WP3: National /transnational circulation of people and goods

Introduction: individual drives to mobility and social orders of exclusion

Although mobility has been crucial to Southeast Asia since the pre-modern era (Wolters 1966;Andaya 2008), over recent decades it has increased in size and varied in typologies. Today, massive migrations as well as micro displacements appear as the main element in the regional transformation and integration into wider world systems (Hugo, Young, 2008;Lindquist 2013). WP3's main hypothesis is that the quest of prosperity through mobility to obtain work, safer surroundings, knowledge or access to specific goods must be seen as a positive and creative drive of self-improvement and social transformation which invariably interacts with local, national or global social orders often rooted in the subjects' very exclusion from the prosperity they are looking for. It is the aim of the WP to describe such orders in their historical constitution and specific deployment. It is also the aim of WP3 to describe the actors, or subjects, of mobility/exclusion, as well as the production and circulation of goods which these subjects see as fundamental in their quest for prosperity. It appears that marginality and exclusion are not merely temporary effects of a general mobility towards a prosperous integration into world economic and social systems, they are often the consequence of it.

State of the art

The Southeast Asian region has experienced high levels of migration, particularly intra-regional migration, since the 1980s. Rapid economic growth in some countries, along with 'push' factors in others, has led to a surge in labor migration, both skilled and unskilled (Ananta 2004;[START_REF] Joudo Larsen | Migration and people trafficking in southeast Asia. Trends & Issues[END_REF][START_REF] Kaur | Order (and disorder) at the border: mobility, international labour migration and border controls in Southeast Asia[END_REF][START_REF] Kaur | International labour migration in Southeast Asia: governance of migration and women domestic workers[END_REF]. Of the ASEAN countries, Brunei, Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand are destination countries for labor migrants and Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, the Philippines and Vietnam are primarily source countries. Malaysia and Thailand both send and receive labour migrants. Labour migration of rural women to urban areas and the impact this has had on traditional societies have been the object of pioneer studies such as Ong's monograph on Malaysian factory workers (1987) and Mills' study of Thai factory workers (1999). These interrogated the transitions from collective localized traditional social organizations to more fragmented and transient individual life trajectories. Similarly, research has examined domestic labour as a driver of intraregional and transnational migration and have explored the dangers of exploitation inherent in this vocation [START_REF] Chin | In service and servitude [Electronic book]: foreign female domestic workers and the Malaysian" modernity" project[END_REF][START_REF] Hugo | Woman international labour migration[END_REF] as well as the consequences of female migration on a migrant's original villages [START_REF] Bryant | Children of International Migrants in Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines: a review of evidence and policies, Innocenti Working Paper[END_REF][START_REF] Hew | Like a chicken standing on one leg. Urbanization and single mothers in Sarawak[END_REF]). From a different angle, research has looked at mobility in macroeconomic terms [START_REF] Bernard | Beyond product cycles and flying geese: regionalization, hierarchy, and the industrialization of East Asia[END_REF][START_REF] Hart-Landsberg | Contradictions of capitalist industrialization in East Asia: a critique of "flying geese" theories of development[END_REF] and underlined its role in the Southeast Asian nations' entry onto global markets; then examined the security dimension [START_REF] Cribb | Indonesia Beyond the Waters Edge: Managing an Archipelagic State , SIngapore: ISEAS Crime and Criminal Justic[END_REF], especially borders controls. Cross-border mobility, over land [START_REF] Walker | The Legend of the Golden Boat: Regulation, Trade and Traders Wolf[END_REF][START_REF] Tagliacozzo | Secret Trades, Porous Borders: Smuggling and States along a[END_REF]Michaud, Forsyth 2011) and over sea (Kaur, Metcalfe 2006) was also depicted as one of the major source of new human spaces beyond or beside the nation-states. Most recently, interdisciplinary academic attention was paid to illegal movement and trafficking, formerly the exclusive competence of international agencies (Ford et al. 2012). While the phenomenon of mobility takes on ever new shapes, knowledge gaps are numerous. Little is known of second or third generation industrial migrants/returnees and the economic and personal motivations orienting their movements. Similarly, little is known of the characteristics of cross-border circulations in legal and illegal networks and of the social and political spaces created by such circulation. Immobile subjects need to be taken into account otherwise than as the necessary counterpart of migrants. We also know little about long term effects of forced migrations determined by genocides and armed conflicts in places like Cambodia, Vietnam and Indonesia.

3. Going beyond the state of the art: the contributions of WP3

The members of WP3 range from authors who have written pioneer studies, to young scholars studying mobility, work and exclusion. All use bottom-up perspectives with a focus on long-term trends. WP3 examines voluntary and involuntary circulations of people in Southeast Asia so as to assess their positive and negative impacts on the lives of individuals and groups. Our purview includes the dynamics of rural-urban migration, intra-national and transnational labour migration, cross border circulation, as well as exclusion from mobility and disintegration of opportunities brought about through poverty, war, deportation, or human trafficking. Mobility is studied from the standpoint of social actors, paying particular attention the inequalities in opportunity and resources. WP3 has identified 'traps' in circulation spaces: human trafficking victims and returnees (Vietnam, Cambodia); unemployed rural migrants (mainly women) and the working poor in industrialized areas (Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam); Malaysian migrants' illegal babies and Thai slum children. We also concentrate on strategies employed by actors to cope with, and/or overcome these traps.

WP3 also seeks to assess the impact of market integration in the regional productive structure and general landscape. Studies are conducted into the livelihood of the following two distinct, yet interrelated, groups. The first will be referred to as "the included". These are new industrial workers participating in the regional subcontracting system. The second shall be referred to as "the excluded", namely marginal and vulnerable groups whose livelihoods are strongly integrated and dependent upon market mechanisms. We make the hypothesis that the latter remain marginalised due to the high demand for cheap labour. The size of the available labour force permits the industrial sector to ignore demands for improved wages and working conditions.

In order to understand mobility of people and goods, WP3 considers a set of themes and localities. These themes were researched upon by most WP3 researchers in informal meetings and discussion in subgroups and across the work packages (Unimib permanent research encounters, Cambridge WP3/WP4 workshop, Unimib/Unior informal meetings, the Chiang Mai based team informal and formal meetings). With respect to themes our focus will be on: small scale mobility; urban/rural relationships perceived from cities and villages; conditions and places of marginality; gender and subjectivity; and work, both industrial and "traditional" work. The areas and countries in which research has been and will be conducted are as follows:

• Thailand: Bangkok slums, ethnic tourism networks in Chiang Mai province, former guerrillas in Nan province and Kachin's cross-border mobility on the Myanmar-Sino-Thai border.

• Vietnam: Human trafficking returnees in Hanoi, resistant ethnic power in Quang Ngai, factory workers' life trajectories in Hanoi.

• Cambodia: Former Khmer Rouges' and younger workers' mobility as seen from the Anlong Veng village area.

• Malaysia: Third generation factory workers in Bukit Mertajam.

• Indonesia: Mobility/immobility in Acehnese gold mining; job seeking/refusing in post conflict Acehnese young generation; city to city and city to country migration and small scale mobility in the city and area of Surabaya, Java; the environment-sensitive Koranic residential school, "eco-pesantren", in West Kalimantan.

Methodological deliberations

WP3 is a multidisciplinary team with different competences and methodological backgrounds. Some general perspectives are shared, the most important of which is a bottom-up approach to data collection and analysis. Our working hypothesis is that socially vulnerable subjects are shaped by their mobility which they learn to use as a tool of transformation. Unveiling the process of latter, and projecting this into the future represents an important element of our project. The importance of feminine migration in shaping the new economies of prosperity and marginality demands an attention to gender. By this, we do not mean we pay attention to women, but that we show a whole worldview where the polarity male/female and/or the alternatives to such polarity matter and permeate all social dynamics. Ethnographic observations and long-term personal interactions are central to the work package's fieldwork research. In-depth observation of contexts and groups otherwise too marginalized to be accessible by more structured research protocols is carried out by the nine anthropologists of the team. After agreeing upon a common analytical framework through meetings and interaction over the internet, researchers have either undertaken periods of fieldwork during the first year of the project (Vignato, May 2013;Bolotta, July 2013-january 2014;Tabacco, March-June 2013) or have planned fieldwork which will be conducted during the second and third year of the project. Networks and linguistic competences from previous projects permit to bring the actors' point of view to the centre of the study. Material circulation of goods (production of textiles, gold mining and marketing, drugs) is considered and observed in the same, actor centered perspective.

A cross-disciplinary use of focus group will enable some researchers to gather larger amounts of data in situations where a long term fieldwork is structurally difficult (Arnez in eco-pesantren and Rossi with former guerrillas). Similarly, Karin Dean conducts various types of interviews and surveys and a modified version of a method called Biographic-Narrative Interpretative Method (BNIM).

Participatory research with an ethnographic foundation is a key objective of many researchers. Some also employ local researchers in contexts of extreme marginality. This is a specific methodology which is both aiming to collect data and to involve localities in the project. For instance, Vignato does co-research in a prison, Alcano works with a journalist/activist in Surabaya investigating the illegal environment of extreme poverty, and Bolotta collaborates with carers and teachers in children oriented charitable associations and schools of a Bangkok slum.

Historians have made use of knowledge and experience of specific localities in order to add an ethnographic method to a more traditional study of oral sources, archives and a variety of secondary sources. Hardy contextualizes the formation of ethnic resistance in Northern Vietnam, while Grant researches past chieftainship and kinship structures of the "Sipsòng Chu Tai" or Twelve Tai Groups in the northern Vietnam and Laos. Similarly, Thitibordin seeks to historically frame contemporary logging industry -both legal and illegal -through archival research. Member of WP3 with backgrounds in economy and development studies have set up a quantitative/qualitative research protocol together with anthropologists. Together these will provide a comparative picture of life spans and livelihoods among Vietnamese first generation workers (Nguyen An Ha, Do Ta Khanh, Nguyen Xuan Trung, Masina, Chiricosta, Cerimele), second to fourth generation workers in Malaysia, and unemployed people (Masina, Cerimele, Vignato). A second team of economists and anthropologists works together with a methodology including both day-to-day observations and quantitative reports in researching the establishment and marketing of tourist circuits in Northern Thailand in which aspect of material culture has been mass produced, marketed and commodified (Evrard, Potapohn, Sratongno).

Themes of research

Different scales of mobility

The contributors of WP3 engage with the notion and the practice of mobility by considering the movement of people and the associated circulation of goods at various levels and degrees. We are not directly addressing the vast movements of migration which have transformed Southeast Asian human geography. We do include such wider movements in our analysis, but in our view they are like large envelopes which draw the border lines of a phenomenon. We observe a multileveled mobility which includes the micro-movements or the interrupted movements as well as the resumed movements. For example, the traditional idea to "leave the village" includes persons who travel a very short distance, who marry out, who go to school or to jail, who leave to very distant foreign countries, who intend to go and back home or think they have left forever. It is so powerful that it can be used as a convenient cover for other less coded activities like drug smuggling, local prostitution or most often, a combination of different activities. It is precisely within this small scale that the individual identities change more or less consciously and have a great influence on the communities, their structures and social linkages. Circular mobility, as the constant cross-border activity on the Sino-Thai-Myanmar border examined by Dean and partly, by Evrard, Leepracha and Potapohn, as well as the village-city-village circuits of the young Acehenese (Vignato, Tabacco) or the city-city or city-village ones of the Surabaya Javanese (Purwanto, Alcano), creates forms of prosperity which rely on movement itself. We are not only interested in the mass circulation and displacement of people over borders from a general point of view but also in the smaller scale circuits that organize, facilitate and constrain movement, the ways these circuits are tweaked and put to the test in the economy of everyday life. The world of mobility is now largely constituted by former mobile subjects. Returnees, as shown in general for Asia by [START_REF] Xiang | Return: Nationalizing Transnational Mobility in Asia[END_REF], can energize and redefine nationalism in an era of increasingly fluid and indeterminate national sovereignty; after all they constitute a significant part of Asian rural population. Small-scale returnees are often a relevant part of a wider mobility: the sick ones, the elderly, the new born do not travel far or come back quickly and can contribute to marginalization and poverty of the original communities and kinsgroups as much as the remittances of the "successful" migrants can contribute to their prosperity. In this regard, Guillou's study of a village where a large part of the population fled because they were (and still are, to a certain extent) Khmer Rouges as well as Rossi's research about former Thai guerrillas underline how people's absence or eviction can lead to fundamental differences in a local order. In observing mobility we also account for phenomena of interrupted mobility and resumed movement. One key aspect of mobility, albeit one that has so far received little formalized attention among scholars of Southeast Asia, is immobility. Here we understand immobility in its various and nuanced acceptations. Immobility may not simply be the state of 'being left behind', and expression which is imbued with a somehow negative connotation where the desire to migrate is not matched by any material or cultural ability to move. In this research, we pay attention to the variety of meanings and experiences related to the absence or the partial absence of migration. On the one hand, we underline the concrete experiences of those who have initiated a process of moving but have been interrupted or forced to return, of those who have been caught in circuits of illegal work or exploitation and are unable to complete their movement, or of those who have been turned away by authorities at borders. On the other hand, we attempt to move away from a vision of mobility as a normative option and also explore immobility as a personal or collective choice and or privilege, driven by material and contingent exigencies such as work opportunities that are perceived as more lucrative or remunerative. In this sense we also envision immobility as an option, one of the (sometimes) many options available to individuals and groups and as a determined trajectory in itself.

WP3 examines small-scale mobility/immobility in all its projects. In Northern Thailand, the Thai-French research team considers tourism as a form of "ordering" (Franklin 2003[START_REF] Franklin | Tourism as an ordering Towards a new ontology of tourism[END_REF] with social, political, economic, technical and geographic dimensions. Tour companies and guides operate within a relatively small geographic area, taking advantage of their background to commodify cultural spaces. The children inhabiting the Bangkok slum studied by Bolotta envisage small movements as an essential part of their growth into sharp, prosperous adults -or at least, of their material survival. The gold miners studied by Tabacco in Aceh are significantly hesitating between the ordinariness of village uncertain livelihood and the powerful dream of the "right" spot to dig a well. The Unior/VAAS team considers how Vietnamese workers over forty look to the villages as the necessary counterpart of the short period of youth when they are indeed able to collect cash in urban dwellings. In a multi-scaled analysis of movements, different timings are an important theme. The temptation of an evolutionist pattern (what is happening here will most likely happen there in a few year) must be shunned by a careful comparison. Young people's quest for work and prosperity follows different patterns which are often informed one by the other throughout the region (Acehnese former migrants consider Malaysian development as an ideal to be brought into Aceh itself, Vietnamese returnees develop a specific notion of human rights and of the risks run by a migrant woman, residents of Thai villages gain a biased view of both Thai and Western prosperity and so on). Nevertheless, specific themes appear relevant at different times in different localities. The way industrial workers deal with their old age or even, the very insurgence of "old age" varies according to the recent story of industrialization (this is the whole point developed by the comparative studies on life-spans in Vietnam and Malaysia).

Urbanization and urban life

Increased urbanization in Southeast Asia over recent decades means that over 270 million people reside in urban centres. The mega-cities of Bangkok, Jakarta and Manila all have populations of over ten million people. Singapore is probably the most important and globalized city in the region, while Kuala Lumpur represents an example of a regional city that has long competed for greater global significance (Hogan 2004).

As suggested by King and Wilder (2003), one of the most important and influential early contribution to urban anthropology in Southeast Asia was Clifford Geertz's Peddlers and Princes (1963). In it, he compares the experiences in two small towns in Java and Bali. Equally important is his The Social History of an Indonesian Town (1965) in which he considers the changing relationships between ethnicity and other principles of social organization in Modjokuto. The latter examines principles of ethnic difference and changes associated with making the transition from a colonial town organized principally along ethnic lines, to a post-WW I town based on strategic groups and New Order religio-political organizations (King and Wilder 2003: 289-291). Similar studies include those by Bruner (1961Bruner ( , 1973)), who described the social systems of multiethnic communities in Medan (North Sumatra) in which identities may be lost, maintained, changed, or renegotiated.

Analyzing Southeast Asian cities inevitably involves the discussion of diversity, and the impact of various colonial legacies in the post-colonial era (Goh and Yeoh 2003: 1). Singapore and Malaysia experienced different forms of colonialism (under the British), than Vietnam (under the French), Indonesia (under the Dutch), and The Philippines (under the Spanish and Americans). Between Malaysia and Singapore distinct attitudes and policies by the British created different urban landscapes, infrastructures, and cultural dynamics (ibidem). [START_REF] Goh | Theorizing the Southeast Asian City as a Text[END_REF] see also Goh 2001) have argued that pluralism in this region must contend with what is referred to as the micro-politics of culture, or a region's diverse cultural characteristics and varieties of "religions, languages and peoples" (2003: 2). These have played significant roles in the construction of urban spaces and forms of local urban identities.

With respect to Indonesia, scholars such as Kristiansen (2003) have argued that the crisis of centralized power has highlighted the downplaying of Indonesia's ethnic and linguistic pluralism under Sukarno and Suharto which gave way to violent confrontations following the latter's removal. Calls have been made for the nuanced analysis of forms of diversity and how this is expressed through acts of open confrontation in urban centres. A number of pioneering works on the subject exist. These include McGee's The Southeast Asian City (1967), and King's Colonial Urban Development: Culture, Social Power and Environment (1976). These interrogate the relationship between Western colonial influence and local cultural particularities involved in the creation of urban centres and urban life following independence. Kim, Douglass, Choe and Kong's Culture and the City in Southeast Asia (1997) and Olds' Globalization and Urban Change (2001) have both discussed ways in which the cultures of major Asian capitals influences patterns of economic and urban development. Also relevant are the urban forms of gender, class, race and caste. Finally, in their Southeast Asian Urbanism: The Meaning and Power of Social Space (2000), Evers and Korff stress the role of local traditions, ritual structures, the sacred, and the history of struggle among social groups in the processes of urban change and development. Goh and Yeoh plea for attentiveness to the roles played by the Southeast Asian metropolis which inevitably functions as the platform in which a variety of political, social, economic, and cultural viewpoints, interests and perspectives are contested.

The unabated growth of Southeast Asia's population has attracted scholarly attention to the ability of cities to cope with both the increasing income disparities between rich and poor, and dramatic high unemployment rates among the unskilled. Despite these trends having been documented by [START_REF] Kusno | Behind the postcolonial state: architecture, urban spaces and political culture in Indonesia[END_REF] there is a discernible and progressive campaign of negation concerned with the displacing and/or concealing of poverty from urban public spheres. Road infrastructure and shopping malls have received a good amount of attention from scholars of Southeast Asian urbanism. [START_REF] Kusno | Behind the postcolonial state: architecture, urban spaces and political culture in Indonesia[END_REF] and [START_REF] Berg | Reconstructing the Southeast Asian city in an era of volatile globalization[END_REF] have analyzed negation and displacement in both Indonesia and in other Southeast Asian contexts. McGee (2002: 19) coined the term the "geography of exclusion" to describe state evictions and forced displacements of urban communities living in areas where the construction of transport infrastructure is planned. The concept of "fortified network" which [START_REF] Rogers | Living in the shadow of death: Gangs, violence, and social order in urban Nicaragua, 1996-2002[END_REF][START_REF] Rogers | The state as gang: conceptualizing the governamentability of violence in contemporary Nicaragua[END_REF] forwarded as part of his study of the Nicaraguan city of Managua describes the manner in which urban infrastructure bypasses poor neighbourhoods. Roads primarily link urban spaces occupied by the new middle class. [START_REF] Dick | Beyond the third world city: the new urban geography of Southeast Asia[END_REF] in their study of private real estate in Jakarta proposed the category of the "internal other" to refer to those relegated to the geography of exclusion which renders them invisible.

The approach taken by WP3 in its study of Southeast Asian urban realities will pay particular attention to the issues of diversity, the impact of modernity, social exclusion, and marginality. Furthermore, it will analyze individual and collective efforts of city dwellers to engage with this heterogeneity and respond to the politics of containment. Certain Southeast Asian cities such as Surabaya, in Indonesia, and Bangkok in Thailand will be extensively analyzed. Purwanto and Alcano focus on the unstable inhabitants reside in some of Surabaya's of unstable environs such as the quarters boarding big construction sites. Bolotta is concerned with Bangkok expanding slums through its child and youth populations. As the process of urbanization impacts more than the megalopolis, research will also be conducted in small towns such as Banda Aceh (Indonesia), Georgetown/Penang (Malaysia), Hanoi (Vietnam), Chiang Mai (Thailand).

A view from the village, a view from the back alley: what motivates possible or desired mobility/immobility

"The village" has been the classical object of social and economic studies in Southeast Asia as in other part of the non-Western world (King 2003). It has been regarded as the meaningful unit of economy, of fertility and of localized religions. Breaking out of such stereotype, network-oriented studies from a range of disciplinary positions have emphasized that villages are always part of larger systems. Far from isolated, they are involved in a complicated web of political, social, economic, religious and affective relationships (see for example [START_REF] Tambiah | World conqueror and world renouncer: a study of Buddhism and polity in Thailand against a historical background[END_REF][START_REF] Leach | Political systems of highland Burma: a study of Kachin social structure[END_REF][START_REF] Bryant | Children of International Migrants in Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines: a review of evidence and policies, Innocenti Working Paper[END_REF][START_REF] Hew | Like a chicken standing on one leg. Urbanization and single mothers in Sarawak[END_REF]. From a different angle, research has looked at mobility in macroeconomic terms [START_REF] Bernard | Beyond product cycles and flying geese: regionalization, hierarchy, and the industrialization of East Asia[END_REF][START_REF] Hart-Landsberg | Contradictions of capitalist industrialization in East Asia: a critique of "flying geese" theories of development[END_REF] and underlined its role in the Southeast Asian nations' entry onto global markets; then examined the security dimension [START_REF] Cribb | Indonesia Beyond the Waters Edge: Managing an Archipelagic State , SIngapore: ISEAS Crime and Criminal Justic[END_REF], especially borders controls. Cross-border mobility, over land [START_REF] Walker | The Legend of the Golden Boat: Regulation, Trade and Traders Wolf[END_REF][START_REF] Tagliacozzo | Secret Trades, Porous Borders: Smuggling and States along a[END_REF]Michaud, Forsyth 2011) and over sea (Kaur, Metcalfe 2006) was also depicted as one of the major source of new human spaces beyond or beside the nation-states. Most recently, interdisciplinary academic attention was paid to illegal movement and trafficking, formerly the exclusive competence of international agencies (Ford et al. 2012). In most countries (Singapore and Brunei being the obvious exception), the village is today the principal administrative unit and has been considered so for a long time. Anne Guillou's strong methodological assumption is that in Cambodia, we have to study villages because they constitute a local symbolic and social order which is meaningful to most contemporary Cambodians. WP3 approaches villages as significant cognitive units, that is, as the point of view from which mobility is conceived and planned for a lot of people. In this, we are comparative throughout the region.

Many observations of mobility are carried out from specific villages. Staying in the village or leaving can be determined by different causes, but the semantic construction of local societies through people's movements goes beyond the attempts to seek profit out of local networks. It is a more general frame which qualifies modern life. In Vietnam, villages function as places offering informal and unrecognized welfare for first and second generation migrants: we question how the village residents cope with this role of carers. Gender is one of the main frames of this part of research. In Thailand, villages represent patrimonialized cultural enclaves. Once remote areas inhabited by non-Thai ethnic groups have become valuable tourist attractions. We question what the resident do, if they do anything at all, in order to exploit this new capital and what competitions are enacted among villages in order to become more "marketable". In Aceh (Indonesia) villages are the everyday habitus of most inhabitants and circulation or mobility often entail a village-to-village displacement which can be related to the long period effects of the civil war. We question which new routes the recent conflict has opened or closed. Land grabbing and environmental consciousness are, clearly, a different concern for villagers and for urban populations. Rossi, Thithibordin, Purwanto and Arnez study the rural point of view on the matter in Thailand and Indonesia. Neighbourhoods or barrios have played the equivalent role of villages in urban studies (see section 5.2 in the present report). The social and spatial organization in separate enclaves according to the origin of the migrants has been fundative to most Southeast Asian cities but is nowadays losing its normative strength. As the example of Surabaya researched upon by Alcano shows, neighbourhoods are headquarters for mobility and immobility from a spatial and a symbolic angle, regardless the origin of inhabitants. The Bangkok slum studied by Bolotta is open to whoever shares certain conditions of marginality (drug addiction, alcoholism, extreme poverty at large).

Marginality as a transformative category of analysis

The WP3 researches make use of, address or imply the idea of a margin. This is a broad and 'convenient' category and that is precisely where its analytical force resides. It allows us to align and compare a wide range of phenomena, experiences and subject positions that share the same quality and state of exclusion: from prosperity and mobility, from knowledge, expression and political participation. We understand the idea of margin in multiple acceptations. It is by detailing them that we avoid essentializing the category and turning it into label where social science strengthens political strategies (see Bourgois' definitive reflexions on margins and social stigma in urban contexts, 2003). In a physical and spatial meaning, we describe the margins of urban cities and developed or integrated areas: the margins of Surabaya, where new high-rise buildings are erected while huts and barracks crawl along the riverbanks with unclear business; the wild slums that border the railway tracks in an area just off the city of Bangkok; the villages; the rural areas that lack economic opportunities in Northern Thailand. Spatial margins might take on different forms and express different degrees of exclusion: the back alley of a shopping mall of an Indonesian city might constitute a margin within a city center. A similar back alley conveys a higher degree of marginality when it is located behind the barracks that surround the factories in the outer areas of Greater Jakarta. We also understand margins in Veena Das' (2004) political interpretation: the margin of the state, where the rules are vague, the control is absent, the welfare does not exist or it resists and other agreements govern macro and micro-social life. Penang's charitable institutions taking care of unemployed Malaysians take advantage of the imperfections of the legal system and draw their strength from various forms of ethnic solidarity, as much as Surabaya low-or no-income youth find a system of reciprocal care within their gangs. At a different level of analysis, the Viet and the Hre ethnic groups historically negotiate their border because the Hre manage to take advantage of their marginal position within an established system of corruption. In many cases, we describe a personal margin, too, a border between ages or personal status like between being and not being a monk, an Islamic expert or a married woman, or between being enslaved and rescued. We examine the process of growing up or the transition from one gender habitus to another or, like for the Vietnamese factory workers and the Acehnese shop assistants, the simultaneous personal change entailed by becoming a migrant and gaining independence from kins and neighbors. We see how the students in the eco-pesantren in Jawa and Kalimantan embody the distance not only from their kins and villages but also, from other forms of more traditional Islamic institutions. By observing the people in the process of growing up, learning a new habit, looking for a job and questioning the path to adult life and personal achievements we introduce a margin that is also temporal and historically informed. We often render a margin-to-margin transformation both within the subject and in spatial arrangements. For example, the youths of Surabaya here described move from experiencing a sense of helplessness and disconnection as schoolboys or underemployed young men to joining groups of outlaws; the Vietnamese returnees of human trafficking articulate within themselves the thin boundaries between a feeling of shame and self-indulgence when entering the world of international aid. In fact, whatever the discipline, all the researchers keep a close focus on the individual as the subject of a margin rather than as a marginal subject. Arthur Kleineman wrote that "the margin may be near the center of a most important thing: transformation. "Change is more likely to begin at the edge, in the borderland between established orders" (Kleinman 1995:5). The marginal space we describe is always a space of transformation. Whatever integration might happen or not happen, it's in margins. Even though the ideas which WP3 has delimited do not necessarily imply an opposition center/margin, or more classically, center/periphery, while we multiply our descriptions of the margins we acknowledge or at least evoke the presence of multiple centers as loci of power. In this respect, WP3 finds an easy dialogue with WP2. In Southeast Asia, the couple center/margin has a highly coded symbolic meaning. Since the ancient hinduisation, a mandala-shaped political and cosmological order has structured the states and the powers of the area. To date, nationstates have further emphasized the importance of capital cities -in Indonesia, for example, any governmental office or agency which is located in Jakarta is generally referred to as pusat, "center" [START_REF] Dove | Vernacular models of development: an analysis of Indonesia under the "New Order[END_REF]. Nevertheless, centers cannot be identified solely with capitals, cities or administrative units. Spatially, the centers of power can be both within and outside Southeast Asia, as Thitibordin's and Rossi's researches show of international agencies and agribusiness corporate. Dean specifically questions the possibility to understand mobility without deconstructing the very idea of a national State with its centre and its borders. In political science, the idea of centers of power is quite meaningful. But from a subjective point of view, being in the centre often implies that people subside to a normative organization of the self rather than gain a lively and powerful organization of it. Thus, in spite of their distance from the powerful coded selves of the central subjects and sometimes because of such distance all the social actors we describe can prove quite resourceful individuals, whether they are widows or orphans, gang-kids or badly employed. Their vitality suggests the presence of one or many divergent marginal powerful norms: this is precisely what Kleineman defines as "the centre of transformation". A locus of unprecedented, unpredictable and note-worthy forms of power. This is why while studying the spatiality of movements of people and information, some researchers of WP3 (Karin Dean) aim to de-essentialize movements as international, trans-border, cross-border or transnational, since such categorization remains "captive to the nation-state framework" (Söderström et al 2013:XIII).

Gender and subjectivity

Research carried out by the contributors to WP3 addresses the issue of gender in Southeast Asia and utilizes gender as a perspective to engage with issues of mobility, marginality and work. Both dominant and marginal constructions of gender identity are taken into account in ethnographic research. The work of WP3 challenges the idea that local gender identity constructions are being swept away on the tide of globalization. It highlights the ways local cultural understandings of femininity and masculinity are always framed against the history and contemporary socioeconomic realities of the specific country. WP3 also makes extensive use of the language of subjectivity when approaching gender in its intersection with migration, mobility and work: such language offers a more dynamic perspective of processes of selfhood (see [START_REF] Blackwood | Falling into the lesbi world. Desire and difference in Indonesia[END_REF]. As Sherry [START_REF] Ortner | Subjectivity and Cultural Critique[END_REF] pointed out in her seminal essay about the theoretical and ethnographic implications of the notion of subjectivity through the analysis of work, subjectivity comprises "the ensemble of modes of perception, affect, thought, desire, fear and so forth that animate acting subjects" and "the cultural and social formations that shape, organize and provoke these modes of affect" (Ortner 2005: 31). Scholars of Southeast Asian studies have begun to consider gender and the history of women and men relatively recently although the relationship and the assumed complementarity of women and men have long been cited as a regional characteristic. An issue which has particularly interested anthropologists of Southeast Asia is the status of women in relation to men, and anthropologists have generally argued that women enjoy a somehow good status (especially when compared to their counterparts in India and China), and are involved in economic activities as traders and managers of domestic finances (Atkinson and Errington 1990;Stoler 1989;[START_REF] Wolf | Factory Daughters: Gender, Household Dynamics and Rural Industrialization in Java[END_REF]). While it is generally difficult to define the status of women (and men) in absolute terms, since individuals might occupy different positions with reference to class for instance, anthropologists have nevertheless focused on the lack of exaggerated opposition of female and male ideologies (King 2003). Women in Southeast Asia usually work through informal structures and in the world of informality where the contours domestic and the public are often blurred. Ong and Peletz (1995) have described male and female relations as flexible and fluid, and gender as a contingent process characterized by dispute, ambivalence and change. Despite the strong emphasis given to the analysis of women and their presence in the domestic and public sectors, there are studies that point to the exploitation, marginalization and oppression of women as a consequence of capitalist development and state formation and the lack of access to certain modern productive resources (King 2003: 266; see also Bell 1991;Scott 1985). Two of the best-known analyses of the feminized work force in Southeast Asia at a time when the area was entering the globalized manufacturing economy are Ong's Spirits of Resistance and Capitalist Discipline: Factory women in Malaysia (1987) and Wolf's Factory Daughters: Gender, Household Dynamics, and Rural Industrialization in Java (1992). More recently [START_REF] Ford | Women and work in Indonesia[END_REF] have examined the meaning of work for women in Indonesia, focusing on what women themselves see as their work, which includes not only paid employment, home life and child care, but also activities surrounding ritual, healing and religious life. Ford and Parker have analyzed the contrasts between 'new' and 'old' forms of work, the relationship between experiences of migration and work, and the ways in which religion, especially Islam, shapes perceptions and practice of work. Ford has equally inquired into issues of exploitation and human trafficking and studied women as they engage with sex work in Indonesia [START_REF] Cribb | Indonesia Beyond the Waters Edge: Managing an Archipelagic State , SIngapore: ISEAS Crime and Criminal Justic[END_REF]Ford, Lyons andvan Schendel 2012 2009; for a comprehensive review of female sex workers in Southeast Asia see also [START_REF] Law | Sex Work in Southeast Asia: The Place of Desire in a Time of AIDS[END_REF].

Concomitantly the need for more research on contemporary masculinities and masculine identities in Indonesia has been acknowledged (see for instance [START_REF] Nilan | The gang, violence and the life course for Indonesian male you[END_REF][START_REF] Nilan | Young men and peer fighting in Solo, Indonesia. Men and masculinities[END_REF]. Recent publications have focused specifically on the construction of masculinities in Southeast Asia [START_REF] Elmhirst | Tigers and gangsters: masculinities and feminised migration in Indonesia[END_REF]Ford and Lyons 2012;[START_REF] Nilan | Contemporary masculinities and young men in Indonesia[END_REF][START_REF] Nilan | Masculinities and violence in India and Indonesia. Identifying themes and constructs for research[END_REF][START_REF] Noszlopy | Bazar, big kites and other boys' things: distinctions of gender and tradition in Balinese youth culture[END_REF]. Masculinity has been explored in studies of youth and sexuality (Beazley 2003) and in studies of nonnormative sexualities (Boellstorff 2005;[START_REF] Oetomo | Masculinity in Indonesia: genders, sexualities and identities in a changing society[END_REF]. A growing number of works discuss masculinity in relation to violence (Barker 2001;Kristiansen 2003) and violent youth subcultures [START_REF] Nilan | Young men and peer fighting in Solo, Indonesia. Men and masculinities[END_REF].

Work as a key structure of transformation

Work is arguably one of the most important factors leading people from poverty to prosperity. Work may also be the principal reason for the banning of individuals and communities from prosperity, both in a material and a symbolic view (if any such distinction is meaningful). Contrasting ideas of what work is or should be have invaded social science and non-specialist media beyond the actual analysis of human activities and their ideological, or symbolic foundations (Vignato 2010, Viti 2008, 2013, Mollona, De Neve, Parry, 2009) . Our research group considers work as privileged field of observation of dynamics which relate individual subjectivities to social and long-standing historical movements. Thus, only partly do we explore practices which are performed with the intention to make money and attain prosperity, a goal which is a key aspect of integration. For the main part, we observe work as a fundamental structure of societies within and across nations. This is why we are bound to include its counterpart absence of work, unemployment, yearly leaves, maternity leaves, refuse to work, invisible work and criminal work. We are also bringing into the field of research the body as the locus and agent of work: therefore, we consider all work, including intellectual activities, as embodied and acknowledge that processes of integration, if ever, are embodied or are not. In this project, we observe the margins of work. The margins are seen as the barriers forbidding some people to settle down and as the vast "grey zone" of insecurity as far as self-sustaining activities are concerned. This observation enables to resist narratives framed by global discourses of progress and growth. We look into often destructive practices (such drug addiction, criminality, risk behaviours). Such an interest leads lines of enquiry into a dialogue with area such medical anthropology and away from approaches which might be referred to as culturalistic. It also obliges us to be interdisciplinary, quite clearly seeking interactions between anthropology, history and economy but also, especially for the most difficult contexts, psychology and legal science. So the first point we make concerns the necessity to multiply the scales of analysis of work and focus onto ideas of work. Ideas of work in Southeast Asia are historically very different from Europe and evolve rapidly. Globalisation, what Michael Blim (1992) has called "the global factory", a place which tend to be similar and submitted to the same rules and conditions all over the world, looks different in the aftermath of European and generally Western crisis (of which, in Southeast Asia, there is only a distant echo). This also establishes a distance with the existing studies about industrial workers in industrializing countries such as Aihwa Ong's Spirit of Resistance (1987) , Jonathan Parry's series of articles about Indian Bihar steel plants [START_REF] Parry | Two Cheers for Reservation: the Satnamis and the Steel Plant[END_REF][START_REF] Parry | Ankalu Errant Wife: sex, marriage and industry in contemporary Chattisgarh[END_REF][START_REF] Parry | The Sacrifices of Modernity in a Soviet Built Steel Town in Central India[END_REF] or Mills' studies Thai Women in the Global Labor Force: Consuming Desires, Contested Selves (1999). In these works, a clear-cut external entity, "the factory", imbued of oppressing transnational financial power, is opposed to fluid subjects strengthened by traditional attitudes. In another set of studies, the workers are depicted as navigating such massive structures of power in a creative, oppositional and ultimately successful appropriation of modernity [START_REF] Sélim | L'aventure d'une multinationale au Bangladesh[END_REF]. That is the past or only a part of the present. Alongside industrial work, the present includes the rise of what has been classically described by Europeans as "informal work" only to reflect Europe's last century's strong belief in formal work. More and more people are unsteadily making a life in a very scarcely regulated system which unsurprisingly does not seem to find its own balance. While many young people grow by various dreams of prosperity and harmony, many end up without either. Accessing jobs and good opportunities does not mean the same thing for everyone. For example, working for the State as a civil servant in Indonesia is widely considered to equate an inclusion into a secure system of wealth. This is equally true for workers who never move beyond the lower levels of the hierarchy. Conversely, entrepreneurs call for ethics of fidelity to work and commitment which do not seem to be meaningful for many workers. This calls our attention to the meaning of "contracts" and what binds a person to honour them. Conversely, it blurs the difference between formal and informal labour. Working in tourism further blurs these distinctions. In Chiang Mai, the tour operators and guides who design "ethnic tourism" trekking consciously sell the frequentation of some workers' own families and living spaces. Ideas of work are also heavily influenced by some major events occurred in the past. The whole region of Aceh cannot be considered outside its long civil war and, of course, the 2004 Tsunami. The same can be said for Cambodia with respect to genocide and for Vietnam, Laos, and Northern Cambodia with respect to the Cold War. Lastly, the issue of commodification will also be considered. The question "what could I do to make money?" is both an existential and a practical question and takes on multiple meanings in times when traditional -by no means static -orders seem to become weaker. In our researches, the goods which are created and circulated are observed as an important part of the process of integration and disintegration: whether it is drugs, "culture", "ethnicity", bodies or more conventional textiles, wood or staples.

Work in progress: analytical frame in practice

The researchers involved in WP3 have reached various levels in their fieldwork, archive and media (including internet and other digital sources) researches. We can group them in various areas of interest. The themes above exposed are recurrent.

Areas of circulation and the creation/dissolution of borders in Northern

Thailand, Sino-Thai-Myanmar border, Lao-Thai border, Lao-Vietnamese border 6.1.1 Historical trajectories of mobility and borders (Andrew Hardy, EFEO, Grant Evans, EFEO) Andrew Hardy did archival work related to his project on the Long Wall of Quang Ngai (3-15 December 2012; 7-12 January 2013) and has since been analyzing the documents consulted. These are French colonial documents, mainly provincial reports dating from the years 1886-1910, kept at the Vietnam National Archives Centre No. 4, in Da Lat. His aim was to gather data on the last years of the functioning of the Long Wall (built in 1819), identify the exact date of its abandonment (hitherto unknown) and seek explanations for inter-communal conflict in the province. The documents report many incidents of conflict between the province's two ethnic groups, Viet and Hre, in the area of the Long Wall that separated them. Some officials inquired into the reasons for the conflict, which were multiple and complex: among them, they identified a system of corruption operated by officers of the military organisation that manned the wall (called Son Phong, = mountain defence). The Son Phong organisation was dismantled in 1903, and the wall abandoned at the same time. Markets were also established in the Long Wall area, where colonial troops ensured the security of Viet and Hre buyers and sellers. In the early 20th century conflict gradually reduced and travel across the Long Wall gradually resumed, mainly in the form of landless Viet boatmen/women and peddlers who plied the rivers and crisscrossed the hills of Hre country, buying rice and corn, selling fish and salt. Grant Evans is carrying out field work in the northern mountains of Vietnam and Laos, and in a small area of southern China. This region historically has been dominated by Tai groups and known as the "Sipsòng Chu Tai" or the Twelve Tai Groups (sometimes incorrectly called the "Sipsòng Chao Tai", meaning the Twelve Tai Principalities). It has also been known as the Sixteen Tai Groups, which is when southern China is included. The of the political structures that emerged in this region has always been unclear, as one can see from the confusing terminology above. So, one aim of my research will be to clarify this. It will entail researching chieftainships and state emergence, and in this context I will need to re-examine what has been written about upland Tai kinship. Thus, this will entail both archival and historical research, and conventional fieldwork. Karin Dean looks at the Kachin past and present mobilities and networked arrangements. In her research, she uses the past to analyze change by showing how between the Kachin Hills and Yunnan, mobilities and networks have always helped to define and shape the way of living. The different forms of the Kachin mobilities have ranged between the trade and caravan routes and trails criss-crossing the mountains to more still roads and infrastructure to the web of booming virtual connections via cable, wireless or satellite. Thus the research considers mobilities not only as a link between multiple localities within the same social space and across territorial places but also across time, and develops the concept of capability, following Sassen (2006). It looks at mobilities as a competence that has been produced collectively over time, for different purposes at different times such as economic opportunities, social relationships, rebellion, political mobilization, this establishing interconnectivity simultaneously over time and space. The deployment of mobilities is at the centre of the current socio-political processes. Dean analyzes it by looking at it as the development of capabilities developed over time. It then frees the scrutiny from the theoretical categorizations such as international, trans-border or cross-border, imposed by nation-states. In short, in this research, mobilities are viewed as a trans-local process, linking multiple localities within the same social space and across (territorial) places -but more importantly, also across time -via the movement of people, ideas and feelings, furnishing the socio-spatial collective productions of capabilities.

6.1.3 Elements for a "geopolitics" of trekking economy in Northern Thailand (Olivier Evrard, IRD and Chiang Mai University, Manoj Potapohn and Karnrawee Sratongno, Chiang Mai University)

The Chiang Mai based team of research, which also includes Amema Saeju (M.A, Chiang Mai University) Chanhxaylue Payinjualuemoua, Chiang Mai University) and Federica Dito (M.A., University of Milano-Bicocca) aims at understanding the "geopolitics" of ethnic tourism and, more precisely, social and economic relations underlying current (and past) organization of trekking in highland ethnic villages in Chiang Mai province, which is one of the oldest destinations for this kind of tourism in mainland southeast Asia. They intend to identify its territorial patterns as well as its socioeconomic implications for the so-called "integration" of marginal populations into the Thai national space.

Academic literature on trekking in Southeast Asia in general and in Thailand in particular, is quite out-dated and suffers from three shortcomings. First, most of the studies have stressed the recreational aspects of trekking but overlooked its political implications. Second, they focused solely on its impact, either for socioeconomic development, or for cultural "authenticity". Therefore, they tended to consider local populations as passive benefactors (or victims) of such activity and rarely attribute them a real agency. A notable exception is the work of Jean Michaud (1997) who showed Hmong villages having developed several strategies to keep the tourists at bay from private spaces. Finally, none of these studies adopted a regional approach, instead focusing only on one or two case studies from which general conclusions were drawn.

In their study, the team considers tourism as a form of "ordering" [START_REF] Franklin | Tourism as an ordering Towards a new ontology of tourism[END_REF] with social, political, economic, technical and geographic dimensions. Trekkers constitutes only a small portion of the total amount of tourists who visit Northern Thailand each year but they have had a significant role on the historical development of the tourism industry in this region and on its structure (relations private/public sector, routes, seasons, flows, sharing of benefits etc.). They also contributed to the growing popularity of many nature-related activities (elephant camps, rafting, camping, lodging etc.), which now employ numerous ethnic staff. The team's research is based on the following hypothesis. 1) While there are a profusion of travel agents offering activities related to trekking in Chiang Mai province, the area (and therefore the number of ethnic villages) that concentrates most of the flows of trekkers is relatively limited. 2) Inside this area, there are a series of routes followed by the trekking agencies, which correspond to "packages" they sell to the trekkers. These routes, their frequentation and their evolution in time allow us to better understand the structure of the tourist industry as well as the social history of the highland settlements and of their relations with Thai lowlanders.

3) The kind of "integration" allowed by trekking is limited and unstable because of its internal contradictions: profits are inconstant and the biggest share goes back to the lowlands; destinations for trekkers need to remain relatively "traditional" e.g. without too much visible economic development; ethnic guides acquire ambiguous status in their own societies and often leave their native village to settle in the lowlands etc.

During the recent months, the team has started an exhaustive review of the literature available on this topic, in Thai and English. They have also conducted several interviews with leaders of the trekking industry of Chiang Mai to identify its main patterns and areas of activity. In September, they have been able to get access to the archives of the Chiang Mai tourist police, which register the travellers and their routes before they leave the city with their guides. They are currently collecting the data and we are computerizing them in Access software with the help of one Master student from the Faculty of Economics and two Master students from the Faculty of Social Sciences. This database should be ready by early November. It will allow the team to locate precisely the area most concerned by trekking activities, to identify major routes and ethnic villages and to evaluate the flows of trekkers according to seasons, companies and types of activities. The researchers will then select some of the ethnic villages involved in trekking activities and we will implement in-depth qualitative study to assess their economic impact but also to understand their historical development and the social networks they involve. An Italian M.A. student will be associated to this second step of our study.

The field research is expected to help the research team to reconstruct the evolution of Chiang Mai trekking industry and understand social relationships involved. But the field survey will be complemented with additional data series to be constructed (e.g. number of permits issued to authorized guides, etc.) and use of econometric modelling.

6.2 Teak, rice and gold: prosperity and the production/circulation of raw materials in Thailand and Indonesia 6.2.1 The early industry of teak and its exports routes (Amnuayvit Anthony Thitibordin, University of Hamburg)

Amnuayvit Anthony Thitibordin undertakes a study of the early history of the teak industry in Thailand. The fieldwork covered a 2 month period from late April 2013. The focus was on primary sources located in the National Archive of Thailand, and the secondary literature both in Thai and western languages contained in research and university libraries in Bangkok. During the final 3 weeks of fieldwork, the northern provinces of Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, and Phayao were visited. Local sources published and distributed in these locales are analyzed. A picture of the sophisticated process of teak extraction between 1880s-1932 was achieved. Most of the data collected in Thailand were primary documents in Thai and English. The fieldwork also paid attention to economic development in Thailand prior to WWII in which the teak industry played a part.

Teak production historically involved different groups of people working together for extended periods. The girdling and cutting processes were carried out by Khmu contracted from French-Indochina and Karen from British Myanmar. Both worked under the close supervision of Thai employees. Elephants and their mahout then dragged teak to the rivers. Raft teams from different companies formed rafts from these teak logs which were floated down to the duty station in Central Thailand. Substandard logs were sold on site by the local merchants, or simply disposed of. All teak logs then floated downstream to the greater Bangkok region where they were milled by individual companies. The final phase in the process was the shipping of teak to foreign buyers' countries. The teak industry in Thailand modelled after British business in India and the Asia-Pacific region. Fieldwork data show that the Thai government tried to regulate the business and make profit with duty-taxes and loyalties. During 1890s, Thai government at Bangkok incorporated the Northern region and changed its status from tributary state into a directly controlled province. Before the 2nd World War, the Northern region of Thailand was difficult to access; the transportation infrastructure was not developed until 1950s. The globalization process and an extension of capitalism into Southeast Asia extracted and brought the natural resources from the remote area to the global level. This research uses the sources produced by the private sector to examine a different perspective. It helps to explain the interaction of various agencies in the politico-economic arena and the complexities of the capitalism in Southeast Asia. It argues that the movement of people and goods created the new pattern of trade in 19th century. The result of the mobility mentioned above varied according to the local condition of each locality. The statistical data from Thai government in 1920s indicated the distribution of teak in the global market: Asia-Pacific, Middle-East, Africa, and Western Europe, while other important exported goods, rice and tin, were sold respectively within the Asia-Pacific region and Malaysia and Singapore.

In addition to data collected from Thailand private companies, this project will make use of reports written by the British Foreign Service in Chiang Mai from the 1880s which are accessible in Europe. It is expected that these archives will contribute to how capitalism developed in Thailand, what products (such as teak) were commodified, and how regions like North Thailand were transformed by it. The next stage of this project evaluates the political impact of the teak industry during this period.

6.2.2 Rice growing between (inter-)national integration and ethnic disintegration: Lua resettled communities in Northern Thailand (Amalia Rossi, Università di Milano-Bicocca) Dry cultivation of rice fits awkwardly into the developmental cosmic vision of both Thai monarchy and the local and multinational agribusiness corporates. This research embraces socio-economic and eco-political dynamics that, since the end of the Cold War, undermine the trajectories of inclusion of upland resettled communities into the national and international scenarios. Fieldwork covers resettled Lua/Htin communities (Mon-Khmer ethno-linguistic groups) living in the northeastern districts of Nan Province (Thailand, Northern Region). The researcher investigates three basic domains upon which the future patterns of mobility/immobility and inclusion/exclusion of these groups depend: 1) the current confrontation between Lua resettled communities with public schemes of rural development and environmental conservation (with a focus on food security, replacement of food crops with energy crops and persistence/abolition of rotational systems); 2) new socio-economic strategies and forms of integration/participation/exclusion of Lua resettled communities in/from the local/national/international markets of labour; 3) the contemporary redefinition of ethnic belonging, of Maoist political identities and of old forms of aggregation/participation/communication (local, national and international networks). Gender and generational focuses will be transversally developed during data collection and analysis.

During the gold rush: self-entrepreneurial gold mining in post conflict Aceh

Giacomo Tabacco carries out research in a gold mining area of West Aceh (Indonesia) with a focus on the village of Panga and its mountains. He considers gold both in its material and in its symbolic aspect. Materially, gold mining and the extraction of gold from the auriferous stone require a set of skills and technologies which in Aceh are often sought from Javanese miners. A Java-Aceh migration is then often associated with gold mining and takes different aspects according to the organization and the size of the employing society, sometimes very unsteady and unreliable. The research also considers local miners in their double role of unskilled labour for agriculture and fishery and selfemployed entrepreneurs. High-risk labour, often causing illness and death, is the human materiality of gold mining and is analyzed with respect to the main theories of human and social suffering in medical anthropology (Bourdieu, 1993;Kleinman, Das, Lock, 1997). A commercial aspect -the circulation of whatever gold is indeed found is also described in the research. The gold rush holds a striking symbolic power. Tabacco considers what vision of the future it mobilizes, especially given the young age of most Acehnese miners (unlike their Javanese companions). The hypothesis at the base of this part of the research concerns work-related life plans within the "Indonesian dream" of prosperity. Fieldwork in Aceh was carried out between March and June 2013 and from November to May 2013-14, in association with Tabacco's doctoral research.

Immobile village, mobile people: mobility and memories of the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia (Anne Guillou, Case CNRS)

The recent violent history of Cambodia is inscribed in its landscape, its rituals, but also in its kinships networks and social village life. Although little ethnographical information is available on (practical) kinship in Cambodia, we know that villages are traditionally created by a single extended family joined later by one or two other families of relatives. A Khmer village is thus in fact composed of several kinship groups that have closed relationship inside its groups and looser relationship outside it. The village gains its extension mainly by marriage following a matrilocal pattern i.e. the husband comes and lives in his wife's family. This scheme has been partially dislocated by three events which produced migrations: 1) War and forced displacement under the Khmer Rouge (1975)(1976)(1977)(1978)(1979). All the villagers have been displaced under the Democratic Kampuchea. Some of them died, the survivors came back and sometimes took others' houses (it was authorized by the new installed government). But not all of them came back. Indeed about half of the villagers had chosen the revolutionary camp and fled with their comrades after the Khmer Rouge were defeated by the Vietnamese army (January 1979).

2) In the 1990s, new comers have settled down in the village.

3) In more recent years, since the 2000s, the search for jobs (as construction workers, maids, textile industry workers), have driven young people out of the village towards Thailand and Phnom Penh. Guillou will trace the former Khmer Rouge fighters who were born and grew up in the village. They are supposed to have settled down in the former Khmer Rouge last stronghold in Northern Cambodia that is now under the government control. The research asks how half of the village lives without its missing part, and if /how relationships were resumed. Although Guillou keeps a focus on the village life itself rather than on the migrants' networks, she investigates how their constant mobility and possibility of mobility shape the kinship networks at the village level. Fieldwork research started on other projects than SEATIDE and a first part was carried out in summer 2013 (Guillou tried to trace the former revolutionary villagers in Anlong Veng area (province of Banteay Meanchey, North of Cambodia, a former Khmer rouge stronghold). It was unsuccessful. She was told that the "Pursat people" have settled down in another part of the Thailand-Cambodia border. This search will be the next step of Guillou's research in February or December 2013. Work mobility as seen from the village standpoint is going to be the object of a 2-3 months fieldwork in 2014.

6.4 Frozen and mobile "official" margins in Thailand, Vietnam and Indonesia: slums, shelters and prisons Throughout Southeast Asia over the past fifteen years, there has been increasing interest in the role played by human trafficking in regional mobility related to prostitution and migrant labour. What might be referred to as the human trafficking machinery consists of a mass of policies, funds, programmes, campaigns, aids, meetings, as well as bilateral and regional agreements.

Vietnam ratified the "Palermo Protocol" in July 2012 and the new "Law on Prevention and Suppression of the Sale of Persons" has been effective since January 2012. Nonetheless, projects set up and implemented by governmental agencies, UN organisations, and a range of NGOs have been flourishing since the beginning of 21st Century. These have only recently begun to decline. The aim of Lazzarino's investigation is to assess the impact of governmental and nongovernmental reintegration projects and the nature of post-trafficking reintegration among young female returnees in the Northern Vietnamese context. The main questions she tries to answer are the following. : How certain "unprivileged", illegal and partially forced trajectories of mobility (like human trafficking), which are favoured by conditions of lived exclusion, perpetuate, re-propose and recreate other trajectories of simultaneous in/exclusion in im/mobility via the humanitarian aids' apparatus? How can we address and assess the partially new circuits of im/mobility -ex/inclusion -marginality/re-centralization posttrafficking lives draw? Which kind of social and self reintegration we are dealing with and we might want to propel instead for the returnees of trafficking? The hypothesis underlining her research inside SEATIDE is that returnees going through the humanitarian recovery machine, already coming from a position of marginality, which is also geographical, and of vulnerability, which is also often biographical, once out of the shelter cocoon, end up into partially new and unexplored circuits of marginality. Being identified as "victims" of human trafficking (mainly for forced marriage and sex work exploitation in China), these young women receive specific aid services, namely sheltering, psychological assistance, vocational training and job placement, in order to recover themselves from the trafficking traumatic experience and acquire soft skills and other competences to become socially independent and integrated individuals. If a certain degree of success of these programmes, in terms of livelihood and social upgrading, is undeniable, nonetheless the nature and the quality of post-trafficking lives needs to be critically evaluated. Specifically, she aims at exploring: the infantilization and normalization -along with traditional gender roles and valuesat work inside the shelter structure; the post-shelter reconfiguration of networks of relatedness and friendship; the permanence in situations of restlessness and rural/urban mobility due to family monetary and religious obligations and the often precarious working conditions; the persistence of poverty and social exclusion due to low paid job, poor residential conditions and social stigma. Inside SEATIDE Project, fieldwork research was conducted from April until July 2013 in Hanoi capital city and Lao Cai city and province, at the border with China. During this fieldwork session, she intensively worked with five women she's known since 2011, when she met them for the first time inside the shelter for victims of human trafficking in Hanoi, the "Peace House". The methodology adopted is essentially qualitative, of "soaking into" the everyday life of the social actors, accompanying them into their houses, workplaces, leisure activities and rural villages of origin. Semi-structured interviews were also conducted, not only with the returnees, but also with various IGO and NGO operators and human trafficking experts. Bibliographic research is ongoing. This study is based on an ongoing fieldwork focusing on the life of children of "Tuek Deang", the third Bangkok slum for population density. The proliferation of slums in Bangkok is the outcome of a historical, political and economic process that has characterized the social dynamics of Thailand since the end of World War II. Within this process, mobility, marginality, and individual-collective imaginaries of social economic rise appear to have been key factors. While Bangkok's first slum-dwellers were farmers migrating to Bangkok seeking work during periods of rapid economic growth, most today were born in slums. The "rural to urban" flow of migration, supported by the newcomers' perception of the urban slums as a hypothetical channel of access into Bangkok (krungtheb: "the city of the angels"), is no longer the only type of mobility towards the slums. Slum dwellers, more and more disenchanted and aware about the "predatory nature of the city" (Kleinman, 2012), have started to identify slums as a temporary strategic station in a motion where Bangkok was only a temporary abode (see, for example, the increasing "rural to rural" patterns of mobility, where a nostalgic bucolic imaginary seems to be quite meaningful). Still, lots of slums dwellers are stable residents who seem to have delegated the obligation of economic mobility to the younger generations. Since the 70s, slum children (dek salam) are typical guests of institutions of care, charities, and NGOs. The latter have appeared as new actors in the increasingly politicized space of urban marginalities. A political construction of categories such dek salam and the slum children's typical mobility "between home and homes" (Vignato, 2012) has enabled all slum dwellers to access new strategic institutional outposts, namely the NGOs. Thanks to the strategic use of the relationship between their children and NGOs, slum dwellers can now speak up within the public national political arena. Their voice is the expression of all the poor migrants and migrants' descendants of the big city. Slum children appear as cultural, economic and political brokers at the intersection of a rural environment, their parents' and grandparents', and an urban "global" world, their own. The latter is the dream that has driven their parents. Bolotta aims to analyze the historical relationship between mobility and marginality in a Bangkok slum. He considers the role of slum children as cultural brokers and the impact their institutional and humanitarian mobility has on their and their kins' lives. Bolotta has been living with "Tuek Deang" children and their families since March 2011 in various institutional frames (as a voluntary, as a PhD student and as an independent researcher). The post-conflict economic reorganization of Aceh has brought a considerable number of young people to turn to drug smuggling and drug dealing as an important source of income. Only partly are they users and producers of marijuana, or ganja, a traditional cultivation which has known both a major boom and a strong policed opposition since the MoU was signed in 2005 [START_REF] Missbach | The Merits of Not Returning: The Search by Acehnese in the Diaspora for Political Participation in Post-conflict Times[END_REF]). In villages and towns young people know that some dealing in sabu-sabu (crystal methamphetamine), both imported and locally produced, is a good side activity. But heroin and other opium derivates are seen as the "big deal", the kind of smuggling which can make them rapidly rich. This research focuses on the Acehnese women who are detained in Tanjung Gusta (Medan, North Sumatra) prison for drug smuggling. It is an experimental participatory research which aims both to rehabilitate and gain knowledge. The main informant is Vignato's former research assistant (whose identity is going to be kept under cover) who while still a teen-ager was formed to some ethnographic methodology and is now serving a 20 year-sentence. She is currently gathering informal data within the detention centre. Searching for a scientifically informed participatory methodology is a significant part of this research. Field work will be carried out in February-March 2014.

6.5 Looking for a job, doing odd jobs, doing nothing in cities: young people in and around cities and towns in Indonesia 6.5.1 Urban poverty in the city of Surabaya: informal work and small-scale circulation among young day laborers (Matteo Alcano, Università di Milano-Bicocca) Since 2009, Matteo Alcano has been investigating the nature of youth street gangs in Surabaya, their transition to organized crime in the context of migration from the inner city of Surabaya to the region of South Bali, and their relationship with urban spaces. Particularly, he has focused on the construction of masculine identities and personal growth among youthful group formations, and on the idea and the practice of work in the informal economy and the drug business. For the SEATIDE project Matteo Alcano will study urban poverty in the city of Surabaya: his research will explore informal work and small-scale circulation among youth who work as day laborers around the city and the city surroundings' construction sites and who are also involved with the circulation of substances. The two activities seem to be moving alongside one another, with the former possibly constituting a facade for the latter. From this point of view, many youths move along limited circuits, some remain away from home for a limited period of time, and overall they seem to discard the option of mobility as a more or less permanent solution. The research will also analyze the notion of immobility and look at how youths find new ways to connect with the urban landscape of people and opportunities at large. Inherent to these phenomena of small-scale mobility Matteo Alcano's study of the urban poor in Surabaya will study the impact of youths' involvement with the circulation of substances on the welfare of the local communities. There is a widespread perception that youths and their activities impose a threat on the security of the neighborhood they prey upon and that this represents a significant change from a (recent) vision of local gangs as the guardians of the neighborhood security. Furthermore, the visibility of violence within the city neighborhoods raises important questions about the state of marginal communities, their vulnerability and their quest for integration, not only from the point of view of the community itself but also from that of the public eye and the municipal authorities in particular. The issue here to assess how the notion of marginality is imagined, reiterated, reworked and dealt with. At a broader level of investigation, Matteo Alcano will also study the phenomenon of second migrations among male adults and that of returnees, to give a more precise detail about the forms of mobility in this specific area. Fieldwork will be carried out for approximately two to three months between February and April 2014, with a subsequent visit between July and early September 2014. The research will benefit from the assistance of youths who have participated in Alcano's doctoral research and a local collaborator on site. Because of the long civil conflict, Aceh is out of synchronization in the general dynamics of growth and interconnection which have involved Southeast Asia and Indonesia in the past 30 years. After a general immobilization within villages and towns of most inhabitants, while at the same time many were submitted to deportation [START_REF] Aspinall | Islam and nation: separatist rebellion in Aceh, Indonesia[END_REF][START_REF] Grayman | Humanitarian Encounters in Post-Conflict Aceh, Indonesia[END_REF][START_REF] Reid | Introduction[END_REF] or forced to migrate to Malaysia and Europe [START_REF] Missbach | The Merits of Not Returning: The Search by Acehnese in the Diaspora for Political Participation in Post-conflict Times[END_REF]) mobility was resumed in a more graduated proportion, but its aspect still withholds the imprint of the two major violent events, the 2004 Tsunami and earthquake and the civil conflict which ended in 2005.

Both the conflict and the Tsunami caused people to move. This research does not enquire on deportation. It stems from a former enquiry about very young people being sent to orphanages, homes and Koranic schools (pesantren) in order to be safe and enter a movement of learning. This was common both in pre-conflict Aceh (see [START_REF] Siegel | The rope of God[END_REF] and in Indonesia but during the harshest period of the civil war, 2002-2004, the phenomenon grew in size. It's a synergic sum of wanted/unwanted mobility. Going back to the village or the parental home has proved difficult for many youngsters who grew up in homes and Koranic schools. This research enquires upon girls' small scale mobility. The idea that women do not move in Aceh because of the typical arrangements of a matrifocal society is correct as an overall picture, meaning that some women in a home always stay back for a home to be alive. But some others are highly mobile, whatever their age. The first part of the research was carried out in Banda Aceh (April 2012, based on former researches). It is becoming quite typical for girls in their late teens to leave the village and look for a job in Banda Aceh or in smaller towns like Bireuen or Lhokseumawe. In most cases, life in these towns has some radically different symbolic and practical aspects if compared to villages. The girls leave immediately after high school and often upon their parents' request. In a much seen pattern of eldest daughters' labour migration, they are supposed to send money back home but their jobs never enable them to do so, or only rarely. The idea of a "good job" has formed in them but has no concrete dimension. They stay in boarding houses or kos with rules which are stricter for women than men and are unsurprisingly similar to those of a pesantren. In a kos, the fundamental sibling affiliation (kakak-adik) is not rooted in a religious habit and is made to work as the basic alternative to kin. It must be said that more and more often village communities build their own premises in town for students and for would-be student or "quiet" students (those who suspend their inscription and spend some time working),. It is a security for the young people to live there as they stay symbolically close to their village. It also implies a discourse, if not a practice of control. The group of girls who are closely analyzed in the research have first followed this pattern when they reached the city and subsequently fallen out of it into what they themselves call "dunia gelap", "a dark world". While constantly coming and going from the village or from their parental home, these girls, all from low-income families, become less and less credible as job-seekers and their dreams of prosperity fade away. In order to describe what practices are involved in lowincome unskilled labour employment in Aceh the context of job seeking in Banda Aceh is further analyzed. The second part of the fieldwork will be carried out in two villages, in Aceh Utara and in Aceh Jaya respectively. The first is strongly involved in drug smuggling and the other, in both drug trafficking and illegal migration to Malaysia. Practices and ideas of work, life projects and dreams of prosperity are described against the double recent past of the civil conflict and the heavy post-catastrophe reconstruction. Silvia Vignato is working in close contact with a local team, the writer and activist Azhari Ayub and Aulina Adamy, PhD in methodology of Social Science USM, Penang. 6.5.3 Urban poor and the circulation from city to city within and outside Indonesia (Bambang Purwanto, Universitas Gadjah Mada)

The subject of this project is urban poverty in Surabaya, specifically long-term urban poor who have migrated to urban centres within Indonesia or abroad. Unlike previous studies concerned with rural people migrating urban cities, we analyze migration between urban centres and migration back to villages. Examples of the latter are those seeking employment on plantations, often in remote parts of Indonesia, or abroad. We are more interested in the historical dimensions of this phenomenon that in its sociological characteristics. A class of urban poor was formed in Surabaya during the late colonial period and during the New Order. We enquire about the extent to which these conditions shape patterns of social mobility among the urban poor in East Java. We describe changes in social values and prosperity following labour migration. A range of written and oral sources will be studied. Examples of the former are local newspapers, weekly magazines, and reports carried out by independent agencies. In-depth interviews will also be conducted with migrants. During 2013, the team has collected data in different locations. National newspapers have been read and interviews with former and current migrants have been completed.

6.6

The life of industrial workers: a comparison between Vietnam and Malaysia (Pietro Masina and Michela Cerimele, Università di Napoli "L'Orientale"; Nguyen An Ha, Do Ta Khahn, Nguyen Xuan Trung, Vietnam Academy of Social Science; Alessandra Chiricosta and Silvia Vignato, Università di Milano-Bicocca)

The team of the University of Naples "L'Orientale" and VASS brings to the SEATIDE project a relevant experience in policy-oriented research on the industrialization process in Vietnam and the working and living conditions in the new industrial areas. This team is already cooperating within another project co-financed by the EU Delegation to Vietnam -"Supporting Workers' Rights and Representation" -and synergies will be created with SEATIDE in order to maximize results and impact.

L'Orientale and VASS bring to SEATIDE a contextualized methodology for social research in the new industrial zones in the Red River Delta. The SWORR project will cover the costs of fieldwork in three provinces of the Red River Delta, involving also researchers and officers belonging to the Vietnamese General Confederation of Labor. With SEATIDE, the team will further expand the scope of the field study to include two other provinces in the northern part of Vietnam (covering a current knowledge gap, as the large majority of the research on labour in Vietnam has so far focused on southern provinces). This work will feed into the SEATIDE framework in a very relevant way. The new industrialization wave in Vietnam (as well as in other SEA countries) is a result of "integration" in the regional production system. In positive terms, industrialization is creating jobs for unemployed and underemployed workers, resulting in a rapid process of migration from rural areas to urban and peri-urban ones. However, this process is also creating new challenges that need to be addressed. These new industrial workers integrate within a labour market characterized by "informalization of the formal", that is, workers tend to have short-term contracts (if any), face severe vulnerability in terms of contracts and salaries connected to market fluctuations, and are exposed to very hard working conditions. Further, in most cases these workers are migrants that are largely excluded from public services and social protections. In wider terms, the rapid industrialization process requires a new analysis of poverty and a new approach in terms of policies to avoid that relative poverty levels increase too drastically.

The SEATIDE project will allow strengthening the research conducted by L'Orientale and VASS in at least three substantial ways. First, it will allow involving a gender specialist both in revising the research methodology and conducting the field study. Second, it will allow to participate in a smaller-scale comparative investigation in Malaysia (in cooperation with the team of Milano Bicocca), to better understand how the current modalities of industrial organization affect workers in countries at different stages of economic development. Third, the findings from the rather extended field study conducted through SEATIDE and SWORR will be conveyed to a wider scientific and policy-oriented debate at regional level.

  6.1.2 The Spatiality and Borderless-ness of the Kachin: Karin Dean (University of Tallinn)

  6.4.1 Reintegrating into what? The impact of aid services on post-trafficking life among female returnees of human trade in northern Vietnam (Hanoi city and Lao Cai province) (Runa Lazzarino, Università di Milano-Bicocca)

6. 4 . 2

 42 Mobility and marginality in the case of Bangkok slums. The role of children (Giuseppe Bolotta, Università di Milano-Bicocca)

  6.4.3 End of the line: young Acehnese women serving long sentences in Tanjung Gusta prison, Medan (Indonesia) (Silvia Vignato, Università di Milano-Bicocca)

6. 5 . 2

 52 The quest for jobs and money in post-conflict Aceh (Silvia Vignato, Università di Milano-Bicocca and Azhari and Aulina Adamy, Komunitas Tikar Pandan, Aceh)


Augustin Vernay

Véronique Boutou
email: veronique.boutou@neel.cnrs.fr

Corinne Félix

Florent Bassignot

Mathieu Chauvet

Benoit Boulanger

Ridge optical waveguide curved in a KTiOPO4 single crystal for triple photon generation: preliminary characterization by birefringence phase-matched third-harmonic generation

Ridge waveguides carved in bulk nonlinear crystals such as KTiOPO4 (KTP) are used to reach a strong confinement of electromagnetic waves with large second-order or third-order non-linearity. We report on our recent experiments where we show the possibility to shape the birefringence phase-matching (BPM) conditions for direct Third-Harmonic Generation (THG: ω + ω + ω → 3ω) in micrometric KTP ridge waveguides by acting on their transverse dimensions. The real goal of this preliminary study is to design quantum optical experiments based on Triple Photons Generation (TPG: 3ω → ω + ω + ω) that is the reverse process of THG, thus exhibiting the same BPM conditions.

The aim of this study is to design and characterize through direct Third-Harmonic Generation (THG) ridge waveguides that have been curved in KTiOPO4 (KTP) for Triple Photon Generation (TPG) [START_REF] Dot | Quantum theory analysis of triplet photons generated by a χ(3) process[END_REF]. Because the transverse finite dimension of the ridge waveguide influences the effective indices of the crystal, a first step has been to model the wavelength dispersion of the effective indices as a function of the transverse dimension d of a squared-transverse-section ridge. From these data, it has been possible to calculate the birefringence phasematching (BPM) conditions of THG or TPG. Figure 1 shows the BPM fundamental wavelength λω calculated as a function of d. Then, in order to reach BPM at λ ω = 1596nm, which is the Third-Harmonic of 532 nm, it is necessary to design a guide with d = 6.2μm. The ridge waveguide has been elaborated using a diamond blade technic [START_REF] Boutou | Phasematched second-harmonic generation in a flux grown KTP crystal ridge optical waveguide[END_REF] in a bulk crystal provided by Cristal Laser SA. From scanning electron micrcoscopy (SEM) measurements, the transverse section S is found to be nonconstant over the 8.6 mm length along the propagation axis. Consequently, the longitudinal gradient of transverse section of the KTP ridge will induce a longitudinal gradient of the phase-matching conditions. The average square section is found at davg = 6.17 µm. Following this step, the experimental investigation of the THG in the ridge waveguide was performed using a tunable optical parametric generator pump beam with a pulse duration of 15 ps at a repetition rate of 10 Hz. In order to achieve the BPM, the polarization of the incoming pump is precisely adjusted. Figure 2 shows the THG intensity measured as a function of the fundamental wavelength and compared with the calculation in the case of a perfectly uniform 8,6-mm-long square ridge with a square transverse dimension d = 6.17µm. The blue curve is a sinc 2 fit of the experimental data. The red curve corresponds to the calculation for a ridge with a uniform longitudinal section. As a consequence of the prismatic shape of the waveguide, the experimental full width at 0.405 of the BPM peak (blue curve) is enlarged by a factor of three compared to calculation (red curve). This difference is used to deduce an effective interaction length 𝐿𝐿 𝑒𝑒𝑒𝑒𝑒𝑒 = 𝐿𝐿. ( 𝛿𝛿𝜆𝜆 𝜔𝜔 𝑒𝑒𝑒𝑒𝑒𝑒 𝛿𝛿𝜆𝜆 𝜔𝜔 𝑐𝑐𝑐𝑐𝑐𝑐𝑐𝑐 ) = 2.7𝑚𝑚𝑚𝑚, where 𝐿𝐿 = 8.6𝑚𝑚𝑚𝑚 is the geometrical length of the KTP ridge. This effective length is about 1/3 smaller than the geometrical length because of the longitudinal phase-mismatch gradient between the nonlinear polarization and the generated Third-Harmonic (TH) wave.

Figure 3 shows the TH energy measured at the exit of the KTP ridge as a function of the incoming Fundamental energy. The energy conversion efficiency reaches up to 3.4% for a Fundamental energy as low as 2 µJ. The experimental data are compared to calculations that have been performed in the Undepleted Pump Approximation (UPA). In the UPA, we established that the TH energy is given by:

( ) ( ) ( ) ( ) [ ] 2 2 3 3 2 0 3 2 2 3 2 0 , ,3 103
( ) 0 3 3 z x x eff x z eff eff T T T L W n n ω ω ω ω ω ω ω ω ω µ ε ε ε π τ Ω = Γ (1)
where Tω,3ω x,z are the Fresnel transmission coefficients, 𝑊𝑊 𝜔𝜔 is the 1/e 2 mode radius, 𝜀𝜀 𝜔𝜔 (0) is the Fundamental incident energy and 𝛺𝛺 and 𝛤𝛤 are parameters involving the effective length Leff and the propagation loss coefficients 𝛽𝛽 at ω and 3ω. We assumed that the losses mainly come from the presence of the gold layer below the silica buffer layer. The numerical values of the parameters of Eq. ( 1) that have been used are given in Table 1.

The theoretical prediction of the energy conversion efficiency (blue curve in Fig. 3) matches perfectly the experimental results without any fitting parameters. The THG conversion efficiency can be further optimized by improving the waveguide cross section uniformity and by decreasing the propagation losses for example by increasing the thickness of the silica layer at the bottom of the ridge waveguide from 0.6 to 2 µm.

This study of BPM THG (ω + ω + ω → 3ω) is a first step toward an optimal design of BPM TPG (3ω → ω + ω + ω) experiments in KTP ridge waveguide. Actually, TPG and THG are reverse processes, thus exhibiting the same BPM conditions. Our quantum model shows that about 100 triplets per second at λω = 1596 nm could be generated in a 5cm-long-KTP ridge waveguide when pumped with a laser beam of 5 W at λ3ω = 532 nm in the CW regime [START_REF] Dot | Quantum theory analysis of triplet photons generated by a χ(3) process[END_REF]. These preliminary results pave the way for new quantum optics experiments involving triplet states.

Fig. 1

 1 Fig.1 BPM conditions for THG as a function of the transverse dimension of the KTP ridge waveguide.

Fig. 2

 2 Fig.2 Normalized intensity of the generated TH signal as a function of the Fundamental wavelength.

Fig. 3 .

 3 Fig.3. Measured Third-Harmonic energy (black square) at the exit of the crystal as a function of the Fundamental energy at the entrance. Calculated energy (blue curve) without any adjusting parameter.

Table 1 .

 1 Parameters used in the calculation of the generated Third-Harmonic energy.

		ω	3ω
	λ [nm]	1594	531.3
	(3) 16 χ [m 2 V -2 ]	-	8.05 10 -22
	τ [ps]	15	-
	W [μm]	2.5	-
	T z	0.92	-
	T x	0.93	0.92
	β [cm -1 ]	0.3	0.1
	n x	1.7205	1.7780
	n z	1.8067	-