5.5.1. Alternation in the Imperfective (Ketama) IPF Translation Notes sawi sawi/a speak H siwi, IPF (ț)saway
	suff Alternating Imperfectives have been found in Ketama. Some Imperfectives have tsuffi/a inflate H suf, IPF țsufay alternation between Ø and -a in 2P and 3P forms, e.g. 4.5.5.2. Imperfectives in Specific Verbs
	1) The verb 'to give' Imperfective of 'to be ripe/cooked'
	Ketama	Taghzut	Hmed	Zerqet
	ttumi/a	țemmi/a	neggʷ	tuwway /tewway/
	Imperfective i/a alternation in Ketama
	Type	AOR	IPF (K)	Translation	Notes
	aC aC(:) aCi Ketama (majority) af až (aǧǧ) ari Ketama: ttafi/a ttaži/a ttari/a Beni Aisi C: yy tiyyi/a takki/a taki/a~ tak/a	find leave write Taghzut Seddat/ T/H/B/Z IPF taf T/H/Z IPF taž (taǧǧ) Hmed Zerqet Bunsar T/H/B/Z IPF tari be Z IPF tili țakk tekk țekk tik
	C:V	ẓẓu	teẓẓi/a	plant		=T; vs. H/Z IPF teẓẓu
	CC CC: 2) The verb 'to do' res trusi/a sell tselli/a	dress hear		H les, IPF less ~ țlusay =T; vs. H IPF țsellay
	CVC	fiq	tfiqi/a	wake up	=T; vs. H IPF țfiqay
	CVC:	kkubb	tkubbi/a	pour		H kebb, IPF țkebbay
	C:VC:	ggall	tgalli/a	swear	H IPF țeggullay
	CCV	rru	terri/a	add		=T; vs. H IPF rennu

Alternation in the Imperfectives is found in Ketama (Section 4.5.5.1). Some Imperfectives are formed in an irregular way. Special cases discussed in Section 4.5.5.2 include: kk 'to give', ww (K)/yy (H)/ ḡḡ (Z) 'to do', wm (K)/mm (T)/ww (H/Z) (17) su /sew/ 'drink', IPF ss/ssa: 3MS i-ses 'he drinks', 3P ssa-n 'they drink';

(18) kk 'give', IPF tak ~ taka: 3MS i-tak 'he gives', 3P taka-n 'they give' (dialectal). Some verbs have -i/a alternation in the Imperfective (cf. Section 4.2.1.3 on the -i/a alternation in the Aorist and Section 4.3.1.3 on the -i/a alternation in the Perfective).

While -i/a alternation in the Aorist is characteristic of Zerqet, -i/a alternation in the Imperfective is characteristic of Ketama (often corresponding to the final -ay in Hmed/Zerqet).

346

Verbs of different schemes can have -i/a alternation in the Imperfective. The alternation is always accompanied by the Imperfective prefix t-(except for causatives). Consider the following examples.

The verb 'to give' is kk (<*fk), with the Perfective kki/a across Senhaja. In Seddat, Hmed, and Bunsar, the Imperfective of this verb is regular (formed by the prefix t-). In Ketama and Taghzut, the Imperfective of this verb inserts the vowel a before the stem of the verb, combined with the addition of the final -i/a in Ketama. The Beni Aisi dialect of Ketama either has the -i/a alternation (as the rest of Ketama), or a Ø/a alternation, where -a is found in 2P and 3P. Also, in Beni Aisi, the root is degeminated in the Imperfective. In Zerqet, the Imperfective inserts the vowel i, and there is also degemination (as in Beni Aisi). Below follows a comparative table.

Imperfective of kk 'to give'

The verb 'to do' has (synchronically) different stems in different Senhaja varieties:

Ketama ww (PERF gi/a), Hmed (i)yyi (PERF (i)yyi/a, Zerqet ḡḡ (PERF ḡḡi/a). Besides different realizations due to different phonetic developments, its peculiarity is also the voiced realization of the Imperfective prefix in Ketama and (as a possible option) in Zerqet: Ketama degg, Hmed țegg, Zerqet degg~tegg.

3) The verb 'to be ripe/cooked' This verb 'to be ripe' etymologically has the root nw' (' is [ʔ], the glottal stop), see Kossmann 2008b: 230-231. The assimilation and metathesis led to different current stems of this verb in Senhaja: Ketama wm (PERF wmi/a), Taghzut mm (PERF mmi/a), Hmed/Zerqet ww (PERF wwi/a).

4) The verbs 'to drink', 'to irrigate', and 'to prepare a resting place'

The verb su /sew/ 'to drink', Perfective swi/a (most Snh. excluding Hmed) has the Imperfective stems (se)ss in Ketama/Zerqet, ss in Taghzut, and seggʷ in Seddat. This verb has a morphological causative ssu (underlyingly /ssew/ in K/S/Z, underlyingly ssuw in T), that became lexicalized in the sense 'to irrigate' (Perfective sswi/a in Ketama, AOR=PERF in Taghzut/Zerqet, ssi/a in Seddat), Imperfective ssway or tesswi/a (K), ssuway (T), ssway or tessu (S), tessu (Z).

Hmed has the Aorist seḇ 'to drink' (Perfective sḇi/a) > Imperfective (se)ss (as Ketama and Zerqet); causative sseḇ 'make drink; irrigate' (AOR=PERF), Imperfective țesseḇ~ țesseḇay.

The verb ssu 'to irrigate' is homonymous or partially homonymous (depending on the variety) with the verb ssu 'to spread/prepare a resting place' (underlyingly /ssw/ in K/T/S, /ssu/ or /ssw/ in Zerqet, /ssu/ in Hmed; Perfective sswi/a K, ssi/a T/S/H/Z), Imperfective ssway or tessi/a (K), țessi/a (T), ssway or tessu (S), tessu (Z). The Imperfective forms of these three verbs are compared in the following table.

349

The following table shows the Imperfective forms of the verb su /sew/ (H seḇ) 'to drink', its causative counterpart ssu (H sseḇ) 'to irrigate', and lists for comparison the Imperfective forms of the verb ssu 'to prepare a resting place'.

348

In 3MS, the underlying i-neggʷ is realized as i-nug (i-neʷgg): labialization is realized before the velar.

349

See https://academia.li/gutova/senhaja-three-verbs for the paradigms.

The Imperfective

forms of the verbs 'drink', 'irrigate', and 'prepare a resting place'

  Imperfective=AoristThere are some verbs that do not change in the Imperfective. These are the verbs whose original Imperfective stem became reinterpreted as the Aorist (they all start in t-, originally the Imperfective prefix). Later, some Senhaja varieties formed a new

	4.5.6.
				Ketama	Taghzut Seddat	Zerqet Hmed
	'drink'			(se)ss		ss	seggʷ	(se)ss	(se)ss
	'irrigate' 'prepare a Imperfective. resting place' AOR=IPF	ssway~tesswi/a ssuway ssway~tessi/a țessi/a Translation Variety/Notes ssway~tessu tessu ssway~tessu tessu	țesseḇ(ay) țessu
	ttru 4.5.5.3. Varia cry ttares be owed money to K (H/Z ares, IPF tares) K (B/Z ttru, IPF tettru, H țru, IPF țețru)
	Causatives may form Imperfectives differently from the regular verbs (cf. Section Frozen causatives tsyay to hear B (Z tsli/tsla, IPF tslay, K sell, IPF tselli/tsella,
	Verb			Translation	Variety/Notes
	ḫšen			be bad, ugly	S (vs. Z IPF teḫšinay)
	ẕ̣̌ ẕ̣̌ i/ẕ̣̌ ẕ̣̌ a			be bad, ugly	K
	ṣbaḥ /ṣbeḥ/		be good	K/S (vs. H IPF țeṣbaḥay)
	Type ḥlu	AOR	IPF be sweet	Translation T/S, vs. Z IPF teḥliway Variety/Notes
	C:C C:V However, there are dialectal differences. Also, there are verbs with similar semantics wweṯ kkʷaṯ hit H/B/Z (K/T kkaṯ) ddu ttuḏu walk K that have Imperfectives, e.g.
	C:VC AOR	mmuṯ IPF	tem(m)taṯ Translation die	K/H Variety/Notes
	Suppletion Some Imperfectives are suppletive to the Aorist stem. zyan tezyan be nice K/T/S
	AOR čč bb ddu ini, nn For the Seddat variety, is difficult to draw a line between such defective verbs (lacking IPF Translation Variety/Notes tett eat B/Z (K šš -tett, T čč -šečč, H čč -sețț) ttawi take K (Sahel) (elsewhere awi -t(t)awi) ɛeddu walk H qqaṛ say pan-Snh. the Imperfective stem) and conjugated adjectives that developed from old stative verbs (cf. Chapter 7). Conjugated adjectives have special morphological marking in most varieties of Senhaja, distinguishing them from defective verbs. However, in Seddat, adjectives are conjugated with the regular affixes, thus turning them into defective verbs.

4.5.6). Thus, they normally lack the Imperfective prefix t-, and they can form Imperfective by a vowel change. Some old causatives are not causatives synchronically. In this case, the Imperfective may appear irregular, e.g. 350 AOR IPF Translation Variety siwi (ț)saway speak H (cf. Z ssiwel, IPF ssawal)

Varia

The following verbs have different irregularities in the Imperfective.

H sell, IPF țsellay

Verbs lacking the Imperfective

Some verbs (especially those describing states/quality) may lack the Imperfective form. Such verbs also typically lack the Imperative. For example:

Imperfective of s-derived and s-initial Verbs Most

  s-derived (or s-initial) verbs form Imperfectives by vocalic changes, such as the insertion of a vowel (a, sometimes u or i), usually before the final consonant (and sometimes the final vowel) of the verb. Some verbs add u (~w) or i (~y) after the final consonant (or the final vowel). Some verbs add -ay. The Imperfective prefix t(t-) can co-occur with the causative prefix in Hmed and sometimes in Zerqet (Ikherruden dialect). This must be an innovation by analogy with other imperfective forms.351 The following verbs insert the vowel a before the final phoneme of the verb base (consonant or a vowel). Many CCC verbs are found in this category.

	4.5.6.1. Insertion of a
	1) Insertion of a before the final consonant
	AOR	IPF	Transl.	Base		Transl.	Variety
	ssehyeḵ	ssehyaḵ (K), țessehyaḵ (H)	make sick	hyeḵ		be sick	K/H 352
	sseḵšem	sseḵšam (all), țesseḵšam (H)	make enter	ḵšem		enter	pan-Snh.
	ssud ̱̣ ed ̱̣	țessud ̱̣ ad ̱̣ 353	nurse (trans.)	ṭṭed ̱̣	nurse (intr.)	H
	The following verb has an underlying schwa in the Aorist vs. underlying a in the Imperfective: 354
	AOR	IPF	Translation	Base	Translation	Variety
	ssufaġ /e/	ssufaġ /a/ make go out	ff(u)ġ go out	K/B
	2)

Insertion of a before the final vowel

  When the verb base ends in -i (which can be from the old *el) or in -u and the vowel a is inserted in the Imperfective, the final vowel becomes a glide: i>y, u>w. in Zerqet. In some verbs, this change is optionally combined with the final -ay in As mentioned above, one of the possible Imperfective forms of the verb sseḥmu 'make hot' (causative of ḥmu 'be hot') is sseḥmuy (K/T). Other Imperfective forms are:

	Hmed (cf. below). 356 4.5.6.5
	Final i > -ay AOR ssens~snes snus 357 IPF 4.5.6.4. Addition of the final -ay Translation make overnight nes Base	Transl. overnight	Variety K
	AOR ssani ssemġi sawi 355 sres (K/H), ssers (Z) z(z)nez, zzenz ssud ̱̣ ed ̱̣ Some causatives form Imperfectives by adding -ay after the final consonant. This IPF Translation Base Translation Variety țssanay make ride ani ride T/H ssemġay (K/Z), țessemġay (H) make sprout mġi sprout K/H/Z saway speak ---K s(s)rus make land res (K/H), ares (Z) land K/H/Z z(z)nuz sell ---T/H/Z 358 țssud ̱̣ ud ̱̣ (H), nurse (trans.) ṭṭed ̱̣ change may be combined with the Imperfective prefix t/ț-and other changes (see below). This formation is most frequent in Hmed and Zerqet, although some examples are found in Western Senhaja (Ketama/Taghzut). 361 nurse (intr.) H/Z ssud ̱̣ ud ̱̣ (Z) 359 ssufaġ /e/ ssufuġ 360 make go out ff(u)ġ go out AOR IPF Transl. Base Transl. Variety K/T/Z sbedd (t)sbedday 362 make stand bedd stand Z
	The following verbs insert u in the final position: ssens~ snes tsensay (K), ssensay (T) 363 extinguish nes	be extinguished K
	AOR sfi AOR skuḥ(ḥ) ssens~ snes sbuk(k) sraġ /e/ s(s)kaw	IPF ttesfay~seffi (K), sfuy (H) IPF Translation Base skuḥḥu cough ----țessensay (H), ssensay (T) (make) overnight sbukku explode bbuk(k) nes sserġay (T/Z), make hot raġ /e/ be hot Translation fester Translation ---overnight explode (intr.) țesserġay (H) (trans.) teskaway make dry kkaw be dry	Variety K/H Variety H K K H/Z Z
	ssend	ssenday (K/Z) 364	churn	---		K/Z
	AOR ssemġuṛ țessemġuṛay (H), IPF Translation make grow ssemġuṛay (Z) ssetru ssetraw make cry sgall (H), sgažž (Z) țesgallay (H), sgažžay (Z) make swear ggall, Base mġuṛ ttru gažž	Translation grow cry swear	H/Z Variety Z H, Z
	AOR	IPF: T/B/Z IPF: H	Transl.	Base	Transl.
	s(s)ireḏ ssif(e)f AOR ssizaġ /e/ (B/Z) IPF ssens~snes țesnusay (~țessensay) (make) overnight nes s(s)iriḏ țssiraḏ wash ssifif țssifaf sieve Translation Base ssiziġ țessazaġ /a/ make dry sres srusay (~srus) make land res ssazaġ /e/ (T/H) znez țeznuzay (~znuz) sell ---	------azaġ /e/ be dry Translation overnight land

351

Most Berber varieties (including the majority of Senhaja and Ghomara) do not allow the co-occurrence of the causative prefix s(s)-and the Imperfective prefix t(t)-.

Compare Cadi 1987 and Kossmann 2002a. 352

Cf. Taghzut causative ssehžeḵ, imperfective ssehžaḵ < base hžeḵ, Zerqet causative ssehleḵ, imperfective ssehlaḵ < base hleḵ.

353

Imperfective țssud ̱̣ ud ̱̣ is also used (see below).

354

Other Imperfective forms of this verb are also found, see below.

Alternatively, one could say that final i is substituted by -ay, and final -u by -aw. For final -u there also exists other patterns.

The following s-initial verb either follows the above pattern (final i>ay) or forms its Imperfective by C2 gemination in Ketama. In Hmed, -i>-uy. The verb has no base counterpart.

Final u > -aw

In the following example, the final -u corresponds to -aw in the Imperfective:

The verb sseḥmu 'make hot' (base ḥmu 'be hot') either follows the same pattern (IPF sseḥmaw in Taghzut and the Ikherruden dialect of Zerqet), or substitutes the final -u with -ay: IPF sseḥmay in Ketama and parts of Zerqet (Bunjel). In Hmed, the final -ay is combined with the prefix ț (IPF țesseḥmay). The Imperfective sseḥmuy is also found in Ketama.

4.5.6.2. Insertion of u

Causatives derived from CC and C:C verbs can form Imperfectives by inserting the vowel u before the final consonant of the base. In this case, the Imperfective has the form C(:)CuC, recalling the frequent way to form Imperfectives of underived CCC

355

Cf. Zerqet siwel > sawal. verbs 4.5.6.3. Insertion of i Some s-derived verbs form Imperfectives by insertion of the vowel i before the final consonant. In Hmed, the Imperfectives usually follow a different pattern (namely insertion of a before the final consonant) and are provided in the table below for comparison. sseḥmay (K/T/B/Z), țesseḥmay (H), sseḥmaw (Z).

The following Imperfectives in Hmed are formed by inserting the vowel u before the final consonant and adding the final -ay (which may be optional):

. Vowel Change and Insertion Some

  Imperfectives are formed by both changing the existing vowel and inserting an additional vowel. The following verb, s(s)iwel (Zerqet), s(s)iwež (Taghzut) 'to speak' changes i to a and inserts a before the final consonant. Its Hmed counterpart, siwi, likewise changes the vowel and inserts a, in addition to the Imperfective prefix ț-:The verb ssaḵi 'to cross (to the other side)' changes a to u and inserts u before the final vowel (the final -u becomes -uy) in the Imperfective in Ketama: Some causative verbs remain unaltered in the Imperfective. This is found in Taghzut, and sometimes also in Ketama. In Eastern Senhaja (Hmed/Zerqet), the corresponding Imperfectives are distinguished from the Aorist by the final -ay and (sometimes) by the

	4.5.6.7. Imperfective=Aorist
	Imperfective prefix t-(Zerqet)/ț-(Hmed).
	AOR AOR(common) =IPF (Taghzut) s(s)iwel (Z), s(s)iwež (T), siwi (H) s(s)awal (Z), s(s)awaž (T), (ț)saway (H) speak IPF Transl. IPF≠AOR: Translation Base Translation Hmed/Zerqet ssemġuṛ 366 țssemġuṛay (H) ssemġuṛay (Z) make grow mġuṛ grow
	s(s)kaw		tskaway (Z)	make dry	kkaw	dry
	AOR sbukk sɛum	IPF	tesbakkay (H/Z) explode (trans.) Translation (ț)sɛumay (H) make swim	bbukk ɛum	explode (intr.) swim
	ssaḵi	ssuḵuy	cross (to the other side)
	AOR	IPF			Translation	Base	Translation
	sɛum	țsɛum (~(ț)sɛumay)	make swim	ɛum	swim
	ssemġuṛ	țessemġuṛ (~țessemġuṛay) make grow	mġuṛ	grow
	The verb ssend 'to churn' has several alternative Imperfectives in Ketama. One of the alternative forms is built solely by the prefix t-:
	AOR	IPF				Translation
	ssend	tssend (~ssnud~ssendaw~ssenday)	churn

4.5.6.6. The Imperfective Prefix ț-with Causatives

The Hmed variety often uses the Imperfective prefix ț-with causatives, and usually combines it with other means to form the Imperfective.

365

However, when other changes are absent, the prefix ț is the only means to distinguish the Aorist from the Imperfective. The corresponding Imperfectives in other varieties may be homophonuous with the Aorist (cf. below).

Verb without t-pfx (stem II) Verb with t-pfx (stem V) Var.

	Insertion
	AOR	IPF	AOR	IPF
	sebbaq /e/	tsebbaq /a/	tsebbaq /e/ tsebbaq /a/	K/S/B/Z
	sebbaq /e/	țsebbaq /a/	tsebbaq /e/ sețsebbaq /a/ (T) țetsebbaq /a/ (H)	T/H
	AOR (all)		IPF: K/S/B/Z IPF: T	IPF: H	Translation
	tɛeṭṭel		tɛeṭṭal	sețɛeṭṭal	țetɛeṭṭal	be late
	tɛellem		tɛellam	sețɛellam	țetɛellam	learn
	tɛeṛṛef		tɛeṛṛaf	sețɛeṛṛaf	țetɛeṛṛaf	be introduced
	tɛuwwež		tɛuwwaž	sețɛuwwaž	țetɛuwwaž	be bent
	tneġġeḏ ̱̣ trekkem	tneġġad ̱̣ ---	sețneġġad ̱̣ țetneġġaḏ ̱̣ be made threshed ---țetrekkam be made wet
	AOR (all)		IPF: K/S/B/Z	IPF: T/H		Translation
	nneɛzel		tenneɛzal	țenneɛzal		be separated
	nnezṛaɛ /e/		tennezṛaɛ /a/	țennezṛaɛ /a/	be sown
	nnežṛaḥ /e/		tennežṛaḥ /a/	țennežraḥ /a/	be injured
	nnežmaɛ /e/ tennežmaɛ /a/	țennežmaɛ /a/	be gathered
	nɛuwwež		tenɛuwwaž	țenɛuwwaž	be bent
	AOR		IPF	Translation		Variety
	ttesḍeḥḥek		țettesḍeḥḥak	be made laugh	H
	ttesneɛɛes		țettesneɛɛas	be made sleep	H

of a before the final consonant, with gemination of C1

Insertion of u before the final consonant

  Some verbs that insert the vowel u between the prefix n(n)-and the first consonant of the base (cf.Section 3.3.4.3), form Imperfectives by inserting the vowel u before the final consonant of the verb. The vowel u thus occurs twice (Zerqet):As follows from the above table, with n-derived verbs from the CC: base, three different mechanisms can be used to form the Imperfective: insertion of a before a final consonant; addition of the final -i/a or of the final -ay. Consider the following examples and their dialectal distribution:

	More rarely, the final -u is replaced by -ay:
	IPF țetteqqaz IPF: K/S/B/Z țetternay AOR (T/H/B) tġez (i/a K/S/Z) IPF tternu ttezyu ttezyay (K), țettezyay (H) Translation be dug IPF: T Translation Variety H IPF: H be added be slaughtered AOR IPF Translation Variety nnuṛẓem tennuṛẓum be released Z Addition AOR nnuršaq /e/ tennuršuq be split Z	Translation Variety H K/H
	tġeṭṭi(/a)	tġeṭṭay			sețġeṭṭay	țetġeṭṭay	be covered
	tlaqi(/a)	tlaqay			sețlaqay	țetlaqay	meet (recipr.)
	AOR				IPF: K/Z	IPF: T/H	Transl.
	nneqli/a (K/Z), nneqli (T), nneqyi (H)	tenneqlay	țenneqlay (T), țenneqyay (H)	be fried
	nneṭwi/a (K/Z), nneṭwi (T/H) tenneṭway AOR IPF: K/T IPF: S/B/Z	țenneṭway IPF: H	be folded Translation
	thezz		thezzi/a	thezzay	țethezzay	be shaken
	tšedd		tšeddi/a	tšedday	țetšedday	be caught
	AOR						IPF: K	IPF: T/H	Transl.
	nnebni/a (K), nnebni (T), nnebnu (K/H)	tennebnay	țennebnay	be built
	Pfx AOR	IPF: K	IPF: T		IPF in -ay	IPF: H	Transl.
	t-	tfekk	tfekki/a țfekki/a	tfekkay (Z, *K, *T) țetfekkay	be untied
	n-	nfekk	tenfakk țenfekki/a tenfekkay (K/Z)	țenfekkay be untied
	AOR (K/H)	IPF (K)		IPF (H)	Translation
	ttettu		ttettaw		țettettaw	be forgotten
	tteẓẓu		tteẓẓaw		țetteẓẓaw	be planted

of the final -i/a (esp. Ketama/Taghzut) or -ay (esp. Hmed/Zerqet) Some Imperfectives add -ay after the final consonant.

368

This has been found in Seddat, Hmed, Bunsar and Zerqet, with both t-and n-derived verbs, while in Ketama, the addition of the final -ay is only found with n-derivation. With t-derived verbs, in corresponding Imperfectives in Ketama and Taghzut, one finds the -i/a alternation after the final consonant. This type of Imperfectives is usually found with base verbs of the type CC:, e.g.

With n-derived verbs, the addition of the final -ay is also found in Ketama (but not in Taghzut, that has the final -i/a alternation). Compare the following forms (derived from the same verb):

368

Alternative Imperfectives are also possible (e.g. with the insertion of a before the final consonant), e.g. Hmed tẓed ̱̣ 'be ground' > IPF țetẓd ̱̣ ay ~ țetẓad ̱̣ . In Hmed, this feature is also found in t-derived passives of s-causatives, e.g. ttesraġ /e/ 'to be heated' > IPF țettesserġay.

Insertion of i before the final consonant and addition of -ay

Some verbs can form the Imperfective in two different manners in Zerqet: by the insertion of a before the final consonant (as in other parts of Senhaja, e.g. in Ketama),

Imperfective of ttya/ttwa-, m-, and Double-derived Verbs 4.5.8.1. Imperfective of ttya/ttwa-derived Verbs Not

  all verbs derived with the prefixes ttya/țțuya/ttwa-have an Imperfective stem.370

	AOR nhezz 4.5.8.	IPF: -aC: tenhaz (K)	IPF: -i/a tenhezzi/a (K/T)	IPF: -ay tenhezzay (K/H/Z) shake Transl.
	nšedd	tenšadd (K)	tenšeddi/a (K)	tenšedday (K/H)	be caught
	nsugg	---	tensuggi/a (K)	tensuggay (K/H)	be driven
	AOR (all)	IPF (K/Z)		IPF (Z)	Translation
	ttežmaɛ /e/	ttežmaɛ /a/	ttežmiɛay	be gathered
	ttežraḥ /e/	ttežraḥ /a/		ttežriḥay	be injured
	AOR (all)	IPF (K/Z)		IPF (Z)	Translation
	nnežmaɛ /e/	tennežmaɛ /a/	tennežmiɛay	be gathered
	nnežraḥ /e/	tennežraḥ /a/	tennežriḥay	be injured

Imperfective of Double-derived Verbs Among

  The verb mmečč (S/H/Z) 'to be eaten' has the Imperfective stem tmeččay (S/Z), țemmeččay (H), built with the Imperfective prefix and the insertion of the final -ay. The alternative form tmečč (T/H/Z) derives Imperfective in the same way, resulting in: sețmeččay (T), țetmeččay (H), tmeččay (Z). In Zerqet, the Imperfectives of mmečč and double-derived verbs, nearly all are t-or n-derived passives of s-causatives found in Hmed variety (cf. Section 3.3.9.2). One double-derived verb (causative of passive) is found in Zerqet: snuṛẓem 'make released' (from the base ṛẓem 'to release).

	AOR: K/T	AOR: H/Z	IPF: K/T	IPF: H/Z	Translation
	ttyasi (K) țțyasi (T) tmečč coincide.	țțuyasi (H) ttwasi (Z)	ttyasay (K) sețțyasay (T)	țețțuyasay (H) ttwasay (Z)	be lifted
	ttyari (K) ---(T) 4.5.8.3.	țțuyari (H) ---(Z)	ttyaray (K) ---(T)	țețțuyaray (H) ---(Z)	be written
	AOR (common)	IPF (Bunjel)	Translation
	ttwabni/a		ttwabnay	be built
	ttwaḵ(ḵ)ʷer		ttwaḵ(ḵ)ʷar	be stolen
	ttwaḵrez		ttwaḵraz	be plowed
	AOR	IPF			Translation	Variety
	ttwattu	ttwattu~ttwattaw	be forgotten	Z

-prefix + s-prefix n-prefix + s-prefix Translation Var.

	AOR=PERF IPF	Translation	Variety
	snuṛẓem	snuṛẓam~snuṛẓum make released	Z
	tAOR	IPF	AOR	IPF
	tteṣd ̱̣ eṣ ttessehyeḵ țettessehyaḵ țettesd ̱̣ aṣ	nneṣd ̱̣ eṣ nnessehyeḵ	țennesd ̱̣ aṣ țennessehyaḵ	be made laugh H be made sick H
	ttessenker țettessenkar	nnessenker	țennessenkar	be made rise	H
	ttesserkem țettesserkam nnesserkem	țennesserkam	be made wet	H

' (double-derived in Ketama where the base nez 'be sold' is still in use, and double-derived historically in Hmed) forms its Imperfective in the same way in Hmed. Compare the Ketama forms. The difference between Ketama and Hmed is that in Ketama, the Imperfective t(t)-and the passive t(t)-coalesce.

The Imperfective Negative (Mezduy, Parts of Zerqet)

  As mentioned previously, the negative verb stems are only found in Mezduy and parts of Zerqet (Wersan), and are absent in the rest of Senhaja (cf. Section 4.4 on Perfective Negative). This section is based on the data from the Wersan dialect of Zerqet and the

	t-prefix + s-prefix AOR IPF tteznez (K/H) tteznaz (K), țetteznaz (H) t-prefix + s-prefix AOR IPF Base CAUS:AOR IPF (POS=NEG) n-prefix + s-prefix AOR IPF nneznez (K/H) tenneznaz (K) țenneznaz (H) n-prefix + s-prefix AOR Translation d ̱̣ eṣ ssd ̱̣ eṣ ssed ̱̣ ṣay make laugh laqi/a slaqi/a slaqay make meet 4.6. Lahsen dialect of Mezduy. In the tables below, they are listed as W (Zerqet-Wersan) Translation be (made) sold Translation Var. Variety W W raqi/a sraqi/a sraqay make meet M and M (Mezduy). The Imperfective Negative is restricted to a few verbs. In cases where the stem is different, it is derived from the Imperfective (positive) by a vowel change: a > i, e.g. The following denominal verb (based on the word awal 'speech, word') likewise remains unaltered in Imperfective Negative: IPF ttesseḇ țettes(s)ḇay nnesseḇ țennes(s)ḇay be irrigated H ttessemġuṛ țettessemġuṛay nnessemġuṛ țennessemġuṛay be grown H ttesraġ /e/ țettesserġay nnesraġ /e/ țennesserġay be heated H ttesbukk țettesbukkay nnesbukk țennesbukkay be exploded H AOR IPF IPF.NEG AOR IPF (POS=NEG) Translation Variety Translation Variety af taf tif find ssiwel ssawal speak W W 373 degdeg ddegdag ddegdig beat W/M ssiwer ssawar speak M
	Type AOR	IPF (POS=NEG)	Translation	Variety
	AOR CCC	qšeɛ	IPF (POS=NEG) qšuɛ	Translation spot, detect	Variety W/M
	af neġ 4.7. Conclusions taf nnaq			find kill	M W/M
	t-prefix + s-prefix ġer qqaṛ AOR IPF wweṯ kkʷaṯ tṣṣud ̱̣ ed ̱̣ țetṣṣud ̱̣ ed ̱̣ ~ țetṣṣud ̱̣ ud ̱̣ ṣenneṯ tṣennaṯ agem tagem azzel, azzer tazzel, tazzer	n-prefix + s-prefix study AOR beat IPF nṣṣud ̱̣ ed ̱̣ țenṣṣud ̱̣ ed ̱̣ ~ W/M W/M listen W/M fetch water W/M țenṣṣud ̱̣ ud ̱̣ run W, M	Translation be nursed	Var. H
	gabel, qaber	tgabal, tqabar	oversee	W, M
	t-prefix + s-prefix	n-prefix + s-prefix	Translation	Var.
	AOR		IPF	AOR		IPF
	ttessebḏu	țettessebḏay	nnessebḏu	țennessebḏay	be started	H
	ttessebzi	țettessebzay	nnessebzi	țennessebzay	be made wet	H
	ttesseḥmu țettesseḥmay nnesseḥmu ttesseḫwi țettesseḫway nnesseḫwi Base CAUS:AOR IPF IPF.NEG țennesseḥmay be heated țennesseḫway be emptied Translation ḵšem sseḵšem sseḵšam sseḵšim, sseḵšam~sseḵšim make enter	H Variety H W, M

However, there are also examples where a of the Imperfective remains unchanged (and hence, IPF:POS=IPF.NEG), e.g.

Causatives

Among causatives, there are verbs that change a to i, and those which keep a in the Imperfective Negative. The verb sseḵšem 'to make enter' (causative of ḵšem 'to enter') has the Imperfective sseḵšam (Z/M) that changes to sseḵšim in IPF.NEG in Zerqet, and optionally in Mezduy:

373

In Mezduy, the IPF.NEG=IPF (taf).

The following causatives keep a in Imperfective Negative:

In most cases (and in all cases when there is no a in the Imperfective positive), the Imperfective Negative is the same as Imperfective Positive, e.g.

In Berber, it is customary to speak of MAN (Mood, Aspect, Negation) stems. Most Senhaja varieties distinguish three MA(N) stems -Aorist, Perfective, and Imperfective -without distinct negative stems. Mezduy and the Wersan dialect of Zerqet preserve two negative stems: the Perfective Negative and the Imperfective Negative. Some stems can be homonymous.

The Perfective Negative (Mezduy, Parts of Zerqet)

  The Perfective Negative is preserved in Mezduy and parts of Zerqet (Wersan). It is derived from the Perfective by the vowel change (a > i) or insertion, e.g. d ̱̣ haṛ (AOR=PERF)> d ̱̣ hiṛ 'appear'. Sometimes, a remains unchanged, e.g. faṯ (AOR=PERF =PERF.NEG) 'to pass'. Verbs without a plain vowel insert i before the final consonant,

alternation, e.g. kk > kki/a 'give'; ḵes > ḵsi/a 'herd'; bnu > bni/a 'build'; ḫwi > ḫwi/a 'empty'. Verbs that change the final -u to the final -i/a in the Perfective is an isogloss that distinguishes Senhaja from Tarifiyt. The vocalization in the Perfective of CC and CCV verbs is the same (e.g. ḵes > ḵsi/a 'herd', and bnu > bni/a 'build'), while in Tarifiyt, the alternating vowel differs

(Kossmann 2017a: 99)

, making it another isogloss. Derived verbs can also have -i/a alternation in the Perfective, e.g. sseḥmu > sseḥmi/a (K/H/Z) 'make hot', sseḫwi > sseḫwi/a (K/H/Z) 'make empty'; ṣd ̱̣ eṣ > ṣṣed ̱̣ ṣi/a (T/H/Z) 'make laugh'; twerri > twerri/a (H) 'be shown'; țțuyawi > țțuyawi/a (H) 'be taken'; tḵes > tteḵsi/a (H) 'be herded'.

In Zerqet, different from other varieties, the -i/a alternation can occur both in the Aorist and the Perfective, e.g. ġenni/a (most varieties ġenni), PERF ġenni/a 'to sing'. This is also found in causatives. With t-and n-derived verbs, the i/a alternation is also found in Ketama, e.g. tteḫwi/a (most Snh. tteḫwi), PERF tteḫwi/a 'be emptied'. In many types of verbs, especially CCC and CC:C, AOR=PERF, e.g. ḫḏem 'work', ḫelleṣ 'pay'; but also in other types, e.g. qqen 'tie', ġezz 'chew', bergeg 'gossip', mġuṛ 'grow'. V-initial verbs starting in u-and i-can remain unchanged in the Perfective. Derived verbs from AOR=PERF bases can also have AOR=PERF, e.g. sseḵšem 'make enter', ssemġuṛ 'make grow'; ttwaḫḏem (Z) 'be worked' (Z). Some CC verbs have AOR=PERF: d ̱̣ er (S) 'to fall', ġez (H) 'to dig', res (H) 'to land', and rez (H/B/Z) 'to return (trans.)'. The existence of CC* verbs with an alternating vowel and CC (AOR=PERF) verbs is an isogloss that distinguishes Senhaja from Tarifiyt. 3) e.g. ssen (AOR=PERF)> ssin 'to know'. Unlike in Tarifiyt, i can be inserted in CC:C verbs, e.g. huwweḏ (AOR=PERF) > huwwiḏ 'descend', and in CCCC verbs, e.g. qefqef (AOR=PERF), PERF.NEG qefqif 'shiver'. Verbs that have -i/a alternation in the Perfective have no alternation in PERF.NEG, and have -i in all persons. When the vowel of the Perfective is u, it remains unchanged. 4) The Imperfective There are different ways to form the Imperfective: C2 gemination; C1 gemination combined with u insertion; prefix t(t)-(alone or combined with other features). The same verb can have multiple Imperfectives. There are dialectal preferences in the Imperfective formation. C2 Gemination. The Imperfective in CCC verbs is often formed by C2 gemination (across Senhaja), e.g. ḵrez > ḵerrez 'to plow'. CCV and CC verbs can also form Imperfective in this way, e.g. bnu > bennu 'build', d ̱̣ eṣ > d ̱̣ eṣṣ 'laugh'. C1 gemination and vowel insertion (CC > C:aC, CCC > C(:)CuC). Some Imperfectives of CC verbs are formed by C1 gemination and insertion of a before the final consonant (CC>C:aC), e.g. ṛeẓ > ṛṛaẓ 'break' (pan-Snh.). The schemes CCC>C(:)CuC and CCi > C(:)Cuy are found in Zerqet and Hmed, e.g. ḥfer > ḥ(ḥ)fur (Z) 'to dig', fti > f(f)tuy 'to recite'. Gemination in C1 is not audible in Hmed. The Prefix t(t)-. The Imperfective can be formed by the prefix t(t)-. In Ketama, the prefix is realized as tt before a vowel; in Zerqet, the prefix is t, and in Hmed/Taghzut, it is ț. The prefix can co-occur with the causative s-in Hmed (and sometimes in Zerqet). This must be an innovation. The prefix does not combine (or coalesces) with the passive t-in most varieties, except Hmed, where the Imperfective țis combinable with the passive t, and Taghzut, where the Imperfective ț is realized as s before the passive ț~t. Similarly, in Ketama and Zerqet, the Imperfective prefix is not used with the passive ttya-(K), ttwa-(Z), while Hmed can combine it with țțuya-. In Taghzut, the Imperfective ț-is realized as s-before țțya-. The Imperfective prefix is combinable with n-derivation. Prefix t(t)-is the usual way to form Imperfectives of V-initial verbs, e.g. ari > ttari (K), țari (T/H), tari (Z) 'to write'. Prefix t(t)-can be used to form Imperfectives with some C-initial verbs, e.g. kk > tekk (H/B/Z) 'give', qqen > tteqqen (K), teqqen (Z), țeqqen (H) 'tie'; žži > ttežži (K), težži (Z) 'heal'; ttu > ttettu (K), tettu (Z) 'to forget'. CCVC verbs can form Imperfective by the prefix t-, optionally combined with the final -ay in Hmed, e.g. mġuṛ > ttemġuṛ (K), țemġuṛ(ay) (H) 'to grow', cf. causative ssemġuṛ > țessemġuṛ(ay) 'to make grow'; the passive ttettu > țettettu (H) 'to be forgotten', double-derived tṣṣud ̱̣ ed ̱̣ > țetṣṣud ̱̣ ed ̱̣ (H) 'be nursed'. The Prefix t(t)-combined with vocalic changes. The prefix is often combined with vocalic changes, such as 1) vowel insertion; 2) final vowel replacement; 3) final vowel addition; 4) vowel insertion/replacement and addition of a final vowel.

(1) Insertion of a vowel before the final consonant

The inserted vowel is usually a, sometimes i or (rarely) u, e.g ḫeḷḷeṣ > tḫeḷḷaṣ 'to pay' qefqef > tqefqaf 'to shiver', bežbež > tbežbiž 'be flooded', ɛaṛed ̱̣ > tɛaṛad ̱̣ 'to invite';

causatives sseḵšem > sseḵšam 'to make enter'; ssireḏ> ssiriḏ (T/B/Z), țssiraḏ (H) 'to wash'; znez~zzenz > z(z)nuz 'to sell' (K/T/H/Z); passives: tneġġeḏ ̱̣ > tneġġaḏ ̱̣ (most Snh.) 'be threshed'; nneɛzel > tenneɛzal (most Snh.) 'be separated'; ttyawweṯ > ttyawwaṯ (K), ttwawweṯ > ttwawwaṯ (Z) 'be hit'; mɛuṛṛež > temɛuṛṛuž (Z) 'to limp'; nnuṛẓem > tennuṛẓum (Z) 'be released'; snuṛẓem > snuṛẓum (Z) 'to make released'.

(2) Replacement of the final vowel (usually with -ay or -i/a) Some i-final verbs (-i/a in Zerqet) have the final -ay in the Imperfective, e.g. ġenni (Z ġenni/a) > tġennay 'sing'. The final -a can also be replaced with -ay, e.g. ḥfa > tteḥfay (K) 'be dull'. The final -u can be replaced by -ay or -aw, e.g. ḥlu > tteḥlaw (K) 'be sweet'. Examples with derived verbs include: causatives ssemġi > ssemġay (K/Z), țessemġay (H) 'make sprout', ssetru > ssetraw (Z) 'make cry'; passives: tġeṭṭi (tġeṭṭi/a in K/Z) > tġeṭṭay (most Snh.) 'be covered'; nneṭwi (nneṭwi/a in K/Z)> tenneṭway (K/Z) 'be folded'; ttyasi > ttyasay (K), ttwasi > ttwasay (Z) 'be lifted'; double-derived ttesseḫwi > țettesseḫway (H) 'be emptied'; ttettu > ttettaw (K), țettettaw (H) 'be forgotten'; ttwattu > ttwattaw (Z) 'be forgotten'.

(3) Addition of the final vowel, usually -i/a ~ -a(y) Some verbs add the final -i/a (K) or -ay (H/Z), e.g. ẓuṛ > tẓuṛi/a (K), tẓuṛay (Z), țẓuṛay (H) 'visit'; žif > tžifi/a (K), țžifay (H) 'choke'; fekk > tfekki/a (K), tfekkay (Z), țfekkay (H) 'untie'. The Imperfective prefix degeminates the initial consonant in Ketama and Zerqet, but not always in Hmed, e.g. qqim 'stay' > tqimi/a (K), tġimay (Z), țġimay~ țqqimay (H). Causatives can also insert -ay, e.g. ssemġuṛ > ssemġuṛay (Z), țessemġuṛay (H) 'make grow', double-derived ttessemġuṛ > țettessemġuṛay 'be made grown' (H). Compare the passives: tfekk > tfekki/a (K/T), tfekkay (Z), țetfekkay (H) 'be caught'; mnez (T/S/H), mmenz (Z) > țmenzay (T), tmenzay (S/Z), țemmenzay (H) 'be sold'; mmečč > tmeččay (S/Z), țemmeččay (H), cf. tmečč (T/H/Z) > sețmeččay (T), țetmeččay (H), tmeččay (Z) 'be eaten'. (4) Insertion/replacement of a vowel and addition of the final vowel (-i/a, -ay) Some verbs (especially CC and C:C) combine the vowel insertion and the addition of the final -i/a (K), -ay (H/Z), e.g. res 'land' > trusi/a (K), țrusay (H). Some verbs change the medial vowel, e.g. ḷḷuẓ> tḷaẓi/a (K), țeḷḷaẓay (H) 'be hungry'; ɛmaṛ> teɛmiṛay (Z) 'be full'. Examples with derived verbs include: causative sres > srusay 'make land' (H);

  374 Clitic fronting is known as attraction in literature on Berber, and the element that causes clitic fronting (e.g. a preverbal particle or a conjunction) is an attractor (cf. Chapter 12). In this chapter, verbal particles are discussed first (Section 5.2). Verbal clitics are discussed inSection 5.3

Such clitics normally appear with verbs. However, there exist a limited number of pseudo-verbs that also accept DO pronominal clitics. They are discussed in Section 5.3.4. Section 5.4 discusses markers and auxiliaries of the past, future, and habitual/progressive. These markers/auxiliaries can be combined with a verbal as well as a non-verbal predicate. Section 5.5 discusses the particle aqa (present relevance)

  In other Senhaja varieties, there is no specialized prohibitive i. However, with the fronted clitic, the same construction as in Ketama is used in Seddat, and (mostly

	optionally) also in Taghzut:
	(18) u u NEG VC NEG enter:I:IMP:SG NEG d i ḵeččem ši (S) d (i) ḵeččem ši (T) 'Do not give (SG) enter (here)!'
	(17) u i NEG ^3S:IO NEG give:I:IMP:SG ^s i tak ^s i tak 'Do not give (SG) to him/her!'	ši (K: most dialects) ši (K: Lmekhzen) NEG

In the dialect of Lmekhzen, where i has a more general usage, it is repeated on both sides of the clitic (cf. Section 13.4.2):

  The k and ḵ in the 2MS:DO pronoun are in free variation; ḵ is generally more widely used than k, while k may be preferred in certain dialects (see the following table)or by certain speakers. The following Table lists the forms per variety.

	1S	(y)ay	(ay)ay	(ay)ay
	2MS (y)aḵ 2FS (y)aḵem, (y)am (ay)aḵem, (ay)am (ay)aḵem, (ay)am (ay)aḵ (ay)aḵ Postverbal DO clitic pronouns in different Senhaja varieties
	3MS ṯ 3FS t 1P (y)ana Ketama 2P (y)awen 1S (a)y	iṯ it (ay)ana Taghzut Seddat (ay)awen (a)y (a)y	ṯ t Hmed (ay)ana Bunsar/ Zerqet (ay)awen (a)y (a)y	Mezduy (a)y
	3P	hen	ihen	ṯen
	Senhaja postverbal DO clitic pronouns
		a)	Variety	b)	Variety	c)	Variety
	1S	(ya)y	all	ay	all	ay	all
	2MS (ya)ḵ/k	all	aḵ/k	most	aḵ/k	most
				iḵ/ik	T	k	T
	2FS (ya)m	K/S/B/Z/M	am	K/S/B/Z/M	am	K/S/B/Z/M
		(ya)ḵem	T/(K)/S/H/B/M	akem	(K)/S/H/B/M akem	(K)/S/H/B/M
				ikem	T	kem	T
	3MS ṯ	all	iṯ	all	ṯ	all
	3FS t	most	it	most	t	most
		ț	T/H (S)	iț	T/H (S)	ț	T/H (S)
	1P	(ya)naġ	S/B/H/Z	anaġ	S/B/H/Z	anaġ	S/B/H/Z
		(ya)neġ	T/S/M	aneġ	T/S/M	aneġ	T/S/M
		(ya)na	K	ana	K	ana	K
	2P	(ya)wen	K/B/Z/M	awen	K/B/Z/M	awen	K/B/Z/M
		(ya)ken	T	iken	T	ken	T
		(ya)kʷen	S/H	akʷen	S/H	akʷen	S/H
		(ya)kun	B (M) 386	akun	B (M)	akun	B (M)
	2FP went	Z	awent	Z	awent	Z
		wend	M	awend	M	awend	M
	3P	ṯen	most	iṯen	most	ṯen	all
		hen	K	ihen	K
	3FP ṯent	Z	iṯent	Z	ṯent	Z
		ṯend	M	iṯend	M	ṯend	M

DO clitics with the verb issen 'he knows' (series b)

  table shows clitics of series b following a C-final verb form i-ssen (pan-Senhaja) 'he knows'.

	Postverbal Forms	Variety
	1S	i-ssn=ay	all
	2MS i-ssn=aḵ; i-ssn=iḵ	most; T
	2FS i-ssn=am; i-ssn=akem; i-ssn=ikem	K/S/B/Z/M; (K)/S/H/M; T
	3MS i-ssn=iṯ	all
	3FS i-ssn=it; i-ssn=iț	most; T/H (S)
	1P	i-ssn=anaġ; i-ssn=aneġ; i-ssn=ana	most; T/S/M; K
	2P	i-ssn=awen; i-ssn=iken; i-ssn-akʷen; i-ssn=akun/akum	K/B/Z/M; T; S/H; B (M)
	2FP i-ssn=awent; i-ssn=awend (aḵund, akumt)	Z; M
	3P	i-ssn=iṯen; i-ssn=ihen	most; K
	3FP i-ssn=iṯent; (i-ssn=iṯend)	Z; (M)
		Forms	Variety
	1S	ẓṛa-n=ay	all
	2MS ẓṛa-n=aḵ; zra-n=ek	most; T
	2FS ẓṛa-n=am; ẓṛa-n=akem; zra-n=kem	K/S/B/Z/M; (K)/S/H/M; T
	3MS ẓṛa-n=ṯ	all
	3FS ẓṛa-n=t; zra-n=ț	most; T/H (S)
	1P	zra-n=anaġ; ẓṛa-n=aneġ; ẓṛa-n=ana	most; T/S/M; K
	2P	ẓṛa-n=awen; zra-n=ken; ẓṛa-n=akʷen; ẓṛa-n=akun/akum	K/B/Z/M; T S/H; B (M)
	2FP ẓṛa-n=awent; ẓṛa-n=awend (akund, akumt)	Z; M
	3P	ẓṛa-n=ṯen	all
	3FP ẓṛa-n=ṯent (ẓṛa-n=ṯend)	Z (M)

The following table shows clitics of series c following a verb form with a PNG suffix: ẓṛa-n (pan-Senhaja) 'they saw' (-n marks the 3P subject).

Postverbal DO clitics with the verb ẓṛa-n 'they saw' (series c)

  The following table compares preverbal DO clitic pronouns in different Senhaja varieties.

	Preverbal DO clitics
		Ketama Taghzut Seddat Hmed Bunsar Zerqet Mezduy
	1S	y(ṯ)	y(ḏ)	y	y	y	y(ḏ)	y
	2MS ḵ, k	k	k	k	ḵ	ḵ	k
	2FS (ḵe)m, (kem)	kem	kem	kem	m	m	(ke)m
	3MS ṯ, h	t	ṯ	t	ṯ	ṯ	ṯ
	3FS t, h	ț	t, ț	ț	t	t	t
	1P	hen	ġen	ġen	ġen	ġen	ġen	(ġe)n
	2P	wen	ken	kʷen	kʷen	wen, kʷen 391	wen (wem)	wen, wem, kun
	2FP						went	went, wend, kund
	3P	hen	ten	ṯen	ten, hen	(ṯe)n	ṯen	ṯen (n)
	3FP						ṯent	ṯend

  33) š-a n^d-ẓaṛ 'She will see them/us.'The 3P:DO clitic in Mezduy can also be reduced if followed by the ventive d.

	<š-a FT-NR 1P:DO ^3FS-see:A ġen ^d-ẓaṛ 'She will see us.' <š-a ṯen ^d-ẓaṛ FT-NR 3P:DO ^3FS-see:A 'She will see them.'

Ketama, Bunsar, and Mezduy are not the only Berber varieties that lack the t/ṯ in (some forms of) the third person clitics. Weakening or losing the t in third person pronouns (especially in the 3P clitic) is found in other varieties (see e.g.

Brugnatelli 1993; Kossmann 1997a

).

DO clitic pronouns Senhaja Ghomara

		Postverbal	Preverbal	Postverbal	Preverbal
	1S	(a)y	y (yṯ, yḏ)	ay	y, ṯ, yṯ
	2MS (a)ḵ, (a)k, (i)ḵ	ḵ, k	aḵ	ḵ
	2FS (a)ḵem, (a)m, (i)kem	(ḵe)m, kem	am	m
	3MS (i)ṯ	ṯ, h, t	aṯ; t	y, ṯ
	3FS (i)t, iț	t, h, ț	at; tet/teṯ (t) t
	1P	(a)na(ġ), (a)neġ	ġen, hen	anaḫ	ġen
	2P	(a)wen, (a)kʷen, (a)kun, (i)ken	wen, kʷen, kun, ken	awen	wen
	3P	(i)ṯen, (i)hen	ṯen, ten, hen	ahen; ten	n

found in Tunisian Berber varieties (Tamezret and Guellala), Mzab, Ouargla, Gourara, Aurès, Chenoua, Eastern Kabyle, and Tasahlit.

  3.

	DO and IO clitic pronouns
		DO clitic pronouns		IO clitic pronouns
		Postverbal	Preverbal	Postverbal	Preverbal
	1S	ay	y; yḏ (T/Z); yṯ (K)	ay	ay; yḏ (T/Z); yṯ (K)
	2MS aḵ, (a)k, (i)k (T)	ḵ, k	aḵ, ak	aḵ, ak
	2FS a(ke)m, (i)kem (T) akem (H)	(ke)m kem (T/H)	a(ke)m am (H, B)	a(ke)m am (H, B)
	3MS iṯ	ṯ, t (T/H), h (K)	as	as
	3FS it, iț (T/H)	t, ț (T/H), h (K)	=3MS	=3MS
	1P	anaġ, aneġ, ana (K)	ġen, n (M), hen (K)	anaġ, aneġ, ana

  double reference, Dative doubling/double Dative, clitic doubling, or double expression of the object. Double expression of the IO is quite common in Berber, although it is rare in Tashelhit and ungrammatical in Tuareg.407 The verbs nn/ini 'to say' and kk 'to give' usually occur with the IO clitics that can be doubled by a (pro)noun, e.g.

	(37) i-nna^ 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO DAT Ahmed (a)s i Ḥmed (pan-Snh.)
	(38) kk	=as	i	netta (K/Z)

'He told Ahmed' (lit. 'He said to him to Amed').

Give:IMP:SG =3S:IO DAT he 'Give (SG) (it) to him!'

  There is only one deictic (orientation, directional) clitic in Senhaja: the ventive clitic d, often denoting direction toward the speaker, 'hither'.410 Its opposite, the ientive clitic (also called itive, andative, ablative, distal, centrifugal, denoting direction away from the speaker, 'thither'), present in some other Berber varieties and usually realized as n(n), does not occur.411 As other verbal clitics, it is moveable, i.e. can be found both in a postverbal position (in unmarked contexts) and in a fronted position (in specific syntactic contexts). It follows other clitics (IO and DO), and occupies the final position in the clitic complex.412 Depending on the context, the ventive clitic has different allomorphs (cf. Section 14.2.1). See Section 5.3.3.2 for the meaning of the ventive clitic. It is most frequent with verbs of movement. In Taghzut, the ventive has been found with borrowed Arabic participles (only active ones, describing movement).413 This has not been found in other Senhaja varieties. For example:

	Senhaja and Ghomara IO clitic pronouns 5.3.3. The Ventive Clitic
	Senhaja 5.3.3.1. Introduction		Ghomara
		Postverbal	Preverbal	Postverbal Preverbal
	1S	ay	ay, ayḏ, ayṯ	ay	[a]y, [a](y)ṯ
	2MS aḵ, ak	aḵ, ak	aḵ	[a]ḵ
	2FS akem, am	akem, am	am	[a]m
	3S	as	as	as	[a]s
	1P	ana(ġ), aneġ	aġen, an, ahen	anaḫ	[a]ġen
	2P	awen (awem, akun)	awen (awem, akun)	awen	[a]wen
	2FP (awent, awend, Z/M)) (awent, awend, Z/M)) ---	---
	3P	asen	asen	asen	[a]sen
	3FP (asent, asend, Z/M)	(asent, asend, Z/M)	---	---
	The following table compares IO clitic pronouns in Senhaja, Ghomara, and Bujay Tarifiyt. 409
	Ghomara, Senhaja, and Bujay IO clitic pronouns Ghomara Senhaja (40) lehmimi talɛ-in =d (T) they rising-PL =VC 'They are going up (towards us).'	Bujay
	1S 2MS aḵ ay, preverbal [a]y, [a](y)ṯ 2FS am (41) ha nekni ražɛ-in here we returning-PL =VC ay, preverbal y(ṯ) (K), y(ḏ) (T/Z) ak, aḵ a(ke)m =d (T) 'Here we are coming back.'	ay, preverbal (ḏ)ay aḵ am
	3S	as	as	as
	1P	anaḫ, preverbal [a]ġen	ana(ġ), aneġ, preverbal [a]ġen, [a]hen (K)	aneġ, preverbal (ḏ)an
	2P	awen	awen (awem, akun)	aḵum
	2FP	---	(awent, awend (Z/M)) aḵend
	3P	asen	asen	asen
	3FP	---	(asent, asend (Z/M))	asend

407

See Souag 2015a for clitic doubling in Berber in general, and Kossmann 2015 for clitic doubling in Figuig. The term clitic doubling should not be confused with clitic repetition (the phenomenon when the clitic occurs twice in the construction) as discussed in Chapter 13 (e.g. Section 13.3).

408

Cf. Souag 2015a: 240-242 on the definiteness scale in relation to clitic doubling in Berber, from which it appears that indefinites are more rarely encountered in clitic doubling constructions than definites.

  ventive d remains occlusive, since it originally was a geminate dd (cf. Taine-Cheikh 2017). The ventive (as well as the ientive n, in varieties where it exists) has been proposed to derive from deictic demonstratives, i.e. nominal deixis (Mettouchi 2011; Fleisch 2012; Taine-Cheikh 2015 and 2017). Cf. Section 6.6 on Senhaja nominal deixis. The demonstrative system is largely based on the opposition of d vs. n (e.g. nominal proximal clitic ad vs. distal clitic (e)n), which is comparable to what we find for the verbal clitics. Thus, the marker n has a distal meaning, while the marker d has a proximal meaning. Mettouchi 2011 presents two alternative grammaticalization

  In Seddat, the interrogative ani ~ gani 'where?' can be followed by a noun or an independent pronoun, or by a conjugated form of the verb 'to be' (the two can also co-

	Word	Meaning	DO Clitics (Notes)	Variety
	škun	'who/what?'	3:DO clitics	Z
	(g)ani	'where?'	3:DO special clitics	S
	ġar	'be careful!'	2:DO clitics	Z
	(a) šan '(what's) the matter with'	all DO clitics, with peculiarities	T/H/Z
	(a)qa	1) 'attention!'; 2) locative, present relevance	1) 2:DO clitics; 2) all DO clitics	1) pan-Snh.
	occur):
	(56) (a) (g)ani netta? (S) where he (b) (g)ani y-eǧǧa where 3MS-be:P (he) (netta)? (S) 'Where is he?'

5.3.4.2. škun 'who/what?' and (g)ani 'where?' + 3:DO clitics The first group is constituted by defective pseudo-verbs: they only take third or second person clitics. The interrogative škun 'who/what?' (that is also used in other parts of Senhaja) can take third person DO clitics in Zerqet, e.g. (54) škun =iṯ? (Z) WH =3MS:DO 'What's this (M)/ Who is he?' The interrogative can also be followed by a demonstrative in Zerqet (as in other varieties), e.g. (55) škun wada (Z) WH this:MS 'What's/Who is this (M)?' (g)ani 'where?' (Seddat)

.2. The Elements aqa and qa in Eastern Senhaja

	97) (98) (99) (100) aqa^ḵ aqa^m QA^2FS:DO see:P-1S ẓṛi-ġ (K) '(Y'know) I saw.' (addressing a female listener) aqa^ḵ ay d^ enna (S) QA^2MS:DO what VC^ 3FS:say:P 'Look what she said.' aqa^m flanta ha^ (a)y ṯ-enna QA^2FS:DO such:FS here what 3FS-say:P on-1S ḫḫ-i (Z) 'Look/listen, a certain lady, here is what she said about me.' Muḥemmeḏ i-mmuṯ (Z) QA^2MS:DO Mohammed 3MS-die:P 'Did you know that Mohammed died?'
	5.5

  In some examples, aqa only marks the present relevance, but does not convey a lack of certainty. If someone were asked to do a new job, he could say (and this statement is

	102) aqa AQA 'He should be awake. He wakes up early.' i-kker. i-tekker beḵri (Z) 3MS-rise:P 3MS-rise:I early
	One might say, as he is recounting an event that he thinks (maybe) he told his friend before:
	(103) aqa nni-ġ AQA say:P-1S =2MS:IO =3FS:DO or =aḵ =t niġ? (Z) 'I have told it to you (MS), no?'
	obviously relevant to the discussion):
	(104) aqa u	ssn-aġ	š	a	ḡḡ-aġ	ššġul =nna (Z)

AQA NEG know:P-1S NEG NR do:A-1S work =ANP 'I don't know how to do that job.'

  table. 438

		Bunsar	Zerqet	Zerqet, forms with ha-
	1S	aqa(la)=y	aqa=y	ha^qa=y
	2MS aqa(la)=ḵ/k	aqa=ḵ	ha^qa=ḵ
	2FS	aqa(la)=m	aqa=m	ha^qa=m
	3MS aqa(y)=ṯ, aqala(y)=ṯ	aqay=ṯ, aq=eṯ, qay=ṯ	ha^qay=ṯ, ha^q=eṯ
	3FS	aqa(y)=t, aqala(y)=t	aqay=t, aq=et, qay=t	ha^qay=t, ha^q=et
	1P	aqa(la)=naġ	aqa=naġ	ha^qa=naġ
	2P	aqa(la)=wen	aqa=wen	ha^qa=wen
	3P	aqa(y)=ṯen, aqala(y)=ṯen	aqay=ṯen, aq=ṯen, qay=ṯen	ha^qay=ṯen, ha^q=ṯen
	Some examples follow:
	(114) nekkini aqala =y I QA =1S:DO in house:EL g eḫyam (B) 'I am home.' (115) nekkini aqala =y mezyan (B) I QA =1S:DO good:MS 'I am good.' (116) aqalay =ṯ i-skurrum (B) QA =3MS:DO 3MS-sit:I 'Here he is sitting.' (117) Muḥemmed aq =eṯ g eḫyam (Z) Mohammed QA=3MS:DO in house:EA 'Mohammed is at home.' (118) aq =et beṛṛa (Z) QA=3FS:DO outside '(Here) she is outside.' (119) aq=ṯen ḏa (Z)

  5) ha^q: as it is the case with aq, it is not clear if the stem ha^q is found only with the third person (3MS ha^q=eṯ etc.), or whether is it found with all persons, if we analyze the 1S aqa=y as aq=ay, etc. Since the form ha^q=eṯ is found in proximal locative predication (e.g. ha^q=eṯ ikiḏ-i '(Here) he is with me'), it can be semantically compared with the ha^qa-forms in the first and second persons, cf. ha^qa=wen ḏa 'There you are!' 6) the stem qay is found only with the third person pronominal elements (e.g.3MS qay=ṯ). It can be found in combination with a locative predication when referring to a distal place (the object is not visible), e.g. qay=ṯ g^eḫyam 'He is at home', but not *qay=ṯ ikiḏ-i 'He is with me' (as this context implies visibility/proximity). It can also be found in combination with a verb form in the Imperfective, e.g. qay=ṯ i-tettru 'He is crying'.

5.6. Negation of the Verbal Predicate

This section discusses the negation of the verbal predicate. It covers the use of the verbal negative particles (cf. Section 5.2.2), but also other means to negate a verbal predicate. 440 Some of the negation strategies are not specific to the verb (e.g. the negator maši or the construction u...bu). As mentioned previously, the verbal predicate is usually negated by means of the bipartite (discontinuous) negation. The first (preverbal) negator can be u, uḏ, la or ma, depending on the context (mood, aspect)

  However, in Taghzut and Hmed, specifically with verb forms in Imperfective, the preverbal negator is la or the combination of u and la.444 It is probably a different la that is found with verb forms in the Aorist (affirmative) in Taghzut. This la might have originated from the verb 'to be', which in this case marks the Imperfective. However, it is only found in negation contexts, and is not used in affirmative Imperfective. The preverbal negator (u)la is special in that it does not obligatorily cause clitic fronting (cf. Section 12.5). Such use of la has not been found in other parts of Senhaja. For

	example:
	(145) (u)la (u)la NEG 'I don't see.' țmmahar-eġ š (T) ẓẓaṛ-aġ š (H) see:I-1S NEG
	5.6.1.4. Prohibitive
	example:	445 For
	(143) u u NEG (144) u uḏ NEG 'He does not plow.' ẓẓaṛ-aġ tẓaṛay-aġ š š see:I-1S y-ḵerrez i-ḵerrez 3MS-plow:I NEG (K) š (Z) š (K) 'I don't see.' NEG (Z) (146) u ḵerrez ši (H/Z) i ḵerrez ši (K) uy ḵerrez ši (K, rare) NEG plow:I:IMP:SG NEG 'Do not plow (SG)!'

2.1.3)

in combination with the postverbal š:

(142) l^a mmahr-eġ š (T)

FT-NR see:A-1S NEG 'I will not see.'

5.6.1.3. Imperfective

With verbs in Imperfective, most Senhaja varieties employ the same preverbal negators as in the context of Aorist and Perfective, viz. u(ḏ), e.g.

In most Senhaja varieties, the prohibitive is built with the usual bipartite negation u.... š/ši/šay with the Imperfective stem of the verb (without the regular second person PNG markers: the singular form has no affixes, and the plural form has the suffix -aṯ/ -eṯ, as the Imperative plural). In Ketama, the preverbal negator is usually i with prohibitives, while the variant with uy is also used (albeit more rarely).

.3. Other Negation Strategies and Negative Elements 5.6.3.1. Negators maši and uliš The

  With non-verbal predicates, the single negator is used to negate the entire clause. The verb can be in any aspect. Contrast the following examples:

	u (155) maši uliš NEG 'It is not that he plowed.' gella(-n) š i-ḵrez (K/T/H/Z) i-ḵrez (T) 3MS-plow:P NEG PST:be(-3P) NEG work:I-3P ḫeddm-en (H) (152) ara lla-n u ḫedd-en š (K) PST The negator maši can be used in combination with the bipartite negation, e.g. be:P-3P NEG work:I-3P NEG gella-n u ḫeddm-en š (H) PST:be-3P NEG work:I-3P NEG 'They were not working.' (156) maši u ssn-aġ š (K/H) NEG NEG know:P-1S NEG 'It is not that I don't know.'
	The negation of 'to be' in relative clauses 5.6.3.2. Negation with u... bu
	When a relative clause is negated, this can be achieved by negating the verb 'to be' or the following predicate, e.g. (153) (a) argaz =aḏin a y-ella ši The discontinuous negation u... bu is usually found with pronominalized prepositions (cf. Section 9.7.3), but can be also found with verbal predicates. The second negator bu is always followed by a noun (in EL) that is an object complement. For example: meqquṛ (K) man:EL =DIST RM 3MS-be:P NEG big:MS (b) argaz =aḏin a y-ella u meqquṛ š (K) argaz =aḏin a y-ella ma meqquṛ š (K) aryaz =nna (na) y-ella (157) u nna-n bu lhadra (K/H/Z) NEG say:P-3P NEG speech 'They did not say a word.' ma meqquṛ š (H) man:EL =ANP RM 3MS-be:P NEG big:MS NEG 'The man which is not big/old...' y-eḵrez š (K) u ḏ-eḵrez uḏ i-ḵrez NEG 'He did not plow.' 3MS-plow:P NEG š (Z) š (T/H) (158) u ṣġa-n bu abeɛɛaš (K/H/Z) NEG buy:P-3P NEG sheep:EL 'They did not buy a sheep.' 5.6(154) u 5.6

single negator maši is mostly used for non-verbal predicates. However, it can also be used in negation of verbal predicates. In Taghzut, the single negator can be maši or uliš (also: uniš).

.3.3. The use of la... la 'either...or' The

  When the verb form is in the Aorist following maš-a, both parts of the bipartite verbal negation can be absent (the postverbal negator š is optional). When la coordinates the arguments of the verb, the verb form can be in the singular or in the plural in

	Ketama/Taghzut/Hmed, but in the singular in Zerqet, e.g. (160) (a) (ma)š-a ḵešm-en (š) la Dunya la Faṭma (K/H, *Z) FT-NR enter:A-3P (NEG) NEG Dunia example: (163) uṯqul a ḏ-tḥerrek (S/H) uṯqul aḏ (168) u ẓṛi-ġ ḥetta (ši n) yan (K) u ẓṛi-ġ ḥetta (ši n) iwwen (Z) NEG see:P-1S not.even some of one 'I did not see anyone.', 'I saw no one'. i-tḥerrek (Z) NEG NR 3MS-move:A 'He will not move.', 'He won't move.' The borrowed from Arabic ḥed(d) 'nobody, no one' is also used. It is not combined with the postverbal negator: NEG Fatma (b) (ma)š-a ^t-eḵšem (š) la Dunya la Faṭma (K/H) FT-NR ^3FS-enter:A (NEG) NEG Dunia NEG Fatma (c) u (ma)š-a ^teḵšem la Dunya la Faṭma (Z) NEG FT-NR ^3FS-enter:A NEG Dunia NEG Fatma In Zerqet, when uṯqul is used, no other negators can be present. In Taghzut and Hmed, uṯqul can be combined with the postverbal negator š: (164) uṯqul maš-a ḏ-tḥerrek NEG FT-NR 3MS-move:A NEG (š) (H) (169) uḏ ufi-ġ ḥed(d) (K/T/H/Z) NEG find:P-1S nobody 'I found nobody.'
	(170) uḏ NEG find:P-1S not.even some ufi-ġ ḥetta (ši 'I found nobody.'	n) of	ḥed(d) (K/H/Z) nobody
	uṯqul ka NEG Q	ẓṛi-ġ see:P-1S phone ttilifun (H/Z)
	(161) u u uḏ NEG 3MS-know:P nothing y-essen walu (K) ḏ-essen walu (T/H) i-ssen walu (Z) 'He knows nothing', 'He doesn't know anything.' possible in Taghzut, Ketama, and Hmed. Compare:
	similar to the English 'neither... nor', 'either... or'. (159) u ṣġi-ġ (š) la ttefaḥ la u ṣġi-ġ -la ttefaḥ la NEG buy:P-1S (NEG) NEG apple NEG orange leččin (H/K) leččin (Z) (162) (u) maš-a ww-a walu (K) u maš-a ḡḡ-aġ walu (Z) NEG FT-NR do:A-1S nothing 'I will not do anything.' (166) u ẓṛi-ġ š (K/H/Z) NEG see:P-1S NEG 'I did not see.' (167) u ẓṛi-ġ ḥetta haža (K/H/Z) NEG see:P-1S not.even thing

element la has different uses in Senhaja Berber. As discussed previously, in Taghzut and Hmed varieties, la can be used as a preverbal negator (principle or in combination with u) with verb forms in Imperfective. This use of la has not been found in other Senhaja varieties. Across Senhaja, the negator la can be used to negate several coordinated arguments of the verb (which is negated by the usual bipartite negation), 'I didn't buy either apples or oranges.' 'Neither Dunia nor Fatma will enter.'

5.6.3.4. Other Negative Elements

There are various negation markers which usually do not combine with the bipartite negation, and cause one of the negators (or both of them) to be absent. These negation elements include: walu 'nothing', uṯqul (negating the sentence), ḥetta 'not even', ḥetta haža 'nothing', ḥetta yan (K)/igʷen (H)/iwwen (Z) 'no one', ḥed(d) 'no one', ɛemmeṛ 'never', baš ma 'in order not to', gaɛ (Taghzut also meṛṛa) 'not at all'.

The element walu 'nothing' replaces the postverbal š:

There is a negative element uṯqul (Seddat/Hmed/Zerqet), uțqul~uțgul

(Taghzut)

.

447

This element has not been found in Ketama. It usually stands in the beginning of the sentence and negates the entire clause. It is found with verbs in different aspects. For 'He will not move.'

Following uṯqul, it is common to have waš or ka (these elements are usually used as markers of a yes/no question):

(165) uṯqul waš ẓṛi-ġ ttilifun (H/Z) 'I have not seen the phone (at all).'

Another element is ḥetta 'not even' as e.g. in ḥetta haža ~ ḥetta lḥis 'not a thing', 'nothing', ḥetta yan (K)/ ḥetta igʷen (H)/ ḥetta iwwen (Z) 'no one', also with the indefinite ši followed by the Genitivei n: ḥetta ši n yan (K)/ ḥetta ši n igʷen (H)/ ḥetta ši n iwwen (Z) 'no one'.

448

When ḥetta is used in a sentence, the postverbal negator š/ši/šay is normally absent (obligatorily absent in Zerqet), although its presence is 'I did not see a thing', 'I saw nothing', 'I didn't see anything.'

448 The feminine counterparts are: ḥetta (ši n) yaṯ (K)/ ḥetta (ši n) igʷeṯ (H)/ ḥetta (ši n) iwweṯ (Z).

The elements ḥetta 'not even' and ḥed(d) 'nobody' can be combined: ḥetta ḥed(d), ḥetta ši n ḥed(d) 'nobody':

  Senhaja nouns belonging to class I distinguish two forms, usually called states in Berberological literature.453 The category called state in Berber is different from states in Semitic linguistics.454 States in Berber are related to the syntactic context rather than to the structure of the noun phrase. The use of states is very restricted in Senhaja.

	noun can belong to one noun class, and its suppletive plural counterpart to another noun class. 6.1.1.3. State
	SG	Class Translation	PL	Translation Class Variety
	arba	I	boy	ddrari	boys	II	pan-Snh.
	) (3) (4) II I ṯarbaṯ gma Mass nouns can be either always singular or always plural, e.g. alḥiḥ beard ṯalḥiḥṯ small beard ṯaḥferṯ hole aḥfer big hole aḫyam house aḫyamṯ room leḥlib SG milk K ṯaẓeḵṯ SG milk H/B/Z/M Z K S I girl ṯibliġin girls I III brother ayṯma brothers III Class Noun SG/PL Translation Variety There are two states, traditionally referred to as Etat Libre, henceforth EL, or 'Free Z K State' (also: 'Absolute/Absolutive State'), and Etat d'Annexion, henceforth EA, or 'Annexed State'. 455 The change of state (when marked overtly) is marked by a change in the nominal prefix. Arabic-morphology and non-affix class nouns are not marked for state.
	other classes: pairs are especially frequent for the non-affix class nouns, but are also encountered in Sometimes, however, the gender opposition is expressed by suppletion. Suppletive I aman PL water pan-Snh.
	Class MS I aryaz SG I agenduz Translation Translation man Dual bull nhaṛ one day yumayen FS ṯamġarṯ amgat III gma brother wiyṯma šheṛ one month šehṛayen	Translation woman Translation cow two days sister two months	Variety Variety H/B/Z pan-Snh. K K pan-Snh.
	III	baba	(my) father	yemma	mother		pan-Snh.
	Class SG I aryaz Coll. (II) Unit (I), FS Translation man Unit (I), PL Translation Variety PL Translation iryazen men II lmuɛallim teacher lmuɛallimin teachers tteffaḥ (ṯ)ateffaḥṯ (ṯ)iteffaḥin apple pan-Snh. llingaṣ (ṯ)alingaṣṯ (ṯ)ilingaṣin pears (sp.) pan-Snh.	Variety H/B/Z pan-Snh.
	lbettiḫ Class III nouns often lack a plural counterpart, or have suppletive plurals, or form the (ṯ)abettiḫṯ (ṯ)ibettiḫin melon pan-Snh. leḫyaṛ (ṯ)aḫyaṛṯ (ṯ)iḫyaṛin cucumber pan-Snh. plural as class II nouns. Suppletive plurals are encountered in all classes. The singular lqeṛṭaṣ (ṯ)aqeṛṭaṣṯ (ṯ)iqeṛṭaṣin bullet K/H

6.1.1.2. Number

Senhaja distinguishes two numbers for countable nouns: singular and plural, e.g.

A few borrowed Arabic nouns expressing time distinguish the dual number (see Section 6.3.4.3): Some nouns have three cognate forms: 1) a class II (usually masculine) singular form denoting the collective; 2) a class I (feminine) singular form denoting a unit, and 3) a class I plural denoting the plural (cf. Section 6.

5.1.2)

. The collective presents a group of objects as a whole, while the unit noun refers to an individual item. This three-way distinction is often found in names of fruits and vegetables, but nouns belonging to other semantic domains can also have this feature, e.g.

  table provides examples of diminutives.Sometimes, the use of diminutives and augmentatives is expressive and does not carry information about the size.462 Feminine counterparts of some nouns can be used for expressive purposes, e.g. (Zerqet) aḫyam 'house' > ṯaḫyamṯ 'small house' or 'cozy house'. Sometimes, the masculine and feminine forms refer to different objects, e.g.

	Sometimes, the difference in gender reflects dialectal preferences, e.g.
	MS	Variety	FS		Variety	Translation
	aġezdis	Z	ṯaġezdist	H	rib
	aḥezzam	K	ṯaḥezzamt	Z	belt, girdle
	alḥiḥ	Z	ṯalḥiḥṯ	B	beard
	amezzug	K	ṯimzgeț	T	ear
	anzar	B	inzarṯ	K	nose
	MS To sum up, gender derivation in Senhaja is used to express different oppositions Translation FS (DIM) Translation Variety including gender, size, and others.
	alḥiḥ amgur 6.2.3. Number beard sickle		ṯalḥiḥṯ ṯamgurṯ		small beard small sickle	Z T/B/Z
	izref 6.2.3.1. Introduction road		ṯizerfeț		small road	H
	The following feminine nouns refer to the regular-size objects, while the corresponding masculine nouns are augmentatives. Countable nouns in Senhaja have a singular and a corresponding plural form. There are two basic types of plural formation: external (change of affixes) and apophonic
	FS ṯaḥferṯ 462	Translation hole	MS (AUG) aḥfer	Translation big hole	Variety S
	ṯaḵfišṯ	egg		aḵfil		big egg	Z

  2.3.4).External plurals are derived by the addition of a plural suffix, usually combined with a change of the prefix. Most masculine nouns in Class I start in a in the singular that changes to i in the plural, while most feminine nouns in this class start in ṯa-that changes to ṯi-in the plural, e.g.468

	Some nouns maintain the vowel in the plural (see Section 6.2.4.2 on nouns with vowel-initial stems), e.g. 467
		SG	PL			Translation	Variety
	masc.	ul	ulawen		heart	Z-Wersan
	fem.	ṯaḵna	ṯaḵniwin		co-wife	K/H
	6.2.3.2. External Plurals
	Some examples follow:
	Gender 1) External plurals SG Gender SG Masc. aryaz M a-rgaz Fem. ṯamġarṯ	PL iryazen i-rgaz-en PL ṯimġarin	Translation Translation man Variety Variety H/B/Z man K woman H/B/Z
	M	a-šqiq	i-šqiq-en		brother	H/B/Z
	F	a-mġar-ṯ	i-mġar-in		woman	K
	F Gender	ṯ-a-šqiq-ṯ SG	ṯ-i-šqiq-in PL		sister	H/B/Z Translation	Variety
	M 2) Apophonic plurals iġes Gender SG F ṯifḏenṯ	PL	iġsan ṯifeḏnin	bone Translation toe	pan-Snh. Variety H/Z
	M	a-ġyul; a-ġyuy	i-ġyal; i-ġyay			donkey	T/Z K/H
	M	a-gelzim	i-gelzam		hoe	K/T
	F F MS ul	ṯ-a-maras-ṯ ṯ-a-ḫuṯam-t ṯ-i-ḫuṯam ṯ-i-muras MP ulawen	small valley ring Translation heart	T/H Variety Z 466 Z-Wersan
	3) Suffixes and a change of stem weššen weššnan; iweššanen	jackal	Z-Bunjel; Z-Ikherruden
	Gender SG M weššen F ṯa-weššen-t ṯi-weššan-in PL i-weššan-en The only feminine ṯu-initial noun, ṯurin 'lungs', is always used either in the singular Translation Variety jackal K/T/H/B/Z fem. jackal Z (Hmed) or in the plural (Ketama/Zerqet/Mezduy), depending on the variety, and has no number opposition. 469

465

Absence of gender agreement in the plural is also found in Moroccan Arabic.

466

Cf. Ketama FS a-ḫadum-ṯ, PL i-ḫuḏam. In Ketama, since the feminine prefix ṯ-is absent, the feminine gender is not marked morphologically in apophonic plurals.

Nouns that start in i (feminine ṯi) in the singular, maintain i (ṯi) in the plural, e.g. Masculine nouns that start in u or w in the singular either start in u/w or iw in the plural, e.g.

.3.3. Apophonic Plurals

	MP Some plurals end in -awen, e.g. MS MP agṯem igeṯmawen (2) Suffix -an (masculine nouns) Translation Translation Some masculine plural nouns (51 in our database, or 13% in this group) take the suffix Variety The feminine suffix ṯ (~t ~ț) is sometimes preserved in the plural (optionally or Some vowel-final noun stems have the final -win in the plural: obligatorily, depending on the noun and the variety). This pattern is most frequently found in Ketama, e.g. -an, e.g. male cannabis plant K iġzer iġezrawen stream MS MP Translation Variety FS FP Translation K/T/S/H/B imger imgrawen sickle aqḏaḥ iqeḏḥan barrel Z (vs. H iqeḏḥen) aḫčiṯ iḫčiṯin 472 girl K/T izref~izerf izerfawen road aslem iselman fish T/H/Z arbibṯ irbibṯin stepdaughter pan-Snh. ur urawen heart M iger igran field K/T/M iḵmez iḵemzan nail K/T/H/B iġerḏenṯ iġerḏenṯin scorpion imgerṯ imgerṯin small sickle Some feminine nouns whose stems end in -i in the singular end in -awin in the plural, e.g. Variety ad ̱̣ ar id ̱̣ aren leg pan-Snh. aherḏan iherḏanen dog T/S/H/B/Z iġežḏ ̱̣ iġežḏ ̱̣ en kid goat In nouns ending in -i, -i either disappears or is changed to y in the plural before -awen: MS MP Translation Variety weššen iwešnan jackal H If the noun ends in -i in the singular, the vowel is dropped in the plural before -an: FS FP Translation Variety Most likely, the preservation of the suffix -ṯ in the plural is an innovation. Consider the ṯanebgiṯ ṯinebgawin f. guest H following masculine and feminine examples in Ketama vs. Zerqet: ṯifriṯ ṯifrawin gladiolus Z/M T/H/B/Z issif issifen spider Z Some nouns have y appearing in the plural, e.g. 470 MS MP Translation Variety aġerd ̱̣ a iġerd ̱̣ ayen mouse issi issawen spider Z anebgi inebgawen guest MS MP Translation Variety Ketama=Zerqet Ketama Zerqet Translation H/Z ifri iferyawen cave K/T/H Some nouns end in -iwen in the plural, e.g. iṯri iṯran star MS MP FS FP FS (Z) FP (Z) pan-Snh. izi izan fly aġeḍḍaṛ iġeḍḍaṛen aġeḍḍaṛṯ iġeḍḍarṯin ṯaġeḍḍaṛṯ ṯiġeḍḍarin treacherous pan-Snh. FS FP Translation Variety pan-Snh. aġenža iġenžayen ladle K/H/Z MS MP Translation ṯameġra ṯimeġriwin wedding H/B/Z Variety ameġra imeġriwin wedding K
	MS (common) MP (K/H/Z) amḫazni (l)mḫazniyya aɛezri leɛzara If the noun ends in -u in the singular, u can change to w in the plural before the suffix -MP (H/Z) Translation imḫazniyyen police agent iɛezriyyen bachelor en. Alternatively, the -u is kept, followed by wen in the plural: MS MP Translation Variety aġeddu iġedwen fig tree T amnizu imnizuwen rabbit young H afer ifriwen leaf Z ifiġer ifiġriwen snake B/Z Suffix FS FP Translation -en ṯaġenžayṯ ṯiġenžayen spoon B/Z -ṯen aḫčiṯ iḫčiṯen 471 girl K -yyen ṯamḫazniṯ ṯimḫazniyyen f. police agent -(i)wen (ṯ)isismi (ṯ)isismiwen needle K/H FS FP Translation irket irkin louse ṯafunasṯ ṯifunasin cow T/H/M ṯaɛezriṯ ṯiɛezriyyin aɛezriṯ iɛezriṯin unmarried woman K FS FP FS FP Variety Hmed=Zerqet Ketama Translation H/Z always): with the suffix -in. The feminine suffix -ṯ is usually dropped in the plural (but not Most Class I feminine nouns (247 in our database, or 64% in this group) form plurals Variety MS MP Translation ṯaġma ṯiġmiwin thigh H/B Variety aġeddu iġedwan grape/fig tree K/B agru igerwan frog K/S/B aẓṛu iẓṛan stone FS FP Translation ṯagursa ṯigursiwin ploughshare B/Z Variety ṯaɛbizat ṯiɛbizaṯin pinecone ṯahala ṯihaliwin springhouse Z Z ṯafettut ṯifettuṯin piece (of meat) H/B/Z ṯimzgiḏa ṯimezgiḏiwin mosque H/B/Z pan-Snh. ṯažužt ṯižužṯin basket Z (3) Suffix -in (feminine nouns) ṯasliṯ ṯisliṯin bride Z Plural nouns with the suffix -an sometimes undergo stem alternation (Section 6.2.3.4). ṯahaya ṯihayaṯin spring B ṯamwaṯ ṯimwaṯin cow S/H/B/Z 6.2
	ṯaherḏanṯ	ṯiherḏanin	fem. dog	T/S/B
	ṯaqnint	ṯiqninin	fem. rabbit	Z

For a group of nouns (cf. Section 6.5.3.2 on Nisba nouns) that end in -i in the singular, the plural forms preserve the -i followed by yyen in Hmed and Zerqet. In Ketama, Arabic-morphology plurals are preferred in this case, which are also possible in the rest of Senhaja. The difference is that Berber-morphology plurals are not used in Ketama for these lexemes, e.g.

b) Feminine nouns

Some Class I feminine nouns (13 nouns in this group, or 3,3% in our database) have the suffix -en (with the possible variants ṯen, wen, etc.) in the plural, often in free variation with -in, e.g.

If the noun ends in -u in the singular, the vowel either disappears or is realized as w in the plural before the suffix -an: person The suffix ṯ-in is also found in other Senhaja varieties. Below are some examples. Note that these nominal stems end in a vowel. This is not necessarily the case in Ketama.

If the noun stem ends in -i in the singular, the plural form ends in (i)-yyin in Hmed and Zerqet (sometimes -yyen). In Ketama, the suffix ṯ-in is more common: Some nouns end in -iwin in the plural. Most of these nouns have stems ending in -a;

this -a disappears in the plural. For example:

Insertion of a before the final consonant

  In the following examples, the vowel a is inserted in the plural before the final consonant. The inserted a can replace u or i found in this position in the singular. This pattern can be accompanied by other modifications of the stem, such as insertion of u after the first consonant of the stem. This u can replace the a of the singular stem.

	MS	FS	MP	FP		Translation
	aserḏun isismi ayelzim ṯiwekkiṯ aġyuy	FP ṯaserḏunṯ isismiwin ṯayelzimṯ ṯiwkkiwin ṯaġyulṯ	Translation iserḏan~iserḏunen ṯiserḏunin Variety needle iyelzam ṯiyelzimin~ṯiyelzam hoe/adze mule K worm H/Z iġyay ṯiġyulin~ṯiġyay donkey
	ṯiweṛẓiṯ (1) a) Masculine nouns ṯiweṛẓiwin		ankle	B
	Scheme	MS		MP	Translation	Variety
	...Ø> ...a	a-ḥezzem		i-ḥezzam	belt	H
	...u>...a	a-mguḏ		i-mgaḏ	cedar	K/T
	...i>...a	a-gelzim; ayelzim	i-gelzam; iyelzam hoe	K/T/S; H/B/Z
	a...Ø>u...a a-sammer		i-summar	sunny side	H
	a...u>u...a a-saṯur		i-suṯar	beam	K
	b) Feminine nouns
	Scheme	FS		FP	Translation	Variety
	...Ø>...a	ṯi-segnef-t		ṯi-segnaf	needle	M
	...u>...a	ṯa-mguṭ(^ṭ)		ṯi-mgaṭ	cedar	T
	...i>...a	ṯa-ḏwir-ṯ		ṯi-ḏwar	grapevine	H/Z
	u...Ø>u...a ṯa-qufel(-ṯ)		ṯi-qufal	button	H
	a...u>u...a a-ḫadum-ṯ		i-ḫuḏam 474	ring	K

6. Singularia Tantum and Pluralia Tantum Some

  When it is necessary to specify the gender, one uses iferḫan dḵura 'male young animals' vs. iferḫan lanta 'female young animals'. 475 nouns occur only in the singular (singularia tantum, sg. tant.) or only in plural (pluralia tantum, pl. tant.). There are dialectal differences. Mass nouns (such as liquids) can be either singular or plural. The following table lists some examples of nouns which are used only in the singular.The following two nouns are always plural in most Senhaja, but singular in Hmed:The following table presents the typical nominal prefixes in the EL and the EA in the majority of Senhaja vs. Ketama and Taghzut outside Lqela varieties.Examples

	Schematically (CP = common plural): Lexeme Translation		Variety (pl.) Variety (sg.)
	MS ṯurin afruḫ afruḫṯ FS inyan ~ inyen (H) triangle pot support CP=MP MP lungs iferḫan iferḫan dḵura Singularia tantum nouns 6.2.4. State	FP K/Z/M iferḫan lanta K/T/S/B/Z 478 H H Translation young animal (~ifruḫṯin)
	Common gender terms can be used in three cases: referring to a group of females/feminine objects. Additional examples of common plurals (sometimes used alongside specifically feminine plurals) in Ketama follow. agris ice Pan-Snh. ṯaš(ṯ) holly oak H ad ̱̣ i grapes K/S/H/B ṯabġa blackberry T/B/Z/M males/masculine objects, referring to a mixed group, and referring to a group of Masc. Translation Variety Fem. Translation Variety aḏġes colostrum T/Z (ṯ)ammarṯ beard K/T/H/B/Z 6.2.4.1. Introduction
	MS aserḏun awhar arbib amayu iġ(ġ)ed ̱̣ forest FS aserḏunṯ awharṯ arbibṯ ashes Majority of Senhaja K/H/B CP=MP iserḏan iwharen irbiben K/H/Z ikki curd S/B a-prefix i-prefix (plurals) a-prefix FP iserḏunṯin (iwhar(ṯ)in) (irbibṯin) ṯayḏa pine ṯili shadow Ketama/Taghzut outside Lqela Translation mule fox H/B/Z/M Z ṯimessi fire i-prefix (plurals) T/S/B/Z imendi barley H/B/Z ṯiskerṯ garlic EL EA EL EA EL EA EL EA T/H/B/Z/M M a u i i a u i i stepchild aġyuy aġyulṯ iġyay (iġyulṯin) donkey The following table lists nouns that are only used in the plural. 476 F ṯa ṯ ṯi ṯ/(ṯi) a ---i ---/i
	Pluralia tantum nouns
	Masc.	Translation	Variety	Fem.	Translation	Variety
	aman ibeẓẓad ̱̣ water en urine iḫunčaṛ snot, mucus	pan-Snh. ṯid ̱̣ d ̱̣ a K ṯimeḵrad ̱̣ leech scissors K ṯiwsimin barley stalks	Z (dial.) Z Z
	isusfan	saliva	H/B/Z	ṯiẓẓa	wheat spikes B/Z
	irḏen	wheat	pan-Snh. imẓin	barley	K
	MS aġyul amddakkʷi ṯamddakešṯ imddukkay FS CP ṯaġyušṯ iġyal The following noun is always plural in the Ikherruden dialect of Zerqet, while the FP Translation Variety (ṯiġyušin) donkey Z ---friend S singular form is found in the Wersan dialect: 477
	afullus ayyaw Lexeme ṯid ̱̣ d ̱̣ a	ṯafullusṯ ṯayyaw(ḵ)ṯ Translation leech	ifullusen ayyawen Variety (only pl.) Variety (SG≠PL) ṯifullusin hen/rooster H ---grandchild T Z-Ikherruden Z-Wersan, sg. ṯid ̱̣ d ̱̣ iṭ

example, afruḫ 'young animal' has a plural form iferḫan. The feminine noun afruḫṯ 'female young animal' likewise corresponds to the plural iferḫan, while the specifically feminine form ifruḫṯin is rare.

Common plurals can be found in other Senhaja varieties, as well. In Zerqet, to specify the feminine gender, the word ṯibliġin 'girls' can be used, e.g. imddukkal 'friends' (common gender) > imddukkal ṯibliġin (alongside FP ṯimddukkal) 'female friends' (lit.

'friends girls'). In Hmed, either lanta 'female' or tyumba 'girls' is used, e.g. iyyawen 'grandchildren' (common gender) > iyyawen lanta ~ iyyawen tymba (alongside FP ṯiyyawin) 'granddaughters' (lit. 'female grandchildren' ~ 'grandchildren girls'). Below follow a few examples of common plurals outside Ketama.

475

The same applies, for example, to the suppletive plural ayṯma 'siblings' corresponding to the singular gma 'brother' and wiyṯma 'sister' (non-affix class): ayṯma dḵura 'brothers' (lit. 'male siblings') vs. ayṯma lanta 'sisters' (lit. 'female siblings'). 6.2.3.follow. The masculine noun is aryaz (Z)/argaz (K) 'man', and the feminine noun is ṯamġarṯ (Z)/amġarṯ (K) 'woman'.

Zerqet Ketama a-prefix (sg.) i-prefix (pl.) a-prefix (sg.) i-prefix (pl.)

  in EA: masculine nouns start in wa in the EA, and feminine nouns keep the initial (ṯ)a. In such nouns, a is considered part of the stem.479 There are 100 class I masculine singular nouns (22% of masculine singular nouns) that start in i-. The vowel remains unchanged in the EA. Without looking at the feminine counterparts, it is impossible to classify the i in masculine singular nouns as a prefix or part of the stem (see the following Section 6.2.4.2 on voyelle constante).

	keep the vowel a There are four class I masculine singular nouns (1%) that start in u or w. They remain unchanged in the EA in most Senhaja varieties. Two feminine class I nouns (0,5%) start in ṯu-. These nouns likewise remain unchanged in the EA. The vast majority of class I masculine plural nouns (98,2%: 384 nouns) have the prefix i-. They remain unchanged in the EA. Five nouns (1,3%) start in a-in the plural
		EL	EA	EL	EA	EL	EA	EL	EA
	M aryaz	uryaz	iryazen iryazen	argaz	urgaz	irgazen irgazen
	F	ṯamġarṯ ṯemġarṯ ṯimġarin ṯemġarin	amġarṯ	emġarṯ	imġarin emġarin/ imġarin
	State is marked in the prefix of class I nouns. Most masculine singular class I nouns start in a-(77%: 347 out of 451 nouns in this category). Among these nouns, the majority change a-to u-in the EA (94%, or 325 nouns). Most class I feminine nouns (75%: 322 nouns) start in ṯa-in the EL (Ketama a-, as the initial ṯ-is absent). Among these, the majority (95%) drop the vowel in the EA. The remaining a-initial masculine nouns (23% in this category) and (ṯ)a-initial feminine nouns (5% in this category)

that corresponds to wa-in the EA. Two nouns that start in u~w in the plural mark no state distinction.

The majority of class I feminine plural nouns (96,4%: 371 nouns) start in ṯi (Ketama i). Such nouns normally drop the vowel in the EA. However, some nouns remain unaltered. Thirteen feminine plural nouns

(3,3%)

start in ṯa and mark no state distinction. One feminine plural noun starts in ṯu and marks no state distinction.

6.3. The Arabic-morphology Noun 6.3.1. Noun Structure and Categories Expressed

  In masculine nouns, state distinction is normally marked only in the singular, and only for nouns whose stems starts in a. Nouns whose stems start in i or u~w, and the majority of plural nouns do not mark the difference in state. The scheme and some typical examples representative of the majority of Senhaja follow: normally changes to ṯi-in the plural, while ṯi-initial nouns maintain ṯi in the plural. Like ṯi-initial feminine singular nouns, most nouns drop the vowel in the EA, while some retain it; still others allow for variation. A few feminine nouns that have a constant vowel a in the singular, maintain the vowel in the plural. Such nouns either mark the EA by dropping the vowel, or EA remains the same as EL. The only feminine plural noun starting in ṯu in our database does not mark the difference in state. The scheme and examples follow:

	6.2.4.3. Masculine Nouns Scheme (ṯ)a-pfx (ṯ)a-stem (ṯ)i-pfx	(ṯ)i-stem	ṯu-stem
	EL	(ṯ)a	(ṯ)a	(ṯ)i	(ṯ)i	ṯu
	EA	(ṯ)	(ṯ)a	(ṯ)	(ṯ)i	ṯu
	Examples 'woman' 'honey'	'mill'	'mosquito' 'lungs'
	EL	(ṯ)amġarṯ ṯammenṯ	ṯisirṯ	ṯiziṯ	ṯurin(ṯ)
	EA	(ṯ)emġarṯ ṯammenṯ	ṯsirṯ	ṯiziṯ	ṯurin(ṯ)
	Scheme Variety EL ṯ-i-sismi Masculine nouns starting in u(~w) and feminine nouns starting in ṯu remain unaltered a-prefix pan-Snh. pan-Snh. H/B/Z H/B/Z H 482 a-initial stem i-initial stem u~w-initial stem i-stem EA Transl. Variety (EL=EA) Transl. Variety ṯ-sismi needle T/H/Z ṯ-izi-ṯ mosquito K/H/Z in EA: Noun Transl. Variety Notes M ul heart Z Cf. a-intial stem i-initial stem u~w-initial stem EL EA EL EA EL EA M a wa i i u~w u~w F ṯa (ṯ)a ṯi ṯi ṯu ṯu Some examples that are valid for most Senhaja varieties follow. a-stem Transl. i-stem Transl. u~w-stem Transl. EL EA EL=EA EL=EA M aššin waššin stable iġeṣ bone weššen jackal F ṯammenṯ ṯammenṯ honey ṯiziṯ mosquito ṯurin lungs Below we treat masculine and feminine nouns separately. EL a a i u~w EA u wa i u~w Examples 'mountain' 'stable' 'bone' 'jackal' EL aḏrar aššin iġeṣ weššen EA uḏrar waššin iġeṣ weššen EL i a u~w EA i wa u~w Examples 'mountains' 'grandsons' 'knives' EL iḏraren ayyawen wezzlan EA iḏraren wayyawen wezzlan Variety K/T/S H/Z Z 6.2.4.4. Feminine Nouns In feminine singular nouns, state can be marked whether the noun starts in (ṯ)a or in (ṯ)i, as both vowels can be dropped in the EA. The exception is constituted by the follow: starting in ṯu-likewise do not mark the difference in state. The scheme and examples nouns with the voyelle constante that remain unaltered in the EA. The two nouns The vast majority of feminine plural nouns are (ṯ)i-initial (96,4%: 371 nouns). The singular prefix ṯa-Nearly half of the nouns in Senhaja have Arabic morphology. 483 An Arabic-morphology noun consists of the Arabic article (l-or its assimilated form), the stem, and (for some feminine nouns) the suffix -a, for example: 484

K weyyi, T už, S/H/B uy, M ur F ṯurin lungs K/H/B/Z/M The following table summarizes the patterns. Only masculine nouns with a-initial stems distinguish between EL and EA. In masculine plural nouns (most of which start in i), the state distinction is usually absent. The exception is constituted by a few nouns that have a-initial stems that maintain the vowel in the plural. Such nouns distinguish the EA state by adding the prefix w-, e.g. ayyaw (H/Z) 'grandson', PL:EL ayyawen, PL:EA wayyawen. Plural nominal forms that start in i or on u~w do not mark the difference in state. The scheme and examples follow: Scheme i-initial pl. a-initial pl. u~w-initial pl. 482 This noun is sg. tant. in Hmed, and pl. tant. in other varieties (Ketama, Zerqet, Mezduy). 483 Among the total number of 1931 nouns, ca. 47,5% (912 nouns) belong to class II. For comparison, in Ghomara, Arabic-morphology nouns constitute 53% (Mourigh 2015: 89).

Singularia tantum and pluralia tantum

  Some Arabic-morphology nouns occur only in the singular or in the plural. The following table lists some examples.

	(4) Sg. tant. 6.5		Translation	Pl. tant.	Translation
	lemnam		dream	leflus		money
	lḥafer~laṯer	footprint	leḫnafer	nose
	llṯam		veil		lekṛafes	celery
	lmehraz		mortar	leksiba	goats/small cattle
	lpuklan		excavator	lešfaṛ		eyelashes/eyebrows
	ṛṛbiɛ		grass	nnḍaḍer	glasses
	ṣṣabun		soap	ššnayef	lips
	Lexeme Variety Transl.	Lexeme	Variety Transl. Notes
	ḇuḥbel	K/H/Z	life	muḵ(ḵ)a	K/H/Z	owl	pl. muḵ(ḵ)aṯ
	buriš	K/H/Z	flying ant	ṭuppa	S/B/Z	rat	pl. ṭuppaṯ
	ḵersanna K/H/Z	plant sp.	papaġayyu H	parrot	Z lbabaġa'
	buqɛas	Translation H/Z unripe fig	Dual gamba	Translation B/Z shrimp H lgamba
	nhaṛ	one day		yumayen	two days
	šheṛ	one month	šehṛayen	two months
	ɛam	one year		ɛamayen	two years
	mya	hundred		mitayen	two hundred
	alef	thousand		alfayen	two thousand

6.4. Non-affix Class

Some nouns do not belong either to the Berber-morphology or to the Arabicmorphology class. They lack the Berber prefix and the Arabic article. Such nouns do not mark state, and there is no regular gender derivation. Plurals are often lacking, or are suppletive. Alternatively, the plural form belongs to the regular Berbermorphology or to the Arabic-morphology class. 496 Some (but not all) kinship nouns belong to the non-affix class, e.g. gma (K/S/T) 'brother' and its suppletive plural ayṯma 'siblings'. The following table lists examples of non-affix nouns outside the kinship domain. On kinship terminology, see

Appendix 3. 496

There are some nouns that lack the Arabic article, but have Arabic-type plurals. In this case, the nouns can be considered as a sub-type of Class II.

. Interaction between Arabic and Berber 6.5.1. Number and Collective-unit Noun Distinction 6.5.1.1. Interaction between Arabic and Berber in Number

	6.5.1.2. Collective-unit Noun Distinction
	There is interaction between Berber-and Arabic-morphology nouns. There are examples of class I singular nouns that have class II plurals, e.g. SG (Class I) PL (Class II) Variety Translation Notes As mentioned in the Introduction (Section 1.9), Arabic influence on Senhaja is visible in the introduction of the collective-unit noun distinction. 497 Unmodified (Arabic-morphology masculine singular) loans are used for collectives, while a corresponding Berberized feminine noun (class I) refers to a unit (individual item). The unit noun can have a feminine plural class I form. In Zerqet, some of these nouns also have a masculine singular class I counterpart referring to an augmentative (cf. Section 6.2.2). 498 The following examples are pan-Senhaja (in Ketama, only the suffix -ṯ is pronounced, hence the prefix ṯ-is in parentheses).
	aqeṛquṛ aḫeddam amḫazni Coll. MS (II) pan-Snh. aǧǧar tteffaḥ awanṭiṣ lbettiḫ	lqraqer lḫeddama lemḫazniyya Unit, FS (I) pan-Snh. lǧiran~ǧǧiran H/Z H K/H K/H Plural, FP (I) frog worker police agent pan-Snh. AUG MS (I) B/S/Z pl. iqeṛquṛen Z pl. iḫeddamen Translation Zerqet Z pl. imḫazniyen (ṯ)ateffaḥṯ (ṯ)iteffaḥin ateffaḥ apple(s) neighbor lwanṭiṣ B/Z glove alongside iwanṭiṣen (ṯ)abettiḫṯ (ṯ)ibettiḫin abettiḫ melon(s)
	aɛezri	leɛzara	K/H/Z	young man
	ṯahraw(ḵ)ṯ	lehrawa(ṯ)	S/H/B/Z stick, beating	alongside Z ṯihrawin
	Arabic-morphology plurals may be suppletive to the Berber-morphology singular:
	SG (Class I) PL (Class II)	Variety	Translation	Notes
	arba	ddrari	pan-Snh. boy
	uy, weyyi	leqlub(a)	K/S/H/B heart	Z ul, pl. leqluba
	In some (rare) cases, the opposite occurs. The following nouns belong to class II in the singular, and to class I in the plural:
	SG (Class II) PL (Class I)	Variety	Translation	Notes
	lmehraz	imehrazen	K/H/Z	mortar	H/B/Z also sg. amehraz
	lġuddal	iġuddalen	Z	fig type
	lmežmaṛ	imežmaṛen	K/H/Z	charcoal pot	also pl. lemžameṛ

Internal Diminutives of Berber-morphology Nouns

  table, the diminutives are based on specific vocalic patterns. The patterns are the same as in Moroccan Arabic. There are ca. 30 examples in this category in our database.

	In Ketama and Zerqet, there is also an augmentative, ašekkaṛ (Z) ~ ašḵar (K) 'a big bag', and an augmentative of the internally-derived diminutive: aškikeṛ (K/Z) 'big small bag'. 502
	Lexeme ḍḍell FS leblaṣa lɛeṭṭa ṯaḥebbuṭ ṯaḥbibeṭ belly DIM Translation ḍḍlila shadow FS:DIM Translation lebliṣa place lɛeṭiṭa bite lɛunṣaṛ leɛniṣeṛ water source ṣṣṭel Lexeme lqehwa MS:AUG sṣemṭa ššeṛba aḥebbud ̱̣ DIM leqhiwa MS:AUG:DIM ṣṣmiṭa ššṛiba aḥbibeḏ ṣṣṭiyyel lḥelwa leḥliwa candy ssuq sswiqa lkas lkwiyyes glass ṭṭaṣ ṭṭwiṣ lmeskin lemsiken poor person ṭṭeḇṣil ṭṭḇiṣel lmuṭuṛ lemwiṭeṛ engine ṭṭerf ṭṭṛiyyef The noun ṯaḥebbuṭ 'belly' (H) is inherently feminine. The internal diminutive is ṯaḥbibeṭ Translation Translation coffee belt pregnant belly drink bucket market cup plate piece 'small belly'. The masculine counterpart (augmentative), aḥebbud ̱̣ , refers to a 'pregnant belly'. There is an internal diminutive of the masculine noun, aḥbibeḏ (with a depharyngealization of d ̱̣ ) which refers to a pregnant belly in the beginning of pregnancy, when it is just starting to get visible.
	MS:DIM Translation MS:DIM FS asammer asmimer MS 6.5.2.3. MS ṯasammerṯ ṯasmimerṯ sunny hill side FS FS:DIM FS:DIM Translation	Translation
	amenšaṛ amnišeṛ	saw (two handles) ṯimenšaṛṯ ṯamnišeṛṯ	saw (one handle)
	MS	MS:DIM Translation	FS	FS:DIM	Translation
	ašekkuṛ	aškʷikeṛ axe	ṯašekkuṛṯ ṯaškʷikeṛṯ hatchet
	Similarly, the noun ašekkuṛ 'axe' has a feminine counterpart, ṯašekkuṛṯ 'hatchet' (Hmed). The internally derived diminutives refer to smaller-size objects: aškʷikeṛ 'small axe', ṯaškʷikeṛṯ 'small hatchet'.
	FS	FS:DIM	Translation	MS:AUG MS:AUG:DIM	Translation
	ṯašekkaṛṯ ṯaškikeṛṯ bag	ašekkaṛ	aškikeṛ	big bag

There are also internal diminutives of Berber-morphology nouns. They have the same vocalic patterns as internal diminutives of Arabic-morphology nouns. Most examples are found in Hmed.

The noun amenšaṛ 'saw with two handles' has a feminine counterpart ṯimenšaṛṯ 'saw with one handle' (Hmed). The internally derived diminutives refer to smaller-size objects: amnišeṛ 'small saw with two handles', ṯamnišeṛṯ 'small saw with one handle'.

The noun ṯašekkaṛṯ (H/Z), ašḵaṛṯ (K) 'bag' is feminine and hence, a derived diminutive is impossible. The internal diminutive is ṯaškikeṛṯ (H/Z), aškikeṛṯ (K) 'small bag'.

4.4. Derived Arabic-morphology Verbal Nouns Some

  borrowed from Arabic, and have a suppletive relation to Berber native verbs.511 Arabic-morphology verbal nouns are discussed in Section 6.5.4.3. Nevertheless, some Berber-morphology verbal nouns are also found in Senhaja (more frequently in Eastern Arabic verbal nouns are derived with the prefix t-. Such nouns are found in Ketama, but are rare in other Senhaja varieties. Even more Arabic verbal nouns with

	The following verb has a feminine verbal noun: 6.5.4.5. Doublets: Berber-and Arabic-morphology Verbal Nouns
	The Some nisba nouns are integrated or optionally integrated into the Berber-morphology following examples are pan-Senhaja: MS FS PL (K/H) PL (Z) Translation ttiṭwani ttiṭwaniyya ttiṭwaniyyin ttiṭwaniyyen person from Tetouane fasi fasiyya fwasa fwasa person from Fes ktami ktamiyya ktamiyyin ktamiyyen person from Ketama class, e.g. MS FS Translation Variety abunṣar ṯabunṣarṯ person from Bunsar H/Z aḥemḏi ṯaḥemḏiṯ person from Hmed H/Z 6.5.4. The Verbal Noun 6.5.4.1. Introduction Verbal nouns are nouns derived from verbs and denoting the action ('the fact of X-ing'). 510 In all Senhaja varieties, and especially in Western Senhaja, many verbal nouns Senhaja than in Western Senhaja) (Section 6.5.4.2). Some verbs have both Berber-morphology (I) and Arabic-morphology (II) verbal nouns, resulting in doublets (Section 6.5.4.5). 6.5.4.2. Berber-morphology Verbal Nouns Berber verbal nouns are usually derived by adding the nominal prefix (usually MS a-) to the verb stem. Some verb stems also acquire a plain vowel. The following table Verb (Snh.) Transl. Noun (FS) Variety Transl. ḵrez to plow ṯayerza~ṯaḵerza H/Z (K) 513 plowing 6.5.4.3. Arabic-morphology Verbal Nouns The following table presents some Arabic-morphology verbal nouns found in Hmed. the prefix t-are found in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 143). Most of t-initial verbal nouns found in Ghomara correspond to Berber-morphology verbal nouns in Hmed and Zerqet. In Ketama, in such cases, either the Berber-morphology verbal nouns are used (which are otherwise rare) or the Arabic t-derived verbal nouns. Consider the Some verbs have both Berber-morphology (I) and Arabic-morphology (II) verbal nouns, resulting in doublets. The following table provides some examples found in Hmed. 517 Examples in group a involve cognate Berber-and Arabic-morphology verbal nouns (the base verbs are cognate borrowings from Arabic); examples in group b involve suppletive Arabic verbal nouns (the base verbs are usually native Berber, or, as in the last example, an unrelated Arabic loan). following examples: a) VN (I) and (II) are cognates Comparisons with Ketama and Zerqet are provided. Verb (Snh.) Translation VN (I) (Snh.) VN (II) (K/Ghm.) Verb Translation VN (I) VN (II) Notes presents some Berber-morphology verbal nouns found in Hmed. They are not used in Ketama. Comparisons with Zerqet are provided. Verb Translation VN (Hmed) Notes (cf. Zerqet) sagem wait asagem =Z ssenḏi churn assenḏi not in Z ḵmez grate, rub aḵmaz =Z wareg dream awareg =Z, cf. (ṯ)awargiṯ (K/H/Z) 'a dream' ḫuwwef scare aḫuwwef 512 not in Z qṛed ̱̣ break aqrad ̱̣ Z verbal noun aqṛed ̱̣ ḥteš collect grass aḥtaš Z verbal noun aḥteš siyyes boil asiyyes Z syes, verbal noun asyes mger harvest amger =Z Verb Translation VN (Hmed) Notes (cf. Ketama and Zerqet) ari write lektaba =K/Z azzi run ležri, žžri =K; Z verb azzel, VN ǧǧri ddu go lemši =K; Z verb ɛdu, VN lemši ekk give lmɛṭa =K/Z ɛyaṛ 514 play lleɛb~llɛib =K/Z ffaġ /e/ go out leḫruž =K/Z. Cf. lḫerža 'exit' naġ /e/ kill leqṯil(a) 515 =K/Z seḇ drink ššṛib derraɛ /e/ embrace aderraɛ (K/H/Z) ttedriɛ (K/Ghm.) šekkem squeal ašekkem (H/Z), ašekkem (K) qyeḇ plow aqyaḇ leqliḇ K/Z verb qleb, VN aqlab (Z), leqlib (K/Z) tteškim (Ghm.) ṛeqqaɛ /e/ mend (clothes) aṛeqqaɛ (K/H/Z) ḫd ̱̣ eb betroth aḫd ̱̣ ab leḫd ̱̣ aḇa~leḫṭaba =Z ~ ḫḫuṭuba tteṛqiɛ (K/Ghm.) fellaq /e/ to split afellaq (H/Z), afelliq (K) fhem understand afhem lefhama =Z ttefliq (K/Ghm.) qeṣṣeṣ cut aqeṣṣeṣ (K/H/Z) ḫiyyed ̱̣ sew leḫyaṭa =Z aḫiyyed ̱̣ tteqṣiṣ (K/Ghm.) ḥraq /e/ burn aḥraq (K/H/Z) b) VN (I) and (II) are not cognates tteḥṛiq (Ghm.), cf. leḥriq (K) Verb Translation VN (I) VN (II) Notes Cf. K/Z verb su, VN ššṛib, ššṛab serwet thresh ddras =Z (alongside VN aserweṯ), K ddris skurem sit luglas =Z; cf. K leglas wweṯ hit ḍḍeṛb =K, alongside ḍḍṛib. Z VN awweṯ zznez sell lbiɛ =K; cf. Z verb zzenz, VN lbiɛ šeǧǧaɛ /e/ encourage ašeǧǧaɛ (H/Z (K)) ttesžiɛ (K/Ghm.) šebbeṛ catch ašebbeṛ (H/Z) ḵšem enter aḵšam ddḫul Z verb ḵšem, VN aḵšem~ddḫul ttešbiṛ (K/Ghm.) ṣeffeṛ whistle aṣeffeṛ (K/H/Z) ḵrez plow ṯayerza lḥarṯ =Z (VN II rare in Z) tteṣfiṛ (K/Ghm.) qeṭṭaɛ /e/ cut aqeṭṭaɛ (H/Z) tteqṭuɛ (Ghm.), tteqṭiɛ, kker get up akkar K/Z verb kker, VN lefyaq nnwad ̱̣ ~lfiyaq myeḵ marry amyaḵ zzwaž Z verb mleḵ, VN amlaḵ~zzwaž tteqṭaɛ, leqtiɛ (K) In a few cases, the same verb has two corresponding Berber-morphology nouns: with the MS and with the FS morphology. In this case, the MS noun usually denotes the verbal noun (action) and the FS noun has a more concrete meaning, e.g. Verb Transl. Noun (MS) Translation Noun (FS) Transl. Variety wareg to dream awareg dreaming ṯawargiṯ a dream H/Z mger to harvest amger harvesting ṯamgra harvest Z Some Arabic borrowed verbal nouns have a cognate borrowed Arabic verb. Consider the following examples (Hmed): 516 Verb The following t-derived Arabic-morphology verbal nouns are (exceptionally) used also In the following examples (Hmed), the Berber-and Arabic-morphology nouns have a slight difference in meaning. 518 in Hmed and Zerqet, and not only in Ketama. They are found alongside Berber-morphology nouns, thus yielding doublets: Verb Transl. VN (I) Transl. VN (II) Transl. Notes Translation VN (Hmed) ḥzen grieve lḥuzen fellaḥ cultivate leflaḥa ṭiyyeb cook ṭṭyab ẓẓaḷḷ pray ṣṣḷa/ṣṣaḷa uẓum fast luwwi roll, spin aluwwi (K/H), aluwwa (K/Z) ttelwiyya ṣṣiyam Verb (Snh.) Translation VN (I) (K/H/Z) VN (II) (K/H/Z) heddeḏ threaten ahedded qiyyes measure aqiyyes measuring (of clothes) leqyas measuring =K (of money) ttehdid ẓuwweṛ forge, fake aẓuwweṛ fṛaq /e/ separate afeṛṛaq separating lefṛaq separation =K/Z tteẓwiṛ t'ekkeḏ verify at'ekkeḏ tte'kiḏ rbaḥ /e/ win arbaḥ winning rrbaḥ profit =Z

zerqṯi (II) ~ azerqeṯ (I) 'person from Zerqet' (H/Z); -ṣenhaži (II) ~ aṣenhaži (I) 'person from Senhaja' (pan-Snh.). In the following examples, the Berber-morphology nouns are preferred in Eastern Senhaja (Hmed and Zerqet), e.g. 509 See Druel & Grandlaunay 2008 for Nisba in Arabic, Marçais 1977: 112-113 for Nisba in Moroccan Arabic, Vycichl 1952 for Nisba in Berber, and Mourigh 2015: 136-137 for Nisba in Ghomara. Suffix -i in Berber adverbs is discussed in Kossmann 2013a: 129-230. 510 On this word class in Berber, see Galand 2002b.

are

513

In Ketama, the borrowed leqlib is preferred.

514

Arabic loan unrelated to the borrowed Arabic verbal noun.

515

The noun leqṯil is a verbal noun, 'killing', while leqṯila refers to a single action ('a killing').

516

On the first two of these verbs, see Kossmann 2013a: 82-83 and Van den Boogert & Kossmann 1997.

6.5.

517 In Ketama, normally, only Arabic-morphology verbal nouns are used.

  Different from the rest of Senhaja, Ketama and Taghzut employ distal clitics as anaphoric.522 The Ketama and Taghzut varieties are also special within Senhaja in that they distinguish number in deictic clitics.523 On the relationship between nominal and verbal directional clitics, seeSection 5.3.3.3.

		: 'house owner'	FS noun: 'shop owner'		Variety
	NOUN:EL	NOUN:EA	NOUN:EL	NOUN:EA
	mul aḫyam	---	mul aḥanut	---		K
	mul aḫam	mul uḫam	mul ṯaḥanuț	mul ṯḥanuț	H
	mul aḫyam mul aḫyam Deictic clitics can be also attached to certain pronominal elements to form mul uḫyam mul ṯaḥanut mul ṯḥanut B ---mul ṯaḥanut ---Z demonstrative pronouns (Section 8.4.3). However, there is not a perfect match between the postnominal clitics and the clitics found with demonstratives. The following table lists Senhaja postnominal deictic clitics. There are dialectal differences within Hmed and Bunsar varieties (represented as H1 and B1 vs. H2 and B2 in the table). 524
	Postnominal deictic clitics in Senhaja
		K		T	S	H1/B1	H2/B2 Z/M
		SG≠PL	SG≠PL	SG=PL	SG=PL	SG=PL SG=PL
	PROX aḏ(ah), PL iḏ(ah) aḏi, PL iḏi	(i)yya	dda(h)	(i)yya	(i)yya
	MED	(da, SG=PL)	ayes, PL iyyes	ina	ddina	ina	ina 525
	DIST	aḏin, PL iḏin	a(ye)n, PL iyyen 526	(i)yyen	ddin(hin)	(i)yyen (i)yyen
	ANP	=DIST	=DIST	nna	nna	nna	nna

  are two major morphological types of nouns in Senhaja: Class I, or the Berbermorphology class, and Class II, the Arabic-morphology class. Class I nouns have Berber morphology, while Class II nouns preserve their original morphology and occur with the Arabic definitive article l-. European loans are usually integrated into Class II. The third, much smaller class consists of nouns that lack affixes (Class III, or non-affix class). Nouns distinguish gender, number, and state. The use of states is restricted in Senhaja. The EL is used in most contexts, while the EA occurs after most prepositions and after the numeral 'one'. Ketama, there is no predicative ḏ. The negation of a nominal predicate is usually achieved either by a negated form of the verb 'to be' (especially in Western and Central Senhaja), or by a single negator maši (from Arabic), especially in Zerqet.Taghzut also has other means to negate a nominal predicate (e.g. with the invariable uliš or by u šay used in succession before the predicate).The Berber-morphology nouns maximally consist of a prefix, a stem, and a suffix. The three nominal categories (number, gender, and state) are expressed in the affixes and in the case of number, can sometimes be expressed in the stem. The prefix can simultaneously express state, number, and gender, while the suffix expresses (again)

	In The Berber-morphology Noun (Class I)
	When marked, the change of state is marked by a change in the nominal prefix. Not all nouns mark the state overtly.

Gender: There are two genders, masculine and feminine. In Class I nouns, most masculine nouns have a feminine counterpart, denoting either a difference in the natural gender or in size (augmentative vs. diminutive). Some masculine/feminine pairs refer to slightly different objects. Sometimes, the gender opposition is expressed by suppletion. Number: Senhaja distinguishes two numbers: singular and plural. Class III nouns often lack a plural counterpart, or have suppletive plurals, or form the plural as class II nouns. Mass nouns can be either always singular or always plural. A few borrowed Arabic nouns distinguish the dual number. State: Class I nouns distinguish two forms (states) related to the syntactic context, traditionally referred to as Etat Libre (EL, or 'Free State'), and Etat d'Annexion (EA, or 'Annexed State'). Noun phrases can function as predicates. Most Senhaja varieties employ the predicative ḏ is this case (obligatory in Zerqet, optional in Taghzut and Hmed).

number and gender. Most masculine singular nouns start in a-(a few in u~w).

Different from Tarifiyt (cf. Introduction, Section 1.8.1.1), there is no initial vowel drop in EL of some nouns (e.g. Snh. afus vs. Tarifiyt fus 'hand'). Feminine nouns typically have the prefix ṯ-(absent in Ketama and parts of Taghzut) and the suffix -ṯ (which can be freely omitted in Hmed), e.g. ṯ-amġar-ṯ 'woman' (most varieties), amġar-ṯ (K/T), ṯamġar (H). Following the prefix ṯ-, most feminine nouns have a or i, while a few nouns have u.

  lwalid 'father', lwalid-a 'mother'. Not all nouns ending in -a are feminine singular. A few Arabic-morphology feminine nouns end in -et/eṯ, but this is rare in comparison with other Berber varieties. Arabicmorphology nouns do not distinguish the states.Most nouns distinguish two numbers. The plural in Class II nouns follows the Arabic pattern and is borrowed together with the base noun. There are external plurals and

apophonic plurals. The plural suffixes include: -in, -a, -aṯ (-yy-aṯ, -ww-aṯ), -an, e.g. lmuɛallim 'teacher' > lmuɛallimin; lkaḍu 'present' > lkaḍu-yy-aṯ. For a limited number of Spanish loans, the suffix -s is used. More commonly, Spanish plurals follow the patterns of other Class II nouns. There exist many different patterns of apophonic plurals, e.g. ḍḍayf 'guest' > ḍḍyuf; nnežma 'star' > nnžum, etc. A few nouns combine the change of the stem with suffixation, e.g. lġar 'cave' > lġiran. A limited set of nouns referring to numbers or time have a dual form, likewise borrowed from Arabic. The dual form has the suffix -ayen, e.g. ɛam 'year' > ɛamayen 'two years'. Some Arabicmorphology nouns occur only in the singular or in the plural.

  'boy', PL ddrari. A certain number of nouns have a collective form with Arabic morphology (masculine singular), while a corresponding Berberized feminine noun refers to a unit (individual item). The unit noun can in turn have a feminine plural class I form. For example: tteffaḥ (collective) 'apples', ṯateffaḥṯ 'apple' (unit), ṯiteffaḥin 'apples' (plural). Derivation of internal diminutives is not productive in Senhaja, and there is a limited number of examples, mostly from Ketama and Hmed. For Class II nouns, the diminutive is borrowed together with the base noun from Arabic, e.g. ḍḍell 'shadow' > and Class II (cognate or suppletive) verbal nouns, resulting in doublets, e.g ḵšem 'to enter', aḵšam (I) ~ ddḫul (II) 'entering'. Some Arabic verbal nouns are formed with the prefix t-, e.g. qeṣṣeṣ 'to cut', aqeṣṣeṣ (most Snh.), tteqṣiṣ (K). Such nouns are found in Ketama, but are rare in other Senhaja varieties. This feature is shared by Ketama with Ghomara.There are some elements that can precede nouns. The first one, ayṯ, of Berber origin, or its Arabic equivalent bni, can be translated as 'sons of'. Both are used by Senhaja speakers, e.g. ayṯ ḥmeḏ ~ bni ḥmeḏ 'Those of (the tribe of) Ahmed'. The remaining elements (bu, mul, and the plural sḥab) are of Arabic origin, and can be translated as 'owner(s)/possessor(s) of'; bu is usually used with body parts, and describes a certain

	Internal Diminutives adding the nominal prefix (MS a-) to the verb stem. Some verbs have two related Class morphology verbal nouns are also found. Berber verbal nouns are usually derived by suppletive relation to Berber native verbs (esp. in Western Snh.). Some Berber-Verbal nouns (denoting the action) are often borrowed from Arabic, and can have a pattern. The Verbal Noun derivation, a number of nouns have internal diminutives with an Arabic apophonic While for Class I nouns, there exists a possibility to form diminutives by gender Pre-nominal Elements ayṯ~bni, bu, mul, sḥab

There are examples of class I singular nouns that have class II plurals, e.g. aḫeddam 'worker', PL lḫeddama. Class II plurals may be suppletive to the Berber-morphology singular, e.g. arba ḍḍlila. For Class I nouns, the diminutive is formed within Berber, following an Arabic pattern (PAT borrowing). Sometimes, there is a four-way distinction, if a Berbermorphology noun has a gender opposition, e.g. 1) (for inherently masculine nouns, with derived feminine diminutives) amenšaṛ 'two-handles saw', dim. amnišeṛ, FS ṯimenšaṛṯ 'one-handle saw', dim. ṯamnišeṛṯ; ašekkuṛ 'axe', dim. aškʷikeṛ, FS ṯašekkuṛṯ 'hatchet', dim. ṯaškʷikeṛṯ; 2) (for inherently feminine nouns, with masculine augmentatives) ṯašekkaṛṯ 'bag', dim. ṯaškikeṛṯ, MS ašekkaṛ 'a big bag', dim. aškikeṛ 'a surprisingly spacious small bag'; ṯaḥebbuṭ 'belly', dim. ṯaḥbibeṭ, MS aḥebbud ̱̣ 'pregnant belly', dim. aḥbibeḏ 'a small pregnant belly'.

Deadjectival Nouns and Nisba

Some nouns are formed on the basis of (borrowed Arabic) adjectives. The nouns bear Berber nominal affixes. Most of such nouns are constituted by color terms, e.g. byed ̱̣ (Ar. adj.) 'white' > abeyyud ̱̣ 'a white one'. Arabic borrowed nisba nouns (referring to tribal affiliation, place of origin, and ethnicity) can be integrated into Class I, e.g. zerqṯi (II) ~ azerqeṯ (I) 'person from Zerqet' (H/Z); ṣenhaži (II) ~ aṣenhaži (I) 'person from Senhaja' (pan-Snh.).

I nouns: with the MS and with the FS morphology. In this case, the MS noun usually denotes the verbal noun (action) and the FS noun has a more concrete meaning, e.g. wareg 'to dream', awareg 'dreaming', ṯawargiṯ 'a dream'. Some verbs have both Class I trait, characteristic (e.g. bu ṯɛeddist lit. 'owner of a belly', i.e. 'someone with a big belly'), while mul is used in the sense 'owner, proprietor', and is typically followed by some object. In Ketama and Zerqet, the noun following mul 'owner' is always in EL. In Hmed and Bunsar, the following noun can be either in EL or in EA, e.g. mul aḫyam (K/Z), mul aḫam~mul uḫam (H) 'the owner of the house'.

  Expression of noun attributes is carried out by various means in Berber, such as the use of verbs (regular or stative) or attributive nouns that can be used to modify the head noun. In many Berber languages, there is a distinct class of stative verbs. Stative verbs have special morphological markers (often, suffixes only) distinguishing them from the regular verbs (cf. Kossmann 2009c). In most Senhaja varieties, ancient stative verbs developed into adjectives that function syntactically in the same way as adjectives borrowed from Arabic, albeit bearing different morphological markers.There is thus a separate class of adjectives, with two subcategories: adjectives of Arabic origin, which are numerous, and adjectives of Berber origin, which is very limited in number. Similar facts are found in Ghomara (ElHannouche 2008, Mourigh

	2015: 205). Lafkioui (2009d: 111) analyzes such lexemes as verbs: they might have regular PNG markers (prefixes and suffixes) when they are not used as a verb complement, and have only suffixal markers (akin to stative verbs) when they appear in combination with a verb (such as 'to become'), e.g. (Bshir, following Lafkioui 2009d: 111):

  can modify another noun. Not all nouns can be used as attributes. Native Berber color terms are attribute nouns. They are used alongside borrowed Arabic adjectives in most In (a), the noun aḇerḵan 'black one' modifies the noun ah(y)am 'house'. Words such as aḇerḵan 'black one' are regarded here as a subcategory of nouns, because they have morphological characteristics of usual nouns, and because not all nouns can be used attributively.

	Senhaja varieties, e.g. 531
	(8) (a) ġur-i aḫam at-1S house:EL PRED black:one:MS ḏ aḇerḵan (H), cf. ġur-i aḫyam ḏ aberḵan (Z) (native Berber term: noun) (b) ġur-i aḫam kḥel (H), cf. ġur-i aḫyam kḥel (K/Z) at-1S house:EL black:MS (borrowed Arabic adjective) 'I have a black house'.

  table provides the scheme common to all Senhaja varieties that have Berber adjectives (i.e. all varieties excluding Seddat -Ketama, Taghzut, Hmed, Bunsar,

	and Zerqet). 532
	Marking of Berber adjectives in Senhaja
		Scheme
	MS	Ø
	FS	-(e)ṯ
	PL	-(e)n
		Ketama	Taghzut	Hmed/Bunsar/Zerqet
	MS	meqquṛ	meqquṛ	meqquṛ
	FS	meqqṛu-ṯ	meqqṛ-eṯ	meqquṛ-eṯ
	PL	meqqṛu-n	meqqṛ-en	meqquṛ-en

Two Berber adjectives are encountered in most Senhaja varieties: meqqur~meqqer 'big' and mezzi~meẓẓi(y) 'small'. The adjective meqqur~meqqer has different realizations with regard to u in different Senhaja varieties. In Ketama, u changes place, which usually indicates that u is a result of lost labialization (meqqʷer > meqqur), see Section 2.1.6. Taghzut is similar, but here, u disappears entirely in forms with suffixes. In the other varieties (Hmed/Bunsar/Zerqet), u is stable:

The adjective 'big' in Senhaja

The adjective mezzi~meẓẓi(y) is almost pan-Senhaja, although it is lacking in Hmed,

The adjective 'small' in Senhaja

  the word messus 'insipid' can function as a Berber adjective, although it can also bear morphological markers of an Arabic adjective. In Ketama, only Arabic markers are found. In Zerqet, this lexeme normally functions as a verb.

		Ketama	Taghzut	Hmed	Bunsar	Zerqet
	MS	mezzi		mezzi	meččiḵ	mezzi	meẓẓi
	FS	mezzi-ṯ		mezzi-ṯ	meččiḵ-eṯ	mezziy-eṯ	meẓẓiy-eṯ
	PL	mezzi-n		mezzi-n	meččiḵ-en	mezziy-en	meẓẓiy-en
	In Ketama, there is a derived form of this adjective, mezzitu, which has the meaning 'very small':
	MS		FS		PL	Variety Translation
	mezzitu	mezzitu-ṯ	mezzitu-n	K	very small
	In Hmed, MS messus			messus		3MS i-messus
	FS	messus-eṯ		messus-a		3FS	ṯ-messus
	PL	messus-en		messus-in		3P	messus-en

535

The lexeme 'insipid' in Senhaja Hmed (Berber adj.) Ketama/Hmed (Arabic adj.)

Zerqet (verb)

The lexeme melluy 'white' is likewise found with adjectival marking only in the Hmed variety. It has a corresponding attributive noun in Hmed, amelluy, cf. Zerqet ameǧǧul 'white one'.

536

The gender is distinguished in the plural forms of nouns, unlike in adjectives:

The lexeme 'white' in Senhaja

		Hmed (B. adj.)		Hmed (noun)	Zerqet (noun)
	MS	melluy	MS a-melluy	a-meǧǧul
	FS	melluy-eṯ	FS	ṯa-melluḵṯ~ṯa-melluyṯ	ṯa-meǧǧul-ṯ
	PL	melluy-en	MP i-melluy-en	i-meǧǧul-en
			FP ṯi-melluḵ-in~ṯi-melluy-in ṯi-meǧǧul-in
	No other Berber adjectives have been found in Senhaja. There are thus only four lexemes that can function as Berber adjectives.

  following adjective has been found in Ketama, Taghzut, and Hmed, and has related forms that are more frequently used without the suffix -an (also found in otherThe following adjective has the shape CC:-an. The base verb is of CCV (CyV) type:Adjectives of the type CCC often have plurals of the type CuCaC in Ketama and Taghzut, and CuCC in most other varieties(Seddat, Hmed, Bunsar, and Zerqet).546 This type includes color terms.547 In Hmed and Taghzut, the external plurals are also found.

	MS	FS	PL (K)	PL (T/H)	Translation
	Scheme Ø varieties): MS ǧuhdi (K) ǧehdi (T/H) ǧuhdiyy-a (K) Variety ǧehdiyy-a (T/H) all FS -a MS FS ḥqiqi ḥqiqiyy-a all PL -in all FP -aṯ ḥeznan ḥeznan-a ḥazin ḥazin-a 7.2.2.4. Adjectives with Apophonic Plurals ǧuhdiyy-en PL ḥqiqiyy-en ḥeznan-in ḥazin-in Z ḥazen ḥazn-a ḥazn-in (1) CCC > CuCaC ~ CuCC ~ CCC-in	ǧehdiyy-in Translation ḥqiqiyy-in sad sad sad	strong Variety real K/T/H K/T/H/M K/T/H
	The feminine plural form of adjectives on -aṯ is found in Zerqet. Its use is not The following adjective has the shape CVC-an. It is derived from a CVC verb: obligatory with a feminine plural referent. This form (specific to Zerqet) is omitted from the tables below. The following examples are grouped together by their structural types. MS FS PL Translation Variety ḥiran ḥiran-a ḥiran-in confused K/T/H/M Some examples follow:
	Examples of Arabic adjectives with external plurals Type MS FS PL CaCC waɛr waɛr-a waɛr-in CaCC našef našf-a našf-in MS FS PL MS FS PL CuCaC K/T PL CuCC S/B/H/Z ɛeyyan ɛeyyan-a ɛeyyan-in byed ̱̣ beyd ̱̣ -a buyad ̱̣ buyed ̱̣ ḫd ̱̣ eṛ ḫed ̱̣ ṛ-a ḫud ̱̣ aṛ ḫud ̱̣ eṛ ḥmeṛ ḥemṛ-a ḥumaṛ ḥumeṛ CaCiC ḫaṭiṛ ḫaṭiṛ-a ḫaṭiṛ-in 540 kḥel keḥl-a kuḥal kuḥel CC: merr merr-a merr-in ṣfeṛ ṣefṛ-a ṣufaṛ ṣufeṛ CC:aC ɛeyyan ɛeyyan-a ɛeyyan-in zṛaq /e/ zeṛq-a zuṛaq /a/ zuṛaq /e/	Translation good, nice dry PL CCC-in T/H Translation tired; bad beyd ̱̣ -in ḫed ̱̣ ṛ-in ḥemṛ-in dangerous keḥl-in bitter ṣefṛ-in tired; bad zeṛq-in	Variety K/H (Z) Translation white green red K/H (Z) black K/T/H yellow K/H K/H/Z blue
	Suffix -an
	MS MS feṛḥan neqqi ɛeryan 542 qwi ḥefyan 543 ḍuġri ġed ̱̣ ban ḥeẓẓuṭi (K) ḥežžuṭi (T/H) qenṭan Compare the following adjectives of the nisba type (derived from nouns): 545 FS PL FS PL (K/Z) PL (T/H) Translation Translation feṛḥan-a feṛḥan-in neqqiyy-a neqqiyy-en neqqiyy-in clean happy ɛeryan-a ɛeryan-in qwiyy-a qwiyy-en qwiyy-in strong naked ḥefyan-a ḥefyan-in ḍuġriyy-a ḍuġriyy-en ḍuġriyy-in (T) honest barefoot ġed ̱̣ ban-a angry ḥeẓẓuṭiyy-a (K) ḥežžuṭiyy-a (T/H) ḥeẓẓuṭiyy-en ḥežžuṭiyy-in naked ġed ̱̣ ban-in qenṭan-a qenṭan-in sad
	540 In Zerqet, the plural is either ḫaṭar (Bunjel dialect) or ḫaṭar-is (Ikherruden).

Some adjectives have the shape CCC-an (as in Arabic).

541

They are derived from verbs ofthe type CCC by means of the suffix -an.

541

On the suffix -an, cf.

Pennacchietti 1974. 542

This word has a free variant ɛuryan (FS ɛuryan-a, PL ɛuryan-in) in Ketama.

543

This word has a free variant ḥufyan (FS ḥufyan-a, PL ḥufyan-in) in Ketama. Note that ḥafi is used in Senhaja only in the meaning 'blunt' (e.g. about a knife) or 'empty, without anything else' (e.g. about bread, tea). The

7.2.2.3. Adjectives on -i

In -i-final adjectives, a glide yy is inserted before suffixes. In some examples, the finali is a nisba suffix (cf. Section 6.5.3) which is used to derive adjectives from nouns. In other examples, -i is not derivational. Adjectives in this group form plurals by the suffix without apophony. In Ketama and Zerqet, the plural suffix is realized as -en in this case, while in Taghzut and Hmed, the suffix is -in, e.g. 544

544

The adjectives qwi (root qwy) and neqqi (root nqy) are not nisbas: the final -y belongs to the root.

545

The adjective ǧehdi is derived from ǧuhd 'effort', and ḥqiqi from haqq 'truth'. These adjectives are not found in Zerqet.

Adjectives with Apophonic Plurals and suffix -in

  The following adjectives of the type CCC have plurals of the type CiCaC. The external plural is also possible in Taghzut and Hmed.Adjectives of the type CCiC have apophonic plurals with the suffix -in (CCaC-in type)

	MS	FS	PL CiCaC (K/T/H) PL CCC-in (T/H) Translation
	ḥwel	ḥewl-a	ḥiwal		ḥewl-in	crooked
	ɛweṛ	ɛewṛ-a	ɛiwaṛ		ɛewṛ-in	blind
	ɛwež	ɛewž-a	ɛiwaž		ɛewž-in	crooked
	7.2.2.5.
						Translation
	ḥṛeš	ḥeṛš-a	ḥuṛaš	ḥuṛeš	ḥeṛš-in	rough
	ṛṭeb	ṛeṭb-a	ṛuṭab	ṛuṭeb	ṛeṭb-in	soft
	(2) CCC > CiCaC ~ CCC-in

CCiwC and C 1 wiC 1 C 2 Two

  Some diminutive forms of adjectives are found in Ketama and Hmed varieties (normally absent in Bunsar and Zerqet, with a few exceptions). In Taghzut, diminutives of adjectives are not as widespread as in Ketama and Hmed, but there are some examples. The diminutive adjective acquires the meaning 'somewhat ~' (where ~ is the meaning of the base adjective).551 In the examples provided in this section, translations of the base adjective are given.One type of diminutives copies the second radical of the base adjective. The base adjective can belong to different structural types (e.g. CCC, CaCC, CCiC). The following examples are common to Ketama, Taghzut, and Hmed, while some other diminutives are not used in Taghzut: 552 . The diminutive adjective has Arabic suffixes in feminine singular and plural forms in Ketama and Taghzut, and can have either Arabic or Berber suffixes in Hmed. In this chapter, the majority of examples are valid for all Senhaja. Whenever there is a difference, the variety is indicated. Although the vast majority of participles are directly borrowed from Arabic, some (passive) participles are derived from native Berber verbs. 553 This phenomenon is most frequent in Hmed, while a few examples are found in Ketama and Taghzut. It doesn't occur in the other varieties. No active participles based on the native verbs have been found so far anywhere.

	7.2.3.	Diminutives of Adjectives
	Base	Transl.	DIM.MS	DIM.FS	DIM:PL	Variety
	meqquṛ	big		mquqeṛ	mquqṛ-a	mquqṛ-in	K/T/H
	meqquṛ	big		mquqeṛ	mquqṛ-eṯ	mquqṛ-en	H
	C 1 C 2 iC 2 C 3 7.3. Participle
	7.3.1. Introduction
							Translation
	bɛiḏ	bɛiḏ-a		bɛaḏ-in	bɛiḏ-in	far
	ġlid ̱̣ qṛib qṣir Type ṛḫis CCC ṣḥiḥ CCC tqil CaCC ždid CaCC CCiC	ġlid ̱̣ -a qṛib-a qṣir-a Base ṛḫis-a kḥel ṣḥiḥ-a ṣfeṛ tqil-a qaṣeḥ ždid-a waseɛ /a/ wide ġlad ̱̣ -in qṛab-in qṣar-in Transl. DIM.MS ṛḫas-in black kḥiḥel ṣḥaḥ-in yellow ṣfifeṛ tqal-in hard qṣiṣaḥ /e/ qṣiṣḥ-a ġlid ̱̣ -in qṛib-in qṣir-in DIM.FS ṛḫis-in kḥiḥl-a ṣḥiḥ-in ṣfifṛ-a tqil-in ždad-in 550 ždid-in wsisaɛ /e/ wsisɛ-a ḍɛif thin ḍɛiɛef ḍɛiɛf-a	fat near DIM:PL short kḥiḥl-in cheap ṣfifṛ-in fat, correct qṣiṣḥ-in heavy wsisɛ-in new ḍɛiɛf-in
	CCiC	ṭwil	long	ṭwiwel	ṭwiwl-a	ṭwiwl-in
	Type	Base	Transl.	DIM.MS	DIM.FS	DIM:PL
	CCiC	qlil	few		qliwel		qliwl-a	qliwl-in
	CCiC	rqiq	thin		rqiwaq /e/ rqiwq-a	rqiwq-in
	Diminutive of the Berber adjective meqquṛ
	The Berber adjective meqquṛ 'big' also has a diminutive form (Ketama, Taghzut, Hmed). The diminutive has the form mquqeṛ, thus recalling the Arabic C 1 C 2 iC 2 C 3

diminutives have the shape CCiwC; the base adjectives have the structure CCiC (Ketama/Taghzut/Hmed):

551

On diminutives of Arabic adjectives, see

Marçais 1977: 148. 552

In the Zerqet variety (Bunjel dialect), only a diminutive of the adjective qṣir 'short' (viz. qṣiṣeṛ) is found.

diminutives

As mentioned previously, in this thesis, the term 'participle' is used to refer to participles borrowed from Arabic, while the term 'relative form' is used to refer to what is traditionally known as 'Berber participle' (Section 3.4.3). In Arabic, participle formation is productive. In Senhaja, Arabic participles are borrowed as such, rather than formed within Berber. Exceptionally, some participles are formed following the Arabic patterns based on the native Berber verbs. In Senhaja, unlike in Arabic, participles are not used for aspectual purposes (e.g. active participles as progressives or resultatives).

In this study, we distinguish between adjectives and (active and passive) participles as morphological terms. Thus, ġali 'expensive' and ḫawi 'empty' are active participles only by form, not by meaning. When nominalized, participles can also function as nouns. Senhaja Berber employs a large number of Arabic participles (220 in our database), the vast majority of which are passive participles (144 in our database, as opposed to 76 active participles). Not all participles are found across all Senhaja varieties. However, it is safe to say that all Senhaja varieties have borrowed a number of Arabic participles and use them in everyday speech.

  Mourigh 2015: 217. Participles of the type mCaCC are derived from base verbs of the type CaCC (stem III).One participle of the type mtCC:C is derived from the base verb of the type tCC:C Participles of the type mtCaCC are derived from verbs of the type tCaCC (stem VI).Participles of the type mCtCC are derived from verbs of the type CtaCC (stem VIII).The following participle of the type mCtaC is derived from the verb of the type CtaC:Participles of the type mCCCC are derived from verbs of the type CCCC.

	mCCuC participles derived from CCC base verbs mCaCC mtCaCC 7.3.2.
	MS	FS	PL		Translation
	meḍṛub medrus MS MS meɛrud ̱̣ mɛafer metsamaḥ /e/ meġsul mɛaqeb mettafaq /e/ meqṣum meṛbuṭ msameḥ mCtCC mCCuC participles derived from CC: base verbs meḍṛub-a meḍṛub-in medrus-a medrus-in FS PL FS PL meɛrud ̱̣ -a meɛrud ̱̣ -in mɛafr-a mɛafr-in metsamḥ-a metsamḥ-in meġsul-a meġsul-in mɛaqb-a mɛaqb-in mettafq-a mettafq-in meqṣum-a meqṣum-in meṛbuṭ-a meṛbuṭ-in msamḥ-a msamḥ-in MS FS PL The following participle shows free variation between mCaCC and mCaCuC (pan-beaten Translation Translation threshed tried forgiven invited punished agreed washed divided forgiven tied Senhaja): MS FS PL Translation MS FS PL Translation Translation medquq mequq-a medquq-in pounded meɛṭuṭ meɛṭuṭ-a meɛṭuṭ-in bitten mefkuk mefkuk-a mefkuk-in released mesdud mesdud-a mesdud-in closed mɛaṛed ̱̣ ~ mɛaṛud ̱̣ mɛaṛd ̱̣ -a~ mɛaṛud ̱̣ -a mɛaṛd ̱̣ -in~ -in meɛṭaṛef meɛṭaṛf-a meɛṭaṛf-in admitted invited meḥtaṛem meḥtaṛm-a meḥtaṛm-in respected mɛaṛud ̱̣ found: The following participle is derived from CaC: base verb. Variants with q and g are mektašef mektašf-a mektašf-in investigated
	MS MS	FS FS	PL	PL	Translation Translation
	mgadd~ mqadd mgadd-a~mqadd-a meḥtaž meḥtaž-a	mgadd-in~mqadd-in meḥtaž-in in need	flattened
	MS meḫṭaṛ meškak MS mstCCC ~ mstaCC Participles of the type mstCCC~mstaCC are derived from verbs of the type FS PL Translation meḫṭaṛ-a meḫṭaṛ-in chosen meškak-a meškak-in doubted FS PL Translation stCCC~staCC (stem X).
	msawem MS	msawm-a FS	msawm-in PL	priced Translation
	mɛaweḏ mesteɛžeb	mɛawḏ-a mesteɛžb-a	mɛawḏ-in mesteɛžb-in	repeated amazed
	MS mestanes mtCC:C mbellaɛ /e/ mɛemmeṛ (stem V). mCCCC	FS mestans-a mbellɛ-a mɛemmṛ-a	PL mestans-in mbellɛ-in mɛemmṛ-in	used to Translation closed filled
	mfeṛṛaḥ /e/ mfessaḫ /e/ MS MS mḫebbaɛ /e/ metḥeššem 555 mġerbel mḫelleṣ mḫeṛbaq /e/ mheṛṛeẓ mḫerdel mqellaq /e/ mkeṛfes mseḵsef	mfeṛṛḥ-a mfessḫ-a FS FS mḫebbɛ-a metḥeššm-a mġerbl-a mḫellṣ-a mḫeṛbq-a mheṛṛẓ-a mḫerdl-a mqellq-a mkeṛfs-a mseḵsf-a	mfeṛṛḥ-in mfessḫ-in PL PL mḫebbɛ-in metḥeššm-in mġerbl-in mḫellṣ-in mḫeṛbq-in mheṛṛẓ-in mḫerdl-in mqellq-in mkeṛfs-in mseḵsf-in	(made) happy Translation Translation opened made ashamed sieved hidden confused paid crazy broken beaten; messy (made) angry cleaned

mCCaC Some participles have the form mCCaC. Just like mCCuC type, they can be derived from CCC or CC: verbs: mCC:C Participles of the type mCC:C are derived from base verbs of the type CC:C (stem II). mCawC Participles of the type mCawC are derived from base verbs of the type CawC.

  The following two participles belong to the same type in Hmed, corresponding to mCC:C in Zerqet because the final -el > -i in Hmed. This change is often optional in Arabic loanwords, allowing for variation in some cases:Participles of the type mCaCi are derived from base verbs of the type CaCi. In participles of mCaCi type, just as in the mCC:i type described above, the final -i > y before suffixes. There are very few examples. The following two participles are found in Ketama, Hmed, and Taghzut:

	MS		FS		PL	Transl.
	mšelli (K/H) mšellel (Z)		mšelly-a (K/H) mšell-a (Z)	mšelly-in (H), mšelly-en (K) mšell-in (Z)	washed
	mbeddi (H) mbeddel (K/H/Z)	mbeddy-a (H) mbeddl-a (K/H/Z)	mbeddy-in (H) mbeddl-in (K/H/Z)	changed
	mCaCi
						Translation
	mebni	mebniyy-a	meḇniyy-in	mebniyy-en	built
	meḫwi	meḫwiyy-a	meḫwiyy-in	meḫwiyy-en	emptied
	mensi meqli MS mešri mlaqi mešwi msari	mensiyy-a meqliyy-a FS mešriyy-a mlaqy-a mešwiyy-a msary-a	mensiyy-in meqliyy-in PL (H/T) mešriyy-in mlaqy-in mešwiyy-in msary-in	mensiyy-en meqliyy-en PL (K) mešriyy-en mlaqy-en mešwiyy-en msary-en	forgotten Translation fried meeting bought roasted travelling
	before suffixes:
	MS MS	FS FS		PL (T/H) PL (Taghzut)		PL (K/Z) PL (Ketama)	Translation Translation
	mḍuwwi mfeḍḍi metlaqi	mḍuwwy-a mfeḍḍy-a metlaqy-a metlaqy-in mḍuwwy-in mfeḍḍy-in	mḍuwwy-en mfeḍḍy-en metlaqy-en	brightened weakened meeting together
	mḥeffi mḫelli 7.3.2.3. Participles of Berber verbs mḥeffy-a mḥeffy-in mḫelly-a mḫelly-in mluwwi mluwwy-a mluwwy-in mneqqi mneqqy-a mneqqy-in mṣeffi mṣeffy-a mṣeffy-in In Hmed (and more rarely, in Taghzut and Ketama), a few participles derived from mḥeffy-en blunted mḫelly-en left mluwwy-en rolled, spinned mneqqy-en cleaned mṣeffy-en sieved native Berber verbs are found. 558 Sometimes, they follow the usual schemes of Arabic participles, and sometimes, they have irregular schemes (e.g. Hmed participles meqqen 'tied', messu 'spread', and muġġi 'stuck'). In other varieties, Berber verbs usually have a suppletive relationship with Arabic participles (e.g. qqen 'to tie' -meṛbuṭ 'tied').

mCC:i

In participles of the type mCC:i, the final -i becomes y before suffixes.

mtCaCi

The following participle is of mtCaCi type (Ketama/Taghzut). The final -i becomes y

  . The verb is realized as rgi in Ketama and Hmed, and as rgež in Taghzut (from the original rgel, found in Zerqet). The participle belongs to the mCCi type in Ketama and Hmed, and to the mCCuC type in Taghzut:

	MS	FS	PL		Transl.	Base verb	Var.
	mergi	mergiyy-a mergiyy-in (H) mergiyy-en (K)	closed	rgi 'close'	K/H
	merguž merguž-a	merguž-in	closed	rgež 'close'	T
	MS	FS		PL	Transl.	Base verb	Var.
	meqnun	meqnun-a		meqnun-in tied	qqen 'tie'	T
	meqqen	meq(q)n-a meq(q)n-in tied	qqen 'tie'	H
	The following participle has the common mCC:C shape. It is found in Ketama and Hmed: 559
	MS	FS		PL	Transl.	Base verb
	msemmer msemmr-a	msemmr-in heated in the sun summer 'be in the sun'

The verb qqen 'to tie' has corresponding participles (of different shapes) in Taghzut and Hmed. The Taghzut meqnun is of the frequent mCCuC type (following the Arabic pattern), while Hmed meqqen is closer to the original verb (derived only by prefixing m-) and has an irregular pattern mC:C:

.3. Active Participles Active

  participles take the same endings as passive participles and adjectives. Not as many verbs have active participles as passive participles. Active participles can share the root with the base verb (if it is also a borrowing). However, very frequently, the active participle has a suppletive relation to the (Berber) base verb. As with passive participles, the same active participle can be used in different Senhaja varieties, and correspond to different base verbs depending on the variety. In Taghzut, active participles can be found with the deictic clitic d.

	MS		FS			PL	Translation
	bareḏ		barḏ-a			barḏ-in	cold
	gales messu habeṭ muġġi ḫarež kaṛah /e/	FS messw-a gals-a habṭ-a muġġy-a ḫarž-a kaṛh-a	PL messw-in muġġy-in	Transl. gals-in spread habṭ-in stuck ḫarž-in kaṛh-in	Base verb sitting; idle ssu 'spread' going down uġġi 'be stuck' going out hating	Variety H H
	naɛes The following participles found in Hmed are formed on the basis of s-derived naɛs-a naɛs-in asleep waqef waqf-a waqf-in standing (causative) verbs: wasaɛ /e/ wasɛ-a wasɛ-in wide
	MS wakel	FS	wakl-a	PL	Transl. wakl-in	Verb eating
	mserweṯ	mesrewṯ-a		mesrewṯ-in	threshed	serweṯ 'thresh' (frozen causative)
	messenker	messenkr-a messenkr-in raised	ssenker 'raise' < kker 'get up'
	messuffaġ /e/	messuffġ-a		messuffġ-in brought out <ssufaġ /e/ 'make go out'
	MS	FS			PL		Translation
	bayen	bayn-a		bayn-in	apparent
	MS ɛayeš mnebber fayaq /e/ kayen	FS ɛayš-a mnebbr-a fayq-a kayn-a		PL mnebbr-in ɛayš-in fayq-in kayn-in	Transl. living Verb bitten awake nebber 'be bitten' < bber 'bite' existing, available
	ṣayem	ṣaym-a		ṣaym-in	fasting
	7.3CaCC Participles of the type CaCC are derived from base verbs of the type CCC (including w-initial, as in the last three examples). 560

< ffaġ /e/ go out'

The following participle is formed on the basis of n-derived (passive) verb (Hmed):

CayC

Participles of the type CaCC with y as C 2 are derived from base verbs of the type CVC (hollow verbs).

Participles on -i CaCi

	The following participles have a tense C 2 :
	MS		FS	PL (T/H)	PL (K/Z)	Translation
	mašši		maššy-a	maššy-in	maššy-en	going
	mažži		mažžy-a	mažžy-in	mažžy-en	coming
	CC:aC Only one participle has the form CC:aC, but it is used frequently and found in all Senhaja varieties:
	MS		FS	PL		Translation
	ḫeddam	ḫeddam-a	ḫeddam-in	working
	7.4.	Conjugated Adjectives and Participles
	7.4.1. Introduction
	Some Senhaja varieties
	Ketama and Zerqet:
	MS		FS	PL (T/H)	PL (K/Z)	Translation
	kari		kary-a	kary-in	kary-en	renting
	qaṛi		qaṛy-a	qaṛy-in	qaṛy-en	studying; learned
	mad ̱̣ i ġali	mad ̱̣ y-a ġaly-a	mad ̱̣ y-in ġaly-in	mad ̱̣ y-en ġaly-en	sharp expensive
	ḫawi		ḫawy-a	ḫawy-in	ḫawy-en	empty

Participles of the type CaCi are derived from base verbs of the type CCV. The final -i becomes y before suffixes.

561

The plural marker is -in in

Taghzut and Hmed and -en in

Relative form of Berber adjectives in Senhaja

	Ketama	Seddat	Hmed	Bunsar/Zerqet	Taghzut
	a X-n	na (y-)X-n	na X-n	na y-X-n ~n(aḏ) i-X-n SG a X-n
	SG=PL	SG=PL	SG=PL	SG=PL	PL i X-n

The schemes and examples follow. The relative markers are included in the schemes and examples. Scheme 1.

Example: relative form of meqq(u)ṛ 'big': 'who is/are big'

	Ketama	Seddat	Hmed	Bunsar/Zerqet	Taghzut (SG≠PL)

Relative constructions with the adjective mezyan 'good': 'who is/are good' Ketama/Taghzut Hmed Seddat/Zerqet MS

  Taghzut, optionally present (and optionally conjugated) in Hmed (cf. scheme 2 with the Berber adjectives discussed above). In Zerqet, there are dialectal differences regarding relative constructions with Arabic adjectives and participles. Such constructions are possible in the dialect of Bunjel, but are rare in the dialect of Ikherruden, where relative forms of cognate verbs are used instead. In Bunjel, relative forms of verbs are used alongside relative constructions based on cognate adjectives.The following tables present the scheme and examples of Arabic adjectives and participles in relative constructions. For Zerqet, the Bunjel dialect is shown. Arabic adjectives can have external or internal plurals, so the suffix -in in the scheme does not apply to all examples.575

	Arabic adjectives and participles in relative constructions
	Scheme
		Ketama/Taghzut Hmed	Seddat/Zerqet
	MS a ylla X	na (ylla~ye-lla~ye-lla-n) X	na X
	FS	a ylla X-a	na (ylla~ye-lla-n~ṯe-lla) X-a	na X-a
	PL	a ylla X(PL)(-in)	na (ylla~ye-lla-n~lla-n) X(PL)(-in) na X(PL)-in
	Examples:
		a ylla mezyan	na (ylla~ye-lla~ye-lla-n) mezyan	na mezyan
	FS	a ylla mezyan-a	na (ylla~ye-lla-n~ṯe-lla) mezyan-a na mezyan-a
	PL	a ylla mezyan-in	na (ylla~ye-lla-n~lla-n) mezyan-in na mezyan-in

Relative constructions with the participle saken 'dwelling': 'who is/are dwelling'

	Example sentence: (14) (a) argaz man The following example illustrates the use of the relative construction with an Arabic a y-lla ṭwil, baba (K/T) RM 3MS-be:P adjective messus 'insipid' in a sentence: 577 tall:MS father (b) aryaz na (ylla) ṭwil, (ḏ) ḇaḇa (H) man RM (3MS-be:P) tall:MS PRED father (c) aryaz na ṭwil, ḏ baba (Z-Bunjel) man 'The man who is tall, is my father.' RM tall:MS PRED father (17) (a) nekki u ss-aġ ši atay a y-lla messus (K) 1S NEG drink:IPF-1S NEG tea RM 3MS-be:P insipid (b) nek u ss-aġ š ațay na messus (H/Z-Bunjel) 578
	Compare the relative forms (invariable for gender and number) of the related verb ṭwal (Ketama/Hmed), ṭwil (Zerqet) 'to be(come) tall':
	Ketama		Hmed	Zerqet
	a y-ṭwal-en	na y-ṭwal-en	na y-ṭwil-en
	In Ketama and Hmed, there is a difference in meaning between the following two
	(15)	(a) a RM 3MS-be:P tall:MS y-lla ṭwil (K) 'who is tall' (b) a y-ṭwal-en (K) RM RF-be.tall:P-RF 'who became tall'
	In Zerqet, the difference between the two constructions is dialectal: example (a) with an adjectival relative construction is used in Bunjel, while example (b) with a verbal relative form is common to Bunjel and Ikherruden. The meaning remains the same: 576
	Ketama/Taghzut Hmed MS a ylla saken na (ylla~ye-lla~ye-lla-n) saken FS a ylla sakn-a na (ylla~ye-lla-n~ṯe-lla) sakn-a PL a ylla sakn-in na (ylla~ye-lla-n~lla-n) sakn-in (16) (a) na ṭwil (Zerqet: Bunjel) RM tall:MS (b) na y-ṭwil-en (Zerqet: Bunjel/Ikherruden) RM RF-be.tall:P-RF 'who is tall'	Seddat/Zerqet na saken na sakn-a na sakn-in

examples: example (a) with an adjective in the relative construction describes a state, while example (b) with a verbal relative form describes a result:

576

To express a result, the verb 'to become' in combination with an adjective is used in Zerqet.

  adjectival or participial predicate. Examples follow. The following examples are with a In Hmed, unlike in other parts of Senhaja, the negated form of the Arabic present relevance particle ṛa-can be used to negate such predicates (Berber adjective, Arabic adjective, or Arabic participle), e.g. Alternatively, ṛa-can be combined with a negated predicate (with maši or ma...š or u... almost always in free variation, and the forms listed in the table present the preferred (most frequent) variant. In the case of Seddat and Bunsar, both variants are equally frequent, also depending on the dialect. For 1P, in Ketama, nukki is more frequent in Beni Aisi than in Beni Hmed. In Zerqet, for 1P, nukni and nukna are found in Ikherruden, while wukna is the preferred variant in Bunjel. In Zerqet, the gender is optionally distinguished in the 2P and 3P pronouns. The specific 2FP and 3FP pronouns are more frequent in Wersan and Ikherruden dialects than in Bunjel.

	Berber adjective: (18) (a) u NEG be:P-1S lli-ġ (b) nekki(ni) maši I NEG (c) nekki(ni) ma meqquṛ š meqquṛ (K/T/H) NEG big:MS meqquṛ (H/Z, rare in K/T) big:MS š (T/H, rare in K/Z) I NEG big:MS NEG (d) nekki(ni) u meqquṛ š (K/T/H, *Z) I NEG big:MS NEG 'I am not big/old.' An example with an Arabic adjective follows: (19) (a) u lli-ġ š mezyan (K/T/H) NEG be:P-1S NEG good:MS (b) nekki(ni) maši mezyan (H/Z, rare in K/T) I NEG good:MS (c) nekki(ni) ma mezyan š (K/H/T, rare in Z) I NEG good:MS NEG (d) nekki(ni) u mezyan š (K/T/H, *Z) I NEG good:MS NEG 'I am not good. Compare with an Arabic participle: (20) (a) u lli-ġ š gales (K/T/H) NEG be:P-1S NEG sitting:MS (b) nekki(ni) maši gales (K/H, rare in T/Z) I NEG sitting:MS (c) nekki(ni) ma gales š (K/T/H/Z) I NEG sitting:MS NEG (d) nekki(ni) u gales š (T/H, rare in K, *Z) I NEG sitting:MS NEG Two following constructions are specific to Taghzut. They are valid with a Berber adjective, an Arabic adjective, or an Arabic participle. An example with a Berber adjective follow: (21) nekki(ni) uliš meqquṛ (T) I NEG big:MS nekkini u šay meqquṛ (T) I NEG NEG big:MS 'I am not big/old.' In Zerqet, the negated form of 'to be' in the Perfective is understood as a reference to the past. Examples follow: With a Berber adjective: (22) u ǧǧi-ġ š meqquṛ (Z) NEG be:P-1S NEG big:MS 'I was not big/old.' With an Arabic adjective: (23) u ǧǧi-ġ š mezyan (Z) NEG be:P-1S NEG good:MS 'I was not good.' (24) (a) ara lli-ġ š meqquṛ (K) PST be:P-1S NEG big:MS (b) u gelli-ġ š meqquṛ (25) (a) gelli-ġ maši meqquṛ (H) PST:be-1S NEG 8. Pronouns Senhaja independent pronouns big:MS (b) gelli-ġ ma meqquṛ š (H) PST:be-1S NEG 8.1. Introduction Ketama Taghzut Seddat Bunsar Hmed Zerqet big:MS NEG gelli-ġ u meqquṛ š (H) PST:be-1S NEG big:MS NEG 'I was not big/old.' In varieties that have conjugated adjectives (cf. Section 7.4), conjugated adjectives can Mezduy be negated by the same means as verbal predicates (when the reference is made to the present), e.g. by the discontinuous negation u...š, e.g. -With a Berber adjective (Taghzut, Zerqet): (26) u meqqṛ-eġ š (T) u meqquṛ-aġ š (Z) NEG big-1S NEG (31) ma ṛa-h š gales (H) NEG PRS-3MS NEG sitting:MS 'He is not sitting.' š): (32) ṛa-h maši gales (H) PRS-3MS NEG sitting:MS 'He is not sitting.' The negator maši extends the scope of negation to the entire clause. Compare the following examples: The Senhaja pronominal system consists of native Berber pronouns (Sections 8.2-8.5) and borrowed Arabic pronouns (Section 8.6). In what follows, we first present the 1S nek(k) nekki(n) nekkini (nek(k)) nekki(n) nekkini nek(k) nekkini nek(k) nekki(ni) nek(k) nekkini nek(k) nek(k) nekkini nekkiniṯ Berber pronouns. The major types of Berber personal pronouns are the independent (free) pronouns (Section 8.2) and bound pronouns. Bound pronouns include clitic pronouns and pronominal suffixes (cf. Galand 1966; Kossmann 2012a: 58). Clitic 2S ḵeǧ(ǧ) ḵeǧǧi(n) ḵeǧǧini (keǧ(ǧ)) keǧǧi(n) keǧǧini ḵ/keǧ, ḵež ḵ/keǧ(ǧ) ḵ/keǧǧini ḵeǧ(ǧ) ḵeǧǧini ḵ/keǧ(ǧini) ḵer ḵež(ži(ni)) ḵ/keǧǧini pronouns have been treated above with the ventive clitic (Section 5.3). In this chapter, we treat pronominal suffixes (Section 8.3). Pronominal suffixes are pronouns suffixed to prepositions or to a limited set of kinship nouns. Section 8.4 treats pronominal 2F ḵem(m) ḵemmi(n) ḵemmini (kem(m)) kemmi(n) ḵem(m) ḵemmini ḵ/kem(m) kemmi(ni) ḵem(m) ḵemmini ḵem(m) ḵem(m) ḵemmini kemmini heads, including demonstrative pronouns (Section 8.4.3), and Section 8.5 the indefinite pronouns. On the interrogative pronouns used with prepositions (i.e. 3MS n(e)tta nțța(n(i)) netta, n(e)tta(ni) nțta(ni) n(e)tta(ni) netta nețța prepositional interrogatives), cf. Section 9.5. 3FS n(e)ttaha nțțaha(n) nettaṯa ntaṯa(ni) nțțaṯa(ni) ntaṯa(n) nettaṯa nețțaṯa 'I am not big/old.' With an Arabic adjective or participle (can be conjugated in Taghzut, but not in Zerqet): (27) u mezyan-iġ š (T) NEG good-1S (33) (a) ma kayen š ḫaḏiža (H, rare in Z/K) NEG EXST:MS NEG Khadija 1P nukni, nukki nekni nukni, nukna(ġ) nekni, nekna, nukni nukni nukni, nukna, nukni, nukna wukna 'There is no Khadija' (b) maši kayn-a ḫaḏiža, kayn-a Rašida (H) NEG EXST-FS Khadija EXST-FS Rashida 2M ḵunni kenniw ḵuni(mi) ḵenniwi ḵ/keniwi ḵenniw(i) ḵennami, ḵenniw ḵenniwi, ḵennawi NEG 'I am not good.' (28) u sakn-iġ š (T) NEG dwelling-1S NEG 'I am not dwelling.' In Taghzut, the negated form of 'to be' can be combined with an affirmative conjugated adjective or a participle, e.g. (34) maši ma kayen š 2PF ḵennamṯi (ḵennindi) ḵennumṯi ḵennumi lɛaṣir (K/H/T/Z) NEG NEG EXST:MS NEG juice 'It is not that there is no juice.' 3MP nehnim (ne)hnim(i) (ne)hmim(i) lehmim ntumi, nțumi nnimi, ntumi, nehnam(i) nehnum(i) ntami, neṯnin ntumi numi NEG PST:be-1S NEG big:MS 'I was not big/old.' Alternatively, the affirmative form of 'to be' can be combined with an adjective or a participle negated by maši or by the discontinuous negation (u...š, ma...š). The same examples are valid for a Berber or Arabic adjective or participle: (29) u lli-ġ š meqqṛ-eġ (T) NEG be:P-1S NEG big-1S 'I am not big/old.' (30) u lli-ġ š mezyan-iġ (T) 'I am not good.' NEG be:P-1S NEG good-1S 7.7. Conclusions are native Berber and borrowed Arabic adjectives, differing in morphological marking, In Senhaja, adjectives and participles constitute distinct morphological classes. There 3FP ntamṯi ntumṯi (neṯnindi)

In Western Senhaja

(Ketama and Taghzut)

, to refer to the past, the past markers are used in combination with the verb 'to be', while Hmed uses a special form of the verb 'to be', gelli/a (cf.

Section 5.4.1)

. To negate such forms, the negated form of 'to be' is used, e.g. 'There is no Khadija ('It is not Khadija who is there'), there is Rashida.'

When the negator maši is followed by ma kayen š, this has the meaning 'It is not that there is no...', e.g. but fulfilling the same function. Borrowed Arabic participles share some features with adjectives: they can modify the head noun; they distinguish the same number of forms (masculine singular, feminine singular, and plural); Arabic adjectives with external

8.2. Independent Personal Pronouns

8.2.1. Overview of Forms

Independent personal pronouns in Senhaja express person (first, second, and third), number (singular and plural), and gender (masculine and feminine). The gender is distinguished in the second person and third person singular in all Senhaja varieties, and in the second person and third person plural only in Eastern Senhaja (Zerqet and Mezduy). For the first and second person singular, most Senhaja varieties have "short" and "long" forms.

580

The independent pronouns are shown in the following Table

.

581 Some pronouns have different forms which are either in free variation or reflect dialectal preferences. The k and ḵ in the second person singular pronouns (2MS and 2FS) are

  usage and frequency vary depending on the dialect. Longer forms of pronouns (extended by -i, etc.) are more common in some varieties than in others. Within Western Senhaja, only Taghzut shows a preference for the longer forms (e.g. of 1S, 2MS, and 2FS pronouns). Also, Taghzut has longer forms for pronouns which are normally short in other Western Senhaja varieties, e.g. 3MS Ketama netta vs. Taghzut

nțțan(i), 3FS Ketama nettaha vs. Taghzut nțțahan, and 3P Ketama nehnim vs. Taghzut nehnimi. Longer forms are also found in Central and Eastern Senhaja (Hmed, Bunsar, Zerqet, but not in Mezduy).

Forms extended by -i (rather than by -ini) are more frequent in usage in Ketama and Taghzut than elsewhere. Other Senhaja varieties have 1S nek/nekkini, 2MS ḵeǧ/ḵeǧǧini, 2FS ḵem/ḵemmini (rather than nekki, ḵeǧǧi, and ḵemmi), although in the Tamadit dialect of Bunsar, i-final forms are also current. In Seddat, 1S pronoun can be extended to nekkiniṯ.

2) Fricative ḵ vs. stop k (second person pronouns)

Fricative ḵ in Ketama 2MS ḵeǧǧi, 2FS ḵemmi, 2P ḵunni (cf. Hmed 2MS ḵeǧ, 2FS ḵem, 2P ḵenniw) corresponds to a non-fricative k in Taghzut (2MS keǧi, 2FS kemmi, 2P kenniw).

  Hence, 1S nek vs. nekki(ni), 2FS ḵem vs. ḵemmi(ni), etc. In the third person, Bunsar has gemination in 3MS netta, but no gemination in 3FS ntaṯa.(schwa) in others. The 1P pronoun (nukni and variants) has the vowel u in Ketama, Seddat, Hmed, and Zerqet, while Taghzut and most dialects of Bunsar have schwa (nekni). In the 2P pronoun, the vowel is u in Ketama (ḵunni) and the majority of Seddat (ḵuni), while the other Senhaja varieties have schwa: Taghzut/Hmed kenniw,

	6) Vowel u vs. e (1P, 2P) In 1P and 2P pronouns, the vowel u in some Senhaja varieties corresponds to e
	Bunsar

keniwi, Zerqet ḵennami. The Talarwak dialect of Seddat has ḵeniwi alongside ḵuni. Bunsar has forms both with u and e in 1P depending on the dialect: general 1P nekni, nekna vs. Tamadit nukni. Likewise, Hmed and Zerqet have u only in 1P (nukni), but not in 2P (Hmed ḵenniw, Zerqet ḵennami).

send Pronominal suffixes used with prepositions

		Sfx	Var.		Sfx	Var.
	1S	-i	all	1P	-naġ, -neġ, -na	most, T1/S/M, K/T2
	2MS -ḵ	all	2P	-wen (wem), -un	most incl. T1/Z/M (Z2/M), K/T2
	2FS	-m	all	2FP (-went)	(Z)
	3S	-s	all	3P	-sen	all
				3FP (-sent, -send))	(Z/M, M)
	The 2FP has only been found in Zerqet, while 3FP forms have been found in Zerqet and Mezduy. The following table lists pronominal suffixes following the preposition 'with' (comitative): Ketama/Taghzut iḏ-, Hmed/Zerqet/Mezduy kiḏ-.

the one that is small/the ones that are small'

  As mentioned above, for Ketama and Taghzut, it is impossible to state with certainty if

		FS	MP	FP	Variety
	wa	ṯa	wa (=MS)	wa (=MP=MS)	K
	wa	ṯa	wi (~ wa)	wi (~ wa) (=MP)	T
	win	ṯin	win (=MS)	ṯin (=FS)	Z
	MS		FS	MP	FP	Variety
	wa mezzi-n	ṯa mezzi-n	=MS	=MS	K
	wa mezzi-n	ṯa mezzi-n	wi mezzi-n	=MP	T
	win i-meẓẓiy-en	ṯin i-meẓẓiy-en	=MS	=FS	Z

The following table illustrates pronominal heads followed by the relative form of the verb fsed ̱̣ 'to spoil'. The phrase means 'the one(s) that spoiled'. As mentioned above, in Taghzut, bare pronominal forms are rare with a plural referent when followed by a relative form of the verb.

'the one(s) that spoiled'

MS

FS MP FP Variety wa y-fesd ̱̣ -en ṯa y-fesd ̱̣ -en =MS =MS K wa y-fesd ̱̣ -en ṯa y-fesd ̱̣ -en (wi y-fesd ̱̣ -en~wa y-fesd ̱̣ -en) =MP T win i-fesd ̱̣ -en ṯin i-fesd ̱̣ -en =MS =FS Z

Compare the following table showing pronominal heads followed by the relative form of the Berber adjective mezzi (K/T) ~ meẓẓiy (Z) 'small/young'. In Taghzut, i is obligatory in the plural forms. This i could be interpreted as a plural form of the relative marker a used with Berber adjectives (cf.

Section 4.4.8)

.

'

4.4. Words for 'Other'

  The masculine singular wayed ̱̣ and its feminine equivalent ṯayed ̱̣ are found across Senhaja. Ketama, Taghzut, and Seddat have a common plural form wiyyed ̱̣ , whileHmed and Bunsar have a common plural wiyyad ̱̣ .596 In Zerqet and Mezduy, wiyyad ̱̣ is masculine plural, while feminine plural is ṯiyyad ̱̣ . These forms can either be used on their own (when they function as head nouns) or follow a noun (in noun modification).597 In Mezduy, these forms can only functions as heads.

	Postnominal deictic clitics and demonstratives MS FS (M)P PROX aḏ, PL iḏ waḏ ṯaḏ wiḏ aḏi, PL aḏi waḏi ṯaḏi wiḏi dda; yya wadda ṯadda wida dda; yya wada ṯada wida yya wada ṯada wida MED (da) ---------ayes, PL iyyes wayes ṯayes wiyyes =MP FP =MP =MP =MP (ṯida) ṯida ---ddina; ina wadina ṯadina widina =MP ddina; ina wadina ṯadina widina (ṯidina) ina wadina ṯadina widina ṯidina Some varieties also employ a different word for 'other', that only functions as a Variety K T H B S/Z/M K T H B S/Z/M modifier: yad ̱̣ en (Hmed and Bunsar) and nnad ̱̣ en (Zerqet and Mezduy). These words are invariable for gender and number. In contexts of noun modification, wayed ̱̣ (and variants) can be freely substituted by yad ̱̣ en in Hmed/Bunsar and nnad ̱̣ en in Zerqet. In Mezduy, wayed ̱̣ functions only as a head, and nnad ̱̣ en only as a modifier. The following table provides examples in context of noun modification: (2) awy =ay =d wiyyed ̱̣ (K/T) awy =ay Below follow examples of indefinite pronouns without deictics: =d wiyyad ̱̣ (H/B/Z/M) bring:IMP:SG =1S:IO =VC other:PL 'Bring me others.' In Hmed and Bunsar, yad ̱̣ en can modify wayed ̱̣ (and variants) functioning as a head. In this case, both elements occur in succession, e.g. (3) sġ = ay =d wayed ̱̣ yad ̱̣ en (H/B) buy:IMP:SG =1S:IO =VC other:MS other (4) kk =ay =d nda^ (a)yṯ= i-ḫeṣṣ-an (K) kk =ay =d ța^ (a)yḏ= i-ḫeṣṣ-an (T) ~ kk =ay =d ḫi^ (a)yḏ= i-ḫeṣṣ-an (T) kk =ay =d a^ (a)y= i-ḫeṣṣ-en (H/B) kk =ay =d a^ (a)yḏ= i-ḫeṣṣ-en (Z) give:IMP:SG =1S:IO =VC NDF 1S:IO= RF-need:P-RF 'Give me what I want/need.' 'Buy me another one'. 8.5. Indefinite Pronouns 8.6. Borrowed Arabic Pronouns
	DIST ANP Like demonstratives, the words for 'other' are based on pronominal heads. The aḏin, PL iḏin waḏin ṯaḏin wiḏin =MP K ayen, PL iyyen wayen ṯayen wiyyen =MP Form Variety Translation T yyen; ddin wadin ṯadin widin =MP H yyen; ddin wadin ṯadin widin (ṯidin) B yyen wadin ṯadin widin ṯidin S/Z/M =DIST =DIST K/T nna wanna ṯanna winna ṯinna S/H/B/Z/M MS K/T/S (an)other man argaz wayed ̱̣ H/B aryaz wayed ̱̣ ~ aryaz yad ̱̣ en Z aryaz wayed ̱̣ ~ aryaz nnad ̱̣ en FS (ṯ)amġarṯ ṯayed ̱̣ K/S (an)other woman ṯameṭṭuṯ ṯayed ̱̣ K T H B Z/M T (ṯ)amġarṯ ṯayed ̱̣ ~ ṯamġarṯ yad ̱̣ en bare nda; ši ța; ḫi a(y) a(y) a(y) H/B (ṯ)amġarṯ ṯayed ̱̣ ~ ṯamġarṯ nnad ̱̣ en PROX ši=yaḏ ay=da ay=dda ---Z MP irgazen wiyyed ̱̣ K/T/S MED ---ay=dina ay=ddina ---'other men' iryazen wiyyad ̱̣ ~ iryazen yad ̱̣ en DIST ši=yaḏin ay=din ay=ddin ---H/B Z ANP =DIST ay=na ay=nna a(y)=nna iryazen wiyyad ̱̣ ~ iryazen nnad ̱̣ en FP K/S 'other women' (ṯ)imġarin wiyyed ̱̣ T ṯimeṭṭuṯen wiyyed ̱̣ ~ ṯimeṭṭuṯen ṯiyyed ̱̣ ṯimġarin wiyyad ̱̣ ~ ṯimġarin yad ̱̣ en H/B Z In Bunsar, Zerqet, and Mezduy, ay remains unchanged following prepositions. 598 ṯimġarin ṯiyyad ̱̣ ~ ṯimġarin nnad ̱̣ en following table lists the forms. 595 MS FS MP FP Variety wayed ̱̣ ṯayed ̱̣ wiyyed ̱̣ =MP K/T/S wayed ̱̣ ṯayed ̱̣ wiyyad ̱̣ =MP H/B wayed ̱̣ ṯayed ̱̣ wiyyad ̱̣ ṯiyyad ̱̣ Z/M Below follow examples with the element 'other' as a head noun: (1) ufa-n For vague reference, Zerqet and Mezduy employ an invariable element inaṯ ('that thing', 'thingummy'). It can take deictic clitics and can follow a preposition without a change in form. wayed ̱̣ (pan-Snh.) find:P-3P other:MS Stem PROX MED DIST ANP Var. 'They found the other (M) one.' inaṯ inaṯ=yya inaṯ=ina inaṯ=yyen inaṯ=enna Z/M

594 Bunsar: MP widin ~ windin; FP wi(n)din (same as MP) ~ ṯidin ~ ṯindin.

In postnominal deictics, only Ketama and Taghzut mark the number. In bare pronominal heads, only Taghzut marks the number. In demonstratives, the number is marked in all varieties. In words for 'other' based on pronominal heads (discussed below), the number is also consistently marked.

8

.

596

The gender is optionally distinguished in the plural in Taghzut by the elderly speakers: wiyyed ̱̣ (masculine/common plural) vs. ṯiyyed ̱̣ (feminine plural).

597

Cf. Chapter 7 on adjectives.

There are various indefinite pronouns. The major variants are: ay (most Senhaja varieties except Ketama and Taghzut), nda and ši (Ketama), ța and ḫi

(Taghzut)

. The indefinite pronoun a(y) can take exophoric deictic clitics in Hmed and Bunsar, but not in Zerqet or Mezduy, where it can only take the anaphoric clitic. The pronouns nda (K) and ța or ḫi (T) do not occur with clitics, while ši (K) can take clitics.

In Hmed, the deictic clitics following ay lose gemination, e.g. PROX dda > da, ANP nna > na. When following prepositions, ay marks the state in Hmed (EL ay, EA way).

mul 'owner' FS mulaṯ 'f. owner' PL mwali

	(10) maši suq-u (pan-Snh.) 612 NEG business-3S 'It is not his business.' (11) maši šeġl-u (pan-Snh.) 613 NEG work-3S 'It is not his business.' (12) ɛum beḥr-eḵ (pan-Snh.
				'owners'	Translation
	3MS	mul-ah	mulaṯ-u	mwali-h	his owner(s)
	3FS	mul-aha	mulaṯ-ha	mwali-ha	her owner(s)
	3P	mul-ahum	mulaṯ-hum	mwali-hum their owner(s)

  Taghzut, only the Arabic suffix -ḵum is found, while in Seddat, Hmed, and Zerqet, both the Arabic suffix -ḵum and the Berber

	suffix -wen are used: 614
	(17) debbr-u provide-IMP:PL head-2P ras-ḵum (K/T/S) (18) debber ras-ḵum (T/S/H) [<Ar.] debber ras-wen (S/H) [<Berber] tebber ras-ḵum (Z) [<Ar.] tebber ras-wen (Z) [<Berber]

  Again, in Ketama, iḏ-used with pronominal suffixes does not have the sense 'near to/next to', e.g.

	(10) (a) *saken living:MS near with-3S qrib iḏ-es (*K) (b) sekn-aġ qrib ḵiḏ-es (H) zedġ-aġ qrib kiḏ-es (Z) live:P-1S near with-3S 'I live next to it/him/her.', lit. 'I live with it/him/her.'
	9.2.1.4. s 'with' (Instrumental)
	meet:P-1S with Mohammed 'I met with Mohammed.' (b) tlaqi-ġ nekki i Muḥemmeḏ (K) meet:P-1S I and Mohammed 'I met with Mohammed.'
	The form iḏ-'with' used with pronominal suffixes functions in Ketama as in other varieties, and can follow verbs:
	(9) i-dda i-daa 3MS-go:P i-ɛḏa	iḏ-es kiḏ-es (H) (K) with-3S ikiḏ-es (Z)

'He went with him/her.'

  Many Berber languages have a preposition that has a meaning close to the French 'chez', roughly equivalent of the English 'at'. This preposition has the form ġu(ḏ)~gu(ḏ) in Ketama and ġu(r) in Hmed and Zerqet. With pronominal suffixes, we find ġur-. In specific constructions, this preposition expresses possession. On the combination of the Allative za 'to(wards)' and the Ablative zi 'from' with ġur, see

	9.2.1.5. ġuḏ/gu(ḏ)/ġu(r) 'at'
	Section 9.3.2.3. Some examples follow:
	(12) ġur urgaz ġur uryaz at man:EA of:1S inu (K) inu (H/Z) 'with my husband, at my husband's' (13) (a) Muḥemmeḏ ha-w ġu Mohammed here-3MS at (b) Muḥemmeḏ aq =eṯ Mohammed QA =3MS:DO at gma-s brother-3S ġur ušqiq brother:EA of-3S (K) nn-es (Z) 'Mohammed is at his brother's (place).' (14) (a) leflus nn-eḵ ha-m ġu Muḥemmeḏ (K) money of-2MS here-3P at Mohammed (b) leflus nn-eḵ aq =ṯen ġu Muḥemmeḏ (Z) money of-2MS QA =3P:DO at Mohammed
	ziyy-es write:P-1S =3FS:DO with-3S 'I wrote it with it.'	(Z)

lit. 'Your money is at Mohammed's.' ('Mohammed has your money.')

  Compare the following examples with nouns that have voyelle constante. Such nouns have wa-in EA. The examples demonstrate that the nouns are in EL in Hmed/Zerqet following za:

	28) dda-n go:P-3P to dda-n ɛḏa-n go:P-3P to 'They went home.' ar uḫḫam (K) house:EA za^ (a)ḫam (H) za^ (a)ḫyam (Z) house:EL

  nouns in EA occur. Some examples follow.The preposition ngaġef (n) 'on top of, above' is used in Hmed.635 Synchronically, it can be considered as a single word, but etymologically, it contains the word iġef 'head, '.636 The element nga is not used outside this construction. The Genitive preposition n is optional. When not preceded by n, nouns can take either EA or EL. With pronominal forms, the Genitive preposition is obligatory.

	(29) ffir ffir ffir behind of (n) uḫyam (K) (n) uḫam ~ (n) uḫyam ~ (30) ffir n ffir n ṭṭabla ~ ffir ffir ffir behind of table (31) ffir ffir n ṯemġarṯ ~ ffir 'behind a woman' behind of woman:EA ~ behind woman:EL~ behind woman:EA uḫam ~ ffir aḫam uḫyam ~ ffir aḫyam (Z) (H) ṯamġarṯ ~ (ffir ṯemġarṯ) (H/Z) n emġarṯ (K) 'behind the table' ~ behind table ṭṭabla (H/Z) ṭṭabla (K) 'behind the house' house.EA ~ behind house:EA ~ behind house:EL (33) ngaġef (n) uḫam ~ ngaġef uḫam ~ ngaġef aḫam (H) on.top of house:EA ~ on.top house:EA ~ on.top house:EL 'on top of/above the house.' (34) ngaġef n ṭṭabla ~ ngaġef ṭṭabla (H) on.top of table on.top table 'on top of/above the table.' (35) ngaġef n ṯeskyuṯ ~ ngaġf ṯeskyuṯ ~ ngaġef ṯaskyuṯ (H) on.top of tree:EA ~ on.top tree:EA ~ on.top tree:EL 'on the top of an (oak) tree'
	The preposition ffir-combines with pronominal suffixes:
	(32) i-dda i-ɛḏa 3MS-go:P behind-3S ffir-es (K/H) ffir-es (Z) 'He went behind him/her.'
	9.2.3.6. ngaġef (n) (H) 'on (top of)' (Locative)

635

There are various ways to express location 'above, over, on top of' in Senhaja: the preposition af (K)/ḫ (H/Z) 'on'; genna (K/H/Z) 'above/up'; ṭalaɛ (K/H/Z) 'above, up'. top

  Some prepositions can be combined. The following table presents an overview. Besides some combinations of the prepositions discussed above, there are two prepositions containing the element ḥetta (not discussed previously). The state of the noun is the same as when following the last preposition when used alone. For example, nouns following ḥetta with the Allative take the same state as following the Allative (Section 9.2.3.4): always EA in Ketama, and depending on the gender in Zerqet (masculine singular nouns are in EL). For the remaining combined prepositions, they all take EA, except zi ngaġef without the Genitive n.644

	(60) nekkin i I and Mohammed same same ~ same same Muḥemmeḏ ged ged ~ qed qed nekkini iḏ Muḥemmeḏ ged ged ~ qed qed I with Mohammed same same ~ same same 'I am as big/old as Mohammed.' 9.3.2. Combined Prepositions 9.3.2.1. Overview (61) s gu Muḥemmeḏ (K) zi ġu Muḥemmeḏ (H/Z) z(g)i ġu Muḥemmeḏ (Z) from at Mohammed 'from Mohammed('s place)' (62) s gu^ (u)rgaz inu (K) zi ġur uryaz inu (H/Z) zgi ġur uryaz inu (Z) from at man:EA of:1S 'from my husband' (63) i-dda =d s gu gma-s (K) 3MS-go:P =VC from at brother-3S i-wsa =d zgi ġur ušqiq nn-es (Z) 3MS-come:P =VC from at brother.EA of-3S	(K) (H)
	Transl. (64) i-da 3MS-go:P 'He came from (near to) his house.' +Noun K H =d zi ġur uḫam Z =VC from at house.EA	+Pronominal suffix K H nn-es (H) of-3S	Z
	from smb. (from+at) reduplicated. Compare the following examples: s ġu(r), s zi ġur gu(ḏ) to smb. (to+at) ġu(r), gu(ḏ) za ġur	z(g)i ġur s ġur-za ġur a ġur-		zi ġur-za ġur-za ġur-z(g)i ġur-
	(58) nekki until (ḥetta+to) nekkini anešt aštin ḥetta ar n Muḥemmeḏ ḥetta za n Muḥemmeḏ I toward (until+at) ḥetta(^a) ġu(r), gu(ḏ) ḥetta za ġur as.big.as of Mohammed 'I am as big/old as Mohammed.' from the top of zi ngaġef (n)	ḥetta za (K) (H/Z) ḥetta za ġur	---ḥetta(^a) ġur-	---ḥetta za ġur-	---ḥetta za ġur-
	(59) nek iḏ I nek ḏ I 'I am as big/old as Mohammed.' Muḥemmeḏ anešt Muḥemmeḏ anešt direction from someone/someone's place. For example: The Ablative preposition s~z(g)i 'from' can be combined with ġur 'at' to express with Mohammed as.big.as as.big.as anešt (Z) 9.3.2.2. s (K)/zi (H/Z) and ġur 'from (someone)' with Mohammed as.big.as (H) from (from+on) s af zi ḫ ---s aḫf-zi ḫf-	---

644

Following ngaġef, either EL or EA can be used

(Section 9.2.3.6)

.

'He came from his brother('s place).' (lit. 'from at his brother') More rarely, this construction can be followed by an inanimate noun, denoting a location near to something, e.g. (Hmed):

  With inanimate objects, in Hmed, za+ġu(r) indicates the direction towards a location,

	e.g.	(66) za to 'towards the shop' ġu ṯḥanuț (H) at shop:EA
	With the pronominal suffixes: (67) qerrb =iṯ qerrb =iṯ bring:IMP:SG =3MS:DO to a za 'Bring it (M) close(r) to him/her!' ġur-es (K) ġur-es (H/Z) at-3S

9.3.2.4. ḥetta ar~al (K)/ḥetta za (H/Z) 'until'

  amraḏ (K) and am(eḏ)laḏ (Z) look like nouns, they have no state opposition. In Hmed, ṯamiḏa has a state distinction (EA ṯmiḏa). A further difference between Hmed and the other varieties is that in Hmed, the noun can appear following the preposition i 'in' (b). This is ungrammatical in Ketama and Zerqet. Compare:

	(77) (a) netta waqef netta waqef nețța waqef 3MS standing.MS front amraḏ am(eḏ)laḏ (n) uḫyam (n) uḫyam ṯamiḏa (n) uḫam of house.EA of-3S nn-es (K) nn-es (Z) nn-es (H) (b) nețța waqef i ṯmiḏa (n) uḫam nn-es (H) 3MS standing.MS in front:EA of house.EA of-3S 'He is standing in front of his house.'
	With a feminine noun: (78) amraḏ n fiyyut (K) am(eḏ)laḏ n tesklut (Z) ṯamiḏa n ṯeskyuṯ (H) front of oak.tree:EA
	Base noun	Meaning with n
	allaġ (H) 'bottom'	(gʷ) allaġ n (H) 'under'
	ṯili (Z) 'shadow'	ṯili n (Z) 'under'
	genna (Z) 'sky'	genna n (Z) 'on/above'
	ṭalaɛ (Z) 'top, above'	ṭalaɛ n (Z) 'on (top of)'
	agemmad ̱̣ (K/Z), ayemmad ̱̣ (H) 'opposite side' agemmad ̱̣ -an n (K), ayemmad ̱̣ -in n (H), agemmad ̱̣ -in n (Z) 'on the opposite side of'

648

While

648

Cf. Section 9.2.3.7 for an alternative construction: qeddam n (K)/staṯ (n) (H)/zḏaṯ n (Z). amraḏ (K), am(eḏ)laḏ (Z), ṯamiḏa (H) 'front'

amraḏ n (K), am(eḏ)laḏ n (Z), ṯamiḏa n (H) 'in front of'

  bottom'. As ṯamiḏa 'front' discussed above, allaġ is optionally preceded by i/gʷ 'in'. ItIn Zerqet, the cognate word is ažiġ. However, it is not used in the same context as in

	can also take the deictic clitic in: gʷ allaġ=in n. 649
	(80) ha-w here-he in 'He is under/below the house.' (gʷ) allaġ (n) uḫam (H) bottom of house:EA (81) ha-w (gʷ) allaġ n ṭṭabla (H) here-he in bottom of table 'He is under/below the table.' (82) ha-w (gʷ) allaġ n ṯeskyuṯ (H) here-he in bottom of oak.tree:EA 'He is under/below the oak tree.'
	Hmed, and the following sentence is considered ungrammatical: (83) *ažiġ (n) uḫyam (Z) below of house:EA
	(84) aq=eṯ QA=3MS:DO in bottom g ažiġ 'It/He is below/downstairs.' (Z)
	(85) sir sir Go:IMP:SG 'Go bring the spade from below.' awi = d awi =d bring:IMP:SG =VC	lbaḷa lbaḷa spade from bottom=DIST zg ažiġ (-) (Z) zigʷ allaġ =in (H)

(Intended): 'under/below the house' Instead, Zerqet employs the prepositional complex ṯili n 'under' (see the following Section). The word ažiġ is used in Zerqet in the following contexts: 649 Cf. Section 6.6 on nominal deictic clitics.

  The following Zerqet example is unnatural in Ketama and Hmed, because in these varieties, for genna to be used in the sense 'above', it has to be outdoors, i.e. 'above in The interpretation 'on' vs. 'above' in Zerqet depends on the context, e.g.

	(92) sstilu aq =eṯ pen QA=3MS:DO (from) above of table (zi) genna n ṭṭabla (Z) 'The pen is on the table.' (93) llamba aq=et (zi) genna n ṭṭabla (Z) lamp QA=3FS:DO (from) above of table 'The lamp is on/above the table.'
	The construction genna nn-with the pronominal forms is found in Hmed and Zerqet: 651 (94) genna nn-es (H/Z) above of-3S 'above him/her/it'
	example: 653	652 For
	from) above of house:EA 'above/on the house' (90) (s) genna n essd ̱̣ aḥ (K) (rare); better: g esni on top of n essd ̱̣ aḥ (K) house:EA (---) (zi) (from) above of roof 'above/on the roof' on top of roof genna n ssd ̱̣ aḥ (Z) genna n essd ̱̣ aḥ (H) (rare); better: ngaġef n essd ̱̣ aḥ (H) (95) i-dda ar ṭalaɛ (K) i-dda (za) ṭalaɛ (H) i-ɛḏa za ṭalaɛ (Z) 3MS-go:P to up 'He went up.'
	the sky': (91) (?) genna n (?) genna n genna n above of 'on top of/above the table' ṭṭabla (?) > better: g esni ṭṭabla (?) > better: ngaġef ṭṭabla (Z) table on top of table n ṭṭabla (K) n ṭṭabla (H)

9.4.1.5. ṭalaɛ n (Z) 'above, on'

The word ṭalaɛ can function as a noun 'top, roof', as an adverb 'above', as a preposition 'on (top of), above', depending on the context and the dialect.

ayemmad ̱̣ (H) n 'the opposite side of'

  The noun agemmad ̱̣ (K/T/S/Z)/ayemmad ̱̣ (H) 'side' is found across Senhaja.654 It usually refers to the opposite side of a river or a mountain. The noun has a state distinction and has EA ugemmad ̱̣ (K/Z), uyemmad ̱̣ (H). In Zerqet, two forms with the deictic clitics are used:655

	97) ḵunni you:PL aqa^wen QA^2P:DO from s from (zi) 'You (PL) are above them.' ṭalaɛ above of-3P n-sen ṭalaɛ n-sen above of-3P	(K) (Z)
	9.4.1.6. agemmad ̱̣ (K/Z)/Some examples follow.
	(98) agemmad ̱̣ =an ayemmad ̱̣ =in agemmad ̱̣ =in side =DIST2 of (n) uḫyam (n) uḫam (n) uḫyam house.EA of:1S inu (K) inu (H) inu (Z)

agemmad ̱̣ =a and agemmad ̱̣ =in 'that side/the opposite side'.

In Ketama and Hmed, this word always appears with the clitic an (K) or in (H):

agemmad ̱̣ =an (K), ayemmad ̱̣ =in (H) 'the opposite side'.

Ketama, Hmed, and Zerqet

	Transl.	Forms (free=with a rel. clause)
	WH=who/what K	H	Z
	in WH	g emmen	g emmen/mi-ḏi	gi-mi-ḏi
	for WH	iḏ emmen	g emmen/mi-ḏi	gi-mi-ḏi
	and/with WH (comit.)	(NP+) iḏ emmen	kiḏ emmen	(k-)mi-k
	of WH	n emmen	n emmen	(n miḏi) 663
	with WH (instr.) s emmen	s emmen/miyy-es (s-)mi-s
	on/about WH	af emmen	ḫ emmen 664	(ḫ-)mi-ḫ
	to WH (Allative) ar emmen	zr emmen	(z miḏi)
	at ('chez') WH	ġuḏ emmen	ġur emmen	(ġu-)mu-ġur, ġu-miḏi
	to ('chez') WH	(ġuḏ emmen)	za ġur emmen	za (ġu-)mu-ġur, za ġu-miḏi
	from WH (from whose place)	s (ġuḏ) emmen	z(i)g emmen, zi ġur emmen	z (ġu-)mu-ġur, z(g)i (ġu) miḏi
	under WH	g ezdu n emmen zidu men 665	(taḥt n miḏi/mmen)
	above WH	g esni n emmen ngaġf (n) mmen	(fuq n miḏi/mmen)
	before WH	qbel n emmen	qbel (n) mmen	(qbel n miḏi/mmen)
	after WH	ffir n emmen	ffir (n) mmen	(ffir n miḏi/mmen)

As follows from the table, the prepositional interrogative 'for who/what' is homonymous with 'in who/what' in Hmed and Zerqet, but distinguished in Ketama.

Negation of the Prepositions n 'of' and ġur 'at' 9.7.2.1. Negation of the Genitive preposition n 'of'

  He doesn't have money (with him now)', lit. 'Money is not with him.' However, it is more natural to negate the form 'with him' by means of the negated form of 'to be' in Ketama and Taghzut. This negation strategy is also used in Hmed:

	and ṛa-(Hmed) is also Another way to negate a locative prepositional predicate is by means of the negated (129) (a) nețța uliš g eḫyam (T) he NEG in house:EA nețța u šay g eḫyam (T) he NEG NEG in (b) ma ṛa-h š gʷ eḫḫam (H) u ṛa-h š gʷ eḫḫam (H) NEG PRS-3MS NEG in house:EA prepositional predicates (and other types of non-verbal predicates): (130) netta ma kayen š g uḫḫam (K) netta ma kayen š g nețța ma kayen š gʷ he NEG EXST:MS NEG in 'He is not at home.' house:EA eḫḫam (H) eḫyam (T/Z) (134) u kiḏ-es š NEG with-3S 'He doesn't have money (with him now)', lit. 'Money is not with him.' NEG money leflus (Z) form of the existential participle kayen. This is different from other types of 'he does not have (something with him now)', e.g. In Zerqet, the phrase u kiḏ-es š is usually understood as '(something) is not with him', 'He is not at home.' (133) nețṯa u kiḏ-es she NEG with-3S 'She is not with him.' NEG š (H) house:EA the variety. The following example is from Hmed: discontinuous negation u...š. 671 There are differences depending on the preposition and Additionally, some pronominalized prepositional predicates can be negated by the possible: Examples with non-locative prepositional predicates follow: (131) (a) Muḥemmeḏ u ḏ-ella š s ṯammarṯ (H) Mohammed NEG 3MS-be:P NEG with beard:EA (b) Muḥemmeḏ maši s ṯammarṯ (H) Mohammed NEG with beard:EA (c) Muḥemmeḏ ma ṛa-h š s ṯammarṯ (H) Mohammed NEG PRS-3MS NEG with beard:EA 'Mohammed doesn't have a beard.' (135) u yiḏ-es š(i) leflus (K/T) NEG with-3S NEG money '(136) u lla-n š iḏ-es leflus (K/T) NEG be:P-3P NEG with-3S money 'He doesn't have money with him.' ('Money is not with him.') 9.7.1.2. Negation of Pronominalized Prepositional Predicates Pronominalized prepositional predicates can be negated using the same strategies as non-pronominalized prepositional predicates (viz. the use of 'to be' and maši), e.g. (132) (a) u ḏe-lla š kiḏ-i (H) NEG 3MS-be:P NEG with-1S (b) nețța maši kiḏ-i (H) he NEG with-1S 'He is not with me.' Consider also the following examples with pronominalized prepositions: (137) u gig-i š žžuɛ (K) u ḏiyy-i š ǧǧuɛ (Z) NEG in-1S NEG hunger 'I am not hungry.' (Lit. 'In me there is no hunger.') (138) u gig-es š askuḥ (K) u ḏiyy-es š ṯusuṯ (H/Z) NEG in-3S NEG cough:EL

Similarly, in Ketama and Taghzut, u yḏ-es š 'not with him' is used in such contexts:

'He/She is not coughing.' (Lit. 'In him/her there is no cough.') 9.7.2.

  .. bu is more frequent in Eastern Senhaja than in Western varieties, and is more frequent in Tarifiyt than in Senhaja, although it is found across Senhaja. The negator bu cannot co-occur with š/ši/šay in most varieties, although the two can co-occur in Hmed. Some examples follow. The negation with bu is most frequently found with the preposition ġur-(with

	pronominal suffixes), e.g.
	(145) (a) Muḥemmeḏ u Muḥemmeḏ u Mohammed NEG at-3S ġur-es bu ġur-es bu (b) Muḥemmeḏ u ġur-es š Mohammed NEG at-3S 'Mohammed doesn't have a wife.', 'Mohammed has no wife.' ṯamġarṯ (H/Z) amġarṯ (K) NEG wife:EL bu ṯamġarṯ (H, *K, *Z) NEG NEG wife:EL
	Examples with other pronominalized prepositions follow: (146) u kiḏ-i bu lwaqt (Z) NEG with-1S NEG time 'I have no time.' (147) u gig-i bu ddɛawi (K) NEG in-1S NEG misbehavior

the noun (le)ktab 'book' With the noun (l)qiṣṣa 'story'

  The following table lists pan-Senhaja examples with the masculine singular noun (le)ktab 'book' and the feminine singular noun (l)qiṣṣa 'story'. The Arabic article is absent when the noun follows the set 2 numerals (optionally in Hmed).In Hmed variety, different from Ketama and Zerqet, it is possible to have set 1 numerals before the nouns (marked for gender and number, as usual). Also, in Hmed, set 2 numerals (unmarked for gender and number) can follow masculine singular nouns. In all these examples, the Arabic article can be absent or present in Arabicmorphology nouns.An example with the feminine singular noun (l)meṛṛa 'time' follows: tani meṛṛa and lmeṛṛa ttanya 'second time' are in free variation. This construction is followed by the Berber suffixes in most Senhaja varieties, but can take Arabic suffixes in Ketama (cf. Section 8.6.2.2). To express 'with the (X number) of us/you/them' (e.g. 'with the five of us', etc.), the following constructions are used. Genitive n that links them to the following noun. Nouns that mark the state are in EA. The Arabic coordinator u is used to link units and tens, e.g. waḥeḏ u ɛišrin 'twenty-one' (lit. 'one and twenty').

	ɛam 'year' > snin 'years'). The following table lists the numerals used with this limited set of nouns. The nouns are listed below. K/T (<Berber) K/T (<Arabic) S/H/B B/Z/M M yan waḥed~waḥiṯ~waḥda ig w en yuwwen~iwwen F yaṯ waḥiṯ~waḥda ig w eṯ yuwweṯ~iwweṯ 'one' as indefinite marker ši as indefinite marker Variety i-dda= d yan waḥed~waḥiṯ 681 i-dda= d ši n yan 682 K/T i-da= d un igʷen i-da= d ši n igʷen H i-ɛda= d un iwwen i-ɛda= d ši n iwwen B i-wsa= d un iwwen i-wsa= d ši n iwwen B/Z/M 3MS-come:P=VC one one:MS 3MS-come:P=VC some of one:MS (gloss) 'one' as indefinite marker ši as indefinite marker Variety yaṯ waḥiṯ (~ yaṯ waḥda) ši n yaṯ K/T un igʷeṯ ši n igʷeṯ H un iwweṯ ši n iwweṯ B/Z/M Special set of numerals Numeral Example 'years' 3 telt telt esnin 4 ṛbaɛ ṛbaɛ snin 5 ḫems ḫems esnin 6 sett sett esnin 7 sebɛ sebɛ esnin 8 temmen tem(m)n esnin~temm esnin 9 tsaɛ tsaɛ snin 10 ɛšeṛ ɛšeṛ snin 11 ḥd ̱̣ ašer ḥd ̱̣ ašer ɛam ~ sna 12 tnašer tnašer ɛam ~ sna Nouns that take a special set of numerals 10.3. Ordinal Numerals Ordinal numerals are all borrowed from Arabic. There are two sets. Set 1 ordinal numerals are used postnominally (as adjectives) and, as adjectives, distinguish three forms in most Senhaja varieties: masculine singular, feminine singular, and (common) plural. In Zerqet, the feminine plural is optionally distinguished alongside the common plural. As in Arabic borrowed adjectives, the plural suffix in i-final stems is realized as (yy)-en in Zerqet and as (yy)-in in most other varieties. Set 2 ordinal numerals are used prenominally and do not mark gender or number. The following class II (Arabic-morphology) nouns usually lack the Arabic article l-in most Senhaja varieties, while in Hmed, the Arabic article is optional. Hmed variety is also special in that it allows for set 1 numerals to appear prenominally, and set 2 numerals to appear postnominally with masculine singular nouns (see examples below). Noun Dual Plural Form used with 11 upwards Translation nhaṛ yumayn iyyam yum day šhaṛ šehṛayn šhuṛ šhaṛ month ɛam ɛamayn snin ɛam ~ sna year derhem ---ddrahem dderhem dirham Ordinal numerals set 1 (used postnominally) and set 2 (used prenominally) Set 1 (N+NUM) Set 2 (NUM+N) MS FS PL FP (Zerqet) MS=FS=PL 1 st lluwwel ~lluli lluw(w)la ~lluliyya lluw(w)liyyen (Z); lluw(w)li(yyi)n lluw(w)liyyaṯ awwel 2 nd ttani ttanya ttaniyyen (Z); ttaniyyin ttaniyyaṯ tani 3 rd ttaleṯ ttalṯa ttalṯin ttalṯaṯ taleṯ 4 th ṛṛabeɛ ṛṛabɛa ṛṛabɛin ṛṛabɛaṯ ṛabeɛ 5 th lḫames lḫamsa lḫamsin lḫamsaṯ ḫames 6 th ssades ssadsa ssadsin ssadsaṯ sades 7 th ssabeɛ ssabɛa ssabɛin ssabɛaṯ sabeɛ 8 th ttamen ttamna ttamnin ttamnaṯ tamen 9 th ttaseɛ ttasɛa ttasɛin ttasɛaṯ taseɛ 10 th lɛašeṛ lɛašṛa lɛašṛin lɛašṛaṯ ɛašer With set 1 (N+NUM) set 2 (NUM+N) set 1 (N+NUM) set 2 (NUM+N) 1 st lektab lluwwel awwel ktab lqiṣṣa lluw(w)la~ lluliyya awwel qiṣṣa 2 nd lektab ttani tani ktab lqiṣṣa ttanya tani qiṣṣa 3 rd lektab ttaleṯ taleṯ ktab lqiṣṣa ttalṯa taleṯ qiṣṣa 4 th lektab ṛṛabeɛ ṛabeɛ ktab lqiṣṣa ṛṛabɛa ṛabeɛ qiṣṣa 5 th lektab lḫames ḫames ktab lqiṣṣa lḫamsa ḫames qiṣṣa 6 th lektab ssades sades ktab lqiṣṣa ssadsa sades qiṣṣa 7 th lektab ssabeɛ sabeɛ ktab lqiṣṣa ssabɛa sabeɛ qiṣṣa 8 th lektab ttamen tamen ktab lqiṣṣa ttamna tamen qiṣṣa 9 th lektab ttaseɛ taseɛ ktab lqiṣṣa ttasɛa taseɛ qiṣṣa 10 th lektab lɛašeṛ ɛašer ktab lqiṣṣa lɛašṛa ɛašer qiṣṣa With the noun (le)ktab 'book' With the noun (l)qiṣṣa 'story' set 1 (NUM+N) set 2 (N+NUM) set 1 (NUM+N) 1 st lluwwel (le)ktab (le)ktab awwel lluliyya~lluw(w)la (l)qiṣṣa 2 nd ttani (le)ktab (le)ktab tani ttanya (l)qiṣṣa 3 rd ttaleṯ (le)ktab (le)ktab taleṯ ttalṯa (l)qiṣṣa 4 th ṛṛabeɛ (le)ktab (le)ktab ṛabeɛ ṛṛabɛa (l)qiṣṣa 5 th lḫames (le)ktab (le)ktab ḫames lḫamsa (l)qiṣṣa 6 th ssades (le)ktab (le)ktab sades ssadsa (l)qiṣṣa 7 th ssabeɛ (le)ktab (le)ktab sabeɛ ssabɛa (l)qiṣṣa 8 th ttamen (le)ktab (le)ktab tamen ttamna (l)qiṣṣa 9 th ttaseɛ (le)ktab (le)ktab taseɛ ttasɛa (l)qiṣṣa 10 th lɛašeṛ (le)ktab (le)ktab ɛašer lɛašṛa (l)qiṣṣa From 'eleven' upwards, there are no morphologically formed ordinal numerals. Instead, there is a construction based on the noun nnemṛa or ṛṛaqem 'number' followed by the corresponding cardinal numeral. There are no gender and number distinctions, e.g. nnemṛa ḥd ̱̣ aš 'eleventh' (lit. 'number eleven'). Some examples follow. (12) waḏ lektab lluwwel a ġri-ġ (K) wadda lektab lluwwel na ġri-ġ (H) waḏa lektab lluwwel na ġri-ġ (Z) this:MS book first:MS RM read:P-1S 'This is the first book I read.' (13) lektab lluwwel a ġri-ġ hiyya waḏ (K) lektab lluwwel na ġri-ġ hiyya wadda (H) lektab lluwwel na ġri-ġ hiyya waḏa (Z) book first:MS RM read:P-1S she this:MS 'The first book I read is this one.' singular nouns (b). This is ungrammatical in Ketama and Zerqet: prenominally (a), and set 2 numerals to be used postnominally with masculine The following example demonstrates that Hmed allows for set 1 numerals to be used (14) (a) wadda lluwwel (le)ktab na ġri-ġ 'With the five of us, you, them' (H) this:MS first:MS book RM read:P-1S 'This is the first book I read.' (b) wadda (le)ktab awwel na ġri-ġ (H) this:MS book first RM read:P-1S 'This is the first book I read.' The following example demonstrates that with set 2 numerals (used prenominally), the following noun lacks the Arabic article in Ketama and Zerqet. 683 In Hmed, the Arabic article is optional: (15) waḏ awwel ktab a ġri-ġ (K) wadda awwel (le)ktab (na) ġri-ġ (H) waḏa awwel ktab (na) ġri-ġ (Z) this:MS first:MS book RM read:P-1S 'This is the first book I read.' (16) awwel ktab ġri-ḫ(^ḫ), hiyya waḏ (K) awwel (le)ktab ġri-ġ=ṯ, hiyya wadda (H) awwel ktab ġri-ḫ=ṯ, hiyya waḏa (Z) first book read:P-1S=3MS:DO she this:MS 'The first book I read, it is this one.' The following construction is found in Hmed, but is unnatural in Ketama and Zerqet: (17) wadda lluwwel n lektab/ lekțub(a) na ġri-ġ (H) this:MS first:MS of book/ books RM read:P-1S 'This is the first of the books I read.' In the following sentence, the numeral is used predicatively: (18) lektab=aḏ lluwwel a ġri-ġ (K) lekṭab=dda lluwwel na ġri-ġ (H) lektab=yya lluwwel na ġri-ġ (Z) book=PROX first:MS RM read:P-1S 'This book is the first one I read.' (19) ṯaḏ tani meṛṛa ~ lmeṛṛa ttanya a tuḏu-ġ (K) ṯadda tani (l)meṛṛa ~ lmeṛṛa ttanya (na) ɛeddu-ġ (H) ṯaḏa tani meṛṛa ~ lmeṛṛa ttanya (na) ɛeddu-ġ (Z) this:FS second time ~ time second:FS RM go:I-1S 'It is the second time that I go.' 10.4. Collective Numerals To express 'alone', in Western Senhaja (Ketama, Seddat, Taghzut), the numeral waḥed 'one' is used with a petrified Arabic instrumental preposition b-'with': bwaḥḏ~ḇuḥḏ-(K/S), ḇeḥḏ-(T). In Hmed and Eastern Senhaja, there is no instrumental preposition: weḥḏ-(H), weḥḥeḏ-(B/Z/M) 'alone'. In Ketama, the initial instrumental preposition 'with' can be Arabic b, or Berber s, while the final preposition taking the pronominal suffix is invariably of Arabic origin, bi-(followed by Arabic pronominal suffixes). In the rest of Senhaja, the Berber instrumental preposition s is used, and there is a special linking morpheme (glossed as LINK) (y)is-before Berber pronominal suffixes (cf. Brugnatelli forthcoming). In Hmed and Taghzut, yyes(s)/is-can be understood as the Berber instrumental preposition 'with' (the Berber equivalent of Arabic bi-, cf. Section 9.2.1.4). However, in Zerqet, the instrumental preposition used with pronominal suffixes is zi(yy), while yes/is-must be analyzed as a distinct element (a marker of collective numerals). It is possible that in Hmed and Taghzut, the linking morpheme and the instrumental preposition are simply homonyms. The following table presents an example. Variety Construction Ketama b~s + numeral + bi-+ Arabic pronominal suffix Rest of Snh. (T/S/H/B/Z/M) s + numeral + yyes(s)-/(y)is-+ Berber pronominal suffix Some examples with collective numerals follow: (20) n-edda b~s žžuž bi-na (K) 1P-go:P with two with-1P n-edda ž^ ž(ž)už yis-neġ (T) n-edda s žžuž yis-naġ (H) n-eɛḏa ž^ ž(ž)už (y)is-naġ (B/Z) 1P-go:P with two LINK-1P 'We went with the two of us.' (21) h-edda-m b~s tlaṯa bi-ḵum (K) 2-go:P-2P with three with-2P ṯ-edda-m s tlaṯa (y)is-wen (H/T) ṯ-eɛḏa-m s tlaṯa (y)is-wen (B/Z) 2-go:P-2P with three LINK-2P 'You (PL) went with the three of you.' (22) dda-n b~s aṛbɛa bi-hum (K) go:P-3P with four with-3P dda-n s aṛbɛa (y)is-sen (H/T) ɛḏa-n s aṛbɛa (y)is-sen (B) go:P-3P with four LINK-3P 'They went with the four of them.' 10.5. Conclusions All Senhaja cardinal numerals except for 'one' are borrowed from Arabic. They are the same across Senhaja, with minor differences in pronunciation. Cardinal numerals are The rest of Snh. (T/S/H/B/Z/M) 1P b~s ḫemsa bi-na s ḫemsa (y)is-naġ (T/S/H/B/Z)/ (y)is-neġ (S/T/M) 2P b~s ḫemsa bi-kum/ḵum s ḫemsa (y)is-wen followed by the Ketama 3P b~s ḫemsa bi-hum s ḫemsa (y)is^sen

681

Agrammatical in both Ketama and Taghzut: *i-dda=d waḥed.

682

Agrammatical in both Ketama and Taghzut: *i-dda=d ši n waḥed.

  The same is true for the Ketama habed ̱̣ 'below, down'. The Hmed adverb allaġ (and the cognate Zerqet ažiġ) 'below, down' has nominal characteristics. It almost always appears with the clitic in in Hmed.684 Cf. Section 9.4 on the locative expressions. On the dual in some adverbial expressions borrowed from Arabic, see Section 6.3.4.3. On adverbial interrogatives, see Section 12.4.4.1 on interrogatives.

	1) Muḥemmeḏ i-ḫeddem Mohammed 3MS-work:I up ṭalaɛ 'Mohammed is working upstairs.'	(K/H/Z)

Adverbs of Quantity, Degree, and Probability

  687 Cf. Section 8.6.2.2. This word takes Arabic suffix pronouns in Ketama, but remains invariable in Zerqet. In Hmed, the word can take either Arabic or Berber suffix pronouns, or can remain invariable.688 hamḵa is used by the old generation; hayḏa is a borrowing from Arabic.

	(4)
	Ketama	Hmed	Zerqet	Translation
	miḏa~deġda 685	---	---	earlier today
	luḫ, ḏruḫ, derwaḫ, daba 686	daba, amḵa	daba, luḫ	now
	ɛaḏ	ɛaḏ	ɛaḏ	still, yet
	saɛa	saɛa	uḫenna	then
	menbeɛd, mbeɛd	menbeɛd	menbeɛd	later, after
	bellati	bellati	bellati	later
	meṛṛa	meṛṛa	meṛṛa	together
	meṛṛa meṛṛa	meṛṛa meṛṛa	meṛṛa meṛṛa	sometimes
	qrib	qrib	qrib	soon, almost
	ɛlayn	ɛlayn	ɛlayn	soon, almost
	daymen	daymen	daymen	always
	ġaliban	ġaliban	ġaliban	usually
	ɛemmeṛ	ɛemmeṛ ~ ɛem(m)ṛes	ɛemmeṛ(s)	never 687
	Ketama	Hmed	Zerqet	Translation
	hayḏa(k), hamḵa 688 ssa	ssa	like this
	deġya	deġya	deġya	quickly
	šwiya	šwiya	šwiya	slowly
	mezyan	mezyan	mezyan	well
	ḥsen	ḥsen	ḥsen	better
	nišan, direkt	nišan, direkt	nišan, direkt	straight
	biha biha	ḇiha ḇiha	biha biha	certainly, directly
	kif kif, bḥal bḥal	kif kif, bḥal bḥal	kif kif	same

  The words for 'yes' and 'no' have been variously classified as adverbs, interjections, grammatical particles, or as a class of words on their own (see e.g.Sonnenschein 1917: 54, West 1913: 173).Adverbial predicates use some strategies that are also used to negate adjectival and participial predicates, but there are also some differences. For example, usual adverbal predicates are normally not negated by means of the discontinuous negation ma...š or u...š (while this is possible with adjectives and participles).690 Nevertheless, some types of adverbial predicates also accept the discontinuous negation u... š. We first illustrate the common ways to negate an adverbial predicate (such as 'from here'): a) by means of the negated form of the verb 'to be' (K/T/H), or b) by means of maši (across Usual adverbial predicates do not accept the negation by means of u (or ma)... š.However, the adverb ḏin (T/H/Z) 'there' can be negated by means of u... š.691 The resulting form u ḏin š can be translated as 'There is no(t)/There are no(t)', e.g.

	Ketama bezzaf meṛṛa (3) ḏin ya there one house:EA Hmed bezzaf meṛṛa wḫyam (K/T) The following examples are specific to Hmed and use the same strategies as found Zerqet Translation bezzaf a lot, many, much, very meṛṛa all at a time (together) with adjectives: 'There is one house.' (4) ḏin bezzaf n ṯemġarin (Z) there many of women:EA 'There are many women.' (7) (a) ma ṛa-ni š zi^ swa (H) NEG PRS-1S NEG from here (b) u ṛa-ni š zi^ swa (H) NEG PRS-1S NEG from here 'I am not from here.'
	kulši	kulši		kulši	everything
	šwiyya	šwiyya (šwiš, šwiyyeš)	šwiyya	little
	belḥaq	belḥaq		belḥaq	actually, in fact
	imken, waqila imken, waqila		imken, waqila probably, maybe
	Senhaja): (8) u NEG there NEG many of ḏin š bezzaf n 'There are not many people.'	medden (T/H/Z) people
	Ketama wah, ih, ah, iyyeh lla yak~yaḵ ila aḫiri-h, kḏa kḏa kḏa (5) (a) u lli-ġ u lli-ġ NEG be:P-1S NEG from here Hmed wah, ih, ah, iyyeh lla yak~yaḵ ila aḫiri-h, kḏa kḏa kḏa š sg^ essi (K) š zi^ swa (H) u lli-ġ š (9) u ḏin š Muḥemmeḏ (T/H/Z) NEG there NEG Mohammed 'There is no Mohammed.' ssi (T) NEG be:P-1S NEG from.here (b) nekki(ni) maši sg^ essi (K) nekki(ni) maši zi^ swa (H/Z) I NEG from here 'I am not from here.' The following sentence is ungrammatical in Hmed and Zerqet, but accepted in Zerqet Translation wah, ih, ah, iyyeh yes lla no yak~yaḵ isn't it? right? ila aḫiri-h, kḏa ḏ ekḏa ḏ ekḏa etc. Taghzut: (10) netta u ḏin š (T, *H, *Z) he NEG there NEG 'He is not there.'
	The following examples are specific to Taghzut and use the same strategies as found with adjectives:
	) netta sis (K) he from.there netta zi swin (H/Z) he from there 'He is from there.' (6) (a) nekki(ni) uliš I NEG (b) nekki(ni) u šay ssi (T) from.here ssi (T) I NEG NEG from.here 'I am not from here.'

689

  This behavior is also found in other languages, and is known as Wackernagel's law (named so after Jacob Wackernagel who formulated the law in 1892), henceforth WL.According to this law, the unstressed words (clitics) are placed in syntactic second position, i.e. after the first stressed word in a clause. The law describes cliticization to the first element in the central part of the clause. Compare also the Tobler Mussafia law (cf. Tobler 1875; Mussafia 1888), which forbids clitics to appear in initial position.

	P2, e.g. 703
	(13) u NEG 3FS:DO= 3MS-see:P NEG t= i-ẓṛa š (K) 'He did not see her.'
	For a WL analysis, the P2 position has to be defined. For defining P2, one must keep in mind that topicalized elements are not counted as P1, and they have no effect on clitic fronting. 704 For example:
	(14) (a) i-ḵešm 3MS-enter:P =VC =id (K/H/Z) 'He entered.' (b) netta i-ḵešm =id (K/Z) he 3MS-enter:P =VC 'He entered.'
	(15) (a) Muḥemmeḏ Mohammed (b) i-ḵešm 3MS-enter:P =VC i-ḵešm 3MS-enter:P =VC =id (K/Z) =id Muḥemmeḏ (K/Z) Mohammed 'Mohammed entered.'
	Any WL analysis would have to rule out some extra-syntactic elements (such as awzka 'tomorrow', gɛa '(not) at all') from occupying P1. Consider the following examples:

  clitic fronting is obligatory (example a below). In Zerqet, following a question word, there is no relative marker, but clitics are nevertheless (optionally) attracted (as in b). At the same time, in Zerqet, in combination with many question words, clitics can remain postposed (c). In b and c, clitics do not occupy the same position in Zerqet,

	and thus defy WL:
	(22) (a) fuqaš when RM VC= 3MS-arrive:P a d= i-rkem? (K) (b) fuqaš d= i-wwed ̱̣ ? (Z) when VC= 3MS-arrive:P (c) fuqaš i-wwd ̱̣ =id? (Z) when 3MS-arrive:P =VC 'When did he arrive (here)?'
	Consider also the following examples: (23) (a) (ḏ)ama(ni) a t= layn a ț= where.to RM 3FS:DO= 3MS-take:P i-wwi? (K) i-ggʷi? (H) (b) layn t= i-wwi? (Z) where.to 3FS:DO= 3MS-take:P (c) layn i-ggʷi =ț? (H) layn i-wwi =t (Z)

  ; El Hankari 2013; El Hankari & Ouhalla 2012, El Hankari 2021: 185-222. Different theories have been proposed, depending on what is taken as the default/underlying order in verb+clitics combinations. For example, it is possible to consider the sequence Verb + Clitic as the default situation, but it is also possible to consider the sequence Functional word + Clitic + Verb as the default situation, in which cause the sequence Verb + Clitic becomes an inversion (or a prosodic flip). According to Ouhalla 2005a, clitics are always attracted to functional categories, and never to lexical categories in Berber. 710

  Tashelhiyt is) cause clitic fronting, while others (e.g. Tarifiyt qa) don't. Ouhalla 1989 discusses the difference between clitic placement in complementizing clauses in Western Romance vs. the rest of Romance. In Western Romance, declarative complementizers attract clitics in embedded clauses, while in the rest of Romance, they do not attract clitics. Ouhalla compares this situation to Berber, and concludes that Tamazight and Tashelhiyt are like Western Romance, while Tarifiyt is not. Senhaja in this regard behaves like Tarifiyt.

verb form šebbṛ-en 'they grabbed' with IO/DO + ventive in Ketama 3P verb form šebbṛ-en 'they grabbed' with IO/DO + ventive in Hmed/Zerqet

  3.1.1).

	CL 1S 2MS i-wwy=aḵ=d IO+ventive 'he brought for...' i-wwy=ay=d 2FS i-wwy=am=d 3MS i-wwy=as=d 3FS i-wwy=as=d 1P i-wwy=anaġ=d 2P i-wwy=awen=d 3P i-wwy=asen=d CL IO+ventive 'he brought for...' 1S i-ggʷy=ay=d 2MS i-ggʷy=aḵ=d 2FS i-ggʷy=am=d 3MS i-ggʷy=as=d 3FS i-ggʷy=as=d 1P i-ggʷy=anaġ^d 2P i-ggʷy=awen=d 3P i-ggʷy=asen=d IO + DO and IO + DO + Ventive DO+ventive 'he brought...' i-wwy=ay=d i-wwy=aḵ=d i-wwy=am=d i-wwi=h^iḏ (K), i-wwi=ṯ^iḏ (Z) i-wwi=h^ed (K), i-wwi=ṯ^iḏ (Z) i-wwy=anaġ^d i-wwy=awen=d i-wwi=hen=d (K), i-wwi=ṯen=d (Z) DO+ventive 'he brought...' i-ggʷy=ay=d i-ggʷy=ak=id i-ggʷy=akem=d i-ggʷi=ṯ^id i-ggʷi=ț^id i-ggʷy=anaġ^d i-ggʷy=akʷen=d i-ggʷi=ṯen=d CL IO+ventive 'they grabbed for...' DO+ventive 'they grabbed...' 1S šebbṛ-an=ay=d šebbṛ-an=ay=d 2MS šebbṛ-an=aḵ=d šebbṛ-an=aḵ=d 2FS šebbṛ-an=am=d šebbṛ-an=am=d 3MS šebbṛ-an =as=d šebbṛ-en=ṯ^iḏ 3FS šebbṛ-an=as=d šebbṛ-en=ṯ^ed 1P šebbṛ-an =anaġ^d šebbṛ-an=anaġ^d 2P šebbṛ-an=awen=d šebbṛ-an=awen=d 3P šebbṛ-an =asen=d šebbṛ-en=ṯen=d CL IO+ventive 'they grabbed for...' DO+ ventive 'they grabbed...' Hmed/Zerqet Zerqet Hmed 1S šebbeṛ-n=ay=d šebbeṛ-n=ay=d šebbeṛ-n=ay=d 2MS šebbeṛ-n=aḵ=d šebbeṛ-n=aḵ=d šebbeṛ-n=ak=id 2FS šebbeṛ-n=am=d šebbeṛ-n=am=d šebbeṛ-n=akem=d 3MS šebbeṛ-n =as=d šebbṛ-en=ṯ^iḏ šebbṛ-en=ṯ^id 3FS šebbeṛ-n=as=d šebbṛ-en=t^iḏ šebbṛ-en=ț^id 1P šebbeṛ-n =anaġ=d šebbeṛ-n=anaġ=d šebbeṛ-n=anaġ=d 2P šebbeṛ-n=awen=d šebbeṛ-n=awen=d šebbeṛ-n=akʷen=d 3P 12.3.2. 3P šebbeṛ-n =asen=d šebbṛ-en=ṯen=d šebbṛ-en=ṯen=d
	12.3.2.1. IO + DO Clitic Chain
	As mentioned previously, the combination of IO+DO clitics is possible only if the DO clitic is constituted by a third person pronoun (3MS, 3FS, or 3P). The following table demonstrates this. When the DO is in the third person, there are two possibilities: IO+DO clitic chain, or DO clitic followed by a prepositional phrase. For non-third person DO clitic pronouns, there is only one possibility, as the IO is obligatorily

  717 As mentioned previously, in Ketama, after an IO clitic, 3MS:DO ṯ can become t, thus merging with the 3FS:DO, especially in the Sahel dialect. The distinction between genders is normally preserved in Beni Aisi. The table lists forms as found in Beni Aisi dialect of Ketama.

	DO	IO+DO	DO+ prep. phrase		Translation
	1S 2MS 2FS 3MS 3FS 1P 2P 3P	---------i-ṣeṛṛd ̱̣ =ay=ṯ i-ṣeṛṛd ̱̣ =ay=t ------i-ṣeṛṛd ̱̣ =ay=ṯen	i-ṣeṛṛd ̱̣ =ay a ġur-un i-ṣeṛṛd ̱̣ =aḵ a ġur-i i-ṣeṛṛd ̱̣ =am a ġur-sen i-ṣeṛṛd ̱̣ =iṯ a ġur-i i-ṣeṛṛd ̱̣ =it a ġur-i i-ṣeṛṛd ̱̣ =ana a ġur-em i-ṣeṛṛd ̱̣ =awen a ġur-na i-ṣeṛṛd ̱̣ =ihen a ġur-i	'He sent me to you (PL)' 'He sent you (MS) to me' 'He sent you (FS) to them' 'He sent it (M)/him to me' 'He sent it (F)/her to me' 'He sent us to you (FS)' 'He sent you (PL) to us' 'He sent them to me'
	IO	+3MS:DO K/H/Z	+3FS:DO K/Z	+3FS:DO H	+3P:DO K/H/Z
	1S	i-kka^y=ṯ	i-kka^y=t	i-kka^y=ț	i-kka^y=ṯen
	2MS i-kka^ḵ=ṯ	i-kka^ḵ=t	i-kka^ḵ=ț	i-kka^ḵ=ṯen
	2FS

  The prohibitives in Ketama have a special structure, as the prohibitive negator i cannot be followed by a clitic. In this case, the structure is u + CLITIC + i + VERB + ši, cf. Section 13.4.2.With Imperfective verb forms, Taghzut and Hmed varieties use a specialized negator la, or the combination of u and la. In such contexts, clitic fronting is optional in these varieties (cf. Section 12.5 on Taghzut). In other varieties, following the negator u, clitic fronting is obligatory, regardless of the verb aspect. For example: As mentioned previously, in Ketama, the negation particle is absent in such contexts, while in Hmed, it is optional. The negation marker is usually present also in combination with (ma)š-a(ḏ) in Zerqet.

	Combination of the negative particle and the future particle: 718 12.4.3. Relativization
	(38) (-) maš ^a (u) maš ^a 12.4.3.1. Introduction u maš ^a NEG FT ^NR ^2P:DO= eat:A-1S NEG ^wen= šš-aġ š (K) ^kun= čč-aġ š (H) ^wen= čč-aġ š (Z) 'I will not eat you (PL).' Different Berber varieties mark relative clauses differently. The widespread relative markers in Berber are the elements a, ay, or i, which have been analyzed differently
	DO	(39) (a) u (u)la ț= t= u t= NEG 3FS:DO= see:I-1S ẓẓaṛ-aġ ẓẓaṛ-aġ tẓaṛay-aġ š (Z) š (K) š (H) NEG (b) (u)la ẓẓaṛ-aġ =ț š (H) NEG see:I-1S =3FS:DO NEG 'I don't see her.'
	Ventive (40) (a) u (u)la NEG (b) (u)la NEG 'He does not go out.' d= i-teffaġ d= i-țeffaġ VC= 3MS-exit:I NEG š (K) š (H) y-țeffġ =id š (H) 3MS-exit:I =VC NEG
		31) š-a ^s š-a ^s FT-NR ^3S:IO=3MS-say:A =i-n (K) =y-ini (H) 'He will tell him/her.'

718

  The same phenomenon is found in Seddat.In Hmed, with the negated finite verb form, clitic fronting takes place due to the presence of the negator (except the Imperfective Negative, where clitic fronting is optional with the negator (u)la). Compare:In the following example (Hmed/Zerqet), the indefinite pronoun a, ay (cf. Section 8.5) is the head of the relative. The same element can function as an interrogative (Zerqet

	Perfective Negative (clitic fronting is obligatory): (48) lmuɛllim na w d= i-ḵšem both without a relative marker). There are two types of interrogatives: simple (composed of a single word), discussed in Section 12.4.4.1, and complex (prepositional), consisting of a pronominal form with a preposition, discussed in Section 12.4.4.2. For a list of prepositional interrogatives, cf. Section 9.5. In yes/no questions, there is no clitic fronting. The (optional) presence of the question markers waš or ka does not influence clitic fronting, e.g. š (H) teacher RM NEG VC= 3MS-enter:P NEG 'The teacher who did not enter (here)...' (51) (ka) i-kk =as =ṯen? (K/H/Z) (Q) 3MS-give:P=3S:IO =3P:DO 'Did he give them to him/her?' Imperfective Negative (clitic fronting is optional): (49) (a) lmuɛllim na (w)la d= i-ḵeččem š (H) teacher RM NEG VC= 3MS-enter:I NEG (b) lmuɛllim na (w)la y-ḵeččm =id š (H) teacher RM NEG 3MS-enter:I=VC (52) (waš) ṯ-zzenz-et ^ten? (H/Z) (waš) h-zzenz-et ^ten? (K) (Q) 2-sell:P-2S ^3P:DO 'Did you sell them?' NEG 'The teacher who does not enter (here)...' 12.4.4.1. Simple Interrogatives
	'what, who', Hmed 'what', cf. below).
	For example: When the relative marker is found with the negative marker, it precedes it. In Ketama, (46) aryaz na w ḏ-sawa š (H) man:EL RM NEG 3MS-speak:P NEG (50) i-degg a=nna ^(a)s= qqaṛ-en (Z) i-țegg a(y=nna) ^(a)s= qqaṛ-en (H) 3MS-do:I NDF=ANP ^3S:IO= say:I-3P 'He does what they tell him.' 'The man who did not speak...' 12.4.4. Content Questions the negative particle is absent in such contexts (as Ketama avoids multiple preverbal elements). Fronted clitics are found following the negator. (47) lmuɛllim a (-) d= i-ḵešm-en š (K) lmuɛllim na w d= i-ḵešm-en š (H/Z) teacher RM NEG VC= RF-enter:P-RF NEG 'The teacher who did not enter (here)...' There are two forms of interrogatives: free forms, used independently, and forms used with the following (relative) clauses. Forms used with the relative clauses are based on the free forms, but can be clipped (cf. Section 12.4.4.1 for a list). Clitic fronting can (optionally) take place in questions with interrogatives in Hmed and Zerqet. There are three constructions in Hmed: 1) with a relative marker and clitic fronting; 2) without a relative marker and with clitic fronting; and 3) without a relative marker and with postposed clitics. Only one construction is used in Ketama, corresponding to type 1 in Hmed: with a relative marker and clitic fronting. The remaining two constructions are found in Zerqet (type 2, with a clitic fronting, and type 3, without a clitic fronting,

721

  Hmed and Zerqet usually use ammeḵ, and Ketama uses ḵa.723 In Ketama, the final a of ḵa could originally be a relative marker a. In Hmed and Zerqet, it is impossible to see if the relative marker a is present before the fronted 3S:IO as in the following examples, but since it is generally absent in Zerqet, we assume that it is not there in this variety (and only optionally present in Hmed):

	(53) (a) fuqaš fuqaš fuqaš when RM a (a) (-) (b) fuqaš i-ggʷḏ ̱̣ d= i-rkem? (K) d= i-ggʷeḏ ̱̣ ? (H) d= i-wwed ̱̣ ? (Z) VC= 3MS-arrive:P =id? (H) fuqaš i-wwd ̱̣ =id? (Z) when 3MS-arrive:P =VC layn a ț ^ț-eggʷi-ḏ? (H) to.where RM 3FS:DO ^2-take:P-2S (b) layn ṯ-uwwi^ t (Z) to.where 2-take:P(:2S^) 3FS:DO layn ṯ-eggʷi-ț^ ^ț? (H) to.where 2-take:P-2S^ 3FS:DO 'Where did you (SG) take it to?' 'When did he arrive (here)?' The same constructions are found with the question word 'where?' (Ketama mani, can be shortened to m(a)-before the relative a, Hmed/Zerqet ani), although the speakers of Hmed and Zerqet indicate that the variant with fronted clitics is more frequent. (54) (a) m(ani) a d= i-rkem? (K) ani (a) d= i-ggʷeḏ ̱̣ ? (H) ani (-) d= i-wwed ̱̣ ? (Z) where RM VC= 3MS-arrive:P (b) ani i-ggʷḏ ̱̣ =id? (H) ani i-wwd ̱̣ =id? (Z) where 3MS-arrive:P =VC 'Where did he arrive?' The question 'where from' consists of 'where' (Ketama mani, Hmed/Zerqet ani) and the Ablative preposition s 'from', in varying order (depending on the variety): Ketama s-mani (can be shortened to s-m(a) before the relative a), Hmed/Zerqet ani-s, e.g. (55) (a) sm(ani) a d= i-wsa? (K) anis (-) d= i-wsa? (Z) from.where RM VC= 3MS-come:P (b) anis i-wsa =d? (Z) 'From where did he come?' from.where 3MS-come:P =VC The independent question word for 'how?' is kifaš (a loan from Arabic), while with relative clauses, (57) (a) ḵ(a) ^a ^s= i-gga? (K) ammeḵ (-) as= i-yya (H) ammeḵ (-) as= i-ḡḡa? (Z) how RM 3S:IO= 3MS-do:P (b) ammeḵ i-yya ^s (H) ammeḵ i-ḡḡa ^s? (Z) how 3MS-do:P ^3S:IO 'How did he do it?' 724 (58) (a) ḵ(a) ^a ^s= eqqṛa-n? (K) ammeḵ (-) as= eqqaṛ-en? (H/Z) how RM 3S:IO= say:I-3P (b) ammeḵ qqaṛ-n =as? (H/Z) how say:I-3P =3S:IO 'What do they call it?' 'What's it called?', lit. 'How do they say to it?' ('whatchamacallit', a place-holder)
	With (ḏ)amani (K)/layn (H/Z) 'where to?', we find the same types of constructions:
	) 'when?' 722 (56) (a) (ḏ)ama(ni) layn to.where	a (-) t t RM 3S:DO ^(2)take:P-2S ^uwi-ḏ? (K) ^uwi-ḏ (Z)

  For example:The distinction between subject and non-subject relative clauses is also observed in the questions with the interrogative 'who/what' discussed in the following section.In some Senhaja varieties, including Ketama and Zerqet, the question words for 'what?' and 'who?' are not distinguished. When used independently, Ketama and Zerqet use šku(n) (< Arabic škun 'who?') in both senses.727 With a following relative clause, Ketama uses šk in both senses, and Zerqet uses the indefinite pronoun a (which can be optionally preceded by šk). Hmed is different from Ketama and Zerqet, as it uses šku(n) only to refer to humans ('who?'), and ayɛna or the borrowed šnu to refer to things ('what?'). With a following relative clause, Hmed uses šku(n) in the meaning 'who?', and ayɛna or the indefinite pronoun a to refer to things ('what?').Following the indefinite a (Hmed/Zerqet), we assume no relative marker.Therefore, the surface form may be the same in Ketama and Zerqet, but the underlying structure is different. In Ketama, the question word šk 'who/what' (glossed WH) is obligatorily followed by the relative marker a. In Zerqet, on the other hand, the element a should be considered an indefinite pronoun 'who/what' (glossed NDF). from Ketama, šk is not obligatory in Zerqet, and a can function as the question word. In Hmed, the surface form with the indefinite a can be the same as in Zerqet (without the optional šk), with the difference that it can only refer to things and not to humans. In Arabic, škun is only used to ask about humans ('who'). In many Berber varieties, however, the question words 'who?' and 'what?' are not distinguished (cf. Kossmann 2013a: 297). This was probably originally the case in Ketama, as well. Subsequently, in Ketama, the native interrogative 'who/what' was replaced by the borrowed šk(un) in both meanings. Compare also the situation with the prepositional interrogatives (Section 9.5). In Ghomara, the interrogatives škun 'who?' and šenni~šennu~šnu 'what?' are

	With ventive (60) (a) šḥ(al) šḥa(l) šḥa how.much RM VC= RF-arrive:P-RF a d= i-rekm-en? (K) (a) d= i-ggʷd ̱̣ -en? (H) (-) d= i-wwd ̱̣ -en? (Z) (b) šḥa(l) ggʷd ̱̣ -en =d? (H) šḥa(l) wwd ̱̣ -en =d? (Z) 726 how.much arrive:P-3P =VC (c) šḥa(l) (a) d= eggʷd ̱̣ -en? (H) how.much RM VC= arrive:P-3P 'How many (people) arrived?' With DO (61) (a) šḥ(al) a h= i-ẓṛa-n? (K) šḥa(l) (a) t= i-ẓṛa-n? (H) šḥa (-) ṯ= i-ẓṛa-n? (Z) how.much RM 3MS:DO= RF-see:P-RF (b) šḥa(l) ẓṛa-n =ṯ? (H) šḥa(l) ẓṛa-n =ṯ? (Z) how.much see:P-3P =3MS:DO (c) šḥa(l) (a) t= eẓṛa-n? (H) how.much RM 3MS:DO= see:P-3P 'How many (people) saw him?' Compare the following examples with the same underlying structure, albeit the relative marker a fuses with the following a-of the IO clitic: With IO (62) (a) šḥa(l) a ^s= i-qqim-en? (K) šḥa (-) ^s= i-qqim-en? (H/Z) how.much RM ^3S:IO= RF-stay:P-RF (b) šḥa i-qqim =as (H/Z) how.much 3MS-stay:P =3S:IO (c) šḥa(l) a ^s= i-qqim? (H) how.much RM 3S:IO= 3MS-stay:P 'How much is left for him/her?' The same is observed in the following set of examples, where a finite or an impersonal verb form can be used in (b): (63) (a) šḥ a ^ḵ= i-ḫeṣṣa-n? (K) šḥa -^ḵ= i-ḫeṣṣ-en? (H/Z) how.much RM 2MS:IO= RF-need:P-RF (b) šḥa (i-)ḫeṣṣ =aḵ? (H/Z) how.much (3MS-)need:P =2MS:IO (c) šḥa(l) a ^ḵ= i-ḫeṣṣ? (H) how.much RM 2MS:IO= 3MS-need:P 'How much do you need?', lit. 'How much is needed to you (MS)?' Interrogatives 'what'/'who' Different Clitic fronting is obligatory in all varieties following šk a 'who/what' (Ketama), (šk) a 'who/what' (Zerqet), and a 'what' (Hmed), but is not obligatory in Hmed following ayɛna 'what' and šku(n) 'who', so that the construction b (with the postverbal clitics) is only possible in Hmed in the examples that follow. (64) (a) (1.) šk a ^s= eqqṛa-n? (K) WH RM ^3S:IO= say:I-3P (2.) a ^s= eqqaṛ-en? (H/Z) NDF ^3S:IO= say:I-3P (3.) šk a ^s= eqqaṛ-en? (Z) WH NDF ^3S:IO= say:I-3P (4.) ayɛna (a) ^s= eqqaṛ-en? (H) what RM ^3S:IO= say:I-3P (b) ayɛna qqaṛ-n =as? (H) what say:I-3P =3S:IO 'What do they say to him/her/it?' In subject relatives, a relative form of the verb is required in Ketama and Zerqet (and is optionally used in Hmed), and the clitic fronting is obligatory in this case (example a). In Hmed, a finite verb form can be used, with postposed clitics (example b) or with fronted clitics following the relative marker (example c, less frequent). (65) (a) šk a (šk) a ^ḵ= i-qqim-en? (Z) WH NDF ^2MS:IO= RF-stay:P-RF ayɛna (a) ^ḵ= i-qqim-en? (H) what (RM) ^2MS:IO= RF-stay:P-RF (b) ayɛna i-qqim =aḵ? (H) what 3MS-stay:P =2MS:IO (c) ayɛna a ^ḵ= i-qqim? (H, less frequent) what RM ^2MS:IO= 3MS-stay:P 'What is left for you (MS)?' d= i-derdib-en? (K) WH RM VC= RF-knock:I-RF šku(n) (a) d= i-țqerqab-en? (H) who RM The following examples show that there is a difference between 'who' and 'what' in Hmed, unlike in Ketama and Zerqet: VC= RF-knock:I-RF (šk) a d= i-tqerqab-en? (Z) WH NDF VC= RF-knock:I-RF (b) šku(n) i-țqerqab =id? (H) who 3MS-knock:I =VC (c) šku(n) a d= i-țqerqab? (H, less frequent) who RM VC= 3MS-knock:I Ketama/Zerqet ('who/what'): (68) šk a d= i-ḥsi-n? (K) WH RF VC= RF-fall:P-RF (šk) a d= i-bd ̱̣ a-n? (Z) WH NDF VC= RF-fall:P-RF 'Who fell?'/'What fell?' 'Who is knocking?' (66) (a) šk a t= i-gga-n? (K) WH RM 3FS:DO= RF-do:P-RF šku(n) (a) ț= i-yya-n? (H) who RM 3FS:DO= RF-do:P-RF (šk) a t= i-ḡḡa-n? (Z) WH NDF Hmed ('who' ≠ 'what'): (69) (a) šku(n) (a) d= i-ḥsi-n? (H) who RF VC= RF-fall:P-RF (b) šku(n) i-ḥsi =d (H) who 3MS-fall:P =VC 'Who fell?' 3FS:DO=RF-do:P-RF (b) šku(n) i-yya =ț? (H) who 3MS-do:P =3FS:DO (c) šku(n) a ț= i-yya? (H, less frequent) who RM 3FS:DO= 3MS-do:P 'Who did it?' (67) (a) šk a ḵ= i-ġim-en? (K) a ḵ= NDF 2MS:IO= RF-stay:P-RF i-qqim-en? (H/Z) WH RM 2MS:IO= RF-stay:P-RF (70) (a) a d= i-ḥsi-n? (H) NDF VC= RF-fall:P-RF ayɛna d= i-ḥsi-n (H) what VC= RF-fall:P-RF (b) ayɛna i-ḥsi =d (H) what 3MS-fall:P =VC 'What fell?'
	differentiated (Mourigh 2015: 373).

727

Ketama, Hmed, and Zerqet

  See Section 9.5 for a list of prepositional interrogatives in Senhaja. Simple and prepositional interrogatives have the same rules for the clitic fronting in the following relative clause. In Ketama, there is only one construction: with the relative marker a, and obligatory clitic fronting. In Hmed, there are two constructions: with a clitic fronting (following an optional relative marker a, rarely na), and without a clitic fronting (without a relative marker). In Zerqet, there are also two constructions, with preverbal or postverbal clitics, both without a relative marker. The interrogatives used before a relative clause have the same form as free interrogatives, with the difference that they are obligatorily followed by a relative marker a in Ketama, before which the interrogative pronoun mmen 'who/what' can be clipped to mm-(the final -en is optional). Examples follow.In Hmed, for 'why', both the prepositional interrogative ḫ emmen (lit. 'on what') and the borrowed ɛlaš are used. The interrogative does not influence the position of the while kʷa (H) only functions as a counterfactual. 732 (L)uka(n) is obligatory in the protasis, and optional in the apodosis. The apodosis may use the same form of the counterfactual as the protasis, or a more abbreviated form (i.e., the forms do not have to be identical). In the protasis, following the conjunction 'if', the past marker can optionally be used in Ketama and Zerqet. In Hmed, the special past

	Transl. what who how much, how many why 728 how when where where from s-mani (K), Free forms šku(n) (K/Z), (a) šnu (H), ayɛna (H) šku(n) (K/H/Z) šḥa(l) (K/H/Z) i men (K), ɛlaš (H/ Z), ḫ emmen (H) kifaš (K/H/Z), ammeḵ (H/Z) fuqaš (K/H/Z), faywaḫ (K/H) mani (K), ani (H/Z) ani-s (H/Z) where to ḏamani (K), layn (H/Z) 12.4.4.2. Prepositional Interrogatives Forms with a relative clause K H Z šk a a(y), ayɛna a šk a šku(n) a šḥ(al) a šḥa(l) šḥa(l) (i men a) ɛlaš (ḫ emmen) ɛlaš ḵ(a) a ammeḵ, kifaš ammeḵ, kifaš fuqaš a, faywaḫ a fuqaš, faywaḫ fuqaš m(ani) a ani ani sm(ani) a ani-s ani-s ḏam(ani) a layn layn The question 'in who/what' (e.g. 'in what transport') is g emmen (K/H), mi-ḏi (H), Fronting K H Z + +, +/-+ + +/-+ + +/-+/-+ +/-+/-+ +/-+/-+ +/-+/-+ +/-+/-+ +/-+/-+ +/-+/-and gi-miḏi (Z): (71) (a) (1.) g emm(en) a d ^usi-ḏ? (K) g m^ a d ^usi-ḏ? (K) in WH RM VC ^(2)come:P-2S (2.) g emmen (a) d ^eddi-ḏ? (H) in WH RM VC ^(2)go:P-2S (3.) mi-ḏi (a) d eddi-ḏ? (H) WH-in RM VC ^(2)go:P-2S (4.) gi-miḏi d ^usi-ḏ? (Z) in-WH VC ^(2)come:P-2S (b) (1.) g emmen ṯ-eddi ^d? (H) in WH 2-go:P(:2S^) VC (2.) mi-ḏi ṯ-eddi ^d? (H) WH-in 2-go:P-2S ^VC (3.) gi-miḏi ṯ-usi^ d? (Z) in-WH 2-come:P(:2S^) VC 'In what (e.g. in what transport) did you come?' As pointed out in Section 9.5, the prepositional interrogative 'for who/what' is homonymous with 'in who/what' in Hmed and Zerqet, but distinguished in Ketama: iḏ emmen (K), g emmen ~ mi-ḏi (H), gi-miḏi (Z). In Ketama, the question 'with/and who?' is homonymous with 'for who?', but the constructions are different. The interrogative iḏ emmen 'for who?' can start the sentence, while iḏ emmen 'and who?' cannot (it must follow an NP). Compare: (72) iḏ emm(en) a h-esġi-ḏ lkaḍu =yaḏ (K) for WH RM 2-buy:P-2S present =PROX:SG 'For who did you buy this present?' (73) netta iḏ emm(en) a d= i-rkem? (K) he and WH RM VC= 3MS-arrive:P 'With who did he arrive?' (Lit. 'He and/with who did arrive?') The interrogative 'why?', 'on what?' clitic: (74) (a) ḫ emmen (~ɛlaš) (a) t= t-ečči-ḏ? (H) on WH (~why) (RM) 3MS:DO ^2-eat:P-2S (b) ḫ emmen (~ɛlaš) ṯ-ečči-(76) argaz =aḏ g^ a ^s= enni-ġ lhed ̱̣ ra=yaḏ man:EL =PROX:SG when^ RM ^3S:IO= say:P-1S talk =PROX:SG i-dda (K) 3MS-go:P 'That man, when I told him this (speech), went.' In most other Senhaja varieties, the conjunction 'when' (Taghzut zgansi, Hmed zgʷami, Zerqet zgamis) only optionally attracts clitics. 730 Other examples follow. (77) (a) g^ a h= eẓri-ġ (K) zgʷami (a) t= ezri-ġ (H) zgamis (-) ṯ= eẓri-ġ (Z) when RM 3MS:DO =see:P-1S (b) *ga ẓri-ḫ =ṯ (*K) zgʷami zri-ġ =ṯ (H) zgamis ẓri-ḫ =ṯ (Z) when see:P-1S =3MS:DO (79) (a) matta i-dda =d, š-a y-en ši haža (K) manțța i-dda =d, š-a ḏy-ini ši haža (H) if 3MS-go:P =VC FT-NR 3MS-say:A some thing matta i-wsa =d š-aḏ i-(i)ni ši haža (Z) if 3MS-come:P =VC FT-NR 3MS-say:A some thing (b) manțța (a) d= i-da, š-a ḏy-ini ši haža (H) if (RM) VC= 3MS-go:P FT-NR 3MS-say:A some thing matta d= i-wsa, š-aḏ i-(i)ni ši form of 'to be' (gella, optionally conjugated) is rare in such contexts, but is grammatical. The counterfactual 'if' does not trigger clitic fronting in any Senhaja variety. The following sentence is an example of a protasis: haža (Z) if VC= 3MS-come:P FT-NR 3MS-say:A some thing 'If he сomes, he will say something...' The conjunction waḫḫa 'even if, although' triggers no clitic fronting (across Senhaja): (80) waḫḫa i-ẓṛa =ṯ, u y-enna walu (K) waḫḫa i-ẓṛa =ṯ, uḏ i-nna (82) (l)uka (ara) ddi-ġ =d ar Ṯargisṯ (K) lukan (gella) ddi-ġ =d za Ṯargisṯ (H) CF PST go:P-1S =VC to Targuist uka (iža) wsi-ġ =d za Ṯargisṯ (Z) CF PST go:P-1S =VC to Targuist 'If I had come to Targuist,...' walu (Z) although 3MS-see:P =3MS:DO NEG 3MS-say:P nothing The following is an apodosis. ^t? (H) on WH (~why) 2-eat:P(-2S) ^3MS:DO 'Why did you (SG) eat it (M)?' In Zerqet, usually, the borrowed ɛlaš is used for 'why'. Clitics can be fronted or left (75) (a) ɛlaš t^ ^ečči-ḏ? (Z) why 3MS:DO (^2:)eat:P-2S (b) ɛlaš ṯ-ečči-^t? (Z) why 2-eat:P(-2S) ^3S:DO 'Why did you (SG) eat it?' 12.4.5. Clitic Fronting after some Conjunctions Clitic fronting can take place after some conjunctions (cf. below for a list of marker'. 729 For example: the relative marker a, i.e. it can be analyzed as follows: g^a 'when' + 'relative clitic fronting is obligatory in Ketama. The conjunction ga 'when' probably contains conjunctions), such as ani (H/Z), mani (K) 'where', and ga (K) 'when'. After ga 'when', (78) i-ġim maši ḥettani i-ẓṛa =t (K) i-qqim maši ḥetta i-ẓṛa =ț (H) i-qqim mašši ḥetta i-ẓra =t (Z) 3MS-stay:P walking:MS until 3MS-see:P =3FS:DO The conditional (hypothetical) 'if' expresses a hypothetical outcome of the situation: matta (K/Z), manțța (H). The following verb can be in the Aorist, Perfective, or Imperfective. This conjunction causes no clitic fronting in Ketama, while clitics may be optionally fronted in Hmed/Zerqet: (b) waḫḫa manțța (a) d= i-da, š-a ḏy-ini although if waḫḫa matta d= i-wsa, maš-aḏ i-(i)ni although if 'Even if he comes, he will say nothing'. VC=3MS-come:P FT-NR 3MS-say:A nothing walu (Z) (RM) VC=3MS-come:P FT-NR 3MS-say:A nothing walu(H) 'He kept walking until he saw her.' (81) (a) waḫḫa (matta) i-dda =d, -š-a y-en waḫḫa (manțța) i-da =d, -š-a waḫḫa (matta) i-wsa =d, u maš-aḏ i-(i)ni although (if) 3MS-go:P=VC NEG FT-NR 3MS-say:A nothing walu (Z) ḏy-ini walu (H) walu (K) posposed: Zerqet, but are postverbal in Ketama: (83) (u)ka sġi-ġ =as i ṯerbaṯ nn-eḵ lkaḍu (K/H/Z) CF buy:P-1S =3S:IO for girl:EA of-2S present '... I would have bought your daughter a present.'

'When I saw him...' Clitic fronting does not occur following some other conjunctions, e.g. following the conjunction ḥetta (pan-Snh.) 'until'. In Ketama, the conjunction ḥetta 'until' is usually realized as ḥettani or ḥettayni.

731

For example:

'Although he saw him, he didn't tell him anything.'

The conjunction waḫḫa 'although' can be optionally followed by matta (K/Z)/manțța (H) 'if'. In this case (with the two conjunctions), clitics can be fronted in Hmed and

The counterfactual 'if' can be realized as ka (K/H), kʷa (H), uka (K/Z), luka (K/T), or lukan (K/T/H), all from Arabic lukan. Ka also functions as a question marker, synonymous with waš,

The prohibitive singular of verb 'to give' with IO+DO(+ventive) in Taghzut IO+DO IO+DO+ventive Type Model

  Taghzut varieties, which do not use i as a prohibitive negator outside such contexts. In Taghzut, different from Ketama and Seddat, the i is optional, e.g. Such constructions can be described as 'separation of the clitic from the verb (SCV)', cf. Section 13.4.2 for Ketama. In such examples, it is not sure to which element the clitic is cliticized: to the preverbal negator u, or to the prohibitive i and the rest of the verbal complex. In Taghzut, the prohibitive i appears most frequently between the ventive clitic d and the verb stem (often ț-initial in the Imperfective because of the Imperfective prefix ț-), so that i serves as a "divider" between the two dentals. For example, in the above example, the use of i is optional, while in the following To conclude, in Ketama, the two preverbal negators (u and i) are obligatory in prohibitives when the verb has a clitic. In Taghzut, the negator i following the clitic is usually optional. It is frequently used to separate the fronted ventive d or 3S:DO clitic from the Imperfective form of the verb. Its synchronic is morphophonological, e.g. to prevent the assimilation of the 3S:DO and the initial ț-of the Imperfective.The following table shows various models for the prohibitive form of the verb 'to give'

	(84) u u 'Do not give (SG) enter (here)!' d i ḵeččem d (i) ḵeččem NEG VC NEG enter:I:IMP:SG NEG ši (S) ši (T) + 3S:IO + 3MS:DO (+ventive): 'Do not give (SG) it (M) to him/here (here)!'
	example, it is obligatory:
	(85) u	d	i	țak	š (T)
	(86) u NEG 3S:IO 3MS:DO NEG give:I:IMP:SG NEG ^s ṯ i țak š (T) 'Do not give it (M) to him/her!'
	When the verb stem is not ț-initial, the intervening i is not required:
	(87) u NEG ^3S:IO= 3FS:DO= say:I:IMP:SG NEG ^s= t= eqqaṛ š (T) 'Do not say (SG) it (F)!'

NEG VC NEG give:I:IMP:SG NEG 'Do not give (SG) (here)!'

The i can also separate the 3S:DO clitic (M ṯ, F ț) from the ț-of verb stem. Again, in this case, it is obligatory, e.g.

  not found in Lmekhzen (except with the preverbal dummy DO) and in Sahel (whether with or without the preverbal t). The CCF (ID-) is also possible: this model is rare in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed, but it is the preferred variant in Sahel and Lmekhzen. In the CCF construction, the gender of the third person singular DO clitic is not obligatorily distinguished (as in the postverbal position for the IO+DO clitic combination), When in combination with the IO, the DO can be (at least seemingly) repeated. In such constructions, the fronted DO clitic is invariable, and does not mark the number or the gender of the DO. It thus can be considered a petrified t (historically marking a DO, but not fully expressing it any more), and synchronically, a dummy DO (with a real DO in the postverbal position). In examples in this thesis, it is glossed as "DO". We label this type of the clitic behavior PCF+t (as it is based on the PCF type, with an extra preverbal t), and the model is It-D (similar to the I-D model, with an extra tThe dummy DO construction is found in Beni Hmed and Beni Aisi (where it is as frequent as PCF), and also in Lmekhzen, where it is preferred above PCF. It is ungrammatical in Sahel (as is PCF). This model is labelled "It-D" to indicate that there

	(9) š-a FT-NR 'He will give it (M) to him/her (MS).' ^s= t= i-kk =iṯ (K) ^3S:IO= DO= 3MS-give:A =3MS:DO
	The following example shows that the dummy DO does not change when the DO has the plural form, e.g.
	(10) š-a FT-NR ^3S:IO= DO= 3MS-give:A =3P:DO ^s= t= i-kk =ihen 'He will give them to him/her.'
	different from the PCF construction, e.g. 736
	(8) š-a FT-NR ^3S:IO= 3S:DO= 3MS-give:A ^s= t= i-k (K: Sahel/Lmekhzen)
	followed the IO). The postverbal clitic expresses the gender and number of the DO, e.g.

'He will give it (M/F) to him/her'. This is the only possible variant in Sahel. It is also frequent in Lmekhzen (where it is not the only variant), but it is rare in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed. 737

13.2.2. Dummy DO

IO and Third Person Plural DO When

  The fronted 1S:IO has the form yṯ/yt/t when it occurs on its own (depending on the dialect) and the form y when it is followed by a DO clitic or a ventive. The fronted 1S:IO clitic yt is homophonous with the combination of the 1S y + 3S:DO t. there is a combination of an IO and a third person plural DO clitic, the behavior of the clitics differs depending on the number of the IO clitic (whether it is singular orThe last two examples (the "Sahel" models DR+t and CCF+t) are homophonuous with the following two examples, that are also found in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed:743

	IO 1S 2MS š-a^ḵ=i-kk=it Forms š-a^(y)t=i-kk=it 739 š-a^y=t=i-kk=it š-a^y=t=i-k š-a^ḵ=t=i-kk=it š-a^ḵ=t=i-k 2FS š-a^m=i-kk=it š-a^m=t=i-kk=it š-a^m=t=i-k The CCF (original) construction has a wider geographical distribution, as it is found in Type Model Dialect PCF I-D BA/H PCF+t It-D L (BA/H) CCF ID-Sh, L (BA/H) PCF I-D BA/H PCF+t It-D L (BA/H) CCF ID-Sh, L (BA/H) PCF I-D BA/H PCF+t It-D L (BA/H) CCF ID-Sh, L (BA/H) all the four studied villages. It is also the construction that is used in other Senhaja varieties, e.g. (14) š-a ^s= t= y-awi (H) š-a ^s= ṯ= 3) the DR+t (IDt-D), in Sahel (and rarely in Lmekhzen), e.g. 741 13.2.4. plural). (20) š-a ^s= en= t= i-kk =ihen FT-NR ^3S:IO= 3P:DO=DO= 3MS-give:A =3P:DO 'He will give them to him/her'. y-awi (B/Z) FT-NR ^3S:IO= 3MS:DO= 3MS-take:A 13.2.4.1. Singular IO + 3P:DO 4) the CCF+t (IDt-model), in Sahel (and rarely in Lmekhzen), e.g. 742 'He will take it (M) to her/him.' A note regarding 1S:IO + 3S:DO With singular IO clitics (except for 1S:DO), the following four types and models are found. Three of them involve a dummy DO. Clitic behavior in the combination singular IO + 3P:DO (21) š-a ^s= en= t= y-ek FT-NR ^3S:IO= 3P:DO=DO= 3MS-give:A 'He will give them to him/her'.
	3S Type 1P PCF PCF+t DR+t 2P CCF+t	š-a^s=i-kk=it š-a^s=t=i-kk=it š-a^s=t=i-k Model Example (3S:IO+3P:DO) PCF PCF+t CCF 'He'll give them to him/her' I-D It-D ID-Dialect š-a^hn=i-kk=it PCF I-D I-D š-a ^s=i-kk=ihen Beni Aisi/Hmed (rare in Lmekhzen) BA/H L (BA/H) Sh, L (BA/H) BA/H š-a^hen=t=i-kk=it PCF+t It-D It-D š-a^s=t=i-kk=ihen Lmekhzen (rare in Beni Aisi/Hmed) L (BA/H) š-a^hen=t=i-k CCF ID-IDt-D š-a ^s=en=t= i-kk=ihen Sahel (rare in Lmekhzen) Sh, L (BA/H) š-a^wn=i-kk=it PCF I-D BA/H IDt-š-a ^s=en=t=y-ek Sahel (rare in Lmekhzen)
	š-a^wen=t=i-kk=it š-a^wen=t=i-k Explanation and glossed examples follow. PCF+t CCF	It-D ID-	L (BA/H) Sh, L (BA/H)
	3P combination of IO+3S:DO in the attraction contexts: š-a^sn=i-kk=it PCF I-D š-a^sen=t=i-kk=it PCF+t It-D 1) the PCF (I-D model), in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed (rare in Lmekhzen), e.g. BA/H L (BA/H)
	š-a^sen=t=i-k (15) š-a ^s= FT-NR ^3S:IO= take(:1S)^ 3S:DO CCF awi^ ḫ 'I will take it (M/F) to him/her.' (16) šk^ a ^ḵ= t= i-nna-n (18) š-a ^s= i-kk =ihen FT-NR ^3S:IO= 3MS-give:A =3P:DO ID-'He will give them to him/her.' =t? WH RM 2MS:IO= DO= RF-say:P-RF =3S:DO 2) the PCF+t (It-D model), in Lmekhzen (rare in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed), e.g. Sh, L (BA/H) 'Who told it to you (MS)?' (17) š-a ^ḵ= zzenz-a^ ḫ žžuž n lemlayen FT-NR ^2MS:IO= sell:A-1S^ 3S:DO two of million 'I will sell it to you (MS) for two million.' (19) š-a ^s= t= i-kk =ihen FT-NR ^3S:IO= DO= 3MS-give:A =3P:DO 'He will give them to him/her.'
	The following two constructions are found in Sahel (and sometimes in Lmekhzen), but have not been found in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed. They are referred to as "the Sahel models":

740

For this reason, with the fronted 1S:IO, the PCF construction (š-a^yt=i-kk=it 'He will give it to me') is impossible to distinguish from a PCF+t variant (š-a^y=t=i-kk=it 'id.').

Furthermore, a variant with the CCF (š-a^y=t=i-k 'id.') is impossible to distinguish from a variant without a DO clitic (š-a^yt=i-k 'He will give to me'). The variant š-a=yṯ=i-k can be analyzed as containing a single 1S:IO clitic yṯ ('He will give to me') or a combination of 1S:IO y + 3MS ṯ (š-a^y=ṯ=i-k 'He will give it (M) to me'). In spite of this, in the above table, the three possible models are listed for the 1S:IO (as three models exist with all the other persons). Below follow additional examples for the

  For example: š-a^s=d=i-kk=ih^iḏ 'He will give it (M) to him/her'. This model is especially frequent in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed. Just as the following model, it is based on the PCF (I-D model), where the IO is fronted and the DO is postposed (frequent in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed). The repetition of the ventive is not This model is especially frequent in Sahel (where the CCF model is also frequent for the IO+DO clitic combination). However, when both the DO and the IO have the plural form, the CCF (IDV-) model is no longer possible. In this case, Sahel behaves like other villages.

	IO Type SG obligatory, and the ventive can also appear only preverbally or only Model Examples Dialect 'He'll give them to him/her' 3S:IO+3P:DO: postverbally (in the PCF construction); 2) the PCF with two sub-types, the I-DV model, e.g. š-a^s=i-kk=ih^iḏ 'He will give it (M) to him/her', and the IV-D model, e.g. š-a^s=d=i-kk=iṯ 'id.' Both models are possible in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed, although the above (IV-DV) model is more frequent; 3) the CCF (the IDV-model), e.g. š-a^s=t^iḏ=i-k 'He will give it (M) to him/her'.
	PCF	I-D	š-a ^s=i-kk=ihen	Beni Aisi/Hmed (Lmekhzen)
	PCF+t	It-D	š-a^s=t=i-kk=ihen	Lmekhzen (Beni Aisi/Hmed)
	DR+t	IDt-D	š-a ^s=en=t= i-kk=ihen	Sahel (Lmekhzen)
	CCF+t	IDt-	š-a ^s=en=t=y-ek	Sahel (Lmekhzen)
	PL		3S:IO+3P:DO: 'He'll give them them'
	PCF	I-D	š-a^sn=i-kk=ihen	Beni Aisi/Hmed (Lmekhzen)
	PCF+t	It-D	š-a^sen=t=i-kk=ihen	Sahel/Lmekhzen (Beni Aisi/Hmed)
	such examples are ambiguous.	In Hmed,

2. Prohibitives: Split of the Clitic from the Verb As

  There is a correlation between the constructions used with the IO+DO clitics and the IO+DO+ventive clitics. In Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed, where with the IO+DO combination, the PCF (I-D model) is the most frequent variant, the ventive clitic is usually repeated when all the three clitics occur (the IV-DV model). The IV-DV model is derived from the I-D model by adding the ventive clitic after each of the pronominal clitics. Although this is the preferred variant in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed, ventive repetition is optional, and any of the two ventives can be omitted, yielding two PCF constructions (IV-D and I-DV). Both models are possible in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed, although they are less frequent than the IV-DV model.In other Senhaja varieties, there is no problem with the CCF scenario, and all the three clitics appear together (IDV-model, as found in Sahel). Compare the following Sahel, As with the IO+DO clitic combination, there are differences depending on the number of the DO clitic. The CCF scenario (IDV-) is not compatible with 3P:DO clitic. The following table provides a paradigm with the verb š-a y-ek 'he will give' with the person singular DO pronouns is not distinguished. However, in Lmekhzen, when DO is represented by the third person, there is an alternative construction, where ventive is found in the preverbal position, while DO+(repeated) ventive are found in the postverbal position (example b below): the V-DV model. In this case, the gender of the DO clitic is distinguished. Compare:The clitic (or the clitic chain) is thus separated from the verb (SCV). The same phenomenon is found in Seddat and (optionally) in Taghzut with the prohibitives that include a clitic, although the prohibitive i is not used in these varieties outside this context. Outside the prohibitives, SCV does not occur in Senhaja. Some examples from When the prohibitive contains an IO and a DO, the clitic chain can be split, and when the verb form includes the ventive as a third clitic, it can be repeated, as in other verb forms with this clitic combination. Examples follow.

	IO 1S 2MS 2FS 3S 1P 2P 3P Taghzut, and Hmed examples: Forms š-a^y=d=i-kk=ih^iḏ š-a^y=d=i-kk=iṯ š-a^(y)t=i-kk=ih^iḏ 748 š-a^y=t=iḏ=i-k š-a^ḵ=d=i-kk=ih^iḏ š-a^ḵ=d=i-kk=iṯ š-a^ḵ=i-kk=ih^iḏ š-a^ḵ=t^iḏ=i-k š-a^m=d=i-kk=ih^iḏ š-a^m=d=i-kk=iṯ š-a^m=i-kk=ih^iḏ š-a^m=t^iḏ=i-k š-a^s=d=i-kk=ih^iḏ š-a^s=d=i-kk=iṯ š-a^s=i-kk=ih^iḏ š-a^s=t^iḏ=i-k š-a^hen=d=i-kk=ih^iḏ š-a^hen=d=i-kk=iṯ š-a^hn=i-kk=ih^iḏ š-a^hen=t=iḏ=i-k š-a^wen=d=i-kk=ih^iḏ š-a^wen=d=i-kk=iṯ š-a^wn=i-kk=ih^iḏ š-a^wen=t=iḏ=i-k š-a^sen=d=i-kk=ih^iḏ š-a^sen=d=i-kk=iṯ š-a^sn=i-kk=ih^iḏ š-a^sen=t=iḏ=i-k (38) š-a ^s= ṯ š-a ^s= t FT-NR ^3S:IO=3MS:DO ^VC=3MS-give:A Type VR PCF PCF CCF VR PCF PCF CCF VR PCF PCF CCF VR PCF PCF CCF VR PCF PCF CCF VR PCF PCF CCF VR PCF PCF CCF ^iḏ= i-k (K-Sahel/T/Z) Model IV-DV IV-D I-DV IDV-IV-DV IV-D I-DV IDV-IV-DV IV-D I-DV IDV-IV-DV IV-D I-DV IDV-IV-DV IV-D I-DV IDV-IV-DV IV-D I-DV IDV-IV-DV IV-D I-DV IDV-^id= i-k (H) 'He will give it (M) to him/her (here).' 3P š-a^sen=d=i-kk=ihen=d VR IV-DV š-a^sen=d=i-kk=ihen PCF IV-D š-a^sn=i-kk=ihen=d PCF I-DV (43) u d i ḵeššem ši NEG VC NEG enter:I:IMP:SG NEG 'Do not enter (SG) here!' (50) u ^s d i takk =ih 'Do not give (SG) it (M) to him/her (here)!' NEG 3S:IO VC NEG give:I:IMP:SG =3MS:DO ^VC NEG Dialect BA/H (BA/H) (BA/H) Sh (BA/H) BA/H (BA/H) (BA/H) Sh (BA/H) BA/H (BA/H) (BA/H) Sh (BA/H) BA/H (BA/H) (BA/H) Sh (BA/H) BA/H (BA/H) (BA/H) Sh (BA/H) BA/H (BA/H) (BA/H) Sh (BA/H) BA/H (BA/H) Sh (BA/H) (BA/H) (BA/H) ^iḏ ši Ketama follow. For Taghzut, see Section 12.5. An example with the ventive repetition (IV-DV model): BA/H (BA/H) In Sahel, where with the IO+DO combination, the CCF (ID-model) is the only grammatical variant, the ventive is also fronted when all the three clitics occur (CCF: the IDV-model). The IDV-model is also possible in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed, although there, it occurs rarely. (34) š-a ^s= d= awi-ḫ ^ḫ FT-NR ^3S:IO=VC= take:A-1S ^3MS:DO ^VC 'I will bring it (M) here for him/her.' (35) u ^s= d= i-qqṛ =ih ^ed šay NEG ^3S:IO=VC= 3MS-say:I =3FS:DO ^VC 'He is not saying it (F) to him/her.' (36) š-a ^y= d ^zzenz-et^ t ^iḏ? FT-NR ^1S:IO=VC ^(2S:)sell:A-2S^3MS:DO ^VC (37) š-a ^ḵ ^d= i-rri =h ^ed (K) š-a^hn=i-kk=ihen=d PCF I-DV (BA/H) 2P š-a^wen=d=i-kk=ihen=d VR IV-DV BA/H š-a^wen=d=i-kk=ihen PCF IV-D (BA/H) š-a^wn=i-kk=ihen=d PCF I-DV (BA/H) (49) u ^s t i tak =iṯ 'Do not give (SG) it (M) to him/her!' NEG 3S:IO DO NEG give:I:IMP:SG =3MS:DO NEG ši FT-NR ^2MS:IO ^VC= 3MS-return:A =3FS:DO ^VC 1P š-a^hen=d=i-kk=ihen=d VR IV-DV BA/H š-a^hen=d=i-kk=ihen PCF IV-D (BA/H) An example with the preverbal dummy DO: 'Will you (SG) sell it (M) to me?' š-a^m=i-kk=ihen=d PCF I-DV (BA/H) 3S š-a^s=d=i-kk=ihen=d VR IV-DV BA/H š-a^s=d=i-kk=ihen PCF IV-D (BA/H) š-a^s=i-kk=ihen=d PCF I-DV (BA/H) (48) u ^s i takk =it 'Do not give (SG) it (F) to him/her!' NEG 3S:IO NEG give:I:IMP:SG =3FS:DO NEG ši NEG š-a^ḵ=d=i-kk=ihen PCF IV-D (BA/H) š-a^ḵ=i-kk=ihen=d PCF I-DV (BA/H) 2FS š-a^m=d=i-kk=ihen=d VR IV-DV BA/H š-a^m=d=i-kk=ihen PCF IV-D (BA/H) (47) u ^yṯ i qqṛ =it 'Do not tell (SG) it (F) to me!' NEG 1S:IO NEG say:I:IMP:SG =3FS:DO NEG ši ^iḏ 2MS š-a^ḵ=d=i-kk=ihen=d VR IV-DV BA/H Additional examples from Ketama (Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed dialects) follow: 13.3.3. IO + 3P:DO + Ventive IO+3P:DO+ventive clitics: 'He will give them (3P:DO) to [someone] (with various IO clitics) here/in this direction'. 749 IO+3P:DO+ventive with the verb 'to give' in 3MS Aorist IO IO+DO Type Model Dialect 1S š-a^y=d=i-kk=ihen=d VR IV-DV BA/H š-a^y=d=i-kk=ihen PCF IV-D (BA/H) š-a^yt=i-kk=ihen=d 750 PCF I-DV (BA/H) h= d= i-ẓeṛ (K: Beni Aisi, Beni Hmed) 'He will see him/her (from far).' (b) š-a d= i-ẓṛ =ih ^i (K: Lmekhzen) FT-NR VC= 3MS-see:A =3MS:DO ^VC (c) š-a d= i-ẓṛ =ih FT-NR VC= 3MS-see:A =3MS:DO ^VC ^ed (K: Lmekhzen) 'He will see him (from far).' (46) u h d i tak 'Do not give (SG) it (here)!' NEG 3S:DO VC NEG give:I:IMP:SG NEG ši FT-NR 3S:DO=VC= 3MS-see:A (45) u t i tak ši NEG 3FS:DO NEG give:I:IMP:SG NEG 'Do not give (SG) it (F)!' gender in third (42) (a) š-a (44) u ^yṯ i qqaṛ ši 'Do not tell (SG) me!' NEG 1S:IO NEG say:I:IMP:SG NEG 13.4.

'He will return it (F) to you (MS) (here).' ¶ Comparative note (Senhaja)

749

No data from the Sahel dialect are available for this context.

750

Also: š-a^yṯ=i-kk=ihen=d.

'He will see her (from far).'

It is possible that in this case, the alternative construction divergent from the usual clitic fronting developed in Lmekhzen due to the drive to maintain the difference between 3MS and 3FS:DO pronouns. 13.4.mentioned previously, Ketama has a specialized prohibitive i (Section 5.2.2.2), and Ketama prohibitives with the clitics have a special scheme: u + CLITIC(S) + i + VERB + ši/šay.

3.2. Imperfective Negative and Prohibitive A single clitic

  Although clitic fronting (partial or complete) is normally obligatory in attraction contexts in Ketama, the Sahel dialect allows for postverbal clitics in Imperfective Negative forms. The same is found in Taghzut and Hmed, where clitics can be postposed in Imperfective Negative in combination with the negator (u)la. In Sahel, however, there is no specialized Imperfective negator, and the general u is used, or no preverbal negator in combination with the 3MS verb subject prefix i-, e.g.

	(54) (-) (u)la (u)la NEG	i-ḵeššem y-ḵeččem =d šay (T) =d šay (K: Sahel) y-ḵeččm =id šay (H) 3MS-enter:I=VC NEG

'He does not enter.' Also, in prohibitives, in all these varieties, clitics can remain postposed (with the general negator u), e.g.

Assimilation of the IPF t-prefix in Ketama/Zerqet vs. Hmed Original form > Realization Translation Variety

	particle, there are different realizations depending on the variety (and the analysis, cf. Section 3.4.1.2), e.g. (6) š-a y-eḵšem (K) š-a ḏ-eḵšem (T/H) š-aḏ i-ḵšem (Z) FT-NR 3MS-enter:A 'He will enter.'
	In the Perfective Negative, we find: (7) u y-eḵšem šay (K)~ (-) i-ḵšem šay (K) u ḏ-eḵšem š (T/H) uḏ i-ḵšem š (Z) NEG 3MS-enter:P NEG
	š-a^t-deḫḫel > š-a^d^deḫḫel	she will make enter	K/Z
	š-a^t-deḫḫel	she will make enter	H
	š-a d=ṯ-deḫḫel> š-a d^deḫḫel	she will make enter here	pan-Snh
	t-deḫḫal>ddeḫḫal	make enter (IPF)	K/Z
	ṯ-ddeḫḫal>ddeḫḫal	she makes enter	Z
	(a)h-ddeḫḫal	she makes enter	K
	țdeḫḫal	make enter (IPF)	H
	ṯ-țdeḫḫal > țdeḫḫal	she makes enter	H
	ṯ-deḫḫel	she made enter	H/Z
	(a)h-deḫḫel	she made enter	K

The passive prefix t(t)-behaves differently from the Imperfective prefix t(t)-in that it normally does not assimilate to the following d of the verb stem, e.g. t(t)deḫḫel, passive of deḫḫel 'to make enter' (most Snh.). The following table summarizes the forms are contrasts Ketama/Zerqet (assimilating varieties) and Hmed (non-assimilating variety) when it comes to the assimilation of the IPF prefix t-to the d-of the verb stem. The behavior of the 3FS subject marker is also illustrated. The PERF (nonassimilated) forms are provided for comparison.

'He did not enter.' 14.1.2.3. 1S subject suffix and postverbal particle (Ketama)

Preverbal third person singular DO clitics and the ventive

  It is therefore the form of the ventive that distinguishes 3MS:DO and 3FS:DO in Ketama. Examples follow.For the preverbal third person DO clitics and the ventive, the forms are as follows:

	(12) i-ẓṛa i-ẓṛa i-ẓṛa 3MS-see:P =3FS:DO =h =ț =t 'He saw her (from far).'	^ed (K) ^id (H) ^iḏ (Z) ^VC
	Postverbal third person singular DO clitics with the ventive DO+ventive K S T/H B Z Compare the following forms with the assimilation of 1S subject suffix -ġ: (13) (a) wwi-ḫ^ ḫ ^iḏ (K) take:P-1S^ 3MS:DO ^VC 'I brought him here.' (b) wwi-ḫ^ ḫ ^ed (K) take:P-1S^ 3FS:DO ^VC 'I brought her here.'
	3MS+ventive ṯ^i(ḏ), h^i(ḏ) 3FS+ventive ṯ^ed, h^ed 3MS:DO + ventive (9) ẓṛa-n =ṯ ẓṛa-n =ṯ 2) DO+ventive K S ẓṛa-n =ṯ 3MS+ventive h=d ṯ=id see:P-3P =3MS:DO (10) i-ẓṛa =h i-ẓṛa =h i-ẓṛa =ṯ i-ẓṛa =ṯ 3MS-see:P =3MS:DO (11) ẓṛa-n =ṯ ẓṛa-n =t ẓṛa-n =ț see:P-3P =3FS:DO 'They saw her (from far).' ^iḏ (K/Z) ṯ^id t^id T/H ^i (K-Sahel/Lmekhzen) ṯ^id ṯ^iḏ ț^id t^id B Z t^id ṯ=id ṯ=iḏ (~ḏ=iḏ) ṯ^iḏ t^iḏ (~t^id) ^id (H) ^VC ^id (H) ^iḏ (Z) ^ed (K) 3FS:DO + ventive 'He saw him (from far).' ^VC ^iḏ (Z) ^id (H) ^i (K-Sahel/Lmekhzen) ^iḏ (K) 'They saw him (from far).' ^VC 3FS+ventive h=d t=id ț=id t=id t=iḏ (~t^id, d^id)

757

The 3MS:DO clitic is realized as h in an intervocalic position in Ketama.

758

Historically, 3FS:DO was tet. The current ṯ^ed is a result of assimilation: tet + d > t^ed (> ṯ^ed > h^ed). In other Senhaja varieties, the form of the ventive following the 3MS:DO and 3FS:DO is the same, which must be the result of analogy.

Non-third Person DO Clitics and the Ventive 1) Second Person Singular DO Clitics and the Ventive

	15) š-a š-a š-a š-a FT-NR 3FS:DO= VC= 3MS-see:A h= d= i-ẓeṛ (K) ț ^id= i-ẓeṛ (H) t= ^iḏ= i-ẓeṛ (Z) ~ d ^id= i-ẓeṛ (Z) 'He will see her (from far).'
	14.2.1.2. In Taghzut and Hmed, the ventive is realized as id also following 2MS:DO (and in Taghzut also following 2FS:DO), in both postverbal and preverbal positions, e.g. 760
	(16) i-ẓṛa 3MS-see:P =2MS:DO =VC =k= id (T/H) 'He saw you (MS).'
	(17) š-a š-a FT-NR 'He will see you (MS).' k= k= 2MS:DO=	id= i-mmaher (T) id= i-ẓeṛ (H) VC= 3MS-see:A
	2) Plural

DO Clitics and the Ventive a) Third person plural DO clitic and the ventive

  In a preverbal position, 3P:DO is followed by the ventive d in most varieties, and by id in Taghzut and parts of Hmed (Imugzan dialect). In Zerqet, a long-distance assimilation is optional: ṯen=d ~ ḏen^d. For example:

	(19) š-a š-a š-a š-a FT-NR 'He will bring them (here).' hen= d= y-awi (K/H) tn= id= y-awi (T/H-Imugzan) ṯen = d= y-awi (S/B/Z) ḏen^ d= y-awi (Z) 3P:DO=VC= 3MS-take:A
	b) 1P:DO and 2P:DO and the ventive Besides the 3P:DO, the Hmed variety optionally allows for the ventive id (alongside a more general d) after the 1P and 2P clitics in a fronted position, e.g.
	(20) š-a š-a FT-NR 1P:DO=VC= 3MS-ser:A ġen= d= i-ẓeṛ (H) ~ ġn= id= i-ẓeṛ (H) 'He will see us.' (21) š-a kʷen= d= i-ẓeṛ (H) ~ š-a kʷn= id= i-ẓeṛ (H) FT-NR 2P:DO=VC= 3MS-ser:A 'He will see you (PL).'
	14.2
	The combination of the third person plural DO clitic and the ventive in a postverbal position is regular (ṯen=d, Ketama hen=d when following a vowel):
	(18) i-ẓṛa i-ẓṛa 3MS-see:P =3P:DO=VC =hen =d (K) =ṯen =d (the rest of Snh.) 'He saw them (from far).'

.2. Assimilations in the Clitic Chain 14.2.2.1. Pronominal Clitics and the Ventive

  the pronominal clitics are followed by the ventive, there can be assimilation in voice, e.g. the 3S:IO as can be realized as az before d, and the 2MS (DO/IO) clitic aḵ can be realized as aḡ before d in Ketama and Zerqet.762 This assimilation can take place both in postverbal and preverbal position. This assimilation is not noted in the present study (outside the present section). In Hmed, the assimilation does not take place. For

	(24) i-kka i-kka 3MS-give:P 3S:IO=VC ^s =d (K/H/Z) ^z^ d (K/Z) (25) š-a ^s= d= i-k (K/H/Z) š-a ^z^ d= i-k (K/Z) FT-NR ^3S:IO=VC= 3MS-give:A 'He will give to him/her.' 2MS:IO + ventive (26) i-kka ^ḵ =d (K/H/Z) i-kka ^ḡ 3MS-give:P ^2MS:IO 'He gave to you (MS).' =VC ^d (K/Z) (28) i-kka ^s (29) i-kka ^s (30) i-kka ^s 3MS-give:P ^3S:IO =3FS:DO =t (K: Beni Aisi) 'He gave it (M=F) to him/her.' 3MS-give:P ^3S:IO =3S:DO =t (K) 'He gave it (M) to him/her.' 3MS-give:P ^3S:IO =3MS:DO =ṯ (K: Beni Aisi) 'He gave to him/her.' distinction is usually maintained in the dialect of Beni Aisi, e.g. Beni Hmed, Sahel, and Lmekhzen dialects), thus merging with the 3FS:DO clitic t. The In Ketama, when the 3MS:DO clitic ṯ follows an IO clitic, it can become t (especially in 3S:IO + ventive 14.2.2.2. The IO and DO Clitics Combination example: Preverbal ventive Postverbal ventive š-a ^sen ^d= y-awi ~ š-a ^zen ^d= y-awi FT-NR ^3P:IO^VC=3MS-take:A 'He will bring for them.' i-wwy (*iwwy 'He brought for them.' 3MS-take:P=3P:IO=VC =azen =d) =asen =d 1P:
	(27) š-a š-a FT-NR ^2MS:IO= VC= 3MS-give:A ^ḵ= d= i-k (K/H/Z) ^ḡ= d= i-k (K/Z) 'He will give to you (MS).' In Ketama, the postverbal 1P:DO/IO is realized as na, but is naġ^d when in combination with the ventive, e.g. 761 3P:IO + ventive
	(22) i-ẓṛa 3MS-see:P =1P:DO =(ya)na (K) 'He saw us.' (23) i-ẓṛa =(ya)naġ^ d (K) 3MS-see:P =1P:DO VC Variety + 3MS:DO +3FS:DO In Zerqet, long-distance assimilation of s in 3P:IO clitic asen to the ventive can +3P:DO K/Z naḫ^ṯ naḫ^t naḫ^ṯen (optionally) take place, probably by analogy with the 3S:IO as > az. This has not been K na(ḫ)^ḫ na(ḫ)^ḫ naḫ^ḫen found in other Senhaja varieties, but is found in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 55). This (postverbal forms are provided for comparison): happens only when the clitics are fronted. Compare the following examples H naġ=ṯ naġ=ț naġ=ṯen

'He saw us (from far).'

761

Cf. Section 14.3.1.2 on the 1S subject suffix -a > aġ when in combination with the clitics.

When

762

The sound ḡ is otherwise rare in Ketama and Zerqet.

'He gave it (F) to him/her.' When a third person DO clitic follows the 1P:IO clitic (Zerqet naġ, Ketama na, underlyingly naġ), there is assimilation of the final -ġ to the following consonant in voice in Ketama and Zerqet, while in Hmed, the forms do not assimilate (cf. Section 12.3.2.1 for the complete paradigm). Furthermore, in Ketama, the initial consonant of the third person DO clitic can (optionally) assimilate to the final (devoiced) ḫ of the 1P:IO clitic. In this case, the 3MS:DO and 3FS:DO clitic merge. Thus:

1P:IO naġ and third person DO clitics

The following table shows the forms with the ventive (cf. Section 12.3.2.2 for the complete paradigm):

IO naġ + third person DO clitics + the ventive

PNG Suffixes and Postverbal Clitics 14.3.1.1. Postverbal Clitics and Schwa Retention

  The initial vowel in pronominal clitics (except the third person DO) is elided after the vowel of the preceding preverbal element (e.g. the negator u, the future š-a, the relative marker a,

	Variety + 3MS:DO +3FS:DO (33) š-a^ (a)s= y-en (K) 'He will tell him/her.' FT-NR ^3S:IO= 3MS-say:A 14.3.1.2.	+3P:DO
	K K Z H In those rare cases where the fronted clitic is not preceded by a vowel, which is naḫ^ṯ^iḏ naḫ^t^ed naḫ^ṯen=d naḫ^ḫ^iḏ naḫ^ḫ^ed naḫ^ḫen=d naḫ^ṯ^iḏ naḫ^t^iḏ naḫ^ṯen=d naġ=ṯ=iḏ naġ=ț=id naġ=ṯen=d possible in Zerqet after some conjunctions, the fronted clitic is V-initial (also for the DO clitics), e.g.
	(34) amis when 2MS= 3MS-see:P aḵ= i-ẓṛa (Z) 'When he saw you.'
	14.3.1. resyllabified. Compare:
	(35) (a) ṣeṛṛd ̱̣ -aġ (K/H/Z) send:P-1S 'I sent.' (b) ṣeṛṛd ̱̣ -aġ =as (K) ṣeṛṛed ̱̣ -ġ =as (H/Z) send:P-1S =3S:IO 'I sent to him/her.'
	etc.), or the vowels coalesce. For example: (32) u ḵ= i-wwi š (K/Z) NEG 2MS:DO/IO =3MS-take:P NEG (36) (a) šebbṛ-en (K/H/Z) grab:P-3P 'They grabbed.' (b) šebbṛ-an =ay (K) šebbeṛ-n =ay (H/Z) grab:P-3P =1S:IO/DO 'They grabbed (for) me.'

3.1)

, and between the PNG prefixes and fronted clitics (Section 14.

3.2)

. Also, there is interaction between the clitics and the verb stem or particles. As discussed in Section 2.4.2 in Phonology, when a V-final verb stem is followed by a V-initial clitic, two strategies are possible: either the vowels coalesce, or a semivowel is inserted (hiatustilger), e.g. the underlying i-nna + as (3MS-say:P + 3S:IO) can result in innas (K/H/Z) or innayas (Z, parts of Ketama, but not Hmed) 'he told him'. 'He did not take you (MS).'/'He did not take (something) to you (MS).'

763

The IO+DO clitic chain is usually split in attraction contexts in Ketama, cf. Section 13.2.

A number of subject suffixes that are normally realized with a schwa, such as e.g. 3P suffix -en, change schwa to a when followed by a V-initial clitic in Ketama. This is due to the avoidance of a schwa in an open syllable.

764

In other varieties, the verbal form is

1S Subject Suffix and the Clitics

plural suffix in combination with the clitics The imperative plural form 'Give!' in combination with the clitics 14.3.2. PNG Prefixes and Preverbal Clitics 14.3.2.1. 2S/3FS/2P Subject Prefix and Preverbal Clitics

  In Ketama, the final ṯ of the imperative plural suffix undergoes assimilation to the following ṯ/t of the third person DO clitic pronouns, and also to the ventive clitic d. In Hmed, the imperative plural suffix ṯ is separated from the 3FS:DO clitic ț and the ventive d by a schwa, and there is no assimilation. With the 3MS:DO clitic (originally ṯ) and the 3P:DO clitic (originally ṯen), reinterpretation took place: the assimilated imperative plural forms (with the final -t for the 3MS:DO, from -ṯ+ṯ, and the final -tten for the 3P:DO clitic, from -ṯ+ṯen) got reinterpreted as allomorphs of the third person clitics, and the imperative plural suffix -ṯ was added subsequently before them, hence -ṯ=et (for 3MS:DO) and -ṯ=etten (for 3P:DO). Finally, in Zerqet, the imperative plural suffix -eṯ is substituted by the suffix -em when in combination with the clitics. The table and examples follow.

	(41) ẓṛi-ġ ẓṛi-ġ see:P-1S =3P:DO =ṯen =ṯen (H) 'I saw them.'	>	ẓṛi-ḫ^ṯen (K/Z) > ẓṛi-ḫ^ḫen (K)
	The following table compares the forms.
	Assimilation of 1S subject marker -ġ to the 3 rd person DO clitics
	DO	Hmed		Zerqet/Ketama Ketama	Translation
	3MS ẓri-ġ=ṯ	ẓri-ḫ^ṯ		ẓri-ḫ^(ḫ)	I saw him/it (F).
	3FS 3P Imperative ẓri-ġ=ț ẓri-ġ=ṯen	ẓri-ḫ^t ẓri-ḫ^ṯen	ẓri-ḫ^(ḫ) ẓri-ḫ^ḫen	I saw her/it (F). I saw them.
	2S subject suffix in combination with the clitics
	+ 3MS:DO	+3FS:DO	+3P:DO	+Ventive
	K/H/Z		K/Z	H	K/H/Z	K/H/Z
	-ḏ+ṯ > t	-ḏ+t > t	-ḏ+ț > ț -ḏ+ṯen > -t^ten	-ḏ + d > d
	see:P-1S 'I saw her.' (42) (a) ṯ-ekki^ =3FS:DO t (Z) h-ekki^ t (K) 2-give:P(:2S)^ 3S:DO 'You (SG) gave it (M/F).' (b) ṯ-ekki^ t (H) 2-give:P(:2S)^ 3MS:DO 'You (SG) gave it (M).' (c) ṯ-ekki^ ț (H) 2-give:P(:2S)^ 3FS:DO 'You (SG) gave it (F).'

765

The same happens with a postverbal negator, cf. Section 14.1.2.3. Compare also the realization of 1P:DO/IO clitic na, which is realized as naġ when in combination with another clitic (Section 14.2.2.2).

14.3.1.3. 2S Subject Suffix and the Clitics

There is assimilation of the 2S subject suffix -ḏ with the following DO clitics and the ventive across Senhaja. With the singular DO clitics, the masculine and the feminine genders merge in Ketama and Zerqet, but remain distinguished in Hmed. The table and examples follow.

  The studied varieties are interesting from various points of view. For example, there is a separate morphological class of adjectives, which is not common among Berber languages. In Senhaja, adjectives form a distinct class. Some Senhaja varieties allow for adjectives to be conjugated, which makes them similar to verbs, albeit lacking the aspectual distinctions. Another interesting morphological category is constituted by the impersonal verbs. Unlike adjectives and like verbs, they can have aspectual distinctions and have a verbal origin. Different from the regular verbs, they do not have obligatory PNG subject markers, or use a petrified 3MS subject prefix. Very often, such words take IO pronominal clitics. Pseudo-verbs is another category of words that can take verbal pronominal clitics (usually, DO clitics), while lacking all other verbal characteristics (such as PNG subject marking or aspectual distinctions). The pronominal clitics found with pseudo-verbs have the same form as pronominal clitics found with verbs, albeit they do not undergo clitic fronting under special syntactic conditions, which normally trigger clitic fronting with regular verbs.

  literature on Berber. Long consonants are doubled in the transcription, e.g. bb[bː]. are in free variation. In some cases, plosive or spirantized pronunciation is obligatory. Plosives might have different sources, such as: 1) borrowing, 2) simplification of the original geminates, 3) depharyngealization of emphatics. In some contexts, spirantization may be blocked (e.g. after n). While all Senhaja varieties spirantize, the phonemes ḇ and ḡ are not found in all varieties, and are marginal in Senhaja. Most Senhaja varieties lave labialized velars. Labialized phonemes are not found in Ketama and Taghzut, although some traces of lost labialization are still discernible in Ketama.In Senhaja varieties, *l and *ll underwent different changes. In most varieties (K/S/H, parts of Bunsar), *l > y. In Taghzut, *l > ž. In Mezduy, *l > r (as in Tarifiyt).In Zerqet, *l has been preserved. Long *ll > ǧǧ in most Senhaja varieties (S/B/Z/M). It corresponds to ll or žž in Taghzut. In Ketama and Hmed, *ll is preserved.In the vocalic system, the phonetic status of the central vowel schwa is ambiguous. Schwa is not found in open syllables, and in most cases, serves as a syllable-forming device. However, some occurrences of schwa are not predictable, and in such words, it must be considered inherent. In the final syllable before back

	Isogloss	Ketama Hmed Zerqet	Notes
	Labialized velars	-	+	+	Ghm: yes. No short velars in Rif.
	b > ḇ Pharyngealized (traditionally called "emphatic") consonants are written with a dot -+ dialectal b > ḇ also in Taghzut, Ghm, Rif g > ḡ --+ g > ḡ also in Seddat, Ghm, Rif
	g>ḡ>y(>Ø) (in some cases)	-	+	+	Not in Rif
	Labialization is written with a superscript [ʷ], e.g. kʷ. There are three plain t>ṯ>h(>Ø) + rare -Also Taghzut (dialectal), Ghm. Not in Rif (in some cases) (peripheral) vowels (a, i, u) and a central vowel, schwa [ə], written here as e. The existence of ț -+ -Also in Taghzut, Seddat (dialectal). Not in Ghm/Rif
	s -tts, z -ddz	-	-	+	Not in Ghm/Rif
	š -čč	-	+	+	Also in Seddat, Taghzut, Ghm. Not in Rif.

underneath, e.g. ṭ

[tˁ]

. Underscore indicates that the consonant is spirantized, e.g. ṯ

[θ], ḏ [ð], d ̱̣ [ðˁ]. The IPA [ʃ] is written as š; [ʒ] as ž; [t͡ s] as ț; [t͡ ʃ] as č; [d͡ ʒ] as ǧ; [ħ]

as ḥ, [x] as ḫ, [ɣ] as ġ; [ʔ] (the glottal stop) as <'>, [ʕ] as ɛ, and [j] as y. symbol ^ indicates vowel elision, truncation, and assimilation. The Senhaja consonantal system has opposition of voice, length, and pharyngealization. The Senhaja varieties are generally spirantizing, albeit in many contexts, plosives and their spirantized counterparts consonants, the differences between the schwa and a are neutralized. The high vowels u and i interchange with the semivowels w and y in some contexts. The sequences of two vowels are avoided by means of vowel elision, insertion of a semivowel (Hiatustilger), or turning a vowel into a semivowel. The following table summarizing the isoglosses in phonetics/phonology within Senhaja (K, H, Z). Comparisons with Ghomara (Ghm) and Tarifiyt (Rif) are provided. *l -*ll y -ll y -ll l -ǧǧ Taghzut ž -žž, Seddat/Bunsar y -ǧǧ. Ghm l -ll, Mezduy and Rif r -ǧǧ

  many types of verbs, AOR=PERF, especially in CCC and CC:C verbs, and in derivations based on these verbs. There are some CC verbs that have AOR=PERF: d ̱̣ er (S) 'to fall', ġez (H) 'to dig', res (H) 'to land', and rez (H/B/Z) 'to return (trans.)'. The difference between the CC* (with an alternating vowel) and CC (AOR=PERF) verbs is another isogloss that distinguishes Senhaja from Tarifiyt. The Perfective Negative is preserved in Mezduy and parts of Zerqet (Wersan). It is derived from the Perfective by the vowel change (a > i) or insertion. Sometimes, a remains unchanged. Verbs without a plain vowel insert i before the final consonant. Unlike in Tarifiyt, i can be inserted in CC:C verbs and in CCCC verbs.

	The Perfective Negative.

The Imperfective. There are different ways to form the Imperfective: C2 gemination (across Senhaja); C1 gemination combined with u insertion (in Central and Eastern Senhaja); by means of the Imperfective prefix t(t)-. The prefix is often combined with vocalic changes, such as 1) insertion of a vowel; 2) replacement of the final vowel; 3) addition of a final vowel; 4) insertion/replacement of a vowel and addition of a final vowel. The same verb can have multiple Imperfectives. There are dialectal preferences in the Imperfective formation.

  Some nouns have a collective form with Arabic morphology, while a corresponding Berberized feminine noun refers to a unit. The unit noun can in turn have a feminine plural class I form, e.g. tteffaḥ (coll.) 'apples', ṯateffaḥṯ 'apple', ṯiteffaḥin 'apples' (pl). Some nouns have internal diminutives. In a few cases, the Arabic apophonic pattern is borrowed to derive a diminutive from a Berber native noun. Some nouns are formed on the basis of borrowed Arabic adjectives.Verbal nouns are often borrowed from Arabic, and can have a suppletive relation to Berber native verbs. Some Berber-morphology verbal nouns derived from the base verb are also found. Some verbs have two corresponding verbal nouns (a native derived one and a borrowed one), resulting in doublets, e.g. ḵšem 'to enter', aḵšam ~

ddḫul 'entering'.

  Adjectives are conjugated in parts of Senhaja, making them quasi-verbs. There are substantial differences across Senhaja in the marking of adjectives. In Ketama and Hmed, adjectives are never conjugated, while in Seddat, lexemes cognate with Berber adjectives are conjugated with the regular PNG affixes. Some varieties (T/B/Z) have both conjugated and non-conjugated Berber adjectives. Conjugation may be carried out by suffixes only (T/B, parts of Z), or can be regular (parts of Zerqet). In Taghzut and Bunsar, Arabic adjectives and participles can also be conjugated. This conjugation is carried out by suffixes only. The suffixal conjugation recalls the stative verbs found in many Berber varieties. However, conjugated adjectives in Senhaja are not verbs, because they lack MA(N) distinctions. Conjugated adjectives can be regarded as an intermediate category between adjectives and verbs.

	There are native Berber and borrowed Arabic adjectives, differing in morphological marking, but fulfilling the same function. Borrowed Arabic participles share some features with adjectives: they can modify the head noun; they distinguish the same number of forms (masculine singular, feminine singular, and plural); Arabic adjectives with external plurals and participles share the same suffixes to mark the gender and number. Only Berber adjectives have morphologically derived relative forms (used in relative clauses).

  In the absence of any suffix, the 1S reference is understood, e.g. gma 'my brother' vs. gma-s 'his/her brother'. In singular suffixes, there is no variation in Senhaja. Variations is found in the plural forms. In Mezduy, with plural suffixes, ṯ is inserted between the kinship term and the suffix (as in Tarifiyt). In Ketama and Taghzut, plural pronominal suffixes are not used in some dialects.

	Independent Personal Pronouns. Independent personal pronouns in Senhaja express person, number, and gender. The gender is distinguished in the 2S and 3S across Senhaja, and in 2P and 3P only in Eastern Senhaja (Z/M). Some pronouns have different forms which are either in free variation or reflect dialectal preferences. Some pronouns have a short and a long form. Varieties differ in spirantization of k (>ḵ) (2S, 2P), ṯ > h (3FS), t > ț (Hmed, Taghzut in 3MS, 3FS), vowel u vs. e (1P, 2P).

Pronominal Suffixes with Nouns and Prepositions. Pronominal suffixes are pronouns suffixed to a limited set of kinship nouns and to prepositions. Some kinship terms (Class III) accept pronominal suffixes to express possession, while regular nouns use the Genitive construction with n 'of'.

  Some prepositions originated from nouns and preserve nominal characteristics. A few Arabic borrowed prepositions can take Arabic pronominal suffixes. This is marginal in Senhaja, and examples are limited to fixed expressions borrowed from Arabic. Prepositions can be divided into groups according to the state of the noun that follows. Most prepositions take the noun in EA, e.g. the Genitive n 'of'. Following some prepositions ending in -g (T/Z)/gʷ (H), masculine singular nouns have a special form of EA lacking the initial full vowel. This is found in Taghzut, Hmed, and Zerqet: g (T/Z)/gʷ (H) 'in': g eḫyam (T/Z)/ gʷ eḫḫam (H) 'in the house'; the homophonous Dative g (Z)/ gʷ (H) 'for'; and the Ablative zeg (T/Z)/ zigʷ (H) 'from'. Some prepositions (e.g. anda 'like') take the noun in EL,

sometimes in free variation with EA, e.g. bla yaryaz (H/Z) ~ bla weryaz (H/Z) 'without a man'. There are dialectal differences. Following some prepositions, the state of the noun is linked to the gender, as in the case with the Allative za 'to' (H/Z): za^(a)rrar 'to the threshing floor' (EL, masculine noun) vs. za ṯḥanut (H/Z) 'to the shop' (EA, feminine noun).

Appendix 1. Texts in Senhaja Berber Ketama Berber: 'A joke about a mouse'

  This joke was recorded in 2014 with an 11-year-old female speaker (Sana) in Beni Hmed.768 It is in Beni Hmed dialect of Ketama. This joke was accompanied by some expressive sounds and gestures that are difficult to represent in a written text. They are explained in footnotes. Expressive lengthening is represented by repeating the vowel, as e.g. in i-ddaaaa 'he went', i-ntleeeef 'he got lost'.PST be:P-3P living-PL in Morocco in one house:EL in Morocco 'So, one man with his wife was living in Morocco, in one house in Morocco.' Let's go to France, let's travel and see the world.'768 More texts (some with, some without the glosses) in different Senhaja varieties can be consulted at https://academia.li/gutova/senhaja-texts. This file also contains the links to some audio recordings. :P-3P when(^RM) go:P-3P stay:P-3P in France some time 'They went. When they went, they stayed in France some time...' 'He found two mice, (and) he out one here, and he put (another) one here, right?' 769 He went to one Frenchman, he grabbed him, and he kept saying to him...'

	1 2 3 4 5 6	druḫ ya now one man:EL he wergaz netta it^ and^ woman:EA emġarṯ ara lla-n sakn-in g elMeġreb g ya qqim-en qqim-en... qqim-en qqim-en I-nna ^s argaz =aḏin it^ emġarṯ nn-es of-3S weḫḫam qqim-en, nn-es: yaḵ? g elMeġreb. 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO man:EL =DIST:SG to^ woman:EA of-3S 'That man said to his wife:' yaḷḷah a n-eddu ar Fṛansa! yaḷḷah a n-eddu ar Fṛansa! let's NR 1P-go:A to France let's NR 1P-go:A to France 'Let's go to France! Let's go to France!' yaḷḷah a n-eddu a n-sara af uzellif nn-a let's NR 1P-go:A NR 1P-travel:A on head:EA of-1P 'Let's go travelling (for our sake/pleasure),' a n-eddu ar Fṛansa, a n-sara, NR 1P-go:A to France NR 1P-travel:A a n-zugger ddenya. NR 1P-see:A world dda-n qqim-en g Fṛansa ši lmudda... werri-n =d a[r]^ lMeġreb return:P-3P=VC to Morocco 'They came back to Morocco.' argaz=aḏin ga d= y-usa, man:EL=DIST:SG when(^RM) VC=3MS-come:P y-ufa žuž n iġeṛd ̱̣ ayen. 3MS-find:P two of mice 'That man, when he came, found two mice.' y-ufa žuž n iġerd ̱̣ ayen, yan i-ga =ṯ ḏi 3MS-find:P two of mice one 3MS-do:P =3MS:DO here i yan i-ga =ṯ ḏi, yaḵ? and one 3MS-do:P =3MS:DO here right? i-dda ġu ya lfaṛansi, i-šebbr =iṯ, 3MS-go:P at one Frenchman 3MS-grab:P =3MS:DO i-qqim i-qqṛ =as 3MS-stay:P 3MS-say:I =3S:IO 'yaḷḷah a ^ddu-ḏ ar uḫḫam inu let's NR ^2:go:A-2S to house:EA of:1S 'Why don't you go to my house.' amġarṯ inu a ṭ^ṭiyyeb afulust mḥemmṛ-a woman:EL of:1S NR 3FS-cook:A chicken roasted-FS 'My wife will cook a roasted chicken.' 'dda-n, ga a ^t-u ššlaḍa, a ^t-u kulši, af ṭṭabla... NR ^3FS-do:A salad NR ^3FS-do:A all on table a ^t-nuwwaɛ ṭṭabla.

stay:P-3P stay:P-3P stay:P-3P stay:P-3P stay:P-3P right?

'So it went on like this, right?' go

table . '

 . 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO oh no woman:EL left still FT-NR ^3FS:go:A He (i.e. the Frenchman) told him: "Oh no, the woman still has to go, still has to cook, to go to a shop, to prepare the chicken, that's a lot.' 3MS-go:P mouse:EL=DIST:SG mouse:EL =DIST:SG 3MS-be.lost:P 'That mouse went away, that mouse got lost.' and 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO to woman:EA of:1S all 'No, why, it did come back, and it did tell my wife everything!'The speaker does as if she is smelling, with the noise of the air going through her nostrils.3MS-say:P oooooooo mouse:EL =PROX:SG at-2MS nice:MS good:MS 'He (i.e. the Frenchman) told him: "Ooooh, that mouse you have is nice, great!"According to most other speakers, the distal clitic following lemlayen should be in the plural form, (y)iḏin. He did the same thing that the Moroccan did to him, to the Frenchman, he in turn did it to another person.' IO mouse:EL =DIST:SG like.this 'He went, he was telling him like this, the mouse was saying like this.'The riddles and proverbs presented here were collected in Ketama(Beni Aisi and Beni Hmed) between 2014 and 2017 with multiple speakers, and subsequently verified with other speakers. Some of these proverbs have variants. The variants presented here are the ones that were accepted by most speakers of Beni Hmed dialect.

	I-nna baqi ɛa left still FT-NR 3FS^cook:A FT-NR ^3FS-shop:A ^s: "wa lla, amġarṯ baqi ɛa š-a š-a ṭ^ṭiyyeb, š-a ^t-seḫḫaṛ, š-a ^t-sekker afulus, iwa bezzaf." FT-NR ^3FS-make chicken so many '"baqi ɛa š-a ^ddu-ḏ, a ^s= t-enn-e^ left still FT-NR ^2S:go:A-2S NR ^3S:IO= 2S-say:A-2S^ 3S:DO ^ddu, t" I-nna ^s "lla, i teḵṣud ̱̣ ši" ġur-i wa maš-a y-eddu, š-a y-en kuuuuulši, at-1S PH:M FT-NR 3MS-go:A FT-NR 3MS-say:A all š-a d= i-werri a ġur-i FT-NR VC= 3MS-return:A to at-1S 'I have someone who will go, will say everything, and will come back to me.' i-žebḏ =id aġerd ̱̣ a =yaḏin, i-nna ^s: 3MS-take.out =VC mouse.EL=DIST:SG 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO 'He took out that mouse, he told it:' "Zugger, ḵeǧǧi! š-a ^ddu-ḏ ġut^ emġarṯ look:IMP:SG you:MS FT-NR ^2:go:A-2S at^ woman:EA 'Look, you! You will go to the woman,' š-a ^s= t-enn-eḏ a ^t-weǧǧeḏ afulust mḥemmṛ-a, FT-NR ^3S:IO= 2-say:A-2S NR ^3FS-prepare:A chicken roasted-FS 'You will tell her to prepare a roasted chicken.' iḏ a ^t-u ššlaḍa, iḏ a ^t-nuwwaɛ ṭṭabla qqim-en qqim-en qqim-en, i-nna ^s argaz =aḏin "Zugger, aġerd ̱̣ a =yaḏin i-dda i d= i-werri ši." I-nna ^s "i teḵṣud ̱̣ ši, ṛah i-werri =d 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO NEG fear:I:IMP:SG NEG PRS 3MS-return:P =VC iḏ i-nna ^s it^ emġarṯ i-žebḏ =id wayeḏ ̱̣ , i-nna 3MS-take.out:P =VC other:MS 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO 'He took out the other one, and told it:' I-ga^s ši =yaḏin a ^s= i-ga 3MS-do:P^3S:IO some =DIST:SG RM ^3S:IO= 3MS-do:P lmeġribi =yaḏin i lfaṛansi Moroccan =DIST:SG to I-nna ^s: "Ah-kki-ḏ =as lɛunwan n uḫḫam?" Frenchman I-nna ^s: 'He told him: "No."' 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO no "lla." ^s: I-dda lfaṛansi =yaḏin 3MS-go:P Frenchman =DIST:SG 'That Frenchman left.' I-nna ^s: "Ah-kki-ḏ =as 'He told him: "Did you give it the address?"' 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO 2-give:P-2S =3S:IO address ladrisa?" inu kulši!" "A y= d ^zzenz-e^ ṯ ^id, NR 1S:IO= VC ^(2:)sell-2S^ 3MS:DO ^VC a y= d ^zzenz-e^ t I-nna ^s: "š-a ^ḵ= zzenz-aḫ ^ḫ ž^ 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO FT-NR^2MS:IO= sell:A-1S ^3MS:DO with two of million:dual 'He told him: "I will sell it to you for two million." I-kka ^s aġerd ̱̣ a =yaḏin, i-šebbeṛ žuž lemlayen =yaḏin 771 I-nna ^s: "ga ^s= ḍelq-a iḏ uġerda i-dda i d= i-werri back.' 'He told him: "When I released that mouse, it went away and he did not come 3MS-go:P NEG VC= 3MS-return:P NEG ši." 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO when(^RM) ^3S:IO=release:P-1S to mouse:EA =DIST:SG =yaḏin žuž n lemlayen." Argaz =yaḏin i-dda =d ġu lmeġribi man:EL =DIST:SG 3MS-go:P =VC at 'That man came to the Moroccan man.' Morrrocan =DIST:SG =yaḏin ^id?" 'It went away, it escaped.' 3MS-go:P 3MS-flee:P I-ddaaaa, i-rwi. 'You still have to go, to tell it to her.' ši =yaḏin, a ^t-nuwwaɛ ṭṭabla some =DIST:SG NR ^3FS-prepare:A table 'Like this, to prepare the table.' I-nna^s aġerd ̱̣ a =yaḏin: mm, mm 3MS-say:P^3S:IO mouse.EL=DIST:SG mm mm That mouse answered: "mm, mm." 770 argaz =aḏin i-ḍelq =as iḏ uġerd ̱̣ a =yaḏin man:EL =DIST:SG 3MS-release:P =3S:IO to mouse:EA =DIST:SG 'That man released that mouse.' i-ddaaaaa aġerd ̱̣ a =yaḏin, aġerd ̱̣ a =yaḏin i-ntleeeef. "Ah-enni-ḏ ši =yaḏin it^ emġarṯ?" 2-say:P-2S some =DIST:SG to^ woman:EL 'Did you say all that to the woman?' I-nna ^s aġerd ̱̣ a =yaḏin: "mm, mm". 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO mouse:EL =DIST:SG mm mm 'That mouse answered: "mm, mm."' I-nna ^s, "iwa ṣafi." 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO so that's.it 'He (i.e. the Moroccan) told him: "So, that's it."' I-nna^s: "ooooooooo, aġerd ̱̣ a =yaḏ ġur-eḵ waɛer, mezyaaaan!" i-ga =ṯ ḥetta netta i wayeḏ ̱̣ 3MS-do:P =3MS:DO also he to other:MS I-nna ^s: "lla." Ketama Berber: Riddles and Proverbs 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO no 'He told him: "No."' 'I-dda, i-qqṛ =as hayda, 3MS-go:P 3MS-say:I =3S:IO like.this i-qqṛ =as aġerd ̱̣ a =yaḏin Iwa i-nna ^s: "a y-yi i-ntleeeef." Si 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO NR 3MS-be:A 3MS-be.lost:P 'So he told him: "It must be lost."' hayda 3MS-say:I =3S:I-ḍelq =aaaaaas iḏ uġerd ̱̣ a =yaḏin 3MS-release:P =3S:IO to 'He released that mouse.' mouse:EA =DIST:SG "Sir druḫ a ^t-šušš-eḏ Riddles aḫf-es." go:IMP:SG now NR ^2-look.for:A-2S on-3S so that's.it 'Go now look for it.' 1. a-kšem ɛamṛ-a, a-teffġ =id ḫawiyy-a (Beni Hmed dialect) he-kšem ɛamṛ-a, a-teffġ =id ḫawiyy-a (Beni Aisi dialect) 3FS-enter:P full-FS 3FS-exit:I =VC empty-FS

3MS-say:P ^3S:IO no NEG fear:I:IMP:SG NEG 'He (i.e. the Moroccan) told him: "Do not be afraid!"' and NR ^3FS-do:A salad and NR ^3FS-prepare:A table 'And to make a salad, and to prepare the table.' stay:P-3P stay:P-3P stay:P-3P 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO man:EL =DIST:SG lfaṛansi i-nna ^s i lmeġribi Frenchman 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO to Moroccan 'They remained like that (i.e. some time passed). That man told him, the Frenchman told the Moroccan man:' look:IMP:SG mouse:EL=DIST:SG 3MS-go:A NEG VC= 3MS-return:P NEG 'Look, that mouse went away and did not come back.' NR 1S:IO= VC ^(2:)sell-2S^ 3MS:DO ^VC "Will you sell it to me? Will you sell it to me?" 3MS-give:P ^3S:IO mouse:EL=DIST:SG 3MS-grab:P two million:dual=DIST:SG 'He gave him that mouse, he took those two million.' 3MS-say:P ^3S:IO 2-give:P-2S =3S:IO address of house:EA 'He told him: "Did you give it the address of the house?"' 'She entered full, it goes out empty.'

  It hits here, it hits in the mountains.' Answer: lemkuḥla 'gun, rifle', because it can shoot near and far, and/or because when one fires a gun, its sound can be heard far.Answer: ayyum 'straw', because when one brings the straw, some part of it falls and Here they are here, here they are in the Tidghin (mountain).' Answer: ibeṛṛuqen 'eyes', because you can look near and far.Answer: inzarṯ 'nose', because the nose has holes (like a traditional oven), while the face is compared to the slope. They came until the door, but they are shy to enter.' Answer: ṣṣbayed ̱̣ 'shoes', because you do not enter with your shoes inside the house, but leave them outside in front of the door.Answer: llsan 'tongue', because the tongue is in the mouth, and the mouth is wet. EL RM RF-open:P-RF enter:P-3P=3S:IO flies 'The mouth which is open, flies enter into it' (this proverb is used to remind to someone who speaks a lot to close his mouth, so that flies do no enter it). God gives beans only to the one who has no teeth.' (said when God gives something to someone who cannot use it.) Compare the next proverb. MS ^RM RF-find:P-RF beans NEG 3MS-find:P NEG of teeTh 'The one who has (lit. found) teeth, does not find beans, and the one who has (lit. found) beans, does not find teeth.' An orphan cries and God adds for him (i.e. gives him more trouble).' He kept going, going, going... He travelled over Europe, he travelled over the Arab lands, he travelled... till he arrived here to Morocco.' When he arrived to Morocco, he came to Morocco, till he arrived (here) to the region of Ketama, Bni Seddat, Bni Bunsar, Targuist...' 3MS-turn:P sack:EL =ANP 3MS-shake:P =3P:IO =3FS:DO there 'He turned that sack over, he shook it out for them there.'

	4. a-kkaṯ 3FS-hit:I here 3FS-hit:I in mountain:EA ḏi, a-kkaṯ g uḏrar '5. a-ḥezzem aḥezzam nn-es, a-kšem 3FS-girdle:P girdle:EL of-3S 3FS-enter:P NR ^3FS-make:A work of-3S a ^t-sekker ššġuy nn-es 6. s=m^ a y-ekka, y-uža limara from=where^ RM 3MS-pass:P 3MS-leave:P trace 'Wherever it passes, it leaves a trace.' leaves the trace. 7. ha-m ḏi, ha-m g ṯidġin here-3P here here-3P in Tidghin '8. lferna g ssiḫa oven in slope 'Oven in the slope' 9. dda-n =d ḥetta^ (a)r ṯuwwerṯ, ḥešm-en a d= ḵešm-en go:P-3P=VC until to door:EA be.shy-3P NR VC= enter:A-3P '10. agerṯi g elmerža carpet:EL in pool 'A (type of) carpet in a pool/swamp.' 11. ngi-ḫ ^(ḫ), i-nga ^y, berm-a, u h= ufi-ġ 'I pushed him, he pushed me, I turned back, I didn't find him. Answer: lɛwan 'wind'. I-nna ^sen "Qḏi-ṯ s 3MS-say:P ^3P:IO manage-IMP:PL with little maɛlama u till NEG return:I-1S ttaġul-aġ. =PROX elbaraka =yya NEG 3MS= find:P-1S NEG šay push:P-1S ^3MS:DO 3MS-push:P^1S:DO turn:P-1S Proverbs 1. imi a y-ezda-n, ḵešm-an=as izan mouth:2. u y-takka Ṛebbi ibawen ġa y w ^a y-ella-n šay NEG 3MS-give:I God beans only to PH:MS ^RM RF-be:P-RF NEG ġur-es (i)ṯaġṣin at-3S teeth '3. w ^a y-ufa-n ṯaġsin, u y-ufa š n ibawen, PH:MS^RM RF-find:P-RF teeth NEG 3MS-find:P NEG of beans i w ^a y-ufa-n ibawen, u y-ufa šay n ṯaġsin and PH:4. ameḥžur i-ttru i Ṛebbi i-terra ^s orphan:EL 3MS-cry:I and God 3MS-add:I ^3S:IO =d ṯašekkaṛṯ n lluġa baš 3MS-take:P=VC sack:EL of language so.that a t= i-feṛṛaq i lɛalam. NR 3FS:DO= 3MS-distribute:A in world 'He brought a sack of language to distribute it in the world.' I-qleb ṯašekkaṛṯ =nna, i-nefd ̱̣ =asen =t ḏin. A ɛḏu-ġ a awen =d= ernu-ġ lluġa NR go:A-1S NR 2P:IO =VC= add:A-1S language a awen= kemml-aġ lluġa n-wen". NR 2P:IO= finish:A-1S language of-2P I will go to add language for you, to complete for you your language".' 'I-wwi I-wsa =d i-tfeṛṛaq. 3MS-come:P =VC 3MS-distribute:I 'He came distributing.' Yeḷḷah yeḷḷah yeḷḷah... i-ssara ḫ Lurup, going going going 3MS-travel:P on Europe i-ssara ḫ Lɛarab, i-ssara... ḥetta y-uwd ̱̣ =id I-qqim i-ɛeddu Ɛebdeṛṛeḥman Lmeždub baš aḏ y-aġul 3MS-stay:P 3MS-go:I Abderrahman Lmejdub so.that NR 3MS-return:A za lɛalam=nna anis asen= d= iwwi lluġa. to world=ANP whence 3P:IO= VC= 3MS-take:P language 'Abderrahman El Mejdub was walking to return to that world from which he had brought for them the language.' Lmeġrib. 3MS-travel:P on Arab 3MS-travel:P until 3MS-arrive:P =VC Morocco d= i-wwed ̱̣ Lmeġrib, i-wsa =d gi Lmeġrib, ḥetta When VC= 3MS-arrive:P Morocco 3MS-come:P =VC y-uwd ̱̣ =id 3MS-arrive:P =VC =as šwišt n lluġa. 3MS-stay:P =3S:IO little of 'Little language was left for him.' language 'I-qqim region of Ketama Bni Seddat Bni Bunsar Targuist nnaḥya n Kṯama, Bni Seddaṯ, Bni Bunṣar, Targisṯ... in Morocco until 'Amis Amis i-wwed ̱̣ lɛalam=nna baš a asen= d= y-awi when 3MS-arrive:P world =ANP so.that NR 3P:IO= VC= 3MS-take:A lluġa, i-wfa lluġa ṯ-kemmel.

'She girdled her girdle (she tied her belt), and entered to do its work.' Answer: amzalṯ 'broom', because the broom is made of branches, that have to be tied together so that one can sweep the floor with it.

'He said to them, "Manage with this little till I come back.

  all talk:I-3P each one WH-with 3MS-return:I on other:MS 'Everybody is talking, each one with what answers another.' And he still did not come back to them. That was it, he stayed there.'

	14 Kulši ssawal-en, kul iwwen mi-s Children	i-rraz	ḫ	wayed ̱̣ .
	15 U and he netta baqi still ṣafi, i-qqim that's.it 3MS-stay:P u NEG Term Variety Sfx. Translation d= i-wġul VC= 3MS-return:P NEG š ḏin. there. Notes arba~ arḇa Snh.~ T/H -son, boy, child pl. T/H irḇan, Snh. ddrari ġur-sen, at-3P ~ ṯarwa (ṯ)arbaṯ~ ṯarḇaṯ Snh.~ T/H -daughter, girl pl. K/H/B (ṯ)irbaṯin, H/B tyumba, T ṯižumba, Z ṯibliġin (I) aḫči(w) K -son, boy, child syn. of arba; BT bezzi; pl. ddrari ~ iḫčiwen ~ yumba aḫči(w)ṯ K -daughter, girl pl. iḫčiwin, iḫčiṯin, iḫčiṯen, iḫčiwṯin lɛiyyel S -son, boy, child pl. ddrari ṯaɛiyyalṯ S -daughter, girl pl. ṯiɛwilin

'

PNG marking sets and examples

  In the schemes below, "-V" represents V-final stems; "V-" represents V-initial stems. Aorist is illustrated with the irrealis marker a(ḏ) that has influence on the PNG marking. While the irrealis marker is not part of the PNG marking, it is included in the paradigms and examples as it has influence on the realization of the PNG affixes. The same is true for the negation markers. Negation is normally bipartite in Senhaja, although the preverbal negator u can be omitted in Ketama in specific contexts. The following table presents the PNG marking in the context of Aorist following the irrealis a(ḏ).The following table presents some examples of verbs in the context of Aorist with the irrealis a(ḏ).

	Nominals (these include FP forms): MS FS MP akeḥḥul ṯakeḥḥulṯ ikeḥḥulen amelluy ṯamelluyṯ imelluyen abeyyud ̱̣ ṯabeyyuṭ ibeyyud ̱̣ FP ṯikeḥḥulin ṯimelluyin en ṯibeyyuṭin aḥemmur ṯaḥemmurṯ iḥemmuren ṯiḥemmurin azizaw ṯazizawṯ izizawen ṯizizaw(ḵ)in azerruq ṯazerruqṯ izerruqen ṯizerruqin aṣeffar ṯaṣeffarṯ iṣeffaren ṯiṣeffarin aẓeɛṛaw ṯaẓeɛṛawḵṯ iẓeɛṛawen ṯiẓeɛṛaw(ḵ)in blond.one Translation black.one white.one white.one red.one blue/green blue.one yellow.one Appendix 5. PNG marking in the Aorist following the irrealis a(ḏ) Examples
	) rrubiyuwwa FS keḥla beyḏ ̱̣ a ḥemṛa zṛaq /zṛeq/ zeṛqa MS kḥel byed ̱̣ ḥmeṛ ḫd ̱̣ er ḫed ̱̣ ra ṣfeṛ ṣefṛa ṛamadi ṛamadiya ẓɛeṛ ẓeɛṛa rrubiyu Diminutives of nominals Nominalized color terms in Ketama and Hmed PL Translation kuḥel black buyeḏ ̱̣ white ḥumeṛ red zuṛaq /zuṛeq/ blue ḫud ̱̣ eṛ green ṣufeṛ yellow ṛamadiyin grey ẓuɛeṛ rrubyuwwaṯ blond (<Sp.) blond MS (K) MS (K/H) FS MP FP (H) akeḥḥal~ akeḥlaw akeḥḥul (H) akeḥḥalṯ (K) ṯakeḥḥulṯ (H) ikeḥḥalen (K) ikeḥḥulen (H) ṯikeḥḥulin abid ̱̣ aw abiyyud ̱̣ (ṯ)abiyyuṭ ibiyyud ̱̣ en ṯibiyyuṭin aḥemraw aḥemmur (ṯ)aḥemmurṯ iḥemmuren ṯiḥemmurin azerqaw azerruq (ṯ)azerruqṯ izerruqen ṯizerruqin aṣefraw aṣeffar (ṯ)aṣeffarṯ iṣeffaren ṯiṣeffarin aẓeɛṛaw ---(ṯ)aẓeɛṛaw(ḵ)ṯ iẓeɛṛawen ṯiẓeɛṛaw(ḵ)in ẓɛeṛ <Adj Transl. kḥel black byed ̱̣ white ḥmeṛ red zraq blue ṣfeṛ yellow blond aḫed ̱̣ raw aḫd ̱̣ aṛ ----green Diminutives of Arabic adjectives MS FS PL Translation kḥiḥel kḥiḥla kḥiḥlin black ḥmimeṛ ḥmimṛa ḥmimṛin red zrireq zrirqa zrirqin blue ṣfifeṛ ṣfifṛa ṣfifṛin yellow aḏ pfx. stem sfx Variety 1S a -a K/T (outside Lqela) a -aġ most Snh. (except K and T) aḏ -aġ parts of Z a(ḏ) (V)-V -ġ pan-Snh. 2S a t--ḏ pan-Snh. 3MS a y-K a y-V-K aḏ Ø T/S/H aḏ i-Z a(ḏ i-) B aḏ y-V-T/S/B/H 3FS a t-pan-Snh. 1P a n-pan-Snh. 2P a t--m pan-Snh. 2FP a t--mt Z/M 3P a -n pan-Snh. aḏ -n parts of Z aḏ V--n pan-Snh. 3FP a(ḏ) -nt Z/M
	One Berber adjective (Hmed): MS FS melluy melluyeṯ MS FS MP PL melluyen akḥiḥel ṯakḥiḥelṯ ikḥiḥlen aḥmimeṛ ṯaḥmimeṛṯ iḥmimṛen azrireq ṯazrireqṯ izrirqen aṣfifeṛ ṯaṣfifeṛṯ iṣfifṛen	Translation white Translation ṯikḥiḥlin FP black one ṯiḥmimeṛin red one ṯizrirqin blue one ṯiṣfifṛin yellow one

of verbs in the Aorist following the irrealis a(ḏ)

	Examples a a aḏ a aḏ aḏ aḏ a t-3MS a 1S 2S y-a y-a ḏ-a(ḏ i-) aḏ i-aḏ y-3FS a t-1P a n-2P a t-2FP a t-3P a a(ḏ) 3P aḏ 3FP a(ḏ) aḏ	Translation I will plow I will plow I will plow I will go I will fast I will fast I will lift You will plow He will plow He will lift He will plow He will plow He will plow He will lift She will plow We will plow You will plow You will plow They will plow They will plow They will lift -en(t) They will plow -a -aġ -aġ -ġ aẓum -a(ġ) ḵerz ḵerz ḵerz ddu aẓum -a asi -ġ ḵerz -eḏ eḵrez asi eḵrez ḵrez ḵrez asi eḵrez eḵrez ḵerz -em ḵerzm -emt ḵerz -en ḵerz -en asi -n ḵerz asi -n(t) They will lift	Variety K/T most Snh. Z K most Snh. K pan-Snh. pan-Snh. K K T/S/H B Z T/S/B/H pan-Snh. pan-Snh. pan-Snh. Z/M Snh. Z Snh. Z/M Z/M

the PERF/IPF.NEG following a negator

	Appendix 6. Senhaja Labile Verbs luwwi spin	be spinned	K/Z
	Verb luwwi/a neqqes	Transl. (tr.) spin descrease	Transl. (intr.) be spinned descrease	Z Variety K/H/Z
	ari neqqi	write clean	be written be cleaned	H Z
	bellaɛ /e/ nfeṭ	close clean	be closed be cleaned	H/Z Z
	beqqed ̱̣ bnu nġed ̱̣ ngi	shoe build thresh push	be shod be built be threshed be pushed	H/Z H/Z Z K
	brem ḏkʷar~ḏkur i qd ̱̣ qeṛṛeb	roll fill finish bring close	be rolled be filled be finished be brought close K K Z Z
	Scheme ɛellaq /e/ yaq qeṣṣeṣ d ̱̣ qeṭṭaɛ 1S u(ḏ) ɛewwež qiyyed u(ḏ) fekk qleb, qyeḇ 2S u ṯ-u h-ferreḵ qqen 3MS u y-Ø i-ffer fiyyel qred ̱̣ ṛeqqaɛ /e/ uḏ Ø fraɛ /e/ ṛeqqaɛ /e/ u(ḏ i-) fren rgi ur Ø fsaḫ /e/ riyyeš uḏ (y)-V-(V-) (V)-V fṯaḥ /e/ rnu (H/Z), rru (H/K) uḏ y-V-ġeṭṭes ṛẓem uḏ i-V-(IPF) ula y-ġeṭṭi sbaġ /e/ 3FS u ṯ-glaṣi/a šedd u h-ġli~ġlu seḵsef 1P u n-ġmes šellel 2P u ṯ-ġmes sežžel u h-ġmes siyyes 2FP u t-ġres ssens 3P u(ḏ) (V-) gzem sserweṯ ur 3FP u(ḏ) (V-) ḥelles syes ḫemmel zdi	release cut hang cut -aġ bend note -ġ untie turn -ḏ -ḏ clean tie hide clean break sew hurt sew clean plants š š š š š š š š close š untie pluck š open increase š dip release š š cover paint š freeze tie š boil clean š cover wash -m š cover record -m š cover boil -mt š cut host -n š hurt thresh -n š -nt š saddle boil clean open	be released be cut be hung be cut Var. bend be noted pan-Snh. tie be turned pan-Snh. most Snh. be cleaned be tied K/T K/B be hidden be cleaned be broken be sewed K be hurt be sewed T/S/H be cleaned be closed B be untied be plucked S be opened increase T be dipped be released H B/Z be covered be painted T/S/H be frozen be tied most Snh. be boiled be cleaned K/T be covered be washed pan-Snh. be covered be recorded most Snh. be covered be boiled K, T be cut be hosted Z/M be hurt be threshed pan-Snh. S be saddled be boiled Z/M be cleaned be opened	H Z Z Z Z H H/Z K/T/Z, H Z H/Z Z Z Z H Z H Z K H/Z Z pan-Snh. K/H/Z Z Z H/Z H/Z Z Z H/Z Z H/Z Z pan-Snh. H H/Z H H/Z Z Z Z (H) H/Z Z Z K
	ḫlaq, ḫyaq /e/ zdi~zdu	create open	be created be opened	Z, H K~T
	ḥṛaq /e/ zenneḏ	burn burn	be burnt be burnt	pan-Snh. Z
	ḫwi zuzzer	empty winnow	be empty be winnowed	H/Z Z (H)
	kkebb zwi	pour shake	be poured be shaken	Z Z
	ḵrez ẓẓu	plow plant	be plowed be planted	H/Z H/Z
	lqed ̱̣	pluck	be plucked	H/Z

Examples of verbs that are labile in Zerqet but not in Ketama

	sbaġ /e/	paint	K/H/Z	be painted	H/Z
	seḵsef	clean	K/Z	be cleaned	Z
	Verb šellel (Z), šelli (K/H) bellaɛ /e/ siyyes bnu ssens ḏkʷar ɛelleq yaq /e/ ṭlaq, d ̱̣ zenneḏ ɛewwež ẓṛaɛ /e/ fekk zuzzer ferreḵ zwi feṣṣel ẓẓu	Sense (trans.) Var. wash K/H/Z close K/Z boil (trans.) K/H build K/H/Z host, let sleep K/Z fill H hang K/H/Z release K, H burn K/Z bend K/Z sow K/H/Z untie K/H/Z winnow Z/H clean K/Z shake K/Z design K/Z plant K/H/Z	be washed Sense (intrans.) Var. Z be closed boil (intrans.) H H/Z be built spend the night Z H/Z be full Z be hung be released H be burnt Z Z be bent be sown H/Z Z be untied be winnowed H/Z H/Z be cleaned be shaken Z Z be designed Z (H) be planted H/Z
	fiyyel	clean	K/Z	be cleaned	Z
	fraɛ /e/	hurt	K/H/Z	be hurt	H/Z
	ġeṭṭes	dip	K/Z	be dipped	Z
	ġeṭṭi	cover	K/H/Z	be covered	H/Z
	ġlaq /e/	cover	K/Z	be covered	H/Z
	ġmes	cover	K/H/Z	be covered	H/Z
	ġmes	cover	K/H/Z	be covered	H/Z
	gzem	hurt	K/H/Z	be hurt	Z
	ḫemmel (Z), ḫemmi (K)	clean	K/Z	be cleaned	Z
	ḫlaq, ḫyaq /e/	create	K/Z, H	be created	Z, H
	ḥraq /e/	burn	K/H/Z	be burnt	H/Z
	ḫwi	empty	K/H/Z	be emptied	H/Z
	kkebb	pour	K/Z	be poured	Z
	ḵrez	plow	K/H/Z	be plowed	H/Z
	lqed ̱̣ neqqi/a	pluck, gather clean	K/H/Z K/Z	be plucked be cleaned	H/Z Z
	nfeṭ (Z), nfed ̱̣ (K) nġed ̱̣ qeṣṣeṣ	clean thresh cut	K/Z K/Z K/H/Z	be cleaned be threshed be cut	Z Z Z
	qeṭṭaɛ	cut	K/H/Z	be cut	Z
	qleb (K/Z), qyeb (H)	turn	K/H/Z	bu turned	Z, H
	qqen	tie	K/H/Z	be tied	H/Z
	qred ̱̣ ṛeqqaɛ /e/	break sew	K/Z K/H/Z	be broken be sewed	Z H
	riyyeš	pluck	K/Z	be plucked	Z

On tribes of the Rif, see e.g.[START_REF] Coon | Tribes of the Rif[END_REF]. On the organization of rural society in Morocco, see e.g.[START_REF] Hoffman | The structure of traditional Moroccan rural society[END_REF][START_REF] Hart | Tribe and society in rural Morocco[END_REF]

The final -orum is a case ending here.

See Renisio 1932: 272-273 for a text in Bunsar Senhaja variety on 'Why Senhaja de Srair are called like this'.

The term Zenatic used in Berber linguistics is an arbitrary term, not meant to refer to the Zenata tribe.

I thank Guido Suurmeijer for his help in the preparation of this map. Geographical coordinates of the villages can be found in Appendix 2.

As mentioned previously, the village of Beni Hmed within the region/tribe of Ketama is not to be confused with the Senhaja tribe Beni (Ayt) Hmed (center: Imugzan) bordering on the Bushibet tribe (see below).

The village Luta is not to be mixed up with Luta (Louta) within Waryaghel tribe and another one in Nador province. The village of Zarkat is not to be mixed up with the Zerqet tribe: both can be spelled <Zarkat> in some sources and by the speakers themselves.

On writing 'Shelha' in Southwestern Algeria, see Souag 2014. On Tarifiyt orthography, see Lafkioui 2002a.

See alsoTahiri (2015aTahiri ( , 2015b[START_REF] Tahiri | Zur Verschriftung mündlich tradierter Sprachen in sozialen Netzwerken: Der Gebrauch des Tarifiyt auf Facebook[END_REF] on writing (Tarifiyt) Berber in CMC-context.

Cf. https://academia.li/gutova/senhaja-texts-written-by-speakers.

This tradition stems from the Spanish protectorate period, as in Spanish orthography, x is used to note the sound š [ʃ] in foreign words and place names, e.g. Xauen for [ʃawn] (Chawn, Chefchaouen).

See https://academia.li/gutova/senhaja-poems for some examples.

See e.g.[START_REF] Bordes | Économie de la drogue et réseaux de corruption au Maroc[END_REF][START_REF] Chouvy | Production de cannabis et de haschich au Maroc: contexte et enjeux[END_REF][START_REF] El Omari | Le cannabis au Maroc: historique et épidémiologie[END_REF][START_REF] Mouna | La culture du cannabis au Maroc: entre l'économie et le religieux[END_REF][START_REF] Afsahi | Pas de culture de cannabis sans les femmes. Le cas du Rif au Maroc[END_REF][START_REF] Afsahi | Le haschich marocain, du kif aux hybrides[END_REF][START_REF] Lakhouaja | Cannabiculture et feux de forêts dans la province de Chefchaouen: Analyse cartographique et statistique[END_REF], to name just a few.

On life in Ketama, see also https://academia.li/gutova/fieldwork-poems (poems by the author about Ketama).

Here, the French term état libre 'free state' is used. See Section 6.1.1.3.

Some Berber varieties bordering on Senhaja show variation, i.e. optional vowel-drop in some nouns (see e.g. Atlas 6 on (a)fus 'hand'). Variation is sometimes found in Mezduy, e.g. (a)šar 'earth' (Atlas 57).

The original *l becomes y in some Senhaja varieties (Ketama, Seddat, Hmed) and ž in Taghzut. The *l is preserved in Zerqet.

In the dialects of Ketama, Taghzut, and Seddat, a loan from Arabic is used (Ketama and Seddat lḫiṭ, Taghzut lḫid ̱̣ , cf. Ghm. lḫayṭ).

Different from the Atlas, this noun is i-initial in Senhaja (Zerqet ifiġer, Bunsar ifiġri, F ṯifiġri); Seddat/Hmed (always F) ṯifiġri, Ketama aykki, Taghzut/Hmed azrem (snake type) ~ lefɛa (<Ar.).

Zerqet ṯimmiṭ(ṭ), with long mm. In Ketama, another lexeme is more commonly used: ṯabuṭt (ṯimiṭṭ is rarely used for the 'navel cord that is not cut'). Cf. Ghm. taɛebbuṭt. Kabyle has timiṭṭ and tažaɛbuṭ (derived from tabuṭt).

According to the Atlas, part of Senhaja uses the lexeme asif, and the remaining varieties iġzer (cf. Tarifiyt aġzer/iġzer/iġẓer). In reality, both lexemes, asif and iġzer, are used in Senhaja (as e.g. in Kabyle), with a difference in meaning: asif is 'river', vs. iġzer 'stream' (diminutive (ṯ)iġzert 'small stream').

In Taghzut, aġu means 'sperm', not 'milk'. For dairy products, Taghzut has ṯaġemmaț 'milk', ṯaḫebbaț 'buttermilk', and ikkiž 'curd'.

In Senhaja, this word often appears with nominal deixis, e.g. Zerqet agemmad ̱̣ -a (PROX) 'this side of the river', agemmad ̱̣ -in (DIST) 'that side of the river', cf. Hmed ayemmad ̱̣ -in=dda (PROX), ayemmad ̱̣ -in=ddin (DIST).

This word has variation in Senhaja: Taghzut gma, Hmed/Bunsar/Zerqet/Bshir/Khennus ašqiq. Different from the Atlas, Seddat also has a variant without labialization (ḡma), while Ketama only has variants without labialization: gma, ḡma, ugma, uḡma. In the last two forms, as elsewhere in the language, one may find traces of labialization.

My Zerqet informants say ṯaġ w ummarṯ (<ṯaġʷemmart), PL ṯiġ w ummriwin (with the stress on u in the PL). This situation is similar to Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 59): if the labialized consonant is adjacent to the schwa, the schwa is realized as /u/.

The development k > š and g > ž in (Central) Tarifiyt/Zenatic must be distinguished from lenition ("spirantization") that took place in many Berber varieties (cf. Section 3.1.2.4).Kossmann (1999a) proposes two series of velars: *kʸ, *gʸ vs. *k, *g, which merge everywhere, except in Zenatic. In Central Tarifiyt, *kʸ> š and *gʸ>ž, while *k > š and *g > y.

In Senhaja, the word genna is usually used in the sense 'above', while 'sky' is expressed by an Arabic loan, ssma. In Hmed, we find a distinction between genna 'above, high, in the sky' vs. yenna 'sky'.

In Zerqet, an Arabic loan lefḥem is used in this meaning. The cognate word in Hmed is realized as ṯirriḫṯ, where (exceptionally) g in the rest of Senhaja corresponds to ḫ in Hmed. The plural form is irri, where the final g > Ø. There are other examples where word-final g disappears in Senhaja.

There is also a cognate verb (Zerqet): kkil (AOR=PERF), IPF ttk(k)ilay 'to be fermented'.

The verb ẓun is native Berber. Cognate forms (in the words for 'to divide/share' or 'half') are found in Tarifit, Ouagla, Mzab, Nefusa, Ghadames, Siwa, Tuareg, and (with non-emphatic z) in Tamazight, Tashelhit, Kabyle, Chaouia, and Zenaga(Haddadou 2007: 230).

It is an i/a alternating verb (1 and 2 person -i vs. -a in the rest of the paradigm), so the Perfective is bd ̱̣ i/a (cf.Section 4.3.1.3).

The verb can be pronounced as ḫzeṛ or as ḫzer: the pharyngealization on the last consonant is not always audible.

Originally, the verbs 'to grind' and 'to weave' were probably distinguished by pharyngealization: ẓ was the primary emphatic in 'to grind', vs. ḍ in 'to weave'. In Ketama, the IPF ẓeṭṭ was generalized and became the Aorist form, and thus the verbs are distinguished. I thank Maarten Kossmann for his comments on this issue.

In the same category, we find Ketama zyu (<*zlu) 'to slaughter', bdu 'to start'. Taghzut also has zdu 'to open' (PERF zdi/zda), vs. Ketama zdi.

On this verb, which is a loan from Berber by Arabic, see[START_REF] Pellat | Sur deux emprunts au berbère par l'arabe dialectal nordafricain[END_REF], Heath 2000a, and Kossmann 2013a: 187-188. The variant with ṭ might reflect a re-borrowing from Arabic.

The word ṯammarṯ is used to refer to 'beard' and 'chin' in Hmed. In Zerqet and Bunsar, the meaning is restricted to 'chin'.

This name comes from a story about Prophet Mohammed. It is being told that Prophet Mohammed and his friend entered a cave, and a spider came and wove a web in the entrance of the cave, so that those who were looking for the prophet to kill him would not think that he was inside the cave. The sword is a sign of power and protection, and it said that the cave used the spider as its sword to protect the prophet.

This lexeme can be also used as an "impersonal verb" (without PNG affixes) in the sense 'to reckon' or 'to seem (to someone)'.

In Zerqet, this lexeme has a derived causative sefhem.

All four lexemes can be found in the same variety (e.g. in Zerqet, Hmed), with a slight difference in meaning, e.g. qeṭṭeɛ 'cut with a knife/scissors', qd ̱̣ eɛ e.g. 'cut water/electricity' (Hmed), 'cross (the road)' (Zerqet).

In Zerqet, the Berber word rzem has the meaning 'to open' or 'to let (animals) out' and the verb fsi has the meaning 'to melt' (not 'to untie'), unlike in some other Berber varieties.

The Berber word zuzzer means specifically 'to winnow', while the Arabic loan has a broader meaning (thus, it could also mean 'to sieve water/milk').

These forms are found alongside the dynamic verb mġur 'to be(come) old, to grow up', e.g. ṯe-mġur-eḏ 'you (SG) grew up/became old'.

On stative verbs, see[START_REF] Basset | La langue berbère. Handbook of African Languages, part I[END_REF][START_REF] Galand | Une intégration laborieuse: les verbes de qualité en berbère[END_REF][START_REF] Galand | Du nom au verbe d'état: le témoignage du berbère[END_REF] Galand ( , 2002a)), and Kossmann 2009c. On stative-based forms in Senhaja, seeLafkioui 2009b: 111 and Lafkioui 2007a: 165.

The status of "attribute nouns" (ie. nouns that can be used to modify other nouns) is debatable in Berber studies (cf. Kossmann 2013a: 279 ff).

In Ketama, all color terms are loans from Arabic. They can be (optionally) Berberized and turned into nouns, e.g. ḥmer 'red' ~ aḥemraw 'a red one'. Cf.Appendix 4.

Berber participles, here referred to as 'relative forms', are a different category.

The same element ka is used as a yes/no question marker (alongside waš). In Hmed variety, the counterfactual 'if' is usually realized as kʷa and is thus distinguished from the question marker ka. In Zerqet, the counterfactual 'if' is uka and is also distinguished from the question marker ka.

Such constructions can be also expressed without any explicit conjunctions. When a conjunction is used, it is a loan from Arabic. The same conjunction is found in Ghomara, Kabyle, Ouargla, and Mzab(Kossmann 2013a: 366).

This element features in composite question words such asgi-mi-ḏi 'in what', ḫ-mi-ḫ 'what for', s-mi-s 'with what', k-mi-k 'with whom', etc. Note that in the Ikherruden dialect, the preposition appears on both sides of the element mi. In Wersan dialect, by contrast, preposition appears after mi, e.g.mi-ḏeg 'in what', mi-ḫ 'what for', mi-kkeḏ 'with whom', etc.

By 'Northern Berber', we mean Moroccan and Algerian Berber varieties (excluding Tuareg), following Kossmann 2012a: 19. Libyan and Egyptian Berber are referred to as 'Eastern Berber'. This is not a historical classification.

This feature is shared by Senhaja with Ghomara, as well as with Siwa. Negative stems are encountered in parts of Zerqet and Mezduy. Cf. Chapter 4.

Cf. Lucas 2007 on Jespersen's cycle in Arabic and Berber, and his point about the dropping of NEG1 before bilabials.

On polylectal grammars, cf. also[START_REF] Weinreich | Is a structural dialectology possible?[END_REF][START_REF] Berrendonner | Principes de Grammaire Polylectale[END_REF][START_REF] Bickerton | The structure of polylectal grammars[END_REF][START_REF] Mühlhäusler | Polylectal grammar[END_REF] Ameka, Dench & Evans 2006. For some examples, see[START_REF] Diller | Diglossic grammaticality in Thai[END_REF][START_REF] Diller | Polylectal grammar and Royal Thai[END_REF][START_REF] Evans | Bininj Gun-Wok: A pan-dialectal grammar of Mayali, Kunwinjku and Kune[END_REF]

Renisio's data originate from "quelques-uns des habitants de ces tribus faits prisonniers en 1925, ou venus demeurer à Fez depuis quelques années" (p. xii). For the grammatical and lexical elicitation, the tribal affiliation of the informants is not specified. The texts were provided by Bshir, Hmed, Bunsar, and Taghzut speakers.

See https://academia.li/gutova/ketama-linguistic-questionnaire for some differences.

On the difference between the prosodic and syntactic clitics, cf.[START_REF] Hankari | Aspects of the Morphosyntax of Tarifiyt Berber[END_REF]: 199. Selkirk 1996 refers to prosodic clitics as 'affixal clitics'.

The dictionary can be consulted by request at https://senhaja.webonary.org. An extract can be consulted at https://academia.li/gutova/senhaja-wordlist.

It is common in Berber that verbs have a nominal counterpart, known as the verbal noun(Galand 2002). In Senhaja (especially in Western Senhaja), verbal nouns are often borrowed from Arabic and can be suppletive to the native Berber verbs. See Section 6.5.4.

See Galand 2002: 87-99 on Berber consonantal roots and "vowel schemes", whileCohen (1993: 170) proposes to include vowels in the root.Galand (2010: 85) addresses this problem. Cf. alsoKossmann 1997: 130 and Kossmann 2012a: 35.

This phenomenon is also referred to as ablaut; internal modification or inflection; stem mutation, alternation, or modification; vowel mutation, alternation, or gradation.

For the study of intonation in Berber, see e.g.Lafkioui 2002bLafkioui , 2006aLafkioui , 2009e, 2011cLafkioui , 2012a;;[START_REF] Mettouchi | Intonational Structures in Berber: the non-verbal predicate d+XP in Tarifiyt and Taqbaylit[END_REF] Mettouchi 2009a.

The following abbreviations are used in the charts: fric. = fricative, lab = labial, lbd = labialized, intrd = interdental, alv = alveolar, post-alv = post-alveolar, pal = palatal, vel = velar, uvu = uvular, phar = pharyngeal, lar = laryngeal; vd. = voiced, vl. = voiceless, fric. = fricative, phr. = pharyngealized, approx. = approximant.

For example, long ḵḵ is rare and can occur in free variation with ḵ or k(k). It is found e.g. in muḵḵa (alongside muḵa) (Zerqet) 'owl'; piḵḵa (Seddat), paḵḵa (Zerqet) 'chameleon'. Optionally, long ḵḵ occurs in some types of Imperfectives, e.g. ḵ(ḵ)ruy (Zerqet), Imperfective of ḵri 'to rent'.

In Bunsar, the minimal pair is izi 'fly' and iẓẓi 'gallbladder', i.e. z vs. ẓẓ.

This is a conventional term which might be somewhat misleading, as in Berber Studies it does not describe a change of stops to sibilants (such as t > s). Some types of Berber spirantization could be also described with a general term lenition. Berber spirantization involves fricativization (e.g. t > ṯ), but also subsequent changes such as ṯ > h (> Ø).

Different from Ghomara[START_REF] Mourigh | La spirantisation en berbère ghmari (Province de Chefchaouen)[END_REF], spirantization can happen anywhere in the word in Senhaja.

In the case of ka (question marker), the non-fricative pronunciation betrays a borrowing from Arabic lukan 'counterfactual if', cf. Souag 2018: 64. Hmed has ka 'question marker' vs. kʷa 'counterfactual if'.

Outside Ketama and Taghzut, t > h is also found in Ghomara[START_REF] Mourigh | A grammar of Ghomara Berber[END_REF], Chaouia[START_REF] Lafkioui | Contes berbères chaouis de l'Aurès: d'après Gustave Mercier[END_REF] and Chenoua[START_REF] Laoust | Etude sur le dialecte berbère du Chenoua: comparé avec ceux des Beni-Menacer et des Beni-Salah[END_REF]. However, the exact contexts where this change occurs differ.

In Ghomara, there is free variation between t-and h-in the verb subject prefix in the Perfective, e.g. teḵšem ~ he-ḵšem[START_REF] Mourigh | A grammar of Ghomara Berber[END_REF].

Cf. Lafkioui 2007a, maps 54 and 132 on the 3FS pronoun. According to map 132, Ketama and Taghzut have nettaha (vs. nettaṯa in the rest of Senhaja). According to map 54, nettaha is also found (alongside nettaṯa) in Hmed. We found only nțṯa, nțṯani for 'she' in Hmed (Imugzan and Tafurnut).

As discussed below(Section 2.1.4.3), some stops and their spirantized counterparts (including ḍ and d ̱̣ ) are not always well-opposed.

There are a few examples of u in the vicinity of a labialized phoneme, but they are rather exception, e.g. Zerqet ṯaġ w ummarṯ 'elbow/corner' (e>u between a labialized phoneme and a bilabial), ṯaggʷuṯ 'fog', and Hmed ṯaggʷur(ṯ) 'door'. In the last two examples, u is probably etymological.

Here as elsewhere in the thesis, the Aorist forms are listed following the future marker š-a.

This is a result of assimilation: ṯisliṯ > ṯisžiṯ > ṯižžiṯ. Similarly, Taghzut zlu > zžu > žžu 'to slaughter'.

The same phenomenon is found in Central Tarifiyt (while -lṯ is found in Eastern varieties). Cf. Lafkioui 2007a: 75-76. The etymological šṯ remains unaltered in these varieties, i.e. does not yield č, e.g. ṯamešmašṯ

There is no ṯamddakkʷeč even in those varieties that normally have -šṯ > č (Tamadit, Tahaya Yzem). In Ikherruden (Zerqet), the final -lṯ is preserved in this word, while other lexemes normally have -lṯ > -šṯ in this dialect. The form ṯamddakkʷešṯ is considered as slang in Ikherruden and is used in the sense 'girlfriend, partner' (vs. ṯamddakkʷelṯ 'female friend').

For thix lexeme, l~r is also found in Ghomara[START_REF] Mourigh | A grammar of Ghomara Berber[END_REF]: tilkan ~ tirkan.

We also note a sporadic correspondence of ḵ and f in the 2MS (DO/IO) fronted clitic in the speech of some speakers in Talghunt.

Note that we transcribe tš when the IPF prefix t-is followed by š-of the verb stem, e.g. tšellay, IPF of šelli 'to wash'.

On variation between ǧ(ǧ) and ž(ž), cf. also Section 2.1.2.2 on consonant length. As mentioned earlier, the verb 'to carpenter' has realizations nžer in Zerqet and nǧer in Hmed, and neǧǧer in the Imperfective in both varieties.

For 'to drag', cf. ǧeṛǧeṛ in Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 25) and žeṛžeṛ in Moroccan Arabic(Harrell & Sobelman 1966: 236).

In Ghomara, we also find g alternating with w in some lexemes: there is both interdialectal and intradialectal variation(Mourigh 2015: 34).

As can be deduced from the table, the verb 'to do, to make' has a root consisting of the long ww in Ketama, long yy in Hmed, and long ḡḡ in Zerqet.

The word ṯaṛwa in the sense 'canal' is realized with an emphatic ṛ in Zerqet (vs. ṯarwa 'children').

On this word, see Kossmann 1999a: 94.

See e.g.[START_REF] Bader | Schwa in Berber: A non-linear analysis[END_REF][START_REF] Dell | Syllabification and empty nuclei in Ath-Sidhar Riffian Berber[END_REF][START_REF] Saïb | La voyelle neutre en tamazight: entre la 'fiction' phonologique et les exigences du lettrisme[END_REF] Kossmann 1995a; 1999a; 2012a: 28-34;[START_REF] Fougeron | On the nature of schwa-like vocalic elements within some Berber clusters[END_REF][START_REF] Ridouane | Syllables without vowels: phonetic and phonological evidence from Tashlhiyt Berber[END_REF] 2013;[START_REF] Ridouane | Schwa elements in Tashlhiyt word-initial clusters[END_REF][START_REF] Ridouane | Tashlhiyt's ban of complex syllable onsets: phonetic and perceptual evidence[END_REF] Bensoukas & Boudlal 2012; Bensoukas 2013.

Note that this is not a long m, but a single -m of the verb stem in combination with the -m of 2P suffix. In this case, schwa can separate the two consonants.

On the ventive clitic, see Section 5.3.3. On assimilations to the ventive, see Section 14.3.

In Hmed, the Imperfective prefix is realized as ț-, which does not undergo assimilation, e.g. ț+duwwaḫ > ț-duwwaḫ, Imperfective of duwwaḫ 'to make dizzy'. In Taghzut, both variants (as in Ketama and as in Hmed) are found.

The subject prefix of 2S/3FS/2P is realized as t-following the irrealis marker a (originally aḏ) and is itself a result of assimilation from aḏ + ṯ-> a^t-, see Section 14.1.2.1.

Ketama lacks the FS prefix ṯ, e.g. adeggaṯ 'evening', annexed state deggaṯ 'of the evening'.

The underlying form of the particle is visible in combination with a MS noun, e.g. ḏ aryaz (H/Z) 'It is a man.'

The original initial ṯ-of FS nouns is visible in the assimilated form, while otherwise FS nouns normally lack the prefix ṯ-(see above, Section 2.1.4.2, stage 2 spirantization), e.g. amġarṯ 'woman', n emġarṯ 'of a woman'.

On the irrealis particle aḏ, see Section 5.2.1.1. Cf. Section 14.1.2.1 on aḏ in the verbal complex.

Again, the situation in Hmed is different, as the 3FS:DO clitic is ț.

In Ketama, the initial consonant of the third person DO pronoun can in turn completely assimilate to the preceding ḫ (ḫ+ṯ > ḫ^ḫ).

Again, this assimilation does not take place in Hmed, and again, in Ketama, the initial consonant of the third person DO pronoun can assimilate to the preceding ḫ.

This combination yields different results in different Senhaja varieties: -lṯ in parts of Zerqet and also in some words in the varieties where l normally undergoes changes; -šṯ in parts of Zerqet and Bunsar, and tš in parts of Seddat and Bunsar, e.g. ṯagezzalṯ > ṯagezzašṯ > ṯagezzatš 'kidney'.

In Hmed, where b >ḇ, there is no assimilation: ṯ-ažellaḇ-ṯ 'id.'.

In Hmed, žžwiža is used as a name of a gun type, distinguished from zzuža 'yoke'. Ketama also has two lexemes, zzwiža 'gun type' vs. zzawža 'yoke', with no assimilation.

This verb is originally a causative derivation of nez 'to be sold', currently expressed by mmnez/mmenz, which in turn is originally a passive/middle derivation of the same root nez.

The variation depends on the dialect, but also on the speaker and sometimes on the word.

Different from Hmed and Zerqet, in Ketama, the numeral is marked for gender (yan is masculine).

This has not been found in Zerqet.

The stem of the last word is aḫyam 'house'. The assimilation does not take place in Zerqet ṯaḫyamt 'little house'.

There are dialectal preferences. Within Ketama, the variant with hiatus (i-kka=yas) is only found in Beni Aisi, while the remaining villages prefer vowel elision. In Bunsar and Zerqet, by contrast, the variant with hiatus is preferred. Only the variant with the vowel elision is found in Hmed (Tafurnut), as in most Ketama villages.

Semivowel y is not inserted between a and u, or between i and u: in this case, u changes to w, see below.

As mentioned above, the variant with the hiatus is preferred in Bunsar and Zerqet, while the variant with the vowel elision is preferred in most other Senhaja varieties.

However, in some cases, the Aorist may differ from the Imperative (cf. Section 4.2.2).

The definitions of S(ubject), A(gent) and O(bject) (after Dixon 1994) are: S is a participant in an intransitive construction; A is an active participant in a transitive structure; O is only possible in a transitive clause, where it fulfills the role of a Patient or Undergoer.

The subject in the preverbal position is analyzed as indicateur de thème by[START_REF] Galand | L'énoncé verbal en berbère. Étude de fonctions[END_REF]. In the postverbal position, it is analyzed as the complément explicatif. In other words, in this analysis, there are no lexical subjects in Berber, since the real subject is expressed in the PNG affixes on the verb. Cf. also[START_REF] Mettouchi | Le Problème du sujet en berbère[END_REF] on the problem of the subject in Berber.

In marked contexts (non-real, negation), verbal clitics (DO, IO, and ventive) are placed before the verb. This is discussed in Chapter 12.

The sentence can also be understood as: 'Mohammed's house burnt to his detriment', 'The house burnt to Mohammed's detriment.', with 'the house' as the Subject.

On diathesis, seeKulikov 2011: 369. Diathesis is the way of mapping semantic arguments (roles) onto syntactic functions (grammatical relations). Active is typically considered as a basic (neutral, non-derived) diathesis. A change in verb valency and syntactic patterns can be described as "diathesis modification". In many cases, voice is not just the reassignment of syntactic roles.

On causatives and their definition, see[START_REF] Comrie | The syntax of causative constructions: cross-language similarities and divergences[END_REF] 1985; Comrie & Polinsky 1993;[START_REF] Haspelmath | More on the typology of inchoative/causative verb alternations[END_REF][START_REF] Kulikov | Language typology and language universals[END_REF] 2011;[START_REF] Shibatani | Causativization[END_REF][START_REF] Shibatani | The causative continuum[END_REF]

See Section 3.3.8.1 for the numbers and percentages of different kinds of causatives in Senhaja.

The middle is sometimes described as the semantic domain extending between reflexives and passives. Middles express an event caused by an internal agent, while medio-passives express an event caused by an external agent which is, however, not relevant. On the cross-linguistic study of the middle, see[START_REF] Kemmer | The middle voice[END_REF]. See Haspelmath 2003 for a semantic map for reflexive and middle functions.

On derivation in Berber, see[START_REF] Chaker | Le système dérivationnel verbal berbère (dialecte kabyle)[END_REF] 1995: 1;[START_REF] Galand | L'énoncé verbal en berbère. Étude de fonctions[END_REF] 2002: 323-329; 2010; Cadi 1981[START_REF] Cadi | Système verbal rifain: Forme et sens linguistique tamazight (Nord marocain)[END_REF] Cadi , 2005;; Mettouchi 2004; Taine-Cheikh 2005; Kossmann 2012a. See Taine-Cheikh 2008 on the causative prefix s-in Berber, and Taine-Cheikh 2003b on the prefix s-in Hassaniyya. On the middle voice in Berber and Arabic, see Taine-Cheikh 2007a.

On suppletion in Berber, see Kossmann 2013a: 243 and 414 (discussing the Ghomara data). See Brugnatelli 2011a for a survey of suppletion in nouns and verbs in Eastern Berber.

This is different in Ghomara, where s-is the only prefix that can be attached to the Berber verbs(Mourigh 2015: 180), and where s-is normally not combined with Arabic verbs(Mourigh 2015: 313).

This suppletion is comparable to the suppletive borrowing of Arabic verbal nouns corresponding to native Berber verbs (Section 6.5.4).

Ghomara borrows passives from Arabic, while Tadaksahak (Northern Songhay, Mali) borrows passives from Tuareg Berber.

Senhaja suppletive causatives are comparable with suppletive causatives in Ghomara, which are also not systematic, as they co-exist with s-derivation[START_REF] Mourigh | A grammar of Ghomara Berber[END_REF].

See Section 3.3.8.1 for the numbers and distribution among the different Senhaja varieties.

The same rule applies to the derivational prefixes t-and n-.

Compare the passive forms mnez (Hmed) ~ mmenz (Zerqet) 'to be sold', which has the same verb stem without the causative prefix.

Compare the related noun ṯazzarṯ (Zerqet) 'winnowing fork, pitchfork'.

Cf. Zerqet aġel, Ketama, aġi, Taghzut/Seddat/Bunsar wġel, without a gemination.

See Section 3.3.8.1 for a comparison of s-derived vs. stem II verbs (and sub-categories).

This function is not productive, and there are no examples involving animal sounds.

The base verbs could be classified as patientive verbs.

The same rule applies to the causative s-and the medio-passive n-discussed below.

The verb haweḏ in Zerqet means 'to encourage'. In Ketama, haweḏ 'to talk' lacks the prefix t-.

See Section 3.3.8.2 on the productivity and functions of the prefix.

In Arabic, Stem VII is derived by means of the prefix n-from stem I (Section3.3.7.4). In Senhaja, we also find prefix n-combined with stem II verbs (Section 3.3.7.8).

This is different from Ghomara, where all n-derived verbs are Arabic loans(Mourigh 2015: 201-202).

See Prasse 1972: 54-55, Galand 2010: 149, Brugnatelli 2011: 23. Compare also Taine-Cheikh 2019 on Zenaga, that has some exceptions to this general rule.

Only examples with the labials m and f are provided, since all our examples (14 in total) with a labial b involve Arabic loans.

The base verbs are not always transitive. The verb ṛẓem 'to release' is transitive, while ršaq 'to split' is intransitive (the transitive counterpart is reššaq), while ffer 'to hide' is labile.

The variant nneršaq /e/ is also found, and is preferred by some speakers.

This derived form (n-x stem I) may co-exist with other passive forms, viz. t-x I, t-x II (stem V), and nx II. Especially Hmed variety allows for maximum flexibility, with often up to four passive derivations used interchangeably.

224 This is especially true for the pure passive, while n-is used in Zerqet for middles and medio-passives (see below). Ketama and Hmed often allow for both prefixes with the same verb without a difference in

meaning.225 In both functions, the prefix is found with verbs of both Arabic and

Berber origin.226 This function is especially pronounced in Zerqet, but is also found in the rest of Senhaja. The difference between Zerqet and the remaining varieties is that in Zerqet, specific n-derived verbs are usually

Our database includes 366 passives of all types. This number excludes t-and n-derived verbs that are not semantically passives, and intransitive (passive) readings of labile verbs. SeeSection 3.3.8.2.

This verb is lexicalized in Zerqet and is used in the meaning 'to be demon-or djinn-possessed'.

In the Bunjel dialect, the prefix is n-: nɛuṛṛež.

For other combinations of derivational prefixes, such as causative+passive and passive+causative, seeSection 3.3.9.

These forms are found in Jbala Arabic and in other Moroccan dialects(Caubet 1993: I/42).

Consider the original verb les 'to wear (clothes)' that became s(s)els in Zerqet (a generalized causative, where the prefix s-became reinterpreted as part of the stem).

There are other examples of generalized Imperfectives in our database, e.g. ttru (K/Z) ~ țru (H) 'to cry'.

Senhaja behaves different from Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 313), where s-prefix is normally combined only with Berber native verbs, while cognate stem II causatives only occur with Arabic base counterparts.

As mentioned previously, some of the base verbs allow for multiple causatives.

It is according to expectation that nonconcatenative (templatic) morphology is harder to borrow than concatenative morphology[START_REF] Souag | When is templatic morphology borrowed? On the spread of the Arabic elative[END_REF].

The verb nġed is found in Middle Atlas Tamazight[START_REF] Taïfi | Dictionnaire tamazight-français (parlers du Maroc central)[END_REF] and Kabyle[START_REF] Dallet | Dictionnaire kabyle-français[END_REF], where it means 'to powder', 'to grind finely'.

Sometimes, the s-prefix is also combined with other stem II verbs that are not causatives. In this case, the resulting s-derived verb can have two meanings: synonymous to the base verb, and its causative, e.g. neqqez 'to jump' > sneqqez 1) 'to jump' and 2) 'to make jump' (H/Z).

For the stem II in Moroccan Arabic, see[START_REF] Marçais | Esquisse grammaticale de l'arabe maghrèbin[END_REF][START_REF] Harrell | A Short Reference Grammar of Moroccan Arabic[END_REF]: 31-32, and Caubet 1993: 44-46. For the stem II more generally in Arabic, see[START_REF] Holes | Modern Arabic: Structures, functions, and varieties[END_REF][START_REF] Badawi | Modern written Arabic: A comprehensive grammar[END_REF][START_REF] Ryding | A reference grammar of modern standard Arabic[END_REF] and Cuvalay-Haak 1997: 97ff. In Arabic, stem II verbs can be deverbal (expressing causation, intensity, repetition, plurality); can be derived from a noun; can have no semantic relation with either verbs or nouns based on the same root.

Many, but not all of such examples are Arabic borrowings. Some examples are Arabic borrowings, but changed their meaning in Senhaja. For example, the Arabic raqaba 'look attentively' has developed different meanings: 'to look' (H) and 'to disappear' (H/Z). The Arabic root ṣḥḥ ('correct, make sure') developed into a more general 'to look' in parts of Hmed (Tafurnut dialect).

On stem III in Arabic, see e.g. Cuvalay-Haak 1997: 101-102. According to Cuvalay-Haak, "pattern III (fāɛal) verbs often describe activities which require the involvement of a human entity other than the Agent". See Vicente 2000: 88 on stem III in Moroccan Arabic. On stem III in Ghomara, see Mourigh 2015: 314.

In Hmed and Zerqet, laqi can be used as synonymous of tlaqi 'meet', as well as synonymous of slaqi 'make meet'. In Ketama, laqi is 'make meet', while tlaqi is 'meet'.

On stem V in Arabic, see e.g.[START_REF] Bulos | The Arabic Triliteral Verb: a Comparative Study of Grammatical Concepts and Processes[END_REF]: 18, Cuvalay-Haak 1997: 103. Bulos 1965: 18 notes that the French reflexive offers a better translation.

On conjugated adjectives, see Section 7.4.

Compare Kossmann 2012: 46; Lafkioui 2008c. For a general overview of PNG marking in Berber, see e.g.[START_REF] Galand | La négation en berbère[END_REF]

While the irrealis marker is not part of the PNG marking, it is included in the examples as it has influence on the realization of the PNG affixes. Cf. Appendix 5 for the PNG marking sets(and examples) in Senhaja, and https://academia.li/gutova/png-marking-paradigms for the complete paradigms in different aspects and varieties.

On gender distinction in these forms,see Lafkioui 2007a: 168 (maps 201-202).

The PNG markers are not directly linked to the MA(N) stems. Rather, their realization is linked to the preverbal and postverbal markers. Cf. Section 5.2.

Following the fronted ventive clitic d (Section 14.3.2), the prefix is fully assimilated to the ventive, e.g. š-a d^eḵšem 'She will enter (here).'

In the form a-šš-aḏ=as, the 2S suffix is realized as -aḏ (rather than -eḏ) due to a constraint on the schwa in an open syllable. Cf. Section 14.3.1.1.

This realization is found in e.g. Azila, Asaka, Talarwaq, and Tamedda dialects of Seddat, vs. Tidwin (cf. below).

As mentioned above, some Seddat dialects (Azila etc.) have 3MS ḏ-following the negator u, while others (Tidwin etc.) have Ø following the negator ur.

Thus, for the verb ari 'to write', the Imperfective stem is ttari (Ketama), tari (Seddat/Bunsar/Zerqet), țari (Taghzut/Hmed).

Similar facts are found in Jerba(Brugnatelli p.c.) and in some dialects of Chaouia[START_REF] Lafkioui | Contes berbères chaouis de l'Aurès: d'après Gustave Mercier[END_REF].

In parts of Zerqet, ḏ may be found in the same contexts also with C-initial verbs, e.g. š-aḏ ḵerz-aġ 'I will plow'.

There exists variation in IMP:PL suffix also within Tarifiyt. SeeLafkioui 2008c, Table 1, and Lafkioui 2007a, maps 203-204 for the forms and distribution. Outside Senhaja, the suffix -aṯ is also found in some dialects of the Middle Atlas(Taïfi 1992), Tashelhiyt, Awjila (Van Putten 2013), and in Ghomara, where next to -aṯ, the form -aweṯ is also found[START_REF] Mourigh | A grammar of Ghomara Berber[END_REF].

The verbs siwel 'to speak', ḵrez 'to plow', ari 'to write', ttru 'to cry' also usually take the suffix -ṯ rather than -m. in IMP:PL. The verbs ġenna 'to sing' and ali 'to ride' accept both -ṯ and -m.

This possibility exists also in Mezduy, where, however, the suffix -mt is realized as voiced (-md) because of the assimilation, thus coinciding with IMP:PL (common gender) + the ventive clitic d. In Eastern Tarifiyt, IMP.FP can also be distinguished.IMP.FP suffixes are -ṯ, -aṯ, -ṯet, -mṯ, -mt, -nt (Lafkioui 2008c, 2009d).

In Arabic, the prohibitive is formed by negating the Imperfect verb form (2S and 2P). In Ghomara, this is the only prohibitive construction(Mourigh 2015: 118).

This construction is also found in Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 117) and in Tarifiyt(Kossmann 2001a; Lafkioui 2008c, 2009d[START_REF] Mourigh | An Introduction to Tarifiyt Berber (Nador, Morocco)[END_REF].

The term relative form is also used in Mourigh 2015. On this verb form, see[START_REF] Drouin | Les formes participiales en berbère -Essai de dialectologie comparée[END_REF][START_REF] Marcy | Note sur le pronom relatif-sujet et le pseudo-participe dans les parlers berbères[END_REF], Kossmann 2003a[START_REF] Galand | Le "participe" berbère[END_REF], and Brugnatelli 2011[START_REF] Ouali | Agreement, Pronominal Clitics and Negation in Tamazight Berber. A Unified Analysis[END_REF] discusses the Berber relative form as anti-agreement (AA): in subject-extraction contexts, the verb loses its agreement with the subject and defaults to a third person singular i-and a suffix -n.

The same situation is observed in Ghomara, Tarifiyt, Beni Iznasen, and Figuig, Western and Eastern Kabyle, Chaouia (Frah), and Awjila(Kossmann 2013a: 375-376).

This lexeme occupies an intermediate stage between an impersonal verb and a pseudo-verb, as the prefix i-is not obligatory, and the aspects other than Perfective are hardly ever used.

The Ketama construction can be seen as a calque on Arabic ḥsab-l-. In this case, in Arabic, there is a Dative preposition l, followed by a pronominal form.

Compare the cognate verb ġil in Mzab, Wargla, (originally Imperfective) ttġir in Tarifit (with IO clitics) 'think, believe, seem to'(Haddadou 2007: 156-157).

Hmed ayem, PERF uyem, IPF țayem. In Wersan dialect of Zerqet and in Mezduy, the Aorist stem is aḡem.

The same feature is observed in Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 156-157).

Some verbs that have the final i/a alternation in the Perfective across Senhaja, have the i/a alternation in the Aorist in Zerqet, e.g. ġenni (Zerqet ġenni/a) 'to sing'.

Vs. Ketama res, PERF rsi/rsa.

Most V-initial verbs are a-initial (43 examples in our database). All i-and u-initial verbs are listed in this section.

Some CC verbs geminate the second consonant and insert a before the final consonant. This may be combined with the gemination of C1.

In Ketama dialects of Beni Hmed and Sahel, the Imperfective of this verb is formed with the prefix t-, change of the vowel, and addition of the vowel -a: tnaġa.

The same feature is found in some other Berber varieties, e.g. Ghomara[START_REF] Mourigh | A grammar of Ghomara Berber[END_REF] and parts of Figuig(Kossmann 1997:143).

The verbs ili 'to be' and ini 'to say' are i-initial only in (parts of) Zerqet, corresponding to a single geminate elsewhere (including some dialects of Zerqet). Notes on dialectal variation are provided in the table.

On i/a alternation in Ketama Imperfectives, seeSection 4.5.5.1.

In this verb, the original Imperfective has been reinterpreted as the Aorist, cf.Section 4.5.5.3.

This type is characteristic of verbs describing qualities and states, cf.Section 3.3.7.6.

In Ghomara, some verbs of CC:C type form Imperfective by means of the prefix t(t)-alone(Mourigh 2015: 172). This has not been found in Senhaja.

Many of the verbs in this group are reduplicated stems, often onomatopoeic.

It could have been also said that the vowel a is inserted before the final -i, which becomes realized as y after a.

In our analysis, the last type of Imperfective is formed by inserting the vowel u before the final -i, which becomes realized as -y following u. This type of Imperfective recalls the C(:)CuC type (cf. Section 4.5.2), with the difference that C:CuC is formed on the basis of C-final verbs, and CC(:)uy on the basis of ifinal verbs.

More commonly, verbs ending in -u form Imperfectives be geminating C2 or by replacing the final u with uy.

In s-derived causatives, the prefix t-is absent in most Senhaja varieties, but normally present in Hmed.

Imperfective -i/a alternation is also occasionally found in Taghzut, but not as frequently as in Ketama.

The first one, sawi, is a denominal causative (cf. Zerqet siwel), from the word awal 'word' (no longer in use), while the second one, suff, has a corresponding base verb uff 'to swell' in Zerqet.

The verb 'to speak' is originally derived by means of the prefix s-from a noun awal 'word'.

This pattern recalls the C(:)CuC (BCuD) Imperfectives of underived verbs, see Section 4.5.2. Different from the BCuD Imperfectives of underived verbs, this type of Imperfectives is also encountered in Ketama.

Compare Zerqet Imperfective s(s)nus, Hmed Imperfective țessensay~țesnusay.

The same Aorist and Imperfective are found in Ketama, where the base verb is nez 'be sold'.

Imperfective țssud ̱̣ ad ̱̣ (Hmed) is also found.

This verb has an alternative Imperfective in Ketama, ssufaġ /a/.

More commonly, Ketama and Taghzut Imperfectives corresponding to Hmed/Zerqet ay-final Imperfectives have the final i/a alternation instead.

The variant sbedday is preferred in Bunjel, while the variant tsbedday in preferred in Ikherruden.

Alongside Imperfective snus (Ketama/Taghzut).

Alongside ssendaw in Ketama.

In some Imperfectives, the prefix ț-can be omitted, but the variants with ț-are more frequent.

Clitic fronting is discussed in Chapter 12. See Chapter 14 on the morphophonology of the verbal complex.

In Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 353, 366) and Tarifiyt(Mourigh & Kossmann 2021), the irrealis particle has a special allomorph in certain syntactic contexts, especially in relative clauses and similar constructions, and in certain subordinated clauses. Senhaja uses the same forms (particles aḏ and š-a) regardless of the syntactic construction. In some texts in Ketama, alongside š-a, the particle ra has been found. It can be considered a rare (free) allomorph of š-a in specific contexts.

The la found with the Aorist forms may be the same as the "asseverative la" in Arabic (see e.g.[START_REF] Testen | Parallels in Semitic Linguistics. The Development of Arabic la-and Related Semitic Particles[END_REF] and 2006[START_REF] Weigelt | The Particle la-in Classical Arabic[END_REF]). On la in North Moroccan Arabic, see Aguadé 2004. In Tashelhit, there is also a marker la that can be considered an assertive ('indeed'), but it is used with Perfective verb forms.Boukhris (1998: 90-91) considers it a homonym of the present tense marker la.

On negation in Berber, see e.g.Chaker & Caubet 1996, Mettouchi 2006, Lafkioui 2013b, Bensoukas 2013[START_REF] Brugnatelli | Berber negation in diachrony[END_REF][START_REF] Lafkioui | Negation in Berber: variation, evolution, and typology[END_REF]. The main negative particle precedes the verb in all Berber varieties. Some Berber varieties (e.g. Tarifiyt, Tamazight, Taqbaylit) make use of a second negative particle which follows the verb. In Senhaja, the postverbal particles are almost always used. In Ketama, in specific context, the preverbal particle can be absent. On Jespersen's cycle in Arabic and Berber, see Lucas 2007.

In Ketama, there is a tendency to use the postverbal negator ši in IMP.NEG and šay in PERF.NEG, although postverbal negators š/ši/šay are normally interchangeable.

On different points of view on the negator ma in Arabic of Mauritania, see Taine-Cheikh 1996.

The negator ma is also found in Ghomara, but does not have a restricted use as in Senhaja[START_REF] Mourigh | A grammar of Ghomara Berber[END_REF] El Hannouche 2008: 139). Also, in Ghomara, the negator ma does not trigger clitic fronting. In Senhaja, the clitic fronting following ma is not necessarily caused by the negator itself, but by the following irrealis a.

Cf. Ayer Tuareg that has a general negator wər and a prohibitive negator ma[START_REF] Kossmann | A Grammar of Ayer Tuareg (Niger)[END_REF]

The imperfective la is also found in the Middle Atlas varieties (e.g.[START_REF] Ouali | Agreement, Pronominal Clitics and Negation in Tamazight Berber. A Unified Analysis[END_REF][START_REF] Boukhris | Les clitiques en berbère tamazighte: approche minimaliste[END_REF]: 90-91, Kossmann 2017b), where it only rarely causes clitic fronting.

On the negator la in dialectal Arabic, see Taine-Cheikh 2000. Cf. Aguadé 2004 on la in North Moroccan Arabic.

This is probably originally *il, cf. the prohibitive il in Warayn and wiř or wi in Tarifiyt[START_REF] Mourigh | An Introduction to Tarifiyt Berber (Nador, Morocco)[END_REF]. Cf. also prohibitive wăl in Ghadames(Kossmann 2013b: 132). Lmekhzen and Sahel dialects lack a specialized prohibitive negator: Lmekhzen tends to use i in all contexts, while Sahel tends to use u in all contexts.

The IO clitic can co-occur with an independent pronoun following the Dative preposition i -a phenomenon known as double reference or clitic doubling. Cf.Section 5.3.2.4.

In Mezduy, (ya)kun is a second (rare) variant alongside (ya)wen. In Bunsar, there are dialectal differences: (ya)wen is found in Iattaren, and (ya)kun in Tamadit.

The long forms (with ya-) are more frequent in Beni Aisi dialect of Ketama, while the short forms are frequent in other Ketama villages and in the rest of Senhaja, including Hmed.

In Taghzut, alongside š-a, the future marker la is found. Also, in this variety, alongside ẓeṛ 'to see', the verb maher is used in the same meaning. In Mezduy, the verb 'to see' is realized as ẓaṛ. This difference is ignored in the table when the same form of the pronoun occurs outside Mezduy.

In those rare cases where the preverbal element does not end in the vowel, which is possible in Zerqet with some conjunctions, the fronted DO clitics are still V-initial, e.g. (Z) amis aḵ=i-ẓṛa 'When he saw you (MS).'

In Hmed variety, the realization of the 3P clitic depends on the dialect rather than on the phonological context: ten is found e.g. in Imugzan, and hen e.g. in Tafurnut.

In the dialect of Iaraben, preverbal 1S clitic y~ṯ is homophonous in most contexts with the preverbal 3MS clitic y~ṯ.

The form tet still occurs in some Berber varieties, such as Tuareg[START_REF] Kossmann | A Grammar of Ayer Tuareg (Niger)[END_REF]), Zenaga (Taine- Cheikh 2004: 183), and some Tarifit varieties(Lafkioui 2007a).

In the Iaraben Ghomara, 3MS and 1S merge, except for when they are followed by a 3P verb form.

On what a might have been historically, seeGaland 1966: 295.

For the forms in different Tarifiyt varieties, see Lafkioui 2007a. When preverbal, all IO clitics in Tarifit are preceded by ḏ, and thus differ from the postverbal clitics. In Bujay, ḏ in fronted clitics is found in 1S and 1P, and is optional.

Deictic clitics can be considered a characteristic of Berber(Basset 1952: 36). On directionals in the light of typology, see Lamarre at al.

This clitic is called ablative in[START_REF] Kossmann | A Grammar of Ayer Tuareg (Niger)[END_REF], distal in Mettouchi 2011 and Belkadi 2015, and centrifugal in Heath 2005. Ventive is also the only deictic clitic in Ghomara[START_REF] Mourigh | A grammar of Ghomara Berber[END_REF], Tarifiyt,

When it co-occurs with the fronted IO clitic and the postposed DO clitic pronoun in Ketama, it can optionally be doubled (Section 13.3).

The same phenomenon is found in Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 324).

It is possible that the verb in question is not a canonical motion verb, but is still encoding a certain path.

This is a rare case when spirantization is meaning-differentiating in Senhaja.

The marker ara is also found in Waryaghel Tarifiyt, where it can mark past or porgressive (e.g. El Hankari 2013), while the marker dža is found in other Tarifiyt varieties (e.g. Ighzenayn).

Also possible: gelli-ġ (be:P-1S) sețț-aġ in the same meaning.

In such constructions, the verb 'to be' can agree either with the possessor or the possessed object, as in the local Arabic.

The future marker ataf is also found in Tarifiyt[START_REF] Hankari | Agreement, Pronominal Clitics and Negation in Berber[END_REF]: 238, 2015b). In Hmed, the construction š-a^taft is unusual in that the final element is -t (rather than the 2S suffix -ḏ) and in that it takes Arabic pronominal suffixes, while the origin of the construction is Berber.

On the use of ṛa in Arabic, see Taine-Cheikh 2013.

When used without the clitics, besides aqa, there is also qay in Zerqet. In Hmed, we find aqay and qay, but not aqa.

In some contexts, the borrowed Arabic (petrified) ṛah fulfills this function of aqa in Ketama.

As usual, Zerqet allows for an optional use of specifically feminine plural forms (2FP awent and 3FP tent), omitted from the table. In most situations, the (common) 2P and 3P forms are more frequent and more generic.

Negation has been a focus of several studies of Berber. See, among others,Chaker & Caubet 1996, Mettouchi 2006, Lafkioui 2013b, Bensoukas 2013[START_REF] Brugnatelli | Berber negation in diachrony[END_REF][START_REF] Lafkioui | Negation in Berber: variation, evolution, and typology[END_REF]

On the behavior of the postverbal negator in Moroccan Arabic, seeCaubet 1996: 86-88. On the behavior of negators in Tarifiyt, seeLafkioui 1996: 56-60.

As mentioned previously, the negator could have been analyzed as uḏ also for Taghzut and Hmed, but in this case, the 3MS verb prefix must be "zero".

The use of the negator u with verb forms in Imperfective in Taghzut is not common. In Hmed, it is considered grammatical, but the use of ula or la is more common.

The negator i cannot be followed by a clitic. In this case, the negator u is used, followed by the clitic(s) and then by i (cf. Section 13.4.2).

Based on the Arabic word qul 'to say': 'you don't say'.

In example[START_REF]Clitics are accentually dependent (an accentual test)[END_REF], the masculine is the basic meaning, and feminine is diminutive; in example (3), the feminine is the basic meaning, and masculine is augmentative.

The prefix is not present in all nouns. Depending on the word and the analysis (cf. below on voyelle constante), the initial vowel may be categorized as a prefix or as part of the stem. The suffix is usually used in FS nouns and in external plural derivation.

The examples in this section represent the EL. For the EA, see below.

The feminine noun is derived from the masculine by adding the prefix ṯ-and the suffix -ṯ. The suffix -ṯ can be realized as t in some contexts (e.g. after n). Some feminine nouns lack the feminine suffix.

The semivowel y is also present in the feminine counterparts, e.g. ṯaġerḏayṯ 'f. mouse' (Zerqet).

Alongside iḫčiwin, iḫči(w)ṯin.

This form is found among other variants, e.g. iḫčiwin, iḫčiṯen; iḫčiwṯin.

As noted previously, the gender opposition is relevant for the agreement only in Eastern Senhaja (Zerqet). However, morphologically, it is possible to distinguish between masculine plural and feminine plural: for example, feminine plurals often have the suffix -in as opposed to the masculine -an or -en, and they have the feminine prefix ṯ-. For apophonic plurals, the gender is impossible to distinguish in Ketama, while in the rest of Senhaja, feminine plurals are recognized due to the prefix ṯ-.

In Ghomara, tid ̱̣ d ̱̣ a is singular, and the corresponding plural form is tid ̱̣ d ̱̣ iwan(Mourigh 2015: 73).

Alongside inyan, the following forms are used inKetama: inyanen, inyawen, iniwin, iniwen, iniwan.

Note that there is a tendency to keep the initial ṯ-in such nouns in Ketama.

Some European loans appear without the geminated č, e.g. čuppa (pan-Snh.) 'pacifier', čuġa (Hmed) 'lettuce' (from Spanish). The last word appears to be shortened from Spanish lechuga.

In Ghomara, one also finds variation(Mourigh 2015: 26). In Moroccan Arabic, the article l-usually assimilates to the following ž and thus yields žž(Heath 2002: 169).

Some loans have different genders in Senhaja vs. Ghomara. The following nouns are masculine in Senhaja, but feminine in Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 90): llḥem 'meat', lkif 'cannabis'. The following noun, by contrast, is feminine in Senhaja, but masculine in Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 90): leḫwa 'valley'.

In this case, -s is in a French loanword.

This feature is found in many (albeit not all) Berber languages. On this topic, seeKossmann 2008a and Kossmann 2013a: 216-218 and 282-283.

The augmentatives are rare and are not used in all Senhaja varieties. Even in cases where a masculine singular class I noun is used, it does not always refer to an augmentative, but can be used as a synonym of a corresponding feminine singular noun, e.g. abaḵur 'early fig', abanan 'banana'.

This feature is shared by Senhaja with Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 111-127), although internal diminutives seem to be more widespread in Ghomara than in Senhaja.

Also in Ghomara, this is very marginal(Mourigh 2015: 126).

See https://academia.li/gutova/asammer for an illustration.

The same feature is observed in Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 141-144). On verbal nouns in Arabic, see[START_REF] Marçais | Esquisse grammaticale de l'arabe maghrèbin[END_REF]: 83-85. See Marçais 1977: 85 on Arabic verbal nouns that take the feminine suffix -a, which gives them a concrete interpretation.

This verbal noun is based from an Arabic borrowed verb.

The state of the following noun is uncertain, since the element is followed by tribe names such as Seddat, Bunsar, etc., that are unmarked for state.

See Section 8.6.2.2 on mul with Arabic pronominal suffixes.

There exists a debate among Berberologists about adjectives as belonging to a specific lexical category, or rather being a subcategory of nouns (e.g.[START_REF] Chaker | Adjectif (qualificatif)[END_REF]: 1-2, Galand 2002: 199) or verbs (Taine-Cheikh 2009a). There is also a debate about whether it is a sub-category at all. Galand 1990 discusses the diachronic development from nouns to stative verbs (verbe d'état) in Berber. On adjectives and suffix conjugation in Zenaga, see Taine-Cheikh 2003a, while Taine-Cheikh 2014 discusses the verb-noun distinction in Berber and its fluctuations.

See Section 7.4 for more details on conjugated adjectives.

Different from Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 205), feminine singular and (common) plural forms do not coincide in Senhaja.

Different from Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 207), Berber adjectives do not accept the Arabic article in most Senhaja varieties. Hmed forms an exception, where Berber adjectives may occasionally be preceded by the article.

In Ketama, all color terms are loans from Arabic. They can be (optionally) Berberized, e.g. ḥmer 'red' (adj.) ~ aḥemraw 'red (one)' (noun).

Here we distinguish between adjectives and participles as morphological terms, without reference to their syntactic function.

On adjectives in Moroccan Arabic (and how they form plurals), see e.g.[START_REF] Caubet | L'arabe marocain[END_REF][START_REF] Marçais | Esquisse grammaticale de l'arabe maghrèbin[END_REF][START_REF] Moscoso | El dialecto árabe de Chauen (N. de Marruecos). Estudio lingüístico y textos[END_REF]

E.g. Imperfective ṭṭwalay 'to be (constantly) getting taller'.

This type also includes adjectives with the underlying schwa realized as a before a back consonant, e.g. zṛaq /zṛeq/ 'blue'.

While native Berber color terms exist in Central and Eastern Senhaja varieties, Arabic borrowed color terms are used alongside them (especially by the younger generation), so the examples provided here are valid for the whole of Senhaja.

In Ghomara Berber, there is also one passive participle of a native Berber verb: mdaḡem 'drawn (of water)', from aḡem-d 'to draw water'(Mourigh 2015: 220).

There is also a participle mḥeššem (derived from ḥeššem, stem II) which is a near-synonym of metḥeššem.

This is different from Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 219-220), where i-becomes y only before the feminine singular suffix, while in the plural form, one of the two i's is elided.

Occasionally, some original participles of the type mCaCi (derived of base verbs of the type CaCi) are also incorporated in this category, e.g. meḥḏi 'touched' (<ḥaḏi 'touch').

In some words, the initial ' (hamza) has been changed to w.Cf. Fischer, Jastrow & Behnstedt 1980: 67.

In Ghomara, in the plural forms of such participles, the final -i can either become a glide or be omitted(Mourigh 2015: 224).

In Bunjel, only the non-conjugated adjectives are found with 1S.

A variant with a relative form of the verb 'to be' (ye-lla-n) also exists, but is not frequent.

Cf. lɛiḏ a meqqṛu-n (K), lɛiḏ a meqqṛ-en (T), lɛiḏ na meqquṛ-en (H), lɛiḏ na y-meqquṛ-en (B/Z), lɛiḏ n i-meqquṛ-en (Z) lit. 'Eid which is big' (Bigger Eid, Eid al-Adha, Festival of the Sacrifice).

 574 This is different in Ghomara, where both Berber and Arabic adjectives, as well as borrowed participles, have a relative form(Mourigh 2015: 208, 217).

For example, the adjective mezyan 'good' has an external plural (by means of the suffix -in alone), while the adjective ṭwil 'tall' forms plural by apophony (the plural stem is ṭwal) in addition to the suffix (hence: ṭwal-in).

The "extension" of pronouns by means of final -i, -in, -ini is quite common in Berber (cf. Kossmann 2017b for Seghrushen). In Seghrushen, the longer forms are more "emphatic" than the short ones. This is normally not the case in Senhaja.

Cf. Lafkioui 2007a: 116 and maps 128-137.

For a list of the kinship terms and more details on which kinship nouns accept pronominal suffixes, see Appendix 3.

In the other varieties (Hmed, Bunsar, and Mezduy), only demonstrative or anaphoric pronouns are used as heads of relative clauses.

The vowel i is present both in the singular and plural forms in bare pronominal heads. However, in demonstratives (discussed below), the vowel a in the singular alternates with i in the plural. The element n is likewise absent in demonstratives, except for the anaphoric demonstrative wanna.

Cf. Lafkioui 2007a: 154 and maps 185-196.

Cf. Mourigh 2015: 214 for Ghomara and Lafkioui 2007a: 151 (and maps 181-184) for the Rif.

In combination with prepositions, there exists an alternative construction, based either on the borrowed element mmen (Hmed) or the Berber mi (Bunsar, Zerqet, Mezduy) (see Section 9.5).

The element ha is used to present something (cf. Lafkioui 2011a: 46), but can also be used to alert. It is invariable for gender and number.

The same situation is found in Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 227, 292). Unlike in Seghrushen (Kossmannn 2017b), the presentative ha does not take Berber clitic pronouns in Senhaja.

In Senhaja, different from Tarifiyt and as in Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 253), there are no separate prepositions in relative constructions.

Potentially, this feature could be taken as an argument to propose the existence of a third state in Senhaja. This analysis is not developed further here.

Souag 2015b discusses the typology of conjunction and agreement, and demonstrates how in Songhay, probably under the influence of Berber, the conjunction (NP-AND) developed into the comitative preposition. This development reverses a better-known (claimed to be unidirectional) path COMITATIVE > NP-AND. Different Senhaja varieties, then, show different stages of this path.

In this sense, it partly overlaps with the preposition ġur/ġuḏ 'at' discussed below.

This preposition is historically related to the noun iḫef 'head, self'.

Cf. the Ablative zi(yy)-(H/Z) discussed below, which is homonymous in Zerqet with the instrumental zi(yy)-discussed above.

Cf. the homonymous Instrumental zi(yy)-'with' in Zerqet, and the Ablative preposition zi(yy)-'from' in Hmed/Zerqet.

In Hmed, za can be reduced to z also before other consonants, e.g. z(a) luzin 'to the factory'.

In Taghzut, the cognate preposition is g ġef n 'on top of'. In Ketama, g iġef n 'on top of' is also found, but is rare, as gesni n is preferred.

For other ways to express 'in front of' in Ketama and Hmed, see Section 9.4.1.

In Zerqet, n^tešqiqṯ without spirantization of ṯ following n.

Compare the pronominal head in combination with the 1S pronoun, Section 8.4. This does not happen with regular nouns.

This construction is not used by some young speakers in Zerqet, but is used by the older generation.

On semantics and pragmatics of locative expressions, see[START_REF] Herskovits | Semantics and pragmatics of locative expressions[END_REF]

In Ketama, the word for 'shade' has been completely replaced by the Arabic ḍḍel. In Hmed, the cognate lexeme ṯiyyi 'shade' is preserved, but is not used in the sense 'under'. For 'under', Hmed employs z(i)du, and Ketama (s)g ezdu (n).

On prepositional interrogatives are how they are built in different Berber varieties, see Kossmann 2012a: 90.

As with the borrowed interrogative škun 'who/what' in Ketama, the same form is used in the meaning 'who' and 'what', different from Arabic. The same situation is found in Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 382).See Kossmann 2013a: 304 for a discussion.

The m (mi, ma) is an ancient element that is often used to form interrogatives across Berber, cf. Kossmann 2012a: 90.

Cf. Bendjaballah et al. 2015 for some comparative data. On Wh-clitic-doubling, see[START_REF] Hankari | Wh-clitic-doubling and Wh-Cliticisation[END_REF]

The Arabic equivalent of ġur, ɛend-is borrowed in Senhaja and is used in the specialized meaning 'look out' (in warnings). It normally takes Arabic suffix pronouns (cf. Section 8.6.2).

A finite verb form is used in Zerqet, and a relative form in Ketama following the relative marker a, with a fronted pronominal clitic referring to the possessed object. Cf. Section 12.4.4 on clitic fronting in interrogatives.

In this regard, Senhaja is different from Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 295-296).

The discontinuous negation by means of ma...š is only marginally possible (parts of Ketama and parts of Hmed) and is considered an Arabism by most Senhaja speakers.

On the negator bu, see[START_REF] Lafkioui | La négation en tarifit[END_REF], 1999 (Chapter 2), 2007a: 234-236, 2013a, and 2013b. According toLafkioui (2013b: 116), bu is used for existential descriptive negation.

In Taghzut, EA is also permitted (in free variation with EL).

Senhaja is not unique in this regard, as many other Berber varieties have borrowed Arabic numerals. On Ghomara, cf. Mourigh 2015: 245. On the typology of number borrowing in Berber, see[START_REF] Souag | The Typology of Number Borrowing in Berber[END_REF]

Some variation is observed in the pronunciation of some numerals, e.g. Taghzut/Hmed ț vs t in the rest of Senhaja.

The gender in prenominal numerals is usually not distinguished with Arabic-morphology nouns. One could posit that the Ketama and Taghzut yan should be analyzed as ya + the Genitive n. However, since yan also exists as an independent form, we regard -n as part of the stem. Nevertheless, it is difficult to distinguish the single numeral yan from the underlying yan + n. The same applies to un found in Eastern Senhaja.

A further difference between the varieties is that in Ketama, the relative marker a is obligatory, while in Hmed and Zerqet, the relative marker na is optional in these examples.

In this regard, Senhaja is different from Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 297).

In the Imugzan dialect of Hmed, the negation by means of ma...š is also accepted.

In Ghomara, as in Senhaja, such elements remain postverbal(Mourigh 2015: 319). The same situation is found in Ghadames(Kossmann 2013b). In Kabyle, fronting of adverbs and prepositions is rare (examples are mostly restricted to poetry).

Ouahalla's theory changed through the years from right-adjoined clitics[START_REF] Ouhalla | The syntax of head movement: A study of Berber[END_REF][START_REF] Ouhalla | Clitic movement and the ECP: Evidence from Berber and Romance languages[END_REF] to leftadjoined clitics(Ouhalla 2005a).

In our analysis, the reason why the DO is often left postposed in Ketama, is to avoid ambiguity, as it would have often become indistinguishable when fronted (e.g. in combination with the homophonous 2S/3FS/2P verb prefix).

Zerqet. In Hmed, the use of the relative marker can trigger clitic fronting.

Besides fuqaš, there is also fawyaḫ ~ maywaḫ (Ketama), and faywaḫ (Ketama/Hmed). In Zerqet, fuqaš is used most frequently, and fayaḫ is rare.

The question word ḵa 'how' is distinguished from the question marker and counterfactual ka by spirantization. Cf.Souag 2018: 64.

Lit. 'How did he do to it': the verb 'to do' takes an IO.

The construction (c) with a finite verb and fronted clitics is not found in the Ikherruden dialect of Zerqet, but is considered grammatical in the dialect of Lqitun (without the relative marker).

The speakers from Ikherruden prefer the sentence šḥa wsa-n=d (how.much come:P-3P=VC) 'How many came?', but the underlying structure is the same.

In the sense 'why?', Ketama uses the prepositional interrogative i men. Hmed uses either the borrowed ɛlaš or the prepositional interrogative ḫ emmen (lit. 'on what?').

In Hmed, the conjunction zgʷami is optionally followed by the relative marker a.

The initial z(g) is probably the relic of the Ablative preposition 'from'. In Ketama, ga 'when' can be also preceded by z: zga 'since, when'.

It is thus distinguished from the preposition ḥetta (ar) 'until', cf. Section 9.3.2.4. The final element ni in ḥettani may be from Arabic. In Arabic, 'an (and variants) is a complementizer (comparable to the English 'that'), so that ḥetta^ni is literally 'until that'.

We remind that in the names of models, 'I' stands for the IO, 'D' stands for the DO, and 'V' stands for the ventive, while '-' indicates the position with regard to the verb.

The 3MS:DO can be (optionally) expressed in Beni Aisi and Beni Hmed by a spirantized ṯ (rare in Sahel/Lmekhzen).

This variant is especially avoided in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed in cases of ambiguity such as when the 3S:DO clitic t is followed by verb forms starting in the PNG prefix t-(2S, 3FS and 2P persons).

In the column 'Dialect', the following abbreviations are used: BA/H = Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed, L = Lmekhzen, Sh = Sahel.

As noted previously, the fronted 1S (IO and DO) clitic yt might be originally an amalgam of the 1S clitic y and the following 3S:DO (t), or a reinterpretation of the 1S clitic y and the following 2S/3FS/2P subject prefix, or a combination of both.

The label "CCF+t" (IDt-model) indicates that the complete fronting (of IO and DO) is accompanied by the dummy DO.

In other words, in Sahel (and Lmekhzen), but not in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed, the element (e)n can be interpreted either as part of the preceding 3P:IO (a)sen, or as 3P:DO clitic n (when followed by the dummy DO). In Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed, only one reading is possible (with a 3P:IO).

In Ketama, the fronted 3P:DO clitic is hn.

This, however, does not happen in the CCF scenario in Sahel (or in the neighbouring Taghzut variety).

It has been observed that clitics might behave differently in imperatives in the world's languages. See e.g.[START_REF] Moyna | Pronominal Clitic Stress in Río de la Plata Spanish: An Optimality Account[END_REF] on Spanish clitics in such contexts.

This form of the subject prefix is used in the Aorist following the irrealis marker a (originally aḏ) and is itself a result of assimilation from the original aḏ + ṯ-> a^t-.

The form šatduwweḫ would rather be interpreted in these varieties as containing a fronted 3S:DO clitic, i.e. š-a^t^duwwaḫ (<š-a t=t-duwwaḫ FT^NR 3S:DO=3FS-make.dizzy:A) 'she will make him/her dizzy'.

The same phenomenon is found in Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 325-326), where, however, it is not restricted to the preverbal position.

Note that the ventive is realized as d following the 2MS:IO, which is distinguished from the 2MS:DO also by the fricative ḵ. See Section 12.3 for the complete paradigm of the DO and IO clitics with the ventive in Hmed.

The same phenomenon is found in Ghomara(Mourigh 2015: 229).

Compare Brugnatelli 2011: 24 on this feature in Berber. Similar phenomena have been detected in Ebla(Brugnatelli 1991).

In the case of this noun, Ketama allows the use of both independent possessive pronouns and suffix pronouns. Most other kinship terms accept only independent possessive pronouns.

In these varieties, the term is may-when followed by a possessive suffix (outside 1S).

Seddat also suṯḫatt(-i), suyṯḫatt(-i).

The preverbal negator depends on the aspect and the variety; u(ḏ) and ur are typically found with the Perfective in Seddat, while ula is typically found with the Imperfective inTaghzut, Seddat, and Hmed.

Acknowledgements .................................................................................................................. Symbols and Abbreviations .....................................................................................................

Acknowledgements

plurals and participles share the same suffixes to mark the gender and number. In Ketama and Hmed, adjectives are never conjugated, while in Seddat, lexemes cognate with Berber adjectives are obligatorily conjugated with the regular PNG affixes (prefixes and suffixes) and are distinguished from regular verbs only by the lack of MAN distinctions. Some other varieties (Taghzut, Bunsar, Zerqet) have both conjugated and non-conjugated Berber adjectives. Conjugation may be carried out by suffixes only (Taghzut, Bunsar, the Bunjel dialect of Zerqet), or can be regular (the Ikherruden dialect of Zerqet). In Taghzut and Bunsar, Arabic adjectives and participles can also be conjugated. This conjugation is carried out by suffixes only.

When adjectives and participles (conjugated or not) appear on their own, they refer to the present, or no specific time reference is made. The reference to the future and to the past is expressed by means of the auxiliary verb 'to be'. There are different strategies to negate adjectives and participles. Most typically, the negation is achieved by the negated form of the verb 'to be', by a single negator maši, or by a bipartite negation. In Zerqet, the strategy depends on whether the adjective is conjugated or not.

In subject relative clauses, a special form (the so-called relative form) of an adjective can be used. In Senhaja, only Berber adjectives have morphologically derived relative forms. Arabic adjectives and participles can occur in relativization contexts, but have no morphologically-derived relative forms.

The following features of adjectives in Senhaja are important to underline: 1) adjectives form a separate morphological class, with distinct markers;

2) (unconjugated) adjectives have no prefixes in Senhaja;

3) when adjectives are used predicatively, no predicative particle is used in any Senhaja variety; by contrast, when nouns are used predicatively, the predicative particle can be used in Hmed, and is required in Zerqet; 4) adjectives are conjugated in parts of Senhaja, making them quasi-verbs; 5) when conjugated, adjectives either have a special marking carried out by suffixes only (Taghzut, Bunsar, parts of Zerqet), or a regular marking (Seddat, parts of Zerqet); 6) Berber adjectives tend to have a particular pattern (long C2), e.g. meqquṛ (pan-Senhaja) 'big', mezzi~meẓẓiy (most varieties) 'small', meččiḵ (Hmed) 'small', messus (Hmed) 'insipid'.

The suffixal conjugation of adjectives and participles recalls the stative conjugation found in many Berber varieties. However, conjugated adjectives in Senhaja are not stative verbs, because they lack MAN distinctions. Conjugated adjectives can be regarded as an intermediate category between adjectives and verbs.

of possessive suffixes, an extra element ṯ is inserted between the kinship term and the suffix (as in Tarifiyt). The distinct 2FP and 3FP forms are rare in Zerqet, while in Mezduy, only 3FP has been found. In Ketama and Taghzut, there are restrictions on the use of plural forms of pronominal suffixes with kinship terms. Also, in these varieties, nouns that accept pronominal suffixes can instead use a construction with the Genitive n-.

Within the Ketama variety, there are dialectal differences: the dialects of Beni Aisi and Beni Hmed (K1 in the tables below) do not accept plural possessive suffixes with kinship terms, while these are possible in Talghunt and Lmekhzen (K2 in the tables below). However, even in Talghunt and Lmekhzen, there is no 1P suffix.

Instead, the construction with the Genitive n-is used (1P n-na 'our'). In Taghzut, by contrast, the 1P suffix is found with kinship nouns, while 2P suffix is not; instead, a construction with the Genitive n-with the 2P suffix is used. The following table lists pronominal suffixes used with kinship nouns in Senhaja. 583 A construction with the Genitive preposition n-is used when the suffix is not accepted (indicated by ---in the table). Parentheses (...) indicate that the variant is rare in a given dialect.

Pronominal suffixes used with kinship terms

Sfx

Var. Sfx Var.

1S

Ø all 1P -naġ, -neġ, -na, -ṯ-neġ, ---most, T1/S, T2, M, K

2MS -ḵ all 2P

-wen (wem), -ṯ-wen, ---most incl. K2 (Z2, M), M, K1/T

2FS

-m all 2FP (-went) Z

3S

-s all 3P sen, ṯ-sen, ---most incl. K2, M, K1

3FP (-sent), (ṯ-send) Z, M

The following table provides examples: pronominal suffixes following the noun gma 'brother' in Ketama/Taghzut/Seddat, and following the noun yemma 'mother' in Seddat/Hmed/Zerqet/Mezduy. 584 The noun yemma is realized as may-when followed by a suffix in these varieties. When followed by the plural pronominal suffixes (starting in ṯ), the noun takes the form ma-in Mezduy.

583 K1 stands for the Beni Aisi and Beni Hmed dialects; K2 stands for the Talghunt and Lmekhzen dialects of Ketama. T1 stands for the Lqela dialect of Taghzut, and T2 for the dialects outside Lqela, such as Beni Khlef. 584 The noun gma used in Western Senhaja corresponds to ašqiq in the majority of Senhaja (belonging to class I and thus not accepting pronominal suffixes). In Seddat, both gma (usually realized as ḡma:

spirantization is ignored in the table) and ašqiq are used.

Pronouns with the Genitive Preposition n-

The Genitive preposition n-followed by the pronominal suffixes expresses possession:

there are no true possessive pronouns in Senhaja. The preposition has the form nwhen followed by a consonant, and nn-when followed by a vowel, including the schwa. The 1S form inu is irregular. The distinct 2FP and 3FP forms are rare (Z/M).

The

Pronominal Heads and Demonstratives

When a Noun Phrase is constituted by a pronominal form followed by a determination, such as a relative or a possessive phrase ('the one that...', 'the one of...'), special pronominal forms can be used. Such forms are called here pronominal heads following Kossmann (2011: 84, 113-119). 587 In addition, pronominal heads can be combined with deictic clitics in order to form demonstratives (Section 8. 4.3). With the final -yed ̱̣ , pronominal heads form words for 'other' (Section 8.4.4). In most Senhaja varieties, demonstratives are more frequently used as heads of relative and possessive phrases than bare pronominal heads. Especially plural forms of pronominal heads are very rare in discourse, and demonstratives are used instead.

Pronominal Heads with Relative Clauses

Bare pronominal heads can function as heads of relative phrases in Ketama, Taghzut, and Zerqet. 588 In Ketama, the masculine singular and the (common) plural forms are identical. It is impossible to state with certainty if the pronominal heads in Ketama 587 Pronominal heads are support de détermination in Galand's terminology (1966, 1974, 2002a, 2010: 155-6). In Prasse's terminology, they are pronoms d'appui (Prasse et al. 2003), and in Heath's terminology, they are demonstratives used as internal heads (Heath 2006: 624). As discussed in Section 5.5, ha also appears in combination with the Berber pseudoverb (a)qa.

numeral + bi-(Ketama), e.g. ḫemsa bi-na '(with the) five of us', that combines only with the plural forms of pronominal suffixes; 604

mreḥba bi-(< merḥaba bi-) 'welcome (to)' (pan-Senhaja).

2) men ġir-'except, without'

Arabic suffixes with men ġir-are found in Ketama, Taghzut, and Hmed. In Taghzut and

Hmed, the same element can also be followed by Berber suffixes (which is the only variant in Zerqet and Mezduy). In Ketama, from this paradigm with the native suffixes, only the form with the 3S suffix (men ġir-es 'except him/her') has been found. In combination with the 1P pronominal suffix, only the Arabic -na is found across Senhaja (including Zerqet and Mezduy), while the Berber -naġ/neġ is considered ungrammatical. The same feature is found with the elements ɛemmeṛ 'never' and fḥal-'(one's) home/way' discussed below. There exists an alternative construction to men ġir-across Senhaja: illa 'except' followed by an independent Berber pronoun, e.g. men ġir-i ~ illa nek(ki) 'except for me' (pan-Senhaja).

3) bwaḥḏ/ḇuḥḏ-'alone'

The element bwaḥḏ-'alone' is originally b-'with' (instrumental) + waḥed 'one'. In Ketama, this element can take Arabic pronominal suffixes. In the rest of Senhaja, we find weḥ(ḥ)ḏ-(Taghzut ḇeḥḏ-) followed by the Berber suffixes. This word also accepts Berber pronominal suffixes in Ketama. There are dialectal preferences: the Berber suffixes are more used in Beni Aisi and Beni Hmed than in Talghunt, Lmekhzen, or Sahel (which are generally more Arabized). When combined with the Arabic pronominal suffixes, there are further dialectal differences within Ketama: in most dialects, the word bwaḥḏ-is followed directly by the singular pronominal suffixes. In Sahel, alongside the common forms, there are also variants with the additional -iṯ before the pronominal suffix. 605 With plural pronominal suffixes, the inserted iṯ is found more generally (in all Ketama dialects), alongside variants with i or with no inserted element (especially in Sahel). The varieties of Taghzut and Hmed employ Berber suffixes with this word (Taghzut ḇeḥḏ-, Hmed weḥḏ-), and also insert extra vowels before the plural pronominal suffixes: Taghzut an extra i, and Hmed an extra a.

Zerqet and Mezduy use weḥḥeḏ-without an extra element. 606 The comparative paradigms with both Arabic and Berber pronominal suffixes follow.

604 Cf. T/H/Z s ḫemsa iyyes-naġ~is-naġ '(with the) five of us', see Section 10.4.

605 The element iṯ is also found in Sahel with the Berber pronouns, e.g. bwaḥḏ-iṯ-em (alongside bwaḥḏ-em) 'you (FS) alone'.

606 Cf. https://academia.li/gutova/senhaja-alone for the complete paradigms.

Prepositions

Introduction

Prepositions serve to indicate the function of a noun or a pronoun that follow them in relation to the predicate. In Senhaja, prepositions can be simple or complex (including combined). 615 Simple prepositions consist of a single element and can be divided further into groups according to the state of the noun that follows (Section 9.2). Many simple prepositions have two allomorphs, one (usually the shorter one) used before nouns and the other one (usually longer) used with pronominal suffixes. 616 The two forms are not always clearly related. Some prepositions do not take pronominal suffixes, but instead are followed by independent pronouns. Nouns following most prepositions are in the EA (Annexed State, cf. Section 6.1.1.3), while some prepositions take nouns in EL (optionally or obligatorily).

Complex prepositions follow the Genitive n (Section 9.3.1). Some prepositions are optionally complex, because the Genitive n is not obligatory. Those of them that take EL when n is absent, are discussed in Section 9.2.3. Some prepositions can be combined (Section 9.3.2). Section 9.4 discusses some frequent (more or less fixed) locative expressions. They are based on nouns that can be considered grammaticalized to different degrees.

Prepositions can be combined with the elements mmen, mi to form prepositional interrogatives (cf. Section 9.5). Some prepositions originated from nouns and preserve nominal characteristics. A few Arabic borrowed prepositions can take Arabic pronominal suffixes (cf. Section 8.6.2), e.g. bi-'with' (instrumental). This phenomenon is marginal in Senhaja, and examples are limited to fixed expressions borrowed from Arabic.

The prepositional predicate

Prepositional phrases can function as predicates, e.g. 615 Historically, some prepositions are complex/combined, but can be considered as simple synchronically, if the elements they are made up from are no longer used on their own. Some prepositions optionally include a basic preposition, making them (optionally) complex. Some prepositions are simple when followed by a noun, but complex when followed by a pronominal suffix.

can likewise be based on n 'of' or ġur 'at'. Alternatively, an old construction based on the verb 'to own, to possess' is used.

Cardinal Numerals

The following table lists the cardinal numerals in Senhaja. The numerals are basically the same across Senhaja. 675 Starting from the number waḥeḏ u ɛišrin 'twenty-one' (lit.

'one and twenty'), the coordinator u is used to link the tens and units. In 'hundred and one', the order is as in English: mya w waḥeḏ (lit. 'hundred and one').

Although the (dialectal) numeral 'two' is žuž, in 'twenty-two', 'thirty-two', etc., the form tnayn~ṯnayn ('two') is used instead, e.g.

To sum up, clitic is a concept not defined in a consistent way, but used for quite different phenomena in different languages, as there is no agreement on how to distinguish clitics from affixes or free words. Not only the clitics, but also the verbal complex can be defined differently. It definitely includes the "core" which consists of the verb, and arguably also of the periphery that includes everything "around" the verb that cannot be occur without it. The periphery thus includes verbal clitics, but also verbal particles (preverbal and postverbal negators, tense/aspect markers). The following section discusses generalizations about clitics in Berber.

Berber Verbal Clitics and the Clitic Fronting

Although it is difficult to provide a cross-linguistic definition of "clitics", it is possible to give an intra-language definition. In Berber, when distinguishing clitics and affixes, the criterion of mobility is important. In Spanish, in this case, both constructions can be used interchangeably. In Berber, as in Spanish, clitics can change their position, and can be placed in front of the verb.

However, there are differences with Spanish:

1) In Berber, generally, clitics are fronted under certain conditions, and do so obligatorily. There is usually no free variation, and the clitics either follow, or precede the verb. 697

696 See e.g. [START_REF] Kayne | Null subjects and clitic climbing[END_REF]Monachesi 2000. 697 Variation can be found in some Berber varieties, including Ketama in specific contexts (see Chapter 13), but this is a deviation from the "classical" model. DO repetition, by means of preverbal t) models are used, as discussed below.

DO clitic

In the following two subsections, the paradigms of the verb containing two pronominal clitics (IO and DO) are presented. First, IO+3S:DO is discussed, followed by IO+3P:DO.

IO and Third Person Singular DO

The following table provides a paradigm of the verb š-a y-ek 'he will give' containing both the IO and the 3S:DO clitics: 'He will give it (3S:DO) to [someone]' (with various IO clitics). 738 The dummy DO is represented as t in the names of types and models:

-PCF (I-D model) and CCF (ID-model) involve no dummy DO;

-PCF+t is similar to the PCF (as the IO is fronted, and the DO is postposed), but involves the dummy DO (which is seemingly repeated in the postverbal position, on the surface identical with the DO repetition): It-D model.

Avoidance of ambiguity?

Both the PCF (I-D) and the PCF+t (It-D) constructions are probably an innovation in Ketama. These constructions, divergent from the usual (CCF) scheme, might have arisen in order to avoid ambiguity. Besides the fact that in the preverbal position, following an IO clitic, the 3MS:DO and 3FS:DO clitics often merge, there is yet another difficulty. Thus, the CCF (ID-model with the preverbal 3S:DO clitic pronoun t) leads to ambiguity when used with t-initial verb forms (2S/3FS/2P prefix), as it is impossible to distinguish such forms from a variant without a 3S:DO. In a PCF construction (I-D model), by means of postposing the DO clitic, the ambiguity is resolved and the DO remains explicit. However, the ambiguity regarding the presence of the DO exists also in sentences without an IO clitic, which have no other model to avoid the ambiguity.

In Lmekhzen and Sahel (as in Taghzut and Zerqet), where the PCF is ungrammatical with the singular DO, the CCF-model used with t-initial verb forms is homophonous with a construction without a DO. When the verb form does not have a subject prefix t-, there are no difficulties, as the presence of DO is apparent. Still, even with these verb forms, the PCF model is preferred in Beni Aisi/Beni Hmed.

Whatever the exact origin of the innovated (PCF and PCF+t) constructions, the 746 Outside Senhaja, ventive repetition is found in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 323, 325), Mali Tuareg (Heath 2005: 597 and 601) and in Bousemghoun Sud-Oranais (Kossmann 2010: 93), among others.

However, in these varieties, the ventive can be repeated also when it is the only clitic in the construction. This is extremely rare in Ketama.

When the ventive clitic occurs with the IO and the 3P:DO clitics, it can appear:

1) in the postverbal position: PCF (I-DV model);

2) in the preverbal position: PCF (IV-D model);

3) on both sides of the verb: VR (IV-DV model).

The difference with the constructions involving IO+3S:DO+ventive clitics is that now, the CCF (IDV-model) is not available. This is probably due to the fact that in this scenario, the form of the fronted DO would have been reduced to prefix, and also in the 2S/3FS/2P, where the PNG prefix is assimilated to the ventive. 752 In this table (unlike in other tables), it was chosen to write each particle and clitic in its own slot. 753 In the CR scenario, it is either the ventive clitic alone that is repeated, or the ventive clitic together with the DO clitic. DO clitic is not repeated without ventive repetition when the verb contains both clitics.

The behavior of the verbal clitics in three varieties of Tunisian Berber (Guellala, Tamezret, and Douiret) has been described by Collins (1981-1982). There are differences between the varieties, but also some common rules. In Tamezret, in verb forms with two pronominal clitics, only the IO is fronted, while the DO remains postverbal, as in Ketama.

In Ghadames, it is possible to have a verbal clitic in the clause-initial position (Kossmann 2013b: 82), thus violating the Tobler Mussafia law. In some examples, the clitic can be separated from the verb. In Mali Tuareg, deictic clitics can be repeated, or pronominal clitics can undergo partial fronting, where the DO is fronted, and the IO is postposed (Heath 2005: 597, 614).

To sum up, many Berber varieties show different deviations from the usual model of clitic fronting. While deviations differ, there are some tendencies. Thus, there is a tendency to front IO and to keep other clitics (DO and ventive) postposed, or to repeat certain clitics. Repetition of the deictic clitics is especially frequent. Repetition of the DO is also found in several varieties. Repetition of the IO, on the other hand, is not found as frequently. Clitic repetition may be seen as a transition stage between the complete clitic fronting to the partial clitic fronting.

Looking at the deviations from the usual system in various Berber languages, we can conclude that there are some parallels with Ketama. Something similar is found, first of all, in Ghomara, but also in Mzab in Algeria and Tamezret in Tunisia, in that when there are two clitics (IO+DO), the DO can be left postposed. Moreover, if the ventive is also present, it is usually repeated in such constructions (the IV-DV model).

While all these varieties are spoken in a relative isolation and have been heavily

influenced by Arabic, it is unlikely that partial clitic fronting is a contact-induced changed, as clitics behave regularly in some other constructions. It is therefore more logical to assume that the origins of this construction must be sought within Berber.

Different factors might have played a role in the development of a new system. Some of them might be limited to a specific variety, while others might operate on a more general level. Not all theories have to be valid for all varieties. In the case of Ketama, the avoidance of ambiguity might have given rise to the new models of clitic behavior. Given the geographical distance between the areas in which the innovations took place, we assume that the innovations were not caused by contact between these varieties. Moreover, the precise patterns are different. Because the patterns are different, it is not likely that one theory will cover all the variation. However, it can be observed that in a number of varieties, various reanalysis phenomena might be responsible for the change in the clitic behavior.

In the Sahel dialect of Ketama, clitics behave like in The following table is devoted specifically to prohibitives in Beni Aisi and Beni Hmed dialects, where the fronted clitics are separated from the verb by the prohibitive i.

Models of clitic behavior in Ketama prohibitives

The major factors that influence the behavior of the clitics were established:

1) Syntactic context: unmarked vs. marked;

2) The number of the clitics involved;

-The nature of the clitics involved: the IO+DO clitic chain is usually split, while other combinations of two clitics are normally not split;

-Ventive and DO clitics can be repeated, while IO clitic cannot.

3) The form of the clitic: person and number. With some combinations of clitics, the form of the clitic matters.

-For the DO+ventive, the ventive can be repeated in Lmekhzen (V-DV model) only if the DO clitic is in the third person.

-For the IO+DO, the number of the DO clitic matters. If the DO is plural, the CCF without the dummy DO is impossible. The form of the IO clitic also matters for the IO+3P:DO clitic combination. The CCF+t construction is incompatible with all plural forms of IO clitics. The distinction between singular and plural DO is also important for the combination of three clitics:

CCF is incompatible with the plural forms of DO.

There are dialectal differences in the behavior of clitics. Some models are only found in specific dialects, or are more frequent in some dialects than in others.

Morphophonology of the Verbal Complex

This chapter is devoted to the morphophonology of the verbal complex (as defined in (1) š-a n-les ~ š-a l^les (H)

FT-NR 1P-wear:A 'We will wear (clothes).'

When the verbal subject prefix n-is followed by the r-/ṛ of the verb stem, this may (optionally) result in a geminated rr/ṛṛ in Ketama and Hmed, but the assimilation usually does not take place in Zerqet, e.g.

Ketama/Hmed Zerqet Translation

š-a n-erfes ~ š-a r^rfes š-a n-erfes we will knead š-a n-ṛeẓ ~ š-a ṛ^ṛeẓ š-a n-ṛeẓ we will break

The verb stem in d-and the prefix t-(IPF, PASS, or subject PNG prefix)

There is regressive assimilation in voice: the voiced d of the verb stem makes the preceding t voiced. This effects the Imperfective prefix t-and the subject marker t-(2S, 3FS, and 2P) in most Senhaja varieties (including Ketama, Zerqet), e.g.

-t+duwwaḫ > d^duwwaḫ (most Snh.), IPF stem of duwwaḫ 'to make dizzy'.

In Hmed/Taghzut, the IPF prefix is ț-, which does not undergo assimilation, e.g.

-ț+duwwaḫ > ț-duwwaḫ, IPF stem of duwwaḫ 'to make dizzy'.

In most Senhaja varieties with the exception of Hmed and Taghzut, the same assimilation rule applies to the 2S/3FS/2P verb subject prefix t-. 755 Thus, in Zerqet, Ketama, and most Senhaja varieties, we find:

-š-a^t-duwwaḫ > š-a^d-duwwaḫ 'she will make dizzy'. 756

In Hmed, the 2S/3FS/2P subject prefix t-is not assimilated in voice to the following d of the verb stem, e.g.

(2) š-a ^t-deḫḫel FT-NR ^3FS-make.enter:A 'she will make enter' (H)

In this variety, this form with the sequence d+d would be interpreted as including the preverbal ventive. In the other varieties where assimilation of the subject prefix t-(>d) takes place, the forms with the fronted ventive and without it merge. Compare the following example in Hmed vs. Zerqet (in Zerqet homophonous with the same sentence without a ventive):

(

FT-NR VC ^3FS^make.enter:A 'She will make enter here' (H/Z)

In the Perfective, in most Senhaja varieties, the form of this subject prefix is ṯ-(Ketama has ṯ > h-/a-/ah-). This does not assimilate to the following d in voice, e.g.

In Ketama and Hmed, the AOR stem of the verb 'to go' is ddu, starting in a long dd. In this case, assimilation of the subject prefix t-is optional in Ketama and Hmed, there is no assimilation in this case:

-š-a^t-ddu ~ š-a^ddu (K/H) 'she will go'.

The subject prefix t-also assimilates to the following ḍ, e.g.

-ḍreḥ 'to scoop bread', š-a^ḍ^ḍreḥ 'she will scoop bread'.

If the verb stem starts in a spirantized ḏ or d ̱̣ , or in another voiced consonant, there is no assimilation.

The Verb and the Particles

The presence of verbal particles can influence the shape of the verbal affixes.

2S/3FS/2P verb subject prefix and the irrealis aḏ

The irrealis particle is originally aḏ, although the final -ḏ is often lost, unless in an intervocalic position. In some forms, the final -ḏ is only visible in the resulting assimilation. With 2S/3FS/2P verb forms (underlyingly, prefix ṯ-), the final -ḏ is visible only in the assimilated form: ḏ+ṯ > t (without gemination), e.g. ( 4) š-a ^t-ḵerz-eḏ (pan-Snh.)

FT-NR ^2-plow:A-2S

'You (SG) will plow'.

Compare the corresponding forms in the Perfective:

(5) ṯ-ḵerz-eḏ (H/Z) h-ḵerz-eḏ (K)

2-plow:P-2S

'You (SG) plowed.'

3MS subject suffix and preverbal particles

3MS subject prefix has different realizations depending on the context (largely related to the preverbal particles). In the Perfective (positive), the prefix is realized as i-across varieties, and this is the original form of the prefix. In the Aorist, following the irrealis

FT-NR ^3S:IO= 2-give:A-2P

'You (PL) will give to him/her.'

Following the fronted 3P:DO clitic (K/H hen, Z ṯen), the prefix is spirantized in Hmed, and not spirantized in Ketama and Zerqet:

FT-NR 3P:DO=2-find:A-2S

'You (SG) will find them.'

In Perfective and Imperfective verb forms, the 2S/3FS/2P subject prefix is realized as h-in Ketama. Following a fronted clitic (except for the ventive), the verb prefix is realized as t-in Ketama. In Hmed and Zerqet, the prefix is realized as ṯ-, whether preceded by a clitic or not:

(

NEG 2-find:P-2S NEG 'You (SG) did not find.'

NEG 3S:DO ^(2)find:P-2S NEG 'You (SG) did not find it (M/F).'

NEG 3MS:DO ^2-find:P-2S NEG 'You (SG) did not find it (M).'

NEG 3FS:DO 2-find:P-2S NEG 'You (SG) did not find it (F).'

3) 2S/3FS/2P subject prefix and fronted 1S:DO/IO clitic

The preverbal 1S (DO=IO) clitic has different forms in Ketama depending on the context and on the dialect: yṯ, yt, t. 766 It could be said that the form with the final -t/ṯ is found only with 3MS and 3P verb forms, while the original y is found with the remaining persons. Alternatively, it could be said that the form of the 1S:DO remains the same, while the 2S/3FS/2P verb prefix is assimilated and realized as "zero" after the clitic. We choose the first approach, as it also parallels the forms found in Hmed and Zerqet:

FT-NR 1S:DO 3FS-see:A 'She will see me.'

When 1S clitic is realized as t (possible in Beni Hmed dialect, merging with 3S:DO), there is no opposition between the variants with and without a fronted clitic when followed by the 2S/3FS/2P prefix t-in the Aorist, e.g. 766 The 1S clitic yṯ is found most frequently in Beni Aisi; yt in Beni Hmed, Lmekhzen, and Sahel; t in Beni Hmed (alongside yt). In Beni Hmed, when the preverbal 1S is realized as t, it is homophonous with the 3FS:DO (and 3MS:DO in some contexts). The unusual form of the fronted 1S clitic pronoun in Ketama probably originated as a reanalysis of the fronted 1S y followed by the "problematic PNG prefix" t

3MS subject prefix and preverbal clitics

When a 3MS verb form follows a fronted clitic, within Ketama, there is a difference in pronunciation depending on the dialect: the prefix i-is more frequent in Beni Aisi and Lmekhzen, while the forms with prefix y-are more frequent in Sahel. Both forms are encountered in Beni Hmed. In other Senhaja varieties (Hmed, Zerqet), the forms with i-as 3MS subject prefix are more frequent, although the forms with y-are also accepted in Hmed. For example:

FT-NR 3MS:DO= 3MS-give:A 'He will give it (M).'

Compare the following examples with the fronted IO:

767 In other cases, as e.g. with the postverbal ventive, assimilation is usually regressive (e.g. ṯ+d> d). The same is found in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015: 51-52), and in many other Berber languages.

(59) (a) š-a ^ḵ= i-k (K: Beni Aisi, Lmekhzen, Beni Hmed/H/Z) (b) š-a ^ḵ= y-ek (K: Sahel, Beni Hmed)

FT-NR ^2MS:IO= 3MS-give:A 'He will give to you (MS).'

Conclusions

There are various assimilations and allomorphy in the verb complex. Different morphemes interact: the verb stem and the prefixes; clitics and affixes; particles and PNG affixes and clitics. The assimilation is usually regressive, except for the fronted ventive d, that causes the following t (e.g. 2S/3FS/2P verb subject marker) to assimilate.

The t of the subject prefix, Imperfective, or passive, assimilates to the following d (or ḍ) of the verb stem in Ketama and Zerqet, but not in Hmed. In Imperative Plural forms, the Ketama suffix -aṯ assimilates to the following clitics (DO, ventive), while in Zerqet, the suffix -eṯ is substituted by -em in this case.

Pronominal clitics can assimilate in voice to the following ventive d, e.g. 3S:IO as+d > az=d, 2MS aḵ+d > aḡ=d, including the long-distance assimilation in Zerqet of 3P:IO asen+d > azen=d. There are specific forms of third person DO clitics and the ventive (which is usually realized as id following third person pronouns). In the preverbal position, the 3MS and 3FS:DO can merge. In Zerqet, assimilation in voice takes place only in the preverbal position.

In Ketama, the final -ġ of 1S subject marker and 1P:IO clitic is restored when there is a following clitic (e.g. ventive) or particle (e.g. the negator š), e.g. ḵešm-a 'I entered' > ḵešma-ġ=d 'I entered here', u ḵešma-ġ š 'I did not enter'. If there is a following DO clitic, the ġ is devoiced and realized as ḫ. Similarly, the 1P clitic na (DO/IO) is realized as naġ if there is a following clitic or particle. When 1P:IO na(ġ) is followed by a DO clitic, there is a devoicing: naġ > naḫ before 3S:DO ṯ/t and 3P ṯen. This is also found in Zerqet, but not in Hmed.

When a V-final verb stem is followed by a V-initial clitic, either the vowels coalesce, or a semivowel is inserted, e.g. i-nna+as (3MS-say:P+3S:IO) > innas (K/H/Z), innayas (K/Z, but not Hmed) 'he told him'. When a V-initial clitic follows a subject suffix with a schwa (e.g. 3P -en), the schwa is realized as a in Ketama, while the word is resyllabified in Hmed/Zerqet.

Verb: Derivation and PNG

Verb Derivation

There are several derivations in Senhaja that express modifications in voice. Senhaja is special in its widespread use of borrowed Arabic stem II causatives (often suppletive to the Berber verbs) and suppletive passives. This feature is also found in Ghomara (Mourigh 2015). Some verbs allow for multiple causative or passive counterparts. The combination of different derivations is possible to a certain extent.

Besides the derivations mentioned above, Senhaja has borrowed a large number of Arabic derived verbs. In some cases, Arabic patterns are applied to the native Berber verbs -most notably, stem II, formed by C2 gemination, but also stem V, that combines stem II with the t-prefix. With Arabic borrowed verbs, some hybrid forms are found that do not exist in Arabic, such as the combination of the t-prefix with stem I (the underived base), or the n-prefix with stem II (with the geminated C2).

PNG (Person, Number, Gender) Subject Marking

Verbal subject PNG markers express the person, number, and gender (PNG) of the subject. In most varieties with the exception of Easternmost Senhaja (Z/M), the gender is marked only in the third person singular. Zerqet and Mezduy allow for gender marking also in 2P and 3P. The affixes appear both before (prefixes) and after (suffixes) the stem. There are different sets of subject affixes: 1) the normal set; 2) the imperative; 3) the relative form (traditionally called the "Berber participle").

Some PNG markers show variation as a result of phonological changes and reanalysis.

The marking is slightly different in the Aorist following the irrealis particle a(ḏ) vs. in the Perfective and Imperfective. The variable markers in Senhaja include: 1S suffix (originally *eġ), 2S/3FS/2P prefix (originally t-), and 3MS prefix (originally i/y-). The 1S subject suffix has developed from -eġ into -aġ in most varieties, and to -a in Ketama.

With V-final verbs, the 1S suffix is -ġ, e.g. (K) ḵešm-a 'I entered' vs. ddi-ġ 'I went'.

There is one prefix for 2S, 3FS, and 2P: the prefix ṯ-. In Ketama, it developed into a-/h-/ah-, e.g. ṯ-eḵrez (most Snh.) vs. a(h)-ḵrez~h-eḵrez (K) 'she plowed'. In the Aorist following the irrealis marker a(ḏ), the prefix is realized as t-as a result of assimilation (aḏ+ṯ > at^t > a^t), e.g. š-a ^t-eḵrez (pan-Snh.) 'she will plow'.

The 3MS prefix is originally i-/y-, and this realization is still found in some contexts, e.g. i-ḵrez 'he plowed'. In parts of Senhaja (T/S/H), in the Aorist forms following the irrealis aḏ, there is no i-, e.g. aḏeḵrez 'he will plow'. In such cases, the prefix can be analyzed as zero (aḏ eḵrez), or the final ḏ of the irrealis particle can be considered as the new subject prefix (a ḏ-eḵrez). Compare Ketama a y-eḵrez, Zerqet aḏ i-ḵrez 'id.'. Bunsar has aḏ i-ḵrez ~ a ḵrez.

In Perfective Negative, ḏ is found in parts of Senhaja (T/S/H), generalized from the Aorist, e.g. uḏeḵrez š 'he did not plow'. Again, the 3MS marker can be analyzed as zero (uḏ eḵrez š), or as ḏ-(u ḏ-eḵrez š). Ketama has u y-eḵrez š, Zerqet uḏ i-ḵrez š, and Bunsar uḏ i-ḵrez š ~ u ḵrez š 'id.'. A zero marker is also found in parts of Seddat with the negator ur: ur eḵrez š 'id.'.

When a verb starts in a vowel, 3MS prefix is i-/y-across Senhaja in unmarked contexts (e.g. Perfective, affirmative: y-uri ~ i-wri 'he wrote'), and in the Aorist following the preverb aḏ: aḏ y-ari (most Snh.), Ketama a y-ari 'he will write'. In Perfective Negative, 3MS is i-/y-in most varieties: uḏ i-wri š (~uḏ y-uri š) (H/B/Z), u yuri š ~ i-wri š (K) 'he did not write'. In Taghzut, y-is optional: uḏ (y-)uri š. Seddat (dialectally) has u ḏ-uri š ~ ur uri š.

The Imperative singular has no PNG affixes. There are two plural suffixes which form an isogloss: -aṯ in Western Senhaja (K/T/S), -ṯ in Eastern Senhaja (H/B/Z/M). Zerqet uses IMP:PL -em before the ventive clitic d (-em=d).

The Prohibitive, when used with the Berber negator u (or variants) has the same marking as the Imperative. The varieties differ in the choice of the preverbal negator: most varieties u (T/B/S), Ketama i, Seddat u(r), Hmed (u)la. In some varieties, there exists an alternative Prohibitive form (a calque on Arabic) with the borrowed preverbal negator ma. It takes the second person PNG affixes, and uses the Aorist stem (following the irrealis aḏ). The injunctive uses the 1P prefix n-, optionally combined with the IMP:PL suffix -aṯ/-eṯ, always used with the irrealis particle a.

Future. To make the reference to the future, with a verbal predicate, the verb is used in the Aorist with the irrealis particle aḏ or the future (ma)š-a. With non-verbal predicates, most commonly across Senhaja, the verb 'to be' is used. The construction based on 'to find' has been grammaticalized as a future marker in Hmed. It can take Arabic personal pronouns, although the origin of the construction is Berber. The future auxiliaries can be combined with a verb in the Perfective to express an accomplished event in the future, or with a verb in the Imperfective to express or a continuous action in the future. The same verbs 'to be' or 'to find' in the Imperfective can be used to express the habitual with non-verbal predicates.

The particle aqa. The element (a)qa is found across Senhaja, and occurs in different forms and meanings depending on the variety. In most varieties, aqa can take the second person DO clitics and is used as an attention-seeking device. In Eastern Senhaja (B/Z), aqa can be used as a marker of the relevance of the utterance for the present.

The pseudo-verb (a)qa in Zerqet can take all DO clitics, and is usually found with nonverbal predicates, especially in locative expressions. When combined with the pronominal clitics, there are different bases depending on the person of the clitic. With the third person clitics, there is a distinction between the distal (aqay) and proximal (qay), while aq is a generic, unmarked form.

Noun

There exist two major morphological types of nouns in Senhaja. Class I nouns have Berber morphology, while Class II (borrowed) nouns preserve their original morphology and occur with the Arabic definite article l-. European loans are usually integrated into Class II. The third, much smaller class consists of nouns that lack affixes (Class III, or non-affix class). Nouns distinguish gender (masculine and feminine), number (singular and plural), and state.

Gender. In Class I nouns, most masculine nouns have a feminine counterpart, denoting either a difference in the natural gender or in size (augmentative vs. diminutive).

Number. Class III nouns often lack a plural counterpart (cf. below). Mass nouns can be either always singular or always plural.

State. Class I nouns distinguish two states related to the syntactic context, traditionally referred to as Etat Libre (EL, or 'Free State'), and Etat d'Annexion (EA, or 'Annexed State'). The use of states is restricted in Senhaja. The EL is used in most contexts, while the EA occurs after most prepositions and after the numeral 'one'. The change of state is marked by a change in the nominal prefix. Not all nouns mark the state overtly.

Noun phrases can function as predicates. Most Senhaja varieties employ the predicative ḏ is this case (obligatory in Zerqet, optional in Taghzut and Hmed). In Ketama, there is no predicative ḏ. The negation of a nominal predicate is usually achieved either by a negated form of the verb 'to be' (especially in Western and

Central Senhaja), or by a single negator maši (from Arabic), especially in Zerqet.

Taghzut also has other means to negate a nominal predicate (e.g. with the invariable uliš or by u šay used in succession before the predicate).

The Berber-morphology Noun (Class I)

The Berber-morphology nouns maximally consist of a prefix, a stem, and a suffix. The three nominal categories (number, gender, and state) are expressed in the affixes and in the case of number, can sometimes be expressed in the stem. The prefix can express state, number, and gender, while the suffix expresses (again) number and gender. Most masculine singular nouns start in a-. Feminine nouns typically have the prefix ṯ-(absent in Ketama) and the suffix -ṯ (which can be freely omitted in Hmed). Following the prefix ṯ-, most feminine nouns have a.

There are two basic types of plural formation: external (change of affixes) and apophonic (change of stem). Nouns can have multiple plural forms used within the same dialect. In external plurals, in masculine nouns, if the prefix is a-in the singular, it usually changes to i-in the plural, and the suffix -en is added. Singular nouns starting in i keep the vowel in the plural. For feminine nouns, the initial ṯa-> ṯi-, and the suffix -in is added. In the plural, the feminine suffix ṯ usually disappears.

The Arabic-morphology Noun (Class II)

Class II nouns consist of the Arabic article (l-or its assimilated form), the stem, and

(for some feminine nouns) the suffix -a, e.g. lwalid 'father', lwalid-a 'mother'. Not all nouns ending in -a are feminine singular. A few Arabic-morphology feminine nouns end in -et/eṯ, but this is rare in comparison with other Berber varieties. Arabicmorphology nouns do not distinguish the states. Most nouns distinguish two numbers.

There are external plurals and apophonic plurals. The plural in Class II nouns follows the Arabic pattern and is borrowed together with the base noun. A limited set of borrowed Arabic nouns referring to numbers or time have a dual form.

Non-affix Class (Class III)

Class III nouns lack the Berber prefix and the Arabic article. Such nouns do not mark state, and there is no regular gender derivation. Plurals are often lacking, or are suppletive. Alternatively, the plural form belongs to the regular Berber-morphology or prepositional predicates can be negated in the same way, but can also take the discontinuous negation u...š, depending on the preposition and the variety, e.g. u kiḏ-es š (H) (NEG with-3S NEG) 'not with him/her', u ġur-es š (NEG at-3S NEG) '(S)he does not have'.

Numerals

All Senhaja cardinal numerals except for 'one' are borrowed from Arabic. They are the same across Senhaja, with minor differences in pronunciation. Cardinal numerals are followed by the Genitive n that links them to the following noun. Nouns that mark the state are in EA. For the number 'one', the borrowed numeral coexists with the native one, that can be used in combination with a noun or independently. When preceding a noun, 'one' can function as an indefinite marker. It can also precede other numerals in the sense 'about', 'approximately'.

The gender is distinguished across Senhaja when the numeral 'one' is used independently. In Ketama and Taghzut, the numeral is optionally marked for gender when it precedes a noun. In other varieties, the prenominal numeral is invariable. The borrowed Arabic numeral 'one' can also be optionally marked for gender. When combined with a noun, in Ketama and Taghzut, it follows it. In other varieties, only

the Berber numeral 'one' can be used with a noun, either preceding or following it.

In some varieties, the numeral 'one' can occur on both sides of the noun. In Ketama and Taghzut, the postnominal 'one' is of Arabic origin. In Bunsar and Zerqet, the postnominal numeral is Berber. In Ketama and Taghzut, both native and borrowed numerals for 'one' can be used independently. When the numeral 'one' is nominalized, it can be used in the sense 'someone'. In this case, it can be preceded by an indefinite marker -the prenominal numeral 'one' or the indefinite ši.

Ordinal numerals are all borrowed from Arabic. There are two sets: set 1 is used after a noun and distinguishes three forms (MS, FS, PL), and set 2 is used prenominally and does not mark the gender or number. The following class II nouns usually lack the Arabic article l-in most varieties, while in Hmed, the Arabic article can be present. In Hmed, set 1 numerals can appear prenominally, and set 2 numerals can appear postnominally.

To express 'with the (X number) of us/you/them', Ketama uses the construction b (<Ar.) ~ s (<Berber) 'with' + numeral + bi-(<Ar.) 'with' + Arabic pronominal suffix. In the rest of Senhaja, the construction is: s (<Berber) 'with' + yes/is-(linking morpheme) + Berber pronominal suffix.

can follow an IO clitic. For non-third person DO pronouns, the IO is expressed by the prepositional phrase. In specific contexts, clitics are found in the preverbal position.

Depending on the context and the dialect, clitic fronting can be optional or obligatory.

The following contexts (can) cause clitic fronting:

1) Preverbal particles. The irrealis aḏ and the future (ma)š-aḏ obligatorily attract clitics. The negator u (and variants) usually attracts clitics. In parts of Senhaja, clitic fronting is not obligatory with the Imperfective Negative and prohibitive verb forms.

2) Relativization. Clitic fronting takes place in contexts of relativization (including clefts, a subtype of relativization), with an obligatory relative marker a in Ketama, and regardless of the presence of the relative marker in Hmed and Zerqet.

3) Content questions. In Ketama, there is one construction: all questions words are followed by the relative marker a, and clitic fronting is obligatory. In Hmed, with fronted clitics, the relative marker is optional, and there is no relative marker with postverbal clitics. In Zerqet, there is no relative marker, and clitics can be optionally

Background information

This text presents a story about El Mejdub that describes the legendary origin of the Senhaja language and tries to explain its diversity. 772 The story was recorded in Zerqet (northwestern Morocco) in 2018 with a 56-year-old male speaker (Hmidu El Ayadi), a speaker of the Bunjel dialect of Zerqet. In this story, it is described how El Mejdub came to distribute a sack of language(s) over the world. 773 As the story goes, by the time El Mejdub arrived to the Senhaja Berber-speaking region of Morocco, he had little language left. So he told the local people to get by with these bits of language, while he would go back to bring them some more. When he returned to the world from which he had brought the language, he realized the language had been already distributed, and it was finished. So he did not go back to the Senhaja-speaking region, and the people are still waiting for him, while speaking a jumbled language. Similar stories can be found among other groups. A similar story is reported among the Tadaksahak speakers (Songhay, Mali). 774 The Avar people (Dagestan, the Caucasus) also have a similar story. 775

The text 1 Ɛebdeṛṛeḥman Lmeždub i-wsa =d zgi ši n elɛalam.

Abderrahman Lmejdub 3MS-come:P =VC from some of world 'Abderrahman El Mejdub came from some world.'

772 Abderrahman El Mejdub is a historical figure. He was a Moroccan poet and a Sufi figure who lived in 1506-1568 (Prémare 1985 and 1986; Boum 2012). Many proverbs are attributed to him, and he was credited of a lot of stories.

773 The word lluġa 'language' is never pluralized in the story (although lluġaṯ 'languages' is possible in Zerqet). In the English translation, in many cases, 'languages' would flow better. Nevertheless, we used the singular 'language' in the translation, to stay close to the original. Apparently, the noun lluġa 'language' is conceptualized as a mass noun (and not as a countable noun) in the story. Usually, uncountable entities are easier to 'mix', which explains how the local Berber became so mixed. In the story, language is also seen as something that can be 'completed' or left 'incomplete'. 774 In the Introduction to her book, Christiansen-Bolli writes, addressing the Tadaksahak people: "God may, as you, the Idaksahak say, have taken all the leftovers of the other languages to give the last one to you, but He made your language a very special one!" (Christiansen-Bolli 2010: 7). Unfortunately, only the punch line is given in this source, and not the rest of the story. Other nouns cannot figure in such constructions, e.g.

arba n Muḥemmeḏ (*arba nn-es n Muḥemmeḏ) 'Mohammed's son'.

In case of Arabic loans, the Arabic 1S possessive suffix -i can be petrified (as e.g. in Ketama and Taghzut, where it is part of the word and can be followed by Berber possessive pronouns), or can be detached and substituted by Berber pronominal suffixes (as e.g. in Hmed and Zerqet). Compare the following forms: In what follows, the most important kinship terms in Senhaja are presented. The column 'Sfx' indicates whether the term accepts (+) or does not accept (-) Berber possessive suffixes. Possessive suffixes can be used only with a limited set of kinship nouns, and there are dialectal differences. If the term does not accept possessive suffixes, it takes the usual (independent) possessive pronouns. 'BT' (in the 'Notes' column) stands for the 'baby-talk' or child-directed speech (cf. Gutova 2016). Terms for parents ('father' and 'mother') can either belong to Class III (baba 'father' and yemma~imma 'mother') or to Class II (lwalid 'father' and lwalida 'mother'). These terms do not accept suffix pronouns. However, the stem may-(S/H/B/Z) 'mother' is used in combination with suffix pronouns, e.g. may-eḵ 'your (MS) mother'. Cf. Ketama imma nneḵ 'id.' The term baba 'father' does not accept suffix pronouns and does not change its form when followed by possessive pronouns in most Senhaja varieties. In Seddat and Bunsar (Amaktan dialect), babi is used when followed by a possessive pronoun (not suffix). There is a difference within Bunsar, e.g. baba nneḵ (Luta dialect, as in most Snh.) 'your (MS) father' vs. babi^neḵ (Amaktan dialect, as Seddat) 'id.'.

Parents and siblings

Term

There is a division within Senhaja when it comes to the terms for siblings. In Ketama and Taghzut, the Berber non-affix nouns are used, gma 'brother' and wiṯma (T wežma, K also wiyṯma, wiḵma, uyḵma, <*ultma) 'sister'. In the rest of Senhaja, Berberized Arabic loans (class I) are used: ašqiq 'brother' and ṯašqiqṯ 'sister'. In Seddat, all these terms are found. Both gma 'brother' and wiṯma (T wežma) 'sister' correspond to the same suppletive term, ayṯma 'siblings' (Ketama also ayḵma, uyṯma). This term accepts possessive suffixes. When necessary to specify the gender, the descriptive terms 'male, boys' or 'girls, female' are added, e.g. ayṯma dkura 'male siblings' (i.e. brothers). The term ayṯma also exists in Hmed and Zerqet, but there, it is used in the general sense 'family' (alongside other terms). While Hmed and Zerqet have a specific feminine plural form ṯišqiqin 'sisters', the term išqiqen can also be used in the sense 'siblings' and does not always refer specifically to brothers.

Cousins and nephews

There are no designated terms for 'cousins' in Senhaja. Instead, periphrasis is used, e.g.

Ketama

Spouses and their relatives

The terms for spouses ('husband', 'wife') have more general senses ('man', 'woman') when not followed by a possessive pronoun. None of these terms accepts a possessive suffix pronoun.