Social Representations of the War as a Historical Event

Isabelle Boyer

At the Beginning

In June 1914, Archduke Franz-Joseph's assassination triggered a new conflict. Due to the interplay of alliances between the different states involved, the conflict spread across Europe, then to the rest of the world. The use of new weapons, such as toxic gases, made it a war of mass destruction (nine million dead, six million disabled). The great trauma caused by the conflict was described by the "poilus" (French soldiers) in their stories about life in the trenches. The horrors depicted by Roland [START_REF] Dorgelès | Les Croix de bois[END_REF] are still a part of the French collective memory, as was illustrated in the novel Au revoir Là-Haut [START_REF] Lemaître | A Revoir[END_REF] in which the author describes the war as "a prosaic and barbaric killing which caused a thousand deaths a day for fifty months" 1 (2013, p. 29). The German collective memory does not adhere to the same plan as the French. Cornelissen and Weinrich (2021, see Chap. 5) describe its development in four parts: contestation and polarization (1918)(1919)(1920)(1921)(1922)(1923)(1924)(1925)(1926)(1927)(1928)(1929)(1930)(1931)(1932)(1933), the "honor of the front" as a new raison d'état (1933)(1934)(1935)(1936)(1937)(1938)(1939)(1940)(1941)(1942)(1943)(1944)(1945), a World War Is forgotten and a rediscovery (2000)(2001)(2002)(2003)(2004)(2005)(2006)(2007)(2008)(2009)(2010)(2011)(2012)(2013)(2014)(2015)(2016)(2017)(2018). Despite such differences in our collective memories, the Great War is also qualified as global because of the mobilization of civilians and the rallying of all the forces of the state, including the work undertaken by women and the involvement of colonized soldiers. 11 November 1918 marked the end of this deadly war and became an important date in the collective memory of the different populations who participated in it, but especially the Germans and the French, in whose countries "substantial memory-political efforts have been made" (Cornelissen and Weinrich 2021, p. 5) despite the different perception of the Armistice event, in terms of victory for one nation and a defeat for the other. One century later, the commemoration of the Armistice took place in Paris. This ceremony was relayed by many national and international media all over the world. "Armistice commemoration 11 November", typed in French into a search engine (Microsoft edge, February 2021), threw up 204,000 results. This significant number reflects the importance of the event. In this chapter, the aim of our research is to analyse the social representations during the week of the commemoration in two online media and, more specifically, to compare the media coverage of the Armistice according to their different readerships, that is the French or German public. The two media groups are Le Figaro and the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung which are well known in each country. These two newspapers were chosen because each is published in a country concerned by the commemoration of the Armistice. But for France and Germany, the significance of the Armistice was different because of the outcome of the war for each nation, namely past victory or past defeat. However, other representations, such as the end of violence and a sense of relief, were common to both. Moreover, after the end of the Second World War, France and Germany began to work together towards the construction of Europe. Since the Schuman Declaration of 9 May 1950, the Franco-German couple has participated in all the major stages of European construction. Another justification for choosing these two specific online newspapers is their similar characteristics, which lend them to a comparative analysis; they are both dailies with a large readership and a right or centre-right bias. All the data concerning both newspapers are available in Chap. 1. In her book on the links between TV news, history and memory, Katharina [START_REF] Niemeyer | De la chute du mur de Berlin au 11 septembre 2001[END_REF] describes TV news as a news vector but also a type of platform of the present historical time. It participates in a selective transmission of knowledge and culture and thereby influences in part the construction of a mass culture (Niemeyer 2011, p. 67). It seems that the same statement can be applied to the online press. Their two goals, information and transmission, partly contribute to the development or evolution of certain representations within considered society. Comparing the two online newspapers enables us to explore the following question: do they lean more towards Europeanization or towards an effort to preserve a national memorial memory? During the European elections in 2019, Von [START_REF] Nordheim | The State of Europeanisation: between Cash and Convergence. A Comparison of the Media Coverage of the 2019 European Elections in Seven Countries[END_REF] studied media coverage in seven countries (Germany, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Portugal, the Czech Republic and the United Kingdom) to determine their degree of Europeanization. The findings show a variation in the degree of Europeanization in these countries, which is more or less consistent with the EU's presentation in each country's press and the greater or lesser freedom this press enjoys. The findings show that Germany and Portugal present a higher degree of Europeanization than Hungary and Poland. In this chapter, we have chosen to analyse the iconography and titles of the articles in Le Figaro and the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, which were collected as part of the LEMEL-DIREPA project (see Chap. 1). That data will constitute a relevant means to explore whether an event such as the commemoration of the WWI constitutes a means to underpin national memory or to develop the Europeanization process.

Social Representation Embedded in Cultural Context

Social Representation

When focusing on the study of social representation and online media, it is essential to clarify the theoretical positioning adopted in this chapter with regard to the concept of social representation. This clarification is important because it is a concept used by many scientific disciplines [START_REF] Lescano | Stéréotypes, représentations sociales et blocs conceptuels[END_REF]. Elaborated by Moscovici, in the beginning of the 1960s, "[s]ocial representations should be seen as a specific way of understanding and communicating what we know already" (Moscovici 1983, p. 17). Social representation was defined as a naïve theory [START_REF] Jodelet | Les représentations sociales[END_REF]. Social representations are the result of a collaborative construction which has a practical goal in everyday life. Social representations "contribute to the establishment of a common reality shared by a social community"2 (Jodelet 1989, p. 36). The concept comes from a social consensus but it also applies to individuals when focusing on the manner in which they appropriate social representations which corresponds with the way the subject takes it over. In fact, a social representation works like a framework or an interpretative grid of social reality. It provides a code for social relations. It seems that the way to designate is a translation of the way that people imagine the environment in which they evolve. But also, each individual has a dual role, appropriating the representation and participating in its construction (Jodelet 2008). Such a perspective makes it possible to consider the individual like an actor in the development of representation. The existence of the two mechanisms shows that social representation is not a static and immutable concept but is subject to variation. The modalities for the construction of the representation and thus its anchorage in reality give it a profoundly dynamic character especially due to peripheral elements which seem more flexible than the central core, image of stability; although recent studies [START_REF] Wachelke | Black and White or Shades of Grey? Comparing Social Representations Centrality Models[END_REF][START_REF] Baggio | Détecter la centralité des éléments d'une représentation sociale: un indice alternatif de mesure[END_REF] show that the relationship between the two is much more complex. These elements, apart from their role of quasi-instantaneous description of the situations, are vectors through which the changes and the evolution of social representations are carried out. That statement justifies the choice of using this concept in this chapter which deals with one aspect of expressing social representation about the WWI, which is verbalization. Articles in newspapers reflect the social representation existing in the society but they are also a vector of transmission of knowledge and information, which is why we have decided to collect media data. Analysing online media seems to be a valid means to reach a part of the representation which exists in a social context, even if it is not the only one. But it is also an efficient way to examine which representation the society would like to emphasize or pass on in relation to the cultural context of reference [START_REF] Sam | The Cambridge Handbook of Acculturation Psychology[END_REF]. Meaning and representation could not be separated as [START_REF] Moscovici | The Phenomenon of Social Representations[END_REF] or [START_REF] Abric | Pratiques sociales et représentations[END_REF] demonstrated in their respective research. It is not conceivable to dissociate the notion of meaning and representation, which Abric translates in these terms: "An object does not exist by itself, it exists for an individual or a group and in relation to them. It is therefore the subject-object relation that determines the object itself. A representation is always representation of something for someone"3 (Abric 1994, p. 12). And we underlined the idea that the sense is linked to the environment and its specific characteristics. Social representations are deeply embedded in the cultural context. Wagner (2001, p. 98) considers that the social representation is a social construction of reality. The author goes further when he postulates that there are no differences between the object and the representation of that object in a specific cultural context. The definition elaborated by [START_REF] Wagner | Theory and Method of Social Representations[END_REF] still applies today: "Social representation theory is a social psychological framework of concepts and ideas to study psychosocial phenomena in modern societies" (1999, p. 95). He highlighted the fact that social representations are deeply embedded in the historical, cultural and social environment. To sum up, a social representation represents all the thoughts and feelings (about an object in the broadest sense) which are expressed in people's verbal and non-verbal behaviours in a specific cultural context. It is both representative of the group's thinking and representation of the individual herself or himself.

Cultural Context

As we have pointed out previously, when social representations are studied, the notion of context (human and physical) must be taken into account and how its structure is understood and conceptualized according to its main influence on everyday life and on the elaboration of beliefs. But the question is, what do we really mean when we speak about cultural context? [START_REF] Valsiner | Culture and Human Development[END_REF] wrote that any context corresponded to a cultural organization which was the fruit of a cultural construction. He agrees with the positioning of [START_REF] Goffman | La mise en scène de la vie quotidienne[END_REF] which defines context as an element built to enable the understanding of societal facts. The process of contextualization makes it possible to give meaning to an act of communication, such as the publication of an article [START_REF] Mucchielli | Approche par la contextualisation[END_REF]. Context is therefore a complex construction, but an essential one for making sense of the results achieved [START_REF] Paganelli | Réflexions sur la pertinence de la notion de contexte dans les études relatives aux activités informationnelles[END_REF]. Our data collection took place in a particular context, the commemoration of the end of World War I (WWI). The significance of that event is deeply embedded in the history of each State: a long tradition of commemoration in France (Offenstadt 2021), while Germany is rather in a process of rediscovery [START_REF] Cornelissen | German Historiography on World War I, 1914-2019[END_REF]. The centenary celebration of the Armistice took place in a context that can be described as multicultural, particularly due to the creation of the Schengen area and the abolition of borders within Europe. The links between multiculturalism and context must be defined or specified. The French dictionary Larousse defines multiculturalism as a "coexistence of several cultures, often encouraged by a proactive policy"; this is the first level of explanation, maybe the simplest one. In the past, [START_REF] Berry | Psychological Aspects of Cultural Pluralism: Unity and Identity Reconsidered[END_REF], studying acculturation and its impact on individual psychology, found three components of multiculturalism: a demographic fact, an ideology and at least some public policies, which promote the respect and acceptance of diversity. Considering the structure of multiculturalism from three interacting components leads to the idea that it has a variable character depending on the context. Later, Berry (1997) emphasized the fact that "the central aim of the field of crosscultural psychology has been to demonstrate the influence that cultural factors have on the development and display of individual human behaviour" (1997, p. 6) in terms of acculturation and adaptation. But also the process of acculturation depends on three characteristics of the groups under consideration: their mobility, permanence and willingness [START_REF] Van Oudenhoven | Immigrants and Ethnocultural Groups[END_REF]. These authors highlight one important point which must be taken into account: "the mutual change that occurs when two or more cultural groups come into contact with one another" (ibid. 2016, p. 146). A process of adaptation is not a process that takes place in one particular way, but is characterized by mutual interactions between the national population and the newcomers [START_REF] Sabatier | Acculturation in Western Europe[END_REF]. The adaptation could be different according to the characteristics of each group and their willingness to be involved in that process. An important condition for cultural groups to mingle harmoniously with each other is "when both diversity and equity are present, integration and multiculturalism are found" (Berry and Ward 2016, p. 441). Many European people evolve in different cultural contexts but also at the point where they meet. The process of European integration as a process of creating a multiculturalist nation must therefore be considered. Multiculturalism is not only a demographic fact, but it is also an ideology: "individuals and groups hold general views about their acceptance or rejection of this diversity" (Berry and Ward 2016, p. 441). This issue is at the heart of the process of Europeanization, of the creation of a European nation that has yet to be defined.

Nation and Collective

Memory: Are They the Roots of the Europeanization Process?

The Nation and the Europeanization Process

On 11 March 1882, Ernest Renan asked "What is a nation?" at one of his most famous conferences. One century later, historian Pascal Ory (2020) used this title for his latest work, as did Tardivel (2016) for her paper. It seems to be a major issue. According to [START_REF] Ory | Qu'est-ce qu'une nation? Paris[END_REF], every nation is to be considered as a socially constructed object. In fact, politics, in the noble sense of "res publica", generates culture that will help to produce the nation. Its construction may be established on an elective strategy, that is, based on contractual links between persons who would like to live together or based on ethnic links formed by natural connexions like birth in the same country, a conception stemming from German Romanticism [START_REF] Tardivel | Qu'est-ce qu'une nation?[END_REF]). If we consider both conceptions, then Tardivel (ibid., p. 56) declares: "nationality is therefore an identity of which we are merely custodians, in terms of the conformity of our individual behaviour to the common good of the nation, i.e. ultimately of the state".4 In her paper, she explains that the European nation resides in the "democratic principle of self-government" and that this is necessary for the idea of the nation to be assimilated by the people in order for them to identify with the State, in sum the politics. This is even a "sine qua non condition". In short, European integration can only really be achieved if, and only if, the people have confidence in a European State, whose values they can integrate and thus identify with, while retaining historical specificities. The Europeanization process can be considered, as [START_REF] Renan | Qu'est-ce qu'une Nation? Accessed 2[END_REF] suggested, as a European confederation which could replace nations, which was a very innovative position for the time. But the identity of that confederation needs to mobilize politics and culture, in order to create a real movement, to show a real will to increase the process of the European construction. Studying acculturation and identity, [START_REF] Liebking | Acculturation and Identity[END_REF] proposed that "national identity could be studied on three different levels of analysis: individual, interactive and societal […] the level of interaction is the second level; it refers to the dynamics of everyday contacts in different situations. On the third or societal level of analysis, the focus is on political, ideological, cultural and economic features" (2016, p. 31). These authors reinforce the necessity of the existence of strong links between cultural identity, politics and cultural context because everyday relationships between peoples are necessary but not enough; if you want to create a strong European Union, you need also dynamic policies.

Social Identity and Collective Memory: A Permanent Back and Forth

Tajfel (1981) demonstrates that people's self-image has two components: personal identity and social identity which is built on their membership to different groups. Social identity could be defined as a subjective sense of belonging to a group or a culture, based on a dichotomy between the in-group and the out-group. That feeling is built on the fact that the members of the group share representations and collective memories. Collective identity and collective memory strengthen each other, in other words: "whatever supports the identity of the group is remembered, and the identity of the group consolidates the memories of the individuals" (Assmann 2020, p. 7). In this chapter, I will not undertake a presentation of the various concepts of memory because they are studied in depth in Chap. 1. Although there are relationships between individual and collective memories [START_REF] Ricoeur | La mémoire, l'histoire[END_REF], only the latter will be explored. Collective memory does not correspond to an addition of individual memories, but rather to "shared memories within and through different social groups" (Bouchat and Klein 2019, p. 186) which contribute to create a sense of belonging and a collective identity. Collective memory has a dynamic characteristic closely linked with the societal environment in which the group evolves, but it is also grounded in myths which partly structure the social identity and could be considered "as a system of communication" (Barthes 1957, p. 181). For example, a study of the representations of young Europeans about the reasons behind the start of the WWI shows a consensus on the main causes. All of them answered that the main causes were the willingness and the selfishness of the nations' leaders of the time. They also describe the populations as victims and minimize their responsibility (Bouchat et al. 2019). That research shows that WWI is still an important myth which could explain the representation of a Europe of peoples, built around peace and in opposition to the defects attributed to the national leaders. We could state that collective memory evolves according to "every contemporary context […] sometimes through appropriation, sometimes through criticism, sometimes through preservation or through transformation" (Assmann and Czaplicka 1995, p. 130); it depends on the needs of the social group and the evolution of the context. This selective process is similar to the one which contributes to the construction of social representations that are based on consensus and allow a group to share a common reality. In 2018, what are the social representations of WWI presented in the two online newspapers Le Figaro and the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung? Do they point to a desire for Europeanization that is greater than the wish to preserve the memorial history of each country? 6.4 Headlines and Iconography, A Way to Reach Representations Faced with the heterogeneity of the studies of discourse and its analysis, particularly discussed by many researchers [START_REF] Maingueneau | L'analyse du discours et ses frontières[END_REF][START_REF] Angermuller | The discourse studies reader, an introduction[END_REF]), we will take into account some elements which are important, such as each social space constitutes a place of enunciation [START_REF] Oger | Formes et périmètres de l'interdisciplinarité: l'exemple de l'analyse des discours institutionnels[END_REF]. Thus, the context contributes to the construction of the meaning. Online media is a specific environment where genre, inter-discourse and situation of communication could be explored. It is an example of a communication process that connects language, subject, meaning and social link (Charaudeau 2007, p. 8). Studying online media seems to be a relevant way to gain access to a part of the representation present in a specific cultural context. Data were collected from 7 to 14 November 2018 as part of the DIREPA project. Two online newspapers were chosen: a German one, the Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (FAZ) and a French one, Le Figaro (LF) in order to make a comparative analysis of their respective treatment of the commemoration of the centenary of the First World War, and thereby access social representation (SR). As noted above, the choice of these two newspapers is justified by the fact that at the time of the Armistice, the end of the war did not have the same meaning for both countries, and also because they are published in the two countries, Germany and France, which have each played a leading role in the construction of Europe since the end of WWII. Our analysis focuses on the titles of the articles and the iconography. The title of an article has an important role because it must attract the readers' attention, and also introduce them to the text. It constitutes a summary of information and a privileged place of mediation [START_REF] Dévelotte | Titres de presse et représentations d'autrui en temps de crise[END_REF]. The analysis of the titles allows access to the main ideas that the newspaper wishes to convey to the population. Similarly, iconography functions as a "trigger for reading" the article (ibid. 2000, p. 24). Pictures are used to study social representations, as [START_REF] Cohen | La tâche d'association iconographique : mise en exergue du processus d'objectivation dans la représentation sociale du médicament[END_REF] have shown. These researchers analysing the links between SR and iconography show that "the social image of an object is the result of a process of activation of multiple mental images, obtained by sensitive experiences related to the object, by communications with the different social groups with which the social individual interacts, and of course by the different media of communication" (ibid. 2017, p. 22). Their results prove that these acts of communication have a real impact on the objectification process by giving a collective character to the mental images of social groups. First, a quantitative analysis is carried out in order to obtain the first information on the media coverage of the event by FAZ and LF. It is followed by a qualitative analysis which concerns the function of the collected data. The first classification by theme and genre of the articles was developed as part of the DIREPA project. The second one elaborated by [START_REF] Breton | La première phrase, médiateur communicationnel du texte médiatique ?[END_REF] concerns only the articles in relation to the WWI. The iconography was also classified twice: a first classification according to the nature of the image (e.g. archive or current image) and a second according to its function [START_REF] Moliner | Représentations sociales et iconographie[END_REF]. As part of the DIREPA project, 89 articles from the FAZ and 110 from LF were selected for analysis in this chapter throughout the period of the data collection (from 7 to 14 November 2018). 17 articles of the FAZ were related to the First World War and 70 of LF. Even if this analysis focuses on the articles about the Great War, the others selected can provide additional information and insights, because as [START_REF] Amossy | Rhétorique et communication politique: l'exemple du clip électoral-Israël 2003[END_REF] points out, all discourse is constructed in a discursive space and responds to the elements that surround it. The presentation of each newspaper has already been made in Chap. 1.

Headlines of Articles

First of all, the articles were classified according to their theme (WWI, history, society, politics, Brexit, culture, migration, economy, environment) and genre (info [information], story, comment-in, commentout, editorial and interview). There were a great deal more articles focusing on the First World War in the French daily newspaper (almost two-thirds more) than in the German one (around 20%) which has no comment-in and comment-out. The info and story categories account for half of the LF articles and almost all of the FAZ articles. The first difference highlighted by these early quantitative results was therefore that of the genre used by each media in their articles covering the commemoration. The choice of info and story could be interpreted as a journalist's intention to recount facts and thus avoid too much subjectivity. A chronological difference in the publication of the articles can also be observed. The first LF articles were published on 7 November whereas the FAZ began publishing articles two days later; the number of articles declined in both these media up until 12 November. This evolution seems to be strongly linked to the context. Regarding the decrease in the number of articles in the aftermath of the commemoration, the Brexit project was under discussion, which was obviously a prime concern for the European Union. In fact, each country follows its own media agenda, other than for 10 and 11 November and Brexit. France is the country where the commemoration is held and many articles of the LF focus on this fact, as well as on the preparations and the itinérance mémorielle (memory journey) of President Macron. Meanwhile, Germany focused on politics, the economy and the 9 November commemoration of Kristallnacht, which is very important. Twelve articles cover this event or antisemitism as proof of Germany's will to face this moment in its history. As for Brexit, both online media published the same number of articles (FAZ = 8; LF = 9). This could be interpreted as a sign of the involvement of the Franco-German couple in the process of Europeanization.

The second classification was inspired by Breton's research (2005). The author proposes classifying media communication into three genres: informative, argumentative and expressive. Informational communication corresponds to a more or less objective description of an event, the argumentative one is intended to convince the audience to share a point of view. As for expressive communication, it enables the expression of one's sensitivity and a very personal vision of the world. But Breton emphasizes that determining the genre of media communication is a tricky task as a same act of communication could simultaneously involve two different genres. Breton (ibid.,p. 124) therefore proposes to classify according to the "dominant" genre. For example, one title could be classified as expressive and informational, but when the expressive is the dominant genre, the decision is taken to classify it as expressive. The same approach was used to classify the titles of the articles relating to the First World War. Titles with multiple dominants have been labelled as polygenre, but this classification only applies to one article in the LF. For both newspapers, the largest number of titles are divided into the informative (FAZ = 7; LF = 38) and argumentative (FAZ = 8; LF = 20) categories. In the expressive category, references to art or to one person's interpretation of the war or the Armistice could be found (FAZ = 2; LF = 11). A second finding was that the titles of all the articles belonging to the info category were classified as informative. Even if there are some differences concerning the number of articles about WWI in each online media, they also share similar features: the genres, story and info are more present like informative and argumentative categories.

Iconography

The image is a mediation of the representation. It has a polysemic character, because the reader interprets visual signs as an expression of meaning, which serves as an introduction to the article. It is important to take into account the general context of this act of communication but also its means of publication, which, in this case, is through an online medium (Fozza et al. 2003). A fairly general classification was made according to the nature of the iconography concerning the Great War in the corpus selected by DIREPA. The chosen categories are archive image, present-day image, drawing, map, book cover, graph and poster. It is necessary to specify the meaning of archive image and current image. In this chapter, present-day images are in colour and correspond to elements that have been published in the last five years. They are contemporary. As for archival images, they refer to the previous century, essentially its first half, most of them are in black and white and some have been coloured recently. FAZ uses only three categories, archive image ( 4), present-day image [START_REF]Memories retold Lebenszeichen von der Front[END_REF] and drawing [START_REF]dans une tuerie prosaïque et barbare qui a provoqué mille morts par jour pendant cinquante mois[END_REF], while LF uses all of them, even if the number of archive images and present-day images is much higher, respectively, 75 and 88. The first finding is that iconography is far more prevalent in the French daily than in the German one, but this same observation has already been made with regard to the articles relating to the First World War. Only one FAZ article has no illustration compared to seven LF articles (five of them are editorials). In general, the articles of the FAZ contain only one or two pictures which is also the case for fifty LF articles, five others having between three and six illustrations. Five articles of the French daily present many pictures: respectively 23, 33, 16, 17, 10. The first three belong to the info genre and two of those deal with the commemoration of 2018, the last of which relates the day of 11 November 1918. The two others are classified in the story genre and present on the one hand some examples of the life led by soldiers and on the other hand the medicine during the war. The second finding concerns the nature of the iconography, both newspapers mainly use archive images and present-day pictures. Archive pictures are mainly used to evoke the past, the representations of WWI (the "poilus", wounded soldiers, the trenches), while present-day images illustrate recent facts and often show politicians. A second classification was developed using the categories suggested by [START_REF] Moliner | Représentations sociales et iconographie[END_REF] who postulates that a picture corresponds to the association between a figure and a meaning and attributes three properties to iconography: its power of figuring, its ability to awake and stir interest in a subject and its ambiguity. The decision was made here to allocate two main functions of iconography:

• a first function that would coincide with a simple illustration by substituting for the object (power of figuration), here the Armistice, and • a second function that would correspond to the awakening of feelings in the subject (power of awakening) and/or to urge the subject to make choices based on the values it conveys and thus, according to its interpretation, to allow an appropriation of meaning (appropriation). Thus, commemoration does not become a mere reissue of the past, but would constitute an event in its own right.

The two functions of media iconography are used by both the online media (FAZ: eight for power of figuration and seven for power of awakening and appropriation; LF: 123 for power of figuration and 55 for power of awakening and appropriation). The power of figuration often illustrates the articles classified as informative, while illustrations classified as having the power of awakening emotions and appropriation are often linked with argumentative titles, which aim to provoke a reaction in the reader, as opposed to simply adding to their knowledge. To sum up, iconography illustrates a large number of articles in both the LF and the FAZ online media. The main roles of the pictures are illustration and appropriation. Iconography translates the intent to provide information and to highlight this information through the combined effect of the text and the picture, but also to incite the reader to greater reflection on the subject. 6.5 Image of the Past or a Project for the Future Commemoration of the end of WWI as an international event implies an international commemoration which shows the "union" of all the States, represented by their leaders, all of whom are present in the iconography ("Centenary of November 11, Macron celebrates Armistice and peace5", LF, 11/11/2018). But this event is not only about the leaders but also about the people. It is represented in particular by the recollection of wounded soldiers. Both online papers showed that the soldiers' destiny was the same in the face of suffering or death. So, for example, they choose a picture of a hospital in Berlin drawn from archives in order to illustrate a medical article entitled: "What Maxilla-facial surgery owes to disfigured soldiers"6 (LF, 08/11/2018) or an archive image of wounded Italian, English and French to highlight "War medicine"7 (LF, 09/11/2018). The fact that people in the WWI were subjected to the same type of injury is the message in the FAZ's title "Diary of a soldier in the First World War, 'you throw hand grenades, so do we '"8 (FAZ, 12/11/2018). In that case, the iconography has two roles as it was defined previously: figure of power and power of awakening and appropriation. A higher number of French articles (70) were collected than German ones [START_REF]Ein Zeitzeuge berichtet über die Reichskristallnacht in Wien[END_REF], no doubt because less commemorative events about the Armistice are organized in Germany, but also because France was the organizer. A second reason could be that commemoration of WWI by Germany seems difficult, as LF suggested, which used an archive picture of the commemoration of the fall of the Wall in order to illustrate its title: "In Germany, the impossible memory of the 14-18 defeat"9 (LF, 09/11/2018). Moreover, as the commemoration takes place in France, it must undertake several duties: preparing the ceremony, welcoming all the dignitaries, informing its population about the importance of the event but also refreshing collective memories. In order to make links between the present (the commemoration) and the past, Macron decides to visit all the famous places of WWI and to glorify the "poilus" (French WWI soldiers). The image of the "poilus" constitutes an important representation of the French collective memories preservation process [START_REF] Assmann | Collective Memory and Cultural Identity[END_REF] as well as the joy of the French people when the Armistice was signed. For example, both are present in "Armistice Centenary, November 11, 1918, hour by hour"10 (LF, 12/11/2018). Even if the German collective memory is different from that of the French, in the last 20 years, a rediscovery of the WWI and of the role of the German soldiers can be observed, through their life in the trenches and the horror of the battles. It seems to be linked with the fact that German people "have come to look at the sufferings of Germans in the bloody history of the twentieth century" (Cornelissen and Weinrich 2021, p. 151). This common recognition of the soldier in both countries can be found in the respective publications of the FAZ "11-11 Memories retold live signs from the front"11 (FAZ, 11/11/2018) and of LF "The incredible fates of these soldiers forgotten by history"12 (LF, 09/11/2018). Publications have different goals which are completely embedded in the cultural context. For example, the number of articles about WWI strongly decreases after the commemoration of the Armistice took place. One explanation could be that the focus is on Brexit at that point in time and the media has to inform people about the impact of this important event on the European construction. It is perceived as a potential danger and a strong disruption for the European Union at all levels, especially politically ("Why Brexit is still to be seen",13 FAZ, 12/11/2018 or "Brexit a deal in contrast to promises",14 LF, 14/11/2018) and economically ("Brexit trade, banking, agriculture … still a lot of uncertainty",15 LF, 14/11/2018). In other words, publishing an article constitutes a contextualized event, a contextualized act of communication. As [START_REF] Amossy | Rhétorique et communication politique: l'exemple du clip électoral-Israël 2003[END_REF] pointed out, a communication does not have meaning if you do not take into account the events which surround it. For example, in Germany, the context is different because it is the 80th anniversary of the Kristallnacht. FAZ published several articles about that event (e.g. "Hessen's Landtag commemorates the pogrom night 80 years ago",16 FAZ, 09/11/2018, or "A contemporary witness reports on the Reich's Kristallnacht in Vienna in 1938, Jews were blindly hated",17 FAZ, 08/11/2018) but also about the risks of racism and violence everywhere ("Angela Merkel warns that antisemitism is on the rise",18 FAZ, 09/11/2018, or "Anti-Semitic attacks in France have risen by almost 70%",19 FAZ, 08/11/2018). It is like a bridge between the past and the present, informing about the past to prevent the worst in the future. Likewise, in France, even if few articles deal with WWII, fear of racism and Nazism can be observed in titles concerning Pétain and Macron's position: is he still the victorious general of the WWI or the head of Vichy's government? Concerning Pétain's case, a phenomenon of criticism could be observed at that time [START_REF] Assmann | Collective Memory and Cultural Identity[END_REF] in the following titles: "Macron's memory journey plagued with controversy"20 (LF, 08/11/2018) or "Macron creates controversy by justifying tribute to Pétain"21 (LF, 08/11/2018). References to these common themes can be seen as the emergence of a European collective memory, even if it is only the premise. If preparing the future is an essential goal, it is necessary to include children in the process of commemoration (cf. "Remarkable school trip, the big war and the little children", 22 FAZ, 12/11/2018, and "The First World War as seen by young secondary school children",23 LF, 10/11/2018). In both online media, the iconography (present-day image) shows children who are at school or going to school as if the commemoration has to be included in their education, in a desire to share and to transmit a collective memory and thus a collective identity. It is also a way to show that WWI is a part of the collective memory and identity of the nation. That statement is reinforced by the pictures of Macron and young people at the Arc de Triomphe (cf. "Armistice centenary, the historic day of 11 November 2018 in pictures", 24 LF, 11/11/2018). That present-day image can illustrate the transmission of the collective memory between generations but also a sign of fraternity, because the picture shows that they have all put their hands on each other's shoulders. It could be observed as an appropriation of the desire for peace, which was present at the time of the Armistice.

The analysis of that data shows that children are involved in the process of commemoration. Giving explanations and information about the Great War conveys determination to pass on this knowledge and to underpin some beliefs concerning the end of WWI, that is the importance of preserving peace, and also an opening towards the future. The future needs to be prepared in light of past mistakes. This approach can be seen in both newspapers, which report the words of Angela Merkel or Emmanuel Macron. Both fight against racism and antisemitism ("Macron, the demons resurface, history threatens to resume its tragic course",25 LF, 11/11/2018, or "Angela Merkel warns of growing anti-Semitism",26 FAZ, 09/11/2018). Addressing common themes is a vehicle for a closer relationship between these two heads of State, which can lead to closer ties between the two nations, if the people trust their leaders [START_REF] Tardivel | Qu'est-ce qu'une nation?[END_REF]. The representation of the Franco-German couple would no longer only refer to politicians but to the peoples of each country. France and Germany played a decisive role in the process of European integration. In the collective memory of these two countries, the Franco-German couple is a prominent social representation. As previously mentioned, during the commemoration, the Franco-German couple could be seen as united as ever. Macron and Merkel are together in order to denounce antisemitism and to ensure peace. Iconography (present-day images) shows the two heads of State together, but it could be observed that they are closer in the German articles ("Angela Merkel and Emmanuel Macron, the picture from Compiegne",27 FAZ, 11/11/2018) or ("Angela Merkel and Emmanuel Macron warn of nationalism",28 FAZ, 12/11/2018) than in the French ("Armistice centenary on the historic day of 11 November 2018 in pictures",29 LF, 11/11/2018, or "Live-centenary of the armistice, Macron and Merkel in Compiègne",30 LF, 10/11/2018). Franco-German relations are reinforced by the image of the two leaders in the train carriage at Compiègne. A process of transformation can be observed; it is no longer a place associated with defeat, but one symbolizing the success of the Franco-German alliance ("11 November, Macron prepares to end his marathon weekend",31 LF, 10/11/2018). The social representation of the union between Germany and France is also strengthened in another area, the area of the arts. Music is a means for union between peoples: a concert ended the Commemoration at the Arc de Triomphe ("11 November Ravel's moving Bolero, the highlight of the ceremony",32 LF, 11/11/2018, the same present-day image representing the concert at the Arc de Triomphe, the conductor in front of the musicians, was used three times). What's more, the French orchestra from Lyon was playing at the Philharmonia of Berlin ("An army of concerts for the armistice",33 LF, 09/11/2018). The commemoration of the end of the WWI transmits the following message, peace must be preserved [START_REF] Wagner | 1918/2018-November-Gedenken in Deutschland[END_REF].

Conclusion

The analysis of the data shows that there is a determined effort to include the WWI centenary commemoration in the collective memory. Many links are made between past and present, as the analysis of the titles clearly demonstrates, but also the use by both online media's archive and presentday images. This is a means to underpin national memories through the representations of the "poilus", the trenches or the description of 11 November 1918. Nevertheless, determination to reconcile the German and French collective memories is reflected in the fact that both peoples have lived through the same difficulties. This idea is accentuated by pictures of wounded soldiers of different nationalities, or the stories of young soldiers from both sides of the Rhine. This can be interpreted as an effort to develop Europeanization by underlining the same shared experience of the past, such as the suffering associated with WWI. Another common aspect is the necessity of preparing the future by passing on the collective memories to the young generations. This is mostly done through education. This concern is present in both online media which show pictures of schoolchildren taking part in memorial events. The data also indicate the resolution to continue the European process by encouraging peoples to avoid the mistakes of the past, through references to the same social representations of WWII and the increase of antisemitism (Kristallnacht or Pétain's role during WWII). Showing similar concerns and commonalities rather than differences in the experience of WWI can be seen as an evolution in social representations through the effects of various factors, such as the initiatives which resulted in the Elysée Treaty in 1963, which led to the Franco-German rapprochement. These initiatives intervened at a peripheral level, which interacts with the central core of the social representation. This evolution is particularly highlighted in the picture showing Merkel and Macron, together in the train carriage where the Armistice was signed in Compiègne. This picture is charged with meaning when compared to the photograph taken in 1918. In 1918, the picture showed officials who could be separated into two camps, victors and vanquished. In 2018, the picture presents two heads of State who seem to be close to each other, sharing the same solemnity in this moment of remembrance. The meaning completely changes. The 2018 photograph becomes the symbol of the Franco-German couple's contributions to the process of Europeanization. By highlighting their commonalities, the multiculturalist context-Germany and France-each country can have a common future, which could perhaps be applied to the whole European Union despite the difficulties arising from its 27-State membership.

Notes