Josué Castañeda Cisneros

Sami Yangui

Saúl Eduardo Pomares Hernández

Khalil Drira
email: drira@laas.fr

Saul E Pomares Hernández

A survey on distributed NFV multi-domain orchestration from an algorithmic functional perspective

Keywords: Multi-domain Orchestration, Close Federations, Network Function Virtualization

des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

I. INTRODUCTION

With softwarized networks, service providers reduce their capital and operational costs of network services, as they run on generic hardware [START_REF] Yi | A comprehensive survey of Network Function Virtualization[END_REF]. The Network Function Virtualization (NFV) ensures compatibility between different providers [START_REF] Yi | A comprehensive survey of Network Function Virtualization[END_REF]. This allows many orchestrators to jointly provision and manage services. Such a paradigm is known as multi-domain orchestration (MdO).

Sharing resources allows providers to lower even more their costs and extend their market reach. However, MdO changes the way services are provisioned compared to the traditional single-domain paradigm [START_REF] Saraiva De Sousa | Network Service Orchestration: A survey[END_REF]. In single-domain orchestration, the orchestrator has a global view of the system [START_REF] Yi | A comprehensive survey of Network Function Virtualization[END_REF]. In MdO, the orchestrators have only local information (i.e. they do not know the resources and topologies) [START_REF] Saraiva De Sousa | Network Service Orchestration: A survey[END_REF]. To provide consistent services, the orchestrators exchange information [START_REF] Guerzoni | Analysis of end-to-end multi-domain management and orchestration frameworks for software defined infrastructures: an architectural survey[END_REF]. Many works focused on MdO have been proposed [START_REF] Saraiva De Sousa | Network Service Orchestration: A survey[END_REF]; however, no work offers a broad perspective on the state of the art of MdO algorithms.

Current survey papers, focus on service orchestration [START_REF] Saraiva De Sousa | Network Service Orchestration: A survey[END_REF], or consider the evolution of architectural designs [START_REF] Guerzoni | Analysis of end-to-end multi-domain management and orchestration frameworks for software defined infrastructures: an architectural survey[END_REF]. No published survey considers only MdO algorithms. Thus, there is no perspective on the algorithm's state, nor the possible research directions of the field. This work fills the gap in the literature by considering MdO algorithms.

We create a taxonomy of NFV MdO algorithms. We classify works based on their coordination approach. After, we identify key requirements for MdO algorithms, such as profitability, with two use cases published in the literature. Based on these requirements we evaluate the works and describe the state of current algorithms. Then, we offer perspectives for research directions in MdO algorithms. Our major contributions are the classification and review of the literature, and the identification of promising research directions for distributed MdO algorithms.

This paper is organized as follows. Section II describes concepts related to MdO and how the relevant work's classification was made. Section III presents the requirements needed for a successful orchestration algorithm. Next, Section IV presents a brief review of the considered works. Section V contains the main findings after contrasting the works with the requirements previously identified. It also describes the research direction based on the findings. Section VI concludes the paper.

II. DESIGN CONSIDERATIONS AND LITERATURE CLASSIFICATION

Under NFV, the network services are provisioned by Virtual Network Functions (VNFs). The VNF lifecycle is inspired by the service provisioning lifecycle detailed in SOA [START_REF] Yi | A comprehensive survey of Network Function Virtualization[END_REF]. Figure 1 depicts the operations that make up a typical network service's lifecycle. First, the service provider models the network components: resource requirements, connections, and scripts to execute. Then, the providers publish their VNFs. After, a provider allocates resources. Next, the provider selects how multiple components should connect creating a complex service. Finally, by monitoring the service, the provider can reconfigure the network component.

We present MdO by a three-layered schema, as shown in Figure 1. The first layer, at the bottom, describes the ordered tasks to deploy services. The second layer, in the middle, contains multiple orchestrators. The third layer, on top, encompasses previous layers with specific properties for MdO.

The top layer of Figure 1 covers all the previous layers. The challenges of MdO come from the limited information among orchestrators. Limited information enables privacy and autonomy for providers, increasing flexibility; at the cost of greater overhead in terms of computational complexity. For example, when orchestrators keep their information private, more redundant messages and orchestration tasks are required to deploy a shared network service. This trade-off reflects on other challenges, as they are related. First, since the orchestrators communicate via non-deterministic channels (i.e. communication channels where messages can be lost and arrive at any time, in any order), orchestrators need to handle asynchronous communication for all tasks in the bottom layer. As providers share services, they need to coordinate to prevent unwanted side-effects while executing a task in the service's lifecycle. To remove any conflicts between the orchestrators, the providers must ensure consistency for services. Agnostic interfaces enable the orchestrators to communicate and share the information. This disseminates knowledge between them enabling consistent provisioning. Next, we describe the literature classification.

A. Literature classification

We surveyed the literature on NFV MdO works by reviewing papers published from 2014 to 2021. We use as keywords Multi-domain orchestration federation, Multi-domain orchestration, multi-domain NFV, multi-domain VNF, cross-domain orchestration, and multi-domain SFC. After reading and validating the corpus, we organized it into two categories: architecture proposals or algorithmic solutions. Architecture proposals extend the current ETSI architecture for a single domain and propose different interfaces to meet the goals of MdO. Algorithmic solutions focus on solving orchestration problems related to the service's lifecycle tasks. We focused on algorithmic solutions, as we could measure objectively the advances in MdO and future research directions. Relevant algorithmic papers were organized in the taxonomy shown in Figure 2.

NFV MdO is on the taxonomy's root branch (Figure 2, first level I). This orchestration type involves multiple administrative domains, managed by different service providers, that jointly offer network services. Depending on how the orchestrators behave, they can be centralized, hierarchical, or distributed (Figure 2, second level II). Centralized orchestration has a single global orchestrator managing all lifecycle management of network services of all other providers. Hierarchical orchestration adds structures where local orchestrators manage each of their domains, reducing exposure and communication overhead. The global orchestrator on top of the structure is the mediator in case of conflicts when provisioning joint services. Distributed orchestration proposes the most flexible model to achieve each task of the lifecycle management of network services. All orchestration is done locally without a global reference of the federation. This ensures horizontal integration models, so new participants can join the federation while improving privacy among participants for security and economic reasons. A lot of works on the literature focus on the distributed branch as it addresses the security, privacy, and flexibility concerns promised in the goals of MdO. Thus, we focus on the distributed branch exclusively.

The literature on distributed orchestration considers two main branches: Open and close federations (Figure 2, third level III). Open ones foster competition among service providers as new operators can enter at any time. Close ones assume a fixed number of trusted participants known beforehand. The main divide among them is the trust of providers. Figure 2 shows how the taxonomy's branches differ. Open federations consider competitive solutions since orchestrators have byzantine behavior (e.g. one orchestrator sends inaccurate information to other orchestrators). Close federations assume trustful orchestrators (e.g. orchestrators always send accurate information) that enable both competitive and cooperative solutions (Figure 2, fourth level IV). Solutions in each branch are different. In cooperative scenarios, orchestrators communicate directly and exchange key information like the topology, resource, and service information using a unified communication model. In competitive scenarios, orchestrators do not have direct communication and must learn key information through others' actions, usually by means of indirect communications. Such communication mechanisms, found in the competitive works, include auctions and reinforcement learning. However, most works consider that there exists an orchestrator-toorchestrator standard communication interface; however, this still is an open problem [START_REF] Saraiva De Sousa | Network Service Orchestration: A survey[END_REF].

Algorithmic solutions consider static or dynamic approaches This survey focuses on the distributed orchestration under close federations as most of the work found in the literature for MdO is positioned under these categories. We discuss open federations for future perspectives and research directions.

III. REQUIREMENTS

After reviewing the works, we identify nine requirements for successful distributed MdO algorithms and illustrate them based on two use cases. The first case U1 is a competitive Massively Multiplayer Online Game running with many orchestrators [START_REF] Dieye | Market Driven Multidomain Network Service Orchestration in 5G Networks[END_REF]. Many concurrent players meet around a shared virtual environment. Specifically, the game service is deployed as a VNF chain, where each VNF offers specific game-play tasks such as graphics rendering, game physics, and character management. The second use case U2 is a cooperative sharing monitoring scheme to identify valuable information [START_REF] Cisneros | Coordination Algorithm for Migration of Shared VNFs in Federated Environments[END_REF]. It implements a city monitoring system where multiple providers share network services to handle citizens' various requests. Specifically, a content delivery network service is deployed using shared VNFs, such as a VNF Mixer.

• (R1) Support interoperability among the federation. This means network services can be built and interact using different VNFs from different administrative domains. This can be done by using standard interfaces and open APIs that comply with the multi-domain specification. For example, in U1, gamers have different machines with different requirements to play, such as personal computers, and phones. As new services can be added, the services must still be able to interact with the deployed ones. • (R2) Deliver maximum profitability to providers for the end-to-end service's lifecycle tasks. This means not only reducing the capital and operational expenses but also achieving higher market value through the federation.

Achieving profitability requires adapting to the changes in the environment to capitalize on new opportunities, but making sure such adaptation does not have unwanted effects. For example, in U2, the migration of the shared VNFs should minimize the latency for all affected services, not only for a single VNF. This usually involves finding the optimum with conflicting goals. • (R3) Maintain secrecy of the business knowledge and detailed network information among providers. Secrecy is the guarantee that key information from an administrative domain is private and will not be disclosed to any other provider. To achieve such a requirement, only local orchestration is allowed and security for every VNF must be enforced. For example, in U1, providers do not share detailed information, such as topology, since they compete against other providers for resources. • (R4) Ensure accountability among all providers. Accountability means that, in case of a problem, the orchestration solution could identify the degree of responsibility of each provider and ensure the SLA is satisfied. For example, in U2, suppose there is a problem with the last service delivered to a load balancer. The first step is to identify that the VNF Mixer is the culprit. Then, since the VNF is shared among two domains, the degree of responsibility must be established. Finally, according to a common SLA, the orchestrator is billed correspondingly. • (R5) Maintain consistency/availability for all the network service's lifecycle tasks across the federation. Consistency and availability mean that the services maintain their functionality with their given properties despite reconfigurations on the fly. This can be done by coordinating the orchestrators or resolving conflicts automatically. For example, in U2, the migration algorithm must maintain the state of the shared Mixer VNF while still forwarding and processing the video being sent by multiple users. • (R6) Enable flexibility to contextual changes across the federation. This means the services can be extended to support more complex functionality, users, and legacy services. Such requirements can be achieved by ensuring that algorithmic solutions adapt to new conditions in the environment by jointly monitoring services. For example, in U1, the game provider's algorithm re-configures services to reflect the changes in the topology of each provider. For example, if there is a surge during a special release, the game provider instantiates regional VNFs to maintain the user's quality of service. • (R7) Ensure composability of a logical request for each lifecycle task across the federation. Composability means the network services are always provisioned and managed by over one administrative domain. This allows the federation's ecosystem to extend more in future federation-tofederation orchestration. For example, in U2, the migration of the shared VNF takes place in the two domains where orchestrators must place and instantiate the new VNF. Otherwise, instantiation would only be isolated in a single domain. • (R8) Enable portability of VNFs and network services between providers in the federation. This means that all components from a network service can be migrated to other administrative domains or federations without updating any component in the network service. To achieve portability, the orchestration solutions must abstract all the network service's lifecycle tasks, ensure long-term support for each component of a network service, and adhere to open standards. For example, in U2, the domain that migrates the faulty Mixer VNF should do it automatically without conflicts or manual configuration. • (R9) Enforce scalability when executing the lifecycle tasks of network services. This means that the computation required, including the overhead, must grow below linearly. For example, in U1, when choosing a VNF candidate to migrate, the orchestrators send messages to select the appropriate candidate. Since many optimal solutions belong to the NP-hard problem class, we expect scalability will be fulfilled with heuristic algorithms. The synergy between the nine requirements ensures the success of distributed MdO. For example, portability and composability work towards interoperability; while flexibility, consistency, scalability, and accountability bring profitability closer for all providers, etc. Despite this synergy, works in the literature lack one or more of the requirements. Next, we review and evaluate the considered corpus.

IV. LITERATURE REVIEW

The family of distributed MdO works under close federations can be organized in two blocks: cooperative and competitive environments. Both blocks share common properties, albeit meeting requirements in different ways. Next, we describe each work reviewing it based on the nine criteria identified.

A. Cooperative works

The migration of shared VNFs without global knowledge has been explored in [START_REF] Cisneros | Coordination Algorithm for Migration of Shared VNFs in Federated Environments[END_REF]. The authors propose an algorithm to coordinate multiple orchestrators satisfying the SLA requirements and keeping the state of VNF. This prevents unwanted effects while migrating shared VNFs. The time complexity is O (𝑛 2 ) where 𝑛 is the number of VNFs.

A lightweight and privacy-aware orchestration algorithm was proposed in [START_REF] Joshi | pSMART: A lightweight, privacy-aware service function chain orchestration in multi-domain NFV/SDN[END_REF]. The algorithm abstracts publicly available information, such as the aggregated network topology and the type of VNFs, to support a binary query-response for deploying a service function chain. Aside from the algorithm, the authors also quantify and evaluate the gain of privacy preservation for multi-domain environments. The proposed algorithm learns over time the best domains to support a service function chain. The time complexity of the algorithm is O (𝑛 3 ), where 𝑛 is the number of candidate paths.

A distributed and local-only mapping algorithm for service function chains was studied in [START_REF] Zhang | Vertex-centric computation of service function chains in multi-domain networks[END_REF]. The vertex-centric algorithm computes all feasible mappings and prunes them to get the optimal solution while satisfying a service's constraint and policies. For fixed-order requests, the number of chains grows exponentially. For flexible-order requests, where the chains can change, the number increases even more.

The service function chaining provisioning problem with a two-tier cloud network was proposed in [START_REF] Xu | QoS-Aware VNF Placement and Service Chaining for IoT Applications in Multi-Tier Mobile Edge Networks[END_REF]. The goal is to select and connect VNFs after a user creates a request; thus, minimizing the cost for the user. The authors model the throughput maximization problem. Since requests may share the same VNF type for the service chain, the authors proposed a heuristic algorithm. It provides an approximation ratio for a special case of the problem without end-to-end delay requirements. The algorithm's time complexity is O (𝑛 5 ) where 𝑛 is the number of cloudlets.

Deployment of VNFs using SDN has been addressed in [START_REF] Kaur | An Energy-driven Network Function Virtualization for Multi-domain Software Defined Networks[END_REF]. The authors propose an algorithm to optimize the energy consumption during the deployment of VNFs by using different variants of evolutionary algorithms. Their proposed algorithm got better results than traditional genetic algorithms; yet, their worst-case scenario still has a time complexity of O (𝑚𝑛 log 𝑛) where 𝑚 is the number of independent comparisons and 𝑛 is the number of VNFs.

A model to solve the adaptive and dynamic VNF-FG considering migration of VNFs was studied in [START_REF] Quang | Single and Multi-Domain Adaptive Allocation Algorithms for VNF Forwarding Graph Embedding[END_REF]. The authors propose a decentralized and heuristic algorithm. It allows VNF-FGs and VNFs to reallocate dynamically. The algorithm reallocates the VNF-FGs by cooperating domains that keep private information. The algorithm can optimize network utilization while limiting the number of migrations of VNFs. The time complexity is O (𝑚𝑛𝑝) where 𝑚 is the number of virtual links, 𝑛 is the number of mappings of virtual edges to substrate nodes and links, and 𝑝 is the number of acyclic paths.

The network service chain's deployment across multiple domains is studied in [START_REF] Zhang | Cost Efficient and Low-Latency Network Service Chain Deployment Across Multiple Domains for SDN[END_REF]. A multi-objective optimization model and a heuristic algorithm were proposed. The algorithm considers the dependency relations among the VNFs and uses the Dijkstra algorithm to further reduce delay and cost for the overall chain. The time complexity is O (𝑚𝑛) where 𝑚 is the number of service requests, and 𝑛 is the number of VNFs for each chain.

A horizontal-based service chaining algorithm was proposed in [START_REF] Li | Horizontal-based orchestration for multi-domain SFC in SDN/NFV-enabled satellite/terrestrial networks[END_REF]. The heuristic algorithm maps the chains to the infrastructures. This is achieved by different orchestrators coordinating and selecting the best candidates. Such an approach gives better results compared to an uncooperative method. The time complexity is O (𝑚𝑛) where 𝑚 is the number of domains, and 𝑛 is the number of paths.

B. Competitive works

Cross-domain interaction among multiple providers was studied in [START_REF] Dieye | Market Driven Multidomain Network Service Orchestration in 5G Networks[END_REF]. The authors propose an auction-based market where service providers exchange network resources by buyer/seller transactions. They propose a distributed multiagent deep reinforcement learning approach to win auctions. The algorithm performs well in dynamic environments; however, it down performs when collusion among agents is present. To determine the winner, the authors leverage on a O (𝐸 + 𝑉) depth-first search on the bid graph 𝐺, where 𝐸 is the set of edges and 𝑉 is the set of vertices.

The allocation of the VNF-Forwarding graph was studied in [START_REF] Quang | Multi-domain non-cooperative VNF-FG embedding: A deep reinforcement learning approach[END_REF]. The authors propose a deep reinforcement learning algorithm to place VNFs and Virtual Links where network operators hide their infrastructure in other competing domains. The algorithm gets better results in non-cooperative domains by reducing bidding prices while improving the deployment of VNFs. The time complexity is O (𝑛𝑚 log 𝑚) where 𝑛 is the number of VNFs and 𝑚 is the number of paths.

A reinforcement learning algorithm was explored in [START_REF] Swapna | Policy Controlled Multi-domain cloud-network Slice Orchestration Strategy based on Reinforcement Learning[END_REF]. The orchestrators learn how to slice service provisioning requests to increase revenue. Such an approach allows for dynamic decision-making without compromising privacy among orchestrators. The time complexity for the training algorithm is O (𝑚𝑛𝑝𝑞) where 𝑚 is the iterations, 𝑛 the requests, 𝑝 the episodes, and 𝑞 the time-steps.

C. Review Synthesis

Three values are assigned to each work according to the degree they meet the criteria: Yes (Y), No (N), and Partially (P). Based on our evaluation, we discarded three criteria (R1, R7, R8). R1, R7 were removed as they were satisfied by all works; conversely, R8 also was removed as no work satisfies it. The evaluation of the rest of criteria is summarized in Table I.

Profitability (R2) is the most satisfied criteria by works (≈73%). Next, accountability (R4) and flexibility (R6) criteria are tied to the number of works that satisfy them (≈50 -59%). They are related as contextual contingencies change network services, and in case of an error, the federation can determine who handles what. Consistency (R5) is barely met (≈32%). This suggests that most works on closed federations do not handle conflicts among the orchestrators during the lifecycle management of network services. Finally, secrecy (R3) and scalability (R9) are the least met criteria (≈18 -22%) as only one work considers it.

The previous numbers show the current status of the literature for MdO algorithms. First, although all the works consider the interoperability criteria (R1), there is currently no standard for communicating orchestrators. Second, when seeing the composability criteria (R7) alone, all the works seem to comply fully with it. However, these criteria relate with the flexibility (R6) and consistency (R5), as orchestrators share network services. The contrast between the highest and

N N Y N Y Y Y Y Y Y Y 3 N N Y N N N N N N N Y 4 N Y N Y Y N N Y P Y N 5 Y Y N P N N P N N P N 6 Y Y P N Y N Y N Y N Y 9
N N N N P N P P P P N lowest criteria met raises a concern. This can be explained by the network and orchestrations' assumptions for works when they share resources. For example, works consider a zerolatency network and total knowledge for the orchestrators via synchronization protocols. When such unrealistic assumptions are discarded, the orchestration algorithm shows its lack of performance. Third, although profitability (R2) is mostly satisfied, the lack of consideration for portability and consistency hinder meeting the goal of profit. For example, considering only, cost, energy, or latency suffices for the current user's needs. However, shortly, privacy constraints will come to the foreground; yet, most works in MdO consider it. Fourthly, despite accountability (R4) being satisfied by more than half the works, almost none of the works considers a mechanism to prevent unwanted behaviors from an orchestrator and compensate the service's users in case of faulty execution. Such limits hinder the performance of orchestration algorithms. Next, we describe the future research directions given the current status of Mdo algorithms.

V. RESEARCH DIRECTIONS

Based on the review we identify the following research directions for MdO algorithms.

Portability. MdO has not fully matured, as no there is no open standard interface to communicate orchestrators. Related works assume an ad hoc solution to communicate. This lack of standardization hinders the portability of the VNFs. An ideal scenario would be a marketplace that has VNFs that can be instantiated anywhere, anytime. This has the advantages of true elasticity and flexibility, as in case of a problem, they can be migrated easily.

However, ensuring portability brings new challenges, such as state management and support to the services. Managing the VNF's state is challenging because of the availability and privacy constraint. The VNF should remain operational until the re-configuration has finished. Supporting end-to-end service provisioning with legacy networks is challenging since no standard communication interface exists.

Accountability. With the provisioning of more fine-grained network services, providers must establish a chain of responsibility and countermeasures to hold accountable other nonreliable or faulty providers. In the competitive scenario, most works implement a policy to detect and punish these destructive behaviors. However, they fall short of full accountability, as they only implement such mechanisms during the first steps of the lifecycle management of network services.

Accountability in the ideal MdO platform could determine the degree of responsibility in case of failure or not meeting a specific requirement in the SLA. A monitoring system should not only detect local problems but also be able to find problems all along with the end-to-end service. For example, a service failure can be the product of many small failures distributed among different providers; thus, not only it should verify the VNFs independently but also the interaction among them. This transparent method allows providers to prevent conflicts and reduce manual configuration time.

Consistency. MdO cannot rely on global knowledge for conflict resolution. Despite this, few works in the literature consider ensuring consistency for shared services. Most works assume either zero inconsistencies by having a reliable, deterministic network; others presuppose the existence of an internal mechanism that handles such inconsistencies. This lack of proposals to tackle consistency could result from the single-domain origins of NFV, where a central all-knowing orchestrator could take a unilateral decision. However, to ensure functional and non-functional requirements, consistency must be addressed while jointly orchestrating services.

Multiple consistency models can enforce consistency for distributed MdO; however, no single model is appropriate for all uses. Future works in the literature should address different consistency models. Weaker consistency models could resolve some tasks, while others might require full consensus to resolve conflicts.

Privacy. Is a must-requirement for the success of MdO. Most works assume the information being shared does not compromise the privacy and security of participant orchestrators. However, these works provide no guarantees to support this claim; except on one paper that focuses on privacy [START_REF] Joshi | pSMART: A lightweight, privacy-aware service function chain orchestration in multi-domain NFV/SDN[END_REF]. With distributed ledgers, encryption has been explored to support privacy in MdO [START_REF] Rathi | A Blockchain-Enabled Multi Domain Edge Computing Orchestrator[END_REF]. However, for closed federations, these solutions are overkill because of the latency per operation. Future solutions should include intermediary privacyaware algorithms such that network service providers trust and share transparent information to support the joint orchestration of services.

Open Federations. Most works in MdO are focused on closed federations. Out of the works we first identified, only two articles were found that address open federations where the number of orchestrators is not known in advance and they can join or leave. Such federations enable a true elastic network service experience as new resources can be offered on the fly, without the disadvantages of a fixed number of providers. However, such flexibility comes with a cost on the complexity of the lifecycle management of network services. Since orchestrators can come and go quickly, no trust is assumed in the federation. Thus, distributed ledgers are mainly now being explored to circumvent problems related to security, privacy, and distributed computation.

We envision smart contracts among network service providers to provide a fully distributed solution for the virtualization of network services. Such contracts fulfill all the tasks of the lifecycle services by writing in a block in the chain. However, the major challenge of such systems is the latency for any operation. While NFV is in the realm of milliseconds; either vote or proof-based consensus algorithms, are in seconds or minutes. For now, they appear only to work on small use cases and scaling seems to be a problem. These incentive mechanisms would allow cooperative works on open federations. Nevertheless, open federations remain an open question in the NFV context.

VI. CONCLUSION

Multi-domain orchestration is the next evolution for managing the softwarized network services lifecycle. To the best of our knowledge, no survey covered only distributed multidomain orchestration algorithmic solutions. In this paper, we only considered them and identified key requirements present in cooperative and competitive approaches for multi-domain orchestration. The papers were classified and evaluated based on a proposed taxonomy. We identified some requirements that were fully considered (e.g. interoperability); while others were not (e.g. portability). Some key requirements were absent from cooperative, while others for competitive environments (e.g. secrecy and consistency). Considering such results, we discussed the trade-offs required for a successful orchestration algorithmic solution and some promising research directions for multi-domain orchestration solutions, such as open federations. He continues to be involved in national and international conferences and journals, some as an Editor. He serves as a member of the program journals in the fields of software architecture, as well as IoT and Internet networks.

Fig. 1 .

 1 Fig. 1. Multi-domain orchestration view in layers. The bottom is the lifecycle of network services. The middle consists of multiple orchestrators from different providers. The upper has all the added constraints of multi-domain orchestration.

Fig. 2 .

 2 Fig. 2. NFV multi-domain orchestration taxonomy

Josue

  Castañeda Cisneros received his M.S. degree in computer science from the INAOE, Puebla. He is currently a Ph.D. candidate at CNRS LAAS in France. His research focuses on Distributed Multi-Domain Orchestration under Network Function Virtualization. His topics of interest include coordination of orchestrators in both open and close federations, respectively. Sami Yangui is an Associate Professor with INSA, Toulouse. He is member of the CNRS LAAS research team. His research interests include distributed systems and architectures, service-oriented computing and Internet of Things. He is working on different aspects, such as cloud/fog computing, network functions virtualization and content delivery networks. He is involved in different European and International projects, as well as, standardization efforts. Saul Pomares received the Ph.D. degree in computer science and telecommunications from the INP, Toulouse. Since 1998, he has been researching in the field of distributed systems and partial order algorithms. He is currently a Professor with the computer science department at INAOE, Puebla. He is also an Honorary Researcher with the CNRS LAAS CNRS. Khalil Drira received the Ph.D. and HDR degrees in computer science from UPS Toulouse in 1992 and 2005. Since 1992, he assumes a full-time research position in CNRS, France. His research interests include cooperative network IoT services, platforms and applications. His research activity addresses topics in this field focusing on Software architectures and communication services.

TABLE I REVIEW

 I SYNTHESIS OF CONSIDERED WORKS.

							Work
					Cooperative		Competitive
	Requirement	5	6	7	8	9	10 11 12	4	13 14
	2

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

The research was supported by CONACYT (Grant 708000) and CNRS.


A Arnauld

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M Revuelta González

' Enfermerías

Boumediene

ey have Papal bulls allowing them to practise this art and they have, in several places, like Rome or Lyon or elsewhere, apothecary shops they supply from their stores in the Indies and, therefore having drugs, they make medicines at a low cost and they sell them for a high price, which results in a very big tra c. 1 O ne of the best descriptions of the role played by the Jesuits in the early modern drug trade is to be found in a text written in 1669 by the Jansenist logician Antoine Arnauld, under the name of Sébastien-Joseph du Cambout de Pontchâteau. In his book entitled La morale pratique des jésuites Arnauld identi ed three factors to explain the involvement of the Jesuits in the pharmaceutical marketplace: their in uence on the papacy; their 'corruption', i.e., their taste for money; and their presence in the Indies. In spite of the anti-Jesuit propaganda expressed in his text, and independently of any discussion about the 'corruption' of the Jesuits, this chapter would like to demonstrate that in some way Arnauld was right.

For several years the Jesuit drug trade has attracted the interest of many scholars who do not necessarily share the same agenda. Some are specialists in Jesuit studies; others come from the history of science and medicine or from commercial history. A few studies have been speci cally devoted to Jesuit pharmacy, 2 but the topic also appears in works which have a di erent focus: the intellectual life of the colleges, the biographies of Jesuits, the material culture

of the missions, etc. [START_REF] Martín | e Intellectual Conquest of Peru: e Jesuit College of San Pablo, 1568-1767[END_REF] Despite this diversity all these works agree on three points also covered by the current chapter: rst, the Society of Jesus was a truly worldwide organisation; second, the involvement of the Jesuits in the trade in drugs was an important aspect of their temporal activities; third, any of these temporal activities, and notably those dealing with knowledge, were, at least theoretically, subordinate to the apostolic goal of the Society.

In accordance with this scholarship, this chapter tries to understand the involvement of the Society in the medical marketplace, situating it within all the processes which de ned the 'Jesuit presence' in their urban colleges and the most remote missions, as well as in the mobility of its members. Nevertheless, this chapter is not an overview of Jesuit pharmaceutical activities since this has already been done, for instance by S. Anagnostou for their American provinces. 4 Neither is it a study of the business the Jesuits developed in respect of medicines. Its goal is, rather, to analyse the way the Jesuits converted things into commercialised items, that is, the process of commodi cation itself. What does it mean to introduce a new product onto the market and why did the Jesuits play a signi cant role in this process with respect to medicine?

In order to answer this question, this chapter focuses on remedies imported into Europe from Spanish America. is does not mean that the introduction of a new product onto the market was necessarily similar to the introduction of other overseas products into Europe: early modern pharmacy was also transformed, for instance, by the arrival of chemical products. Nevertheless, exotic products are of particular interest since their novelty and their distant origin raised, in a signi cant manner, the issues of accreditation and supply.

eir case allows one to venture the hypothesis that, between the 16th and the 18th centuries, the Jesuits were perhaps the only organisation able to handle every aspect of drug importation, from the extraction of materials and knowledge overseas to the design of recipes and the sale of products in Europe. Hence, the rst section of the chapter presents the di erent sources documenting the Jesuit practice of pharmacy in order to locate it within the broader activities of the Society: education and mission. e second section shows how the Jesuits introduced into Europe new remedies from the Indies, demonstrating how this process of commodi cation was linked to the practice of gift-giving5 and to the existence of a network through which remedies moved along with texts, images and curiosities. Finally, the last section is devoted to the most important novelty introduced by the Jesuits into European medicine: Peruvian, or Jesuit, bark.

e textual legacy of Jesuit pharmacopoeia: a brief overview e intervention of the Jesuits in the history of remedies can be observed, at a rst glance, in the texts they wrote and sometimes published about them. However, even focusing on the Jesuits' American provinces it is impossible to provide an exhaustive account of their writings on the subject. On the one hand, this is because the discontinuous presence of the Jesuits implies the dispersion of their texts, which was intensi ed with the expulsions and the dissolution of the order which occurred in the 18th century. On the other hand, it is because their studies concerned with remedies could appear in di erent kinds of works -missionary reports; letters; natural histories; pharmacopoeia treatises or recipes -written by men who could themselves have di erent pro les. Rather than providing a complete overview, the following section examines this geographical, thematic and sociological complexity, distinguishing three con gurations -natural history in urban colleges; natural history in the missions; and recipes in the Jesuit pharmacies -before showing how they were articulated.

Natural history in the colleges

A decisive aspect of the apostolic project of the Jesuits, one on which Ignatius of Loyola strongly insisted, was the education of Catholic elites. From 1548 onward, in Europe and in some urban centres of America, the Jesuits founded a growing number of colleges, for which they tried to recruit the best-trained professors. e Constitutions of the order, however, explicitly excluded them from teaching medicine,6 so their inquiries in the eld were, in the majority of cases, undertaken by people who had studied it previously or on their own. As a consequence, their intellectual activities associated with remedies were linked above all to natural history.

Although it did not properly belong to the Ratio studiorum, natural history was an attractive eld for the most learned members of the Society. 7 e Humanist study of Greek and Latin was indeed linked to the translation of ancient texts, in which Pliny occupied a prominent place. Furthermore, especially in relation to non-European worlds, the study of nature was a way to celebrate the glory of God. is dimension was particularly e ective, for instance, in the works of Juan Eusebio Nieremberg. He was a professor at the Colegio Imperial in Madrid, where he devoted a part of his teachings to natural history and published countless books in which the Jesuits' Aristotelian conceptions tended to be replaced by a neo-Platonic approach to nature. In the belief that the knowledge of the secrets of animals or plants was a way to know God, Nieremberg was keenly interested in the new lands of America and consulted many manuscript sources coming from across the Atlantic when writing his Historia Naturae, Maxima Peregrinea (Antwerp: Plantin, 1635). He used, for instance, Francisco Hernández's works on Mexican medicinal plants, but his primary intention was less to produce a discourse on their medical virtues than to use them as a tool for edi cation. e Jesuit's interest in natural history was also rooted in the passion for curiosities which many shared with their contemporaries. From that point of view, Nieremberg could be compared to another famous protagonist of what has been called 'the baroque science' of the 17th century: Athanasius Kircher. Professor of natural philosophy at the Collegio Romano, he devoted several of his books to natural history, especially Mundus Subterraneus (1664) and Arca Noë (1675). However, his celebrity was due above all to his cabinet of curiosities, for which he gathered objects from all over the world, especially from China. Following P. Findlen, several scholars have shown how important the spectacle of these curiosities was for the Society of Jesus. 8 anks to their relations with missionaries, who sent them letters and brought them objects, the Jesuits were able to address the appeal of the exotic among the European aristocracy and the republic of letters. e manufactured items or the 'marvellous' remedies the Jesuits exhibited in European towns allowed them to recruit to their colleges promising students who, sometimes, also wanted to become missionaries. is can be seen in the Litterae Indipetae, the letters sent to the general by the Jesuits who wanted to be dispatched to the Indies. Even if it seems quite far from the history of materia medica, this passion for curiosities was, as we shall see, closely linked to the Jesuit commerce in drugs.

Natural history in the missions

Practical writings

Nevertheless, the attitude of the Jesuits towards curiosity was more complex than the case of Nieremberg or Kircher suggested. e missionary activities of the Society also led its members to face more practical aspects of natural and moral history. Observation, collection, description and classi cation of plants, animals or minerals were crucial for the beginning and subsequent development of every mission. is was true for the Jesuits as well as for other religious orders, such as the Franciscans in 16th-century New Spain. With regard to the Jesuits, the most important work in the eld was without doubt José de Acosta's Historia natural y moral de las Indias (1590). Mainly, but not exclusively, devoted to Spanish America, this book expresses an interest in curiosities. It was grounded in Acosta's experience in Peru, but also in the information he gathered on his way back to Europe, especially in Mexico, where he consulted manuscript chronicles devoted to the history of indigenous people and contacted Alonso Sánchez, a missionary in the Philippines, and other Jesuits coming back from Macau. e fourth book of the Historia natural y moral contains several chapters devoted to plants and remedies -such as cacao, coca, liquidambar or the bezoar stone -in which Acosta probably combined his experience with the descriptions written, for example, by the Sevillian physician Nicolás Monardes.

Acosta's book in uenced many writings, both inside and outside the Society of Jesus, and led several missionaries to inquire further about the medical traditions they observed in the eld. One of the best examples of such inquiries is Michal Piotr Boym's Flora Sinensis (1656), devoted to China, but other books with a broader scope, like Alonso de Ovalle's Historica relación del Reino de Chile (Rome, 1648), contained a study of local pharmacopoeias. e Historia del Nuevo Mundo, written around 1653 by Bernabé Cobo, for example, was originally intended to be a comprehensive history of the New World, covering both Peru and New Spain. e remaining parts of this work illustrate Cobo's interest in medicinal plants. e Jesuit described no fewer than 350 vegetables and was amongst the rst to describe the Peruvian bark tree or the San Pedro cactus (huachuma). Many of the descriptions contain information about the properties of the plants and, sometimes, succinct indications about dosage. His inquiry not only required detailed observation or classi cation, but also the acquisition of knowledge from the Indians.

Converting medicines

Like Acosta or Ovalle and later works such as José Sánchez Labrador's El Paraguay natural (c.1771), Cobo's history is primarily grounded in his work as a missionary. In the most remote regions the ability to appropriate local pharmacopoeia was essential for the survival of the missionaries, who could not rely on any stable supply of medicines. at is why, as early as the last decades of the 16th century, missionaries, and especially the Jesuits, were the rst to learn the properties of remedies still unknown in Europe. In Brazil, for instance, father José de Anchieta (1534-97), a missionary who wrote the rst Guaraní grammar, learnt the properties of ipecacuanha, a root used to treat diarrhoea, and informed the general of the Jesuits in a letter on the 'natural things' of the Brazil. A few years later, the missionary Pedro Cardim mentioned the same plant in his Tratados. 9 Besides the necessity of survival, the quest for local remedies was also part of the other great apostolic goal pursued by the Jesuits: evangelisation. If, for both Catholics and Protestants, conversion was itself considered a medicine for healing the souls of pagans, the cure of souls was always narrowly linked to the cure of bodies.10 However, the role played by medicine in evangelisation varied, depending on the local context and strategies. Meanwhile, in the early modern Asiatic world the medical action of missionaries was used mainly as a diplomatic tool for making alliances with elites at courts. e situation di ered radically in Spanish America, where Catholic missionaries aimed to convert everybody, so healing was required for everybody. is strategy of conversionthrough-medicine had two sides. First, as expressed by the German Jesuit Juan de Esteyne er in 18th-century New Spain, healing sick people 'opens the doors of their souls'.11 is principle, directly derived from Christ's experience, implied improving the life of the Indians in order to demonstrate the goodness of Christianity. In his carta anua of New Granada province (1622-23), 12 for example, Florián de Ayerbe insisted on medical assistance being given by missionaries in order to relieve the 'pagans' from diverse diseases, especially the pox. 13 is led the religious orders to introduce European remedies, but because of di culties of supply and the necessity to adapt to local habits they were forced to use local remedies. In Cáceres or San Jerónimo del Monte, for instance, the Jesuits learned from local populations to use balsams, Campeche, dragon blood or anime. 14 e other bene t expected from medical assistance to 'pagans' was the possibility of challenging the power of indigenous 'priests'. Missionaries knew the latter were also 'healers': if they wanted to replace the indigenous priests as mediators with the spiritual world, they had to replace them as therapists and to know how to use local plants. Health, therefore, was an important eld in the ght against 'idolatry'. As a matter of fact, the missionaries leading the extirpation of indigenous practices could incidentally learn the properties of useful plants. is confession by a woman healer in 17th-century Peru illustrates the process quite well:

INTRODUCTION OF EXOTIC MATERIA MEDICA INTO EUROPE 235
With which herbs does she heal?

Asking her with which remedy she cures scrofula, diarrhoea. 15 As A. Prieto has shown, much of the medicinal information contained in the writings of Alonso de Ovalle probably derived from such rites of confession; and the same could be said about the works of Acosta or Cobo. 16 e information gathered in the missions could thus have di erent fates: some might appear in treatises on natural history; some in treatises on 'idolatry'; some were simply lost. e various ways in which local knowledge was processed included trials aimed not only at checking the properties of the remedies, but also at de ning e cient and safe dosages, which were recorded in more practical texts like recipes, collections of recipes or pharmacopoeia.

Jesuit recipes and pharmacies

e writing of such texts, however, was not limited to missionary contexts. In Europe as well as America and other continents many Jesuits wrote about the practical use of remedies. e majority of them were brothers working as an 'apothecary' or 'nurse' in the pharmacies of the Society. Encouraged by the Constitutions of the Jesuit order, assistance to the sick was indeed an important aspect of everyday life in Jesuit settlements. Baldassare Torres, a former physician, founded the rst pharmacy of the order in Rome in the middle of the 1550s. Subsequently, countless colleges equipped themselves with an apothecary shop, the original purpose of which was to take care of the Jesuits, with the distribution of remedies outside a college being limited to charitable donations. Quite rapidly, however, the Jesuits began to take part in the medical marketplace. If, in the colleges established close to missionary fringes, the main role of the pharmacy remained to supply the priests, elsewhere the Jesuit apothecaries rapidly took part in the medical marketplace of several cities, in Europe as well as in America.

e Jesuit in charge of the pharmacy had to master the basics of Galenic pharmacopoeia and to know how to use texts such as recipe books or medical treatises. e medicinal products described in such texts might be grown in the garden of the college, if there was one, or be bought by the mayordomo. According to library catalogues and account books, Jesuit apothecaries were open to new medical ideas and used the most recent pharmacopoeias written in Europe. 17 More generally, in Spanish America the Jesuit practice of pharmacy changed notably when the king granted the right to participate in the New World to non-Spanish Jesuits. Several brothers and fathers from the Germanic lands and Central Europe compiled important texts on what they called 'missionary medicine'. In 1712 Juan de Esteyne er published his Materia medica misionera in Mexico; meanwhile Pablo Clain was publishing his Remedios fáciles para diferentes enfermedades in Manila. At the end of the 18th century, father Sigismund Aperger engaged himself in a very similar enterprise, though his work is still known only indirectly.

is remark requires further comment. First, many practical texts written by the Jesuits on pharmacopoeia were never printed. is is the case for at least two Materia médica missionera written in Paraguay at the beginning of the 18th century, one in Spanish by Pedro Montenegro and one in Guarani and Spanish by Marcos Villodas. However, it was also the case with countless recipes used inside the pharmacies. If some of these recipes were actually printed as instruction lea et accompanying the remedies sold by the Jesuits, the majority of them circulated in manuscript form. e Real Academia de la Historia, for example, holds several recipes written or received by the Jesuits of the Colegio Imperial in Madrid and containing Choch bark; San Ignatius bean; a contrahierba from New Spain; Peruvian balsam; and a bean of the Darzel. 18 In the Portuguese world, Jesuit recipes were compiled in a work entitled Coleção de várias receitas e segredos particulares das principais boticas da nossa companhia de Portugal, da Índia, de Macau e do Brasil which has yet to be published. 19 is leads to another comment, this time on circulation. Until the end of the 17th century it was almost essential for missionaries who wanted to be published to send their texts to Europe and even to take them there in person. Acosta published his work in Spain; Ovalle in Rome; but Cobo, who remained in Peru, was unable to do so. Later, Esteyne er and Clain managed to publish their work, but rst in Mexico and Manila, whereas the pharmacopoeias written in Paraguay did not cross the threshold of any printing house before the 19th century.

e example of pharmacy perfectly shows the complex interplay between the circulation of texts, the circulation of people and the circulation of things. Nieremberg and Kircher's work relied on the arrival in Europe of texts, plants and objects; and their texts contributed to persuading young people to become missionaries: circulation was both a means and a goal of the apostolic project of the Society and of the personal ambitions of its members. Conversely, the natural history written by Acosta contributed to raising the interest in 17 L. Martín, 'La biblioteca del Colegio de San Pablo (1568-1767), antecedente de la Biblioteca Nacional ', Fenix, 21 (1971) American plants and the di usion in Europe of recipes developed in the New World, thereby contributing to the creation of new supply chains. is explains the role the Jesuits played in the introduction of new remedies into Europe.

A Jesuit network expanding across the world e strength of the Jesuits, compared with other religious orders, was not only their ability to gather information in their missions: behind all the texts mentioned above there was, indeed, a true art of circulation. S. Harris, amongst others, has shown how the Jesuits' mobility furthered the development of their 'scienti c' activities. 20 In fact, this mobility also fostered their participation in commercial activities. In order to create what Arnauld calls 'a very big tra c' the Jesuits used the regular trade routes, but also organised a system of exchange quite similar to that existing in other religious orders. is network happened to be useful for communication both inside and outside the order.

An order of communication

Since the foundation of the company, the Jesuits had developed a network of communication in order to inform the upper echelons of the order about the progress of Christianisation and to ease coordination between its di erent houses. e o cial correspondence, held by the superiors of the missions, the rectors of the colleges, the provincials and the general, included several documents: missionary reports (cartas annuas); catalogues; accounts; and necrologies. e Jesuits also exchanged more informal letters, such as Rafael Pereyra's correspondence, now held by the Real Academia de la Historia in Madrid. In touch with Jesuits from all over Europe, this Sevillian father informed himself about diplomatic and military events, sent letters to America 21 and sent novelties from the Indies to his correspondents. 22 In a letter addressed to Gaspard Barzée on 12 February 1554, Ignatius Loyola already insisted on the importance of such communication:

[S]ome important people who, in this city [Rome], read with great edi cation the letters from the Indies, ordinarily desire or ask quite often that we write something on the cosmography of the countries where ours go, for instance, on the length of the day during winter and summer, if a shadow moves from the right or from the left, if there were other 20 S. extraordinary appearances, animals or unknown or rare plants, and give information about them. 23 Within the Spanish territories, two Jesuits played key roles in these transmissions: the procuradores or procurators of the Indies. [START_REF] Zubillaga | El procurador de las Indias Occidentales[END_REF] Established at the end of the 1560s and at the beginning of the 1570s by General Borja, they were supposed to represent the company vis-à-vis the institutions responsible for the administration of the Indies. One procurador operated in Seville before the Casa de la Contratación, where he organised the reception, registration and departure of missionaries and where he sought to secure nance for the missions. Another procurador of the Indies worked in Madrid before the Council of the Indies, where he negotiated the foundation of new missions, visas for missionaries and scal exemptions from the crown. Everything coming from the Indies theoretically came through the hands of these two procurators.

Besides them, the circulation of objects among the Jesuits relied on the journeys of another kind of procurators, the ones representing their province during the general congregations of the order. Organised every six years in Rome, or after the death of the general in order to replace him, these meetings gathered together Jesuits from all over the world.

ese procurators took advantage of their trip to hire new missionaries but also to bring letters and objects to Europe. anks to their position, they could check the transactions at every stage of the process. By doing so, they could limit the costs and risks linked to commercial transactions: nobody could open their letters; nobody could steal part of the cargo. e Jesuits in Europe, even the most prominent, appreciated the security this provided. In 1636, for instance, General Vitelleschi suggested to the provincial Toledo that he might send him Nieremberg's work through a procurador: 'I cannot determine who has to send here the history of Father Juan Eusebio [Nieremberg]; it is easy to avoid the two inconveniences of cost and insecurity, remitting it to the procurador if nobody else from the company can bring it before'. 25 Outside the company, this bene t of security was also appreciated by institutions such as the Inquisition or the Council of the Indies, [START_REF]Inquisición, leg. 5345 exp. 2, doc. 1[END_REF] or by powerful families needing to transfer letters or money. 27 In other words, this system of exchange contributed to de ning the Jesuits as particularly reliable suppliers. In some cases they were the only people able to make available certain objects, from naturalia to arti calia and texts. is gave European Jesuits a privileged access to the things from the Indies, but the members of the company also knew how to earn pro ts, sharing this privilege with non-Jesuits.

Internal a airs

Situated at the core of both the apparatus of the Spanish monarchy and the apparatus of the papacy, the Jesuit network was able to link the appropriation of things and knowledge in the Indies with their distribution in Europe and vice-versa.28 e procuradores were the key to such a system since they directly created the link between the worlds. eir journey enabled European Jesuits to admire unseen artistic production; 29 to consult rare, if not forbidden, books and manuscripts, such as descriptions of Amerindian rites; 30 and to receive new drugs and curiosities. In 1578, for example, in the wings of the rst general congregation involving the province of New Spain, its procurador Pedro Diaz brought 'balsams, bezoar stones, singular roots and other medicinal things' [START_REF] Alegre | Historia de la Compañia de Jesús en Nueva España[END_REF] to his co-religionists in Europe. During the following decades the procurators coming from Peru continually brought with them bezoar stones. [START_REF] Agnp | [END_REF] A letter written on 29 January 1636 by Juan de Lugo, then professor at the Collegio Romano, sheds light on the kind of economy in which such gifts were given. Coming from Spain, Lugo was asked by the apothecary of the Collegio Romano to nd him tacamahaca, an American resin. In order to do so, Lugo suggested to his correspondent that the procurator might undertake this task:

A lay brother in this Collegio, whose pharmacy is, according to the pope, the best in the world … asked me insistently to make somebody bring him some tacamahaca. If a procurador came to the congregation, Your Reverence will do me the favour of asking him to endeavour to undertake this task, because this brother will pay him the whole cost, or any commodity from Rome of any kind because he will know better than anyone how to nd it. 33 Juan de Lugo repeated the request several times, 34 which indicates that the apothecary of the Collegio Romano desperately wanted the resin. He was ready to pay its price, with money or in exchange for commodities in Rome. In short, the procuradores were at the heart of a gift-exchange economy. Bezoar stones from Peru, for instance, could be swopped for news from Europe. 35 Even without reciprocity, gift-giving was an important concern for missionaries in America because it allowed them to pay their respects to important Jesuits in Europe, such as the procurators of the Indies or Juan de Lugo, who would later become a cardinal.

If, across the Atlantic, the procurators' gifts were often related to patronage, in Europe more horizontal, even friendly, exchanges could link the members of the company. From Seville, for instance, Rafael Pereyra sent tobacco and chocolate to many of his correspondents. 36 From Cadiz or Granada other Jesuits supplied the colleges of Madrid and Rome, especially Diego de Carrión, Juan del Marmol, Martín de Fonseca and Joan de Pina. 37 ey invented recipes which mixed cocoa with achiote, cinnamon, chili, vanilla, amber or musk. 38 Such recipes reached the whole of Europe. At the beginning of the 1630s, for example, Father Benito de Sojo exchanged curiosities and remedies with the 'apothecary of the Collegio Romano' and Jesuits from Warsaw or Vienna. Soto also wanted to send them chocolate but, not knowing how to prepare it, he asked Juan de Camacho, procurator of the Indies, to specify the amount for him. 39 e gift, the commodity and the sample Outside the Jesuit network this 'tra c' played an important role in the wealth and political destiny of the company. In order to understand this point, it is necessary to say a few words about the canonical legislation relating to 'commerce'. In a narrow sense, commerce consists of selling at a higher price what has been previously bought at a lower price; and the clergy were not meant to be involved in it. However, they could bypass this prohibition by obtaining exceptional exemptions or by adapting their mercantile practices: reselling a previously purchased commodity at the same price, or selling what had not been bought but produced were ways to practise commerce in a broader sense without practising it in a narrow sense. In 1635, for example, the Jesuit Francisco Vilches received from Juan Viera in Jaén some chocolate which he promised to 'convert into money' in order to pay legal expenses. However, the interest of exotic remedies did not reside only in their commercial value. In Seville the procurador of the Indies continuously received boxes of curiosities, chocolate or drugs which could be o ered to in uential people. [START_REF] Norton | Sacred Gifts, Profane Pleasures: A History of Tobacco and Chocolate in the Atlantic World[END_REF] is generosity allowed the Jesuits to secure the friendship of a prince, bishop or counsellor of the Indies or a member of the Curia Romana, who, when the time came, could pay them back, granting them a scal exemption or a visa for missionaries. 42 In 1602 to 1603, for instance, the founder and provincial of the Paraguay mission, Diego de Torres Bollo, went to Europe in order to assist as procurador of Peru at the general congregation. Between Madrid, Milan and Rome, he distributed numerous American curiosities and was able to recruit 40 missionaries. In Milan, where he hired Agostino Salumbrino, [START_REF] Piras | e gli inizi delle riduzioni dei gesuiti nel Paraguay[END_REF] Torres Bollo gave some of the most precious items he had collected in America to the powerful Cardinal Carlo Borromeo, as has been shown by A. Maldavsky. [START_REF] Maldavsky | Société urbaine et désir de mission: les ressorts de la mobilité missionnaire jésuite à Milan au début du XVIIe siècle[END_REF] Later, in 1646, it was also in Milan that Alonso de Ovalle, as procurator of Chile, gave precious American objects to another prominent member of the urban elite, Manfredo Settala, who included them in his famous collection. 45 Several of these objects were painted in an illustrated catalogue, 46 which showed, for example, a 'priest mantle from the Indie', 47 several balsams, especially the one from Tolú, 48 bezoar stones 49 and various curiosities from Peru, Chile, Paraguay or the Philippines.

In this system whereby the Jesuit in uence in Europe reinforced the Jesuit in uence outside Europe and vice versa, the commerce of drugs -in a broad sense -played a signi cant role. Nevertheless, this does not mean that all the religious orders were important protagonists of the medical marketplace; and even the power of the Jesuits was quite limited if we take into account the quantities in which they were dealing. However, their activity should not be judged in terms of quantity for it was above all a qualitative one. e system of exchange they developed allowed them to access and spread not only manuscripts and books, but also products like drugs, curiosities, tobacco or chocolate. e boundary between these kinds of object is less clear than one might assume. Important products for consumption such as tobacco or chocolate, as well as many remedies sold on the market, originally came to Europe as curiosities.

e link the Jesuits created between the Indies and Europe enabled the circulation of highly esteemed products, together with unknown items whose value depended primarily on their novelty rather than on a corroborated process of accreditation. At this stage, the item was an image, an object of spectacle which could be accredited -or not -as a medicine, as a food, as a curiosity. An item took the form of a sample and was simultaneously a gift and a means of experimentation. e sample could be useful for demonstrating the properties of a remedy which it was still impossible to supply, or for testing.

Between curiosity and drug, gift and merchandise, the sample was at the very core of the process of commodi cation and illustrates how the Jesuits took part in it. e distribution of gifts and curiosities was followed by the development of recipes and the selling of drugs. is pattern can be identi ed, with many variations, in the introduction of several drugs by the Jesuits: from the Philippines they brought a bean used against fever which they called the San Ignatius bean. 50 From the Americas they brought other febrifuges, [START_REF]Methodo de usar los polvos de la corteza del Arbol llamado Choch[END_REF] especially Peruvian balsam 52 and a remedy to be studied more closely below: Peruvian or Jesuit bark.

A Jesuit bark oating between the worlds

Extracted from a tree originally growing in the Andes, now called the cinchona tree, Peruvian bark came to Europe around 1640 as a remedy against what was then called 'intermittent fevers'. Several studies have been devoted to the history of this reddish, bitter bark, stressing its importance in the ght against malaria and the way it simultaneously transformed medical thought, the government of health, the colonisation of Spanish America and, later, of Africa or Asia. [START_REF] Steele | Flores para el rey. La expedición de Ruiz y Pavón y la Flora del Perú[END_REF] A major feature of its early history is the involvement of the Jesuits in its introduction into Europe. If they were not the only ones to bring it in, their involvement was so important that the remedy was rapidly called 'Jesuit bark' or 'Jesuit powder'.

Two accounts of a mysterious 'discovery'

Soon after its rst use in Europe around 1640, two accounts spread about the discovery of the remedy. In spite of their di erences they both attribute a decisive role to the Jesuits. e rst one, by far the more famous, appeared in a treatise on Peruvian bark entitled Anastasis Corticis peruvianae. Its author, the Genoese physician Sebastiano Bado, claimed that in Lima the countess of Chinchón, the wife of the viceroy of Peru, was su ering intermittent fever: ' e rumour of her illness was rapidly known by the whole city, [and] spread over the region into Loja'. is small town, located in the heart of Andean valleys, was surrounded by mountains bearing the Peruvian bark tree. According to Bado, the Indians of this region for centuries used the bark for curing their fevers but hid its properties from the Spaniards. Finally, the latter were able to learn how to use it; and when Loja's corregidor heard about the countess's disease he quickly informed the viceroy that he was in possession of a 'secret remedy'. He brought the bark to the court, where he performed a public cure: '[S]urprising everybody, she was cured like by a miracle'. en, according to Bado, the Jesuits transported the bark from Lima to Europe, especially to Rome. eir devotion to the healthcare of the citizens of Rome was recorded on the walls of Santo Spirito hospital in a painting which depicts Juan de Lugo, who became a cardinal, dispensing the bark in powder form to the poor.

Several scholars have expressed frank doubts about this account, which they consider a 'myth'. ere is, indeed, no evidence for the 'miraculous' recovery in any contemporary sources. Moreover, the anti-malarial use of the bark would have implied that the Indians in the surroundings of Loja had precise knowledge about intermittent fevers, whereas this disease probably appeared on the continent after the Spanish conquest. e best answer to these di culties can be found in the second account devoted to the early history of the bark. It is a letter written in 1663 by a Spanish physician, Gaspar Caldera de Heredia, as an answer to a query he received about the bark from a Roman physician named Girolamo Bardi. In this letter Heredia gives precise information about the way the Jesuits 'discovered' the e ects of the bark:

At the end of this land, in this province of Quito, close to the Amazon river, some Indians come spontaneously or for a salary are taken to a gold mine … In the paths the Indians are forced to cross a river … so that the majority of them, when arriving on the other bank, frozen and shaking, complain pitifully. And immediately, for their relief, they take the bark of a tree they know, powdered, ground and dissolved in hot water. At this time they remark that the cold and the shivering calm down and they can go on the road. Seeing this, the fathers of the Society of Jesus ... asked them from which tree they took the bark. [START_REF]De pulvere febrifugo Occidentalis Indiae (1663) de Gaspar Caldera de Heredia y la introduccíon de la quina en Europa[END_REF] By analogical reasoning, the missionaries converted bark used for calming down shivering to a remedy against fever. is case of serendipity could explain why the Spaniards found a remedy against intermittent fever in a region where this disease was recent: as a matter of fact, cinchona bark does contain some alkaloids which a ect the muscles in such a way that shivering stops. [START_REF] Guerra | El descubrimiento de la quina[END_REF] e di erences between the two accounts are quite clear: in the rst, related by an Italian physician, the Indians refused to give an ancestral remedy to the Spaniards until the countess fell ill; in the second, written by a Spanish physician, the Indians gave the remedy with pleasure. Alongside these political divergences, the two accounts also allocate a di erent role to the Jesuits: in the rst, they distributed the remedy in Europe; in the second, they learnt its properties in America. What is particularly relevant in this second account is that this 'discovery' is linked to the exploitation of gold.

e bitter gold of Mainas

In order to understand how the Jesuits appropriated the bark and why they set up an international trade in it, this section will discuss the Jesuit missions of Mainas during the 1680s and1690s. A set of fascinating documents held in Rome, Alcalá de Henares, Seville, Lima and Santiago de Chile show that the superior of the mission at this time, the Neapolitan Francesco Viva (1656-1702), 56 designed a project to accomplish the spiritual and military conquest of the region. 57 In this part of Ecuador the Spaniards found important reserves of gold during the 16th century, but they had to face the resistance of indigenous communities they called the 'Jívaros'. e memory of the bloody assault the latter launched against the town of Logroño was still strong in the 1680s and, according to Viva, the province lacked well-trained missionaries and soldiers. 58 His plan was to make a ve-to six-year trip to Spain and Italy in order to set up an expedition and to hire new missionaries. 59 Not being a Creole, Viva knew he would nd it di cult to be elected procurator, so he decided to nance the trip himself. In 1685 he sent 30 Indians to sow no fewer than 50,000 vanilla plants. 60 Four years later the plants were almost ready to be harvested, but not in su cient quantities. Nevertheless, it was in 1689 that Francesco Viva urged his superiors to let him go to Europe. Indeed, that very year a 'commodity ended up in his hands thanks to a divine disposition'. 61 is commodity was the cinchona bark.

Francesco Viva knew the remedy very well. He had already sent the product to his brother Domenico, also a Jesuit, in Naples. In 1689 he engaged a new servant who 'grew up harvesting the bark' in the mountains around Loja and knew where to nd intact forests. For several reasons trade in the bark was so high in 1688 that no merchant had a good-quality product. anks to nding a new forest, Viva was alone on the market and could extract 50 mule-loads of 'cascarilla'. Being in contact with Jesuits from Panama and Naples, he knew the bark would bring higher pro ts when it was sold in Europe. According to his calculations, the 50 mule-loads would be worth 50,000 patacones. Compared to that, the cost of the journey, 2,000 pesos, was almost derisory.

In other words, the bark was enough to fund the entire journey in Europe and to buy the gifts Viva had to o er to counsellors and members of the ponti cal administration: 62 I sent a few Indians into the mountains gathering around 50 mulas of bark, which are worth 20,000 libras in Italy and with your permission I shall reduce it into zurrones well commodi ed in Paita … and my brother in Naples will convert it into plata … With all these dispositions … I shall have that necessary for recruiting 40 missionaries and negotiating two boats and cédulas, and I will have bark, cacao, vanilla and other things to o er to the counsellors … And for the negotiation in Madrid with His Majesty and the council I have another disposition: you have to know that close to our Missions are the Jibaros, a nation rebelling for 90 years in those mountains where there is so much gold. 63 Ultimately, Francesco Viva failed to reach Europe: his mission was ful lled by another Jesuit sent to Rome as the procurator of the Quito province. Nevertheless, he kept selling the bark and invested the money in buying silver, but also gunpowder and weapons. For the Jesuits in Ecuador, the political utility of the bark trade was thus to nance a war against 'Jívaros' in order to acquire the gold in the region. However, even before 1690 the Jesuits o ered the bark as a gift in Madrid or Rome in order to gain support for their political plans in Ecuador.

60 ARSI, N.R.-Q. 15, doc. 31, fol. 230v. 61 ARSI, N.R.-Q. 15, doc. 31, fol. 231r. 62 APQ, VI/526; ARSI, N.R.-Q. 15, doc. 31, fol. 231v. 63 ARSI, N.R.-Q. 15, doc. 31.

From gifts to commodities

e rst Jesuits who brought the product to Europe were the procuradores coming to the general congregations in Rome.

e physician to viceroy Chinchón, Juan de Vega, had probably taken the bark to Seville around 1642.

at very year father Bartolomé Tafur (1589-1665) was elected procurator of Peru for the congregation held in 1645; and several later sources credit him with the introduction of the remedy to Rome. 64 As a matter of fact, he seems to have been close to Cardinal de Lugo. [START_REF]Tafur wrote the preface of Lugo's Privilegios[END_REF] In any case, the remedy was taken to Seville by brother Pedro Salinas, who accompanied the procurator of Chile, Alonso de Ovalle, to the same congregation of 1645. 66 Two years later brother Paolo Pucciarini, then apothecary of the Collegio Romano, began to use it and saw Lugo distributing it in Rome. 67 e procuradores of South American provinces were thus the rst to bring back the bark, either to the procurators of the Indies in Seville or to members of the Collegio Romano. Several other examples con rm this. In 1666 father Felipe de Paz and brother Alonso Gómez took with them gold, silver, clothes, books, vanilla, cocoa, chocolate, bezoar stones and 'two boxes and one half a packet of bark against quartan fevers'. [START_REF] Agnp | [END_REF] Signi cantly, the rst box was supposed to be sold and the second one was o ered to Gaspar de Cugía, the former superior of the Mainas mission. [START_REF] Agnp | PR 1/11, doc. 586[END_REF] At the end of the 17th century this system was still in use, as is evident from the inventory of the numerous items carried by the procurators Juan de Goyochoa and Nicolás Miraval in 1699: 'About the bezoar stones, the six zurrones of cascarilla or quinaquina, for a weight of 900 pounds, Copacabana, pebeteros [incense burners], vicuña wool, he says that he gave everything in Rome, Madrid and these regions, and especially amongst us, for not being things as appreciated there as here and because they were speci cally destined to be o ered'. [START_REF] Agnp | PR 1/3, doc. 334, fol. 5v. On these gifts, see also[END_REF] e interest of such a system was to avoid the cost and insecurity of commercial mediations. As a matter of fact, in one of the rare cases of the Jesuits deciding to send the bark without entrusting it to the procurators it ended up being seized by English corsairs: 'Your Reverence would meet the father Harnando Lavayen and would know the disgrace he su ered from the English who robbed him of a box of more than 120 pounds of Loja's bark, because the brother [Francisco] Odiago told me it was the best gift to send to your reverence, the thing being so esteemed there for quartan and tercian fevers'. [START_REF] Bastidas | procurator of the Indies in Madrid[END_REF] If the bark sent by procurators was mainly devoted to gifts, either inside or outside the Jesuit network, it was commercialised in the apothecary shops of the Company. It is impossible to know when the bark was brought from Loja or Mainas to Lima and to con rm Caldera de Heredia's statement that the apothecary Gabriel de España was the one who introduced the remedy into the Colegio San Pablo of Lima. [START_REF] Piñero | De pulvere febrifugo Occidentalis Indiae[END_REF] It is certain, however, that the apothecaries of this college, the Milanese Agostino Salumbrino [START_REF]Agostino Salumbrini had his name hispanised to Salumbrino. See Maldavsky, 'Société urbaine', 28. During the 1630s, he was the apothecary of San Pablo[END_REF] and his successor Claude Chicaut, [START_REF] Martín | Peru 5, fol. 11r. In 1656 Chicaut exchanged with Bartolomé Barrera, a brother of Arequipa's college, several remedies, especially 'dos costales de corteza' See ANC, Jesuitas 438[END_REF] distributed the bark to other places in America between 1630 and 1660. At the same time, the bark was already commercialised in Europe. In Seville, for instance, the remedy seems to have been commercialised as soon as 1643 according to the account of Cinco Llagas hospital, but the involvement of the Jesuits here is not certain. Regarding the case of Madrid, Rafael Pereyra's letters o er an astounding illustration of the way the Jesuits commodi ed the new product. In Madrid in 1648 father Sebastián González discovered the e ect of the 'barks for the quartans' which Pereyra had sent him. 75 A few weeks later he asked him to send him more: 'I've been asked for more bark for curing quartan fevers; the last you sent me produced such a good e ect that the fever disappeared in the people who asked for it and at the same time they brought it to me they were killing me for them. I beg you to send me more, if it does not annoy you, since those who have asked for them are people to whom I am indebted'. 76 is extract perfectly demonstrates how demand creates a commodity: the Jesuit is 'in debt' to the people who have to ask him for the bark. In other words, a supply chain is created. González probably began to give the bark as a sample and, since many people wanted it, he had to make them pay. In later letters he insists on knowing in which pharmacies the bark was being sold and what its name and price were. 77

Jesuit Charity: commodi cation and experimentation

Commodi cation was a qualitative process which occurred in several places. Besides Madrid, the same process took place in other towns, such as Lima or Rome. 78 It is, therefore, quite di cult, if not impossible, to retrace the trajectory of the bark, since it did not necessarily follow the path from Loja to Lima, Lima to Panama, Panama to Seville, Seville to Madrid, Madrid to Rome. According, for instance, to an anonymous document held by the Real Academia de la Historia in Madrid, the bark was known by the Jesuits of Spain, and especially those in Valladolid, after it was known in Rome: ' is wood or bark of the Tree of the Indies which was brought from Rome, brother Marin says that it is established that in the Indies where it grows it calms quartan [fevers] among all native peoples and from there they spread it to many regions for that purpose. And being brought to Rome by some among us, it removed fever from many people and they brought it to Spain and particularly to Valladolid'. 79 Commodi cation was a fragmentary, non-linear process: the accreditation granted to the e ects of the bark in a place had to be replicated elsewhere. e samples sent by the Jesuits inside and outside the company were supposed to be tested. From 1647 onwards the apothecary of the Collegio Romano, Pietro Pucciarini, sent the bark to a number of hospitals in Rome, Genoa, Florence or other Tuscan cities. In order to help with the trials, he also sent a recipe which, according to him, produced the same good e ects everywhere.80 e original version of this text was known in later sources as the Schedula Romana. It was transcribed in several books published in Delft or Copenhagen; and a printed version, written in Italian, is available at the Bibliothèque Nationale de France. 81 According to this document a dosage of two drachms of bark had to be powdered and infused in strong wine. e patient had then to be purged and made to take the remedy before the rst onset. As a matter of fact, the anonymous document held in Madrid contains a Spanish translation of this dosage and includes brief additions concerning the diet the patient had to follow: 'It would be good to have the sick man bled and purged, or at least to clean his stomach three days before the cold, with 77 RAH, 9/3702, fol. 996r. 78 ARSI, F.G. 1143, 'Conti e Ricevute Della Spetieria, Casa Professa', fol. 180v. 79 RAH, 9/7263, no fol. two ounces of sugar honey and some swigs of Anise water'. 82 ese comments about how to prepare not the remedy but the patient for medication are more signi cant than they appear.

is slight addition suggests that the Jesuits truly tested both the sample and the recipe they received and found a way to improve them. ey were not the only ones to do so. e printed echoes of the Schedula romana, reproduced in books published in Delft or Copenhagen, contain similar changes.

e utility of the sample was not only to demonstrate the virtues of a product, but also to verify them and, possibly, to increase them. is sheds an interesting light on Lugo's generous distribution of the bark in Rome: the cardinal was also testing the remedy on poor people. As a pilgrims' hospital, the Santo Spirito was the perfect site for such experiments. 83 e bark was not the only new remedy tested in hospitals: guaiacum wood in the 16th century and ipecacuanha at the end of the 17th century followed a similar pattern. Moreover, the involvement of charitable institutions, especially religious hospitals, in such experiments is an old tradition. e singularity of the Jesuits, especially when the case of Peruvian bark is considered, is that they conducted experiments at almost every stage of the process: before Lugo in Rome the Jesuits around Loja, who used analogical reasoning, did nothing other than test the bark on Indian bodies. If the Jesuits were masters of gathering and circulating things, their role in the history of pharmacy, and more generally in the history of science and commerce, shows they were also masters of experimentation.

Conclusion

e involvement of the Jesuits in the history of early modern pharmacopoeia illustrates perfectly how they applied their apostolic project to their temporal activities. e organisation of the Society and the circulation of its members around the world also illustrate the role played by the religious orders in the recon guration of science, commerce and politics at that time. Several scholars have underlined the importance of the 'go-betweens' in the construction of a 'global intelligence'. 84 e end of the 18th century is often seen as the climax of this 'brokered-world', possibly because states began truly to handle the techniques of intermediation. However, before them the religious orders had already mastered such techniques, especially the Jesuits, which could explain the series of expulsions they had to face from the 1750s onwards. Perhaps 82 RAH, 9/7263, no fol. 83 P. de Angelis, La spezieria dell'Arcispedale di Santo Spirito in Saxia e la lotta contro la malaria, nel III centenario della nascita di Giovanni Maria Lancisi, anno 1654-1954 (Rome: Coluzza, 1954)

  Harris, 'Long-distance corporations, big sciences, and the geography of knowledge',

	Con gurations, 6 (1998): 269-304; 'Jesuit scienti c activity in the overseas missions, 1540-
	1773', Isis, 96 (2005): 71-79; 'Mapping Jesuit science: the role of travel in the geography
	of knowledge', in J.W. O'Malley et al. (eds.), e Jesuits II: Cultures, Sciences and the Arts,
	1540-1773 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006), pp. 212-40.

21 See, e.g.,

RAH, 9/3687, fol. 158r-v; RAH, 9/3788, fol. 381r. 22

See, e.g., the letters written by Juan de Lugo to Rafael Pereyra on 13 Jan.

1635, 19 Feb. 1635 and 26 May 1636 (RAH, 9/3686, fols. 225r-v, 263r-v; RAH, 9/3684, fols. 353r-v)

.

  Romanum Societatis Iesu (ARSI), Rome ARSI, N.R.-Q. 15, doc. 26 ARSI, N.R.-Q. 15, doc. 31 Biblioteca Estense di Modena, MS. gamma.h.1.21, gamma.h.1.22 Bibliothèque d'étude et du patrimoine de Toulouse, MS. 763, 'Recueil de recettes pharmaceutiques et culinaires' Alcalá, L.E. (2007) '"De compras por Europa": procuradores jesuitas y cultura material en Nueva España', Goya, 318: 141-58. Alegre, F.J. (1841) Historia de la Compañia de Jesus en Nueva España (México: J. M. de Lara). Anagnostou, S. (2002) 'Jesuit missionaries in Spanish America and the transfer of medical-pharmaceutical knowledge', Archives internationales d'histoire des Sciences, 52: 176-97. -(2005) 'Jesuits in Spanish America: contributions to the exploration of the American materia medica', Pharmacy in History, 47: 3-17.

	Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid (RAH)
	RAH, 9/3426, no. 2
	RAH, 9/3631
	RAH, 9/3671, no. 65
	RAH, 9/3672
	RAH, 9/3684
	RAH, 9/3686
	RAH, 9/3687
	RAH, 9/3702, no. 21
	RAH, 9/3788
	RAH, 9/3800
	RAH, 9/3823
	RAH, 9/7259
	RAH, 9/7263
	RAH, 9/7274
	RAH, 9/7333
	Universidad Montoya, Lima, Colección Vargas Ugarte 39
	Printed sources

, pp. 101-3. 84 S. Scha er et al. (eds), e Brokered World: Go-betweens and Global Intelligence, 1770-1820 (Sagamore Beach, MA: Science History Publications, 2009).

Archivum

Anagnostou, 'Jesuit missionaries in Spanish America'.

Z. Biedermann, A. Gerritsen and G. Riello (eds.), Global Gifts: e Material Culture of Diplomacy in Early Modern Eurasia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2018).

is prohibition was sometimes ignored, e.g., in Bogotá.

L.Millones-Figueroa and D. Ledezma (eds.), El saber de los Jesuitas. Historias naturales y el Nuevo Mundo(Frankfurt and Madrid: Vervuert-Iberoamericana, 2005).

F. Cardim, Tratados da terra e gente do Brasil (Rio de Janeiro: Leite, 1925), pp.73-4.

I.G. Županov, 'Conversion, illness and possession: Catholic missionary healing in early modern south Asia', in C. Guenzi and I.G. Županov (eds.), Divins remèdes. Médecine et religion en Asie du Sud (Paris: EHESS, 2008), pp. 263-300.

'A los muy RR. PP. missioneros', Juan de Esteyne er, Florilegio medicinal de todas las enfermedades (Madrid: Alonso Balvas, 1729).

Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid (hereafter RAH), 9/3702, no. 21.

RAH, 9/3702, fol. 258r.

Archivo Arzobispal de Lima, Idolatrías, V/8, fols. 10v, 21r, 27v; reproduced in A. Sánchez, Amancebados, hechiceros y rebeldes (Chancay, siglo XVII) (Cuzco: Centro de Estudios Regionales Andinos Bartolomé de Las Casas, 1991), esp. p. XXXV.

Prieto, Missionary Scientists, p. 58; S. Boumediene, La colonisation du savoir. Une histoire des plantes médicinales du 'Nouveau Monde' (1492-1750) (Vaulx-en-Velin: Les éditions des mondes à faire, 2016), pp. 365-6.

Ignatius de Loyola, Écrits (Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1991), p. 873.

Archivo General de la Nación de Perú, Lima (hereafter AGNP), Jesuitas, PR 1/14, doc.710, fols. 41r, 70r; Caja 16, 734, fol. 6; Caja fols. 8, 492, 502.

On the distribution of European -often manufactured -items in America by the procuradores on their way back, see L.E. Alcalá, '"De compras por Europa": procuradores jesuitas y cultura

'Memoria ò Receta de la virtud y modo de applicarse que tiene la Pepita llamada Catbalogan ò de S. Ignacio', in RAH, 9/3631, n° 45. See also 'Virtudes medicinales de una frutilla, ô pepita, que se cría mui comun en las Islas Philipinas, que llaman los Naturales en su idioma Ygasul, y los Españoles les pepitas de Sn. Ignacio', in RAH, 9/3823, no fol.

See, e.g., C.M. de La Condamine, 'Sur l'arbre Du Quinquina', Histoire de l'academie royale des sciences (1738): 226-43 (234); Real Jardín Botánico de Madrid, MutisIV, leg. 11,[START_REF]Methodo de usar los polvos de la corteza del Arbol llamado Choch[END_REF] fol. 2v.

S. Bado, Anastasis corticis Peruviae, seu chinae chinae defensio (Genova: Pietro Giovanni Calenzani, 1663), pp. 240-41.

Bibliothèque nationale de France, TE151-1220, 'Modo Di Adoprare La Corteccia Chiamata Della Febre'. See also Bibliothèque d'étude et du patrimoine de Toulouse, MS. 763, 'Recueil de recettes pharmaceutiques et culinaires', fols.71-72.

the most important legacy of the Jesuit presence lies here: in the necessity to replace them, to appropriate their methods. 85

Bibliography

Manuscript sources

Archivo Arzobispal de Lima, Idolatrías, V/8 Archivo General de Indias, Seville, Contratación 5549, n.1, R.