domain: shs shs

text:
Silvio Enea

Piccolomini

Pope

Kaspar Schlick

Wladyslaw King

Iii

Michael Von Cotta-Schönberg

Keywords: klaren Wünsche und brauchbare Vorschlägen, sondern charakte-risierte die ein offener Brief, dessen Inhalt nach dem Kanzleivermerk von Kaspar Schlick vorgeschlagen war, dessen Carmina, 4: 3, 22: monstror digito praetereuntium

The present volume contains Enea Silvio Piccolomini's personal letters from 1444, altogether 54 letters. These letters cover a period of intense literary activity, his conversion from the conciliarist to the papal cause, and his first appointment to a lucrative benefice. They also give a continuous comment on affairs at the imperial court, including the conflict of succession to the Hungarian throne, the development of the Church schism and the succession to the See of Freising.

Sigla and abbreviations

II. TEXT AND TRANSLATION

111.

To Kaspar Schlick (1 January 1444, Sankt Veit) 112.

To Galeazzo d'Arco (1 January 1444, Sankt Veit) 113.

To Niccolò Veneto (1 January 1444, Sankt Veit) 114.

To Kaspar Schlick (5 January 1444, Sankt Veit) 115.

To Heinrich Schlick (12 January 1444, Sankt Veit) 116.

To Kaspar Schlick (12 January 1444, Sankt Veit) 117.

To Giovanni Campisio (15 January 1444, Sankt Veit) 118.

To Goro Lolli (15 January 1444, Sankt Veit) 119.

To Pietro da Noceto (16 January 1444, Sankt Veit) 120.

To Francesco Bossio (16 January 1444, Sankt Veit) 121.

To Niccolò Arcimboldi (20 January 1444, Sankt Veit) 122.

From Andrea Donato (22 January 1444, Venezia) 123.

From Bartolomeo Vitelleschi (February 1444, Lausanne) 124.

To Domenico Capranica (mid February 1444) 125.

To Pietro da Noceto (18 February 1444, Laibach) 126.

To Giovanni Campisio (18 February 1444, Laibach) 127.

From Bartolomeo Vitelleschi (February 1444, Genève) 128.

To Kaspar Schlick (end of March 1444, Vienna) In 1444, one of the most important events that Piccolomini experienced through the imperial court was the Crusade and Battle or Varna.

In return for the Byzantine emperor's agreement to a union between the Greek and Latin churches, effected at the Council of Ferrara-Florence in 1439, Pope Eugenius IV had promised military support to the Byzantines in their fight against the Ottoman Turks. On 1 January 1443, he published a crusading bull and later sent Cardinal Cesarini to Hungary to support the Hungarian-Polish King Wladislaw III in the organisation of a land army to go against the Turks.

Before the Hungarian army could leave, it was necessary to secure their frontier with Austria.

Negotiations between Hungary and the imperial court took place in spring/summer 1444 and resulted in the confirmtion of the state of truce between the two parties. Piccolomini reported on negotiations in a letter to Johann Vrunt of 27 May (letter 141: 1-3).

The crusade set in motion later that year, and after a series of military successes, the Hungarians reached Varna, where, on 10 November 1444, they suffered a catastrophic defeat at the hands of Turks and their ruler, Murad II. Both the king and the cardinal were killed.

In the beginning of December, confused and contradictory reports of the disaster reached the imperial court, to be followedon 18 Decemberby dependable news from Count Ulrich II of Cilly and others. Piccolomini immediately sent of a report to the duke of Milan, in which he wrote:

This is the news: all the messengers say that the King of Poland, with the Cardinal of Sant'Angelo, many Hungarians and even more Wallachians, Bulgarians and Ruthenians, entered Romania. They had such success in the war that they could establish a camp not far from Adrianople. When the Turkish ruler heard it, he gathered an army of 40,000 soldiers in Asia and crossed the sea since the fleet that had, last summer, been sent to the Hellespont to prevent the Turks from crossing over from Asia to Europe had left. According to some, the captains of the fleet had been bribed by the Asians. This, however, I consider to be most unlikely since I cannot believe that they could have been so disloyal as to sell Christian blood to the Muhammedans. It is more likely that the fleet ran out of provisions and could not continue, as Cardinal Giuliano had previously feared in a letter. Whatever the reason, the sea was open to the Turks, who passed over to Greece, joined the forces remaining on the European side of the sea and attacked the Christians with a large army.

Ours, too, wanted to fight. The battle began on the Feast of Saint Martin, and there may seldom have been such a ferocious and bitter fight among men. The two [armies] fought with equal strength, and the outcome was in doubt for a long time. Ours were battling for Christ and the others for Muhammad, and both sides fought with such vigour that 15,000 men fell in the first clash of the armies. The fight was so equal that they did not want to stop, and the more blood they shed, the more ferociously the troops were fighting. But in the end, the men on both sides became exhausted and could no longer wield their swords or stretch their bows. This forced both parties to rest until late in the day, but when they had regained their fighting spirit and strength, the battle was renewed. In the end, the Turks won due to their strength or destiny or because they were more numerous. Those who escaped from the battle say that never in the memory of our fathers did Europe see such a bloody battle: as many Turks fell as Hungarians, and, if the rumour is true, at least 80,000 men were killed. (Letter 165: 4-5).

The church schism

Whereas the rest of Europe -with the exception of antipope Felix V's former duchy of Savoy and some German princesacknowledged Pope Eugenius IV in Rome, The German nation still, in 1444, maintained the Neutrality between antipope Felix with his schismatic council in Basel and the pope in Rome who had his own council, a Roman continuation of the council of Ferrara-Firenze that briefly reunited the Latin and the Greek churches. Two diets had been held in Nürnberg to settle this conflict, both unsuccessful partly due to the emperor's absence.

A third diet had been convoked. 1 The emperor had promised to attend in person but procrastinated and a couple of times postponed the date. His court, including Piccolomini, was frustrated. In a letter to Chancellor Kaspar Schlick of 1 January 1444, Piccolomini wrote, sarcastically:

In the other letters, which I send together with the present one, I informed you that His Royal Majesty had chosen the Feast of Saint George for his arrival in Nürnberg. This was a decision in council, but what is decided in council is not one of the Sibyl's leaves or immutable fate. We live from day to day, and what was decided yesterday is changed today.

(Letter 111: 1). 2 At any rate, he did not have great hopes for the diet. In a letter to the papal envoy, Juan Carvajal, of 20 May 1444, he wrote:

You ask me to inform you what I think will happen at the diet. The chancellor fulfils your wish as far as possible, and it is improper for me to know or say more than he has. But if you ask me to make a prophecy, I shall add something, for it is, indeed, a poet's task to make prophecies. To tell the truth, I do not think that this diet will be more barren than the others.

You know what I mean. Actually, all diets are fertile: each carries the next one in its womb! ...Presently, affairs are turbulent: some are happy with the state of neutrality since it provides new hunting [grounds], whereas those who have gained [illegal]

possession [of ecclesiastical benefices] reject [church] union because they are unwilling to return them to the rightful possessors.. … Now you know what I expect and what I can say without neglect of duty.

(Letter 139: 2-3).

The emperor left Vienna on 9 July and arrived in Nürnberg on 1 August. On 22 September, Piccolomini sent this interim report to Johann Gers at the imperial court:

1 On this diet of Nürnberg, see Piccolomini's own report in DRGB (WO, 2: 1, pp. 205-206) ; Stieber, pp. 255-269; VO, 2: 5, pp. 330-339. 2 For comments on this passage, see VO, 2: 5, p. 331.

In the church matter, no decision has been reached as yet. Four The ecclesiastical matter was overshadowed by the incursion in the Empire of the Armagnacs (see below), but eventually it was left to a committee to formulate a solution. Piccolomini was member of this committee, which is the first time he was publicly involved in the affairs of the empire and stepped put from the shadows of the imperial chancery. The committee came up with a revised proposal for a third council (to be held in Konstanz). 1 This idea had been ventilated by the Germans during the preceeding years, with no success, however, and the prospects were not better this time since both Pope Eugenius and the schismatic council in Basel were against it. Moreover, an important German minority, led by the archbishop of Trier, were adamantly against it, too. Still, it was decided to send envoys to Rome and Basel to present the proposal.

The emperor left Nürnberg on 18. October. After his return from Nürnberg, on 19 November Piccolomini wrote to his friend in Rome, Pietro da Noceto:

You would probably like to hear about the outcome in Nürnberg, but that you must hear from others. I can only write that we left in disagreement. The king's ambassadors will shortly be sent to you. Treat them circumspectly and well if you desire what is to your own and the common good. [Letter 162 : 2] On the same day, he wrote likewise to his friend Giovanni Campisio, this time emphasising how greatly Rome's accept of the German proposal would benefit the papal cause:

The king's ambassadors will reach you shortly, and if they are given due consideration, it will greatly profit your party. (Letter 163: 1)

He did not yet know that he would be the one to be sent as the emperor's representative to to the pope, an event that would completely change his life.

The succession to the see of Freising 2

1 DRGB (RE, p. 364). 2 VO, 2: 4, pp. 308-320.

Chancellor, Kaspar Schlick, may have supported the cause of Pope Eugenius IV at the imperial court for other reasons, but it certainly helped that the pope had promised him a bishopric for his brother Heinrich, in return for his support. When the bishop of Freising died in August 1443, the chancellor, ably assisted by his favourite Piccolomini, immediately went into action and secured the papal nomination of his brother for the see of Freising. The letters of appointment, however, were slow in arriving, and the emperor did not want to release the temporal possessions of the see in Austrian territory to the papally appointed bishop, Heinrich Schlick, before he had seen those letters. In the meantime, Johann Grünwalder, a relative of the dukes of Bavaria in whose territory the see was situated, and a cardinal appointed by antipope Felix V, was elected bishop of Freising by the cathedral chapter and confirmed as bishop by the council in Basel whereupon he rapidly gained possesssion of the see and its properties in Bavaria.

During the last months of 1443, the chancellor was absent from court, representing the emperor at a diet in Nürnberg. His continued absence from court, despite his having been recalled by the emperor, caused various problems, including in relation to the matter of Freising. Latent court opposition against the chancellor1 took courage at his absence, and Piccolomini had to warn him that those opposed to his brother's appointment were making their influence felt.

In a letter of 1 January 1444, Piccolomini wrote to the chancellor: . I understand that the bishop of Chiemsee has been summoned here, like you have been. Some days later, Piccolomini had to report to the chancellor that the dukes of Bavaria had intervened at the imperial court in favour of their relative, Johann Grünwalder, and would request that the emperor release the temporal possessions of the see of Freising situated in Austria to him as the legitimate bishop. (See letter 115).

And then, finally, the papal letters of appointment arrived. In a letter of 12 January, Piccolomini wrote to the chancellor:

The apostolic letters have finally arrived, brought by Guido as previously written from the curia. You should return as soon as possible, for I hope you may now gain possession [of the see] as desired. I keep them here with me. They are nine in number and in a complete and sufficient form. (Letter 116:1. See also letter 115: 2-3).

Later, on 26 February Piccolomini through his friend Giovanni Campisio in Rome informed the papal court that the chancellor was grateful for the appointment and would surely support Pope Eugenius' cause in return:

I have seen the bulls concerning the church of Fresing sent to the chancellor. They were delivered to me in his absence. This matter will much profit your party, for among the other virtues, generosity greatly encourages men. The chancellor will not forget it. Tell this to the Cardinal of Taranto and also recommend me to him. When the chancellor returns, the Supreme Pontiff and the cardinal himself will receive his letters of thanks. But acts count for more than words, and they will not be lacking. The chancellor will be bound by hands and feet 1 to acknowledge and return this favour and will do soif I am not mistaken. Please convey this to the cardinals and the pope. (Letter 126:2).

But the matter was not settled yet. In view of the Bavarian opposition, the emperor would not make a decision and instead summoned a court hearing where the two parties, Johann Grünwalder for himself and Kaspar Schlick for his brother Heinrich, would present their case. 2 Piccolomini drafted the chancellor's oration. 3 The hearing took place on 4 April. In a letter of 8 June to Campisio, Piccolomini wrote about the event:

Here, when during the month of March, I was, as usual, with the court, I witnessed an extraordinary event worthy of telling. Previously, I had not thought that the Germans made orations as they were once given from the rostra in Rome, but such an oration I heard before the emperor. Johann of Bavaria -one of the so-called Felician cardinals with the title of San Martino -had come [to court]. He declared that the Chapter of Freising had elected him bishop and requested that the emperor grant him the regalia 4 . However, Heinrich, brother of the chancellor, Kaspar Schlick, had already been appointed bishop of that diocese by Eugenius. Both men request possession of those castles [belonging to the diocese] that are situated in Austrian territories. Johann spoke for himself, breaking into tears as he spoke. The chancellor defended Heinrich's cause and spoke in support of his absent brother. I felt I saw Ajax and Ulysses contending before the Argolian ships. If you had been there, you would have likened Johann to Ajax and the chancellor to Ulysses. And their orations were not much different, except that those of Johann and the chancellor were in German, whereas Ovid translated those of Ajax and Uysses into Latin from Greek since they were evidently held in that language. The chancellor's oration was remarkable and much more ornate than you would have expected from a man who does not know Cicero and Quintilian. But I reckon that he was favoured by nature and that his experience at the courts of emperors Sigismund and Albrecht had nurtured nature's gifts. For he had been their chancellor and heard many eloquent men speak their case before them, and now he imitated them. With the help of friends who explained the meaning of the German text to me, I have translated his oration into Latin and am sending it to you for your judgment. I ask you to write back to me, and if you find any defects, then blame the translator and not the speaker. (Letter 149: 2-3).

In the end (1448), both Pope Nicolaus V and the emperor recognised Johann Grünwalder as bishop of Freising, 5 and the chancellor's brother was given a fitting compensation. The whole matter may have contributed to the later estrangement between the emperor and the chancellor, which also appears to have affected for some time (1448-1449) Piccolomini's standing at court.

The Uprising in Tyrol

1 Terentius: Andria, 675. 2 VO, 2: 4, pp. 317-319. 3 The oratio "Si putarem" (COR, 2: 5). 4 The temporal possessions of the See of Freising in Austria. 5 VO, 2: 4, p. 320.

In November 1443, the Tyroleans rejected the emperor's continued wardship over their young duke, Sigismund, and rebelled against the emperor and his governement officials. 1 During the conflict the Tyroleans laid siege to Trient, whose bishop, Alexander of Mazovia, the emperor's uncle, had sided with the emperor. 2 In a letter of 1 January 1444 to Count Galeazzo d'Arco who had come to the assistance of the beleaguered city, Piccolomini wrote: Trient fell to the Tyroleans after a three-month siege. On 1 June, Piccolomini wrote to a friend in Basel, Giovanni Peregallo, and through him warned the schismatic council in Basel and antipope Felix V against supporting the Tyroleans since the whole matter was to be settled at the diet soon to open in Nürnberg:

I
I ask, advise and beg you not to heed the Tyroleans more than the His Royal Majesty, for the Tyroleans have no voice in Nürnberg where everything will be done as the king wishes. I hope that nothing will be done to upset the king. We shall be leaving shortly, having arranged a two-year truce with the King of Poland and those Hungarians who obey him, and now we are only occupied with travel preparations. (Letter 146:7).

The matter, however, was not settled at the Diet of Nürnberg in 1444, but only in 1446 with Siegmund's release from the wardship and his takeover of the ducal government of Tyrol.

The Armagnacs

In his De Viris Illustribus, Piccolomini wrote about the affair of the Armagnacs:

In the meantime, the King of the Romans had written to the King of France 3 about the savagery of the Swiss, and how he intended to travel up to the Empire and avenge their injuries. In case he should decide to call on the Armagnacs, who were fighting in the [French] kingdom, he urged him to give his permission. 1 It so happened that at the time there was a truce between the English and the French, and since the Armagnacs were laying waste to France, the king decided to send them away and thus lighten this burden on his kingdom. 2 Therefore, the dauphin came [with the Armagnac bands], claiming that he had been invited by King Friedrich. Now he declared that the part of France close to the Rhine belonged to him, now that he wanted to help the nobles against the peasants. 3 Having captured the town of Mömpelgard, 4 he came down to Alsace, where he laid waste to all with sword and fire and fought the Swiss, as we shall relate later. He also sent ambassadors to Nürnberg, requiring the king to provide winter quarters, pay their salaries, and release Siegmund. 5 It was left to Albrecht to answer their demands since he had previously been sent to those regions to act as he saw fit. 6 The king had also demanded that the Armagnacs should not be received, but out of hate for the Swiss, the nobles of that area let them in, paying a heavy price since the Armagnacs took their wives and castles. … In Nürnberg, 7 much was reported on the savagery of the Armagnacs. 8 Moreover, it was now clear that the King of France wanted to claim the territories of the Empire beyond the Rhine. 9 Indeed, the dauphin threatened Strasbourg and Basel but at the same time promised them much if they would secede from the Empire. Also, King

Charles had taken the city of Toul -belonging to the Empire -and Verdun and was attacking Metz. 1 Metz. 1 (DVI, sect. 170-171).

The news of the Armagnac incursion reached Nürnberg shortly after the opening of the diet, causing the following actions to be taken, as reported in the De Viris Illustribus:

Therefore, the emperor with the prince-electors decided to expel the dauphin. An army was mobilised quickly, and the imperial standard sent to Ludwig, Duke of Bavaria and Count Palatine. 2 Palatine. 2 3 When the King of France heard it, he -without the knowledge of the King of the Romans' -negotiated with the archbishops of Trier 4 and Cologne 5 the dauphin's departure from Germany, which then happened. However, the dauphin lost many men during the retreat 6 since the peace had not been confirmed by authority of the King of the Romans. (DVI, sect. 171). Apart from the De Viris Illustribus, Piccolomini also wrote on these events in his later works on contemporary history, the De Rebus Basileae Gestis 7 , Historia Australis, 8 The Europa. 9 In a letter to Johann Gers of 22 September 1444, Piccolomini wrote about the incursion:

I believe you must already have heard -through the winged talk of men -of the arrival of the French, but now I give you reliable news, and what I write you may tell others as gospel truth

if only you find it confirmed by my letter. Recently, Louis, the Dauphin of Viennois and the firstborn of the King of France, entered the Empire with a large army and laid siege to the town of Mömpelgard, which the Counts of Württemberg hold as a feudal possession from the Empire. When the dauphin had stayed there for some days, he agreed with the people of its castle that the town would be given over to him for a certain period, after which he would return it freely. Otherwise, he would conquer it by force to have a proper place to stay since it was not fitting for a king's son to stay in the fields without a roof over his head. When the dauphin had gained Mömpelgard, he spread the news of his arrival everywhere but not in the same way to all. To some, he declared that he had come to aid the German nobility oppressed by the free cities. To others, he said that he had come at the invitation of the King of the Romans to fight the Swiss. To others again, he stated that he wanted to reclaim the rights of the House of France that, he claimed, reached as far as the Rhine. For this reason, he would lay siege to Strasbourg. He also said that he had come because of Duke Siegmund. Such rumours he spread everywhere not because they were true but because he thought they would earn him some degree of popularity.

While all this was being rumoured, the nobles of Alsatia, who much disliked the Swiss domination, sent envoys to the dauphin to ask him for help against the Swiss. There were different reports about the dauphin's army. The greater estimate was that he had a following of about 60,000; the smaller estimate was 25,000; and the middle estimate was between 30,000 and 36,000. The dauphin and the Alsatians reached an agreement that the Alsatians should provide winter quarters for 25,000 men from his army in the towns of Alsatia, while the dauphin promised to bring help to Zürich and other cities under Swiss siege. Then the dauphin's men, commonly called the Armagnacs, came to the assistance of a town near Basel that the Swiss were besieging. When the Swiss heard it, they did not wait for the enemies but marched against them and attacked the Armagnac vanguard, cutting them down and killing many. The Armagnacs fled on foot and returned to their main army. The Swiss, thirsting for blood and avid for victory, lost their own salvation while seeking glory.

They came to Sankt Jakob, about four stadia from Basel. There the whole mass of Armagnacs assaulted the Swiss, having posted some men before the gates of Basel to observe and fall back [if attacked]. A savage and bitter battle 1 ensued, and large numbers fell on both sides. Terrible to hear: the Swiss tore the bloody arrows from their bodies and, even with their hands cut off, rushed against the enemies and did not die before they had killed their killer. Some ran between the Armagnacs pierced with darts and weighed down by spears to avenge their own death. Four Armagnacs pursued a Swiss and had already felled him with spears and were mutilating the body when his comrade seized a two-edged axe and -it is toldattacked them, killing two and putting the two others to flight. Then he took his friend's unconscious body upon his shoulders and carried it back to his own.

Behind the Swiss was the wall of a garden in Sankt Jakob. So, thinking themselves safe from behind, they only fought ahead. But Germans who had joined the Armagnacs entered the garden, broke through the wall and attacked the Swiss from behind. This was a major reason for the Swiss disaster: they were now fighting on both sides. Man stood against man, and they fought at close quarters. The Swiss strode like lions through all the army against the victors, felling and killing everything before them as men who knew they were fighting not in the hope of victory but to avenge their own deaths. The battle began in the morning and lasted until the evening. In the end, the Swiss succumbed, undefeated but completely worn out by their slaughtering [so many men] in the immense crowds of enemies. The Armagnac victory was grievous and bloody. They gained the field of battle not by manful courage and strength but by superiority in numbers. Some claim the Swiss lost as many as 4,000 men, whereas a more conservative estimate puts the loss at about 1,500 men. Others say the Armagnacs lost more men than the Swiss. A great many horses were killed, and many Germans lost their lives while seeking revenge on the Swiss. The greatest cause of the disaster of the Swiss was their arrogance (or temerity), for, scorning their enemies, they were hemmed in and could not get free. It is wise neither to fear nor to despise your enemies overly.

Meanwhile, the King of the Romans sent ambassadors to the dauphin: the Bishop of Augsburg, Johann von Eich, doctor, and several knights. They were to ask him why he had entered the Empire with an army. The ambassadors returned and with them ambassadors sent by the dauphin to the king, five high-ranking men. The Council in Basel sent two cardinals, the Cardinal of Arles and the Cardinal of San Calisto, and several doctors to the dauphin accompanied by citizens from Basel to entreat him not to harm the council or the city. He sent them back to Basel together with his own envoys. They are still negotiating there, for also ambassadors from Pope Felix, the Duke of Savoy and the whole Swiss party came there.

Rumour has it that the dauphin insists on Basel being turned over to him as a possession of the Kingdom of France. If that happens, he promises the city large privileges. However, the dauphin's ambassadors here [in Nürnberg] claim that he has come at the king's invitation to fight the Swiss, that he has already defeated a great force of enemies, and that Zürich has been liberated from the siege by his intervention. The ambassadors request the confirmation of the dauphin's agreement with the Alsatian nobles and demand winter quarters. If such are denied them, they cannot avoid causing damage. They now have Lauffenberg, Seckingen, Waldshut and some other towns, but they claim these are insufficient and want Breisach and Freiburg, too. Finally, they request that Duke Siegmund of Austria be sent to consummate his marriage with the daughter of the King of France, the dauphin's sister. No answer has been given as yet. The cities and the princes are discussing the matter. May God give a happy end to this matter, for the proverb shows how [un-]safe it is to nourish a mouse in a bag of provender. A snake invited a freezing hedgehog into its home, but when the hedgehog had grown warm, it extended its spines and drove out the snake. Let our princes take care to act advisedly lest they afterwards have to say, "We had not thought of that." This, my excellent friend, is what I can tell you now concerning the Armagnac affair. (Letter 156: 2-7).

This letter is an excellent example of Piccolomini's ability to analyse complex events and report on them succinctly but vividly and with colourful detail. It also serves to illustrate how his letters later became source material for his works on contemporary history.

Personal

During 1444, Piccolomini stayed at the imperial court in Austria, busily engaged with his functions in the imperial chancery, except for his travel July-October, in the emperors train, to the Diet of Nürnberg. Altogether 55 letters from that year are extant.

Litterary production

His literary activity during that year was quite intensive.

Towards the end of the year, he wrote his De Curialium Miseriis, 1 describing the difficulties and vagaries of court life. He may actually have been working with this theme for a while since already in a letter of 1 January he wrote to Chancellor Schlick:

Happy are those who live far from the upheavals at courts and are content with their conditions. But driven by ambition and led by blind desire, we seek the halls of kings and wish to be seen by princes. You may have served them a thousand times at the risk of your life, but just one slight misstep will be your downfall, for nothing is more violent than a tyrant's mood. All courtiers are suspicious, jealous and prone to accuse others of true or even false crimes.

All services are forgotten ifjust once -you spit at the wrong time. Some princes destroy a servant the more quickly, the more they owe him. For when they see how much they owe to him, they will rather punish some fault than reward his service. (Letter 111: 6).

He also wrote the erotic novel De Duobus Amantibus, whichin view of his later career -obtained an embarassingly large circulation. In a letter to Kaspar Schlick of c. 3 July, he says about the book:

Mariano Sozzini, my compatriot, a man of gentle disposition and great learning, whose like I will never see, has recently asked me to write a story about two lovers, saying it was not important whether the tale was true or based on poetical imagination. … Why this man of such great capabilities now asks me for this somewhat frivolous service, I do not know. This I know, though, that it would be unjust to deny him anything, for in Siena, I loved him above all, and my love has not lessened though we are separate. He possessed all the other gifts of nature in rich measure, but most of all, he excelled in the virtue of loving back anyone who loved him. So, I decided not to ignore his request and wrote the Story of the Two lovers as it actually happened. The affair took place in Siena while Emperor Sigismund resided there. You were there, too, and -if what I heard is true -you gave yourself to love. Indeed, Siena is the city of Venus. Those who knew you say that you were inflamed with passion and that there was no greater cock than you. They think that you knew all the arts of love. Therefore, I ask you to read this story and see whether what I have written is true. Do not be ashamed to remember if something like this did happen to you, for you were a man! One who has never felt passionate love is a stone or a dumb animal. Indeed, [love's] embers smoulder even in the marrows of the gods. (Letter 138: 2-3)

During his stay in Nürnberg (August to September) for the diet, Piccolomini also wrote wrote the erotic comedy Chrysis about two prostitutes and their clients. In a letter of 1 October to Michael Pfullendorf, a close friend with whom he had had a falling-out, he wrote about this comedy:

But though you always praised me to my face and were most pleasant to me, you pointed your finger at me behind my back and maligned me. This is well-known to our friends from whom I often heard about it. And you cannot deny that you condemned my comedy Chrysis that I wrote in Nürnberg. Though it is significant, I actually do not care that you disapprove of my writings, and I have not desired my muse to be praised by you, for praise from an unqualified person is worthless. But I note your attitude. Moreover, if you found fault with the comedy, you should have admonished me to polish it. But you ridiculed not only the text but also its author and accused me of frivolity because I had written a comedythough the comedy writers Terence and Plautus were held in high regard. (Letter 157: 4).

Though Piccolomini professed to not care about Pfullendorf¨s criticism, it is clear that he was deeply wounded. Significantly, very shortly afterwards, his letters show that he began moving towards a religious and moral conversion (see below), and it is quite possible that the reaction of even close friends at court to his latest erotic writing may have been an eye-opener for him, contributing to thís development. At any rate, the later correspondence shows that he soon forgave Pfullendorf, that they became close friends again, and that he actually valued Pfullendorf's judgement of his literary work (letter 251: 16).

Intermittently he gathered information and wrote up sections of his De Viris Illustribus, which he would never finish, but of which the last draft dates from 1447.

In connection with the court hearing on the Freising affair (see above) he drafted the chancellor's speech, the "Si putarem", a text which unequivocally defended the papal supremacy.

Reflecting on the lack of good fortune experienced by good men and friends (Giovanni Campisio, Prokop von Rabstein), he wrote the Somnium de Fortuna about a visit to Lady Fortune's realm. The main message is that one should not passively suffer Fortune's whims and that she favours the bold.

(Letter 152, dated 26 June). An eminent example of one who had bent Lady Fortune to his will was King Alfonso V of Aragon:

As we spoke, I saw a small man with dark face and glad eyes, seizing Fortune's hair and saying, "Stay still, Lady, and look at me. Why have you fled me for 12 years? Now, I have caught you, and you must heed me, whether you will it or not, for you have opposed me long enough. Now you will show me another face, I think. Either you will favour me, or I shall tear out all your hair! Why do you flee me who am greatminded, and why do you follow men who are weakminded?" "I concede your victory and shall be your enemy no more," Fortune told him.

"Vegio, who is this man doing violence to Fortune?" I asked.

"That is Alfonso," he replied, "King of Aragon. 1 He was captured with his brothers at Ponza and sent to Duke Filippo of Milan. But then he was released, undertook new battles, pursued the hostile Lady and, through resilience and perseverance, managed to gain the favour of Fortune, vanquished by shame." [Letter 152 : 22].

At the end of the Somnium, Piccolomini has this remarkable dialogue with Lady Fortune herself:

The goddess looked at me, frowning, and said, "Who has summoned you here, Enea?" 1 1 Alfonso V the Magnanimous.

"Nobody," I answered, "but I was curious to see you and entered. Do not be angry with me. I have seen your realm and shall leave now. But I only beg you to answer a few questions."

"Yes," she said. "Ask them."

"How long do you favour men?" I said.

"Nobody for a long time," she said.

"What methods should one use to gain your favour?" I continued.

"None," she answered, "Only boldness will do." 1 "Who will keep your favour more than others?" "The one who bears my rule with greater courage."

"Who do you hate most?" "The weakhearted."

"Who may safely scorn you?" "The wise man."

"When will you be kinder to me?" "When I summon you."

"Will you summon me?" "You will know it when it happens."

"Who of all those living today pleases you most?"

"The one who makes me flee, not the one who flees from me."

"That is all. Farewell."

"And farewell to you, too. Do not deny you are one of my flock," Fortune said, "for though I do not grant you mountains of gold, my gift to you is that many love and benefit you." [Letter 152 : 31].

Also should be mentioned his Hymnus de Passione mentioned in a letter to Jan Tuschek of 1 May (letter 138: 2), reflecting his growing interest in religious matters, and his epitaph to Leonhard Laiming, Bishop of Passau and a benefactor of Piccolomi's. (Letter 155:2).

Sexuality

By 1444, the younger Piccolomini's period of rampant sexuality was rapidly coming to a close though no awareness of it transpires in his letters. Instead, one still finds the bawdy jokes that were common between him and his friends. The two examples given below are both connected with prostitutes, who were by then his normal sexual partners rather than the perilously attractive young wives (or maidens) described in the De Duobus Amantibus, presumably reflecting his own early experiences.

In a letter of 27 May 1444, he wrote to his sexual alter ego, Giovanni Peregallo:

Philorcium [a prostitute in Vienna of whom Piccolomini was fond], whose lover you were when you stayed here, has a swollen belly, either due to gas or overeating. Johann, the secretary of Nürnberg, thought the cause was that her stomach was full of wine, so he mounted her, rode her hard, and tried with all his strength to press the wine out of her. But only farts came out! Oh, you should have seen the tears and heard the moans of the unhappy girl after you left. If Johann had not come to her assistance, the poor girl would have died, for women do not bear the passion of love as [well as] men do. But now Johann, too, has left, and I do not know what the poor thing will do. If I knew German, I would go to her, console her and comfort her with soothing words. But the only thing I have in common with German men is the touch which tastes of nothing if not accompanied by words. So, I shall delegate the task to our Michael, who speaks like a Ulysses and acts like an Achilles. (Letter 142: 1).

And in a letter of 28 November to the royal physician no less, Jacopo di Castro Romano, he wrote:

You also wrote about Rotundella [presumably another Viennese prostitute]. I believe that you had an erection because your member was swollen by urine rather than sexual desire, for when you had pissed, your stalk shrunk, and your pen fell silent, as proven by the fewness of your words. But Lady Venus wants that member to be swollen with the most precious of fluids [semen] and not by air or urine. Therefore, you should know that you are not a suitable lover. I say this as a joke! (Letter 164: 3).

The Chrysis (see above) is Piccolomini's last "erotic" work. Already, the next year, his waning sexuality and, indeed, loss of sexual powers combined with his conversion to a moral, religious life opened the way for him to the clerical state and a brilliant career in the Church. Thus Chrysis is, in a sense, the last literary manifestation of a highly eroticised life phase, rapidly reaching its end.

Religious conversion

Despite his apparent licentiousness, Piccolomini was now appoaching a religious conversion, partly inspired in part by growing awareness sinfulness, the onset of old age the inevitability of death. This development is witnessed by two letters he wrote towards the end of the year.

In one, of 3 November to his colleague Johann Gers, he said:

All, I say, who are given to sin, live in misery. This is also the opinion of theologians and philosophers. For in his Paradoxa, Cicero says, "all the vicious are really slaves," and according to the Apostle, "whosoever committeth sin, is the servant of sin." So, who is more wretched than the servant of sin? But the servants of sin die miserably, for they wished always to be mired in sin. When death comes, they do not cut themselves off from sin, but they are cut off from it. So, if we are wise, we should reconcile ourselves with God, our creator, who gave us life. When, at some point, he demands our life back, we should return it gladly. But we are kept back by the blindness of sinfulness that darkens the eyes of our mind. May God have mercy on us, extend his piety to us, and give us to be ready and happy when he calls us, for die we must, willingly or unwillingly. Death will not pass us over as it did not pass over the old kings and emperors nor spared even God, the creator of all, when he became a man. All that is born dies, and all that arises grows old. Each has his day appointed, and irretrievable is the span of life for all. Nobody is born who will not die. So let us prepare for this death: when it comes, it will be less bitter the more we have thought about it beforehand. Death is not an evil, but for those who die well, it is the end of a terrible prison. Thus John heard the voice from Heaven proclaim,"blessed are the dead who die in the Lord". May God, who chooses and refuses those he wills, join us with those [who die in the Lord] when that fateful day arrives. May my heart prepare for that which I am writing about. May the thought of my mind not differ from that sealed by the reed. I confess that I am writing many things about [doing] good that I do not practice myself, but may God, who can clean the unclean, show mercy upon me in everything. (Letter 159: 3).

In the other letter, of 31 Octoberjust weeks after finishing his erotic comedy Chrysis -to Jan Tuschek in Prague, he clearly states his wish for turning away from his previous worldly life and immersing himself the Gospel and Jesus Christ:

I am now an old man, and secular letters neither suit nor please me. I would now immerse myself in the depths of the Gospel and there drink the water that keeps him who drinks it from ever tasting death. This world is nothing, and those who follow it are deceived. Blessed is he who has placed his hope in eternal life and all his joy in Christ. So, dear Jan, I scorn the pleasures of this world and would serve God alone. But since I am a lover of literature, I do not know how I could serve God better than in some literary occupation. And since the Bible is the basis for religious literature, I wish to obtain one. Therefore, I ask you to search for a Bible in all of Bohemia, if necessary, so that I, too, may have one. This is what I wish, desire, and request of you. If you fulfil my wish, it would mean more to me than if you had granted me a kingdom. (Letter 158: 1-2).

Entering the clerical state

Early in the year, Piccolomini had no desire to enter the priesthood but was considering marriage. On 18 February, he wrote to his bosom friend Pietro da Noceto in Rome:

In my recent previous letter, I wrote to you about my sentiments towards you and the wife you were going to marry. I have nothing to add now except asking you to write again and let me know what has happened and if you are still going to become a husband. For if you are, I give you the task of making a husband of me, too, if you find something that fits my views and sentiments. I do not intend to live all my life outside Italy, and until now, I have not let myself be taken in by the priestly order since I am not sure that I could live in a state of permanent continence. For though continence is most praiseworthy, men in our age are more likely to praise it in words than in deeds since it is a state more fitting for philosophers than poets.

(Letter 125: 1; see also letter 119: 5).

In this letter, Piccolomini rejected the path of the priesthood because his sexual needs were incompatible with the celibacy required by this state. It follows that as his sexual powers were waning, the clerical state would become a viable alternative.

Conversion to the papal cause

During 1444, Piccolomini completed the ideological journey that led from conciliarism via neutrality to papalism. Officially, he maintained that he was bound to the German Neutrality adhered to by his master, the emperor. Unofficially, however, he discreetly let his friends in Rome know that he had joined the papal cause and supported it at the imperial court. And, quite duplicitously, he let his friends in Basel believe that he was still a conciliarist. This complex position is reflected in his letters over the year:

In a letter of 16 January to Pietro da Noceto at the papal curia he affirmed his neutrality:

Next [in your letter], you urged me to support your party, if for no other reason, then at least for your sake. This appeal is not just persuasive, it is compelling! But you know that I serve a prince who supports none of the [two] parties 1 but works for [Church] union while keeping a middle course. It is not right for servants to pursue different policies than their masters. The king's plan [for reunion through a third council] seems faultless to me, and I fervently pray that God will favour it. (Letter 119: 7).

However, only a few weeks later, in a letter of mid February to cardinal Capranica, also at the papal curia, he claims that he supports the papal cause at the imperial court:

I ask you to recommend me to Our Most Holy Lord [the pope], to whose cause I contribute as much as my humble status allows. (Letter 24: 2).

A letter of February from Bartolomeo Vitelleschi, collaborator of antipope Felix V, shows that the conciliarist party still considers Piccolomini as one of theirs

Now it remains for you to "apply the spurs" and show yourself as a wholehearted supporter of our cause,2 without fearing anybody. Now that you have influence with the emperor and his people, you may become a strong patron of this cause. So, come into the arena as a strong athlete and fighter and keep me informed on how matters proceed. If we grow in strength, our cause will win over the emperor and his people. (Letter 127: 2) and Piccolomini himsel, subtly but duplicitously, leads his conciliarist friends to believe that he is still with them, as shown in a letter of 18 April to Giovanni Peregallo, also at the court of antipope Felix V:

I hope the affairs of Universal Church will be arranged there [at the Diet of Nürnberg] in such a way that you and all who desire the common good will consider themselves to have gained cause. Please also tell this, in my name, to the Cardinal of San Callisto. (Letter 136: 2).

To Giovanni Carvajal, at the papal curia, he wrote on 20 May, that he was content to "hold the view shared by many". This is quite significant since everybody at the imperial courtincluding, of course, the emperorknew that the overwhelming response from the European kings and princes to the imperial invitation to a meeting on a third council had been that they supported Pope Eugenius in Rome and did not want a third council:

I eagerly heard that you have returned to Germany, for I hope to see you again since I am happy to speak and be with you. We do have a longstanding dispute about the ecclesiastical affairs, but it is not hostile or acrimonious but such as is held by philosophers who do not dispute to impress people but to find the truth. Moreover, I certainly do not want to be a leader in this conflict between theologians. It is enough for me to hold a view that is shared by the many. (Letter 139: 1).

Piccolomini continued the letter with a criticism of the adherents to German neutrality and a biting remark on the Archbishop of Trier, a leader of the German opposition against Pope Eugenius:

Presently, affairs are turbulent: some are happy with the state of neutrality since it provides new hunting [grounds], whereas those who have gained [illegal] possession [of ecclesiastical benefices] reject [church] union because they are unwilling to return them to the rightful possessors. I have seen and heard the serpent 1 This message was sent to Campisio but intended for his master, the influential Cardinal Berardi, and through him the papal curia and the pope himself: the emperor, the chancellor, andimplicitly -Piccolomini himself were now on their side.

Benefices

Voigt and others may have scoffed at royal officials and especially Piccolomini's hunting for benefices (Pfründenjägerei), but the incomes from such benefices were a normal and even essential part of the remuneration of men (ecclesiastic and non-ecclesiastics alike) in the service of kings, princes, popes and prelates. There is, therefore, nothing odious in Piccolomini'srather timeconsuming -search for benefices though, in this regard, he does not appear to have had the success of some of his colleagues, e.g. Ulrich Rieder. Concerning the provostship in Milan, he also wrote, on 20 January, to Niccolò Arcimboldi, a ducal counsellor and an old friend:

Influence network

Piccolomini was still developing and using the influence network, through which he and his friends exchanged services, often in relation to ecclesiastical benefices, but also concerning court appointments and other favours they were able to obtain by virtue of their access to powerful masters.

A letter to Giovanni Peregallo of 1 June, at the court of antipope Felix V, shows how the international fellowship of princely secretaries was busily supporting each other in acquring benefices supplemement their meagre incomes: I acknowledge your request for a letter to be written to Portugal and am now working on that. However, this matter cannot be expedited as quickly as needed and as I should wish, but I do hope to be able to send the letter to you shortly. (Letter 124: 1).

I

Humanism

A number of letters from this period manifest Piccolomini's continuedindeed lifelong -interest and pursuit of humanist themes. It it no wonder that he is sometimes called the apostle of humanism in the North. 1 In a letter to Jan Tuschek of In a letter to Count Johann von Lupfen of 9 April 1444, he wrote about the classical use of the singular form in epistolary adress, on booklovers and libraries, and on love of literature:

In the writings of the ancients, I find three things that men today either disregard or are unable to achieve: the elegance and profundity of exposition, so common in the ancient books, cannot be equalled by men of our time. And [thirdly], in the former age, it was most common to use the singular form in address and to name oneself first at the beginning of the letter. 2 This the moderns could do, but led astray by careless ignorance and the wish to flatter, they bring unclarity to the text when they write, "I ask You

Manuscripts

Manuscripts collated directly for the present edition are marked with the siglum. Manuscripts for which only the collation of Wolkan and van Heck is used are marked with an *. {86v}Aeneas Silvius 6 7 Gaspari Slick, cancellario 8 imperiali 9 salutem plurimam dicit 10 .

Sigla and abbreviations

[1] In litteris aliis, quas cum praesentibus mitto, significavi tibi 11 [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] . Mihi haec mutatio suspecta est vereorque 21 , ne derisui sit principibus, qui dietas Alamannorum infinitas ajunt.

[2] Puto autem regem idcirco terminum hunc 22 amplexum, quia 23

Context:

In the chancellor's continued absence, Piccolomini acted as his informant on affairs at the court. Subject:

Piccolomini informs the chancellor of the presence at court of the count of Görz and his wife. He relates the fall of the chancellor of the king's brother and implicitly warns the chancellor of the dangers of his absence.

Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Kaspar Schlick, imperial chancellor.

[1] In the other letters, which I send together with the present one,1 I informed you that His Royal Majesty2 had chosen the Feast of Saint George 3 for his arrival in Nürnberg. This was a decision in council, but what is decided in council is not one of the Sibyl's leaves 4 or immutable fate. We live from day to day, and what was decided yesterday is changed today. At any rate, this is the resultfor now: the date of Saint George has been changed to the day of the Lord's Ascension, which -if I am not mistaken -falls on 14 May. 5 This has caused considerable disagreement here, for some claim that this year the interval [between Ash Wednesday and the Ascension] is 9 weeks, others that it is 8 weeks, and others again 7. Being in doubt, I stick to the rule used by country people, saying that Ash Wednesday is [the first Wednesday] after [the first] New Moon after the Feast of Purification. 6 7 The rule of the unlearned appears to me to be safer than the rule of the learned. However, I am not sure, but no more of this. At any rate, this change of dates seems dubious to me: I fear that it will be ridiculed by the princes, who say that the German diets are endless. 8 9 [2] I think the king has accepted this date because of the next meeting with the Bohemians on the Birth of Saint John, which is celebrated in June. 10 For this way, the king may be planning to spend one month in Nürnberg to settle the affairs of the empire and the ecclesiastical issues and then proceed to Prague. I do not know whether those who thought this up calculated well. I believe the king will not arrive on the appointed day and that one month is not enough for such matters. And I fear that wanting to settle both affairs in one travel, we shall neglect both. But, hopefully, God makes me a false rather than a true prophet, for if I am a true prophet, the result will not be good. Anyway, from these [proceedings], I perceive that the prolongation 11 you decided there 12 will not happen, for it will be hard to wait such a long time. 13 [3] Exinde intelligo Chiemensem episcopum huc 1 vocari et vos etiam accersiri, et quia episcopus huc quam cito adventurus 2 est, suadeo, ut et tu nihil tardes. Scis 3 , quid expediat propter ecclesiam Frisingensem. Tu potuisti sentire, quis sit animus Chiemensis 4 in hac re. Puto utile fore, ut non 5 tardior 6 sit tuus quam suus accessus. Credo, me plane comprehendis 7 .

[4] Comes Goricie jam triduo hic est ejusque consors. Dispar conjugium. Una ingressi sunt, unas aedes incolunt, una per oppidum pergunt. Si sic se amant, ut foris significant, beata societas est mirandumque spectaculum. Nuper virum uxor captivum habuit in vinculisque 8 conjecit ac horrendi criminis reum dixit. Nunc unus lectus 9 utrumque recipit et una pascit mensa. Mira res, si tantum odium tam cito poni potest. Inter alios si hoc accidisset, nec vir uxori fidem reconciliatae daret nec uxor viro, injuriarum ultionem verita 10 . Sed hic fortasse non ut volumus, sed ut quimus agendum est. Exitus, quae 11 12 sit utriusque mens, patefaciet.

[5] Albertus, regis frater, tardius sperato venit. Is enim 13 nescio quam ob causam Petrum Kottrer 14 , suum cancellarium, apprehendit et conjectum in vinculis compedibus ferreis alligavit. Sic vir infelix multorum laborum fert praemium. Nemo est, qui speret ipsum liberandum, {88r} principes 15 namque hujusmodi fere omnes sunt, ut quos capiunt numquam dimittant 16 . Aut enim reus est, qui captus est, et luere poenam debet, aut innocens et [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] , ut videatur nocens, tenetur, ne principis crimen pateat, ne vel ille dimissus injurias questum eat et ulcisci se studeat.

[6] Beati, qui procul a curiarum tumultibus degunt et contenti sunt, quae adest fortuna. Nos animorum 18 impulsu et caeca cupidine ducti 19 regum atria petimus, principum in oculis versari volumus, quibus si milies cum periculo capitis servieris, modicum [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] vero aberraveris, mox peristi. Nihil enim violentius est aurae tyranni. Suspiciosi omnes sunt tum curiales invidi promptique, nedum si assit, sed si absit quoque, criminari delictum. Pereunt omnia servitia, si semel spueris non recte, et sunt nonnulli, qui tunc citius servum perdunt, cum majora sunt obsequia. Nam cum videant se multa illi debere, punire potius delictum cupiunt, quam obsequium praemiare. [4] The count of Görz 3 arrived three days ago with his wife. 4 Their marriage is quite strange. They arrived together, they live in the same lodgings, they go together through the town. If they love each other as much as they show in public, it is indeed a blessed union and a wonderful sight, given that only a short while ago, the wife took her husband prisoner, threw him in chains, and accused him of a terrible crime. Now they share bed and table. It would be amazing if such great hate could be set aside so quickly. Had it happened to another couple, the husband would not so soon trust his reconciled wife nor the wife her husband since she would fear his revenge. But this may be a case of doing what one can, not what one wants. The outcome will show their true feelings. 5 [5] Albrecht, 6 the king's 7 brother, will arrive later than expected. For a reason that I do not know, he he has arrested Peter Kottrer, 8 his chancellor, and thrown him in chains. 9 10 Thus, the unfortunate man is rewarded for his many labours. Nobody expects him to be set free again, for princes mostly do not release those they put in jail. 11 Either the arrested man is guilty and must suffer his punishment, or he is innocent but is kept in prison to make him appear guilty and cover up the prince's crime lest he, when released, complains of his injuries and seeks revenge.

[6] Happy are those who live far from the upheavals at courts and are content with their conditions. But driven by ambition and led by blind desire, we seek the halls of kings and wish to be seen by princes. You may have served them a thousand times at the risk of your life, but just one slight misstep will be your downfall, for nothing is more violent than a tyrant's mood. All courtiers are suspicious, jealous and prone to accuse others of true or even false crimes. All services are forgotten ifjust once -you spit at the wrong time. Some princes destroy a servant the more quickly, the 1 Bishop Silvester Pflieger. 2 Piccolomini intimates that Bi-shop Pflieger, a trusted and influ-ential member of the court, may not support the Schlick brother's claim to the Church of Freising, and Piccolomini, therefore, urges the chancellor's presence to counteract the bishop's advice to the emperor in this matter. 3 Heinrich VI von Görz (1376-1454): Count of Görz from 1385 to his death. See letters 102: 7 and 109: 9. 4 Katharina Garai (c. 1390-1471): Daughter of the Hungarian Pala-tine Nikolaus Garai. 5 On the conflict between the count and his countess and Pic-colomini's comments, see Nieder-stätter, pp. 202-204. 6 Albrecht VI (Habsburg) (1418-1463): Duke (later Archduke) of Austria. 7 Friedrich III. 8 Peter Kottrer: First chancellor of Albrecht VI. In 1440 he was nominated as Bishop of Zagreb (Agram) by Queen Elizabeth of Hungary but, apparently, he was never formally appointed to this see. 9 In his more they owe him. For when they see how much they owe to him, they will rather punish some fault than reward his service. 10 11 12 .

[7] Many approve of Duke Albrecht's action, and I, too, as a matter of fact. For this prince is so wise and gentle that he would not have laid hands on such a great man without serious cause. It would have been better for Kottrer to take care of his flock. 1 Now, they are looking into how it may may be taken from him. He is said to be in an irregular situation and should be deprived of the see, where I believe Peter would now wish to serve God. But while he could, he did not want to, and now that he wants to, he cannot. Nobody lives content with his lot: the more we have, the more we want. He is happy who puts an end to desire. The man who wants excessive honours and wealth builds a high tower for himself from which his fall will be tremendous and cause him greater ruin than esteem. God give that I shall always stay away from what I do not have now.

Farewell, and though the above may appear to dissuade you from returning, do come back as soon as possible, for our king is not a tyrant. You grew great not under him but under another 2 , and now you seek not to raise but to keep your status. From Sankt Vitus, 1 January 1444.

Letter to Galeazzo d'Arco (1 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

Manuscripts: M1, f. 70v; M2, f. 54r; M3, f. 261v {126v} Aeneas Silvius 5 magnifico Galeazio, comiti de Arco, salutem plurimam dicit. Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Niccolò 1 from Venice, canon of Trient.

[1] I have written a letter to our dean, Francesco Bossio, 2 that I am sending with this one since I hear he has taken fright and left Trient for Padua. For he does not want to live in a city full of disturbances, as is your city now, expecting to be besieged. I quite agree with him, for a man who can live in peace should not get mixed up in a war. War profits no one unless your status is poor.

Francesco is wealthy and content with his fortune. He is surely wise to flee a rumoured conflict that will gain him nothing. He knows that the judgment in war is different from the one that has gained him wealth in the courtroom: in war, a cause is defended with the hands, but in the courtroom, with the tongue.

You know where Francesco is now. Please forward my letters to him. And, in his absence, please also protect my interests lest something happen to the canonry I have there. 3 Act on my behalf, as I hope [you will, out] of decency and friendship. I do not believe that these troubles 4 will last long, for the king intends to help and favour you. 5 Farewell, and consider me your [friend] wherever I may be. From Sankt Veit, 1 January 1444.

1 Niccolò Veneto: canon in Trient (WO, 1: 1, p. 269). 2 Francesco Bossio: Milanese. From 1445 to 1447, canon, dean and vicar general in Trient (WO, 1: 1, p. 269). 3 Piccolomini's canonry at the cathedral of Trient, providing him with an income of 140 ducats a year. 4 The disturbances in Trient. 5 No military aid from Friedrich III would be forthcoming. {88v} Aeneas Silvius domino Gaspari Schlick, cancellario imperiali 5 , salutem plurimam dicit. 6 [1] Pauci admodum sunt dies, quibus per Gasparem sacerdotem, nuntium tuum 7 8 [2] Rex vero habito consilio dixit se jam tibi 12 in hac re scripsisse teque vocasse, et postquam revertereris 13 rem hanc absolvendam 14 . Gratias pro responso electus egit subjunxitque se scire nonnullos venturos esse, etiam viros magnos, qui partem alteram promoverent, ideoque se supplicem petere, ne quid in ejus praejudicium illis responderetur. Ad haec dictum est regiam {89v} majestatem cancellarium expectare nec se velle in ejus absentia aut illo inscio de hac re ad 15 cujusquam instantiam aliquid agere 16 . [cont.]

Context:

The absence of papal letters confirming Henrich Schlick's appointment as bishop of Freising complicated matters for the chancellor, and his continued absence from court worsened them. Subject:

Piccolomini informs the chancellor of his brother's visit to the emperor and the opposition at court against the brother's appointment to Freising. He, once again, urges his speedy return.

Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Lord Kaspar Schlick, imperial chancellor.

[1] Just a few days ago, I sent youthrough your messenger, the priest Kaspara letter commenting fully on as many issues as possible, not neglecting the matter of Freising and other matters worthy of interest. For I would rather bore you by writing too much than displease you by writing too little. But right afterwards, your brother Heinrich, bishop-elect of Freising arrived together with Neitperg. 2 The bishop-elect had come here because you had told him by letter to insist insist on getting possession of the castles 3 about which you had written to the king. But Heinrich did not know what had happened since he had not yet received the letter I wrote to him on this matter. I told him how the whole affair had developed and the answer the king had given me, as I have written to you. When he heard it, Heinrich realised he had come in vain. Then, however, Neitperg joined us as your special friend. They had discussed the matter much while travelling.

Heinrich told him what had been done and asked for his advice. Neitperg said that he would speak with the king and see whether he was minded to change his previous decision. 4 He saw the king yesterday when night had rushed from the sky, 5 and asked him whether he wanted to do something in the matter of Freising, now that the chancellor's brother was there. The king immediately asked for the bishop-elect to be summoned, and when he came in, the king rose from his couch and went some steps towards him. 6 Then the elect said that he had come to thank His Royal Majesty by whose gift he had been promoted and to ask that heas a further favourbe given possession, 7 adding that he had been advised to do so in a letter from you.

[2] Having discussed the matter in council, the king said that he had already written to you and recalled you, as he would decide on the matter after your return. The bishop-elect 8 thanked him for this answer, adding that he knew that others, important men, would arrive to support the opposite party 9 and humbly asking that they should not receive an answer that would be prejudicial to him. To this, it was said that His Royal Majesty was waiting for the chancellor and that he would do nothing at anybody else's request while the chancellor was absent or without his knowledge. [cont.] 1 In the first version of the collection of epistolae saeculares (M1-M3), the has the date 6 January, and in the second (V2-V4) 6 January. 3 I.e., the "regalia" (secular posse-ssions) in Habsburg territories be-longing to the see of Freising. 4 To not grant possession of the regalia before seeing the papal letters of confirmation. 5 Vergilius: Aeneis, 1: 250: Verti-tur interea caelum et ruit Oceano nox. 6 In a show of honour and polite-ness. 7 Of the castles belonging to the See of Freising. 8 Heinrich Schlick. 9 Johann Grünwalder.

[cont.] Dixeruntque consiliarii [cont.] And the councillors said, "Heinrich, though the chancellor has been asked by letter to come, you should yourself write to him, sending the letter with your own messenger, and insist that he comes as soon as possible, for both the matter of the Church of Freising and the king's affairs urgently require his presence, and many things can happen to prevent the first messenger from reaching [the chancellor]." Heinrich assented and told me it would be good if Anderlinus, bearer of the present letter, got ready to leave. I agreed that it was indeed good and most necessary, for I do not know how diligently your colleagues will be in despatching the king's letter. 1 [3] Meanwhile, the bishop of Ösel, a Prussian, 2 whom you know, arrived from the Roman Curia. Heinrich believed he had been charged with bringing the bulls concerning his appointment, 3 as Johann Tolner 4 had written to him. We went to his lodgings and asked him if he had brought the bulls. The bishop told us that it had been arranged he should bring them with him, but since his departure was delayed, the Roman Pontiff 5 decided that his messenger Guido 6 should bring the bulls instead. Since Guido left 15 days before him, he was surprised he had not already delivered them. Then, the bishop gave us some other letters for Heinrich and you, sent from Rome and Bologna. We opened them and saw he had spoken truthfully, as you will see yourself from the letters we are sending with the present one. We think the [missing] bulls were sent to you or Juan Carvajal, 7 foras we heard -Guido had letters for the apostolic envoys. If he does not have them now, it is because they are with merchants 8 in Venice, or that Guido was corrupted and sold the letters to our enemies, or that something terrible happened. 9 So, it is now up to you to investigate the matter carefully, for it is of the utmost importance to secure these letters on which your rights are based. Heinrich thinks that the Austrians cannot be moved give him the castles before the [papal] bulls are produced. Therefore, Your Magnificence must absolutely bring them with you if they have been delivered to you in Nürnberg. Otherwise, we must request new letters from the curia.

[4] Lest you wonder why we are sending our own messenger to you, we shall now explain the reasons. First, the king wanted it, and the counsellors urged it. Second, we see that the king must have you back since he is involved in many difficult affairs. He would take it badly if you were missing when he had need of you. Those who want their prince's favour must serve in adversity, for in prosperity he has more servants than needed. Third, we see an imminent danger in the matter of the Church of Freising unless you return quickly. If you come, we trust that all can be managed well, for the king is well-disposed towards you, Neitperg will support you, and the Hofmeister 10 has written in your favour, and, finallyas often saidthose who are present receive whereas those who are absent lose.

[5] Ulterius scimus dominum Treverensem 4 and favours the Bavarians, and he will not advise to give you possession. 5 He will say that it is perilous and will do secretly what he can not do openly, unless, possibly, you persuaded him [to support your cause] while in Nürnberg. Another one, also known to you and also a secret supporter of his elected candidate 6 , is absent now but will soon return since he and his colleagues were denied access to the province [of Tyrol]. For all these reasons, we decided to send this letter by [our own] messenger so that, in case they neglect to send the other letter, 7 at least this one will reach you and induce you to return, for there is no time to lose.

[6] Meanwhile, something else occurred that you should be informed about. Heinrich spoke with one of the king's counsellors. He appeared to be well disposed towards you, but from what he said, we understood that he had been a major impediment to obtaining possession. For he said that he would in no way advise the king to grant possession since that would be to show partiality. 8 Instead, Instead, he would propose that all the incomes of that Church be kept [by the king], and then Heinrich should secretly be given support until the case had been settled in a suit of law. You see how pernicious this advice is, as if it were more honourable for a secular prince to retain church possessions without having any right to them than to give them to him who had the right. But this "perspicacious" counsellor does not see the shame and infamy that would accrue to the king as a result of such an action and that it would make him hateful to the Bavarians as if he were their enemy, and how much trouble it would cause for him. For if the king held the castles [of the Church of Freising], he would be harassed by the council, 9 the [rival] elect, 10 and the princes, 11 demanding the restitution of the properties. In the meantime, the properties of the Church [of Freising] would be squandered.

1 Jakob von Sierck (c. 1398-1456): Archbishop of Trier and German prince-elector from 1339 to his death. He had previously suppor-ted Eugenius but had become a supporter of the council and anti-pope Felix, thus opposing the policies of Kaspar Schlick. See letter 102: 6. 2 Intrigues in the matter of German ecclesiastical policies. 3 Bishop Silvester Pflieger. 4 In 1438, the German princes had made a declaration of neutrality between the Council of Basel and Pope Eugenius IV, to which the emperors Albrecht II and Fried-rich III adhered. 5 See letter 111: 6. 6 Johann Grünwalder. 7 The letter from the king. 8 As the king still officially sup-ported the German Neutrality be-tween Pope Eugenius and the council in Basel with its antipope Felix V, the king would, by gran-ting possession to a candidate ap-pointed by Eugenius, show that he favoured that pope's party, thus overstepping the boundaries im-posed by the policy of Neutrality. 9 The council in Basel. 10 Johann Grünwalder. 11 The Bavarian princes.

[7] Sed addidit homo consilium magis insulsum. Ait enim, si castra in manu sint regis, pro quacumque parte declaratio fiat, impetraturum regem, ut [7] But the counsellor added something even more stupid. He said that if the castles were in the king's hands, then whatever party 1 received the [German] declaration [of obedience], the king would ensure that the Church of Freising would be granted to Heinrich. I do not know what can be more stupid than this since it manifestly has the opposite effect. For when declarations of obedience are made, those who are in possession [of church properties] are favoured. [In the present case,] our adversary already has possession of the church [of Freising] and the diocese, 2 while Heinrich has nothing. Since the justice system always favours those in possession, who will doubt that our adversary has the best position [8] The counsellor, moreover, wanted to make a comparison between the case of this church and the church of Passau, on which Albrecht 3 spent a large sum and still, in the end, had to give in. But the man, who in my opinion is not stupid and in his own opinion rather clever, overlooked the fact that in that case, Albrecht favoured a candidate without any rights whatsoever and opposed the pope. In the present case, however, the king 4 both supports the man who has the rights and is in agreement with the pope.

[8] Apart from this, I understand that some people favour an amicable settlement so that Henrich would yield to the opposite party but receive some incomes and the expectation of another see. For you, this would be tantamount to losing fame and reputation. For if a grateful Eugenius distinguished your house with this appointment 5 and, against the usual practice, sent the bulls [of appointment] at no cost, what then would he say if you scorn his favour and reconcile yourself with his hardest enemy? 6 The infamy you would incur would be greater than the honour you gained from from this appointment. I shall not go into this matter more deeply since you know it better than I, but we shall discuss it more fully when you are here.

[9] Heinrich sends you a letter appointing you procurator in the matter of the resignation from his Regensburg prebend. 7 He asks that you, on your way back here, visit the [cathedral] chapter there and request that they elect your other brother 8 as a canon and free Heinrich from the payment of the the statutory fees, so that money is only paid in the name of Franz. Heinrich believes you will obtain this easily since you are liked and honoured by these people. Concerning the road you should take to meet the king, we cannot write anything certain [for the moment], so it appears more expedient for you to go first to Vienna and then to the king. 1 Eugenius or the council. 2 I.e., the parts situated in Bava-rian territory, while Friedrich held the parts (castles) situated in Habsburg territories. 3 Presumably, Emperor Albrecht II. 4 Friedrich III. 5 To the See of Freising. 6 The rival candidate belonged to the hardcore conciliar opposition against Pope Eugenius. 7 Prebend: a stipend allotted from the revenues of a cathedral or a collegiate church to a canon or member of the chapter. Heinrich Schlick had this prebend as a canon at the cathedral of Regens-burg. 8 Franz Schlick. To Heinrich Schlick, Bishop-elect of Freising. Most Reverend Father in Christ and My Distinguished Lord.

[1] Yesterday, I happened to be at court when Johann Neitperg brought a letter from Duke Albrecht of Bavaria,1 sent to himself and Walther Zebinger, and gave it to our Wolfgang2 to read. 3 The letter letter said that Johann, Cardinal of San Martino4 , had been elected bishop of Freising and duly confirmed. Only the king 5 and Kaspar Schlick were now in the way of his gaining possession. 6 This This seemed unjust and discourteous to him since Johann had the rights whereas Kaspar could show no title at all. Therefore, he urgently requested that Neitperg and Zebinger support the cardinal and free the king of this infamy since the whole world knew he was harming and harassing Johann. The cardinal had now decided to visit the king, but since Neitperg and Zebinger were the drivers of the royal chariot, they should put the wheels into motion and prevent that the cardinal would have to come and complain of his injuries. Partly, I heard this myself 7 for I always prick up my ears when when I hear mention of the Church of Freisingand partly, it was explained to me by Wolfgang. The two men8 made no comments, but I took it as a positive sign that they had made one of ours 9 read the letter, for if they had nefarious intentions, they would not have let us know about the letter. Those who want to do harm avoid those who may oppose them. Why this letter was written, and by whose persuasion, you can estimate more easily than I since your judgment is better than mine for such guesswork. But I think it likely that the letter was written after a suggestion had been sent by someone at this court, for it would have been necessary to first know whom the king heard and who were the supporters of your cause.

[2] Ac mira res, ut eadem dies res contrarias tulerit et nunc maestitiam, nunc laetitiam dederit. Verum est, quod dici solet, multa dies variusque [2] But amazingly, the same day brought opposite things and gave both frustration 1 and joy. It is true what they say that many an ill has been repaired by time and the shifting toil of changing circumstances. 2 Nobody should praise or curse a day before evening comes. What I have just written happened in the morning, but in the evening, the apostolic messenger 3 came to me asking for you and saying that he was bringing your letter of appointment. 4 We all received him with joy and had him with us for supper. Since he did not find you here, he intended to go to Vienna and bring you the letters there, but I made him change his mind and kept the letters of provisionthere are nine -with me. Two are closed letters, and those I send to you with all the other letters addressed to you and the chancellor. It did not seem safe to me to expose the principal letters to a serious risk. You know about the intrigues here, and already many at court know about the messenger's arrival. 5 It is enough for you that the letters remain here in the chancery where they would have to come anyway when possession is sought. The letters are complete and grant you provision by reservation 6 , and they are all issued in Siena on the date you know. Farewell, best of men. From Sankt Veit, 12 January 1444. 1 The duke's letter. 2 Vergilius: Aeneis, 11: 425-426: multa dies variique … 3 Guido. 4 "provisio" 5 Piccolomini intimates that the chancellor's enemies at court might get hold of the letters if they were sent by messenger to Vienna. 6 A technicality of papal ap-pointments to ecclesiastical bene-fices. 7 I.e., that the letters had been issued and were on their way from Rome.

Letter to Kaspar Schlick (12 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

Manuscripts: M1, f. 81v **; M2, f. 41r. Enea to the Lord Chancellor.

[1] The apostolic letters have finally arrived, brought by Guido1 as previously written from the curia. I keep them here with me. They are nine in number and in a complete and sufficient form. You should return as soon as possible, for I hope you may now gain possession [of the see] as desired.

[2] The messenger who brought the letters reports that Taddeo,2 Marquess of Este, with 1.000 cavalry, has been caught by Niccolò Piccinino 3 and sent to the king of Aragon. 4 That king has written to Venice requesting either peace or a truce, for he has armed 42 ships of war against the Saracens attacking Rhodes. Nothing is yet known about the [Venetian] answer. The Tyroleans5 have ambassadors in Venice asking for help, 6 and it is feared they will get it. Indeed, the Venetians would happily fish in those mountains to prevent the emperor from hunting in their sea!7 I shall also also forward to you a letter from Venice from which you will see that you may only dream of the money [they owe you] unless you pursue another road. 8 [3] The count of Görz 9 has left, having been denied feudal arrangements, for the dukes of Austria claim the privilege that no prince may be invested with his the standard in their territories. His wife 10 is still here. The previous agreements 11 made by the count of Cilly 12 remain in force. The count gets all, and the wife just one castle and 100 pounds, and moreover 300 pounds a year from the husband's treasury. But she is not obliged to sleep with him. The husband is disgruntled, and the wife is dissatisfied with her meagre allowance. 13 The count of Cilly and Duke Albrecht 14 have been received into the king's council, and some days ago, they made their oaths. Thus, something has, after all, been achieved. The rest you will learn from Lord Heinrich's letter. I fervently hope you will bring Titus Livius1 with you on your travel so that he may at some time be my companion at court. Farewell, and kindly accept me as your servant. Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Giovanni Campisio,1 eminent philosopher.

Letter to

[1] The letters sent to me by other people I only read once, and only cursorily. When I receive yours, I seem never to get enough of them. I return to them and the individual passages again and again and barely suffer the letters to leave my hands. This is because of their elegant style and rarity, but also because when I read them, it is as if I am speaking directly with you, the person dearest to me of all. Now that I have received your letter from Guido, I cannot express how great a pleasure it gave me as a whole, but as I shall comment on each part of the letter, you will better understand how much joy you have given me.

[2] I pass over the Lombard matter, for I know perfectly that you do everything prudently, and my remark on how little you achieved there was a joke, not a criticism. 2 I entirely agree with what you write about the Politica, 3 and you should not wonder that I wanted you to buy the book with open eyes. 4 Indeed, when we show the way to save money, we are not distrusting but assisting a friend. When you remark that I "am a little more attached to money" than I ought to be, you are doing that as a friend, warning me against greed, and in this, you are showing yourself as a philosopher determined to cleanse vice. 5 But you know that when we grow old, we all become far too worried about money, 6 though it is strangeas Cicero complainsto increase your luggage as you near your journey's end. 7 I believe this happens because we have all suffered misfortunes in our youth and are fearing they will return.

[ [3] The hot-blooded mind of a youth is boiling, enraged and maddened. He is thoughtless and careless with money, believing that he will earn it easily. Now he considers the military profession, now the commercial, and now the royal courts. 1 He believes that he is loved and will be helped by all if needed. The aging spirit, however, knows how rare friendships are, how illusory loves, how difficult gains. It knows that those worldly goods without which, according to Aristotle, 2 a man cannot be entirely happy, are in the hands of fortune, and once lost, they cannot be regained in this life. I, my dear Giovanni, have experienced much and despised money as dung. Now, when I want it, it is never there. I see the truth of Juvenal's 3 words, It is not easy to climb the ladder when cramped personal resources block your talents. 4 If, like Vergil, I had a slave boy and decent lodgings, 5 then I, too, could sing inside the Pierian cavern, but sober poverty cannot. I shall have to to ensure a living and not lack the money, which the body needs, night and day. 6 So, forgive me that that when I am a buyer, I want to pay as little as possible, for the seller wants to get as much as possible. However, do as you wish; I shall not blame youeven if I sometimes challenge you. So, please ensure that Aristotle 7 comes to me whatever the cost, and do not regret that this philosopher 8 philosopher 8 is for sale. For we read that Plato, 9 too, was sold! 10 But the sale I seek would have pleased Cicero 11 and Virgil 12 for those who write books want nothing more than that, after they are dead, their books sell as often as possible. In another letter, 13 you said you had already found the philosopher, 14 and now you say you are still to find him. But maybe the first one remained in Siena, and now you are searching for another.

[4] You write that you had pleasant words from the Supreme Pontiff 15 and therefore hope for a better fortune. This made me very happy, for I know that you are worthy of every honour and favour. 16 But, as you know, wealth mostly comes to and is possessed by men whoas philosophers claim -are unworthy of it. Therefore, I must have less hope for you! [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] But the Supreme Pontiff may overcome destiny and especially if, as you write, you have help from yours and my common Most Reverend Lord. 18 I say "my" because he and I have an old acquaintance 19 and once I thought that he liked me. I think he still does unless his disposition towards me has changed or later events [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] have alienated me from him. I trust you get my meaning. But I am still devoted to him, and both admire 1 As career opportunities. 2 Aristoteles (384-322 BCE): Greek philosopher. Founder of the Peripatetic school of philosophy. 3 Juvenalis, Decimus Junius (fl. late first and early second CE): Roman satirist. One of Piccolo-mini's favourite classical authors. 4 Juvenalis, 3: 164. 5 Juvenalis, 7: 69-70: nam si Ver-gilio puer et tolerabile deesset hospitium … 6 Juvenalis, 7: 59-62: neque enim cantare sub antro Pierio … potest contingere maesta paupertas at-que aeris inops, quo nocte dieque corpus eget. 7 I.e., the book of Aristotle. 8 I.e., the book of Aristotle. 9 Platon (c. 428 -c. 348 BCE): Greek philosopher. 10 Late in life, Plato became en-tangled with the politics of the city of Syracuse. He almost faced death but was sold into slavery. 11 Cicero, Marcus Tullius (106-43 BCE): Roman statesman, orator, and writer. 12 Vergilius Maro, Publius (70-19 BCE): Roman poet. 13 See letters 84: 2, and letter 94. 14 I.e., the book of Aristotle. 15 Pope Eugenius IV. 16 "bonum". [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] "… since you are certainly not unworthy of it". 18 Cardinal Berardi di Tagliacozzo (1380-1449): Archbishop of Ta-ranto, 1421 . Cardinal, 1439. 19 From the early days of the council of Basel. [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] The events leading to the schism between Pope Eugenius IV and the council in Basel, with Picco-lomini on the side of the council, and the cardinal on the side of the pope.

and respect his strength of virtue, and the only thing I wish from him is that he seeks what is good for you; indeed, he can change your position with just one word. 1 He is a philosopher, 2 and if he does not love another philosopher, 3 he ceases to be one himself and shall no longer have my esteem. esteem.

[5] De Noxetano satisfecisti desiderio meo. Non solum enim, quid officiorum gereret, mihi exposuisti, sed ipsum quoque ad me 4 scribere compulisti 5 . Ago tibi propterea ingentes gratias. Video tamen non concordare, quae scribis, his, quae ab ipso accepi. 7 conterraneum meum, a teneris annis 8 novi. Puto tamen te illa, praesente ipso, scripsisse, qui tam efficax fuisti. Sed quid dixi "puto", certa res est! Nam tu ipse in duobus corporibus unam esse animam dixti 9 . Quod 10 igitur scribis, nedum illo praesente scribis, sed ipse scribit. Non dicam ergo, 11 sibi ut aliud 12 significes, nam quod de te dico, de ipso dico, si tu me habes, et 13 ipse habet Aristophanes 14 tuus. Vegium mihi salutes dicere voluptati est, nam et illius memor sum, sed optassem, quae fortuna sit ejus, sicut de Petro scire. Timeo namque sibi, nam omnes poetae jacent surguntque juristae 15 , quorum inscitia 16 17 summa putatur scientia. Poeta vero esurit 18 , intactam 19 Paridi ni 20 vendat 21 Agaven. 1 Arbitror tamen, quia pius est vir 2 , Deum illum respicere et aliquid jam tribuisse, quo sit sibi tuta senectus a tegete et baculo.

1 I.e., by recommending him for a bishopric or a "fat" benefice. 2 The cardinal studied philosophy and logic at the University of Bologna from 1411 to 1413. 3 Giovanni Campisio. [6] Greet Jacopo Calvi 3 from me. I wish the best for him, for he was once a friend of mine and still is, unless friendship can be broken. You wrote much about our Conte 4 from Siena, the venerable apostolic chamberlain, which you had already told me in Vienna, 5 and which I knew to be true since I know this man, my noble compatriot, from my tender years. I think you wrote this while he was present, being most expressive. 6 Well, I do not just think it; I am certain of it! For you said that there is one soul in two bodies. 7 When you write this with him being present, it is really he that writes it. I would not say that you shall tell him differently, for what I say about you, I say about him if you get my meaning and your Aristophanes'! 8 And please also greet Vegio 9 from me: I remember him [fondly] and should wish to know about his circumstancesas with Pietro. For nowadays, all poets are neglected, whereas jurists 10 are on the rise. Indeed, their ignorance is considered the supreme knowledge. But the poet will starve if he does not sell his virgin Agave to Paris. 11 But I believe him to be a pious man, and therefore God looks after him and has already granted him what will keep his old days from the beggar's staff and mat. 12 13 1 Terentius: Phormio, 68. 2 Piccolomini would clearly have loved to be there with them. 3 Unidentified. 4 Conte Cacciaconti (d. 1450?): Sienese noble and canon. Later abbot of San Galgano. In his letter of 13 November 1443 (letter 94), Campisio had written about him: Nature never made a better or more pleasant man than him. I think that my soul has jumped into his breast and thatas the poet Aristophanes saysone common soul has been made for our two bodies. He sends youallow me to speak like thisas many gree-tings as a bird has feathers (letter 94: 5). 5 Campisio, with his then employ-er, Cardinal Cesarini visited the imperial court in Summer 1443, see letter 54. 6 "efficax". Apparently, Piccolo-mini considers that this expression of friendship (one soul …) is so strong that it must have been a compliment to their friend who was present at the time of writing. 7 Aristoteles: Ethika Eudemia, 7: 6. 8 The mss. have Aristophanes, which must be a lapsus for Ari-stotle on the part of Campisio (see letter 94: 5) or the person who wrote ms. M1 from which it pas-sed into the later versions. 9 Maffeo Vegio (1407-1458): Itali-an poet and official at the papal court. 10 The early version of the letter (M1-M3, V2a) has "theologians". 11 Juvenalis, 7: 87. 12 Juvenalis, 9: 139. 13 Here, Piccolomini probably refers to Vegio's employment at the papal curia.

[7] Nihil modo {97r} plus esset scribendum, nisi, quod te scire volo Sant'Angelo 1 has, together with the King of Poland 2 and the Despot 3 , entered Bulgaria. There, they they were met by a Turkish 4 pasha 5 with 20,000 cavalry. The pasha sent light-armed infantry ahead ahead to attack the Christian army. Then János, 6 governor of Transylvania, whose title in Hungarian Hungarian is "Voivode" (from Slavonic), assembled an army of 10,000 cavalry and crossed the river Morava. Leaving the baggage train behind, he marched towards the pasha to do battle. However, the pasha was seized with fear and withdrew his forces. Then János went to the city of Nish, surrounded it with soldiers and easily conquered it. Then the pasha reportedly returned with his army and requested a battle, which János accepted. He advanced, and when he reached [the Turkish army], he put his people in battle order and began the fight. Amazingly, 2,000 Turks are said to have been killed and 4,000 taken prisoner, whereas only 10 Christian soldiers fell. 7 Since they were fighting for Christ, we must believe they have been rewarded in Heaven. 8 Nine military standards were taken, together with much booty and rich spoils. The rest of the Turkish soldiers saved themselves from death by fleeing but are said to have been killed by the locals. According to letters to our king from the cardinal 9 and the king, this happened on 3 November. 10 People are saying this is a great beginning and gives hope of expelling the Turks from Europe. May God grant this for the sake both of the propagation of the Christian religion and the reputation and glory of the cardinal. For him I consider to be worthy of every honour since he has exposed himself to such great dangers in the defence of the Catholic Faith.

Farewell and greet the friends I have there. From Sankt Veit in Kärnten, 15 January 1444.

1 Cardinal Giuliano Cesarini.

2 King Wladyslaw III. 6 János Hunyadi. 7 The Battle of Nish in Serbia, 3 November 1443. 8 "bene obvenisse". 9 For the text of the cardinal's let-ter, see WO, 2: 1, pp. 281-283. 10 The Crusader army consisted of 25,000 or more troops and 600 war wagons (impedimenta). Hunyadi marched against Kasim Pasha with 12,000 cavalry, while Wladysław and Brankovic were left in camp with the rest of the soldiers and the war wagons. The battle for Nish was not one but five different battles. The first enga-gement was a battle against a small garrison in Nish, leading to the conquest of the town. This was followed by three battles against three different Ottoman armies advancing on Nish. Finally, there was one against the remnants of the three Ottoman armies. The last battle took place on the plain at Nish on 3 November 1443. The Ottoman forces were led by Kasim Pasha and two other pashas (Jef-ferson, 207-209, 325-326).

Letter to Goro Lolli (15 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

Manuscripts: M2, ff. 42v-43r 1 ; M3, ff. 243r-243v 13 ad se ducas sibique eum commendes. Nam et ipse mihi et tu in hoc rem gratissimam facietis. Is enim, qui nuntium hunc mittit, medicus est ducis 14 Saxoniae, homo tum dives, tum potens.

[2] Post haec opus esset 15 me nonnihil scribere patri ceterisque consanguineis, sed tempus non patitur, et occupationes impediunt. Tu tamen mea eris epistola 16 dicesque omnibus mihi bene esse et sospitem me ducere vitam. Rogabis etiam patrem meum, ut filiolum [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] Florentiae natum, de quo mihi scripsit, tollat alatque, nam multa concurrunt, ex quo Johannis nostri filium verum 18 puto. Sic jam 19 1 patri scripsi. Nescio, litteras an meas susceperit. Ideo haec tibi scripsisse volui, ut meum animum sentiat ille per te.

Letter to Goro Lolli (15 January 1444, Sankt Veit). 1

Context:

An important official at the Saxon court was interested in the magical arts and had sent somebody to inquire about a Venusberg in Italy where such arts were reportedly being practised. Subject:

Piccolomini directs the messenger to Siena, where relevant information may be obtained. He also alludes to the pope's rejection of the imperial proposition for a third council to settle the affairs of the Church. Finally, he asks Lolli to urge his (Piccolomini's) father to take in and raise his illegitimate son.

Enea Silvio, imperial secretary, sends many greetings to Gregorio, 2 jurist and brother.

[1] A short while ago, the bearer of this letter came to me to ask if I knew of a Mons Veneris in Italy, saying that magic was practised there, in which his master, an eminent Saxon astronomer 3 , is passionately interested. I said that I know of a Portus Veneris 4 (some say Venerii), near Luna in the Ligurian mountains, where I spent three nights on my travel to Basel. 5 I have also come across a mountain called Herix 6 in Sicily, which is dedicated to Venus. But I have heard nothing about magic in any of these places. While we were talking, I happened to think of a place in Umbria (the province called the Duchy 7 ), not far from the city of Norcia, 8 where there is a towering mountain 9 with an enormous cave, through which water flows. I remembered hearing that there are witches, demons and nightly ghosts there, and that audacious persons listen to evil spirits, speak with them, and learn the magical arts. I have not seen this myself nor cared to see it, for it is better to not know what is sinful to learn. But Savino, 10 a specialist in civil law, who has a house among the guest houses 11 at Porta Camollia, 12 once assured me that this was true and described both the lake and the place to me. But all this had slipped my memory, which, indeed, is more slippery than eels. Therefore, if Savino is still alive, I ask you to bring this man to him with your recommendation, for thus you and he will do me a great favour. The man who sends him as his messenger is the physician 13 of the Duke of Saxony 14 and a wealthy and influential man.

[2] After this, I should now write to my father and relatives, but time does not allow it, and my occupations prevent me. So, you must be my letter and tell them I am well and safe and sound. Please ask my father to take in my little son, born in Florence, about whom I have written to him, and raise him, for many things make me believe that he is the true son of our Giovanni. 15 This I 1 For comments on this letter, see Sanvico. 2 Goro Lolli [Gregorio Loli] (1415 -1478): Piccolomini's cousin, son of his father's step-sister, Bartolo-mea de' Tolomei, and her hus-band, Niccolò Lolli. Close re-lative and friend of Piccolomini. See Pellegrini. 3 Astrologer? 4 Portovenere. 5 See letter 4: 1. 6 Eryx, see Strabo, 6: 2, 6. 7 Presumably, the (former) Duchy of Spoleto. 8 Birth city of Saint Benedict. 9 Vergilius: Aeneis, 1: 105. 10 Not identified. 11 ME: Gasthöfen; BA: public inns. 12 One of the northern gates to Siena. 13 Not identified. 14 Presumably, Friedrich II (1412-1464): Elector of Saxony from 1428 to his death. 15 The earlier versions of the text had "my own" instead of "the true son of our Giovanni [Peregallo]" (see critical apparatus). Later, the text was changed since it would not be convenient for Piccolomini, as a high-ranking prelate with have already written to father. I do not know if he has received my letter, so I have written to you to let him know my feelings through you.

ho-pes of the cardinalate, to publicly admit he had an illegitimate son. See letter 77, whichstrangelywas not suppressed from the later versions of the correspondence.

[3] Novitates, quas mihi scripsisti, intellexi ad summum. Quod dicis papam fuisse Senis, dum scriptum est Caesari in rebus ecclesiae, scio, quid significet. Sed id non satisfacit, quia nihil gerendum est, quod postea sit excusandum. Me puto plane habes. Genitrici tuae et patri scis, quid velim meo nomine dici. Tibi arbitrium do, idque de omnibus maternus amor et sororia dilectio, quid petat 1 , uti {98v} ego nosti, finge te esse me, et quid tunc velles, id facito.

Vale optime. Ex sancto Vito in Carinthia, die 15. Januarii 1444. 2

1 petit M2 2 Ex Sancto … 1444 : etc. M2

[3] I understand perfectly the news you have written to me. I know the significance of what you tell me about the pope being in Siena1 when he wrote to the emperor concerning the affairs of the Church. 2 But that is not satisfactory, for nothing should be done that must afterwards be excused. 3 I believe you understand me.

You know what I want you to say for me to your mother and father. 4 I give you complete freedom to act on my behalf concerning all that a mother's and sisters' 5 love requiresas I well know: imagine to be me and do as you think fit. [2] Quod vero patrem tibi esse atque sobolem dicis, credo, ut scribis, et pietatis est his subvenire. Qui hoc non facit, is jam nec pius est nec bonus nec homo, sed immanis belua. Quid {100r} enim immanius dici potest quam illi opem negare, a quo susceperis vitam? O, mi 13 Petre, nimis est arctum 14 patri, quo sumus obnoxii, vinculum 15 , quamvis aliquorum vesania eo procedat, ut non solum negare parentibus victum audeant, sed eos etiam vinciant, caedant atque trucident. Sed haec praetereo.

[3] Illud autem mihi risum excussit, quod de Philorcio scripsisti, sive hanc volumus Antiphilam dicere. Visus sum cum Terentio loqui, dum tuas perlegi litteras. Nunc mihi Pamphilus, nunc Eschinus, nunc Clinia videbaris. Enea Silvio sends many greetings to the distinguished and honourable Pietro da Noceto, 2 his brother.

[1] I owe great thanks to our Campisio for compelling you to write to me, but you owe him even greater thanks for making you become yourself again. For though you used to be the kindest of men, you have not been yourself for a long time since you did not write to me. Indeed, I know not what could more cruel! But Campisiomay he live long and happilymade you recover your kindness and thus gave me new life. For in the absence of your letters, I was lifeless and close to death, but I have now revived thanks to your letters 3 , although you do write some disagreeable things. For that which troubles you upsets me, too. But concerning you, I trust others more than yourself, for being a prudent man you only speak sparingly of yourself and belittle your own affairs instead of bragging of them like Thraso the soldier. 4 You claim to be poor, but Campisio says you are wealthy and Castellano 5 agrees. There may be two reasons for this: the first is that you want too much, and the second that you do not wish to appear as angling for glory when you write about your wealth. I cherish you whether you are rich or poor, for I never loved your fortunes but yourself, and I knew your excellent qualities. If you are rich, you are still the same Pietro, and your qualities are the same. They do not change if you are poor, for misfortune does not take spoils from virtue.

[2] I believe, though, what you write about your father and your offspring. It is certainly a virtue to assist them. The man who does not do that is neither pious nor good, nay, he is not a man but a cruel beast. For what can be more cruel than refusing to aid the man who gave you life? Oh, my Pietro, nothing is closer than the to bond with our father, to whom we are indebtedeven if there are men who push madness so far that they deny parents their livelihood, or even defeat, smite or kill them. But no more of this.

[3] I had to smile at what you wrote about Philorcium 6 (unless we want to call her Antiphila 7 ). When I read your letter, I felt as if I were speaking with Terence, 8 and you appeared to me now as Pamphilus1 , now as Aeschinus 2 and now as Clinia. 3 [4] Sed accidit tibi credo non sinistre, quando bene moratam 4 virginem sortitus es, quae tuis convenit moribus, quae non ad suam sed ad tuam sit victura consuetudinem. Nec tu mihi de paupertate dixeris, uxorem namque ducturus non aurum, sed feminam sibi maritat. Uxorem castam, formosam et fecundam volo. Haec si assint, nihil plus exigo. Sunt, mihi crede, mi Petre, multa cum divitiis vitia, aliae temulentae 5 sunt, aliae superbae, contumaces 6 , adulterae, maliloquae, numquam viris pacem dant, aliae deformes, aegrotae, steriles. Haec tua non habet mala. Quid minimum 7 quaeris, ubi sunt maxima? Tute illam probas et solam accusas inopiam. Superis sit laus, quod tibi satis est, quodque officiis lucrosis praees. Marchio Salutiarum, ut nobilium et potentum fastidia fugeret, porcariam puellam, quam in nemoribus venationi dans operam reperit, matrimonio sibi {100v} conjunxit, cujus vita omnes illustres feminas inferiores se esse 8 monstravit. Quid tu dicas aut agas, quando principes non verentur pauperis domus amplecti connubia 9 ? Ego tibi, mi Petre, si sic est, ut dicis, si tibi morigera est puella et tuo gustui conveniens, non suadeo, ut nuptias protrahas. Tibi melius quam aliis evenit, qui periculum 10 fecisti, antequam nuberes. Alii saepe decepti sunt, uxores ducunt antequam probent et, esto 11 , viderint et faciem laudent. Multi sunt occulti defectus, qui post primos hymeneos 12 in lucem venientes perpetuis cruciatibus viros affligunt.

[5] Ego de 13 Peregallo nostro facio 14 conjecturam, qui plures se vidisse amasseque feminas ait 15 , quarum exinde potitus 16 taedium magnum suscepit [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] , nec si maritandus sit 18 , uxori se jungendum affirmat 19 , cujus consuetudinem nesciat [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] . Loquor tecum aperte, scio quoque animi tui partem, qui mihi saepe dixti eam velle conjugem ducere, quae se tibi debere plurima fateretur. Ecce jam habes, tota quod mente petisti. Vide, ut tibi sis conformis.

[6] Ego, si quando dulces revisam lares et amoenam Italiam repetam (quod mihi dubio est), nihil me fecisse putabo, nisi et te conveniam 21 et uxorem et liberos et pueros et domum et equos tuamque omnem suppelectilem videam panisque tui aliquid 22 edam. Nec te terreat 23 meus honorificus 1 Pamphilus: Young man in Teren-ce's Hecyra. 2 Aischinus: young man in Teren-ce's Adelphoe. 3 Clinia: a young man in love with Antiphila. 4 [4] But something delightful has happened to you since you have gained a well-mannered girl who fits your way of life and will live with you according to your habits and not hers. Do not speak to me of poverty, for when you marry, you do not espouse the money but the woman. I wish for a chaste, beautiful and fertile wife and demand no more than that. Believe me, my Pietro, women from wealthy families have many faults: some are bibulous, others arrogant, obstinate, adulterous and gossipmongers, who never leave their husbands in peace. Others are ugly, sickly or sterile. Your girl is none of these. So, why search for little if you already have much? You know her, and her only disadvantage is poverty. Praise be to the heavenly beings that you already possess enough and have lucrative offices. Indifferent to the scornful contempt of the nobles and powerful, the marquess of Saluzzo1 married a girl who was guarding pigs when he met her in the wood while he was on a hunt. Her life was such that she proved to surpass all the illustrious ladies. So, what should you say or do when princes are not afraid of marrying girls from poor families? My Pietro, if, as you say, this girl is compliant and fits your tastes, I advise you to not put off the marriage. You will fare better than others since you have had the experience [of living with her] before marriage.

Others have often been disappointed when they married before knowing the girl or had just seen her and admired her looks. Many faults are hidden and only come to light after the wedding to torment the husbands forever.

[5] Here I may refer to our Peregallo. 2 He says he has known and loved many women, whom he later loathed, 3 and that if he should ever marry, he would wed a woman whose character and manners he knew. I am speaking with you openly, and I know your own mind on this issue since you have often told me that you would only marry a woman who acknowledged how much she owed you. Now, what you sought with all your heart you have. 4 So, act like it! [6] If I ever see my sweet home again and return to charming Italy (what I doubt), I shall, above all, visit you and see your wife, children, home, horses and all your furnishings, and eat some bread with you. Don't fear that shall arrive in state, for I could not afford ostentation. 5 Indeed, mistress Fortune does not favour me so much that I may hope to return to my country in splendour and glory. It is enough if I do not return as a beggar and have enough money to cover the travel costs. I can hope for nothing more, and for that, I owe thanks to the heavenly beings. 6 [7] Suasisti exinde, ut parti tuae faveam, si non alia ex causa, saltem propter te. [7] Next [in your letter], you urged me to support your party,1 if for no other reason, then at least for your sake. This appeal is not just persuasive, it is compelling! But you know that I serve a prince2 who supports none of the [two] parties3 but works for [Church] union while keeping a middle course. 4 It is not right for servants to pursue different policies than their masters. 5 The king's king's plan seems faultless to me, and I fervently pray that God will favour it. And should the king prevail, your situation will not be worse, foras I believeit will be much better since the curia is rich and its officials wealthy when the Church is united. If God grants this, you may call upon me again. But I do not know when it will be. In the meantime, I shall ingratiate myself with the king, I shall obey him, I shall follow him. What he shall want, I shall want, too. I shall oppose him in no way or interfere in matters of state, for it is dangerous to get mixed up in the affairs of another state. 6 Indeed, I am a foreigner, and it shall profit me to take on the office of a Gnatho7 : When they they say yes, I say yes, too, and when they say no, I say no, too 8 9 though such behaviour is foreign foreign to me. 10 If my masters are wise, they will be praised. If they are foolish, they will be blamed. I shall neither envy them their glory nor lament their shame. I shall write exactly as ordered to, without additions or omissions. 11 I shall not want to appear wise or foolish, but remain silent and obey willingly. If I act otherwise, it will be to my loss, and I know that you would not wish me to do anything to damage my own position, lest from insignificant it becomes non-existent. I shall say no more except to ask you to write to me about Magister Tommaso, 12 eminent theologian and your compatriot, 13 and also about what happens in the matter of your marriage.

Farewell. From Sankt Veit, 16 January 1444.

Letter to Francesco Bossio (16 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

Manuscripts: M1, f. 109r; M2, f. 44r 1 ; M3, ff. 245v-246r {161r} Aeneas Silvius 6 Francisco Bossio, doctori eximio, salutem plurimam dicit. 7 [1] Accepi te 8 Mediolanum petisse, quoniam Tridenti non erat tutum esse. Probo consilium tuum, licet mihi damno sit. Sed majus fuisset incommodum meum, si quid illic tibi detrimenti contigisset. Fugiendi rumores sunt et maxime civitatis illius, quae tot habet voluntates quot homines. Nihil illic jam erat, quod per te geri posset, quia non 9 exaudiuntur 10 leges inter arma nec vox advocati inter tubarum concentus 11 resonat. Jam ibi 12 classicum intonuit. Venerunt Athesini ad tria hominum milia et agros vastare Tridentinos coeperunt, non tamen absque cruore injuriati sunt. Ceciderunt ex Athesinis complures captique et vulnerati non pauciores 13 . Rex auxilio Tridentinis est 14 , spesque habetur nefarios aemulorum conatus non transituros absque poena, quia nulla temeritas tuta est et nulla injuria stabilis. Sed de his satis.

[2] Ego vellem litteris {162r} tuis instrui, quomodo res meas dimiseris, tum de plebe tum de praebenda, et quomodo hujus anni redditus sint expositi, ut sciam, uxor 15 Jacobi an debitum habuerit. Vellem quoque certiorari, quid per me ulterius sit gerendun, dum abes.

[3] Exinde scribit rex illustrissimo principi, duci Mediolani, in favorem meum petitque praeposituram mihi restitui. Oro 16 , velis promotor rei esse. Scribo 17 Nicolao de Arzimboldio, qui 18 adjuturum se spopondit. Hunc adire velis et ad 19 meam causam hortari. Sic 20 dominum Guinifortum secretarium, cui alias scripsi, ut vel una vel alia via finis detur. Ego totum tibi committo; quidquid feceris, ratum apud me erit. Laurentius 21 Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Francesco Bossio, distinguished doctor.

[1] I hear you have gone to Milan since it was not safe to stay in Trient. 1 I applaud your decision: though it is not good for me personally, 2 it would have been even worse if some misfortune had happened to you there. Troubles 3 should be avoided and especially from this city with as many wills as men. 4 You could do no more there, for laws are not heard among weapons, 5 and neither is the lawyer's voice when the trumpets sound. And the trumpet of war 6 has indeed given sound. About 3,000 Tyroleans have come and begun to lay waste to the territories of Trient but not without shedding their own blood. Many of the Tyroleans have fallen or been taken prisoner or wounded. The king assists Trient, and there is hope that the nefarious endeavours of evil-minded men will not go unpunished, for no rashness is safe and no aggression durable.

[2] I beg to be informed by letter in what state you left my affairs with regard to the parish and the prebend, 7 and also the situation with the annual revenues so that I may know if Jakob's wife 8 has received her due. I should also like to know what I shall do in your absence.

[3] The king 9 now writes to The Most Illustrious Prince, the Duke of Milan, 10 in my favour, requesting that I be reinstated in my provostship. 11 I ask you to take this matter in hand. I shall write 12 to Niccolò Arcimboldi 13 who had promised to help me. 14 Please visit him and urge him to take up my cause. And do the same with Guiniforte, 15 the secretary, whom I have asked by letter to settle the matter one way or another. I entrust the affair wholly to you; whatever you do, I shall approve. Lorenzo Rotella 16 promised much but never wrote back. I think he is a man of words more 1 See letter 113. 2 Since Bossio was handling Pic-colomini's affairs in Trento. 3 "rumores" 4 Terentius: Phormio, 455: quot homines tot sententiae. 5 Cicero: Pro Milone., 4: 10: silent enim leges inter arma (when arms speak, the laws are silent). 6 "classicus" 7 Piccolomini's benefice of Saran-tanerthal, see letters 110 and 112. 8 Jakow Widerl? 9 Friedrich III. 10 Filippo Maria Visconti (1392-1447): Duke of Milan from 1412 to his death. 11 The provostship of San Loren-zo. 12 See letter 121. 13 Arcimboldi, Niccolò (1404-1459): At the time, counsellor of the Duke of Milan 14 In letter 83 from Arcimboldi to Piccolomini of 13 October 1443, Arcimboldi had promised Piccolo-mini his help in this affair. 15 Guiniforte Barzizza (1406-1463): Italian humanist and aca-demic. Secretary to Duke Filippo Maria Visconti until the duke's death in 1447. In his letter 97 to Piccolomini of 19 November 1443, Guiniforte had directly told him that he was unable to help him in the matter of the provostship. 16 See letter 65: 2.

than of acts. You behave differently, doing more and saying less. Therefore, it is enough for me to have informed you of my wishes; indeed, there is no need to persuade somebody who is already persuaded. I hope the Reverend Father, the Bishop of Novara, 1 will help me and that you will recommend me to him.

Farewell. From Sankt Veit, 16 January 1444.

Letter to Niccolò Arcimboldi (20 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

Manuscripts: M2, ff. 42v-43r {98v} Aeneas Silvius 7 Nicolao 8 Arzimboldis, doctori praestanti ac ducali consiliario salutem plurimam dicit 9 .

[1] Suscepi, non multi sunt dies, litteras, tuas 10 , quibus mihi spem facis velle te curam suscipere, ut praepositura mea mihi restituatur, qua conficta morte spoliatus sum. Id mihi carissimum fuit, nec aliter de tua erga me caritate putabam memor notitiae nostre Florentinae 11 et alterius consuetudinis, quam habui Mediolani tecum. Proinde, cum sis magnifico cancellario fratris loco et ego illi nonnihil acceptus sim, credidi hoc quoque mihi prodesse. Accedit illustrissimi principis ducis 12 honor, cui non potest ad laudem cedere me servulum suum, qui sibi non vulgariter in multis rebus officiosus fui, tam impie spoliatum teneri 13 et nunc praesertim, quando tanto principi servio, quantus 14 est imperator, apud quem possum nonnumquam eidem duci utilis esse, si passeris est aliquod officium apud aquilas. Hoc credidi et te animadvertere 15 nec deceptus sum, quantum video et quantum mihi scribis, qui velle curare rem meam dicis. Ego magnam spem {99r} habeo in te, ut 16 quod facto est opus, pro tua summa prudentia prosequaris, utque [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] omnino studeas, ut praeposituram meam ad me redire 18 , quod nisi opera tua fiat, nullius alterius auxilium spero. Scribit majestas regia in favorem meum. Exemplar scriptorum 19 his inclusum [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF]

Letter to Niccolò Arcimboldi (20 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

Context:

The presence of Piccolomini's friend, Francesco Bossio (see letter 120), in Milan causes Piccolomini to take up, once again, the matter of his provostship in San Lorenzo. Subject:

Piccolomini again asks Arcimboldi to help him regain the provostship of San Lorenzo.

Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Niccolò Arcimboldi, 1 distinguished doctor and ducal counsellor.

[1] I recently received the letter2 in which you give me hope that you will endeavour to have my provostship restored to me, of which I was deprived on the pretext that I had died. That was most encouraging, but given your love for me, it did not surprise me, remembering the companionship we enjoyed in Florence and Milan. Moreover, since you are as a brother to His Magnificence the Chancellor 3 and I am somewhat dear to him, I thought that would help me, too. Finally, there is the duke's4 honour: it would not be decent of him to allow me, his humble servant, who has, in many affairs, been greatly useful to him, to be robbed [of my provostship], especially now that I serve an eminent prince, the emperor, 5 His Royal Majesty has written on my behalf -I enclose a copy of his letter that will enable you to pursue the matter more vigorously. The chancellor would also write if he were here, but he has now been absent for three months, [participating] in the Diet of Nürnberg, and left me in his place. 6 He will return this month since the diet has been adjourned to Ascension Day and the princes invited once again. The king has unconditionally promised to arrive in person on that date.

[2] Nova autem, quae libenter cupis audire, non habeo multa. Hoc solum est novi 1 2 : cardinalis Sancti Angeli, qui apud Hungaros militat, litteras per hos dies majestati regis misit, quarum tibi copiam facio, ut eas illustrissimo principi communices meque sibi commendes. Si quid ulterius 3 emerserit, non negligam tibi significare, et maxime ubi sciverim vel ipsi principi vel tibi me complaciturum.

Ex sancto Vito, 20. 4 Januarii 1444 5 6 . Donato declares himself to be fully committed to the chancellor's interests but that the power to act in the affair is not his, but the Venetian senate's.

Andreas Donato 1 , Venetian knight, sends many greetings to Enea Silvio, most learned poet.

[1] I was happy to read our letter, 2 recently delivered to me, and I was even happier to learn about the good fortune of His Magnificence Kaspar, 3 which is precious to me. In the same letter, I also read what you wrote concerning his pecuniary affair with the senate, 4 and I heard with pleasure the report of your able messengers. God is the witness to my disposition, intention and eagerness to serve all his interests both in the past, present and future. Passing over the other matters, I only wish to satisfy and serve His Magnificence, to whom I am greatly obliged for his extraordinary kindness towards me, which I treasure. I shall spare no effort either in acts or in words (which are most important in states and sometimes deafen the ears of foreigners). For I am entirely disposed to bring this matter to a happy conclusion since no other service is great enough to repay his kindness and suit his honour. But His Magnificence knows the ways of our state, to whose will both important and unimportant citizens are subject. Therefore, he is aware that even though I am a citizen of some authority and honour in this city, I lack the power to do anything without the authority and mandate from its senate that controls everything. His Magnificence will therefore forgive me that I am unable to fulfil his wishes. He knows the reasons why this matter is deferred. But what is deferred is not abandoned. I shall always in this, as in the other matters, be eager to show my industry, concern and ardour, and I shall never desist. As for the rest, you will hear directly from your own messengers what I believe and think, which you may relate to His Magnificence, to whom I respectfully recommend myself.

Farewell. From Venice, 22 January 1444.

1 Andrea Donato [Dona] (ca,. 1395 -c. 1466): Venetian official and ambassador. Venetian ruler of Crete 1445-1447. Son-in-law of Doge Jacopo Foscari. Knighted by Emperor Sigismund. 2 Not extant. 3 Chancellor Kaspar Schlick. 4 Venice owed money (4,000 florins) to the chancellor since it had not yet fully paid the chan-cellor's fees in connection with the investiture of Venice with cer-tain imperial territories in 1435. See DVI, sect. 64 and 130. When, some years later (1447), Picco-lomini visited Venice, he spoke to the senate on this affair but was only met with a smile from Doge Foscari and the remark that Veni-ce had already paid enough for a piece of parchment and wax! (CRDM, 1: 3).

Letter from Bartolomeo Vitelleschi (February 1444, Lausanne).

Manuscripts: M2, ff. 112v-113r 1 ; M3, ff. 185v-186r 2 ; V2, ff. 7-9 3 ; V3, ff. 10v-11v 4 **; V4, ff. 11r-12r. Editions: KO, 181 5 [2] Verum, ut ad rem meam regrediar, vereor, ne litteras super consiliariatu, quas ex litteris [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] Jacobi ad me nuperrime obsignatis intelligo fuisse traditas 18 Wilhelmo de Constantia, ut illas aut 19 ad me mitteret aut daret, ob ipsius amiserim [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] fortasse portatoris infidiam 21 Bartolomeo, 10 Bishop of Corneto, sends many greetings to Enea Silvio, royal protonotary.

[1] Honoured Sir, I hope 11 that you have, by now, received my answer, 12 sent two months ago, to the brief 13 but joyous letter in which you informed me that, through yours and the noble knight's 14 efforts, I have been appointed an imperial counsellor. You will know how happy this made me and see how I thanked you two collaborators [in this matter] for the excellent giftyou know how intensely I endeavoured to obtain this appointment from the king while we were together in Germany. 15 Since then I have not heard from you except that Peregallo 16 says you are thriving and daily growing in influence with the emperor and that he has appointed you protonotary at both chanceries. [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] I congratulate you to this and wish to hear about your future achievementsplease, do not disapppoint me! I ask you to be always intent on the emperor's affairs and to serve him well. If you do so, it willbelieve mebe to your advantage and make all your friends happy. 12 Letter 105 of 13 December 1443. 13 "litterulae" 14 Jakob Widerl: Knight and court official close to Kaspar Schlick (Heinig, 1: 737, 776). 15 At the Diet of Frankfurt, June -August 1442. Both Vitelleschi and Piccolomini attended the diet on behalf of antipope Felix V. 16 Peregallo, Giovanni: Official at the Council of Basel. Later secre-tary of Felix V. Friend of Picco-lomini, who in later versions of letters on his own sexual affairs, would substitute Peregallo's name for himself. [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] I.e., the imperial chancery and the Austrian chancery.

[2] But I return to my own affair: from a letter I recently received from Jakob, I understand that the letter [of my appointment] as a counsellor was given to Wilhelm of Konstanz to send or deliver it directly to me. However, I fear that I have been deprived of this letter due to the bearer's perfidiousness since he has not sent it to me andwhat pains me even morewill not send it for reasons you may guess yourself. For he is now with the Bishop of Konstanz 1 and has abjured us. 2 Now you see what has happened in this affair and that I shall be deprived of this great favour unless you help me once again. Therefore, I beg you and Jakob, to whom I shall also write, to arrange for a new letter to be issued -which you will easily achieveand have it sent to my home in a safer way, requiring it to be delivered into the hands of Ognibene 3 . If you do this, you will make me very happy, and time and ages will never efface this great service. 1 Heinrich VI von Hewen [Hö-wen] (c. 1398-1462): Bishop of Konstanz from 1436 to his death. 2 I.e., has joined the party of Pope Eugenius IV. 3 Unidentified.

[3] Nulla ex regionibus Italis 1 altera nova apud nos sunt, quae ad te scribam, nisi Venetos et Florentinos 2 parare maritimas et terrestres copias quam ingentes 3 . Rursus apud pontificem nostrum maximum duae practicae sunt serenissimi scilicet regis Aragonum, pro quo ad mensem hic fuit reverendissimus 4 Vicensis ac illustris 5 [3] I have no news from Italy to write to you except that Venice and Florence are mobilising large naval and land forces. 1 Our Supreme Pontiff 2 is presently conducting two negotiations. One is with with the Most Serene King of Aragon, 3 whose representative, the Most Reverend [Bishop] of Vich, 4 Vich, 4 has been with us for a month. The other is with the envoy of the Illustrious Count Francesco, 5 Tommaso da Rieti, 6 whom you know and have met with the emperor. Our pontiff has engaged himself wholeheartedly in these negotiations, and I hope that both will succeed. 7 You will later hear how matters turn out.

[4] I have settled Jakob's matter as I wanted to and written at length to him about it. From him, you will hear all and see the bulls 8 issued on the matter. Know that our Peregallo has paid in full 9 for a first letter. 10 Recommend me often to the emperor and thank His Majesty on my behalf for the counsellorship. I shall always serve him and indefatigably proclaim his glorious name.

Do also recommend me to my Reverend Father of Chiemsee. 11 Farewell, and have our love and friendship at heart. Farewell again. From Lausanne. 1 Preparing for yet another war against Milan. 2 Amédée VIII (Savoy) (1383-1451): Count of Savoy 1391, ele-vated to duke by the emperor 1416. Elected antipope under the name of Felix V by the rump council in Basel 1439. 3 8 The bulls issued by antipope Felix V. 9 "pro minuta et grossa" 10 Presumably a letter of appoint-ment to some benefice. To the Cardinal of Santa Croce. 3 Most Reverend Father in Christ and my Worshipful Lord.

[1] Your letter has been delivered to me. When I received it and saw that it was from the "Cardinal of Santa Croce", I was stupefied and said to myself, "How can that be? I heard that cardinal 4 has died,5 so either it was a false rumour or the cardinal has risen from the dead." But when I opened the letter, I saw that neither was true and that Your Reverence has been appointed to Santa Croce in that cardinal's place. 6 I was overjoyed at this since I have always wished for your advancement and and now hear what I sought with all my heart. 7 May the heavenly beings8 favour your cardinalate cardinalate and make it useful not only to yourself but also to your friends and servants. 9 For myself, I seek nothing, for it is enough for me to hear that your are prospering. I only wish that your prosperity may last forever and not be disturbed by any misfortune.

[2] I acknowledge your request for a letter to be written to Portugal 10 and am now working on that. However, this matter cannot be expedited as quickly as needed and as I should wish, but I do hope to be able to send the letter to you shortly. I have no more to write to you exceptonce againto express my devotion to Your Reverence. Moreover, I ask you to recommend me to Our Most Holy Lord, 11 to whose cause I contribute as much as my humble position12 allows. 13 Farewell, best of me, and love me as always.

125. Letter to Pietro da Noceto (18 February 1444, Laibach).

Manuscripts: M2, f. 44v 1 ; M3, f. 247v {104r} Aeneas Silvius 6 salutem plurimam dicit 7 Petro Noxetano 8 , scriptori apostolico et fratri amantissimo.

[1] Satis ad te superioribus diebus 9 Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Pietro da Noceto, apostolic scribe and beloved brother.

[1] In my recent previous letter, [1] I believe you must now have received the letter I sent you a month ago 1 by way of Venice. 2 In it, it, I asked you to buy Aristotle's Politica for me, as we talked about in Vienna. 3 I trust you have this this matter at heart, so just this: I am eagerly awaiting the book's arrival.

[2] I have seen the bulls concerning the church of Fresing sent to the chancellor 4 that were delivered delivered to me in his absence. This matter will much profit your party, for among the other virtues, generosity greatly encourages men. The chancellor will not forget it. Tell this to the Cardinal of Taranto 5 and also recommend me to him. When the chancellor returns, the Supreme Pontiff and the cardinal himself will receive his letters of thanks. But acts count for more than words, and they will not be lacking. The chancellor will be bound by hands and feet 6 to acknowledge and return this favour and will do soif I am not mistaken. Please convey this to the cardinals and the pope.

[3] Also, greet from me the poet Vegio and Pietro da Noceto, to whom I shall be writing, and those friends you know I have there, especially my compatriot Conte. And, please, do no longer observe the law of silence, for laws are subject to time and are changed as needed. I do not wish my law to have greater force than the conciliar decrees that are broken daily. No city keeps its municipal laws forever, and both the Spartans, the Athenians and the Romans issued contrary laws daily. So, since others change their laws, ours should not be immutable either.

Farewell, and do provide in writing what has been omitted in speaking. From Laibach, a city in the Windic March 7 of Krain, 18 February 1444. 1 Letter of 15 January 1444 (letter 117). 2 Letter 3 During the visit to Vienna of Campisio's then employer, Car-dinal Cesarini, in June 1444. 4 Chancellor Kaspar Schlick. 5 Giovanni Berardi di Tagliacozzo. 6 Terentius: Andria, 675. 15 , si modo possim, vestris honori et commodo praebere vires 16 .

[2] Restat aliud, ut communi rei nostrae tractandae nunc admotis calcaribus totis viribus te exhibeas in medium, pro veritate neminem extimescens. Potes enim nunc, quo gratulor, te rei nostrae apprime fautore [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] , et vales 18 apud Caesarem et omnes suos. 19 Idcirco tamquam fortis athleta ac certator in medium campum [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] occurras, et ut res successerint, me certum reddas 21 , et si, ut gliscimus, successerit apud regem et suos, rem meam, quae tua est, singulari {69r} affectu commendatam 22 suscipies, ut sic videam te me alterum esse in re mea, quemadmodum et in tuis agerem indefessus. [2] Now it remains for you to "apply the spurs" and show yourself as a wholehearted supporter of our cause, 2 without fearing anybody. Now that you have influence with the emperor and his people, you may become a strong patron of this cause. So, come into the arena as a strong athlete and fighter and keep me informed on how matters proceed. If we grow in strength, we shall win the emperor and his people over to our cause. Then you will be able to further my personal cause, which is yours, too, in a special way, and thus I shall see you [acting] in my cause as my other self, just as I will tirelessly work to support yours.

Farewell, and love me as always, 3 though absent, and endeavour to please your most kind emperor. From Genève, 3 October 1443. 4 1 Canonical visitation: The act of ecclesiastical superior who in the discharge of his office visits per-sons or places with a view of maintaining faith and discipline, and of correcting abuses by the application of proper remedies (The Catholic Encyclopedia). In the present case, the visitation would have been ordered by the Bishop of Genève. 2 The cause of the schismatic council in Basel and antipope Fe-lix V. 3 "ut coeperas": as you had begun to. 4 Wolkan dates the letter to the end of February 1444.

Letter to Kaspar Schlick (end of March 1444, Vienna).

Manuscripts: M2, f. 61r [2] Our guest 3 would like to go to you 4 and, with your help, obtain an audience with the king if only only the king stays in Neustadt for three days. But if the king comes here, he will await his arrival. Please let me know your wishes in this matter.

[3] When I was in Trieste last winter, 5 I explained to His Royal Majesty that the requests 6 for members of my household I had obtained through you were unusable since they were not actual conferrals, and therefore I asked for other [royal] requests if a vacancy 7 should turn up. The king agreed -in the presence of Wilhelm Tasz. 8 Now Jakob tells me there is such a vacancy, see the information in the note attached. I ask you to authorise the expedition of requests for conferral [of the vacant benefice] on Johann, 9 a member of my household. 10 This I shall consider a great favour. Actually, your favours towards me are so many that I ought rather to be silent than ask for more. But I do as the peasants: when they see that they cannot fulfil their obligations, they strive to make 1 Prokop von Rabenstein [Raben-stein / Prokop z Rabstejna] (c. 1420-1472]: Bohemian noble. Friend and colleague of Piccolo-mini. Later Chancellor of Bohe-mia. 2 Presumably, the parish church of Budweiss, a well-endowed bene-fice. 3 In Vienna. 4 In Wiener Neustadt. 5 January-February 1444. In his DVI, Piccolomini wrote about the visit: Then the king went to Steier-mark, Kärnten, and Krain to re-ceive new oaths of fidelity. When he arrived in Laibach, he sent the knight Pankraz, the secretary Wilhelm Tacz, and me to receive the oaths of the people of Trieste in his name. This we did and were re-ceived so favourably that the king himself came there to celebrate the festive days before Lent (DVI, sect. 165). 6 "preces": royal requests for an ecclesiastical benefice. 7 In an ecclesiastical benefice. 8 Wilhelm Tasz: Protonotary in the imperial chancery. 9 Johann Steinhof von Plettenberg: Member of Piccolomini's house-hold, mentioned in the Commen-tarii: Johannes Steynofius Theu-tonicus tunc illi serviebat (COM, 1: 9, 4 (Meserve, 1: p. 40)). In a letter from Friedrich III of 3 June 1445, he is designated as a notary in the chancery (WO, 1: 2, ep. xcix, p. 164). See also Heinig, 1: p. 744. 10 It may have been a benefice at the cathedral of Münster, see the abovementioned letter.

them larger. 1 And their lords, too, seek to have their servants contract the largest possible debts towards them! Farewell, and please make me entirely yours. 3 Heinrich Schlick. 4 Terentius: Phormio, 68. 5 Unidentified. 6 Unidentified. 7 See preceding letter, sect. 2.

Letter to Kaspar Schlick (end of March 1444, Vienna).

Manuscripts: M2, ff. 59v-60r 1 ; V2, ff. 308-309 2 ** Editions: KO, 69 3

Letter to Kaspar Schlick (end of March 1444, Vienna).

Context:

The chancellor had unexpectedly changed his travel plans. Subject:

Piccolomini informs the chancellor that he will stay in Vienna and requests his support for the vicar of Michaelerkirche.

Enea Silvio sends many greetings to His Magnificent Lordship Kaspar Schlick, imperial chancellor.

[ Meissen4 and vicar at Saint Michael's, 5 and speak to the king to make it possible for him to retain his post as vicar. This would be greatly useful to that church: it is threatened with ruin, and its vines are not cultivated because the rector does not think he will stay on and grabs what he can, ignoring the rest. Simon wants to repair the house and has already gathered a certain sum from his friends for this work. He also wants to cultivate the vines and improve the fields, as he has already begun to do. The confirmation of this man in the office would be of great use to that church. From Saint Michael's, the provost of Saint Stephen6 has a yearly income of 48 pounds, while six pounds are given to some others. About 40 pounds remain for the vicar, and with this income, he must provide a living for four chaplains (a choral chaplain, a cleric, a procurator, and himself). Therefore, the expenses exceed the income. But if this man may continue in the office of vicar, he intends to improve the vines so that they yield greater profit. It is not a new thing to make this office of vicar permanent, for King Albrecht 7 wanted to make Simon's predecessor's tenure permanent. So, I ask and beg youboth for the good of this church and out of regard for me, who am fond of Simonto persuade the king to make his tenure permanent.

If this cannot be obtained, then at least arrange that he gets tenure for two or three years lest the money he used for improving the vines is entirely wasted. Thus you will do me an immense favour.

Given in Vienna, 7 June 1444.

Letter to Kaspar Schlick (c. 23 March 1444, Vienna).

Manuscripts: M1, f. 106v 1 ; M2, ff. 60v-61r {165v} Magnifico et generoso domino Gaspari, cancellario imperiali, Aeneas Silvius salutem plurimam dicit. 7 [1] Attulit tibi, sicut opinor 8 , Hartungus litteras meas, quibus magnopere postulabam, ut amicum meum Simonem, presbyterum Missinensem, regiae majestati recommendares 9 , petiunculam suam super vicariatu Sancti Michaelis promovendo. {166r} Nihil exinde mihi 10 respondisti, puto, quia non suppeditavit tempus. Verum cum amici causa non sit deserenda, nisi ad finem usque perducatur, iterum atque iterum precor, ut mei desiderii memoriam habeas et 11 hanc unam mihi gratiam impetres, quia pro magno munere suscipiam.

[2] Ego nunc orationem unam 12 edidi 13 , que nonam 14 papirum implet, quam cum videris, dices me cum 15 tibi tum tuo germano officiosum esse. Itaque rogo, ut pro mercede illius Simonem mihi promotum reddas, quia digna est oratio hoc praemio 16 meque judice multo majori [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] . Ideo velis hanc postulationem mihi impetratam reddere meque super hoc certiorare.

[3] De me vero quidquid fieri jusseris, id fiet. Intellexi, ut apud te 18 omnia esse 19 pretii gravioris, ideo hic manebo, quamdiu non vocabor, quia semper mea sententia [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] fuit Novae Civitati Viennam esse praeponendam, quamquam apud nos 21 Judaeorum et monachorum plus sit, nec me novus 22 Benedictinorum habitus (sive Bernardini sunt) oblectaret, quamvis fama est, crucem auream fore adjunctam, quae de collo cujusque monachi pendet. Enea Silvio sends many greetings to His Magnificent and Noble Lordship, Kaspar, imperial chancellor.

[1] I presume that Hartung has brought you the letter 1 in which I urgently requested that you recommend my friend, Priest from Meissen, to His Royal Majesty and that you further his petition concerning the vicariate of Saint Michael's. 2 You have not replied which I believe must be due to a lack of time. But since a friend's cause must not be abandoned before it has been brought to a happy conclusion, I ask, again and again, that you remember my wish and obtain this one favour for me, which I would consider a great gift.

[2] I have now written an oration that fills nine sheets of paper. 3 When you see it, you will tell me that I do my duty to you and your brother. Therefore I ask you to grant me Simon's appointment as a reward for this oration. I believe it is worth this prize and, indeed, a much greater one. Please grant my request and let me know about it.

[3] As for myself, I shall do as you wish. I hear everything has become very expensive there, 4 so I shall remain here 5 unless summoned. For I always preferred Vienna to Neustadt even though there are more Jews and monks here, and I cannot enjoy seeing the new habit of the Benedictines (or are they Bernadites? 6 ): it is rumoured that each monk wears a golden cross hanging from the neck. 7 Farewell, best of men, and write back to me unless the Diet of Nürnberg 8 takes too much of the king's and your time. From Vienna, 13 June 1444. 1 Letter 132. 2 Michaelerkirche. 3 This was the first draft of the oration "Si putarem", in defence of Heinrich Schlick's appointment as Bishop of Freising (COR, 2:5). It was to be held at an imperial court hearing on 4 April 1444. 4 "apud te". In Wiener Neustadt. 5 In Vienna. 6 Cistercians. In the DVI, Piccolo-mini says: In a monastery of Wie-ner Neustadt, he replaced the monks of the Order of Preachers with Bernardine monks [sect. 178]. 7 Piccolomini is apparently scan-dalised that monks, committed to a life in poverty, would be wearing crucifixes made of gold. 8 The diet that was finally to open on 1. August 1444.

Letter to the Bishop of Konstanz (c. April 1444, Wiener Neustadt). 1

Manuscripts: M1, ff. 56v-57r 2 ; M3, ff. 253v-254r 3 ; V2, ff. 238-239 4 **. Editions: KO, 116 5

Context:

The imperial secretaries habitually exercised their influence in obtaining ecclesiastical benefices for themselves and their friends. The letters 132, 133 and 137 are either a) a group of formulaic letters to the ecclesiastical authorities in a diocese where the emperor has made an appointment (by primariae preces) to an ecclesiastical office, orless probably -b) "real" letters to the Bishop of Konstanz (132 and 137). 1 Subject:

A (possibly) formulaic letter to a local bishop requesting his support for an imperial appointee to an ecclesiastical office in his diocese.

Enea Silvio and Michael 2 send many greetings to the Reverend Father and Lord Bishop of Konstanz. Reverend Father and Lord in Christ.

[1] The honourable Cincius 3 4 has recently obtained a letter from His Royal Majesty with his primariae preces 5 for an ecclesiastical benefice at your disposal. Now, he comes to you with this letter in the hope of finding favour in your eyes 6 and obtaining the appoinment to the benefice.

Cincius is well-known to us and has, in the past, shown himself obliging and agreeable, and we always found him honest and decent. We, therefore, consider it appropriate to write this letter of recommendation to you. We do not doubt that Your Paternity will be kind and well-disposed towards him because of his own virtues and out of reverence for His Royal Highness, but we ask you to treat him well also out of regard for us so that he may, as soon as possible, see the effect of the king's primariae preces. We will consider this a special favour from Your Paternity and, in return, we offer to obey your wishes as much as we can.

Given in Neustadt.

1 See WO, 1, 1: pp. 303-304. 2 Michael von Pfullendorf (-1451): Colleague of Piccolomini in the imperial chancery. 3 Johann Cincius: scribe in the royal chancery (Heinig: Friedrich, p. 734). See letter 137. 4 This name was not included in the first version of the letter (M1), possibly showing that it was a formulaic letter. 5 The right of the emperor to name an appointee to the first prebend that becomes vacant in every church of the Empire after his accession. 6 Esther, 7: 3.

Letter to the Bishop of Konstanz (c. April 1444, Vienna) 1 .

Manuscripts: M1, f. 57r 2 ; M3, f. 254r 3 ; V2, ff. 242-243 4 **; Editions: KO, 117 5 The notaries of the Royal Roman Chancery send many greetings to the Reverend Father, Lord Bishop of Konstanz.

[1] We have no previous merits [towards you], by virtue of which we might dare to ask anything of you. However, the matter we raise with you is an honest one, and moreover we know of your benevolence. We are, therefore, confident that you will hear our request kindly and fulfil it even more kindly. What we request is this: Cincius2 will be coming to you carrying a letter with the king's primariae preces for conferral of an ecclesiastical benefice in your diocese. Since he is an educated man of good character, he will, best Father, easily find favour with you. However, we should also wish for our recommendations to profit him since we love him and treasure him for his commanding merits. So, we ask you to grant him your favour out of regard for us so that he will know that our letter contributed much to his obtaining the king's grant. We would consider this to be an exceptional service, and in return, we are ready to be of service to you, both in general and in particular.

Given in Neustadt. Giovanni Campisio sends many greetings to Enea Silvio, most learned poet and secretary to His Most Serene Lordship, the King of the Romans. 1 [1] I was sad and dejected when, this morning, I met with our da Noceto at the stairs of the Basilica of the Prince of the Apostles. 2 He gave me your letter, in the presence of our Conte from Siena, the single solace and refuge of my life and difficulties. Reading them, I was overjoyed, both because your letter of 26 December from Sankt Veit had made me fear you had not received the letters from me and da Noceto and because they brought me you whom I have always known well. For you showed that your friendship is solid. And you, clearly and beautifully, confirmed the freedom we have between us to say whatever we want. The abundance, grace and weightiness of your words showed that you have gained depth or elegance or both and that you are, first, a most noble speaker and poet and, then, a serious and most learned philosopher. Rereading your letter again and again, I can say one thing that may make you laugh: in certain places, you [spoke] about me as if you were a veritable truthsayer. I would speak more about your prophecy if I could say all in a letter that I can as person to person. Forto use your own wordsthere is something I would unburden myself of, which I cannot with da Noceto with whom I may say the office and all the [canonical] hours 3 (it actually helps!). For you know how gladly and how piously he celebrates the office.

Letter from

[2] As I wrote to you in another letter, I had located the Politica in Siena, but I have yet to find it for sale in Rome. But please trust that I shall continue to assiduously search for it. But there are not as many books for sale in Rome as in Florence, especially of pagan 4 authors, and even less those books that Aretino 5 has translated freshly. But, be sure that I shall not rest before I have fulfilled your wish and arranged for you to have the book as soon as possible. And since it is very hard to find a seller, and I can only find people who will make it available for a short period, 6 I have decided to find a scribe who can copy the book with a swift hand but decent lettering. Then I shall send the copied volume to Sigerio 7 or Antonio in Milan, 8 as you asked, or arrange to have it sent in some other way as may seem best to Johann Tolner.

[3] Habeo gratias humanitati tuae, qui magna laetitia intellexisti, ut scribis, concepisse me spem fortunae melioris. Verum nimis propheta in postremo sermone fuisti, praesertim cum dixisti te mihi minus sperare.

[4] De Noxetano nostro sic est, ut scripsi. Non muto sententiam, quamquam non illis est fortunis aut honoribus, quibus eum dignum censeo. Tu recte 12 aptissimeque 3 locum illum de ipso facetissimeque facetissimeque attigisti. Verum ut verius de homine amicissimo nostro accipias, ego, etsi dixerim me non mutare, volo tamen moderari 4 sententiam, nam non est res sua tam ampla, quantam forte ipse superioribus ad te litteris scripsi, vel tu ex eisdem accepisti, etsi, ut affirmavi, pueros et equos pascit. Nam neque sunt hoc tempore in curia ejusmodi lucra, sed ex abundantia, ut ajunt, cordis locutus sum.

[5] Calvum nostrum tui nomine resalutavi, ut jussisti. Fuit illi ea resalutatio jucundissima et gratias habet ingentes et tuum se esse 5 [3] I thank you for your kindness in rejoicingas you writethat I have hopes for a better fortune. But you show yourself as a truthsayer, especially when, at the end of the passage, you say you do not have much hope for me.

[4] Concerning our da Noceto, it is as I wrote1 : I do not change my opinion, though I think he does not enjoy the prosperity and honour he deserves. What you wrote about him was right, proper and witty! But to make you understand more correctly the situation of our beloved friend, I will not change, as I said, but moderate my report, for he is not quite as prosperous as I may have written in my previous letter and you may have understood from it, even though he does, as I wrote, have horses and servants. At present, indeed, there are not such fortunes to be gained at the curia: I spoke out of the abundance of the heart. 2 [5] As you asked, I have greeted our Calvi, 3 for you. He was overjoyed at the greeting and thanks you profusely, declaring himself to be yours. As for our Conte, 4 I do not need to explain how glad he was to read your whole letter, how eagerly he heard about you, and how much we spoke about you, for you already know from me that his soul and mine are one like in Aristophanes. 5 As for the fortune of our Vegio, 6 it is rather small or inexistent. [On the other hand], if, as you write, times are such that he will starve if he does not sell his virgin Agave to Paris, 7 it is either great or amazing, for apart from frequenting the sacred palace of the Supreme Pontiff 8 and his table, he is a datary. 9 However, this office does not profit him greatly since he wants to remain a good man and continues to be so. 10 Therefore, that office makes him neither wealthy nor rich. But he does have some income as an abbreviator, 11 and he has recently been appointed a canon at Saint Peter's in the City. 12 [6] As I have told the man himself, his incomes may be small, but they are greater than those that I have gained after the many and various labours of so many years. Indeed, I have almost shamefully little to live off for the rest of my life. What I possess is abject poverty, and nobody can be more of a philosopher than me if it is the way of a philosopher to have no worldly possessions. But I know that these [complaints] and the beginning of this letter where I said "I was deeply moved" will make you deny that I am a philosopher. And you will be right, for though I may love wise men and wisdom itself and once enjoyed the study of philosophy and would still enjoy it if only I had the means, I should not want to be considered a philosopher by anybody and even by you, for nothing is farther from me. I feel that I have not attained the wisdom of the Stoics or the Peripatetics and do not feel any (the Stoics) or only moderate (the Peripatetics) emotions. No, I belong to those mortals about whom, as some poet 13 said in Cicero, "No mortal is there but need finds him out and sickness." 14 [7] De rebus 1 legati et exercitus Pannonum in Turchos 2 jucundissime legi, tametsi illa apud nos jamdiu vetera sunt, quae de eversione Sophiae civitatis in cineres nova certa accepimus 3 , apud quos et fama est, sed nondum certa 4 , captam esse Andrinopolim, primam citra mare magni Turci sedem, captum quoque et ejus filium, ac ipsos Turcos adeo in fugam esse conversos 5 , ut finem nondum faciant 6 fugiendi 7 , de quibus rebus jam apud vos nunc fortassis idem rumor, ut ita dicam, volitat. Noxetanus ad te scribit 8 . Vale.

Romae, die 7. Februarii 9 1444 10 .

[8] Haec jam diu 11 scripta et ad te ferenda fuerunt, verum comperi ex Johanne Tolner nuntium jam retro vertisse, unde 12 effectum est, ut postea usque in hanc diem tabellarium non habuerim, cui has committere potuerim. Interea vero temporis 13 , cum librum Politicorum venalem nullo modo reperirem, tametsi multorum et maxime librariorum aures obtuderim 14 , vix invenire licuit, qui librum hunc mihi commodatum faceret nisi ad valde 15 19 20 habeas. Erit autem liber hic in papyro propterea, quod scriptorem nondum habere potui, qui in pergameno ipsum scriberet ea littera et eo tempore, quo 21 conveniret et oporteret. Nam, ut dixi, non possum diu exemplar tenere. Scriptum ergo mittam et deinde, si malueris alium pulchriorem habere quam munus meum exiguum tenere 22 , faciam, ut jusseris. Sed re vera nihil mentior, dum tibi, quas dixi, in hac re difficultates praedico.

[9] Ut autem non ignores, quibus in finibus me mea tenent fata 23 , fui hactenus 24 navigans inter spem et metum fortunae melioris. Verum nune quatriduo spes redire coepit et quidem paulo major quam adhuc apud me fuerit. Nam cum pro me fortuna rogaretur, audivi amotas fuisse seras 25 et talia fuisse [8] I had already written this letter some time ago to be sent to you, but then I heard from Johan Tolner that the messenger had already returned. Since then I have not found a messenger to whom I could entrust it. In the meantime, I have been unable to locate a copy of the Politica for sale, though I have spoken to many people and especially booksellers, and I have not found anybody who would make it available 6 to me for more than a very few days. I have therefore decided that you shall have have the Politica in any form I can get it lest your vivid and most proper desire be frustrated. So I have obtained a copy from Cardinal Colonna 7 and found a reasonably competent scribe who has demonstrated that he can finish the work soon. When it is finished, I shallwith the aid of Tolner who knows the messengers of his country and their waysarrange that you get it as soon as possible. But it will be a book on paper, for I have not be able to find a scribe able to write it on parchment with the proper lettering and needed speed. For, as I said, I cannot keep the [cardinal's] copy for long. When the book has been written out, I shall send it to you, and if then, you will rather have a more elegant one than my modest offering, I shall do as you wish. Do believe me, I am not lying when I tell you about my difficulties in this whole matter.

[9] But so that you may know what my situation is, I have, until now, been navigating between hope and fear of a better fortune. But during the last four days, hope has begun to return to me, and it is indeed greater than before. For when someone 8 was asked about my possible advancement, 9 I heard that the bars 10 have been removed and the answer was such that I may have surer hope than before. But farewell, for as I am happily chattering away with you, like another fool, I am foolishly speaking foolishness to you, a most clever man. But you will forgive me because of our friendship and my trust in you.

Rome, 29 March.

1 Cardinal Giuliano Cesarini. 2 Edirne. Close to the present-day border between Turkey and Gree-ce and Bulgaria. Capital of the Ottoman realm from 1418 to 1453. 3 Murad II (1404-1451): Sultan of the Turks. Murad had abdicated after the Peace of Szeged but was recalled by his son, Mehmed II, to conduct the war against the Hun-garians, whom he defeated in the Battle of Varna, 10 November 1444. 4 The sea that separates Europe and Asia. 5 Mehmed II (1432-1481): Sultan of the Turks 1444-1446, 1451-1481. Conquered Constantinople in 1453. 6 For copying. 7 Prospero Colonna (c. 1410-1463): Roman noble. Nephew of Pope Martin V. Cardinal in petto 1426, published 1430. 8 Presumably the pope or some high-ranking prelate at the papal court. 9 "fortuna" 10 The early version of the text (M2) has "seras" (bars), which in the later versions was copied -erroneouslyas "ceras" (candles), which van Heck explains as "pri-ma obstacula".

[10] Scriptor jam dimidium libri 1 Politicorum scripsit. Cum absolutus fuerit, Tolner noster, vir certe certe bonus, curam habebit 2 illum ad te per nuntium fidum transmittendi.

Vale. {108v} Datum ut supra, 3 8. Aprilis 1444. 4 [11] Clausis jam litteris meis et illis jam nostro Tolnero destinatis, qui illas ad te deferri 5 13 omit. WO 14 Datum … accepi omit. M2 15 urgere V4 16 sit erga me : erga me sit WO [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] vale ut supra add. WO [10] The scribe has now finished half of the book Politica. When it is finished, our good Tolner will arrange for it to be sent to you with a trustworthy messenger.

Farewell. Given as above, 1 8 April 1444.

[11] I had already closed my letter and given it to our Tolner to forward it to you when your letter from the city of Laibach 2 in the Windic March, dated 18 February, was delivered to me. You will see what you wish to know about Aristotle's book Politica in this letter. With the present note, 3 I inform you that Leonardo Aretino 4 has died, and Poggio 5 has been chosen to replace him in his office in the Florentine republic. 6 [12] I was happy to read what you wrote (well done!) so significantly about receiving the bulls concerning the Church of Freising, how it will make the imperial chancellor 7 excellently disposed 8 when, at his return, he hears about it, and how you praise the generosity of the Supreme Pontiff 9 and and the Sacred Senate. 10 I saw My Lord 11 on the matter, and he praised you highly and said he wanted to show concretely how much he appreciates your qualities 12 and how pleased he is that you still love him. Therefore, if you desire something from him, let him know: you will find that your place with him is not small nor the last. And since you command it, I shall do everything possible to not observe the law of our silence, especially now that you have argued so convincingly why I shouldn't! Farewell.

Given in Rome on the third day after Palm Sunday, when I received you letter.

[113] Conte sends you his infinite thanks and greetings. I have not yet seen Vegio. I am going to da Noceto now to see if he has a letter ready for you that I can send with my own. Farewell again.

[PS:] It can only benefit me if, when you write to me, you add something which shows that you wish to urge and spur My Lord 13 to further my prospectsthough he is, actually, quite well disposed towards me.

1 I.e., in Rome. 2 Present-day Ljubljana. 3 Or a note included in the letter. 4 Leonardi Bruni.

5 Poggio Bracciolini 6 "democratia" 7 Kaspar Schlick. 8 Towards pope Eugenius IV and the papal court. 9 Eugenius IV. 10 The College of Cardinals. 11 Cardinal Berardi di Tagliacoz-zo. 12 Meaning that the papal court is aware of Piccolomini's role in the rapprochement between the im-perial and the papal court, which would be important for Picco-lomini's future reconciliation with the pope. 13 Cardinal Berardi di Tagliacoz-zo. {127r} Aeneas Silvius 6 , imperialis 7 secretarius 8 , magnifico 9 Johanni, comiti de Lupfen 10 , salutem salutem plurimam dicit.

[ Enea Silvio, imperial secretary, sends many greetings to His Magnificence, Johann, Count of Lupfen. 4 [1] In the writings of the ancients, I find three things that men today either disregard or are unable to achieve: the elegance and profundity of exposition, so common in the ancient books, cannot be equalled by men of our time. And, in the former age, it was most common to use the singular form in address and to name oneself first at the beginning of the letter. 5 This the moderns could do, but led astray by careless ignorance and the wish to flatter, they bring unclarity to the text when they write, "I ask You6 , Caesar, I appeal to Your Majesty, I beg Your office, I implore Your clemency, give justice to a poor man, judge the powerful man, consider my misfortune, and nothing moves You more than justice, Caesar," and countless other examples. I could do the same here, but I prefer the old way, and while unable to imitate those wise men in their devotion to eloquence and philosophy, I can at least follow them in this respect. Therefore, though you are of noble blood and have acquired great learning, I address you in the singular. And just as Cicero named himself first in his letters to Julius Caesar, you should accept it when you see your Enea named first in this letter, for this is not the act of an arrogant man but of one who imitates the ancients, whose ignorance I prefer even to the knowledge of the moderns.

[2] Now hear, briefly, my request. Michael Pfullendorf, a kind man and close friend, indeed my alter ego, has told me that you have many books whose titles he has written down for me. Among them are several that I should like to see, not because I have not read them before, but because I have been without them for a long time. And just as after a long interval, a friend is eager to see his friend, I now have a strong desire to receive into my home the old companions I have been missing for too long and spend some time with them. In your kindness, you can grant me this, as Michael 1 postea M3 2 postulat M3 3 omit. V3 4 Johann von Lupfen: Imperial Hofrichter. 5 In the salutation.

informed me, for you have Ovid's 1 Tristia, his Ars Amandi, and his Remedia Amoris, as well as Terence the Comedian and Jerome's 2 Letters. I am just as eager to read these books again as I am to eat meat now that Easter Day is approaching and we can do away with fish, vegetables and oil. 3 If you kindly fulfil this wish, I shall be greatly obliged to you.

[3] I am blushing as I write this, for we have no previous connection or acquaintance, so it may seem preposterous that I ask you for this favour. Indeed, anyone who wishes to ask for something must first appraise himself and soberly consider whether he merits to obtain it lest he not only fails to obtain his wish but even suffers injury and ridicule. [4] Those who collect books either wish to read them in order to enjoy them and acquire knowledge, or they want to appear to be lovers of wisdom and pointed out 1 when they are walking about in public. The last kind are those who have large and costly libraries in whose bookcases Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, Seneca, 2 Virgil, Livy, 3 Pliny 4 and indeed all of Antiquity lie hidden. The first kind are those who are happy to share works, lend them or borrow them and have them copied, and they rejoice when they see that the works of wise men are circulating. The others hide their books away like some treasure, and they would rather have them being gnawed by moths and unlettered mice 5 than keep them in the open. Indeed, they guard their books more closely than the dragon guarded the golden fleece and Cerberus 6 the entrance to the underworld. 7 They merely enjoy enjoy the bindings tooled with gold, and they never read or understand the contents.

[5] If you were one of those, I would never try to write or address you, but all who know you say you belong to the first kind of collectors since you do not buy and collect the poets and the orators to lock them into a horrible prison 8 but to make them available for your own and the common good. They say you are, in every respect, liberal, benign, munificent, generous and beneficent towards all men and especially towards those who share your love of learning. Encouraged by such a character, I have decided to send you this letter and to ask, beg and implore you to lend me the aforementioned orators and poets. When they have been talking with me for a while, passing through spring's smiling meadows and flowery fields, they will return undamaged to you. Indeed, they will come back to you refreshed and eager, for no place is so agreeable and no company so enjoyable that one will not, eventually, get enough of them. So, by sending them to me, you will do a favour not only to me but also to those poets and orators themselves. You should also consider your friendship with Michael, 9 for him you will please, too, and he and Wilhelm, 10 who regards you you highly, will both guarantee that the books do not get lost but be returned to you faithfully.

[6] I add a third thing: I myself have books which I can share with you so that, in return, you can use mine while I enjoy yours. In conclusion: I consider that my request is sensible since it agrees with your character, you can grant it safely, it may be useful to yourself, and you will be doing a favour not only to me but also to your beloved Michael. So, please let my wish be fulfilled as reason dictates and let me not become disappointed by blind fortune. Piccolomini informs Peregallo about the doings of his friends, expresses the vague (and probably insincere) hope that the coming diet in Nürnberg will settle the church schism in a way that is favourable to the council in Basel, asks for assistance with the sale of his office of scribe there, and sends other information.

Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Giovanni Peregallo, apostolic scribe and beloved brother.

[1] It is now a long time ago that I received your letter. I have not answered it before since I was travelling first in Steiermark, then Kärnten and then Krain, in the midst of the Barbarian world 2 and and among savage nations, 3 and later in Istria 4 at the shores of the Upper Sea 5 where I visited Trieste. 6 Thus, I had nobody to whom I could entrust a letter for you. But now a messenger will be sent to Basel, so I have decided to write to you to let you know that I am alive and well and still remember you. For I cannot forget you, and your sweet image always stays with me. So, please accept this letter and cast off the fear you had concerning the [safe] arrival of your friend. 7 There is no reason for you to still be nervous on that account, for I have seen him safe and sound, and out of regard for you, I have treated him cordially. As far as I understand, his companion wishes to return to you, whereas he himself has decided to remain here. I advised both of them to leave, but in vain, so I will let themselves decide, for it is useless to put spurs to walls and winds. 8 Let them do as they they wish; they will not come to harm. Your brother is a cautious man, living for himself rather than for pleasure, and he prefers long-time advantage to short-term enjoyment. You would be amazed if you saw him. Even when he drinks, there is no danger at all! Vienna has a large forest 9 where many many paths lead through various oak trees to a spring. Somebody may talk to him, but he does not reply. This is what I can say about your attendant in reply to your letter full of kind words and admonitions.

1 Not extant. 2 Ovidius: Tristia, 3: 10, 5: in me-dia vivere Barbaria. 3 For a comment on this passage, see Gantar, p. 23. 4 Piccolomini was in Trieste in February 1444 to receive the city's oath to the (new) emperor. In his DVI, he wrote: Then the king went to Steiermark, Kärnten, and Krain to receive new oaths of fidelity. When he arrived in Laibach, he sent the knight Pankraz, the secre-tary Wilhelm Tacz, and me to re-ceive the oaths of the people of Trieste in his name. This we did and were received so favourably that the king himself came there to celebrate the festive days before Lent (sect. 165). 5 Adriatic Sea. 6 Trieste and Istria being Italian, were, of course, not barbarian. 7 "familiaris". 8 Ovidius: Heroides, 2: 25: ventis et verba et vela dedisti. The word "verba" figured in the earliest version of the text (M1) but was omitted from the later, possibly due to a scribal error. 9 The Wienerwald.

[2] De me autem tibi, ut bene persuadeas, cupio. Nec enim aut gratia minor aut spes deterior est solito. Quod mihi scripsisti de absolutione cujusdam homicidii, sicut Philippus noster optabat, non potest nunc impleri. Veniat homo Norembergam, illic perfici res poterit. Nec jam hic dubium fit, quin rex vadat, quo in loco spero res universalis ecclesiae sic dirigi, {180r} ut et tu et omnes, qui bonum commune cupitis, ex sententia 1 judicetis evenisse 2 , idque meo 3 nomine dici cupio 4 cardinali cardinali sancti Calixti, viro bono et veri 5 amantissimo, cui et 6 me commendes, peto et una viris theologiae plenis, Francisco et Andreae minoris ordinis professoribus, quibus si 7 non latius scribo, ut veniam dent, ora 8 , quia officio meo parere me convenit. Nec enim alia de 9 causa secretarius vocor, nisi ut, quae audio quaeque video digna silentio, in abditis mei 10 pectoris claudam. 11 Scriptoriae officium, quod illic habeo, si emptorem reperit, pretium mihi rescribe, ut si fieri potest, utiliter illo me levem, quia non sum ejus animi 12 , ut ad vos redeam.

[3] De Tridento arbitror te audisse nonnihil. Hic fama est Athesinos Tridentum 13 obtinuisse. Veritas adhuc nubilosa est. Franciscus, noster decanus 14 , illinc 15 abiit, quoniam, postquam vidit sapienti suae sententiae locum non esse, recedere potius irrisus voluit quam manere damnificatus. Ego non spero illam rem mihi utilem esse nec usquam in rebus ecclesiasticis sum fortunatus. Laurentius 16 Rotella nihil mei causa Mediolani obtinuit [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] , non sua culpa, meam enim causam exacte promovit. Sed nosti patriae mores, nolo in illum 18 dicere, qui potest proscribere 19 . Longae manus sunt principum atque timendae, sed etiam principes privatorum hominum sunt indigui [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] 25 affectuoso WO [START_REF] Illae Viduae | pullatis indute vestibus, quae post Alexandrum Herculemque jacent 12 , urbes sunt, quae quondam splendidae nunc solo equatae, sicut jussit fortuna, cernuntur[END_REF] e WO [2] As for myself, you should know that I am fine. Favour and hope are not less than before.

Concerning your inquiry about a pardon for homicide wanted by our Philip, nothing can be achieved now. But let him come to Nürnberg where it might be obtained. 1 The king will undoubtedly go there. I hope the affairs of Universal Church will be arranged there in such a way that you and all who desire the common good will consider themselves to have gained cause. 2 Please also tell this, in my name, to the Cardinal of San Callisto, 3 a good man and a lover of truth, and recommend me to him, and also to the learned theologians, Francois 4 and Andreas 5 of the Franciscan Order. Ask for their indulgence that I do not write more than this, 6 for I must respect my office. Indeed, I am called a "secretary" because all I hear and see that should remain secret I hide in a closed chamber of my heart. If the office of scribe that I have in Basel finds a buyer, write the price to me so that, if possible, I can get relieved from it since I do not intend to return there.

[3] I believe you must have heard about Trento. Here, the rumour says it has been taken by the Tyroleans, but the truth of the matter is not yet clear. Our dean, Francesco, 7 has left the city, seeing that his wise counsel was unwanted, and preferring to leave as an object of laughter than stay as an object of scorn. I cannot hope to gain any advantage from that, and, indeed, I have never had any luck with my ecclesiastical affairs. 8 In Milan, Lorenzo Rotella achieved nothing in my cause, but it was not his fault, for he did all he could for me. But you know the ways of our country 9 : I shall not say anything to a man who can sign my death warrant. 10 11 The arms of princes are long and to be feared, but even princes need private men. I shall respect nobody more than I am obliged to.

Farewell, and write often to me and visit me, for, in my eyes, nothing is more precious than your letters. Greet Andrea Panigali and Jacopo Cerveri 12 and Ognibene cordially from me; you know how much I love them. I believe Gaspare 13 from Novara has returned to his home city with his uncle 14 , but if he is still there, please greet him from me, too.

Farewell. From Neustadt, 18 April 1444. 1 The emperor and his court would be attending the approaching diet in Nürnberg. 2 In view of Piccolomini's per-sonal development concerning the church schism, this remark may be duplicitous, cf. his letter to Cardi-nal Capranica, written two months before, in which he recommended himself to Pope Eugenius whose cause he was supporting actively: I ask you to recommend me to Our Most Holy Lord, to whose cause I contribute as much as my humble status allows (Letter 124: 2). 3 Juan de Segovia (c. 1395 -1458): Castilian prelate and theologian. Chronicler of the council. Ap-pointed cardinal by antipope Felix V. 4 Francois de Fuxe [Fuce, Fusce]: Theologian. Franciscan. 5 Andrea de Malvende [Malvena]: Theologian. Franciscan. 6 Presumably concerning the deve-lopment of ecclesiastical policies at the imperial court. 7 Francesco Bossio. 8 His ecclesiastical benefices. 9 Italy. 10 Macrobius, 2: 41, 21. 11 A veiled reference to Duke Fi-lippo Mari Visconti of Milan. 12 Colleagues and friends of Picco-limini from his time in Basel. In his Commentarii, he writes about them: The plague [1439] did not spare Aeneas either. Realizing he was infected, he called his com-panions and urged them to leave him on his deathbed before they fell sick themselves. Of these, Ja-copo Cerveri fled in terror from Basel; but Andrea Panigali, who was a firmer friend, refused to go even if staying should mean his own death (COM, 1: 9, 4 (Meser-ve, 1: p. 41)). 13 Gaspare Caccia: Nephew of Ste-fano Caccia. Later, secretary of Bishop Bartolomeo Visconti. 14 Stefano Caccia de Fara: Mem-ber of the Council of Basel. Friend of Piccolomini.

Letter to the Bishop of Konstanz (1 May 1444, Vienna).

Manuscripts: M1, ff. 90r-90v; M2, f. 60r 1 ; M3, f. 175v Enea Silvio and Michael Pfullendorf send many devoted greetings to the Father in Christ and Illustrious Prince, His Lordship Bishop Konrad 1 of Konstanz.

[1] We are sure that Your Excellency treasures good men and lovers of literature, for men esteem those who resemble them, honest men love other honest men, and virtue must please virtue. Therefore, we shall not use many words to recommend Johann Cilius 2 , who requires your assistance. Indeed, since he is an entirely decent and commendable person, he is fully capable of gaining your favour on his own and does not greatly need our recommendation. But lest he think we failed to speak up for him in his need, we desire you to know that we shall consider it a great favour if you do something for his benefit. For we love him, and he is the third member of our friendship, and all who do him a favour make us happy. Indeed Orestes 3 did not love his Pylades 4 and Theseus 5 Theseus 5 his Perithous 6 as much as we love one another.

[2] Our munificent king 7 has now granted him the right of primariae preces and made a request to the Chapter of Zofingen in your diocese, which has appointed him a canon. However, he has not been able to gain possession of the prebend, for another person has usurped it. Thus, he has only the honour but not the material advantage. Another might gladly take the material advantage without the office, for ordinary people prefer advantage to honour. But according to true philosophy, nothing can be advantageous that is not also honourable. 8 However that may be, our Johann wishes to combine honour with material advantage, for worldly honour is fragile if not sustained by money. So, since you are the bishop there, having in your hand the chalice full of a mixture 9 that you can blend as you wish, do help our friend and let us see that our prayers profited him. If, in the goodness of your heart, you do so -as we trust you will -you will not only oblige him and us but also gain the favour of His Imperial Highness.

Farewell. From Vienna, 1 May 1444. 1 This is an error. In 1444, the bishop of Konstanz was Henrich von Hewen, whereas Konrad von Rechberg was dean at the cathe-dral (Domprobst). The officials at the imperial chancery knew very well, of course, who was bishop of Konstanz, so the error supports the notion that this letter was not an actual letter to the bishop of Kon-stanz but a formulaic letter. 2 The oldest manuscript having this text (M1) has no surname. In the later mss., Cilius was added, which differed from the Cincius in the corresponding letter 132, again supporting the notion of a formu-laic letter.

3

Orestes: (Myth.) son of Aga-memnon, whom he avenged. 4 Pylades: cousin and friend of Orestes. 5 Theseus: (Myth.) Hero and founder-king of Athens. 6 Perithous: (Myth.) King of the Lapiths of Larissa and best friend of Theseus. 7 Friedrich III. 8 If it is not honourable, it is not truly advantageous. 9 Psalms, 74: 9: Quia calix in ma-nu Domini vini meri, plenus misto. Et inclinavit ex hoc in hoc, verum-tamen faex ejus non est exinanita; bibent omnes peccatores terrae (For in the hand of the Lord there is a cup of strong wine full of mixture. And he hath poured it out from this to that: but the dregs thereof are not emptied: all the sinners of the earth shall drink).

Letter to Jan Tuschek (1 May 1444, Vienna).

Context: Jan Tuschek had written a (not extant) letter to Piccolomini excusing his own Latin style, informing him that he had acquired a reputation for his literary merits in Bohemia, and asking him for an explanation of something apparently concerned with his arms (blazon). 1 Subject:

Piccolomini tells Tuschek that friendship is more important than eloquence and informs him that Wenzel Bochow maintains a file of his writings and that he can get copies from him. He also modestly thanks Tuschek for the report of his growing reputation in Bohemia and ends the letter with lighthearted jokes about drinking.

Enea Silvio, imperial secretary, sends many greetings to Johann Tuschek, secretary of the city of Prague, eminent friend.

[1] Reading and rereading your letter, I saw modesty fighting with learning. For though you write exquisitely, you begin by saying that you fear your letter is unpolished. I beg you not to use such a beginning in the future, for all you write to me will be most elegant, quite apart from possessing the splendid elegance that marks your writings. For friendship does not seek eloquence but substance, and you are a friend I love more than most. Therefore, love will provide what eloquence refuses. This excuse applies to me as much as to you: you, wishing to appear unknowledgeable, show yourself as most learned, whereas I, proud of my knowledge, reveal my lack of learning. Thus, in my letters, pride fights with lack of knowledge, and less honourably than in yours where, as I said, modesty fights with learning. But no more of this: now to your requests.

[2] You say you desire me to send any new writings of mine. I would fulfil your wish if I rewrote things as gladly as I write, but unfortunately, I have the fault that I only write out things once. After your departure, 2 I have written several works. I have sent a lengthy letter 3 to Duke Siegmund, 4 our our king's cousin, with many precepts for the virtuous life 5 . I have also finished a hymn De passione Domini 6 and presented it to the king, and I have sent letters to various persons. Our Wenzel has copies of them all 7 and can share them with you. His pen is feathery, mine is leaden. 8 His [3] I am pleased to hear that Enea is well known in Bohemia, 1 for a good name is better than many riches. 2 Hopefully, the fame you speak of will endure, which it will only do if it is founded solidly upon the rock of truth. I am conscious that I am not such a man as I am reputed to be. But at any rate, I would rather be praised undeservedly than censured deservedly, for praise is an incentive to virtue. Who is so wicked that he would not eagerly strive to acquire that quality for which he sees himself being praised? Indeed, the reputation you say I have in Bohemia is a powerful incentive for me to acquire eloquence. Hopefully, I shall eventually become the man I am reputed to be. On your part, please ensure that your eulogies are not found to be empty.

[4] If for some reason I should ever come to Praguewhere my presence will obscure my reputation -I shall bring you the work describing your arms. I entrust that task to Wenzel for whom no task is too heavy if it is on your behalf.

[5] Franz, an old assistant 3 at the royal chancery, has told me much in your praise, which I heard with pleasure. God give that you and yours will prosper as long as you live and that you will never lack beer 4 and Franz wine. Wenzel and I will drink lots of golinum. 5 Farewell.

From Vienna, 1 May 1444.

1 On this passage, see Helmrath: Enea, p. 115. 2 Proverbs, 22: 1.

3 "mancipium" 4 "medo": a honey-sweetened beer? 5 A wine, possibly from Germany and Austria. Van Heck defined medo and golinum as a potiones (HE, p. 280).

Piccolomini also u-sed the term golinum (golinis) in a letter to some friends (Prokop von Rabenstein et al.) (letter 206: 1).

Letter to Juan Carvajal (20 May 1444, Vienna).

Manuscripts: M1a, f. 74r; M1b, f. 90r;1 M2, f. 60v 2 ; M3, f. 399v 3 Piccolomini refers to the friendship and polite dialogue on church affairs between the two men and cautiously expresses his pessimism concerning the diet's settling the church schism. Finally, he comments on the visit of the Archbishop of Trier to the emperor. 1 Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Juan Carvajal, jurist and auditor causarum 2 at the Apostolic Palace.

[1] I eagerly heard that you have returned to Germany, for I hope to see you again since I am happy to speak and be with you. We do have a longstanding dispute about the ecclesiastical affairs, but it is not hostile or acrimonious but such as is held by philosophers who do not dispute to impress people but to find the truth. Moreover, I certainly do not want to be a leader in this conflict between theologians. It is enough for me to hold a view that is shared by the many. 3 [2] You ask me what I think will happen at the diet. The chancellor 4 fulfils your wish as much as possible, 5 and it is improper for me to know or say more than he has. But if you ask me to make a prophecy, I shall add something, for it is, indeed, a poet's task to make prophecies. To tell the truth, I do not think that this diet will be more barren than the others. You know what I mean. Actually, all diets are fertile: each carries the next one in its womb! 6 In Arabia, there is a bird called Phenix, made famous in poets' songs. When it feels the end approachingit lives for 540 yearsit arranges its own funeral pyre, with sweet-smelling herbs, 7 and soon rises from its ashes. There is always only one Phenix. Take this in any way you wish. We have had diets for several years now, and the end is not near.

1 On this letter, see Izbicki: Reject, p. 197 ff. 2 The official title of a judge in an ecclesiastical court or a judge acting as an assessor. 3 Or "the majority". 4 Chancellor Kaspar Schlick. 5 In his letter to Carvajal of 20 May (the same date as Piccolo-mini's own letter), drafted by Pic-colomini, the chancellor wrote: Quod de dietae cursu deposcitis, non possum cum certitudine scri-bere, quid futurum sit. Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Stefano Caccia of Novara, jurist.

[1] On my return from the Windic March, I found the presents that Barbatus 1 had brought to me in Vienna. They are so splendid that they fit the giver more than the recipient! It was Alexander's 2 custom to always give presents that reflected his own status. I thank you so much though it would not be proper to wear such adornments here where it is not customary. You should know that the regions should not be adapted to us but that we should conform to the regions. About that, I had written a poem which I sent to you in Milan, 3 having heard you had left the council. 4 Now, a letter from Peregallo informs me that you are still in Basel. I am happy to know it since then I can contact you more often by letter. 5 Also, I believe it to be more honourable and advantageous for you to be in Basel 6 because there the field is fertile and the reapers few, and even were they more numerous, a a preeminent position would always be owed to you.

[2] On a previous occasion, I offered to arrange for your appointment as a royal advocate if the matter of Freising turned out well in your democratic setup. 7 Since this condition has not been fulfilled and you yourself even acted as a defender of the opposite party, 8 I could rightfully consider consider myself as absolved from the promise. But I know that more law means less justice. 9 Moreover, I am not bound to you with my words but with my soul, and I know that my debt to you exceeds all I could possibly do for you. Therefore, though it is difficult to obtain what I promised, I hope to succeed and to do you this favour. But time governs and determines everything. So, I ask you to be patient a little longer and trust me, for I shall either cease to be Enea or fulfil your wish. And do not think that I am talking like the French, who consider 14 years to be a short period. 10 I think they wish to imitate those prophets 11 who said Jesus would come soon when he actually came 500 years afterwards. I do not ask for years but only a few months to complete the matter for you. 1 Not identified. 2 Alexander III the Great (356-323 BCE): King of Macedon from 336 to his death. World conqueror. 3 Or maybe: "I had written to you in Milan …" 4 See letter 136: 3. 5 There were many more oppor-tunities for sending mail between Vienna and Basel than between Vienna and Milan. 6 At the council in Basel. 7 The council in Basel functioned as a democratic institution where laypeople and ordinary priests and theologians exerted an unusual in-fluence, condemned by the pa-palist opposition and excoriated by Pope Eugenius IV in a Liber Apologeticus sent to the European princes in June 1436: Why are they [i.e. the council fathers] so eager to reduce this monarchy, which God has established by his own word, to a popular state and a democracy? (Stieber, p. 71). 8 Johann Grünwalder 9 Cicero: De officiis, 1: 10, 33 10 A sarcastic joke: due to the ma-chinations of the French party, the council in Basel had now lasted for 14 years, which the French evidently did not find problematic at all though it was unheard of in the history of the councils. In his oration "Sentio" of December 1452, Piccolomini said about the conciliarists in Basel (the Savoy-ards): And if they want to have councils every ten years, they are stupid to follow the Savoyards for those people prolong them for twenty! (COR, 4: 20, 113). 11 The Old Testament prophets.

Farewell. Greet our friends and recommend me to your lord. 1 From Vienna, 27 May 1444. 1 Presumably a cardinal-employ-er of Stefano. 10 11 , fuere.

Letter to

[2] Inter hos, cum lecta esset forma, per Caesarem data, magnus rumor exortus est, quoniam Ladislaus rex Hungariae vocitabatur. "Ex hoc," inquit decanus, "jam se Caesar partialem facit, qui regnum Hungariae attribuit Ladislao. Nos {132r} ergo nihil amplius 12 tractabimus secum. Quid Caesar 13 in Hungariae regno manum extendit?" Ad haec oratores, "Vos," inquiunt, "nodum in scirpo 14 quaeritis. Quid vestra interest, si Caesar suum patruelem regalibus ornat titulis? Dominus vester 15 se Hungariae regem scribit, nec Caesar suas respuit litteras, quoniam nec vestra scripta jus auferunt Ladislao nec apices regii, si quod habetis, vobis 16 Piccolomini gives an account of the negotiations of a truce between Wladyslaw III and the emperor, including the initial dispute about who was the rightful king of Hungary. 1 Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Johann Vrunt, 2 secretary to the city of Cologne.

[1] I have nothing [personal] to write, but I write anyway so that you will figure among my correspondents. So, I shall seek out material and tell you the news from here that I believe you will be pleased to hear, for they concern the affairs to be treated in Nürnberg. 3 You know you have often often been worried that some trouble from Hungary would keep the king in these areas. This is no longer feared here, for we now have a two-year truce. I shall briefly tell you 4 how we obtained it. 5 The king of Poland 6 sent a letter to our emperor in which he presented a concrete proposal 7 for peace. The emperor did not like it and made an alternative proposal comprising not only Austria, Steiermark, Kärnten and Krain but also all the territories subject to King Ladislaus. 8 He sent ambassadors with the proposal, and when they reached the King of Poland 9 and set forth the matter, matter, the king appointed trusted men to negotiate with them, among whom were Cardinal Giuliano, Nikolaus, 10 dean of Krakow, and Palatine Lorenz. 11 [2] When the emperor's proposal had been read, a great commotion arose because Ladislaus 12 was called King of Hungary. Then the dean said, "This shows the emperor is prejudiced since he attributes the Kingdom of Hungary to Ladislaus. Therefore, we shall have no further negotiations with him. Why does the emperor extend his hands towards the Kingdom of Hungary?" The ambassadors replied, "You are looking for a knot in a bullrush. 13 Why should it matter to you if the emperor honours his cousin with royal titles? Your own lord 14 [cont.] The palatine replied, "But I would have no difficulty whatsoever in defending this cause before the Supreme Pontiff and the cardinals, 1 for the matter is plain and evident. None is so foolish as to wish to deprive the kingdom's subjects of their right to elect the king."

[3] "We have not come to dispute this matter," the ambassadors said, "but to negotiate a peace. If you want peace, we give it. If you prefer war, we shall fight. It is up to you to choose what you will." The dean replied, "We are not so exhausted and senseless that we would accept such a shameful peace. We still have strength and courage, and we fear nobody." Then the ambassadors said, "Neither are we destitute and feeble. We cannot invade another country, but we are strong enough to easily defend our own, which is enough for good men. All is safe behind us, and before us, we have you whom we can resist, should you wish to act wickedly. But you are placed between us and the Turks. Beware not to be stricken at the same time from both sides." Then the palatine, "We know that your emperor is rich, but this kingdom is wealthy, too. We fear nobody. Begone with your peace." "So be it," the ambassadors said. Then both parties prepared to leave, but Cardinal Giuliano exclaimed, "For God's sake, Your Excellencies, make peace! If we want to set forth against the Turks, peace is necessary. Allow this poor realm to breathe. Do not stain its fields with streams of Christian blood." But his entreaties were in vain, and they separated without having achieved anything.

[4] However, the next day, the ambassadors were requested to remain, for the answer [they had received] had not been [given] in the king's 2 name. So, they stayed and had another meeting. Afterwards, the matter was discussed in the king's chamber. Finally, the king himself appeared and said, in Hungarian, "Return, ambassadors, to the emperor and greet him in my name. Then inform him that though We do not need the peace he has proposed, We accept it willingly for his sake and to please him, and We agree to all the articles as proposed. Within eight days, you will receive, in Pozon, 3 a letter [of confirmation] from Us, and there you will arrange for a letter from the emperor to be delivered to Us." Thus, the matter was concluded. The Hungarians are now busy mobilising a strong army against the Turks. In Venice, 25 galleys are being armed that will sail to the Hellespont in June.

[5] Our emperor is now only concerned with reaching Nürnberg soon and honourably. I think he will depart in 15 days. He will be accompanied by dukes Albrecht 4 and Siegmund 5 and alsoit is rumouredby the younger Duke of Cilly 6 and the Lord of Walsee 7 . However that may be, the important thing is, I think, that he goes there in person, which I do not doubt much he will do, though the future cannot be known for sure. 1 A reference to the authority the popes traditionally exercised in re-lation to the Hungarian crown.

2 King Wladyslaw III. 3 Pressburg, present-day Bratisla-va. 4 Duke Albrecht VI. 5 Duke Siegmund of Tyrol. 6 Duke Ulrich II. 7 Reinprecht [Ruprecht] IV von Walsee (1405/6-1450): Haupt-mann ob der Enns.

[6] In tua causa1 multum verborum perdidi. Nil2 video, quod fieri queat, nisi postquam Nurembergae fuerimus, ubi artibus erit utendum et novis et majoribus. Adversarius tuus diem obiit filioque nullam haereditatem praeter lites reliquit. Deus illis misertus sit, sive justa fuit ejus causa sive injusta. 3 Vale. Ex Vienna, 5. idus Januarias 1444. 4 [6] As for your affair,1 I have talked much about it but in vain. I see nothing that can be done until we come back from [the diet in] Nürnberg2 (which will require new and excellent skills of manoeuvering!). Your adversary has died and left his son no inheritance except the lawsuit. May God have had mercy upon him whether his cause was just or not.

Farewell. From Vienna, 11 January 1444 3 .

Letter to Giovanni Peregallo (27 May 1444, Vienna). 1

Context:

In the later versions of his letters, Piccolomini would attribute passages on sexual matters to his friend Giovanni Peregallo. In this case, the whole passage was be taken out of a letter to another person (Johann Vrunt) and presented as a letter from Peregallo. Subject:

Piccolomini relates a naughty episode concerning a girl, probably a prostitute, from Vienna that would have highly amused his robust friends but would certainly not fit the image of a serious ecclesiastic which he would develop only some years later. 2 Giovanni Peregallo, apostolic scribe, sends many greetings to Petrus Gemingherus.

[1] Philorcium, 3 whose lover you were when you stayed here, has a swollen belly, 4 either due to gas gas or overeating. Johann, the secretary of Nürnberg, 5 thought the cause was that her stomach was full of wine, so he mounted her, rode her hard, and tried with all his strength to press the wine out of her. But only farts came out! Oh, you should have seen the tears and heard the moans of the unhappy girl after you left. If Johann had not come to her assistance, the poor girl would have died, for women do not bear the passion 6 of love as [well as] men do. 7 But now Johann, too, has left, and and I do not know what the poor thing will do. If I knew German, I would go to her, console her and comfort her with soothing words. But the only thing I have in common with German men is the touch which tastes of nothing if not accompanied by words. So, I shall delegate the task to our Michael, who speaks like a Ulysses and acts like an Achilles.

Farewell, and keep me in your memory. From Basel, 27 May 1444.

1 In M2, M3, V2a, HE, WO this letter forms the last section of the preceeding letter (142). 22 For comments on this letter, see Diemar, pp. 83, 86-88. 3 Name of Terentian inspiration used by Piccolomini to designate prostitute lovers. 4 Ovidius: Amores, 2: 14, 15 5 Johann Marquard, see Diemar, p. 87. 6 "flammae" 7 In this year, 1444, Piccolomini was also writing his famous love story "De duobus amantibus", where the heroine actually dies from love.

Letter to Giuliano Cesarini (28 May 1444, Vienna).

Manuscripts: M2, ff. 56v-57r 1 ; M3, ff. 264v-265r {139v} Juliano cardinali sancti angeli, patri reverendissimo, Aeneas Silvius 6 salutem plurimam dicit.

[1] Numquam veniret ad te 7 {139v} Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Cardinal Giuliano of Sant'Angelo. 2 [1] Never would a messenger reach you unburdened by letters from me if His Magnificence the Chancellor 3 had not come first, writing about everything so carefully and accurately 4 that there is nothing left for me to write. So, I would rather be silent than write, for to rehash well-known matters is dumb, and to mention inane matters and write empty words 5 is stupid. I ask Your Paternity to take note of this and forgive that I remain silent and do not write superfluously. It is enough for me that you know I am your servant and ready and willing to carry out all your commands. So, when some matter requires it, please write to me and make your wishes known to one who is eager to obey.

[2] There is nothing new I consider worthy of writing. Our Italy breathes somewhat more easily, but I do not know what will come of the meeting now being held in Siena and which has yet to end. If only the age of Martin, 6 not to mention Saturn, 7 would return. I should very much like to see my country again and have my bones rest in my fatherland. Indeed, I fear nothing more than to be laid to rest in a foreign country, even though from any place the road to the lower world and the higher is just as far. 8 But somehow, it is less painful to die in the arms of brothers, sisters, sons and grandsons. And although you can acquire friends everywhere, no close friendships are as sweet and solid as those formed in one's own country. If the Church were at peace, I should have greater hope for Italy.

[3] Nescio, quid allatura sit Nurembergensis conventio 1 , quia [3] I do not know what will come of the diet in Nürnberg, for people are divided. The state of Neutrality 1 cannot be easily abolished since it is advantageous to many. Only few follow the truth; almost all seek their own interest. They are quite content with the new hunting grounds 2 provided by Neutrality, for people who hold [ecclesiastical benefices] justly or unjustly cannot be deprived of them, and the local bishops 3 confer benefices as they wish. 4 Believe me, it is not easy to snatch the prey from a wolf's mouth. But, as I see it, the whole of Christianity supports Eugenius. 5 6 Only Germany is divided. I should much like to see it become united and follow it, for I attach great importance to this nation that is led not by fear but by its own will 7 and judgment. Wherever the king and the prince-electors turn, my humble self will follow them, and I shall not trust myself more than others. 8 [4] I wanted to write this so that I would at least be writing something and be more easily forgiven my future silence.

Farewell, and use me as you wish. From Vienna, 28 May 1444. 1 The state of Neutrality between the council in Basel and the pope in Rome declared by the German princes in 1438.

2 "aucupium": Lockspeise (ME); stratagem (RE) 3 "ordinarii" 4 Bypassing higher ecclesiasticaland secularauthorities. 5 Pope Eugenius in Rome, not the council's antipope, Felix V.

Letter to Adam Moleyns (28 May 1444, Vienna).

Manuscripts: M1, ff. 74r-75v; M2, f. 56v

Letter to Adam Moleyns (28 May 1444, Vienna).

Context: This is a reply to a letter from Adam to Piccolomini (letter 68), in which Adam expresses English support for the emperor's plan for a third council. In the meantime, that solution had become impossible since it did not meet with the approval of the other European princes. Subject:

Piccolomini compliments Adam on hisand Englisheloquence, informs him that the emperor is preparing to go the diet in Nürnberg, and thanks him for the gift Adam had sent him. He does not inform him that, in the meantime, the plans for a third council had proven unrealistic.

Enea Silvio sends many greetings to the Reverend Father, Adam Moleyns, 1 Englishman and protonotary of the Apostolic See.

[1] The king's 2 messenger, who returned recently, has given me your letter, 3 a letter with as many sentences as words. 4 I read it eagerly and was amazed [to see] how Roman eloquence has now arrived in England. 5 But in former times, too, England had followers of Tullian 6 eloquence, among among whom all place the Venerable Bede 7 . Pierre de Blois 8 was far inferior -I frankly prefer your your lapidary letter to his letters. I congratulate you and England for mastering elegant speaking. For this, great thanks are owed to the most noble and learned prince, the Duke of Gloucester, 9 who has been keen to introduce humanist studies 10 to your realm and, as I have been told, admirably supports the poets and honours the orators. This is certainly the reason why many English have become eloquent, for subjects usually are like their princes, and servants imitate the pursuits of their lords. Continue in this way, my Adam, my Master. Keep and develop the eloquence you have now and do consider it a great honour for you to excel other men in that very attribute that distinguish men from other living beings. Eloquence is a great thing, and -to say it bluntly -nothing governs the world more than eloquence. For whatever we do in public affairs, we do under the influence of words, and in all societies it is the opinion of the most persuasive man that prevails. 11 But this you know very well, so I shall leave it there. 2 Friedrich III. 3 Letter 68. 4 An adaptation of Terence's quot homines tot sententiae (Phormio, 455). 5 Note that Piccolomini uses Bri--tannia synonymously with An-glia. 6 Ciceronian. [2] As you wished, the messenger has reported to me how you feel the same in the ecclesiastical matters as I perceived in Frankfurt. 1 I commend your preference for peace to war and your desire to see the Church at peace. I hear you will be coming to Nürnberg where we can speak more about this matter. The emperor is now preparing for the voyage, so, hopefully, we shall meet there within a month. Duke Albrecht, the emperor's brother, and Siegmund, his cousin, will come there, too. Hopefully, the peace 2 we wish for will be made there, and the state of Neutrality 3 ended so that we may know where to eat the Lamb. 4 [3] I cannot express how happy your gift 5 made me, for neither mouth nor pen can do justice to my sentiment. God grant prosperity to the maiden, your noble niece, who made it with such art that Penelope 6 and Arachne 7 bear no comparison with her. May she get a husband who is worthy of such such qualities, and may she have children who imitate their mother. I shall certainly make use of your offers 8 when necessary, knowing I shall find that your acts match your words. Trust that it will will be the same with me.

Farewell, my father in dignity, my brother in age, and my companion in love. Love me as ever, and use me more than you do now. From Vienna, 29 May 1444. 1 A diet was held in Frankfurt both in 1441 and 1442. Piccolomini is known to have participated in the second. 2 The settlement of the church schism. 3 The German state of Neutrality between Pope Eugenius in Rome and the Council of Basel with its antipope Felix V. 4 I.e., receive communion, mean-ing which party in the church con-flict to finally join. 5 A purse. 6 Penelope (Myth.): Wife of Ulys-ses. Kept her suitors at bay by con-tinuously weaving. 7 Arachne: (Myth.) In his Meta-morphoses, 6: 5-145, Ovid re-counts the story of Arachne, talen-ted weaver, transformed into a spider. [12] {140r} Eneas Silvius 1 domino Wilhelmo de 2 Lapide, militi litterato et strenuo, salutem plurimam dicit.

[1] Venit ad me hodie tuus Michael meusque, 3 1. A foolish lawyer´s criticism of poetry [1] Today, your and my -indeed our -friend Michael 3 came to me and said, "Enea, I have just 4 had a visit from a man who boasted he had such knowledge of law that he would not fear to dispute with any Italian nor yield the palm of victory to Panormitano 5 or Ludovico Romano, 6 had he still been alive. He belittles Cino, 7 Bartolo, 8 Baldo, 9 Johannes Andreae, 10 [Giovanni] da Imola, 11 Butrio, 12 Fulgosio 13 and all the modern jurists. Indeed, he considers himself equal to Scaevola, 14 Ulpian, 15 Nerva, 16 Pomponius, [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] Paulus 18 and Servius. 19 He speaks profusely, but I do not know how much salt [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] he has. Anyone who follows him must listen more than talk. I was with him for more than four hours, and during that whole time, he did not pause once to let me say anything. He is like a cicada: when you touch it once, it never stops humming. You know which cicadas: not those from Reginum, who grew silent at the bidding of Hercules, 21 but those from Locri, who are more noisy than the others. 22 [cont.] This man despises poetry, and he would not thank the gods if they gave him all the Muses' [gifts], for he claims that law is the only science. He contends that poetry is entirely useless since it earns neither bread nor clothes. Only Justinian 1 and Hippocrates 2 fill the purse. 3 Lucan 4 sings in his his gardens while famished, 5 and Horace's 6 stomach was well filled when he shouted his cry of Evoe. 7 8 9 [2] Hearing this so upset me, Wilhelm, ornament of knighthood, that I cannot contain myself but must vent my bile if not to others, then at least to you who have sound judgment. I do not revile laws as he reviles the Muses (though I could quote Ovid and say that laws are garrulous). 10 Nay, laws are useful since they regulate people's lives. Not everybody can be a philosopher and know by himself what to do and what not, and therefore, laws are made and put before the eyes of men as boundaries that nobody should dare to cross. 11 [3] However, nobody can be made perfect by the laws unless he has also studied philosophy, for the laws cannot cover all individual cases. Therefore, the prince is the moderator of the laws and must administer fairness 12 to soften hard rules of law and harden soft ones. But princes cannot do that right unless they follow philosophy as a teacher 13 and expeller of vice. 14 15 But this monarch 16 of ours or rather our two-legged donkey [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] in his arrogance puts the science of civil law above all other sciences, the daughter 18 above the mother, 19 and the rivers above the sea. [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] He is one of those blind and deaf men who, having learnt four or ten laws by heart, consider themselves to be men no longer but gods. They look upon the laws as if they were divine pronouncements made by Apollo or by God himself (greater than Apollo) through Moses, or as responses 21 made by Christ (we others call them the gospels! 22 ).

[4] Ac propterea, si quid egisse Caesarem audiunt, quod juri scripto contrarietur, id irritum garriunt nulliusque esse 1 momenti, quasi obnoxius sit princeps terminos curiae et stilum servare ligatusque legibus sit, quod nec ipsae leges volunt, quae legis vigorem dicunt habere, quidquid principi placuit. Sed nesciunt hi stulti atque dementes aequitatem 2 plus in principe locum habere quam rigorem. Quod si non juri scripto {141v} Caesar nonnumquam obtemperat 3 , satis est, quia sequitur aequitatem, apud philosophos late descriptam, quam 4 nulli juristae discernere possunt, nisi ad fontem veniant, unde leges scaturiunt imitenturque peritissimos illos jurisconsultos, quorum scripta et philosophiam et oratoriam redolent. Sed nostri panis quaestores et auri corrasores 5 vix intelligunt ornatum jurisconsultorum sermonem neque, quid illi vellent, quovis pacto scirent, nisi commentatores sententias textuum exponerent "Hoc dicit ista lex, hoc illa," quos isti sequuntur, ut caeci ductorem suum.

[5] Dicerem plura in hanc partem, sed vocat me defensio poesis, quam noster rabulus non desiderat. Credo equidem, nam nec sues margaritas curant, gallus Aesopi jaspidem contempsit escamque magis quam iacinctum invenire voluisset. "Contemnis, asine, poesim, spernis Musas 6 , bos, fugis humanitatis studia, caper. Contemnit et poesis te 7 , nec te choros suos intrare permittet. In omnibus cum sis fatuus, miror in hoc uno te esse sapientem, qui cum videas obseratam tibi atque abditam poesim, nolle te suum commercium dicis 8 . Sapere hoc est. Nunc te philosophum video, quia non cupis, quod non potes habere. Stultum est desiderare, quod assequi nequeas. Tu tamen ultra progrederis scientiarumque omnium splendorem 9 vocas ineptias. Vidit pendentes aselli 10 testiculos vulpecula et prope casuros credidit. {142r} Secuta est praedam sperans, at postquam diu frustrata est, quia non cadebant testes, "O quam," inquit, "nigri sunt; numquam illos esse 11 potuissem 12 ." Nigra est tibi poesis, stulte, quia candorem ejus obnubilatis oculis non vides. Non sapit aegroto vinum, quia laesus est gustus. [4] Therefore, when they hear the emperor has done something that goes against written law, they foolishly claim it is invalid and of no moment, as if the emperor were obliged to use the terms and style of the courts and were bound by the laws. This the laws themselves do not claim, for they say that the prince's decisions have the force of law. 1 2 But these foolish and insane men do not know that fairness must be more important to the prince than rigour. If the emperor does not always follow written law, it is enough that he follows fairness. The philosophers have written extensively on this concept, and jurists cannot understand it unless they return to the source from where the laws spring and imitate those most learned jurists whose writings are redolent with philosophy and oratory. But our bread-seekers and money-gatherers barely understand the ornate language of the jurists and can only know what they mean if the passages in the texts have been explained to them by commentators telling them that "This law says this, and that law says that". And they follow these commentators as blind men follow their guide. [5] I could say more on this subject, but I am called to defend poetry which our bawling advocate rejects. Indeed, swine do not care for pearls, 3 and Aesop's cock scorned a gemstone 4 and would rather find food than sapphires. "You, ass, despise poetry; you, ox, scorn the Muses; you, goat, flee humanist studies. 5 Therefore, poetry despises you and will not admit you to its circles. 6 Since you are foolish in all other matters, I am surprised that you are wise in this that, seeing poetry to be closed and hidden to you, you say you want nothing to do with it. That is wise. Here, I see you as a philosopher, for you do not want what you cannot have. Indeed, it is foolish to desire what one cannot get. However, you go further when you claim that the splendour of all the sciences is nothing. A fox once saw a donkey's hanging testicles and thought they would fall off soon. So, hoping, it followed its prey for a long time but in vain, for they did not fall off. Then it said, "Ouch, how black they are! I could never have eaten them." 7 Poetry is black to you, fool, for you cannot see see its brilliance with clouded eyes. Wine has no flavour to a sick man, for his sense of taste is impaired.

Defence of poetry

[6] "Non est de pane lucrando," dicis. Tibi numquam lucrari panem poesis posset, quia crassis ingeniis nubilosisque mentibus non potest fructum praestare. At 1 Virgilio frugifer fuit, Horatio admodum pinguis, qui frui paratis 2 optabat. Oppianus, qui nomina piscium naturasque descripsit, magnas opes est assecutus. Quid novi? Leonardus Aretinus, Guarinus, 3 Aurispa, Panormitanus, Antonius Luscus 4 pluresque alii 5 ? His et patrimonia sunt ampliata et opes accumulatae quamplures, quamplures, quia poesim et oratoriam sunt secuti. Nec tibi umquam tantum auri speculator praebebit, quantum Quintilianus Aretino tribuit. Quod si apud hanc tuam Germaniam non sunt in pretio vates, non poesim sed principes potius argue, quibus levissimarum rerum major est cura quam litterarum. Apud Italos autem florent hujusmodi facultates, nec erubescunt principes audire et nosse poeticam. Idem spero, quamquam tu nolles, et in Germania futurum aliquando, quia et olim viros doctos haec terra tulit, et jam plerosque novi dicendi peritos, qui te invito, etiam si tibi rumpantur ilia, eloquentiam inter Germanos seminabunt.

[7] Nec enim inutilem {142v} rentur 6 , ut tu asseris, poesim. Sciunt ex hac maximum gigni frumentum. Quomodo enim pacari provinciae et amicitiae vel 7 conflari vel integrari possent, nisi facundia foret, quam poesis alit? An nescis, quantus est epistolarum usus, quantus historiarum, quantus orationum? Rex regi per litteras conciliatur, civitates foedera percutiunt, absentes cum absentibus fabulantur 8 . Historia nobis res gestas refert, que testis est temporum, lux veritatis et vitae vitae magistra. Orationes senatum regunt, populos ducunt, leges suadent. Sed quis haec bene agat, nisi poeticis et oratoriis imbutus disciplinis? Quas praeterea grates referre Homero debent 9 Graeci atque Trojani, qui jam duobus annorum milibus mortui adhuc vivunt? 1 omit. WO 2 em.; partis codd. 3 omit. M2 4 add. M2 5 Leonardus Aretinus … alii : Aurispa Panormitanus pluresque alii Leonardus Aretinus Pogius Guarinus L 6 retro V4 7 omit. L 8 fabulant WO 9 Homero debent : debent Homero L 2.1. Poetry is lucrative [6] "One cannot earn a living [from poetry]", you say. Well, you, certainly, could not, for poetry cannot profit crass people and foggy minds. But it profited Virgil and richly rewarded Horace, who wanted to enjoy what he had. 1 And it made a rich man of Oppian, 2 who wrote [a poem] about the names and kinds of fishes. What about the present age: Leonardo Aretino, 3 Guarino, 4 Aurispa, 5 Panormita, 6 Antonio Loschi 7 and many others? These men increased their possessions and became wealthy by cultivating poetry and oratory. You will never earn as much money from a client 8 as Aretino has earned from Quintilian. 9 But if poets are not in great demand in your Germany, you should not blame poetry but your princes who care more for trifling matters than for letters. But today, these arts flourish in Italy, where princes are not ashamed to hear and know poetry. Even if you do not wish it, I hope this will also happen in Germany, for this country once fostered men of learning, and I know several such who will sow eloquence among the Germans, even if you do not wish for it and your sides may burst with envy. 10 11 [7] [Unlike you,] they do not say poetry is useless, for they know it gives excellent results. Indeed, how can provinces be pacified and friendships created and renewed if not through eloquence fostered by poetry? Or do you not know how valuable letters, history and orations are? Through letters, kings are reconciled with kings, states make pacts, and men speak with others who are far away. History tells us about past deeds. It is the witness to the ages, the light of truth, and the teacher of life. 12 And orations govern senates, 13 lead peoples, and plead for laws. So, who can do well if not imbued with poetry and oratory? How much should Homer 14 not be thanked by the Greeks and Trojans, who live today [through him] though they died more than 2,000 years ago? [8] Novit, quanta sit utilitas poetarum, Alexander magnus, cui per Asiam iter facienti cum 1 obviam tumulus Hectoris fieret, "O 2 , fortunate," inquit, "adolescens, quem tanta decantavit tuba, Homeri scilicet 3 Musam designans. Alexander, Aminthae filius, rex Macedonum, Pindarum poetam lyricum lyricum apprime dilexit. Archelaus, ejus successor, in tantum poetas amavit, ut Euripidi tragico consiliorum summam crederet, cujus suprema non contentus prosequi sumptu funeris crines tonsus est et maerorem, quem animo conceperat, vultu indicavit. Africanus prior Quinti Ennii statuam sepulchro suo jussit imponi. Lysander, Lacedemoniorum dux, {143r} cum obsideret Athenas, quia Sophoclis inhumatum corpus jacebat, indutias dedit, ut congrue et digne poetis 4 exequiae fierent. Julius ille Caesar, qui nobis Romanum 5 imperium peperit, non solum poetas amavit sed fieri etiam et dici poeta voluit. Idem et Augustus Octavianus. Ac propterea mortui vivunt, nec ulla istorum aetas immemor erit. 1 omit. WO 2 cum M2 3 sed WO 4 poetae V3, V4 5 Romanorum WO [8] Alexander the Great knew the value of poets. When he travelled through Asia 1 and came upon the tomb of Hector, 2 he said, "O fortunate adolescent who was sung by such a trumpet!", 3 by which he meant Homer's muse. [Another] Alexander, 4 son of Amyntas, 5 king of the Macedonians, greatly loved Pindar, 6 the lyric poet. His successor, Archelaus, 7 treasured the poets so highly that he he followed the counsels of Euripides, 8 the writer of tragedies, even in the most important affairs, and at his death, he not only covered the costs of the burial but even shaved off his hair, thus publicly demonstrating his inner sorrow. 9 The Elder Africanus 10 ordered a statue of Quintus Ennius 11 placed on his own tomb. 12 When the Spartan general, Lysander, 13 besieged Athens and learnt that the poet Sophocles 14 had died and not yet been buried, he made a truce so that the poet could be given a proper burial, fitting for poets. 15 And Julius Caesar who created the Roman Empire for us not only loved poets but also wanted to become one and be known as such. Augustus Octavianus 16 did the same. Therefore, though they are dead, they are still alive, and no age shall forget them [9] Quod si nonnulli principes equos potius et canes alere quam poetas volunt et multa carne leones ursosque pascunt, intestinis poetarum nihil praebentes 1 , talis erit eorum obitus, qualis equorum et canum, nec post mortem majus erit istorum nomen quam ursi atque leonis. Integri morientur nec beneficio Musarum famam sibi vendicabunt, quas tuo ex more nihili 2 curaverunt. Antiquitas provida tanti poeticam fecit, ut tam poetas post editum opus quam imperatores post victoriam triumphare et curru magnifico duci per urbes voluerit communeque illis dignitatis insigne praebuerit lauream, quoniam sicut ab hostibus imperatores liberant cives, sic vitia fulminantes et virtutes extollentes poetae civitates custodiunt et amplificant.

Poetry is useful

[10] At tu, major Alexandro magno, Lysandro victoriosior, melior Scipione, prudentior Julio, Augusto fortunatior et omni antiquitate sapientior, inutilem poeticam dicis, quia nihil panis affert, nil auri, nihil divitiarum. Esto, quod ais, non tamen idcirco legibus tuis poetica cedet, namque dum tu aurum petis avare, faecis amator, mundi {143v} cultor, poeta honorem famamque quaeritat et cantans superum laudes virtutisque 3 excitans amorem iter sibi facit in caelum. Tu 4 cum auro et divitiis, quas sequeris, quasque solas dare beatitudinem putas, in terra manebis et animam simul et vitam perdes. Non est, mihi crede, noscere leges quam poeticam majus. Scio, quia non credis, sed stulti credulitas nec dat verum nec aufert.

[11] Cicero, qui fuit linguae latinae princeps, semper poetas fuisse raros testatur, quoniam haec facultas donum Dei est, quod non omnibus datur. Artes ceterae studio, diligentia praeceptionibusque possunt apprehendi, hanc nemo 5 assequitur nisi divino munere praeditus. Tute vides juristarum greges, inter quos plures excellunt habenturque doctores et legum interpretes, quorum mores nihil a brutis distant, qui res humanas minus quam caprae norunt. Tu non fateberis hoc, quia 6 fortasse caprior es capris. Ego Polinum novi Mediolanensem, qui lumen habitus est juris civilis. Is facturus aedificium magistros conduxerat. Trabes in aedium medio erant, quibus lacunar 7 aulae construi debebat. Tempus cenandi fuit 8 . "Ite 9 ," inquit Polinus architectis 10 , "comedite; ego interim aliquid operis faciam." Illis amotis, trabes metitur, quam longas vult ex pariete in parietem. Mensura recepta, nec, quod intra murum ligni pars esse deberet, animadvertit sciditque 11 trabes et perdidit aedificium. Is tamen juris praeceptor erat multisqie annis cathedram rexerat. Quid tu mihi hanc disciplinam juris {144r} tantopere laudas et omnibus praefers, cujus asini possunt effici praeceptores. Orator atque poeta -si Ciceroni plus quam tibi credere volumus -nullus erit nisi et prudens et bonus multarum scientiarum peritiam fuerit assecutus, atque idcirco rari semper poetae rarique oratores fuere, in quorum numero facis sapienter, si non desideras esse, quia non potes, stulte, si contemnis, quod tanti viri commendaverunt. Haec ad nostrum asellum sint dicta. [9] Many princes would rather raise horses and dogs than cultivate poets, and they stuff lions and bears with meat but give nothing to the poets' stomachs. They will have the same death as their horses and dogs, and after their death, their name will not be greater than that of a bear and a lion. Their death will be complete, and their fame will not benefit from the Muses, whom they neglected as you do. Wise Antiquity treasured poets so highly that when they had published a work, they gave them a triumph and led them through the city in a magnificent chariot even as they did with victorious generals, and they gave both the poets and the generals a laurel crown as a sign of honour. For generals liberate the citizens from their enemies, and in like manner, poets guard cities and make them grow by stigmatising vice and extolling virtue.

[10] But yougreater than Alexander the Great, more victorious than Lysander, better than Scipio, more clever than Julius, more fortunate than Augustus, and wiser than all of Antiquity -claim that poetry is useless since it earns no bread, no money and no riches. Even if it were so, poetry would not yield to your laws, for while yougreedy man, lover of dregs, worshipper of the worldchase money, the poet seeks honour and fame and goes to Heaven, singing the praises of the heavenly beings and stirring up love of virtue. However, you will remain on Earth with the money and riches you are chasing in the belief that these alone will make you happy -but you will lose both your soul and your life. Believe me, knowing laws is less important than knowing poetry. I know you do not believe it, but the beliefs of a fool neither prove nor disprove a truth. [11] Cicero, the prince of the Latin language, observed that poets were always rare, for poetry is a gift of God not given to all. The other arts may be learned through study, diligence and instruction, but this one is only acquired as a gift from God. 1 You see crowds of jurists, many outstanding and reputed as doctors and interpreters of law, but their character is not different from that of brute animals, and they know less of human matters than goats. You do not admit this because possibly you are more goatish than goats. I know a Polino of Milan who is considered a luminary of civil law. He was going to build a house and had contracted artisans. The beams to be used for the ceiling were lying on the floor in the middle of the edifice. At lunchtime, Polino told the builders, "Go and eat. In the meantime, I shall do some work here. When they had gone, he measured how long the beams would have to be to reach from wall to wall. However, he forgot that they had to be longer to be able to rest on the walls themselves, and therefore he cut the beams too short and ruined [them for] the building. But he was a teacher of law and had held a chair for many years. Why do you praise the discipline of law so highly and prefer it to all the others when even an ass can become a professor? If we believe Cicero more than you, nobody becomes an orator or a poet unless he is wise and good and has gained knowledge of many sciences. This is why poets and orators have always been rare. You do well in not wanting to be one of them, for that you cannot be, you fool, if you despise what such great men commended." This is what I had to say to our ass. 2 [12] Tu, Wilhelme, disciplinarum amator, si umquam hosce homines audiveris, suscipe poeticae partes et ostende te hujus divini muneris cultorem. Vides, quam facile sit has picas convincere, hos tamquam pulices inter ungues comprimere. Nec sine, ut divinam poeticam, quae, ut Cicero tradit, omnium doctrinarum est prior inventa, pollutis arguant labiis. Defende hanc pulcherrimamn dominam, cui si praesidio fueris, nomen habebis aeternum et non solum inter meas epistolas, quae tamen non sunt cito casurae, sed inter scripta potiorum vatum 1 invenieris legendus.

Poets are rare

Vale et illustrissimo principi, domino duci Alberto, me commendatum facito, et quia consiliarius ejus es, admone illum, ne litterarum studia contemnat. Iterum atque iterum vale. Ex Vienna, 1. kalendis Junii 1444 2 .

1 vatuum WO 2 Ex Wienna … 1444 : etc. M2 [12] But you, Wilhelm, lover of learning, if ever you hear such men, then defend poetry and show yourself as one who cultivates this divine gift. You see how easy it is to refute these magpies and crush them like fleas with your nails. Do not allow divine poetry, which Cicero says was created before all the other arts, to be denounced by foul lips. Defend this most beautiful mistress. If you come to her assistance, your fame will last forever, not just in my letterswhich will not be soon forgottenbut also in the writings of poets greater than me.

Conclusion

Farewell, and recommend me to the Most Illustrious Prince, Lord Duke Albrecht, and since you are his councillor, advise him not to neglect the study of letters. Once again, farewell. From Vienna, 1 June 1444.

Letter to Giovanni Peregallo (1 June 1444, Vienna).

Context:

At this time, Piccolomini was probablyunder the influence of his master and mentor, chancellor Kaspar Schlick -leaning towards the papalist party, as he had previously told Cardinal Capranica (letter 124: 2). 1 Officially, however, he maintained the neutrality still adhered to by his lord, the emperor. But since the outcome of the German deliberations on ending the neutrality and declaring for one of the two parties in the church schism was still uncertain, he did not break with the council in Basel but continued to maintain his relationship with friends and officials there and at the court of its antipope. Subject:

Piccolomini expresses his thanks for various gifts and relates the problems with his ecclesiastical benefices to Peregallo. Hedging his bets, he also, in the original text of the letter, duplicitously describes the conciliar party as "our party".

Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Giovanni Peregallo, his beloved brother.

[1] I have received your letters, brought by Martin, 2 notary in the royal chancery, and learned that you are well except for an empty purse. But that will be filled again if the hoped-for [church] union is achieved. 3 You wish to know if Antonio Loschi's 4 [book] has come into my hands: it has, and it is now with me as a treasured possession. I ask you to thank the eminent and eloquent theologian Francois de Fuxe 5 from me and tell him I shall do all in my power to assist him and will consider it a great boon if ever I hear that I can fulfil his wishes. I have also received Stefano's 6 gift and will write to him.

[2] The four ducats you write you will send me via Barbatus, I prefer that you keep with you, for much may happen that would make them useful to my affairs there. You know that my Tridentine prebend is being challenged 7 -you are the defender of my cause. The Roman Curia 8 grants nothing nothing without money, for even the imposition of hands 9 and the gifts of the Holy Spirit are sold, and the forgiveness of sins can only be obtained with money. Therefore, keep the ducats to have them ready when necessary.

1 See also his letter to Jordan Mallant of 13 August 1447, where he claims that he converted to the papal cause three years before being appointed bishop on 19 April 1447 (letter 226: 8). 2 Unidentified. 3 The approaching diet of Nürn-berg was intended to end the Ger-man neutrality between Pope Eu-genius V in Rome and the council in Basel with its antipope Felix V and result in recognition of one of the two parties. If union was restored, normal papal admini-stration would resume, providing much-needed and lucrative busi-ness for curial secretaries and officials like Peregallo. 4 Antonio Loschi (1365-1441): Early Italian humanist. Author of Inquisitio Artis in Orationibus Ciceronis, 1395, which soon be-came a humanist classic. 5 Francois de Fuxe: Abbot of A-bondance, Diocese of Genève. Canonist. Member of the Council of Basel. Guardian of the conclave that elected Felix V. See DGCB, pp. 220-221. On his gift of the Loschi volume to Piccolomini, see letter 61. 6 Stefano Caccia de Fara. On his gift to Piccolomini, see letter 140. 7 See letter 82. 8 In this case, the court of antipope Felix V, at the time residing in Lausanne. 9 Ritual act in which a priest or other religious functionary places one or both hands palms down on the top of another person's head, usually while saying a prayer or blessing. Piccolomini is probably referring to this ritual in connec-tion with the consecration of pre-lates.

[7] Reverendissimus dominus Aquilegiensis in extremis laborat. Parva vitae suae spes est, minor sanitatis. Exanguis est, spiritus jam non corpus videtur. 1 In ecclesia Brixinensi, quid optet rex, scitis scitis omnes. Rogo, consulo, supplico, ne plus Athesinis quam majestati regiae auscultetis, quia in Nuremberga nulla {145v} vox est Athesinorum. Regis autem nutu omnia fient2 . Nollem aliquid fieri, quod mentem regiam perturbaret. Nos in brevi ascendemus, quia jam indutias biennales cum rege Poloniae et Hungaris sibi oboedientibus nacti sumus, nec aliud impraesentiarum agimus, quam nos viae accingere.

[8] Mihi, Johannes amantissime, bene est, bene habeo et bene spero, quod mihi non tam mei causa jucundum est, quia paucis essem contentus, quam ut tibi et amicis ac necessariis ceteris possim aliquando prodesse.

Andream Panigalium3 , Jacobum Cerverium4 , Gasparem Novariensem, Omnebonum Veronensem5 , Veronensem 5 , Julianum Romanum6 et inprimis Franciscum Quadracium 7 8 meo nomine salvos dicito et vale optime. Ex Vienna, kalendis Junii 1444 9 10 11 .

Letter to Giovanni Peregallo (4 June 1444, Vienna).

Manuscripts: M2, f. 57v 1 ; M3, ff. 173r-173v [3] This year there is a terrible drought in these areas: I do not know if Phaeton1 has begun, once more, to drive Phoibos'2 chariot. 3 4 All the crops have been scorched by the sun, a great famine is feared, there is no rain, and the heat is extreme. The common people have been saying, "It does not rain because the cardinal has been excommunicated." So, the preacher who held the sermon before the funeral said, "You are like the Jews. First, they received Christ with great honours, 5 but afterwards, they persecuted and crucified him. You received the legate 6 enthusiastically and honoured him extravagantly at his entry. Now when it does not rain because God is angered at you for your sins, you blame the cardinal. He has now been dead for three days: so why does it not rain? Moisture is denied you because of your sins, not because of him." He spoke more in this vein. I wrote an epitaph 7 for the cardinal that I send you with the present letter.

Again farewell. From Vienna, 4 June 1444.

Letter to Giovanni Campisio (8 June 1444, Vienna).

Manuscripts: GSB / 390, f. 57v *; M2, f. 282r

Letter to Giovanni Campisio (8 June 1444, Vienna).

Context: A significant event in the protracted affair of the Church of Freising had been the court hearing on the matter on 4 April 1444. Piccolomini had drafted the chancellor's speech for his brother, the oration "Si putarem" 1 (see letter 131). Subject:

Piccolomini reports on the court hearing and sends Campisio the final, Latin, version of the chancellor's speech. Sending the text to Campisio, secretary of a high-ranking cardinal in Rome, was an indirect way for Piccolomini to show the papal court that the chancellor and he himself were actively supporting the papal cause.

Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Giovanni Campisio, excellent philosopher and incomparable friend.

[1] Our emperor is never happier than when he is in Neustadt. There he has a palace worthy of the imperial highness, green gardens, healthy air, cool springs, charming groves, large hunting grounds, delightful fishing, enjoyable fowling, fat pastures, 2 and vineyards close by. I am not surprised that the emperor is fond of this place that satisfies all desires.

[2] Here, when during the month of March, I was, as usual, with the court, I witnessed an extraordinary event worthy of telling. 3 Previously, I had not thought that the Germans made orations as they were once given from the rostra in Rome, but such an oration I heard before the emperor. Johann of Bavaria 4 -one of the so-called Felician cardinals with the title of San Martinohad come [to court]. He declared that the Chapter of Freising 5 had elected him bishop and requested that the emperor grant him the regalia. 6 However, Heinrich, brother of the chancellor, Kaspar Schlick, had already been appointed bishop of that diocese by Eugenius 7 . Both men request possession of those castles [belonging to the diocese] that are situated in Austrian territories. Johann spoke for himself, breaking into tears as he spoke. 8 The chancellor defended Heinrich's cause and spoke in support of his absent brother. I felt I saw Ajax 9 and Ulysses contending before the 1 Published with the Latin text, an English translation, and an in-troduction in COR, 2: 5. 2 This passage echoes Boccaccio's Phylostropos: Hic gelidi fontes, hic pascua pinguia (Boccacio: Opere latine minori. 1924, p. 75). 3 The event was the court hearing on 4 April 1444 on the Church of Freising, where two men had been appointed bishop, Johann Grün-walder, confirmed by the council in Basel, and Heinrich Sclick, ap-pointed by Pope Eugenius IV. 4 Johann Grünwalder. 5 Cardinals appointed by antipope Felix V. 6 Regalia: the temporal posses-sions, incl. castles. The Church of Freising had extensive temporali-ties both in Bavarian and Austrian territories, granted by former em-perors. 7 Pope Eugenius IV. 8 In the final text of the oration "Si putarem", Piccolomini made sca-thing comments on Grünwalder's tears, letting the chancellor tell the emperor, "Most glorious Empe-ror, if I thought that you put tears and crying above justice, I would now beat my breast with my fists and scratch my face with crooked nails; I would be crying and sob-bing; and, prostrate before you, I would be wailing and sighing in order to make you look favourably upon the cause of my brother. But I know your integrity, your stead-fastness, your seriousness and your piety. I know that you prefer nothing to justice, truth, and rea-son. Therefore, omitting the tears that become women more than men, I shall defend the cause of my absent brother not with tears, but with truth. … I marvel greatly at our opponent crying before your throne, as a weak little woman. It is customary, indeed, for defen-dants who cannot defend them-selves in other ways to seek mercy through tears." (COR, 2: 5, 1). 9 Ajax: (Myth.) Greek hero who participated in the Siege of Troy.

Argolian ships. If you had been there, you would have likened Johann to Ajax and the chancellor to Ulysses 1 .

[ 2 inscio HE 3 Here follows the text of the oration, the "Si putarem" in both M2 and M3.

[3] And their 1 orations were not much different, except that those of Johann and the chancellor were in German, whereas Ovid translated those of Ajax and Uysses into Latin from Greek since they were evidently held in that language. 2 The chancellor's oration was remarkable and much more ornate than you would have expected from a man who does not know Cicero and Quintilian. But I reckon that he was favoured by nature and that his experience at the courts of emperors Sigismund 3 and Albrecht 4 had nurtured nature's gifts. 5 For he had been their chancellor and heard many eloquent men speak their case before them, and now he imitated them. With the help of friends who explained the meaning of the German text to me, I have translated his oration into Latin 6 and am sending it to you for your judgment. 7 I ask you to write back to me, and if you find any defects, then then blame the translator and not the speaker.

Farewell to you, who are an even greater joy to me than Neustadt is to the emperor. From Vienna, 8 June 1444. 1 The orations of the two Greeks and the orations of the two Ger-mans. 2 This episode with the speeches is not in Homer's Iliad but is related in Ovid's Metamorphoses (ch. 13). The speeches were not trans-lated by Ovid, being his own lite-rary product.

3 Sigismund (Luxembourg) (1368-1437): King of Hungary and Croa-tia (1387), King of the Romans (Germany) (1411), King of Bohe-mia (1419), King of Italy (1431), crowned Holy Roman Emperor by Pope Eugenius IV in Rome (1433).. 4 Albrecht II. 5 Cf. Cicero: Pro Archia, 7: 15. 6 Actually, it was the other way around: Piccolomini wrote the first draft of the chancellor's speech in Latin (see letter 131: 2), and afterwards, it was turned into a German version to be used by the chancellor. 7 Piccolomini fails to mention his own contribution to the speech. This may be because it would not have been wise to have it bandied aboutand especially not in Rome, that international centre of gossipthat the chancellor's speech had been co-authored by a lowly secretary. When he read the text -full of classical quotations, including from Cicero, whom the chancellor did not know (nescius) -Campisio would undoubtedly understand the situation. Voigt has this typically caustic comment, "… diese Rede hatte er in des Canzlers Abwesenheit selber verfertigt. Nur um das befällige Urtheil Campisio's ganz als ein unbefangenes geniessen zu kön-nen, verleugnete der eitle Mann seie Autorschaft (VO, 2: p. 319).

Letter to Stefano Caccia de Fara (19 June 1444, Vienna).

Context: For some time, Piccolomini had been working for Stefano Caccia de Fara to be appointed a royal advocate, with a view to both strengthening the emperor's representation at the council in Basel and to gaining a personal ally there. Subject:

Piccolomini informs Stefano that he has been appointed a royal advocate and asks for his support of the emperor at the council in Basel, especially concerning the appointment of new leaders of the dioceses of Aquileia and Trento. He also informs Stefano of Lorenzo Rotella's imprisonment and release and asks him to assist Lorenzo's messenger in getting the sum due released by the banking firm in Basel that held it.

Enea Silvio, imperial secretary, sends many greetings to Stefano Caccia of Novara, 1 doctor of both laws, 2 eminent friend.

[1] Lorenzo Rotella, a good man whom you know, hasby the will of Lady Fortune -been arrested and thrown into prison by the household of the Patriarch of Aquileia, 3 lying on his deathbed. 4 I have have worked for and obtained his release because he is a friend and compatriot and because I knew that he had been arrested unjustly. However, the chancellor 5 and I had to stand surety. For this reason, I had to go to the king 6 in Neustadt, about 20 miles 7 from here.

[2] After my arrival, when the case of Lorenzo had been settled, I took up your case and obtained your appointment as a royal advocate from the king. 8 The only thing remaining now is to prepare the letter of appointment, which I shall do as soon as I rejoin the court. 9 I cannot do it now since we we are without the [royal] seal. But you should know that you are now a [royal] advocate and have been graciously accepted as such by the king, for when he heard of your qualifications, he said, "Stefano asks me for something which I should have asked from him."

[3] So, this is the king's mind, and since you are now his [man], you should take on the cases commended by him. At present, the Church of Aquileia and the Church of Trento 10 are vacant.

Please see to it that nothing happens against the king's wishes. The king will write to His Most Reverend Lordship, [the Cardinal] of Arles, 11 who will tell you what is needed. I shall take care that your letter [of appointment] is sent to you as soon as possible.

Farewell, and please intervene with the Alberti merchants 12 to ensure that Lorenzo's messenger may successfully accomplish his mission. From Vienna, 19 June 1444. 1 Stefano Caccia de Fara. 2 Canon Law and Civil Law. 3 Alexander of Mazovia. 4 On the arrest of Lorenzo Rotella, see letters 146: 6; 147: 1; 148: 4. 5 Chancellor Kaspar Schlick. 6 Friedrich III. 7 Roman miles (milia passuum). 8 Piccolomini had now made good on his promise to Stefano to arran-ge for his appointment as a royal advocate, see letter 140:2. 9 After his audience with the em-peror, Piccolomini had apparently returned to Vienna. 10 The appointments of a new pa-triarch and a new bishop were im-portant political affairs. 11 Cardinal Louis Aleman. 12 A merchant banking firm of Flo-rence.

Letter to Giovanni Campisio (25 June 1444, Vienna).

Context: This letter is a reply to Campisio's letter of 8 April 1444 (letter 134). Subject:

Piccolomini replies to the various items in Campisio's letter.

Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Giovanni Campisio, excellent philosopher and special friend.

[1] I should like to write to you every day, and neither would the pen seem too heavy nor the paper too costly. For I now regret passing that law of silence for nothing in this world pleases forever. But the rarity of messenger forces me to be silent. Only very few go to you1 from these parts, or if they go, I do not know of it. I find scarcely four a year who go to you. Therefore, I must, though unwillingly, delay answering your letters. But now that a reliable messenger is going to Rome, you will have an answer from me and may speak with your Enea.

[2] You wrote that you were comforted by the letter that our da Noceto gave you at the Basilica of Saint Peter. I am happy that you were consoled but unhappy that you needed consolation, for I would not wish anything to happen to you which is untoward or requires a physician.

[3] I hear with pleasure that you commend my friendship and call it firm. For though, in general, I would not wish to be praised since I am not really worthy of praise, I can say without blushing that when I have begun to love somebody, I am persistent in my love. I do not gain friends easily and do not find everyone worthy of being a friend of mine. Indeed, in this respect, I am somewhat proud and picky. Only somebody better than me can be my friend. But just as I come late to friendship, I also leave it late, and I am tenacious in friendship. Nobody I have ever begun to love I now hate. So, I agree with you when you call me a firm friend, and I assure you that you and da Noceto will never lose my friendship, for I have chosen you two as my Pylas and Orestes. 2 And I know, of course, that with you comes Conte who is your second half, and I welcome him since he is a compatriot of mine and full of virtue and your other self.

[4] When you approve of and even praise my writings, you act as a friend. But I myself do not claim such distinction since I write whatever comes into my mind or mouth. 3 Indeed, if I wrote to somebody else, I should not be so verbose. But when I write to you, I fear nothing, for you are my pumice, and you either correct or cover any faults. To friends, everything is open.

[5] Cum de prophetia 1 legerem, quae scribis, coepi dolere et irasci fortunae, quae semper caecis ambulat oculis et eos {110r} potissime facit locupletes, qui minus 2 sunt digni, dicebamque in eam: "En 3 perfida 4 , cur non aliquando aperis oculos virosque bonos provehis? Campisius jam annis 5 quattuordecim curias sequitur, vir praestans tum litterarum peritia tum virtutis operibus. Quid tu hunc praeteris negligisque? An tibi dignus videtur, quem semper paupertate premas, et ubi, oro 6 , melius quam in hoc viro collocabis divitias? Non hic aurum claudet 7 , sed utetur in ususque 8 tum necessarios tum utiles exponet." Ad haec audivi vocem mihi correspondentem 9 : "Ne 10 mirere, Silvi, Silvi, non fortuna est, quae viros bonos pecuniis privat, sed habent ipsi nummi nescio quid sensus. Sunt enim ambitiosi et honoris cupidi; non teneri, sed tenere volunt. Hic tuus Campisius non vellet auro subesse neque argentum veneraretur, sed essent apud eum pecuniae quasi ancillae, nunc huic rei nunc illi servientes. At ipsae quietem amant libenterque apud avaros sunt, qui eas scrinio claudentes 11 singulis horis visitant et honorant, nec alibi cor habent quam cum eis." Displicuit mihi vox, quamvis vera caneret, sed ubi tuam epistolam 12 interius legi, meliorem spem reperi, quam impleri non minus quam tu cupio. Timor tamen numquam abierit, nisi postquam mihi scripseris: "Gaude, mi Enea, qui jam sum ex numero beatorum."

[6] Aristotelem, ut habeam quam celerrime, cognovi te librarium conduxisse jamque illum ad medium scriptum {110v} esse, qui, ut in calcem finitus erit, ex judicio Johannis Tolner, vir boni et amicissimi nostri, ad me mittetur. Non laudabo diligentiam tuam, quae, etsi maxima est, non tamen major est, quam postulet amicitia. Librum 13 avide maneo. Si mitti Viennam potest, id erit mihi acceptius, ut 14 ex Norimberga reversus hic reperiam, quod diu quaesitum est.

[7] Quantus sit Noxetanus, et nunc agnosco et alias audivi. Vellem tuam manere 15 mitiori lumine, si non fortuna, is, qui fortunae imperat, Deus. Si quis gallus datarius esset neque pertusam lenam gereret nec auro gemmisque careret. [5] Reading what you wrote about [my] prophecy, I grew pained and angry at Fortune, 1 who always always walks with blind eyes and especially enriches the least deserving, and I said to her, "Oh, faithless one, why do you not sometimes open your eyes and favour good men? For 14 years now, Campisio has served at courts, 2 a man excelling both in the knowledge of letters and works of virtue. Why do you pass him over and neglect him? Do you think he deserves to be always burdened with poverty? Where can you place wealth better than with this man? He will not lock up his money but use it and spend it for necessary and useful purposes." Then I heard a voice 3 answering me, "Do not wonder, Silvio, for it is not Fortune who deprives good men of money. Indeed, coins have their own mind 4 : they are ambitious and eager for glory. They will hold and not be held. But your Campisio would not want to serve gold and venerate silver. No, he would have them as handmaidens, now serving this, now that purpose, whereas they themselves love quietness and happily stay with greedy men who lock them up in a chest and visit them and pay them honour every hour and care for nothing else." I did not like these words though they were right. However, when I read your letter more closely, I took better hope which I wish to come true as much as you.

But the fear will stay with me until you write, "Rejoice, Enea, for I have now become one of the fortunate." [6] As for the Aristotle, 5 I see that you have engaged a copyist so that I shall receive it as soon as possible, and that he has already copied half of it. When it is finished, it will be sent to me by means decided by Johann Tolner, a good man and a beloved friend of ours. I will not praise your diligence, for though it is great, it is not greater than friendship requires. So, now I am eagerly waiting for the book. It would suit me best if it could be sent to Vienna, for then I shall get what I have wanted for such a long time when I return from Nürnberg.

[7] I now know and have heard from others about da Noceto's state. I should wish your first statement to stand 6 since he deserves all good things. He asked me to favour your party, 7 if not for other reasons then at least for his sake since he makes a living from business at the curia. 8 I am surprised that he has apparently forgotten about my fortune, [which is such that] it is for your own sake and to ensure your good fortune that I do not side with you. While I followed the party opposed to yours, 9 nothing bad happened to you. If I should pass over to you now, you would soon feel Fortune's onslaught, for she does not wish to be where I am! So, convince Pietro to not ask for something that would harm him. Indeed, it would be much more profitable to ask me to continue as an enemy! Pietro knows this from our time together in Basel. I am happy to hear that Vegio 10 has found favour with the Supreme Pontiff 11 so that he will not have to sell Agave to Paris, 12 although his Clio and my Calliope have already deserted the fountains of Aganippe and moved into the 1 Fortuna: (Myth.) Goddess of fortune. 2 Meaning that Campisio had been serving in households of great men. 3 Apocalypse, 6: 7. 4 "sensus" 5 Aristotle's book Politika. 6 Campisio's first letter had appa-rently exaggerated da Noceto's wealth which he somewhat played down in his second. 7 The papalist party. 8 Letter from da Noceto of 18 No-vember 14333 (letter 9: 3) and Piccolomini's answer of 16 Janu-ary 1444 (letter 119: 7). 9 The conciliarist party. Before joi-ning the emperor's neutral court. 10 Maffeo [Matteo] Vegio.

11 Pope Eugenius IV. 12 Juvenalis, 7: 87. See also letter 117: 6.

salesrooms. 1 But may Fortune, or God who commands Fortune, look at him with a kinder eye. If a Frenchmen 2 were datarius, 3 he would not have a tattered cloak 4 nor lack gold and gems.

[8] Quae de cardinali {111r} Sancti Angeli scripsisti et Andrinopoli capta cognovi non fuisse apud vos certa. Sic enim dicebas, sed illa apud nos somnia reputantur, nam etsi magna fuerit nostrorum victoria, numquam tamen Andrinopolim perventum est, nec tam insignis tunc 5 triumphus fuit, quam quam nunc est metus ingens. Ajunt enim jam Turcos 6 magna vi reverti 7 nec modo expectare, sed inferre bellum decrevisse, quare factum est, ut Hungari, qui prius superbissimi erant, nunc paululum humiliati indutias biennales cum Caesare fecerint 8 , quae et illis utiles sunt, ne, dum Turcis 9 resistunt, a tergo timeant, et nobis accomodae 10 , ne, dum petimus Nurembergam, tumultibus patriae revocemur.

[9] In Nuremberga 11 , quid futurum sit, neque dicere neque conjectari 12 possum 13 , quia quot homines, tot sententiae. Rex infra decendium iturus putatur. Albertus et Sigismundus, Austriae duces, comes Sillaceus et dominus Wallsensis 14 praeter familiam solitam regem sequentur. Omnis Germania illic conveniet. Velint superi, ut bonum sit, quod tanto conatu quaeritur. Soror regia hodie huc venit mansura apud Wiennenses, dum rex abest. Res Athesis ex placito partium Nurembergae componi debent, item et Suicenses.

[10] Leonardum Aretinum ex te primum sensi obiisse. Dent ejus umbrae tenuem et sine pondere terram superi spirantesque crocos 15 et in urna perpetuum ver, qui Latium ornavit litteris, quo nemo post {111v} Lactantium Ciceroni proximior fuit. Gaudeo Poggium ejus locum apud Florentinos tenere, sed maluissem potius locum non vacasse, ne tanto splendore caruisset Etruria. Multos adhuc Graecos nobis dare Latinos potuisset, sed instat omnibus suus dies 16 nec indoctum nec doctum mors praeterit. Felix, qui sic vivit, ut nihil timeat mori.

[11] Ventus est haec vita, mi Johannes. Jam me taedet mundi hujus, nec aliud opto, nisi ut me mihi vendicem tecumque sim, ut philosophemur invicem, quamvis te neges philosophum. Credo, si simul erimus [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] aliquando, Stoicos prae ceteris imitari studebimus, qui sunt evangelio propinquiores. Sed timeo, ne pro quiete laborantes semper labori subjiciamur.

1 Juvenalis, 6: 7: cum desertis Aganippes vallibus esuriens mi-graret in atria Clio (when in her hunger Clio has deserted the vales of Aganippe and moved into the salesrooms). The meaning is that Vegio, like Piccolomini himself, had abandoned his muse in to gain a living by other means. 2 A sarcastic expression of natio-nal stereotype and Italian con-tempt of the French. 3 Office at the papal curia, held by Vegio. 4 Juvenalis, 5: 131.

[with] holes in their coats. [8] What you write about the Cardinal of Sant'Angelo 1 and the conquest of Adrianople 2 I know to have been based on uncertain rumours in Rome. Here, your report is considered illusory, for though the victory of our people was great, they never reached Adrianople, and their triumph then was not as great as the fear is now. For it is reported that the Turks have decided to return with a great force and not wait for war but bring it. Therefore, the Hungarians, who had been quite arrogant, have become somewhat more humble and made a two-year truce 3 with the emperor. 4 This truce is advantageous both for them and us: for them, it means that they will not have to fear being attacked from behind 5 while they fight the Turks, and for us, it means that we would not have to return to Austria because of disturbances arising while in Nürnberg.

[9] I cannot say or guess what will happen in Nürnberg, 6 for there are as many wills as there are men. 7 It is thought the king will leave in ten days. He will be accompanied by Albrecht 8 and Siegmund, 9 dukes of Austria, the Count of Cilly, 10 the Lord of Wallsee, 11 and his ordinary household. All of Germany will meet there. May the heavenly beings grant that these great endeavours yield a good result. The king's sister 12 has arrived today and will stay here in Vienna during the king's absence. The Tyrolean affairs 13 should be settled by the parties in Nürnberg, as will the Swiss. 14 [10] I heard first from you that Leonardo Aretino 15 has died. May the heavenly beings grant his spirit 16 soft and light earth and blooming crocuses and everlasting springtime in the urn. [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] He adorned Latium 18 with his writings, and after Lactantius, 19 nobody has been closer to Cicero 20 than he. I am pleased that the Florentines have appointed Poggio 21 as his successor, but I would prefer that the office had not fallen vacant, for Toscana will miss Bruni's great splendour. He would have given us still more Greek works in Latin. 22 But everyone has his day appointed, 23 and death spares neither the learned nor the unlearned. Happy is he who lives in such a way that he does not have to fear death.

1 Cardinal Giuliano Cesarini.

2 Turkish provincial capital. Pre-sent-day Edirne. 3 See letter 141. 4 Friedrich III.

5 By the Austrians. 6 I.e., the approaching Diet of Nürnberg. 7 Terentius: Phormio, 455. 8 Albrecht VI, the emperor's bro-ther. 9 Siegmund of Tyrol, the empe-ror's cousin. 10 Ulrich II von Cilly. 11 Reinprecht IV von Wallsee. 12 Katarina von Österreich (1420-1493) or Anna von Österreich (1432-1462). 13 The emperor's refusal to release his cousin Siegmund, duke of Ty-rol, from his wardship had led to an uprising in Tyrol. 14 The Old Zürich War. This was a war between Swiss cantons, a-mong them Zürich, allied with the emperor. The emperor had asked the King of France to intervene in the war, which turned out quite badly (because of the Armagnacs) and became an important issue at the Diet of Nürnberg. 15 Leonardo Bruni. 16 "umbra": shade. [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] Juvenalis, 7: 206-207 18 Country of the Latins. Here used in a broad sense to indicate Italy, since Bruni was from Toscana, not Lazio. 19 Lactantius, Lucius Caecilius Firmianus (c. 250 -c. 325): Christ-ian author. [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] I.e., Ciceronian style. 21 Poggio Braciolini. 22 Piccolomini is referring to Bru-ni's celebrated translations of Greek works into Latin, including Aristotle's Politika. 23 Vergilius: Aeneis, 10: 46: stat sua cuique dies. [11] This life, my Giovanni, is empty air. I am tired of the world and only wish to free myself and be with you so that we may philosophise togetherthough you deny being a philosopher. I believe that if once we come to live together, we should endeavour to imitate the Stoics most of all, for they are closest to the Gospel. 1 But I fear that as we labour to gain a quiet life we shall instead become labour's slaves.

[12] I am deeply touched that your lord, the Most Reverend Cardinal of Taranto, 1 loves me and wishes me well. I ask you to remember me to him and tell him that I shall know he loves me when I hear that through his favour you have become rich or at least free of miserable poverty, for what he gives to you, I shall consider as given to me. In the matter of the Church of Freising, there is a major conflict. 2 However, the chancellor's brother has gained possession of most of the castles. 3 This conflict will be solved or grow even greater at the Diet of Nürnberg.

I shall writie to Conte 4 and Jacopo Calvo, but tell them that they are always in my heart. Farewell. Send the Aristotle when the time comes, and do not worry about the money. From Vienna, 25 June 1444.

1 Cardinal Giovanni Berardi di Ta-gliacozzi. 2 Between the parties supporting the Bavarian candidate, Johann Grünwalder, and Chancellor Schlick's brother, Heinrich.

3 I.e., the castles in Austrian ter-ritory belonging to the See of Freising. 4 Conte dei Cacciaconti.

{152v} 1 Aeneas Silvius 2 salutem plurimam dicit domino Procopio 3 de Rabenstein, militi litterato et praestanti.

[1] Noctu praeterita, priusquam me quieti committerem, multa mecum de te locutus sum mirabarque tuis virtutibus non dari locum convenientem, quia licet acceptus sis Caesari, non tamen, ut par esset, efferri 4 te video. Nam cum reluceat in te 5 nobilitas et probitas, non intelligo 6 , cur inter primores poni non debeas. Accusavi ergo Fortunam, quae tum honorum 7 tum divitiarum creditur dispensatrix, pluraque in eam stomachatus dixi, ut quae viros premeret bonos, extolleret 8 malos, nec nec finem feci, donec altus me somnus 9 oppressit. Inter dormiendum vero mira per quietem sum contemplatus, quae tibi nunc referre decrevi. Tu {153r} arrige aures resque tum miras tum stupendas agnosce.

[2] Jam noctis decurso spatio, sideribus dubiis, postquam se 10 pigri 11 Boetae 12 frigida sarraca circumegerant 13 , visionem hanc habui: in locos laetos et amoena vireta deveni. Gramineus campus in medio fortunati nemoris erat, rivo cinctus et muro. Duae illic portae, altera cornea, altera candenti nitens elephanto. Muri altissimi ex adamante constructi, rivus immensae profunditatis. Nulli accessus ad portas nisi per pontes, qui tamen catenis elevati paucis advenientibus dimittebantur 14 . In ripis e regione portarum existentibus ingens virorum ac feminarum turba consedebant, tendentesque manus orabant transmitti. Territus hac novitate, dum hac et illac circumcurso, plures mihi obvii dantur, quorum 15 agnoscebam 16 facies [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] . Nescio tamen, qua re factum sit, ut nemo mihi sermonis copiam faceret. Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Lord Prokop von Rabstein, lettered and eminent knight.

Introduction

[1] Before I fell asleep last night, I thought long about you and wondered why you have not obtained the position warranted by your qualifications, for despite the emperor's1 esteem, you have not been given the promotion you deserve. As you are distinguished both by nobility and integrity, I do not understand why you are not ranked among the first members of the court. 2 So, I rebuked Fortune, who is believed to distribute honours and riches, and criticised her severely for oppressing good men while raising up the wicked. I only stopped when I fell soundly asleep. In my sleep, I saw some astonishing things that I have decided to tell you now. So, listen closely 3 and hear amazing and awesome things.

1.1. Fortune's domain [2] As night was approaching its end, when the stars are fading, and the chilly wain of Bootes had wheeled slowly around, 4 I had this dream vision: I came to a land of joy and pleasant lawns. 5 There There was a grassy plain 6 in the middle of a blissful grove, 7 surrounded by a stream and a wall. In the wall were two gates, one of horn, and the other, shining, made of polished ivory. 8 The walls were exceedingly high and made of diamonds, and the moat was immensely deep. The only access to the gates was by draw-bridges, only lowered to admit a few visitors. On the banks opposite the gates, an immense throng 9 of men and women were sitting, stretching out their hands and begging to be brought over. 10 Frightened by this extraordinary sight, I ran here and there and met several whom I recognised, but no one spoke to me, I know not why.

[3] Veni ad corneam portam, in cujus summo haec verba 1 litteris antiquis inscripta 2 conspexi: "Paucos admitto, servo pauciores." Avidus nosse, quid foret interius, juvenem, qui supra turrim erat, magnis precibus obsecravi, incassum tamen, mihi ut fores panderet. Tum forte adolescens venit magna comitante caterva. Cognosco habitum; ex Rheni partibus erat. "Quisnam hic est?" inquam. Accedit me vir togatus -credo 3 , me Italum novit Italus -et "Ludovicus est hic," ait, "dux Bavariae, princeps elector 4 , qui trans illum murum nos ducet." {153v} At ego: "Mi vir, impetra et mihi transitum, si quid juris 5 habet communis inter nos patria." "Faciam," inquit ille, vixque locuti eramus, cum pontibus dimissis 6 Ludovicus ingressus est et una secum quamplures 7 alii, quos janitor janitor nominatim appellavit. Ego ut explorator sub pallio principis, qui Ludovico haerebat 8 , unus ex Brandenburgensibus marchionibus visus est, latitans intravi.

[4] Illic florea prata, rivi tum lacte tum vino currentes 9 , frigidi fontes, lacus piscibus pleni, balnea suavissima, densi luci

Piccolomini gains admittance

[3] I came to the gate of horn on the top of which I saw an inscription in old lettering 1 : "Few I admit, even fewer I keep." Eager to know what was inside, I pleaded with a youth standing above the gate to open itin vain, however. But then a young man arrived with a great throng following. 2 following. 2 From his clothing, I saw he was from the Rhineland.

"Who is this?" I asked.

A gowned manan Italian who recognised me as another Italian -came and told me, "This is Ludwig, 3 Prince-elector of Bavaria, who will take us inside the walls."

"My good fellow," I answered, "if our common fatherland means anything, then please arrange for me to get through, too," to which he assented. Barely had we said this before the bridges were lowered. Ludwig entered and with him several others, whose names the gatekeeper called out. I, too, like another spy, slipped through, hiding under the cloak of a prince who accompanied Ludwig apparently it was one of the margraves of Brandenburg.

Delights of Fortune's domain

[4] Inside, there were flourishing meadows, streams running some with milk and some with wine, cool springs, lakes full of fish, delightful baths, dense groves, vines always heavy with grapes, trees in eternal autumnal bloom, and gardens like the ones that the Hesperides 4 and the Phaeacians 5 are thought to have had. There were fruits whose sweet smell was enough to feed you, and in the forests gentle wild animals, easy to catch, and fowl born for eating and singing. In Ethiopia there is a single place called Heliotrapeza, 6 where extravagant meals are served continuously, that all, without discrimination, eat. There is also a small lake with waters healthy to drink. 7 In Fortune's domain, there are many places of this kind, with tables set under the trees, decked with gemmed dishes and golden plates. No Falernian 8 bears comparison with the wine here that springs from a living cliff. Honey flows freely, and the reeds are full of sweetness. All kinds of perfumes fall from the tree. There is gold and silver without end. Precious stones hang from the trees like cherries. Beautiful maidens and elegant youths are always dancing. You hear every kind of music. The paradise Muhammad 9 promises his followers is not as delightful as the one you would see here. Bacchus, 10 Ceres 1 and Venus 2 ran here and there, distributing their gifts. A myrtle grove 3 gave room room for lovemaking.

[8] Aspice viventes. Quid Juliano cardinali Sancti Angeli tot virtutibus ornato repensum 3 vides? Quid Johanni Sancti Petri, Johanni Sancti Calixti ac Johanni Tarentino ejusdem ordinis viris? Quid est 4 his, quod vel probitati vel scientiae correspondeat? Quis dicere potest, Gasparem cancellarium, quamvis ducem sibi conjugem 5 copularit 6 , dignas laborum retributiones tulisse, qui jam trium caesarum 7 cancellarius fuit. Wilhelmus de Lapide, miles insignis 8 , non minus litterarum quam armorum scius, qui mundum virtutis agnoscendae cupidus peragravit, quid suis meritis dignum est assecutus? Campisius noster, philosophia plenus, qui sedis apostolice servitiis aetatem suam consecravit, pauperior Codro est. Unicus miles est (aut si comites habet, vix quatuor sunt) Procopius Bohemus in curia Caesaris, qui licet 9 litteras amet colatque, indocti tamen 10 atque hebetes sibi praeferuntur.

[9] Nolo referre, quos asinos viderim 11 Calisto, 3 and Giovanni of Taranto, 4 members of the same order? 5 Has she rewarded their moral integrity and learning fittingly? Chancellor Kaspar 6 did marry a duchess, 7 but what rewards has he, he, chancellor of three emperors, 8 otherwise received worthy of his labours? 9 And Wilhelm von Stein, distinguished knight, versed in letters as in arms, who has travelled throughout the world in fervent search of virtue, what has he gained in recompensation of his merits? Our Campisio, 10 consummate philosopher, who has dedicated himself to serving the Apostolic See, is poorer than Codrus. 11 12 And what about Prokop 13 of Bohemia, the only knight at the emperor's court (and if there are others, they are not more than four)? Though he loves and cultivates letters, unlearned and stupid men are promoted before him.

Fortune favours men of no merit

[9] I will not mention the asses I have seen raised above the cedars of Lebanon, 14 and who are still prospering, men without letters, language and sense, who barely know the number of fingers on their right hand. But it is safer to criticise those who are dead than the living. Was there ever a more terrible and horrible monster than Nero 15 ? Or a worse criminal than Tiberius 16 ? Still, they ruled longer than the pious emperors Vespasian [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] and Titus 18 ? Nothing was more horrid than Domitian, 19 but for several years, the world tolerated this wild beast threatening the necks of all, whereas it lost Jovianianus [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] , poisoned with coal fumes because he was pious and clement. And how many villas were not built by Crispinus, a prodigy of wickedness without one redeeming virtue? 21 And Claudius Nero's 22 eunuch, Posides, 1 was so wealthy that he built mansions more magnificent and splendid than the Capitol. Cabrino2 of Cremona killed his seven lords 3 and, having thrown them into a sewer, took over the government.

[14] Diceret Maguntinus

Fortune vs family and virtue

[14] The archbishop of Mainz 1 might say, 'It was family, [not Fortune,] that raised me to my present position.' The Saxon and Bavarian dukes could say the same -as if Fortune had not worked in their favour, for who caused them to be born to such high estate if not Fortune? Had she wanted to, she could have put me, Vegio, in the place of the king of Spain or England. Our noble status is not due to our personal qualities but is an accident of birth. 2 [15] Nobody should be angry at Fortune because she passes over virtuous men, for this Lady distributes her favours to whom she wills. Men are not born into this world to possess riches or enjoy pleasures but to labour and to live on Earth not as inhabitants but as strangers and sojourners 3 and to seek their future country 4 through virtuous works. But virtue is not easily found in great fortune. When that Theban philosopher 5 realised it, he threw an immense sum of gold into the sea in order to devote himself more fully to philosophy. Christ, our Saviour and God, taught that riches should be avoided like thorns and thistles. 6 His disciples loved poverty and were content to have food and clothes. Jerome, 7 that most learned man, lived in austere conditions, but did not blame Fortune, for he followed Christ our Lord and despised transitory things to gain the everlasting. Abbot Antonius 8 freely rejected Fortune's gifts. If we were of sane minds, we would seek Fortune's enmity rather than her favour, for her caresses are the greatest possible hindrance to gaining eternal life. It is a rare man -rarer, indeed, than a white raven 9 -who can follow both Fortune and the road to Heaven. But I restrain myself lest I appear to criticise the Lady whose embraces I now enjoy. But you, Enea, beware not to claim that Prokop 10 and the other lovers of virtue you named have no part in Fortune. For they would not be cardinals or knights or noble unless Fortune had assisted them. Only Campisio has received nothing from Fortune that she can reclaim.

[16] Sed eamus, si stat sententia, propius videamusque dominam istam, regnorum atque imperii motricem". "Eamus," inquam ego, "etsi forsitan hospes 1 invisus ero". Vix quantum velox ex arcu sagitta volitans currit, viae confeceramus 2 , cum 3 apprehendens Vegius dexteram meam: "Respice," meam: "Respice," inquit, "dextrorsum, {156v} Aenea, ibi Nursia est 4 domina". Tentoria illic purpurea erant, margaritis ornata, quae centum jugera cooperiebant. In medio solium erat peraltum lucens claris smaragdis, miri praeterea lapides, ebur solii 5 vestiebant: Sagada gemma, quae in profundo 6 Euphratis carinae navis 7 5 Achates. Incredibile est gemmarum, quae illic perlucent, si quis referat 6 multitudinem.

[17] Ipsa Fortuna grandis matrona, duplicis aspectus, nunc blando vultu nunc terrifico, vestibus auratis gemmatisque altiorem thorum tenebat, oculis grandioribus sed plerumque clausis. In auribus ceras 7 vidi, illa de nave 8 9 petitas, quae Siculos cantus effugit remige surdo. Caduceum in manu tenebat 10 . In dextra ejus dominatus 11 sedebat honor, favor, splendor, gaudium, officium, fastus, risus, amor conjugum, vigor, robur 12 , decus, cantus, potus. Nec minori loco fama 13 , gloria, victoria, nobilitas, reverentia, pax, laetitia, potentia, forma, laus, gratia, suavitas, jucunditas, hilaritas, dignitas, elatio, pompa, praestantia, familiaritas, clientela, rapina, ultio, superbia, libido, arrogantia, oblivio, nuptiae, consolatio. Ad pedes ejus quasi ancillae sive pedissaeque divitiae, pecuniae, deliciae, blanditiae voluptatesque stabant arreptis 14 auribus, si quid hera jussisset auditurae facturaeque.

1 repercussu M2, M3 [16] But if you still want to, let us go and look more closely at this Lady of kingdoms and mover of empires."

Fortune in her glory

"Yes, let us go," I said, "though maybe I shall be an unwelcome guest." And swiftly as the arrow flies from a bow, we arrived there. Then, Vegio took my right arm and said, "Look to the right, Enea. There is the Lady Nursia. 1 Purple tents had been set up in that place, decorated with pearls and covering 100 acres. In the middle, there was a tall throne, resplendent with smaragds, and other seats, made of ivory and covered with precious stones: the gem Sagada that gives off a green light and usually attaches itself to the bottom of ships in the Euphrates; 2 the Myrhhitis that has the colour colour of myrrh and gives off a smell like nard when it is rubbed; 3 the Mithrax that shines with many colours when struck by the sun; 4 the Chalazias has the whiteness of hail; 5 the Echitis, with the spots of vipers; 6 the Dionysias, dark by nature, that smells like wine when it is ground to dust and mixed with water; 7 the Veneris crinis, that has a look of red hair; 8 the Selenitis, a transparent, colourless stone; 9 the Pyritis, that imitates flames; 10 the Meconitis that closely resembles poppy; 11 The Myrmecitis formed like a crawling ant; 12 the Calcoptongus that sounds like brass being beaten; Sideritis, similar to iron, that, when bewitched with black arts, provokes quarrels; 13 Phlogitis shows burning flames inside it; 14 the Anthracitis that shines like a star; 15 Enhygros that sweats and appears to have moving liquids inside; 16 Molochites Arabicus, harder than the smaragd and giving off a green light and being useful against children's illnessess; [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] Iris is found at Red Sea and when it is struck by the air, it casts the colours of a rainbow; 18 Androdamas has a silvery glint and subdues violence and hot temper in men and is useful against nervous disorders. 19 Paederos looking like ivory; [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] and Agate that wins favours. Anyone who told how many shining gems were there would not be believed.

[17] Fortune herself was a grand Lady, with a double aspect, sometimes pleasant, sometimes terrifying. Dressed in golden cloth and gems, she sat on her high throne, with eyes sometimes wide open but mostly closed. In her ears, I saw wax brought from the ship that fled the Sicilian chants with a deafened oarsman. 1 In her hand, she held a staff. To her right were seated honour, favour, splendour, joy, rank, luxury, laughter, conjugal love, strength, force, handsomeness, singing and drinking. Just as highly seated were fame, glory, victory, nobility, reverence, peace, joy, power, beauty, praise, kindness, sweetness, happiness, laughter, dignity, enthusiasm, pomp, preeminence, friendship, clienteles, robbery, revenge, pride, lust, arrogance, oblivion, marriage and consolation. At her feet, riches, money, pleasures, caresses and sensual pleasures were standing like servant girls and attendants, listening closely to hear and do whatever their Lady commanded. [18] In gramine vero locoque declivi sellae plurimae cernebantur ostro 2 tectae, ubi plurimas umbras umbras sedere conspexi. Perlucebant enim corpora sedentium, quamvis pallida erant, versusque ad Vegium: "Qui sunt hi," obsecro, "sedentes viri, reverentia digni subtristesque?" "Ηi sunt," inquit Vegius, "quos haec domina ab initio nascentis mundi dignata est magnos facere. {157v} Sed jam has Ulysses using the wax to not hear the siren, but in Homer's story, he used the wax on his oarsmen so that they could not hear the siren, while he could (being bound to the mast). Caesar's shoulders and will seize the golden chain around his neck? I do not know if Caesar will let himself be taken [by Fortune]but I wish the heavenly beings would make it so. If he spurns and flees favourable Fortune, then -for I know her Ladyship's ways -she will never smile at him again. She is proud and will rather be asked than ask. I have never seen her as favourable towards anyone as towards your Lord. He will be happy if he follows Fortune but miserable if he flees her." 5

1 Juvenalis, 4: 8. 2 This in opposition to classical philosophies equating virtue and happiness. 3 Venus [Aphrodite]: (Myth.) Goddess of love. 4 Adonis: (Myth.) Young man be-loved by Aphrodite. 5 This passage is a veiled criticism of Friedrich's caution and slow-ness to act, even under favourable conditions. [22] As we spoke, I saw a small man with dark face and glad eyes, seizing Fortune's hair and saying, "Stay still, Lady, and look at me. Why have you fled me for 12 years? Now, I have caught you, and you must heed me, whether you will it or not, for you have opposed me long enough. Now you will show me another face, I think. Either you will favour me, or I shall tear out all your hair! Why do you flee me who am greatminded, and why do you follow men who are weakminded?" "I concede your victory and shall be your enemy no more," Fortune told him.

Those who fight Fortune

"Vegio, who is this man doing violence to Fortune?" I asked.

"That is Alfonso," he replied, "King of Aragon. 1 He was captured with his brothers 2 at Ponza 3 and and sent to Duke Filippo 4 of Milan. But then he was released, undertook new wars, pursued the hostile Lady and, through resilience and perseverance, managed to gain the favour of Fortune, overcome with shame. The other one, whom you see three steps away from Fortune, is the duke of Burgundy, 5 and with him his capable spouse. 6 The tall, corpulent man who says little is the ruler of of the Insubres. 7 8 Fortune has smiled at him often, but he did not heed her Ladyship as he should and therefore now has less territory. He would have even less if his natural generosity 9 had not overcome Fortune's threats. [23] The joyous man in arms is Voivode Janos 10 of Transylvania, whose bravery and courage broke the Turks and forced them to leave Hungary. The dark one is Jiskra, 11 whose arms defend the cause of Ladislaus. 12 The bald one is the Bohemian Ptácek, 13 a sensible man but unreliable. Before him, you can see Piccinino, 14 whose bravery and courage we must admire more than we can describe 1 1 Alfonso V the Magnanimous. 2 Juan II (Aragón) (1398-1464): King of Navarra from 1425, of A-ragón from 1458 to his death; En-rique de Trastámara (1400-1445). 3 5 August 1435. 4 Duke Filippo Maria Visconti. 5 Philippe III le Bon. 6 Isabella de Portugal (1397-1471): Married Duke Philippe of Burgundy in 1430. See DVI, ch. 31. 7 Lombardy. 8 Duke Filippo Maria Visconti. Piccolomini had met him per-sonally in 1434. 9 This is a not so subtle appeal to the duke, whom Piccolomini is still hoping will restore his pro-vostship of San Lorenzo in Milan. 10 János Hunyad (1387 or 1407-1456): Fought valiantly and often successfully against the Turks. Governor of Hungary 1446. 11 Jan Jiskra z Brandýsa. Picco-lomini had met him personally at the imperial court in 1443. See DVI, ch. 43. 12 King Ladislaus the Posthumous. 13 Hynce Ptácek of Pirkstein (c. 1400-1444): Bohemian noble. Moderate Hussite leader. Picco-lomini had met him personally at the imperial court in the autumn of 1443. See DVI, sect. 140. 14 Niccolò Piccinino (c. 1386-1444): Italian condottiere. Picco-lomini had met him personally in 1435. See DVI, ch. 7.

Captains

them. With him stands Francesco da Cotignola,1 who hasuntil nowrisen high, as much through through Fortune's favour as through his own qualities."

Cities

[24] Among these men, I saw someone in the dress of a stately woman. "Who is the woman," I asked, "who stands three steps before the other women, looking proud?" "That is Venice," Vegio answered, "who possesses Fortune's keys to wealth and guards the Tarpeja. 1 The next one is the city of Bruges, the third one Cologne, and then Nürnberg, followed by by Strassbourg. Vienna is not the least among them. Florence comes close to Venice, but I fear for her since, for several years now, she has felt Fortune's favour lessen. Your Siena flourishes, butas I hear itthere is some kind of threat against her. Barcelona and Valencia are flourishing, and, as you see, London, too, is splendid."

Ecclesiastics

[25] "Who are the gowned men I see there?" I said.

"The first one is my pope," Vegio replied. "Don't you know Eugenius 2 ?" "Really," I exclaimed, "does Fortune also intervene in ecclesiastical affairs?" "Yes," Vegio answered, "just as much as in secular affairs, and she has done so ever since our priests began to exercise lordship and manage worldly affairs as well as the spiritual. Felix 3 sits behind him and six ranks below since the princes do not follow him. Those over there are the cardinals. You know them all if you look at their faces. The three [ecclesiastical] prince-electors 4 have higher seats. The patriarchs, both Latin and Greek, are poor and therefore stand behind the others." [26] The widows in dirty clothes, seen over there behind Alexander 5 and Hercules, are cities that were once splendid but are now razed to the ground on Fortune's command. There is Carthage, situated in the mountains, the next one is Babylon on the Euphrates, then comes ruined Troia, pillar of Asia, 6 between Xante and Simoïs. 7 And then Amphion's 8 Thebes, then the mother of Cecrop's muses, 9 and then once-mighty Lacedaemon. 10 " 1 The reference is obscure. For an interpretation, see Stolf, p. 61.

Cities formerly favoured by Fortune

2 Pope Eugenius IV. 3 Antipope Felix V. 4 The archbishops of Mainz, Co-logne and Trier. 5 Alexander the Great. 6 Seneca: Troades, 6: Troia … columen eversum occidit pollentis Asiae, caelitum egregius labor. 7 Rivers in ancient Asia Minor. See Vergilius: Aeneis, 6: 88. 8 Amphion: (Myth.) Son of Zeus by Antiopewith twin Theobus. They built the walls of Thebes. 9 Athens, founded by legendary king Cecrops. 10 Sparta [29] Omnia tempus domat 1 , nec ulli fortuna perpetuo bona est. Hic maestus, submisso capite, Renatus est quem fortuna 2 ex Apuliae finibus pepulit. Ille Thomas Fulgosius est, qui ex ducali solio tractus 3 , in carceris jacet pedore. Hic Pancratius unco tenetur, {161v} qui solebat cum 4 omnibus tum 5 maxime cancellario tuo infestissimus 6 esse. Sed rursus Fortuna huic spem facit 7 . Borbonii dux dux ibi est, qui regno Franciae dicebat leges, nunc dominii parte 8 mulctatus extra regiam 9 esse jubetur. Videsne senem procerum cana 10 et dimissa 11 barba 12 ? Ludovicus est, dux Bavariae, quem filius dominatu privatum domi clausum servat".

[30] Dum sic loquitur Vegius rursus in dextram 13 feror. Video campum, nube candida tectum, dumque 14 introspicio, seu vera figura fuit, seu ficta Ladislaum 15 puellum diademate et vestibus ornatum regiis visus sum videre pluresque secum infantes 16 ludere [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] petoque Vegium: "Quinam sunt 18 hi, nube cana 19 circumvoluti?" "Hi sunt," inquit Vegius, "quibus fortuna favorem spondet, si fatorum munere vixerint". 15 Ladislai WO 16 secum infantes : infantes secum M2 [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] alludere WO 18 sint M2 19 candida M3 [31] Vix ista locutus erat Vegius, cum dea in me oculos contorsit 1 contractisque superciliis: "Quis te te huc accersivit," inquit, "Aenea?" "Nemo," inquam ego, "sed avidus te visendi introgressus sum. Noli mihi succensere. Vidi regnum tuum, jam abibo. Unum tantum ex te peto supplex, mihi 2 ut paucis rogatibus respondeas". "Faciam," inquit illa, "propone". Tum ego: "Quamdiu es hominibus blanda?" "Nulli diu," respondit. Iterum ego: "Quibus artibus potest tuus favor acquiri?" "Nullis," inquit illa, "nisi solius importunitatis remedio." "Quis te plus aliis retinet?" "Qui meum imperium majori sustinet animo 3 ". "Quis tibi odiosior?" {162r} "Pusillanimus 4 ". "Quis te tute spernere potest?" "Sapiens". "Quando mihi blandior eris?" "Cum te vocabo". "Sumne vocandus?" "Scies postea". "Quis tibi 5 ex omnibus viventibus 6 est acceptior?" "Qui me fugat, non qui fugit". "Satis habeo, vale". "Et tu vale, nec te mei gregis esse negaveris," inquit Fortuna, "quamvis tibi non dederim 7 auri montes. Nam quod plerique te amant tibique benefaciunt, meum est 8 ."

Conclusion

[32] I thanked her and departed. Vegio left me at the gate. There, among the many people stretching forth their hands, 1 I found Peregallo, 2 best of friends, andlike him -Michael 3 from Swabia, and then Wenzel 4 and Jakob, 5 colleagues from the chancery. When they saw me, they surrounded me and asked what I had seen. But when I began telling them, I suddenly woke.

So, farewell, and apply your intelligence to figuring out what all this means and tell me afterwards. Again, farewell, my honeycomb, Epicure's cabbage and Pythagoras' pulse. 6 From Vienna, 26 June 1444.

1 I.e., asking for admittance to Fortune's realm. 2 Giovanni Peregallo 3 Michael von Pfullendorf. 4 Wenzel Bochow. 5 Jakob Widerl. 6 These vegetables were the favourite foods of the two -veget-arian -classical philosophers. Pic-colomini is joking! It is, however, a somewhat inappropriate joke to direct at Prokop von Rabenstein, who had no philosophical lean-ings. The passage would fit Gio-vanni Campisio better, another friend of Piccolomini, whose mis-fortune he had lamented in several letters and whom he always ad-dressed as a philosopher. So, this passage might conceivably indi-cate that Piccolomini originally in-tended to address the letter to Campisio (see, especially, letter 151: 5). Piccolomini sends a copy of the Historia de duobus amantibus to the chancellor, with a glowing recommendation of Mariano Sozzini, to whom the work was addressed.

Letter to

Enea Silvio, poet and imperial secretary, sends many greetings to His Excellency and noble knight, Lord Kaspar Schlick, Lord of Neuburg, imperial chancellor, captain of the territories of Eger and Elbogen, his distinguished lord.

[1] Mariano Sozzini, 1 my compatriot, a man of gentle disposition and great learning, whose like I shall never see, has recently asked me to write a story about two lovers, 2 saying it was not important important whether the tale was true or based on poetical imagination. Though you know the man, you will be surprised if I describe him more closely. Nature held nothing back from him except handsomeness. He is a small man and really ought to have been born in my family, whose name, Piccolomini, means "the small men". He is eloquent and a specialist in both laws. 3 He knows all of history and is an accomplished poet, writing poems both in Latin and Tuscan. In philosophy, he equals Plato, in geometry Boëthius, 4 and in numbers 5 Macrobius. He plays all musical instruments and knows agriculture like another Virgil. No civic matter is unknown to him. While he still had strength in his youthful frame, 6 he was another Entellus, 7 a champion in wrestling, running and jumping, and unbeatable in boxing. Sometimes the veins of a small body are precious, as attested by gems and precious stones. One may reasonably apply to him what Statius 8 wrote about Tydeus, 9 "Valour reigned all the greater in his small frame." 10 If the gods had also given him beauty and immortality, he would have been a god himself. No mortal gets everything, but I have never known anyone who lacked less. He is knowledgeable about even the smallest matters. He paints like another Apelles. 11 Nothing is more faultless and clear than the volumes written in his own hand. He sculpts like Praxiteles 12 and knows medicine. To these [gifts], add the moral virtues that otherwise rule supreme.

[2] Novi 1 meis diebus 2 plerosque studiis litterarum deditos, disciplinis 3 1 felix add. M3 [2] In my days, I have known several men dedicated to the studies of letters and specialists in their own fields, who were completely inept in ordinary matters and unable to administer both public and private affairs. Pagliaresi 1 was astonished and accused his estate manager of thieving because while he had 12 piglets from a pregnant sow, he only got one foal from an ass. And Gomezio da Milano 2 thought he was pregnant and long feared having to give birth because his wife had mounted him. And these two men were considered the greatest luminaries in law! 3 In other men, one may find arrogance or avarice, but our Sozzino is utterly generous. His house is always full of distinguished people. He is nobody's enemy. He protects orphans, comforts the sick, aids the poor, helps widows, and assists all in need. Like Socrates, he keeps an unchanging mien 4 : in adversity, he shows moral strength, and good fortune does not make him arrogant. He knows cunning, not to exercise it but to guard against it. He is loved by his fellow citizens and liked by foreigners. He is mean to nobody and oppresses no one.

[3] Why this man of such great capabilities now asks me for this somewhat frivolous service, I do not know. This I know, though, that it would be wrong to deny him anything, for in Siena, I loved him above all, and my love has not lessened though we are separate. He possessed all the other gifts of nature in rich measure, but most of all, he excelled in the virtue of loving back anyone who loved him. So, I decided not to ignore his request and wrote the Story of the two lovers as it actually happened. The affair took place in Siena while Emperor Sigismund resided there. 5 You were there, too, and -if what I heard is true -you gave yourself to love. Indeed, Siena is the city of Venus. 6 Those who knew you 7 say that you were inflamed with passion and that there was no greater cock than you. They think that you knew all the arts of love. Therefore, I ask you to read this story and see whether what I have written is true. Do not be ashamed to remember if something like this did happen to you, for you were a man! One who has never felt passionate love is a stone or a dumb animal. Indeed, [love's] embers smoulder even in the marrows of the gods.

Farewell.

[4] Postera die, cum duo miliaria Teutonica confecissemus nemusque 1 16 tibi KO [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] damnificavit V3, V4, KO 18 tantum V4 [4] The next day, having travelled two German miles and passed through a forest on a mountain stretch, we saw a castle belonging to the Church of Passau. Some call it the Boar Mountain1 , others the Plain Mountain. The eminent prelate, Leonhard, 2 Bishop of Passau, was in residence, having gone there to receive the king. You know the man, for he was in Vienna when you accompanied the Cardinal of Sant'Angelo there to visit the king 3 -now a year ago. He is tall, stately, fair-spoken, wise and generous and holds the first place in the king's council. When from a high place he saw the chancellor arriving, he sent his marshall to meet him and conduct us to him directly. All the inns and guesthouses had been ordered not to sell us anything for the care of men or horses. The chancellor's 4 steward had gone ahead and already readied a guesthouse for us, but the marshall ordered everything to be taken away and did not allow a single member of our party to stay outside the citadel, and he even arranged fodder for the horses. Thus we were taken care of copiously for three days.

[5] We met the bishop when he had celebrated mass. Evander did not receive Hercules 5 6 or Acestes 7 Anchises 8 9 as cordially as our host welcomed our chancellor. 10 He received him and each each of us enthusiastically, embraced us smilingly, greeted us with amicable words and asked how each of us fared. He treated us not as servants -which would have been entirely proper -but as sons and brothers. Believe me, dearest Giovanni, I have never seen anyone so kind and friendly towards his guests, so magnificent in his buildings, so splendid in meals, so generous towards persons in trouble, so fair towards his subjects 11 and so just towards all as I saw this prelate be. I witnessed his hospitality, magnificence and generosity with my own eyes. Unlike many other [prelates], he does not distribute the possessions of his church to his relations and friends or turn them to other, unworthy uses but gives much to Christ's poor. No prince in these regions feeds so many destitute people before his gate. I say nothing about his secret acts of mercy: he privately assists some counts and barons whom fortune's turning wheel 12 has cast off. His home is always open to distinguished visitors. Albrecht, 13 Duke of Austria, who later became King of Hungary, Bohemia and the Romans, 14 refused to recognise him, 15 which cost him 80,000 gold ducats. 16 Still, when peace had been restored, he spent 27,000 florins on repairing castles and churches, and 23,000 on redeeming taxes and estates given in pledge. I wish the Church of Trento 1 had had such prelates as this church! church! But why dwell on that? I shall continue what I began.

[6] Erat jam prandium opiparis epulis appositum, ascendimus aulam ibique juxta fenestram, quam levis 2 aura perflabat 3 , consedimus. Primus erat episcopus, secundus cancellarius, tertius 4 11 in labra deducas mundatosque 12 dentes lactuca fatiges. Inter alias autem voluptates jucundissimum erat servatas per hiemem glacies in ferventi aestu mensis apponi vinaque illis reddi frigidiora.

[7] Quid tibi de urbanitate, facetiis miroque dicendi lepore hujus praelati satis potuerim dicere? Sunt nonnulli, qui hospites quasi verecundia coacti vocitant omnemque morsum dinumerant ac, cum 13 agnum lacerari dentibus cernunt, non minus tristantur quam si propria membra manderentur 14 . At hic praesul tunc dolebat, tunc increpabat hospites, cum cessare videbat, nec quod edulia ponerentur, sed quod non esa fuissent, querebatur. Quodsi, ut 15 6 praised by men in Antiquity.) While eating, I often thought of the man whoaccording to Aristotlewished to have the throat of a crane to be able to enjoy as much food as possible. Among the meats, we ate heron, fattened thrushes, goats, deer, boar and hares. I omit the rest lest you salivate or weary your pearly teeth with lettuce! Among the other delights, it was a great pleasure to have ice kept from winter put on the tables to cool the wines in the intense heat [of summer]. 7 [7] How can I say enough about this prelate's courtesy, humour and charming conversation? Many, who invite guests only because they feel obliged to, count every bite, and when they see the lamb being torn by the teeth [of their guests], they suffer as badly as if it were their own limbs being devoured. But this prelate was only sorry and chided his guests when he saw them pause, and he only complained when the food was put down, not when it was eaten. But if, as we say, a splendid presentation dignifies a lousy meal, 8 what shall we say when happy faces and pleasant conversation conversation are added to the elegant table and sumptuous display? When hunger was banished by the feast and the board was cleared, 9 the bishop took us on an extensive tour of the castle, 10 showing us its disposition and the site and pointing out everything remarkable.

[8] Praebe aures paululum, locum tibi describam, ut, cum legeris, exhilarari etiam possis. Castellum hoc in ea terra est, quae inter Bavariam ,000 passus away, full of wild animals. On a hill close by is a grove of oak trees encircled by a moat and a hedge like a park (or a warren), stocked with many wild animals. There are also many nests that men have built in the trees for the use of herons being fed there. In the plain are fertile fields, yielding so much grain and wheat that what is not consumed at the castle is sufficient to procure the wine it needs. 2 This was the castle's exterior.

[11] Now have a look at its interior. As I have said, the castle is built on a tall cliff. On three sides, it is much higher than the ground below and is thus defended by nature. On the fourth side, it has a double moat with a double bridge, the moats being very deep. On this side is a tower reaching towards heaven, protected by ramparts on all sides. On the top of the tower, a guard often sounds the horn or the trumpet, and sometimes he even stirs up a rustic muse. 3 The castle's wall is double on all sides and, in some places, even triple. In the middle is a round courtyard with a most charming fountain, gushing forth water through two times six copper pipes. The fountain edge is made of marble and has a copper canopy carried by columns, a marvellous work you would think was made by Elcanor 4 or Polycretes. 5 6 It cost 1,300 gold ducats. Around it stand seven tall and leafy elm trees reaching towards heaven and providing a most welcome shadow. When it is hot, dinner is served in an enclosed area at this fountain. Fishes from the rivers are kept in the fountain as if in an aquarium. When you are seated for dinner, you see how they catch them and carry them still living to the kitchen, 7 where they cook them and immediately serve them to you. There is another fountain, this one of stone, running with sweet and clear water. In the kitchen, there is a third one, whose pipes lead the water to all the pans on the fireplaces. [12] Moreover, this castle has the extraordinary privilege (or custom) that the peasants in the surrounding area are obliged to provide whatever is necessary for the castle, except for such things that are very costly. They give cheese, butter, milk, wood, and straw for the privies, all free of charge; they clean the house, cut wood, provide table plates, and wash dishes and kitchen pots.

[13] Afterwards, we saw the beautifully furnished chapel with three consecrated altars. In the upper area behind the great hall, an apartment for the king had been prepared, where I noted the following rooms: one decorated with tapestries and cloths of Arras; another, a large chamber with an imposing bed, decorated in gold and suitable for a king. It had a window with a view into the chapel. There was also an exquisite office and then another room. Behind them was a large, open bay window 1 supported by beams, with a wide-open view towards the west, north and south, where there is always a pleasant breeze, even in sweltering weather. From there, you have access via a small bridge to another chamber outside the wall, also supported by beams and with a view towards the east, north, and west. Here the king's marshall was lodged. A second apartment was allocated to Duke Siegmund, who had a hall, a small room and a bedchamber as splendid as the king's. The bishop reserved space for his chancery, and a chamber used by its members was furnished and decorated for the king's use. 2 He gave the chancellor 3 a sumptuous chamber in the high tower and another, on the floor below, to Walther, 4 the king's counsellor. The eastern and southern part of the castle was occupied by the commandant, his wife and some noble ladies, there being many chambers, both large and beautiful. Under the castle are extensive cellars and many stables.

Between the castle and the river Traun, there was an unprotected manor that the bishop had, in a short time, surrounded with a wall and armed for the protection of the inhabitants. In this place, 5 he received the King of the Romans and Duke Siegmund of Austria with due honours and provided food and recreation for all the cavalry and infantry. And not content with this, hewhen the king had reached Linztogether with the chancellor travelled ahead and awaited His Royal Majesty in Passau.

[14] Passau is a splendid and prosperous city between Donau and Inn, which emperors of old gave to the Church. The Donau arises in the Swabian mountains, and the Inn in the Alps separating Germany from Italy. It meets Donau at Passau, where it loses its own name. The city is narrow and long and could easily be made into an island if you dug a canal from the Inn to the Donau, for the distance between them is no more than 500 passus. Over the Inn, there is a wooden bridge with 16 arches. It connects the part of the city beyond the river with its main part. Over the Donau, another bridge leads towards the mountains in the direction of Bohemia. From behind these mountains runs a thirdrather dark -river 6 that separates the quarter of the Jews 7forming a third part of the cityfrom the main city before it joins Donau below the bishop's castle, to the opposite side of the Inn.

[cont.] [cont.] Thus three rivers meet in one place. This place is called Passau, after the Italian word meaning passage,1 since wares from Italy were transported through this place to Bohemia and Upper Germany, Austria, and Hungary, as we also see today.

[15] In the centre of the city is the church of Saint Stephen, the first martyr and patron saint of this diocese. [The building process] has begun very well but is not yet finished: a most beautiful choir is being built, but since the city and the cathedral chapter have only contributed sparingly to the enterprise, Bishop Leonhard has given a large sum. So, now the work proceeds quickly and is expected to be completely finished in four years. Opposite this temple, towards the Inn, is the bishop's palace, large and splendid, where he fittingly lodged Emperor Friedrich and Duke Siegmund. It would take too long to describe all the parts of the palace or the chapel's holy relics and golden cloths covering the walls. Any prince would be happy to live in this palace, which I believe would be a most fitting abode for kings and emperors and even the supreme pastors of the Roman Churchthough a Hussite might think that it was too luxurious for priests. 2 But it is not just just here that there are dwellings fit for kings: on the other side of the Donau, the bishop has two more castles, one on top of the mountain 3 and the other at its foot,4 by the river, where the Donau and the Niger,5 a river from Bohemia that even carries pearls, meet. The ascent to the upper castle is long and arduous. It can only be attacked from one side, but there they have added such fortifications, both walls and moats, that it appears impossible to conquer by human force. Its chambers are such that you may believe you have never seen anything more ornate and safe. But when you go down to the lower castle, you see even great splendour, vaulted chambers, many halls, and regally appointed beds. I cannot describe it fully, only express my admiration. In my opinion, the Germans are amazingly clever mathematicians and superior to all other peoples in architecture, 6 architecture, 6 but our bishop surpasses all others in this art either because of some inborn gift or because he was taught by outstanding masters. In Italy and elsewhere, I have seen many castles built either for war or for pleasure, but Bishop Leonhard has, with admirable artfulness, made his castles suitable for both purposes so that they lack nothing for pleasure or protection. The chancellor and I were shown all these things while waiting for the king in Passau.

[ [16] The king arrived with Siegmund on Monday, 21 June, 1 and stayed for three days. The Bishop of Passau entertained him and all his household generously and splendidly, and he allowed no other prince or private person following the court to expend even a penny 2 in Passau. To all, he extended a most generous welcome. If anybody, out of modesty, did not want to ask for food, he sent copious provisions of food and wine to their lodgings, and nobody could eat anything that had not come from the bishop's kitchen. When the king admonished the bishop not to burden himself with such great expenses, he said, "Say nothing, my king. When I leave this life, I do not want my patron saint, Stephen, to rebuke me, for he knows that since all these possessions have come to me as gifts from your predecessors, it is only fitting that I use them in your honour." Besides providing food and drink, his servants also supplied fodder for the horses, and they did it all as generously as if thinking they gained more if they spent more.

[17] My dear Giovanni, when I saw all this, I could only be delighted, for it was as if I had before me such admirable men, whom Antiquity praised so highly. Indeed, they wrote about Seneca, good Piso and Cotta that to them the glory of giving meant more than titles and fasces. 4 The crow was reputed to have a long life. Horatius: Carmina, 3: 17, 13: annosa cornix (ancient raven). 5 Nestor: (Myth.) King of Pylos. Hero figuring in Homer's works. Reputed for wisdom and longe-vity. 6 Pozon = Pressburg = Bratislava. 7 Giovanni Berardi di Tagliacoz-zo. 8 Error for 22 July.

Letter to Leonhard Laiming (22 July 1444, Passau).

Context: Piccolomini systematically established and cultivated relations and friendships with important people.

In the case of Leonhard Laiming, Prince-bishop of Passau, he may already have had the purpose of obtaining an ecclesiastical benefice in the bishop's diocese. This actually did happen when shortly afterwards, the bishop gave him the parish of Saint Mary's in Haspach. Subject:

Piccolomini praises the bishop's funerary monument and sends him a (flattering) epitaph to put on it. He also sends him the letter describing the bishop's castles (letter 154) for possible emendations, informing him that it is destined for the curia (intimating that it will promote the bishop's standing in Rome).

Enea Silvio sends many greetings to the Most Reverend Father in Christ and Illustrious Prince, Leonhard, Bishop of Passau.

[1] Some days ago, I visited the Basilica of Saint Stephen, the first martyr, over which you preside in your city of Passau. When I admired the tombs of the old [bishops], His Excellency, Chancellor Kaspar, told me, "You have seen nothing yet. You must also see the tombstone of the present bishop." The next day, the eminent men, Bishop Silvester of Chiemsee and Kammermeister Johan, 1 Johan, 1 arrived. Having treated them and the chancellor to a splendid lunch, you took them to see the funerary monument and also invited me to come. There, I saw a magnificent piece of marble, sculpted with such genius that it could have been a work of Phidias 2 or Praxiteles. Though I have seen statues in Rome, 3 I believe that nothing surpasses this work. There was an effigy looking remarkably like you; a figure of Job was chiselled on each side; on the breast of your figure was placed a crucifix. On the mitre, 4 your likeness was placed on each side of the Holy Virgin. At your feet were two lions so lifelike that they terrified the onlookers. There were flying angels, too. Your arms and those of your church were seen in several places. 5 I praised you fervently, there, for though you hold a high position and have many possessions, you do not forget that you are a man and knowas wise men dothat you are mortal, and think deliberately about death. Therefore, I must consider you a just man, for any living person who often meditates on his death surely leads a better life: when the day of death arrives, he is less anguished, foras Gregory 6 sayscalamities 7 that are foreseen cause less damage. 8 The one who constantly contemplates his death, easily scorns scorns the allurements of this world and flees its defilements. 1 Johann Ungnad (bef. 1429-1461): Kammermeister and coun-sellor of Friedrich III.

2 Phidias [Pheidias] (ca. 480-430 BCE): Greek sculptor, painter, and architect. 3 Piccolomini, as a young man, vi-sited Rome in 1426. 4 Or chasuble (Du Cange). 5 The tomb was destroyed by fire in 1662. 6 Gregorius I 7 "jacula" 8 Aeneas Silvius sends many greetings to Johann Gers, 3 royal protonotary, distinguished colleague, and a friend's friend.

[1] I know you wish to get letters from me about our doings here. Indeed, the human mind is always eager for news. I would have written to you previously if I had had reliable messengers, but when people are going back to you, 4 they seem to avoid me on purpose lest they be burdened with my bundles of letters. Men today are reluctant to be of service! But now I have decided to entrust this letter to fortune so that it may reach you, if possible, and inform you of the important news from here. 5 [2] I believe you must already have heard -through the winged talk of men [4] Ventum erat ad hospitale Sancti Jacobi, quod vix quattuor stadiis 12 a Basilea distat. Ibi universa multitudo Armeniacorum in Suicenses irruit, nonnullis ante portas Basiliensibus 13 positis, qui exeuntes observarent cederentque 14 . Committitur atrox et miserabile proelium 15 caduntque ex utraque parte quamplurimi. Horrendum auditu est: evellebant sanguinolentas 16 ex corporibus suis sagittas Suicenses ac truncati manus in hostes irruebant nec prius animam exalabant [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] quam occisorem ipsum occidissent. 18 Quidam hastis confossi et onusti telis inter Armeniacos currentes necem suam vendicabant 19 . Erant quattuor Armeniaci, qui Suicensem unum insequebantur jamque illum telis confossum straverant et supra corpus crassabantur [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] , cum ejus comes arrepta bipenni in [cont.] When the dauphin had gained Mömpelgard, he spread the news of his arrival everywhere but not in the same way to all. To some, he declared that he had come to aid the German nobility oppressed by the free cities. To others, he said that he had come at the invitation of the King of the Romans to fight the Swiss. 1 To others again, he stated that he wanted to reclaim the rights of the House of France which, he claimed, reached as far as the Rhine. For this reason, he would lay siege to Strasbourg. He also said that he had come because of Duke Siegmund. 2 Such rumours he spread everywhere not because they were true but because he thought they would earn him some degree of popularity.

[3] While all this was being rumoured, the nobles of Alsatia, who much disliked the Swiss domination, sent envoys to the dauphin to ask him for help against the Swiss. There were different reports about the dauphin's army. The greater estimate was that he had a following of about 60,000; the smaller estimate was 25,000; and the middle estimate was between 30,000 and 36,000. The dauphin and the Alsatians reached an agreement that the Alsatians should provide winter quarters for 25,000 men from his army in the towns of Alsatia, while the dauphin promised to bring help to Zürich and other cities under Swiss siege. Then the dauphin's men, commonly called the Armagnacs, 3 came to the assistance of a town near Basel that the Swiss were besieging. When the Swiss heard it, they did not wait for the enemies but marched against them and attacked the Armagnac vanguard, cutting them down and killing many. The Armagnacs fled on foot and returned to their main army. The Swiss, thirsting for blood and avid for victory, lost their own salvation while seeking glory.

[4] They came to Sankt Jakob, about 4 stadia from Basel. There the whole mass of Armagnacs assaulted the Swiss, having posted some men before the gates of Basel to observe and fall back [if attacked]. A savage and bitter battle 4 ensued, and large numbers fell on both sides. Terrible to hear: the Swiss tore the bloody arrows from their bodies and, even with their hands cut off, rushed against the enemies and did not die before they had killed their killer. Some ran between the Armagnacs pierced with darts and weighed down by spears to avenge their own death. Four Armagnacs pursued a Swiss and had already felled him with spears and were mutilating the body when his comrade seized a two-edged axe and -it is told -attacked them, killing two and putting the two others to flight. Then he took his friend's unconscious body upon his shoulders and carried it back to his own.

1 See the Supplement. 2 Duke Siegmund of Tyrol. 3 The party supporting the French king against the Burgundian dukes had taken its name after its leader, Bernard VII, Count of Armagnac. 4 The Battle of Sankt Jakob an der Birs, 26 August 1444.

[5] Erat retro Suicenses murus quidam horti Sancti Jacobi, quo 13 Burgundiae L [5] Behind the Swiss was the wall of a garden in Sankt Jakob. So, thinking themselves safe from behind, they only fought in front. But Germans who had joined the Armagnacs entered the garden, broke through the wall and attacked the Swiss from behind. This was a major reason for the Swiss disaster: they were now fighting on both sides. Man stood against man, and they fought at close quarters. The Swiss strode like lions through all the army against the victors, felling and killing everything before them as men who knew they were fighting not in the hope of victory but to avenge their own deaths. The battle began in the morning and lasted until the evening. In the end, the Swiss succumbed, undefeated but completely worn out by their slaughtering [so many men] in the immense crowds of enemies. The Armagnac victory was grievous and bloody. They gained the field of battle not by manful courage and strength but by superiority in numbers. Some claim the Swiss lost as many as 4,000 men, whereas a more conservative estimate puts the loss at about 1,500 men. Others say the Armagnacs lost more men than the Swiss. A great many horses were killed, and many Germans lost their lives when the Swiss wanted revenge. The greatest cause of the Swiss disaster of was their arrogance (or temerity), for, scorning their enemies, they were hemmed in and could not get free. It is wise neither to fear nor to despise your enemies overly.

[6] Meanwhile, the King of the Romans 1 sent ambassadors to the dauphin: the Bishop of Augsburg, 2 Johann von Eich, 3 doctor, and several knights. They were to ask him why he had entered the Empire with an army. The ambassadors returned and with them ambassadors sent by the dauphin to the king, five high-ranking men. 4 The Council in Basel sent two cardinals, the Cardinal of Arles 5 and the Cardinal of San Calisto, 6 7 and several doctors to the dauphin accompanied by citizens from Basel to entreat him not to harm the council or the city. He sent them back to Basel together with his own envoys. 8 They are still negotiating there, for also ambassadors from Pope Felix, the Duke of Savoy and the whole Swiss party came there. 1 Friedrich III. 2 Peter von Schaumberg (1388-1469): Bishop of Augsburg (1429) and cardinal (1439). 3 Johann von Eich (1404-1464): Member of the chancery of Duke Albrecht VI. Bishop of Eichstätt from 1445 to his death. 4 Louis' ambassadors arrived in Nürnberg on 12 September. 5 Cardinal Louis Alleman. 6 Cardinal Juan de Segovia. 7 The schismatic council's ambas-sadors arrived in Altkirch on 31 August. 8 Louis' ambassadors arrived in Basel on 6 September.

sunt, quae nunc scribere possum. Tu vale cum consorte tua magis bona quam fortasse 1 prudente 2 , quia inter feminas non solet regnare prudentia 3 .

Iterum vale et me ama 4 . Ex Nuremberga, die 22. Septembris anno 5 1444. [7] Rumour has it that the dauphin insists on Basel being turned over to him as a possession of the Kingdom of France. If that happens, he promises the city large privileges. However, the dauphin's ambassadors here [in Nürnberg] claim that he has come at the king's1 invitation to fight the Swiss, that he has already defeated a great force of enemies, and that Zürich has been liberated from the siege by his intervention. The ambassadors request the confirmation of the dauphin's agreement with the Alsatian nobles and demand winter quarters. If such are denied them, they cannot avoid causing damage. They now have Lauffenberg, Seckingen, Waldshut and some other towns, but they claim these are insufficient and want Breisach and Freiburg, too. Finally, they request that Duke Siegmund of Austria be sent to consummate his marriage with the daughter 2 of the King of France, the dauphin's sister. No answer has been given as yet. The cities and the princes are discussing the matter. May God give a happy end to this matter, for the proverb shows how [un-]safe it is to nourish a mouse in a bag of provender. 3 A snake invited a freezing hedgehog into its home, but when the hedgehog had grown warm, it extended its spines and drove out the snake. 4 Let our princes take care to act advisedly lest they afterwards have to say, "We had not thought of that." Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Michael von Pfullendorf, protonotary in the royal chancery.

[1] While we were riding back from Nürnberg with His Excellency, Chancellor Kaspar,1 you, who were leaving to visit your home, asked me to write you so that you would know we had become truly reconciled. I promised to write if I first received a letter from you. Since I have awaited your letter for a long time, I now believe I am waiting in vain, so I have decided to fulfil your wish and write first. To tell the truth (which you ought to hear), I do this more for my own sake than yours.

Many have come to me and asked about the trouble between us, for they all knew about our friendship and thought we were like Pythagorean friends,2 seeing that we shared everything, books and possessions. But now that we have begun to live apart, they ask why we have fallen out. Some criticise you, others me, and others both of us. When they speak to me about it, I justify myself and defend my cause without an advocate, just as I think you do. The distinguished Prokop from Bohemia, a close friend of both of us, had become so convinced by your words that much talk was needed before I could change his opinion, for you had already influenced him, so he thought that I was more culpable than you. But when he heard my reasons, he changed his mind and now believes it is you, not me, who have broken the law of friendship. However, I deeply resent having to explain myself to all who ask, for since our friendship had lasted for some time, all knew about it.

[2] But then I came to think of Papi from Florence. 3 His cloak had become stained by oil, and when he walked through the city, everybody asked about the stain. Being irritated that he had to answer them, he sewed a parchment note on his cloak with the word "Oil". After that, nobody bothered him about the stain, for the note answered their questions. I shall do the same. I shall write to you about the reasons that have made me withdraw from our friendship. If somebody asks me why, I shall show him this letter which will let him know the reasons for ending our friendship and that it is your fault, not mine. Thus, I shall also satisfy your desire for a letter from me. I concede that I was the first to break up our friendship because I saw I had not chosen a man whose friendship I could count on for long [cont.] Nobody should wonder that our friendship broke down though it had lasted for two years, for two years is not enough to prove a friendship to be true when a whole life barely suffices. In the beginning, many men seem pleasant and modest, but with time they reveal their true nature. Some may be able to cover up their natural faults for some time, but they cannot do so forever. At some point, they must show their true character, and when that happens, the friendship is dissolved, for that which was loved is lost. [3] Butto be brief -I shall tell you why I cannot be your friend and explain how you have injured me. Concerning the difference between our characters, you are a man of many words, whereas I am a man of few. You love money, whereas I despise it. You pursue studies to gain profit, whereas I pursue them to gain tranquillity of mind. You are irascible and violent, whereas I am easy-going and agreeable. You prefer food to love1 , whereas I prefer love to food. At night, you will never go to sleep, and in the morning never get up, whereas after supper, I want to relax a little and then sleep and rise before dawn. Your family is prominent, whereas mine is obscure. These are the differences between us. If you will not admit it, I shall trust the judgment of those who know us both.

I
[4] Certainly, when at first the foundation of our friendship was castbadly, it appearsyou did not show your true nature but accommodated me in such a way that whatever I liked, you [cont.] But though you always praised me to my face and were most pleasant to me, you pointed your finger at me 1 behind my back and maligned me. This is well-known to our friends from whom I often heard about it. And you cannot deny that you condemned my comedy Chrysis 2 that I wrote in Nürnberg. Though it is significant, I actually do not care that you disapprove of my writings, and I have not desired my muse to be praised by you, for praise from an unqualified person is worthless. But I note your attitude. Moreover, if you found fault with the comedy, you should have advised me to polish it. But you ridiculed not only the text but also its author and accused me of frivolity because I had written a comedythough the comedy writers Terence and Plautus were held in high regard. But no more of this.

[5] However, other things are more harmful to my reputation. You lent me 25 gold ducats, a great service and one worthy of a friend, for if you trust someone in money matters, you may trust him in all: money is the second blood. I recognise that you helped me in a difficult situation, and I shall never deny that I am obliged to you for it. Later, you asked for the loan to be repaid. I said nothing, but having no money, I borrowed the sum from another and paid you back. So far, so good. However, after some days, you asked me for some things I could not do, and then you claimed it was because I was angry with you for asking for your money. That, indeed, was a great injury, for who would later lend me money if I grew angry when he wanted it back? Thus, you accused me of a serious offence and greatly insulted me, who absolutely did not feel that way nor wanted to do such an offensive thing. You could more truthfully have said that "Enea has become estranged from me because I criticised him, or because I did not support him in the distribution of gratuities, 3 or because I did not contradict those who maligned him." But to say that I became angry because you wanted your money back upset me incredibly, Michael. If you say I had been unhappy with you even before, I shall not deny it, for I knew then that you were speaking badly about me. But those wounds could have been healed if the other things had not occurred. And what you say about me being upset because you asked to get your money back can easily be refuted, for I already knew what you were saying about me behind my back. Therefore, our previous relationship was breaking up as I was endeavouring to dissociate myself from you and -remembering the words of Ciceroto dissolve, not to break 4 our bond of friendship. That I did break that bond afterwards was your fault since you told others I was angry with you because of the money. So I did as the seamen do when the storm approaches: they do not set sail but cut the ropes. I believe this suffices concerning the break-up of our friendship. That you sold the chest you had lent me to Jakob and asked for the return of your books though keeping mine, I do not reproach you for but attribute to anger.

1 Horatius: Carmina, 4: 3, 22. 2 Piccolomini's Chrysis, written during his sojourn in Nürnberg in 1444, is a comedy in the Plautian manner. The plot is centred on a love intrigue and is set in a brothel. It was Piccolomini's last erotic writing before he took Holy Or-ders. 3 ME translates: weil ich an seinen Trinkgelagen nich teilgenommen habe … (p. 146). 4 The passage in Cicero has not been identified. But see Quinti-lianus, 2: 12, 1.

[6] Si quid me hic mentitum putas, redarguere potes mihique rescribere. Ego alienum potius quam meum judicium sequar et hanc epistolam honoris mei tutricem omnibus dabo, qui de nostra separatione quaesiverint. Inter me 1 autem et te 2 primus amor primaque 3 caritas revivere non poterit nec amicitia esse, quae fuit, nisi et mores et convictus redeant, qui ante fuerunt, famamque meam videam restitutam.

[7] Vale, et si durius scribo quam ferre queas, memento et te de me locutum fuisse acerbius quam inter amicos deceat. Ego te potius solum solus arguere volo, quam inter alios de te aliquid dicere, quod tuo possit honori vel utilitati detrahere, nam etsi soluta est amicitia, non tamen quae inter homines esse debet cum honestate societas est extincta.

Iterum vale. Ex Vienna, kal. Octobris 1444. 4 [6] If you think I have lied in this, then write me back to me with your arguments. I shall not follow my own judgment but that of a third party, and I shall give the present letter in defence of my honour to all who ask about our falling-out. The former love, friendship and affection between us cannot be revived unless your former conduct and companionship return and I see my reputation restored.

[7] Farewell, and if I write more harshly than you can bear, then remember that you have spoken more harshly about me than friends should do. I would rather discuss this matter with you alone than say something among others against your honour and interests, for even if our friendship is ended, the polite fellowship that ought to prevail among men continues.

Again farewell. From Vienna, 1 October 1444. Piccolomini attempts to justify his remark and takes refuge in a pious discourse on death, Enea Silvio, poet, sends many greetings to Johann Gers, distinguished royal protonotary and excellent friend.

Letter to

[1] From Nürnberg,1 I sent you a report on the arrival of the Armagnacs, believing it would please you since when I left,2 you asked me to write. On my return, however, I find you are offended that, at the end of the letter, I asked you to greet your wife, adding that I had the impression she was more decent than wise. I have heard you took offence at this. I do not know whether to trust those who said it, for I was told about it while riding from Vienna and Neustadt. Had it happened in Vienna, I would have justified myself face to face rather than by a letter. In any case, it seems improbable to me that you, a man of mature age and proven character, should have taken umbrage at those words of mine, for what did I say? I praised her decency and made little of her wisdom. But are you one to seek wisdom in a woman? I am sure you know the words of the Ecclesiasticus, 3 "One man among a thousand I have found, a woman among them all have not found." 4 But why speak of women when in men, too, decency is more praiseworthy than wisdom. For as Paul says to the Corinthians, "Hath God not made foolish the wisdom of this world." 5 And in the Gospel, the Lord says that, "unless you be converted, and become as little children, you shall not enter into the kingdom of heaven." 6 For God does not love the wisdom of this world but a sincere heart 7 and a pure mind. I wrote that your wife excels in these gifts. I did not say she was like Cornelia 8 , the mother of the Gracchi, 9 a great speaker, or like Calpurnia, 10 defending her causes. But I said she was such a woman that would not be rejected by God, who hath chosen the foolish things of this world 11 and destroyed the wisdom of the wise. 12 But maybe someone would say that one should not speak about wives whatsoever. If that is the custom in your people, I admit that I have transgressed out of ignorance and beg your forgiveness, for even Paul merited forgiveness, who persecuted the church of God , 13 in the belief that what he did was good.

haec 1 , quae scribo, sese disponat! Utinam non alia inveniatur mentis cogitatio quam signat harundo 2 . Fateor me multa scribere in bonum, quae non operor, sed in omnibus his misereatur mihi dominus, qui mundum potest de immundo facere.

Tu vale mei memor et amator, ut solebas 3 . Ex Nova Civitate, 3. nonas Novembris 1444 4 .

1 ea M3 2 arundo M2, M3 3 soboles M2 4 Ex Nova … 1444 : etc. M2; omit. M3 [2] The old [authors]of whom I have read manyused to write much about wives. Read Jerome, Cicero, Seneca and Ovid's De Tristibus. In their writings, you will find much about other men's wives, [apparently] with their husbands' acceptance . I could quote many texts to this effect, but I do not believe that you, a man so learned and wise, have been concerned to ponder such matters. Besides, the plague now fiercely attacking us causes me to reflect on the manner of dying rather than on maintaining my correspondence. For when I hear that one after the other is taken away and brought to the priests, 1 I say to myself, "Alas, Enea, you, too, do not know when the summoner will call you before that tribunal where you will need neither a lawyer nor a procurator but will be judged by your own actions." My Johann, it is terrible to think of this. We owe thanks to our creator, who calls many others but also forewarns us. He does not do to us as Saint Paul writes to the Thessalonians when he says that the Lord comes as a thief in the night. 2 No, he treats us with the clemency mentioned by John in the Apocalypse: "Behold, I stand at the gate, and knock. If any man shall hear my voice, and open to me the door, I will come in to him, and will sup with him, and he with me." 3 May God open our eyes and give us to despise the blandishments and allurements of this world and to reach that philosophy, 4 by which we say with Paul that we "desire to be dissolved and to be with Christ." 5 It is amazing that the worse lives people lead, the greater difficulty they have in leaving it.

fateful day arrives. May my heart prepare for that which I am writing about. May the thought of my mind not differ from that sealed by the reed. 1 I confess that I am writing many things about [doing] good that I do not practice myself, but may God, who can clean the unclean, 2 show mercy upon me in everything. Farewell, remember me, and love me as always. From Neustadt, 3 November 1444.

1 ? 2 Job, 14: 4.

[3] Nunc illud te volo 1 [START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] preruptus M2 21 rusticas WO [3] 1 Now, I want you to know that the man is happy who has chosen a life far away from public business cares like the pristine race of mortals used to. For who will not call a man happy if he works his ancestral lands with his steers, free of all debt? Hear how happy he is: He is not roused by a wild clarion ordering him to a battle, nor does he dread the angry sea; he avoids the Forum and the curses of litigants; he does not visit the proud halls of rich people; he does not beg from disdainful courtiers but either weds his lofty poplar-trees to nurtured shoots of vine or, in a secret and secluded dale, looks upon the ranging herds of grazing cattle. Sometimes he cuts off useless branches with the pruning-knife and engrafts more fruitful ones, and at other times, he stores away pressed honey in clean jars or sheers the sheep and takes their wool. But when Autumn has reared his head, crowned with ripened fruit, in the fields, he delights in plucking the pears from branches grafted with his own hand. In between, he gathers purple grapes and stores them for winter or presses must of them. 2 'Tis pleasant, now to lie beneath some ancient ilex-tree, now on the matted turf. Meanwhile, the waters fall from high cliffs; 3 birds warble in the woods; the fountains plash with their flowing waters and invite to soft slumbers. But when the wintry season arrives and rains and snow dominate, with his pack of hounds, he drives boars into the waiting toils or on a polished pole hangs wide-meshed nets or nooses against greedy thrushes or catches the timid hare and the crane that comes from far.

[4] But if he has a modest wife like the sun-tanned Sabine women of old or those mentioned by Holy Scripture, Sarah, Rebecca or Rachel, 4 who tend their home and raises children dear, he will be even happier when she piles high the sacred hearth with seasoned firewood against the arrival of her weary husband, penning the frisking flock in wattled fold, draining their swelling udders, and, drawing forth this year's sweet vintage from the jar, prepares an unbought meal. Who will not praise and wish for such a life? Locrine oysters or turbots, scar, and fish sought from whatever sea or river would not please me more than olives plucked from the richest branches of the trees, or lambs slaughtered by farmers at the feast of Easter, 5 or a kid snatched from mouth of the wolf. Amid such rustic feasts, it is a great delight to see ripe fruits and soft chestnuts, hams, and chese, and sheep hurrying homeward from pasture, and to look at wearied oxen dragging along the upturned ploughshare on their listless necks. Many are the joys of country life, too many, indeed, to relate in one short letter.

Therefore, farewell. Take note of these few pleasures among many and do sometimes enjoy life in the country.

From the town of Bruck, 13 November 1444.

Letter to Silvio Piccolomini (19 November 1444, Bruck).

Context: Piccolomini was still staying in Bruck, away from the plague in Wiener Neustadt. Subject:

Piccolomini informs his father that he is safe and sound and not at the plague-threatened imperial court. He also inquires whether his son with Elizabeth is still alive.

Enea Silvio, poet of Siena, sends many greetings to his father, Silvio Piccolomini, and recommends himself, as befits a son.

[1] I should like to write to you every day, for that would please both you and me, but I cannot write about insignificant and trifling matters. Please forgive me for that. But now I must write to relieve you of any fear you may have conceived on my account. For I think you may have heard rumours of the plague now raging in Austria, where more people are falling than fruit in autumn. Since I serve the king who has remained in Austria, you may think I am with him and therefore fear for me. However, I ask you to put away that fear, for I left court many days ago and I shall not return while the plague prevails. I am now [staying in a place] with healthy and excellent air 1 so I want you and mother 2 to know that I am well and looking forward to a better fortune, though I ought not to complain of it until now. God give that she 3 looks upon me ever more kindly so that I may return and see all the men and women of my blood with honour. I have heard nothing about Nanni, 4 Laudomia 5 , Bartolomeo 6 and Caterina 7 and their children. Please send me news about them and also also about Niccolò Lolli 8 and his sons, your sister Bartolomea 9 and your other sister Caterina 10 .

[2] Two years ago, you wrote to me 11 about the son born to me in Florence by a woman named Elisabeth, like the saintly widow whose feast it is today. 12 I answered that for many reasons I believed it was my son. You have not written to me after that so I do not know if he survived or died like my other son in Scotland. Indeed, more lambs perish than sheep. 13 So, I ask you to tell me all and to have good hopes for me, for if God favours me as He has begun tothough I know I am unworthy of His favour -I shall be of honour, if not use, to you and our family.

[2] You would probably like to hear about the outcome in Nürnberg, 1 2 but that you must hear from others. I can only write that we left in disagreement. 3 The king's 4 ambassadors will shortly be sent to you. Treat them circumspectly and well if you desire what is to your own and the common good.

Write to me about Magister Thomas 5 and recommend me to our other friends.

Farewell. From Bruck, 19 November. 1 The Diet of Nürnberg, August -October 1444. In his DVI, sect. 172-173, Piccolomini wrote (not later than 1447) about the diet: In the meantime, there were protrac-ted negotiations on the ecclesi-astical issue. The king and the prince-electors appointed repre-sentatives to examine the matter. The king was represented by Chi-emsee, Thomas, Ulrich and me. Each prince-elector had two re-presentatives, and each of the other princes one. We met every day but could not reach a conclu-sion, so in the end the prince-elec-tors met alone with the emperor, accompanied by Kaspar. … Then came the moment when each one had to state his position. The king was asked to speak first. He said that he knew of no better way to have peace in the Church than to recognise Eugenius as pope: all of Christendom supported him, and there was no need to be concerned about the few people following Felix for they would either submit or be destroyed. The king was seconded by the Archbishop of Mainz and the Margrave of Brandenburg. But Cologne, Trier, and the Duke of Saxony said that the Council in Basel should not be abandoned for it favoured Truth, and that they should not follow the multitude but justice. The repre-sentatives of the Count Palatine, who was absent on the business of the Armagnacs, said that nothing could be done if they disagreed, but all could be done if they agreed. Afterwards, the represen-tatives [of the emperor and the princes] met again and devised several ways to gain peace. Then the king had a statement produced [drafted by ESP] to the effect that the state of neutrality should be prolonged for eight more months, and that a council should be indicted [to begin] in Konstanz at the end of that period. In the meantime, Eugeniusto whom I was sent by the kingand the Basileansto whom Thomas Hasselbach wentwould be asked to consent and indict a general council on peace in the Church [to be held] in Konstanz. The king's statement stipulated that if both parties agreed before 1 October, now eight months away, the coun-cil would be held there. If one party declined and only the other party was present, the King of the Romans with the prince-electors and the other German princes would declare the council to be there, with the party that was present, and obey it. If the Basileans came before that time, they would receive a safe-conduct and be considered and treated as they had been in Basel, and after the term had expired, they would be considered to represent the true council. See also ESP's report on the diet in his DRGB (WO, 2, 1: ep. 44, p. 206; RE, 364). See also RTA, 17, pp. 225-622; Rill, pp. 80-81; Stieber, pp. 266-270; Voigt, 2: 5, pp. 334-338. 2 Stieber, p. 269: When an agreement on a compromise proved impossible, each group recruited adherents for its view and the diet broke up. 3 Piccolomini was, of course, privy to much confidential infor-mation concerning the diet, but he did not feel free to divulge it to friends at the papal curia. 4 Friedrich III. 5 Tommaso Parentucelli.

Letter to Giovanni Campisio (20 November 1444, Bruck).

Context: As letter 162. Subject:

Piccolomini informs Campisio that ambassadors from the emperor will soon come to Rome to negotiate the ecclesiastical affairs.

Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Giovanni Campisio, excellent philosopher and beloved brother.

[1] From Nürnberg, I sent a long letter in answer to your many questions -if it was indeed an answer after so long. I do not know if you have received my letters, for I have received nothing from you for a long time, although several have come to us from the curiawhich is why I write to you now. If my other letters except one did not reach you, the present one will replace them. I shall not tell you what was decided in Nürnberg concerning the church affairs, 1 for this you will have heard from many others, especially the apostolic envoys, 2 who were there and will now have returned to the curia. I can only say that the meeting ended in disagreement, with some supporting one of the two parties and others the other. 3 The king's ambassadors will reach you shortly, and if they are given due consideration, it will greatly profit your party. 4 You can give them the Politica 5 to bring home to me, and I shall ask them to undertake this task. 6 Please endeavour to make it so.

[2] I ask you to recommend me to the Most Reverend Father and Lord of Taranto, 7 whom I love for for his own excellent qualities just as we love Scipio, 8 Cato, 9 Fabricius 10 and those other men of old, about whose splendid qualities we read. Only one thing would make me even more devoted to him, to hear that he has seen to your advancement. About your Conte 11 , my master or rather our master, I wish you to write if he fares well so that I can rejoice with him; but if he fares poorly, I would not hear it. I am writing directly to Pietro da Noceto, so I give you no message for him. I only wish that when you are together, you remember me with joy.

[3] I have just left the royal court, for a great plague rages there, and people fall like leaves from forest trees at this time of the year 12 . I am now in the mountains with healthy air. I hear nothing about the Most Reverend Cardinal of Sant'Angelo 13 {112r} Illustrissimo principi ac excellentissimo domino 5 Philippo Mariae Anglo 6 , duci Mediolanensi 7 , Papiae Angleriaeque comiti ac Januae domino, 8 Aeneas Silvius 9 , imperialis 10 secretarius, salutem plurimam dicit. 11 12 [1] Etsi favoris mihi 13 non multum hactenus 14 tua 15 celsitudo impenderit, quae post traditam mihi ecclesiae Sancti Laurenti Majoris Mediolanensis possessionem, spoliatorem meum praeter jus et contra litteras regias in meum favorem saepius scriptas tuetur, in tantum tamen illustrissimae celsitudini tuae sum deditus, ut praetermittere nullatenus possim, quin novitates ad nos delatas eidem significem, quae tametsi non hujusmodi sint, ut audiri libenter debeant. Expedit tamen et secunda et adversa cognoscere. Accipe igitur ex servulo tuo 16 , quae apud nos nova feruntur [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] .

[2] Quindecim aut eo plures sunt dies, quibus huc fama delata est, fama malum, inquam, quo non aliud velocius 18 6 , octuaginta milia virorum in hac pugna sunt caesa 7 .

[cont.] Already, the renowned Dénes, 8 Archbishop of Esztergom, and other supporters of King Ladislaus 9 begged the King of the Romans 10 for help, for the Hungarian partisans of the Polish king concealed his defeat either because they wanted to help the defeated king returning from the war or because they wanted to protect their own interests in the meantime.

[3] But nothing is more fragile than a lie and nothing more firm than the truth. For today, remarkably, within one hour, various messengers from various and remote regions brought identical news. The Illustrious Count of Cilly 11 as well as [nobles] from Transylvania and barons from Hungary sent reports to His Royal Majesty 12 that, dreadful and ominous as they are, must not be suppressed but diligently spread among all Christians since a major danger threatens the Catholic faith unless the pious princes meet and confer about ways to oppose the enemies of the Holy Cross and of Christ himself. 13 [4] This is the news: all the messengers say that the King of Poland, with the Cardinal of Sant'Angelo, 14 many Hungarians and even more Wallachians, Bulgarians and Ruthenians, entered Romania. They had such success in the war that they could establish a camp not far from Adrianople. 15 When the Turkish ruler 16 heard it, he gathered an army of 40,000 soldiers in Asia [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] and crossed the sea since the fleet 18 that had, last summer, been sent to the Hellespont to prevent the Turks from crossing over from Asia to Europe had left. According to some, the captains of the fleet had been bribed by the Asians. 19 This, however, I consider to be most unlikely since I cannot believe that they could have been so disloyal as to sell Christian blood to the Muhammedans. It is more likely that the fleet ran out of provisions and could not continue, as Cardinal Giuliano had previously feared in a letter. Whatever the reason, the sea was open to the Turks, who passed over 9 Ladislaus the Posthumous (Habsburg) 10 Friedrich III. 11 Count Ulrich II von Cilly. 12 Friedrich III. 13 Note that already in 1445, Piccolomini ventilated the idea of a meeting of European princes to discuss ways to resist the Turks, an idea that came to fruition in the Congress of Mantua, which he held as pope, in 1459 and which was unsuccessful. 14 Cardinal Giuliano Cesarini. 15 Present-day Edirne. 16 Murad II (1404-1451): Sultan of the Turks. Murad had abdicated after the Peace of Szeged but was recalled by his son, Mehmed II, to conduct the war against the Hun-garians, whom he defeated in the Battle of Varna, 10 November 14 [START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] Asia Minor. 18 A papal fleet commanded by a cardinal nephew of the pope. 19 Rivals of the Ottoman sultans.

to Greece, joined the forces remaining on the European side of the sea and attacked the Christians with a large army.

[5] Ours, too, wanted to fight. The battle began on the Feast of Saint Martin, 1 and there may seldom seldom have been such a ferocious and bitter fight among men. The two [armies] fought with equal strength, and the outcome was in doubt for a long time. Ours were battling for Christ and the others for Muhammad, and both sides fought with such vigour that 15,000 men fell in the first clash of the armies. The fight was so equal that they did not want to stop, and the more blood they shed, the more ferociously the troops were fighting. But in the end, the men on both sides became exhausted and could no longer wield their swords or stretch their bows. This forced both parties to rest until late in the day, but when they had regained their fighting spirit and strength, the battle was renewed.

In the end, the Turks won due to their strength or destiny or because they were more numerous. Those who escaped from the battle say that never in the memory of our fathers did Europe see such a bloody battle: as many Turks fell as Hungarians, and, if the rumour is true, at least 80,000 men were killed.

[ [6] Concerning the King of Poland, nothing is known for sure. Some say that he fell in battle, others that he was taken prisoner. At any rate, he certainly has not returned to Hungary, and some claim he was wounded in the face while fighting. We must pity this noble and courageous youth. He was too young to desire other kingdoms, so it was not because he himself wanted it, but because his own people pressured him 1 that he was brought from his own peaceful kingdom 2 to another, 3 not to peace but to war, and not to wealth but to death or captivity [7] It is also rumoured that the most eloquent and clever man of this age, Giuliano, Cardinal of Sant'Angelo, fell in this battle and gave up his noble spirit, divinely endowed for everything he did. Some claim that, with a few men, he escaped together with János, 4 voivode of Transylvania, an excellent and otherwise most brave man, who, overcome by fear, fled [the Turks]. I should, of course, much prefer that this is what happened, but I consider it more likely that the cardinal died, for he was not fortunate in war: when he went against the Bohemians with an army, he was put to flight, 5 and the same I think may have happened now. Indeed, when Fortune lets some escape one battle, she often lets them be killed in the next. Whatever the cardinal's fate, I believe it must have ended well for him since he was fighting for the Christian faith, and if he died, as those people claim, he must no doubt have gone to Him 6 whose cause he was defending.

[8] Together with him were killed the bishops of Eger 7 and Varad 8 and many other nobles of the kingdom, whose names have not yet been communicated. In this battle, many illustrious souls went to Heaven or to Hell.

[9] This year is marked by many fatal events: the Swiss were defeated at Basel, 9 the dauphin 10 occupied several German cities, 11 the King of France seized Toul and Verdun, 12 Niccolò Piccinino 13 died as did many other men whom Your Illustrious Lordship knows better than I.

[10] The Hungarians now begin to recognise Ladislaus 14 as their king. This is a new development, which I can only relate as it has been reported. Daily, we receive firmer news that I shall not fail to pass on to you if I know that my letters are welcome to Your Highness and that, in the matter of my Church of San Lorenzo, you do not favour me less than my adversary.

From [Wiener] Neustadt, 13 December 1444, the Feast of Saint Lucia.

3

 3 Durad I Brankovic (1377-1456): Despot of Serbia 1427 to his death. Vassal both of the Ottoman sultans and the Hungarian kings. HE erroneously gives Stephanus as the despot. 4 Note the use of Teucri in the early versions of the text. About 1447, Piccolomini switched to the term Turci. 5 Kasim [Kasem] Pasha (fl. 1442-1443): Albanian Ottoman general and governor, beylerbey of Rume-lia and one of the commanders of the Ottoman forces during the Crusade of Varna (1443-44).

Table of contents of vol. 3

	I.	INTRODUCTION
	1.	Themes
		1.1. External
		1.1.1.	The Crusade and Battle of Varna
		1.1.2.	The church schism
		1.1.3.	The succession to the See of Freising
		1.1.4.	The uprising in Tyrol
		1.1.5.	The Armagnacs
		1.2. Personal
		1.2.1.	Literary production
		1.2.2.	Sexuality
		1.2.3.	Religious conversion
		1.2.4.	Entering the clerical state
		1.2.5.	Conversion to the papal cause
		1.2.6.	Benefices
		1.2.7.	Influence network
		1.2.8.	Humanism
	2.	Manuscripts
	3.	Bibliography
	4.

  of the prince-electors are here now: the Archbishop of Mainz, the Archbishop of Trier, the Duke of Saxony and the Margrave of Brandenburg. Because of the Armagnacs, the Count Palatine has received permission to not come but protect his country. The Archbishop of Cologne is occupied with a siege of Soest and has not yet been able to come, but it is believed he will come soon, now that the royal ambassadors have arranged an armistice. The ambassadors from both parties are here, each defending his own party's cause. The Bishop of Verdun has come on behalf of the Duke of Burgundy. He energetically endeavours to persuade His Royal Majesty to declare himself and the whole [German] nation for Pope Eugenius, and he has, today, given a long oration before the entire assembly. (Letter 156: 8).

  hear you have come to Trient and are defending the king's cause with military means. The king has heard it, too, and therefore, he loves and greatly estimates you. As far as I can see, this will greatly benefit your honour and interests and those of your house. So, continue in this way and show what kind of man you are now that you have the opportunity. The courage of many men lies dormant because they have no field where to prove themselves. You now have the chance to show your courage and your intelligence. The cause you defend is just, and you are fighting for noble blood against the people and the wavering crowd. Show what stuff you are made of and how noble blood far surpasses the base. Be the man you are reputed to be. The king has great hopes for you. Fulfil the expectations of the king and all

those around him. Thus, from a great man you will become the greatest. (Letter 112: 1).

  And finally, on 8 June, he sent to Giovanni Campsio in Rome (letter 149), a redacted version of the chancellor's speech at the court hearing on the Freising matter, held on 4 April. In this text, the oration "Si putarem", he directly states that not only the chancellor but also the emperor supports Pope Eugenius IV in Rome against the schismatic council in Basel and antipope Felix V:Not only does Eugenius not deserve to be deposed: if he was not pope already, he above all is the one who should be entrusted with the Roman See and the government of Saint Peter's ship. And I know that you, Caesar, do not disagree, though some men whisper differently in your ears, men who ought not to put their own advantage first, but yours, and who should advise you not to maintain Neutrality, but to obey the pope, whom the whole host of believers follows, and who should tell you to do as the other Christian kings, not as the Bavarians. … To summarise what should be done: it is not expedient for you -believe me, Caesar -to disregard the decisions of that pope who has the support of all the other kings. … Whereas all Christianity with very few exceptions obeys him and accepts and honours the bishops appointed by him, and whereas nobody rejects his decrees except us Germans who in Mainzaccepted those [of the Council], the hands of Eugenius -as I have said before -are not bound because the Germans have accepted the decrees of the Council. To put it more forcefully: the decrees of the synods [councils] are only valid with the assent of the Roman Pontiff. … For as may be read in the letter of Saint Clement: The Lord made the Apostolic See the hinge and head, and it is not dependent on anybody else. And just as the door is ruled by the hinge, thus, as the Lord has ordained it, all the churches are governed by the authority of this Holy See. (Oration 5, sect. 38-39, 41).1

2 of whom you were suspicious, and he proved to be just as I thought. Unless you have an antidote, you will perish if it bites you. Even Mithridates would barely be safe against this poison. Now you know what I expect and what I can say without neglect of duty. (Letter 139: 1).

1

  During 1444, Piccolomini was much concerned about his canonry in Trient, providing him with 140 ducats a year, which was threatened by the Tyrolean invasion. In a letter to Niccolò Veneto of 1 January, he wrote:

I have written a letter to our dean, Francesco Bossio, that I am sending with this one since I hear he has taken fright and left Trient for Padua. For he does not want to live in a city full of disturbances, as is your city now, expecting to be besieged. I quite agree with him, for a man who can live in peace should not get mixed up in a war. You know where Francesco is now. Please forward my letters to him. And, in his absence, please also protect my interests lest something happen to the canonry I have there. Act on my behalf as I hope [you will out] of decency and friendship. [Letter 113: 1).

And in a letter the dean himself, he wrote, on 16 January, both on his benefices in Trient and on the provostship in Milan that he had lost, seemingly due to some court intrigue, and was still strenuously trying to regain:

I hear you have gone to Milan since it was not safe to stay in Trient. I applaud your decision: though it is not good for me personally, it would have been even worse if some misfortune had happened to you there. Troubles should be avoided and especially from this city with as many wills as men. … About 3,000 Tyroleans have come and begun to lay waste to the territories of Trient but not without shedding their own blood. Many of the Tyroleans have fallen or been taken prisoner or wounded. … I beg to be informed by letter in what state you left my affairs with regard to the parish and the prebend, and also the situation with the annual revenues …

The king now writes to The Most Illustrious Prince, the Duke of Milan, in my favour, requesting that I be reinstated in my provostship. I ask you to take this matter in hand. I shall write to Niccolò Arcimboldi who had promised to help me. Please visit him and urge him to take up my cause. And do the same with Guiniforte, the secretary, whom I have asked by letter to settle the matter one way or another. I entrust the affair wholly to you; whatever you do, I shall approve. Lorenzo Rotella promised much but never wrote back. I think he is a man of words more than of acts. (Letter 120:1-3).

  recently received the letter in which you give me hope that you will endeavour to have my provostship restored to me, of which I was deprived on the pretext that I had died. That was most encouraging, but given your love for me, it did not surprise me, remembering the companionship we enjoyed in Florence and Milan. Moreover, since you are as a brother to His Magnificence the Chancellor and I am somewhat dear to him, I thought that would help me, too. Finally, there is the duke's honour: it would not be decent of him to allow me, his humble servant, who has, in many affairs, been greatly useful to him, to be robbed[of my provostship], especially now that I serve an eminent prince, the emperor, with whom I can be of considerable service to the dukeif sparrows can do anything for eagles! This is what I believed, and I have not been disappointed since I see what I see and since you wrote that you would take up my cause. I have great hope that you will wisely do what needs to be done and strive to have me reinstated in my provostship. If you cannot, there is nobody else on whose assistance I can count. His Royal Majesty has written on my behalf -I enclose a copy of his letter that will enable you to pursue the matter more vigorously. The chancellor would also

1

An important court official of Friedrich III.

I write if he were here, but he has now been absent for three months,

[participating]

in the Diet of Nürnberg, and left me in his place. (Letter 121: 1).

He even dared to remonstrate with the duke himself, on 18 December, in a letter with news of the Battle of Varna:

Until now, Your Highness has not shown me much favour. On the contrary, after I had been granted possession of the Church of San Lorenzo in Milan, you protect the man who deprived me of it, against all rights and despite frequent royal letters in my favour. Nonetheless, I am still so devoted to Your Most Illustrious Highness that I shall send you the news we have received here … (Letter 165: 1).

The system of remuneration of royal officials through ecclestical benefices apparently also extended to the households of the officials, as witnessed by a letter to Chancellor Schlick from March (?) 1444:

When I was in Trieste last winter, I explained to His Royal Majesty that the requests for members of my household I had obtained through you were unusable since they were not actual conferrals, and therefore I asked for other

[royal]

requests if a vacancy should turn up. The king agreed -in the presence of Wilhelm Tasz. Now Jakob tells me there is such a vacancy, see the information in the note attached. I ask you to authorise the expedition of requests for conferral [of the vacant benefice] on Johann, a member of my household. This I shall consider a great favour. (Letter 128: 1).

It seems that ecclesiastical benefices were to some extent "tradable". On 1 June, he wrote to a friend, Giovanni Peregallo at the court of antipope Felix V:

Our Lorenzo Rotella has obtained the administration of a fat provostship in the patriarchate of Aquileia and intends to make a religious profession if he can get possession. Since he likes me, I have suggested to him to first resign from his canonry in Trento in your favour. He himself wishes to resign from his parish church in my favour. If the Tyrolean affairs are settled in Nürnberg, as we believe they will, we may gain something good from it. At any rate, I shall not cease to further your cause as if if your were my own, for you have deserved it. (Letter 146: 6).

  have received your letters, brought by Martin, notary in the royal chancery, and learned that you are well except for an empty purse. But that will be filled again if the hoped-for[church] union is achieved. You wish to know if Antonio Loschi's [book] has come into myAppointments as imperial counsellors were much prized, and also here the assistance of highly placed officials like Piccolomini was sought after, and repaid if not in services then by gifts, as in the case of Stefano Caccia, then a highly placed advocate at the schismatic Council of Basel. In a letter of 20 May, Piccolomini wrote to him:On my return from the Windic March, I found the presents that Barbatus had brought to me in Vienna. They are so splendid that they fit the giver more than the recipient! It was Alexander's custom to always give presents that reflected his own status. I thank you so much though it would not be proper to wear such adornments here where it is not customary. You should know that the regions should not be adapted to us but that we should conform to the regions. … On a previous occasion, I offered to arrange for your appointment as a royal advocate if the matter of Freising turned out well in your democratic setup.1 Since this condition has not been fulfilled and you yourself even acted as a defender of the opposite party,

hands: it has, and it is now with me as a treasured possession. I ask you to thank the eminent and eloquent theologian Francois de Fuxe from me and tell him I shall do all in my power to assist him and will consider it a great boon if ever I hear that I can fulfil his wishes. I fully approve of your actions with regard to a reservation of benefices at the Church of Trento, for I wish you to be there so that when we retire, we can spend our old age together with our Francesco. I am afraid, though, that he may have changed his mind, for, fearing the war, he left Trento and has not returned, and possibly he would rather live with a wife than with the Church. However that may be, I should like you to sound out his intentions so that we may confer about his deanery and possibly gain some advantage for you and me. (Letter 1, 5-6).

In the above-mentioned letter of February, Bartolomeo Vitelleschi, collaborator of antipope Felix V, makes no bones about using influence for the mutual help of friends:

Now that you have influence with the emperor and his people, you may become a strong patron of this cause. … If we grow in strength, our cause will win over the emperor and his people. Then you will be able to further my personal cause, which is yours, too, in a special way, and thus I shall see you

[acting]

in my cause as my other self, just as I will tirelessly work to support yours. (Letter 127: 2).

In a letter from March, Piccolomini solicits Chancelor Schlick's help in the matter of a benefice sought by the brother of Prokop von Rabenstein, a fellow-secretary in the imperial chancery:

You know from many signs how greatly I cherish and love Prokop von Rabenstein, distinguished and lettered knight. He now requests that the church in Budweis be conferred upon his brother. However, another Bohemian, a bishop, claims that this church has been promised to him. As far as I can see, the bishop requested [that church] as being vacant at the time, not as becoming vacant in the future, and since it was actually not vacant at the time, his request was in vain. Therefore, His Royal Majesty can dispose [of the benefice] as he wills. I consider it more advisable to promote Prokop's brother than the bishop, having heard much that I do not wish to commit to paper. You love Prokop and are loved by him. Therefore, I need not say much. But if my prayers can effect anything for him, please know that I wish intensely and with all my heart for his advancement. (Letter 128:1). 2 I could rightfully consider myself as absolved from the promise. But I know that more law means less justice. Moreover, I am not bound to you with my words but with my soul, and I know that my debt to you exceeds all I could possibly do for you. Therefore, though it is difficult to obtain what I promised, I hope to succeed and to do you this favour. But time governs and determines everything. So, I ask you to be patient a little longer and trust me, for I shall either cease to be Enea or fulfil your wish.. (Letter 140: 1-2). And in a follow-up letter of 19 June: After my arrival, …I took up your case and obtained your appointment as a royal advocate from the king. The only thing remaining now is to prepare the letter of appointment, which I shall do as soon as I rejoin the court. I cannot do it now since we are without the [royal] seal. But you should know that you are now a [royal] advocate and have been graciously accepted as such by the king, for when he heard of your qualifications, he said, "Stefano asks me for something which I should have asked from him." So, this is the king's mind, and since you are now his [man], you should take on the cases commended by him. At present, the Church of Aquileia and the Church of Trento are vacant. Please see to it that nothing happens against the king's wishes. The king will write to His Most Reverend Lordship, [the Cardinal] of Arles, who will tell you what is needed. I shall take care that your letter [of appointment] is sent to you as soon as possible. (Letter 150:2-3).

Even a cardinal in Rome like Domenico Capranica, one-time employer of Piccolomini, could need a favour from a royal official in Vienna. In February, Piccolomini wrote to him:

  1 May 1444, he complimented his Bohemian friend on his Latin style and expressed his modest satisfaction that his work was getting known in Bohemia.Reading and rereading your letter, I saw modesty fighting with learning. For though you write exquisitely, you begin by saying that you fear your letter is unpolished. I beg you not to use such a beginning in the future, for all you write to me will be most elegant, quite apart from possessing the splendid elegance that marks your writings. For friendship does not seek eloquence but substance, and you are a friend I love more than most. Therefore, love will provide what eloquence refuses. This excuse applies to me as much as to you: you, wishing to major humanist theme for Piccolomini was his defence of poetry to which he would return several times in his letters and orations. An example is his letter to Wilhelm Stein, court official of Duke Albrecht VI, of 1 June in which he used classical invective against a fictive opponent. In this letter, he argued that poetry is lucrative, useful, and a gift of God (wherefore poets are rare). Piccolomini would return to this theme, with the same arguments, a year later, in his quodlibetal lecture "Aderat nuper" at the University of Vienna.1 He ended the letter with this exhortation: But you, Wilhelm, lover of learning, if ever you hear such men, then defend poetry and show yourself as one who cultivates this divine gift. You see how easy it is to refute these magpies and crush them like fleas with your nails. Do not allow divine poetry, which Cicero says was created before all the other arts, to be denounced by foul lips. Defend this most beautiful mistress. If you come to her assistance, your fame will last forever, not just in my letterswhich will not be soon forgottenbut also in the writings of poets greater than me. (145:12)

appear unknowledgeable, show yourself as most learned, whereas I, proud of my knowledge, reveal my lack of learning. Thus, in my letters, pride fights with lack of knowledge, and less honourably than in yours where, as I said, modesty fights with learning.

I am pleased to hear that Enea is well known in Bohemia, for a good name is better than many riches. Hopefully, the fame you speak of will endure, which it will only do if it is founded solidly upon the rock of truth. I am conscious that I am not such a man as I am reputed to be. But at any rate, I would rather be praised undeservedly than censured deservedly, for praise is an incentive to virtue. Who is so wicked that he would not eagerly strive to acquire that quality for which he sees himself being praised? Indeed, the reputation you say I have in Bohemia is a powerful incentive for me to acquire eloquence. Hopefully, I shall eventually become the man I am reputed to be. On your part, please ensure that your eulogies are not found to be empty. (Letter 138; 1, 3).

In a similar vein, in a letter of 28 May, he complimented Adam Moleyns, important court official in England, on the development of humanism in England:

The king's messenger, who returned recently, has given me your letter, a letter with as many sentences as words. I read it eagerly and was amazed [to see] how Roman eloquence has now arrived in England. But in former times, too, England had followers of Tullian eloquence, among whom all place the Venerable Bede. Pierre de Blois was far inferior -I frankly prefer your lapidary letter to his letters. I congratulate you and England for mastering elegant speaking. For this, great thanks are owed to the most noble and learned prince, the Duke of Gloucester, who has been keen to introduce humanist studies to your realm and, as I have been told, admirably supports the poets and honours the orators. This is certainly the reason why many English have become eloquent, for subjects usually are like their princes, and servants imitate the pursuits of their lords. Continue in this way, my Adam, my master. Keep and develop the eloquence you have now and do consider it a great honour for you to excel other men in that very attribute that distinguish men from other living beings. Eloquence is a great thing, and -to say it bluntly -nothing governs the world more than eloquence. For whatever we do in public affairs, we do under the influence of words, and in all societies it is the opinion of the most persuasive man that prevails. But this you know very well, so I shall leave it there. (Letter 144: 1). A He used another classical literary genre, the dream (somnium) as the framework of the small treatise on Fortune (see above), addressed to Prokop von Rabstein in a letter of 26 June:

Before I fell asleep last night, I thought long about you and wondered why you have not obtained the position warranted by your qualifications, for despite the emperor's esteem, you have not been given the promotion you deserve. As you are distinguished both by nobility and integrity, I do not understand why you are not ranked among the first members of the court.

So, I rebuked Fortune, who is believed to distribute honours and riches, and criticised her severely for oppressing good men while raising up the wicked. I only stopped when I fell soundly asleep. In my sleep, I saw some astonishing things that I have decided to tell you now. So, listen closely and hear amazing and awesome things. (Letter 152: 1).

He expressed his sorrow at the death of Leonardo Bruni, then the grand old man of humanism, and much admired by Piccolomini, in a letter to Giovanni Campisio of 25 June: I heard first from you that Leonardo Aretino has died. May the heavenly beings grant his spirit soft and light earth and blooming crocuses and everlasting springtime in the urn. He adorned Latium with his writings, and after Lactantius, nobody has been closer to Cicero than he. I am pleased that the Florentines have appointed Poggio as his successor, but I would prefer that the office had not fallen vacant, for Toscana will miss Bruni's great splendour. He would have given us still more Greek works in Latin. But everyone has his day appointed, and death spares neither the learned nor the unlearned. Happy is he who lives in such a way that he does not have to fear death. (Letter 151: 10).

  1 , Caesar, I appeal to Your Majesty, I beg Your office, I implore Your clemency, give justice to a poor man, judge the powerful man, consider my misfortune, and nothing moves You more than justice, Caesar," and countless other examples. I could do the same here, but I prefer the old way, and while unable to imitate those wise men in their devotion to eloquence and philosophy, I can at least follow them in this respect. Therefore, though you are of noble blood and have acquired great learning, I address you in the singular. And just as Cicero named himself first in his letters to Julius Caesar, you should accept it when you see your Enea named first in this letter, for this is not the act of an arrogant man but of one who imitates the ancients, whose ignorance I prefer even to the knowledge of the moderns. Now hear, briefly, my request. Michael Pfullendorf, a kind man and close friend, indeed my alter ego, has told me that you have many books whose titles he has written down for me. , and he and Wilhelm, who regards you highly, will both guarantee that the books do not go astray but will be returned to you faithfully. I add a third thing: I myself have books which I can share with you so that you can use mine while I enjoy yours. In conclusion: I consider that my request is sensible since it agrees with your character, you can grant it safely, it may be useful to yourself, and you will be doing a favour not only to me but also to your beloved Michael. So, please let my wish be fulfilled as reason dictates and let me not become disappointed by blind fortune. (Letter 135).And, finally, Piccolomini frequently used classical allusions, references and quotations in his letters, especially on more important matters. His love of the Roman poet Terence, is witnessed in a letter to his friend Pietro da Noceto in Rome of 16 January: I had to smile at what you wrote about Philorcium 1 (unless we want to call her Antiphila 2 ).

Among them are several that I should like to see, not because I have not read them before, but because I have been without them for a long time. And just as after a long interval, a friend is eager to see his friend, I now have a strong desire to receive into my home the old companions I have been missing for too long and spend some time with them. In your kindness, you can grant me this, as Michael informed me, for you have Ovid's Tristia, his Ars Amandi, and his Remedia Amoris, as well as Terence the Comedian and Jerome's Letters. I am just as eager to read these books again as I am to eat meat again, now that Easter Day is approaching, and we can do away with fish, vegetables and oil. If you kindly fulfil this wish, I shall be greatly obliged to you.Those who collect books either wish to read them in order to enjoy them and acquire knowledge, or they want to appear to be lovers of wisdom and pointed out when they are walking about in public. The last kind are those who have large and costly libraries in whose bookcases Aristotle, Plato, Cicero, Seneca, Virgil, Livy, Pliny and indeed all of Antiquity lie hidden. The first kind are those who are happy to share works, lend them or borrow them and have them copied, and they rejoice when they see that the works of wise men are circulating. The others hide their books away like some treasure, and they would rather have them being gnawed by moths and unlettered mice than keep them in the open. Indeed, they guard their books more closely than the dragon guarded the golden fleece and Cerberus the entrance to the underworld. But they merely enjoy the bindings tooled with gold, and they never read or understand the contents.

If you were one of those, I would never try to write or address you, but all who know you say you belong to the first kind of collectors since you do not buy and collect the poets and the orators to lock them into a horrible prison but to make them available for your own and the common good. They say you are, in every respect, liberal, benign, munificent, generous and beneficent towards all men and especially towards those who share your love of learning.

Encouraged by such a character, I have decided to send you this letter and to ask, beg and implore you to lend me the aforementioned orators and poets. When they have been talking with me for a while, passing through spring's smiling meadows and flowery fields, they will return undamaged to you. Indeed, they will come back to you refreshed and eager, for no place is so agreeable and no company so enjoyable that one will not, eventually, get enough of them. So, by sending them to me, you will do a favour not only to me but also to those poets and orators themselves. You should also consider your friendship with Michael, for him you will please, tooWhen I read your letter, I felt as if I were speaking with Terence, and you appeared to me now as Pamphilus 3 , now as Aeschinus

4

and now as Clinia.

5

(Letter 119: 3).

  Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: Collected Reports of Diplomatic Missions, 1447-1455. Edit. and transl. by Michael von Cotta-Schönberg. 2021. Humanist Educational Treatises. Ed. and transl. by C.W. Kallendorf. 2002, pp. 126-259. Complectens De duobus amantibus, De naturis equorum, De curialium miseriis. Cur. A. van Heck. Città del Vaticano, 2007. (Studi e testi, 439).

	 Collected Personal Letters of Enea Silvio Piccolomini. Edited and translated by Michael
	von Cotta-Schönberg. Vols. 1-7 (vols. 3-7 in preparation], 2022. 1
	 Enea Silvio Piccolomini: Briefe. Dichtungen. Übers. Max Mells. 1966.
	 Reject Aeneas, Accept Pius. Selected Letters of Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini (Pope Pius II).
	Edit. Th. M. Izbicki. Washington, 2006.
	Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: Europa. [1458].
	Serge Stolf. 2015.
	Pius II: Carmina.

Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: De curialium miseriis. [1444].  Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: Les misères des gens de cour. Le songe de Fortune. Trad. Serge Stolf. 2015. Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: De Liberorum Educatione [1450].  In: Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: De ortu et auctoritate imperii Romani. [1446].  In: Kallen, Gerhard: Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini als Publizist in der Epistola de ortu et auctoritate imperii Romani. 1939. [Veröffentlichungen des Petrarca-Hauses, 1. R.; 4]  In: Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini. Hrsg. von Rudolf Wolkan. 3 vols. Wien, 1909-1918 / 2: 1, ep. 3, pp. 6-24. Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: De rebus Basiliae gestis Commentarius. [1450]  In: Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini. Hrsg. von Rudolf Wolkan. 3 vols. Wien, 1909-1918 / II, pp. 164-228, nr. 44  Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: Revised History of the Council. In: Reject Aeneas, Accept Pius -Selected Letters of Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini (Pope Pius II). Washington, DC, 2006, pp. 318-387 Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: De viris illustribus  Eneae Silvii Piccolominei postea Pii PP. II De viris illustribus. Ed. A. van Heck. Città del Vaticano, 1991.  De Viris Illustribus and other biographical Writings of Enea Silvio Piccolomini. Edit. and transl. by Michael von Cotta-Schönberg. 2021. Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: Epistolae  Wolkan, Rudolf: Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini. 3 Bd. Wien, 1909-1918. (Fontes rerum Austriacarum, II. Abteilung, 61, 62, 67, 68).  Enee Silvii Piccolominei Epistolarium seculare.  Enee Silvii Piccolominei postea Pii II de Europa. Ed. A. van Heck. Città del Vaticano, 2001. (Studi e testi; 398).  Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini: Europe (c. 1400-1458). Transl. by Robert Brown. Washington, DC, 2013. Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: Historia Australis.  Eneas Silvius Piccolomini: Historia Austrialis. Teil 1: Einleitung von Martin Wagendorfer. 1. Redaktion ed. von Julia Knödler. Teil 2: 2./3, ed. Martin Wagendorfer. 2 vols. Hannover, 2009. (Monumenta Germaniae Historic. Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum. Nova Series; 24). Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: Historia Bohemica.  Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini: Historia Bohemic. Herausg. J. Hejnic & H. Rothe. 2 vols. Köln, 2005. (Bausteine zur slavischen Philologie und Kulturgeschichte. Neue Folge. Reihe B; 20). Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: Libellus dialogorum. [1441].  A cura di Simona Iaria. 2015. (Edizione nazionale dei testi umanistici; 12). Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: Somnium de fortuna. [1444].  Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: Les misères des gens de cour. Le songe de Fortune. Trad.  Eneas Silvius Piccolomineus (postea Pius II): Carmina. Ed. Adrian van Heck. Città del Vaticano, 1994. Voigt, Georg: Enea Silvio de' Piccolomini als Papst Pius der Zweite und sein Zeitalter. 3 vols. Berlin, 1856-63. Voigt, Johannes: Geschichte Preussens von den ältesten Zeiten bis zum Untergange der Herrschaft des Deutschen Ordens. Bd. 8. Königsberg, 1838. 1 Widmer, Berthe (ed.): Enea Sivio Piccolomini, Papst Pius II. Ausgewählte Texte aus seinen Schriften. 1960.

TEXT AND TRANSLATION 111. Letter to Kaspar Schlick (1 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

  Enee Silvii Piccolominei Epistolarium seculare. Complectens De duobus amantibus, De naturis equorum, De curialium miseriis. Cur. A. van Heck. Città del Vaticano, 2007. (Studi e testi, 439).

	Manuscripts:	M1, ff. 78v-79r; M2, ff, 40v-41r 1 ; M3, ff. 238v-239r 2 ; V2, ff. 183-186 3 ; V3, ff. 86v-88v 4 **; V4, ff.
		77v-79v.
	ME = Enea Silvio Piccolomini: Briefe. Dichtungen. Übers. Max Mells. 1966. Editions: KO, 42 5 ; HE, 111, pp. 241-242; WO, 1: 1, 111, pp. 265-266; (both based on M1 and V2).
	MPL = Migne. Patrologia Latina.
	COR = Collected Orations of Pope Pius II. Edit. and transl. by Michael v. Cotta-Schönberg. 12 RE = Reject Aeneas, Accept Pius. Selected Letters of Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini (Pope Pius II). vols. 2019-2020. Edit. Th. M. Izbicki. Washington, 2006.
	CRDM = Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: Collected Reports of Diplomatic Missions, 1447-1455. Edit. and transl. by Michael von Cotta-Schönberg. 2021. RTA = Deutsche Reichstagsakten.
	SC = Scanned image.
	 Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini: Europe (c. 1400-1458). Transl. by Robert Brown. Washington,
	DC, 2013.
	HA = Eneas Silvius Piccolomini: Historia Austrialis. Teil 1: Einleitung von Martin Wagendorfer. 1.
	Redaktion ed. von Julia Knödler. Teil 2: 2./3, ed. Martin Wagendorfer. 2 vols. Hannover, 2009.

Manuscripts

L = Praha / Národni Knihovna Ceské Republiky / XXIII, F 112 G = Göttweig / Benediktinerstift Göttweig / 390 M1 = Bayerische Staatsbibliothek / clm 12725 M2 = Bayerische Staatsbibliothek / clm 14134 M3 = Bayerische Staatsbibliothek / clm 70 M4 = Bayerische Staatsbibliothek / clm 53 V4 = Città del Vaticano / Vat. lat. 12504 V2a = Città del Vaticano / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana / Chis. J.VI.208. Before corrections. V2b = Idem. With corrections. V3 = Città del Vaticano / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana / Chis. J.VIII.287. V4 = Città del Vaticano / Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana / Urb. lat. 402. Libraries BRB = Firenze / Biblioteca Ricccardiana GSB = Gottweih / Stiftsbibliothek ÖNB : Wien / Österreichische Nationalbibliothek SBPK : Berlin / Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin. Pressischer Kulturbesitz TSB = Trier Stadtbibliothek Works CAR = Eneas Silvius Piccolomineus (postea Pius II): Carmina. Edid. Adrian van Heck. 1994. 1 https://books.google.dk/books?id=7M4tAAAAYAAJ&printsec=frontcover&hl=da&source=gbs_ge_summary_r&cad= 0#v=onepage&q&f=false CB = Concilium Basiliense. COD = Conciliorum oecumenicorum decreta, ed. G. Alberigo. 1952. COM = Pius II: Commentarii rerum memorabilium quae suis temporibus contigerunt. [1464]. DBI = Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani. DGCB = Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: De Gestis Concilii Basiliensis Commentariorum Libri II. Ed. and transl. by Dennis Hay and W.K. Smith. London, 1967. DIA = Enea Silvio Piccolomini: Libellus Dialogorum. A cura di Simona Iaria. 2015. (Edizione Nazionale dei Testi Umanistici; 12). DLE = Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: De Liberorum Educatione [1450]. In: Humanist Educational Treatises. Ed. and transl. by C.W. Kallendorf. 2002, pp. 126-259. DRBG = Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: De Rebus Basiliae gestis Commentarius. [1450] DV = digital version.

DVI = De Viris Illustribus and other biographical

Writings of Enea Silvio Piccolomini. Edit. and transl. by Michael von Cotta-Schönberg. 2021. EUR = Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: Europa. [1458].  Enee Silvii Piccolominei postea Pii II de Europa. Ed. A. van Heck. Città del Vaticano, 2001. (Studi e testi; 398). (Monumenta Germaniae Historic. Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum. Nova Series; 24). HB = Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini: Historia Bohemic. Herausg. J. Hejnic & H. Rothe. 2 vols. Köln, 2005. (Bausteine zur slavischen Philologie und Kulturgeschichte. Neue Folge. Reihe B; 20). HE = ST = Piccolomini, Enea Silvio: Les misères des gens de cour. Le songe de Fortune. Trad. Serge Stolf. 2015. VO = Voigt, Georg: Enea Silvio de' Piccolomini als Papst Pius der Zweite und sein Zeitalter. 3 vols. 1856-1863. WI = Widmer, Berthe (ed.): Enea Sivio Piccolomini, Papst Pius II. Ausgewählte Texte aus seinen Schriften. 1960. WO = Wolkan, Rudolf: Der Briefwechsel des Eneas Silvius Piccolomini. 3 Bd. Wien, 1909-1918. (Fontes rerum Austriacarum, II. Abteilung, 61, 62, 67, 68). Symbols * As collated by Wolkan / Heck. ** Lead manuscript.

II.

  majestatem regiam diem Sancti Georgii delegisse, in quo vellet petere Nurembergam, et sic in consilio conclusum est. Sed non est Sibyllae folium aut immutabile fatum12 , quod in consilio decernitur. Vivimus nos in dies, et saepe13 , quod heri placuit, hodie displicet. Ita {87r} gestum nunc est. Terminus enim, qui erat ad Sanctum Georgium receptus, nunc in Ascensionis Dominicae 14 diem commutatus est15 , qui nisi fallor ad Maji 14.16 diem pergit. Est hic apud nos de intervallo hujus anni non parva dissensio, quoniam 9 alii, 8 alii et rursus alii 7 hebdomadas ponunt. Ideo sum ego dubius haereoque rusticorum regulae, qui feriam quartam diem Cineris 17 dicunt esse post incensionem lunae, quae a Purificationis festo habetur, certiorque mihi indoctorum norma videtur quam18 disciplina doctorum. Non tamen abs19 dubio sum, sed mitto haec et ad rem venio

  V2b25 omit. M3 cum tanto damno. Ex his animadverto conventionis {87v} hujus 1 continuationem non habituram locum, sicut apud vos 2 erat statutum, quia nimis durum esset tam diu expectare.

	1 SC, 88-89
	2 SC, 479-480
	3 DV, ff. 97r-98v
	4 DV, ff. 89r-91v
	5 DV, f. 18v
	6 poeta add. M1-M3
	7 domino add. M1-M3; domino seq. V2
	8 consiliario V3
	12 factum M2, M3
	13 et saepe omit. M2
	14 omit. M2
	15 omit. V4
	16 20. M1; omit. V4
	17 cinerum M3
	18 qui V4
	19 absque M1-M3; ab V3;
	20 nisi fallor ad … venio omit. M2
	21 vereor M2
	22 idcirco terminum hunc : hunc terminum idcirco M2
	23 at M3; quod M1

mox instet alius cum Bohemis receptus ad Nativitatem Beati Johannis, qui habetur in Junio, quasi per hunc modum intendat rex unum mensem Nurembergae morari imperiique et ecclesiae facta terminare atque exinde Pragam ire. Nescio

24

, an bene metiti sint terminum, qui hunc excogitarunt. Ego reor neque regem

25

ad diem venturum neque mensem ad tot negotia posse sufficere vereorque ne, dum uno itinere duo negotia volumus absolvere, negligamus utrumque. Sed faciat me Deus falsum vatem potius quam verum

9

et domino suo add. M1; et domino suo seq. V2

10

Titulus: Dominus Eneas ad dominum cancellarium M1 11 M1 uses 2 nd pers. plural in ad-dress.

24

tamen add. M1-M3, V2a; ta-men seq.

1

animadverto conventionis hujus : video dietae M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex video dietae V2b 2 nos M2

111. Letter to Kaspar Schlick (1 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

  I understand that the bishop of Chiemsee 1 has been summoned here, like you. Since he will arrive soon, I urge you to not be late in coming. You know what is expedient concerning the Church of Freising. You have heard what the bishop of Chiemsee thinks of this matter. I believe it would be useful if you did not arrive after him. I think you get my meaning.2

	[3]
	1 omit. V3, V4
	2 advecturus M2
	3 scio V4
	4 Chiemensi WO
	5 nos V4
	6 tardius M2
	7 comprehenditis M2
	8 vinculaque HE, WO
	9 electus V4
	10 veritas V4
	11 qui WO
	12 exitus qui : exitusque M3
	13 cum V4
	14 Petrum Kottrer : Petrum Cotram M2, M3, V2, V3; contra V4
	15 princeps V4
	16 dimittat V4
	17 omit. M3
	18 annorum V4
	19 ductu V4
	20 modo M3

  1 [7] Sunt tamen plures, qui ducis Alberti factum probant, et mihi 2 quoque ita persuasum est. Nam princeps ille 3 tum sapiens est tum mitis, nec absque magna causa in tantum virum injecisset manus. Sed Kottrer 4 utilius fuerat plebem suam curare. Nunc quaeritur, quo pacto sibi illa auferatur, et ajunt ajunt quidam irregularem esse hominem privandumque ecclesia, in qua vellet nunc, ut existimo, Petrus Deo servire. Sed quia, dum facultas fuit, voluntas {88v} defuit5 , nunc voluntatem facultas deserit. Nemo contentus vivit sorte sua, quo plus habemus, plus volumus. Ille beatus est, qui cupiditati6 terminum ponit; qui vero nimios optat honores et nimias poscit opes, is sibi excelsae turris tabulatum erigit, unde altius cadat majoremque det 7 ruinam quam opinionem. Faxit deus, ut sicut nunc non habeo, sic perpetuo fugiam.

Tu vale et, quamvis haec reditum vestrum videantur dissuadere

8

, quam primum redito

9

, quia et rex noster nihil tyranni habet, et tu non cum eo, sed cum alio crevisti, nec nunc augere, sed conservare statum quaeris. Ex Sancto Vito, kalendis Januarii 1444

112. Letter to Galeazzo d'Arco (1 January 1444, Sankt Veit) 1 .

  6 7 [1] Accipio te8 venisse Tridentum militarique manu regis partes tueri. Id quoque rex accepit ac propterea te amat colitque maxime. Res hujusmodi tibi et domui 9 tuae 10 honori erit et utilitati, quantum sentio. Perge igitur, et, dum occasio adest, virum, qui es, te demonstra. Multorum virtus11 jacet, quia campus deest, ubi se ostentent. Tibi facultas est, qua12 tum13 animum tum ingenium patefacias tuum. Res, quam tueris, justa est et pro sanguine claro adversus plebem et incertum vulgus pugnam habes. Vide, ut periculum facias14 tui monstresque15 sanguis {127r} illustris quantum obscuro praestet. Sis is, qui crederis. Rex de te bene sperat, opinionem16 suam imple et omnium, qui apud se sunt. Sic, cum sis magnus, poteris fieri maximus. Haec scripsi, quia te amo, et videns bonum tibi nomen esse cupio, ut illud maneat augeaturque. Fratri tuo me dede et mihi, ut soles, amorem tuum communicatum fac. I hear you have come to Trient and are defending the king's cause with military means. The king has heard it, too, and therefore loves and greatly estimates you. As far as I can see, this will greatly benefit your honour and interests and those of your house. So, continue in this way and show what kind of man you are now that you have the opportunity. The courage of many men lies dormant because they have no field where to prove themselves. You now have the chance to show your courage and your intelligence. The cause you defend is just, and you are fighting for noble blood against the people and the wavering crowd.3 Show what stuff you are made of and how noble noble blood far surpasses the base. Be the man you are reputed to be. The king has great hopes for you. Fulfil the expectations of the king and all those around him. Thus, from a great man you will become the greatest. I have written this because I love you, and seeing your good reputation, I wish it to continue and even grow. Greet your brother,4 and let me know that you love me as always.

	Context:	The Tyrolean rebels had begun a siege of the important episcopal city of Trient, and Count Galeazzo
		d'Arco had come with his soldiers to defend it.
	Editions:	Piccolomini encourages the count to be valiant in defending the king's cause and assures him of the
		royal favour.
	Enea Silvio sends many greetings to His Magnificence, Count Galeazzo d'Arco. 2
	Vale. Ex Sancto Vito, die 1. Januarii 1444. 17 [1] Farewell. From Sankt Veit, 1 January 1444.
	1 SC, 527
	2 DV, ff. 139v-140r
	3 DV, ff. 129v-130r 4 DV, f. 30v
	5 poeta add. HE, WO
	6 Aeneas Silvius … dicit omit. M1
	7 magnifice comes, mi domine add. M1
	8 M1 uses 2 nd pers. plural in ad-dress.
	9 domui aut dominii M1; dominio WO
	10 tuo WO
	11 currus M2
	12 quia M3
	13 tamen V4
	14 non add. M2
	15 demonstresque M2
	16 opinionemque WO
	17 ex sancto … 1444 : omit. M1; etc. M2

113. Letter to Niccolò Veneto (1 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

	Manuscripts:	M1, f. 70v; M2, ff. 53v-54 1 r; M3, f. 261v 2 ; V2, ff. 267-268 3 ; V3, ff. 126r-126v 4 **; V4, ff. 112r-112v.
	Editions:	KO, 59 5 ; HE, 113, p. 244; WO, 1: 1, 113, p. 269; (both based on M1 and V2).
	{126r} Aeneas Silvius 6 Nicolao Veneto, canonico Tridentino, salutem plurimam dicit 7 . 8
	[1] Scribo 9 Francisco Bossio 10 litteras, quas cum his mitto. Sed accepi virum terrore perculsum
	Tridento abiisse Pataviumque petisse, quia non placet sibi urbem incolere plenam tumultibus, sicut
	nunc vestra civitas est, quae obsidionem expectat. Laudo ego consilium suum, nam qui potest in
	pace vivere, is damnandus est, si se ingerat bellis. Nemini bellum est utile, nisi cui status praesens
	est gravis. Franciscus vir dives est et sua fortuna contentus. Sapit {126v} certe, rumores fugiens et
	lites 11 , ex quibus nihil lucrari potest. Scit aliud esse hoc judicium, quam illud, ex quo ditatus est
	rotae. Nam hic manibus causa defenditur, illic 12 lingua. Tu scis, ubi est. Ideo rogo, meas litteras sibi
	ut mittas 13 et in ejus absentia me tuearis, ne quid innovetur in canonicatu, quem illic habeo, et sic te
	in re mea habe, sicut de tua probitate et amicitia spero. Non puto has tribulationes diu mansuras,
	quia intendit rex vobis 14 auxilio esse atque favori.
	Vale et me tuum puta ubicumque sim. Ex 15 Sancto Vito, kalendis Januarii 1444 16 .
	1 SC, 114-115
	2 SC, 527
	3 DV, ff. 139r-139v
	4 DV, ff. 129r-129v 5 DV, f. 30v
	6 poeta add. M1, M2
	7 venerabilis confrater amantissi-me M1
	8 Titulus: Venerabilis confrater a-mantissime M1
	9 domino add. M1-M3, V2a; do-mino seq. V2b
	10 nostro decano add. M1
	11 fugit add. M1-M3, V2a; fugit seq. V2b
	12 ibidem add. M1-M3, V2a; ibi-dem seq. V2b
	13 destines M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex destines V2b
	14 nobis V4
	15 e M1-M3
	16 Ex Sancto … 1444 : omit. M1; etc. M2

113. Letter to Niccolò Veneto (1 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

	Context:	The Tyrolean rebellion and the troubles in Trient made Piccolomini worry about his canonry at the
		cathedral of Trient.
	Subject:	Piccolomini asks Niccolò, a fellow canon at the cathedral, to forward a letter to Francesco Bossio
		and protect his interests there (especially the canonry).

114. Letter to Kaspar Schlick (5 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

	Manuscripts:	M1, ff. 80r-81v; M3, ff. 238v-240 1 ; V2, ff. 187-193 2 ; V3, ff. 88v-92r 3 **; V4, ff. 79v-82v.
	Editions:	KO, 171 4 ; HE, 114, pp. 244-248; WO, 1: 1, 114, pp. 269-274; (both based on M1 and V2).

114. Letter to Kaspar Schlick (5 1 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

	1 SC, 483-486.
	2 DV, ff. 99r-101r.
	3 DV, ff. 91v-95. 4 DV, f. 163r
	5 et domino suo add. M1, M3, V2a; et domino suo seq. V2b
	6 Titulus: Eneas domino cancella-rio. magnifice et generose domine mi praecipue, post recommenda-tionem M1;
	Magnifico et genero-so domino Caspar Slick cancella-rio imperiali Eneas Silvius poeta salutem plurimam dicit M3
	7 ad vos add. M1, M3, V2a; ad vos seq. V2b
	8 M1, M3, V2a use 2 nd pers. plural in address.
	9 precepto M1, M3, V2
	10 electus se : se dominus electus M1-M3
	11 detur M3
	12 ter M3
	13 reverteretur M3
	14 sic disponeret quod bene con-tentareris M1, M3, V2a; corr. ex sic disponeret quod bene conten-taremini V2;
	15 omit. M3
	16 aliquid agere : intromittere M1, M3, V2a; corr. ex intromittere V2b

  1 venturum; qui cum sit jam alter homo, quam solebat, nec multum tibi afficiatur, timemus, ne quid in hac re, sicut pro certo intelleximus, aggrediatur, et in aliis quoque possit tibi obesse. Scis, quid velimus dicere, et quae alias temptata sunt. Dominus etiam alius vocatus est, ut noscis per alias litteras. Is, neutralitatis amator et Bavarorum fautor, non His Lordship of Trier 1 will arrive later. He has changed and does not much like you, so we fearand indeed know for sure -that when he comes, he will oppose you [in the Freising matter] and also in other things. You know what we mean and what has otherwise been attempted.2 Another lord 3 has been summoned, as you know from another letter. He supports Neutrality

	[5]
	suadebit tibi dari 2 possessionem. Dicet periculosum esse, et quod non poterit publice, clam tractabit,
	tractabit, nisi fortasse per te sit jam Nurembergae persuasus. Accidit ad haec alius vobis notus, qui
	et ipse clanculum electo suo favet, et quamvis nunc absit, cito tamen revertetur, nam in provinciam
	non patuit sibi et suis collegis accessus. Itaque omnibus his ex causis duximus mittendum esse
	nuntium, ut si aliae litterae negligantur, hae saltem te comperiant teque ad veniendum inducant 3 ,
	quia nullatenus supersedendum est.
	[6] Inter haec aliud se ingerit scribendum. Allocutus est 4 Henricus quendam regium consiliarium,
	qui se ostendit tibi affectum, sed quantum ex ejus dictis comprehendimus, is magno impedimento
	fuit ad possessionem habendam. Inquit enim nullatenus se regi consulturum possessionem dare,
	quia partialis videretur, sed suadere vellet, ut {91r} omnes custodirentur introitus hujus ecclesiae et
	exinde clam subveniretur 5 Henrico ad litem ducendam, donec per justitiam terminaretur causa.
	Quod consilium, quam perniciosum sit, cernis, quasi honestius sit principi saeculari bona
	ecclesiarum absque ullo titulo detinere quam jus habenti concedere 6 . Sed non videt oculatus homo,
	quantum dedecus regi 7 resultaret et quantum infamie, et ut per hunc modum magis se odiosum
	Bavaris redderet, qui se hostem faceret, et quantis molestiis se subjiceret. Nam castra tenens nunc
	per concilium 8 , nunc per electum, nunc per principes rogaretur restituere, et interim quoque bona
	ecclesie dissiparentur.
	1 dietim add. M1, M3
	2 tibi dari : dari vobis M3
	3 iudicant V4
	4 dominus add. M1
	5 domino add. M1
	6 condere V4
	7 ei V3, V4
	8 consilium HE

115. Letter to Heinrich Schlick (12 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

	Manuscripts:	M1, ff. 82r-82v **; M2, f. 91v 1 ; M3, f. 240r 2 .
	Editions:	KO, 107 3 ; HE, 115, pp. 248-249; WO, 1: 1, 115, pp. 275-276; (both based on M1 and V2).
	Translations:	RE, 40, pp. 184-185.
	{82r} Domino Henrico Slick, electo Frisingensi. Reverendissime in Christo pater et domine mi
	praecipue. 4
	[1] Heri, dum casus, nescio quis, in curiam me duxisset, Johannes Neitperg litteras quasdam ducis
	Bavariae Alberti sibi et Walthero Zebinger destinatas produxit Wolfgangoque nostro legendas dedit.
	In his scriptum erat Johannem cardinalem Sancti Martini in episcopum Frisingensem electum ac rite
	confirmatum fuisse nec alios sibi obstare ad possessionem adipiscendam nisi regem et Gasparem
	Slikh, quod sibi tum injustum, tum inhumanum videretur, cum ille jus haberet, Gaspar nihil tituli
	posset ostendere. Rogabantur ergo illi duo magnisque precibus orabantur, ut cardinali essent auxilio
	regemque hac infamia liberarent, quem totus orbis injuriari et vim facere Johanni cardinali
	cognosceret. Cardinalem vero jam esse propositi regem visere, sed cum hi duo quasi regii currus
	aurigae forent, rotas 5 volvere deberent et obviare, ne cardinalem oporteret venire injurias questum.
	Haec ergo partim intellexi, dum legerentur -nam arrigo aures cum Frisingensem ecclesiam audio
	nominari -partim vero exposuit mihi Wolfgangus. Nihil 6 ad haec responderunt, sed id bonam in
	partem sum interpretatus, quando lectura commissa est nostro. Si quid enim malae mentis illi
	habuissent, non permisissent nos haec 7 scire, nam qui nocere vult, eos fugitat, qui possunt obsistere.
	obsistere.
	Hae vero litterae, cur scriptae sint et cujus suasu, tanto magis existimare potestis quam ego, quanto
	judicium tuum 8 est ad conjecturam quam meum sagacius. Mihi non est verisimile hoc fuisse
	scriptum, nisi ex hac curia commonitio praecessisset 9 . Oportuit namque prius scitum esse, qui forent
	forent et apud regem auditi et tuae partis defensores.
	1 SC, 192
	2 SC, 486 3 DV, f. 163r
	4 Domino Henrico … praecipue : Aeneas Silvius poeta reverendo patri domino Henrico Slik, electo Frisingensi, salutem
	plurimam dicit M2; Eneas Silvius reveren-do patri Henrico Slick electo Fri-singensi salutem plurimam dicit M3
	5 totas M3
	6 illi add. M2, M3
	7 hoc M3
	8 M1 uses 2 nd pers. plural in ad-dress.
	9 processisset M2

115. Letter to Heinrich Schlick (12 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

	Context:	There was a risk that the Freising affair would bring the emperor into conflict with the rival
		candidate, Johann Grünwalder's relatives, the dukes of Bavaria. This weakened the chancellor's
		position -further weakened by the continued absence of the papal letters confirming his brother's
		appointment (provision) to the See of Freising.
	Subject:	Piccolomini informs the chancellor's brother of bad news: Bavarian intervention in the Freising
		affair. But he also has very good news: the papal letters confirming his appointment to Freising have
		finally arrived.

  1 labor mutabilis aevi rettulit in melius. Nemo diem diem laudet aut damnet nisi adveniente sero. Haec mane contigerunt, sero autem ad me venit tabellarius apostolicus, qui te quaeritans afferre litteras tuae provisionis se dixit.

	Suscepimus eum
	omnes gaudio pleni et in cena nobiscum habuimus. Is quia non reperit te, statuerat se Viennam
	venturum laturumque litteras, sed amovi sibi hanc mentem retinuique apud me 2 litteras provisionis,
	quae sunt numero novem. Duas clausas ad te remitto et missivas omnes, quae tum tibi, tum
	cancellario diriguntur. Non visum est mihi tutum principales litteras majori dimitti periculo. Scis,
	quia insidiae sunt, et jam notum erat pluribus in hac curia hunc advenisse nuntium. Satis est tibi has
	litteras in cancellaria fore, nam et huc rediturae essent, cum petenda possessio sit. Litterae plenae
	sunt provideturque tibi per reservationem, et datae sunt omnes ex Senis ex die tibi noto. Ego hoc
	mane id regi dicam, non petens possessionem, quia nihil proficerem, et stultum est petere, quod
	impetrari non potest. Scio hoc reservari in adventum domini cancellarii 3 , sed volo regem scire nihil
	falsi per cancellarium sibi scriptum fuisse de litteris.
	[3] Nunc mihi consultum videtur, ut cancellario mox scribas et hanc meam epistolam sibi destines,
	ne quid ignoret, ne vel alium in curiam mittat nuntium, et ut quam festinanter veniat, quia puto
	possessionem haberi posse. Ego litteras diligenter 4 asservabo. Non esset forsitan absque usu certum
	nuntium illi rursus mittere. Tu tamen fac 5 , ut lubet 6 , et me, si quid amplius acturum vis, scribe, quia
	quia prona est obedientiae mea mens.
	Vale optime. Ex sancto Vito, 12. Januarii 1444. 7
	1 rariusque M2
	2 litteras sed … me omit. M2
	3 omit. M1
	4 corr. ex diligenter M1; libenter HE, WO
	5 facito M3
	6 libet M3
	7 Ex Sancto … 1444 omit. M1; etc. M2; add. videlicet pridie idus Septembris M3

116. Letter to Kaspar Schlick (12 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

	Context:	See the previous letter.	1
	Editions: Subject:	KO, 43 2 ; HE, 116, p. 250; WO, 1: 1, 116, pp. 276-277; (both based on M1). Piccolomini informs the chancellor that the papal letters confirming his brother's appointment to the
		See of Freising have finally arrived. He adds some news from Italy and from the court.
	{81v} Dominus Aeneas ad dominum cancellarium 3 .
	[1] Advenerunt denique litterae apostolicae per Guidonem allatae, sicut ex curia scriptum erat. Has
	apud me habeo, 9 in 4 numero. Sunt in forma plena sufficientique. Nunc opus est, ut quantocius
	revertamini, quia -ut spero -possessionem assequemini concupitam.
	[2] Nuntius, qui attulit litteras, refert Thaddaeum, marchionem Estensem, per Nicolaum Picceninum
	cum mille equitibus interceptum missumque regi Aragonum, qui rex Venetis scripserit pacem aut
	belli poscens indutias, nam 42 galeas armavit intendens Saracenorum, qui contra Rhodum venerant,
	insultibus obviare. Nihil adhuc de responso scitum est. Athesini legatos habent 5 Venetiis auxilium
	postulantes, quod ne fiat timor est, libenter namque Veneti aliquid illis in montibus piscarentur, ne
	venari Caesar in mari eorum posset. Habebitis et vos litteras de Venetiis, per quas agnoscetis
	somnium esse de pecuniis, nisi alia incedatis via.
	[3] Comes Goriciae hinc abscessit abnegatis sibi feudis. Dicunt enim Austriae duces id privilegii
	habere, ne quis in territoriis suis princeps degat vexillo investiendus. Uxor ejus adhuc est hic.
	Manent vetera pacta, quae comes Ciliae percussit. Omnia vir tenet, uxor unum castrum habet et ibi
	libras centum et rursus tricentas annuas ex viri camera susceptura est, sed conjacere illi non tenetur.
	Hoc virum male habet, uxorem parva provisio gravat. Comes Ciliae et dux Albertus ambo in
	consilium regis sunt recepti et his diebus 6 jurarunt. Itaque non omnino hic nihil est actum. Reliqua
	ex litteris domini Henrici sentietis. Ego maximopere cupio Titum Livium vestri itineris esse
	comitem, ut meus sit in curia aliquando socius.
	Valete et me vestro ex amore commissum habeatis 7 .
	1 SC, 89 2 DV, f. 19v
	3 Dominus Aeneas … cancella-rium : Aeneas Silvius domino Ga-spari Schlick cancellario imperiali salutem plurimam
	dicit M2
	4 omit. M2
	5 omit. M2
	6 omit. M2
	7 etc. add. M2

Giovanni Campisio (15 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

  Praetereo res Insubres, nec enim mihi suasum est, te quidquam absque consilio facere, tametsi jocans magis quam arguens de parcitate fecerim verbum. Quod de Politicis scribis, admodum placet, nec te mirari oportet, si tibi librum empturo prospicere volui. Non enim diffidere est amicitiae, sed consulere, quando viam ostendimus servandi argentum12 . Quod vero "ad nummos me paulo plus13 affectum" dicis, quam oporteat, facis amice, qui me admones, ne quid avaritiae in me sit, te quoque in hoc philosophum praebes, cujus est animum vitiis purgare. Sed scis omnes nos, cum senescimus, ut Terentii sententia est, ad rem fieri attentiores, quamvis abs 14 re sit, quo minus restat itineris, eo plus -sicut Cicero queritur -viatici parare. Credo id accidere, quia, multas perpessi calamitates in juventute, illarum meminimus timemusque, ne revertamur in eas.

	Manuscripts:	M1, ff. 86r-87v; M2, ff. 41v-42v 1 ; M3, ff. 242r-243r 2 ; V2, ff. 197-200 3 ; V3, ff. 94v-97v 4 **: V4, ff.
		84v-87r.
	Editions:	KO, 44 5 ; HE, 117, p. 250-253; WO, 1: 1, 117, pp. 278-283; (both based on M1 and V2).
	{94v} Aeneas Silvius 6 salutem plurimam dicit summo philosopho 7 Johanni Campisio.
	[1] Aliorum litteras, quae ad me scribuntur, semel dumtaxat lego idque cursim. Tuas cum recipio,
	numquam satis legisse videor. Redeo iterum atque iterum, nunc istam, nunc illam particulam
	attingo, aegre illas e 8 meis manibus abire sino. Facit hoc ornatus scribendi et raritas, tum quod cum
	illis tamquam cum te ipso loquor 9 , quo nemo mihi suavior est. Nunc, cum Guido tabellarius tuas
	mihi litteras redderet, quantum voluptatis acceperim, non possum conjunctim expromere 10 , sed 11
	partes epistolae tuae singulas referentem me magis intelliges, et quantum {95r] attuleris gaudii,
	intueberis melius.
	[2] 1 SC, 90-92
	2 SC, 491-492
	3 DV, ff. 104r-105v
	4 DV, ff. 97v-100v 5 DV, f. 19v
	6 poeta add. M1-M3
	7 domino add. M1, V2a; poeta seq. V2b
	8 ex WO
	9 loquar M3
	10 exprimere M3, V4
	11 si M2
	12 argumentum V4
	13 post M2, V4
	14 ab M3

117. Letter to Giovanni Campisio (15 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

	Context:	The papal messenger had brought Giovanni Campisio's letter to Piccolomini of 13 November 1443
		(letter 94).
	Subject:	Piccolomini answers the various items in Campisio's letter, including observations on the psychology
		of being wealthy. He also sends news of the Polish-Hungarian crusade against the Turks and the
		crusader army's victory at the city of Nish.

  3] Animus juvenis sanguine fervens ebullit, furit, insanit, nil pensi habet, non pecuniam pendit, quoniam se facile lucraturum sperat. Nunc bella metitur, nunc mercaturam cogitat, nunc regales curias meditatur. Credit amari, credit sibi ab omnibus subveniri, si opus fuerit. Vetulus spiritus scit, quam rarae sunt amicitie, quam fallaces amores, quam lucra difficilia 1 .

	Scit temporalia bona, sine
	quibus negat Aristoteles plenam felicitatem 2 , in manu esse fortunae, quae si amiserit, illa in vita
	recuperare non potest. Ego, {95v} mi Johannes, satis multa probavi, pecunias quasi fimum
	contempsi. Nunc cum illas vellem, nusquam apparent. Video verum esse, quod Juvenalis inquit:
	haud facile emergunt, quorum virtutibus obstat res angusta domi. Si mihi puer ut Virgilio et
	tolerabile fuisset hospitium, potuissem et ego cantare 3 sub antro Pierio, quod non 4 potest sana
	paupertas facere. Mihi curandum est, ut vivam utque auro non caream, quo nocte dieque corpus
	eget. Da igitur veniam, si emptor quam minimum dare cupio, nam et qui vendit, quam maximi optat
	vendere. Age tamen: ut vis, fiat. Nullibi tibi ero adversus 5 , tametsi disputare interdum placeat.
	Tuum est curare, ut Aristoteles veniat, quovis pretio emptus, nec doleat hic philosophus vendi. Nam
	et Platonem venumdatum legimus, quamquam venditio haec, quam peto, etiam Ciceroni et Virgilio
	sit accepta. Nam qui scribunt, nil aliud volunt, nisi ut post obitum quam saepissime vendantur. Tu
	tamen aliis litteris invenisse te ajebas venalem philosophum, nunc te inventurum dicis, sed ille
	forsitan Senis mansit, ideo alium quaeris.
	[4] Quod 6 mihi scribis bona te verba ex summo pontifice audisse, quibus spem concipis 7 fortunae
	melioris, magna laetitia intellexi. Scio enim honore atque bono quovis te dignum. Tu tamen scis
	divitias plerumque indignos comitari easque -ut philosophi volunt -qui minus sunt digni possident.
	Ideo tibi minus spero, sed {96r} potest summus pontifex fatum vincere et praesertim, si, ut scribis,
	adjutor tibi sit reverendissimus dominus tuus meusque. Dico meum 2 facultatem M3
	3 caute V3
	4 minime M1
	5 animus (?) add. M2
	6 quid M3
	7 capis M1
	8 meus M3
	9 notus M3

8

, quia vetus

9

mihi apud illum notitia est, et putavi me aliquando ab eo diligi. Idemque nunc puto, nisi vel suus mutatus sit animus vel, quae interciderunt negotia, me sibi alienarint. Credo te meum sermonem capere. Ego tamen 10 illi afficior virtutemque suam

11

miror et colo, nec ex eo aliud peto, nisi uti

12

bonum tuum quaerat, qui uno verbo statum tuum potest mutare. Ipse philosophus est. Nisi philosophum amat, desinit esse, quod est, nec ego tanti eum

13

faciam. Oportet nonnumquam fortunam vincere eique

14

resistere pro viris claris.

1

fallaces amores … difficilia : dif-ficilia lucra quam fallaces amores M2 10 quicquid sit add. M1-M3, V2a; quidquid sit seq. V2b 11 omit. V3, V4

12

ut HE, WO

13

tanti eum : eum tanti M1

14

eisque M3

  Is se inopem scribit, tu eum divitem dicis. Sed credo te ad veritatem loqui, ipsum ad opinionem. Nemo enim dives est, cujus cupiditati non est satis. Tu, quod sufficere homini reris, id divitias ais. Is, quia non habet auri montes, pauperem se putat. Ego plus tuis litteris de eo quam suis sum gavisus. Nam si te non audivissem prius, moleste tulissem ejus scripta. Diligo namque ipsum et omnis acerbitatis suae sum particeps. Sed tu me levas magnis angustiis, quando bene illi esse 6 dicis. Non dicam {96v} plura in hoc, quia sibi scribo et puto eum apud te risurum, quando expuentes miseriam deambulatum itis meique memores estis, sive Coliseum petatis sive pontem Aemilium vel cum termas visitatis Diocletianas aut illa sanctorum templa.

[6]

Jacobum Calvum resaluto et bene illi esse cupio, nam mei aliquando amicus fuit et nunc est, nisi amicitia potest frangi. Multa mihi de Conte nostro Senensi, venerabili cubiculario apostolico, scripsisti, quae omnia jam dudum mihi Viennae retuleras, et ego vera esse sciebam, qui virum illum, nobilem

  Concerning da Noceto, you have fulfilled my wish, not only by telling me about his occupations but also by forcing him to write to me. I thank you greatly for that. However, I see that what you write is different from what I heard from him: he writes that he is poor whereas you claim he is rich. I believe that you speak what is true, whereas he says what he thinks. For no rich man's desire is ever satisfied. You say that wealth is that which is sufficient for a man, but he believes he is poor because he does not possess mountains of gold. 1 I enjoyed your letter more than his, for if I had not heard from you first, his letter would have saddened me. Indeed, I am fond of him and share his adversity. But saying that all is well with him, you have relieved me of great anxiety. I shall say no more about this, for I shall write to him directly and believe that he and you will laugh together when, throwing misery aside, you go for a walk and talk about me, visit the Colosseum or the Ponte Emiliano or the Baths of Diocletian or the temples of the saints.2

	[5]
	9 dixisti M3
	10 quid M2
	11 ego WO
	12 omit. M2
	13 omit. M2
	14 Aristoteles em. HE
	15 theologi M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex theologi V2b
	16 iustitia V3
	17 quorum inscitia omit. V4
	18 em.; exurit codd.
	19 intactum M3
	20 ne M3
	21 ni vendat : invendat V3

4

ad me omit. M3 5 at add. M3 6 illi esse : esse illi M3 7 corr. ex notabilem V2; notabi-lem M1-M3 8 juventute add. interlin. M1

  1 , cardinalem Sancti Angeli cum cum rege Poloniae atque despoto jam intrasse Bulgariam, quo in loco bassa Turcorum 2 cum 20 milibus equitum obviam venit praemissisque levis 3 armaturae militibus Christianorum exercitum infestabat. Tum Johannes, Transsilvanorum dux, qui Hungarica lingua4 dicitur "vaivoda", receptis 10 5 milibus equitum expeditorum, Moravam flumen trajecit relictisque impedimentis bassam petebat, proelium initurus. Timuit bassa retrocessitque. Johannes vero urbem Nisam profectus est eamque6 militibus cinxit nec magno negotio expugnavit. Exinde relatum est bassam cum exercitu reversum bellum petivisse7 , quo accepto obviam Johannes perrexit atque, ut in propinquo fuit, structis aciebus, certamen iniit. Mira res: ex Turcis 8 duo milia caesa dicuntur9 , capta quattuor milia. milia. Ex Christianis solum decem cecidere, quibus pro Christi nomine certantibus bene putandum est obvenisse. Signa militaria novem intercepta sunt, multa praeda asportata et spolia ditissima. Reliqui, quos fuga morti eripuerat, incolarum insultu perisse dicuntur. Haec acta sunt ad diem 3. Novembris sicut regi nostro per ipsum cardinalem et regiis litteris scriptum est. Ajunt hoc magnum esse initium et spem hinc 10 sumi 11 , qua Turci 12 ex Europa pellantur, quod faxit Deus tum propter Christianae religionis augmentum, tum propter {97v} nomen et gloriam cardinalis ipsius, quem dignum honore quovis deputo, cum fidem catholicam defensurum tantis se discriminibus objectet.

	3 lenis V4
	4 ex Sclavis accepta add. M1
	5 20 HE
	6 tamquam V4
	7 poscere M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex poscere V2b
	8 Teucris M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex Teucris V2b
	9 feruntur M2
	10 omit. V3, V4

Vale et amicorum quidquid habeo salvum dicito. Ex Sancto Vito in Carinthia, die 15.

13

Januarii anno 1444

14 15

.

1 reverendissimum dominum add. M1-M3, V2a; reverendissimum dominum seq. V2b 2 Teucrorum M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex Teucrorum V2b 11 suscipi M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex suscipi V2b;

12

Teucri M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex Teucri V2b;

13

13. HE, WO

14

44 V2; 1443 V4

15

Ex Sancto … 1444 : omit. M1; etc. M2

[7]

I have nothing to add except that you should know the Most Reverend Cardinal of Sant'Angelo

1

  Venit ad me hac hora lator praesentium ex me quaesitum, an Veneris montem apud Italiam scirem, nam ibi magicam artem tradi dicebat, cujus avidus est herus suus, qui Saxo est, summus astronomus. Dixi me scire portum Veneris -alii Venerii dicunt9 -qui est prope Lunam inter Ligusticos montes, quo in loco tres noctes egi, dum Basileam peterem. Inveni etiam apud Siculos montem fore, qui Herix appellatur, Veneri sacer, sed in his locis nihil accepi magicum tradi. Inter

	Translations:	BA, 3, pp. 23-24; ME, 20, pp, 107-108; WI, p. 415.
	{97v} Aeneas Silvius, 6 imperialis 7 secretarius, salutem plurimam dicit Gregorio 8 jurisconsulto,
	fratri suo.
	[1]

2 ; V2, ff. 201-202 3 ; V3, ff. 97v-98v 4 **; V4, ff. 87r-88r. Editions: KO, 46 5 ; HE, 118, pp. 254-255; WO, 1: 1, 118, pp. 283-285; (both based on V2). conferendum autem venit in mentem locum esse in Umbria, quae provincia Ducatus dicitur, non longe ab urbe Nursia, ubi praeruptus mons ingentem speluncam facit, per quam aquae fluunt. lllic memini audisse me striges esse et daemones ac nocturnas umbras, ubi, qui audaces animo sunt, spiritus nequam audiunt 10 alloquunturque et artes ediscunt magicas. Haec non vidi nec vidisse curavi, nam quod peccato discitur, melius est {98r} ignorasse. Sed Savinus 11 , juris civilis peritus, qui apud Camilliam inter publica diversoria domum habuit, haec mihi vera esse asseveravit, lacum nominavit et locum descripsit. Sed ista ex memoria fugerunt, quae labilior est anguillis. Ideo te rogo, si Savinus 12 vivit, hunc virum ut

Letter to Pietro da Noceto (16 January 1444, Sankt Veit).

  Farewell, best of men. From Sankt Veit in Kärnten, 15 January 1444. Aeneas Silvius6 , viro praestanti fratrique colendo Petro Noxetano salutem plurimam dicit.[1] Magnas {99v} habeo gratias7 Campisio nostro, qui te mihi scribere compulit, sed majores tu illi habere debes, qui ejus opera ad te reversus es. Namque cum soleres omnium esse humanissimus, diu extra te fueras nihil mihi scribens, qua re nescio, quae potuerit immanior esse. Sed vivat felix Campisius, qui te humanitati reddens me vita donavit. Eram enim jam exanguis mortique proximus nihil tuarum suscipiens litterarum, sed jam redivivus 8 sum factus scriptis tuis, tametsi nonnulla scribas

	Manuscripts:	M1, ff. 87v-88v; M2, ff. 43r-44r 1 ; M3, ff. 244v-245v 2 ; V2, ff. 206-209 3 ; V3, ff. 99r-101v 4 **; V4, ff.
		89r-90v.
	Editions:	KO, 45 5 ; HE, 119, pp. 255-257; WO, 1: 1, 119, pp. 285-288; (both based on M1, V2).
	Translations:	ME, 21, pp. 109-112.

119.

{99r}

9

rancida. Nam quidquid tibi molestum est, id mihi quoque acerbum esse debet. Sed credo plus aliis quam tibi de te. Facis enim, ut virum prudentem docet, qui de se parce loquitur et omnia sua imminuit

10

, non

11

ut miles Traso auget. Tu te pauperem dicis, Campisius te ditem asserit, nec Castellanus negat. In hoc tamen duplex ratio esse potest. Aut enim nimis appetis aut jactantiam vitas, ne te divitem scribens venari gloriam videaris. Ego sive pauper es sive dives tantundem te facio. Non enim umquam fortunas tuas, sed te amavi, et illam, quam in te sitam virtutem, cognovi. Si dives es, Petrus 12 es, et virtus tua est eadem. Nec ista immutata sunt, si pauper es, quia nulla ex virtute spolia casus ducit.

Letter to Pietro da Noceto (16 January 1444, Sankt Veit). 1

	1 SC, 93-95
	2 SC, 495-496
	3 DV, ff. 108v-110r
	4 DV, ff. 102r-104v 5 DV, f. 19v
	6 poeta add. M1-M3, V2a; poeta seq. V2b
	7 grates WO
	8 rediuimus V4
	9 scribis WO
	10 imminuet M3
	11 nos V4
	12 potens M3

13

O mi : olim V4

14

patri quo … vinculum : vincu-lum quo patri sumus obnoxii M3

15

omit. V4

119.

Context:

This letter is an answer to Pietro da Noceto's letter of 18 November 1443 (letter 96) and presumably anothernot extant letterfrom him. Subject:

Piccolomini thanks Pietro for his letters and his friendship. He comments on Pietro's plans of marriage. Finally, he answers Pietro's appeal to him to join the papal party, affirming his own attachment to the emperor's policy of neutrality.

  Non enim is sum, qui pompam ducere 1 possim. Non arridet {101r} tantum mihi hera fortuna, ut cum fastu et gloria sperem me patriam posse repetere 2 . Satis mihi fuerit, nisi mendicus redeam. Sat erit, si mea pecunia viaticum coemero. Quod magis sperem, nihil est et in hoc habeo superis gratias.

	meritam M3
	5 tremulentae WO
	6 continuaces WO
	7 nimium V4
	8 fore M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex fore V2b
	9 connubio WO
	10 experientiam glossa interlin. M1
	11 esco WO
	12 concubitus glossa interlin. M1
	13 te add. V4
	14 faciam M2
	15 Ego de … ait: de Peregallo no-stro facio conjecturam, qui plures se vidisse amasseque feminas ait me facio
	conjecturam. Plures vidi amavique feminas M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex me facio conjecturam. Plures vidi amavique
	feminas V2b
	16 potius V4
	17 suscepi M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex suscepi V2b
	18 siem M1; fierem M2-M3, V2a; corr. ex fierem V2b;

19

se jungendum affirmat : me jungam M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex me jungam V2b 20 nesciam M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex nesciam V2b; nescit V4 21 reperiam glossa M1 22 aliud M2 23 tereat V4 adventus.

  Haec est adjuratio1 quaedam, quae non suadet tantum, sed etiam cogit. Tu tamen nosti me principi servire, qui nullarum est partium, quique medium tenens unioni studet, nec fas est servos aliud velle, quam domini cupiant. Mihi sanctum videtur regis propositum, cui ut faveat Deus, supplex oro. Nec si mens regia locum habuerit, sors tua deterior erit, sed -quemadmodum puto -longe melior, quia tunc dives est curia et officiales opulenti, quando est unio. Quam si Deus daret, posses et me ad te vocatum facere. Sed nescio, quando hoc erit. Interim me regi insinuabo, regi parebo 2 , regem sequar. Quod is volet, et ego volam3 . Nulla in re adversus ero nec attingam aliquid, quod statum respiciat, quia periculosum est de aliena re publica curam gerere. Ego peregrinus sum. Consultum mihi est4 Gnatonis officium suscipere: ajunt ajo, negant nego. Sed hoc alienum est me.5 Ipsi si fuerint sapientes, laudem ferent; si stulti, eorum quoque dedecus erit6 . Nulli invideo7 gloriam et nullius dolere infamia volo. Quod mandatum fuerit scribam, non addam, non minuam. Nec videri volo prudens neque stultus. Tacebo et parebo libens. Si secus agerem, non esset mihi ex usu, nec te velle scio aliquid me agere, quod possit obesse statui meo, ne, qui est parvus, fiat nullus. Non dicam plura, nisi quod te 8 rogo de magistro Thoma, summo theologo et conterraneo tuo, aliquid scribas, et et quid de nuptiis sequatur.Vale. Ex sancto Vito, die 16. 9 januarii 1444.10 11 12

	1 admiracio M2
	2 placebo M3
	3 volem M1, M3
	4 esset V3
	5 omit. M1-M3, V2a; sed hoc … me add. in marg. V2b
	6 ferent M2
	7 audeo M2
	8 omit. M3
	9 15. V4

10

Thomas qui nunc

[1447]

, est papa Nicolaus V, factus cardinalis 1446, later addition] add. in marg. V2b [proof that this manuscript was executed before the death of Nicolaus V in 1455].

11

Ex sancto … 1444 : etc. M2; omit. M1 12 Die 16. … 1444 omit. M3

  V2b22 tibi M3 satis est significasse, quid velim. Persuadere non est opus persuaso. Reverendum 1 patrem episcopum2 Novariensem spero mihi auxilio 3 futurum; ipsi ut me commendes, in spe habeo. Vale optime.Ex sancto Vito in Carinthia, die 16. Januarii 1444.4 5

	9 iam M3
	10 expediuntur M3
	11 omit. M3
	12 tibi M1
	13 non pauciores : nonnulli dicun-tur M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex nonnul-li dicuntur V2b
	14 auxilio Tridentinis est : auxilium Tridentinis mittit M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex auxilium Tridentinis mittit V2b
	15 domini add. M1-M3, V2a; do-mini seq. V2b
	16 peto M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex pe-to V2b

Rotella multa promisit sed numquam rescripsit. Credo eum plus verborum habere quam factorum. Tua 22 est alia consuetudo; plus facis et minus dicis. Ideo mihi 1 SC, 95 2 SC, 497-498 3 DV, ff. 110v-111r 4 DV, ff. 104-105r 5 DV, f. 22v 6 poeta domino add. M1-M3; domino add. V2a; domino seq. V2b 7 Titulus: omit. M1 8 M1 uses 2 nd pers. plural in address. 17 domino add. M1-M3, V2a; do-mino seq. V2b 18 sua gratia me add. M1-M3, V2a; sua gratia me seq. V2b 19 in M1-M3, V2a; in seq. V2b 20 et M1-M3, V2a; ad seq. V2b 21 de add. M1-M3, V2a; de seq. 1 reverendissimum HE, WO 2 dominum M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex. dominum V2b 3 auxilium M1 4 optime … 1444 : etc. M2 5 Ex Sancto … 1444 omit. M1 120. Letter to Francesco Bossio (16 January 1444, Sankt Veit). Context: Francesco Bossio, Piccolomini's fellow canon and agent in Trient, had understandably fled the troubles there and gone to Milan. The present letter is not the one referred to in Piccolomini's letter 113 to Niccolò Veneto of 1 January because, in that letter, Piccolomini presumed that Bossio had gone to Padua, so in the meantime, he must have received new information. Subject: Piccolomini inquires into the state of his affairs (the prebend of Sarantanerthal) and asks Bossio to act as his agent in the affair of the provostship of San Lorenzo.

  Nurenbergensem meque hic suo loco dimisit. Is autem infra mensem revertetur, nam nam conventio 2 illa prorogata est ad diem Ascensionis et rursus convocati sunt principes, promittitque rex omni remota exceptione in eam 3 diem personalem accessum.

	11 Florentiane WO
	12 Mediolani add. M2, M3, V2a; Mediolani seq. V2b
	13 spoliatum teneri : spoliari M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex spoliari V2b
	14 quamvis V4
	15 animal vertere V4
	16 et M3
	17 ut quod V4

mitto. Cum hoc

21

poteris audacius meum negotium aggredi. Scriberet tibi mei causa ipse cancellarius, si adesset, sed jam mensibus tribus abest missus 1 Bishop Bartolomeo Visconti.

2

SC, 92-93 3 SC, 493-494 4 DV, ff. 106v-107r 5 DV, ff. 101v-102r 6 DV, f. 22r 7 poeta add. M2-M3, V2a; poeta seq. V2b 8 de add. M2, M3, V2a; de seq. V2b 9 salutem plurimam dicit omit. V2a 10 WO uses 2 nd pers. plural in address.

18

praeposituram meam ad me redire : praepositura (mea) ad me redeat M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex praepositura mea ad me redeat V2b

19

Exemplar scriptorum : juxta copiam, quam M2-M3, V2a; corr. ex juxta copiam, quam V2b 20 inclusam M2-M3, V2a; corr. ex inclusam V2b 21 hac M2-M3, V2a; hoc corr. ex hac V2b; his V3, V4 ad conventum

1

Letter from Andrea Donato (22 January 1444, Venezia).

  As for news that would interest you, there is not much. Only this is new: the Cardinal of Sant'Angelo,1 who is on a military campaign 2 with the Hungarians, has recently sent a letter to His Royal Majesty, of which I enclose a copy so that you can communicate it to the Most Illustrious Prince and recommend me to him. I shall not fail to inform you if something else [of interest] happens, especially if I know that I shall thus please you and the prince. Nuperrime litterae tuae mihi obsignatae fuere, quas libenter perlegi et eo libentius, quo clarius salutem magnifici 6 Gasparis 7 concepi, quae mihi propemodum carissima est. Vidi praeterea ex ipsis litteris, quid de re pecuniaria, quam cum hoc senatu agere habet, ad me scribis, {105r} quidve nuntii vestri huc profecti sapienter attulerunt 8 , luculentius percepi. Deus quidem mihi testis est9 , quem animum, quam mentem, quam diligentiam in omnibus commodis ejus semper habuerim, habeam et habiturus sim. Cetera praetermittens modo satisfacere et inservire possem suae magnificentiae, cui pro ejus summa in me benevolentia, quam magnifacio, obnoxius sum, nec me ullus labor gravaret aut ponderis quantitas aut verborum prolatio, quae passim maxima est in re publica, ex quibus quandoque 10 aures alienae obtunduntur. Omnia namque in me concurrunt ad rem ipsam bene et optime conficiendam, quia nihil 11 a me ita magnum fieri possit, quo12 benevolentiae et dignitati suae gerere morem mihi satis esset. Sed sicut scit ejus magnificentia, quae novit mores hujus reipublicae,

	122. Manuscripts: 122.	M2, ff. 117v-118r 1 ; M3, ff. 250v-251r 2 ; V2, ff. 218-220 3 ; V3, ff. 104v-105v 4 **; V4, ff. 93v-94r.
	Editions:	KO, 174 5 ; HE, 122, pp. 259-260; WO, 1: 1, 122, pp. 291-292; (both based on V2).
	From Sankt Veit. 20 January 1444. {104v} Andreas Donato, eques Venetus, Aenae Silvio, poetae doctissimo, salutem plurimam dicit.
	[1] 1 SC, 244-245
	2 SC, 507-508
	3 DV, ff. 114v-115r
	4 DV, ff. 107v-108v 5 DV, 166v
	6 domini add. M2, M3, V2a; domini seq. V2b;
	7 cancellarii add. M3
	8 attulerint V3
	9 omit. WO
	10 aliquando M3
	11 mihi V4
	12 quia M3
	13 omit. V4
	14 preside V4
	15 voto WO
	16 autem WO
	17 omit. V4
	18 omit. M3

1

Hoc solum est novi : nisi (quod) M2-M3, V2a; corr. ex nisi quod V2b; 2 reverendissimus dominus add. M2-M3, V2a; reverendissimus dominus seq. V2b 3 alterius WO

4

15. V4 5 omit. V2a; 20. Januarii 1444 add. V2b;

6

Ex Sancto … 1444: vale etc. M2; vale M3

[2]

cujus voluntati majores et minores succumbunt, sum civis hujus civitatis et quamquam et auctoritatis et dignitatis locum aliquem teneam, tamen deest mihi potestas aliquid faciendi sine auctoritate et mandato hujus senatus, qui

13

regimini omnium rerum praesidet

14

. Indulgeat ergo magnificentia sua, si ita sufficienter votis

15

ejus non satisfit. Cognoscit enim rerum causas, quibus res ipsa differtur. Quod tamen

16

differtur non aufertur. Semper autem in ea re et ceteris me

[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF]

promptissimum habebit, qui omnem operam, curam

18

et studium {105v} adhibere numquam desistam. Quod reliquum quidem est, a nuntiis vestris sententiam et opinionem meam clarius vivae vocis oraculo senties, quam ejus magnificentiae referre poteris, cui me obnoxius commendatum facias.

Vale felix. Ex Venetiis, die 22. Januarii 1444.

Letter from Andrea Donato (22 January 1444,Venezia).

  :Chancellor Schlick had made Piccolomini write to Andrea Donato to request his aid in obtaining the payment of the full chancery fee for Venice's investiture with certain imperial territories in 1435. Subject:

	Context

  HE, 123, pp. 260-262; WO, 1: 1, 123, pp. 292-293; (both based on V2). Jucundissimis litterulis7 tuis, vir clarissime, quibus generosi militis 8 ac tua opera me assumptum assumptum esse ad consiliariatum Caesaris nuntiabas, ab duobus mensibus responderam per alias superiores9 meas litteras, quas, si habueris, laetor. Cognosces enim, quantam ex eo mihi jucunditatem attuleris, videbis et gratias, quas hujusce rei vobis cooperatoribus 10 offerebam 11 ob hoc insigne munus, quod nosti, quanto ego cum studio flagitarim, dum una essemus in Germania apud regem. Posthac nullis alteris tuis litteris quidquam de te concepi nisi, quemadmodum enuntiat Peregallus noster, te valere et apud eum12 Caesarem in dies te pluris existimari et ad utramque cancellariam in protonotarium jussu regio assumptum13 , quo gratulor cupioque, ut in dies feliciores successus de te sentiam, unde, ne hoc meum desiderium frustra sit, stude. Precor semper, ut {11r} Caesareis 14 rebus intentus sis ac illi 15 continuo morem geras. Quod 16 si effeceris, crede mihi, melius secundaberis et eos omnes, quos tibi amicos habes, laetos ac perjucundos efficies.

	{10v} Bartholomaeus, episcopus Cornetanus, salutem plurimam dicit Aeneae Silvio 6 , regio
	protonotario.
	[1]

  cum1 Jacobo, cui scribo, renovari cures 2 , quod facile impetrabis, et 3 cum 4 domum 5 ad me mittes 6 securiori 7 modo ad manus Omnisboni 8 assignari mandabis9 . Quod si efficies, mihi in ea re re quam maxime complacebis, nec usquam hoc ingens obsequium obliterabunt tempora nec aetates.

	Context:	See letter 105, to which Piccolomini had apparently not replied.
	Subject:	Vitelleschi informs Piccolomini that opponents of antipope Felix V, whom he serves, may have
		prevented him from receiving the letter appointing him an imperial counsellor and requests that a new
		letter be issued and sent to him by safer means. He adds some news from Italy and about Felix V's
		negotiations with Italian parties.
	1 SC, 234-23
	2 SC, 377-378
	3 DV, ff. 9r-10r
	4 DV, ff. 13v-14v 5 DV, f. 169v
	6 poete add. M2-M3
	7 litteris V4
	8 Jacobi add. HE, WO
	9 omit. WO
	10 cooperantibus V4
	11 efferebam V4
	12 omit. WO
	13 esse add. M2, M3, V2a; esse seq. V2b
	14 Caesaris V4
	15 illis M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex illis V2b
	16 quid M3
	17 domini add. M2, M3, V2a; domini seq. V2b
	18 domino add. M2, M3, V2a; domino seq. V2b
	19 omit. M3
	20 omit. M3
	21 invidiam V3; ut videam V4
	22 mecum M3
	23 quod WO
	24 privatur M3

, cum nusquam eas ad me miserit et, quod me magis excruciat, nec mittet ex causis, quas tu tecum

22

ipse conjectaberis. Nam ipse est apud Constantiensem episcopum et nos abnegavit. Intellegis jam, quid

23

in ea re actum sit et, nisi tu iterum juveris, privabor

24

munere hoc ingenti. Quare velim sicque oro te, ut eas litteras

25 25

eas litteras : eam litteram M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex eam litteram V2b; una 123. Letter from Bartolomeo Vitelleschi (February 1444, Lausanne).

  Nephew of Cardinal Gio-vanni Vitelleschi (d. 1440). Ap-pointed bishop of Corneto in 1438. At some point, he joined the con-ciliarist movement against Pope Eugenius IV. Deposed by Pope Eugenius in 1442, he was ap-pointed cardinal by antipope Felix V. Reappointed bishop of Corneto in 1449 by Pope Nicolaus V. Pic-colomini appears to have become friendly with him in Basel or at the court of the antipope 11 "laetor"

	1 domino add. M2, M3, V2a; domino seq. V2b
	2 facias M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex facias V2b
	3 ut M2
	4 eum M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex cum V2b; eam HE, WO
	5 donum M2; demum M3;
	6 mittas HE, WO
	7 salviori M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex salviori V2b;
	8 omit. M3
	9 assignari mandabis omit. M2, M3, V2
	10 Bartolomeo Vitelleschi (c. 1410-1463):

  comitis Francisci nuntius6 , a quo missus est 7 {11v} Thomas Reatinus, quem noscis 8 et eum vidisti apud Caesarem, quos tractatus et practicas pontifex noster ex animo et corde complectitur, et ex utravis harum quam 9 bene sperem, et quemadmodum res ipsa succedet, ex post intelliges.[4] Rei 10 Jacobi non secus quam meae intentus fui, et11 ei scribo ubere, a quo scire valebis omnia aspiciesque ex bullis desuper confectis. Scito tamen Peregallum nostrum pro minuta et grossa primae litterae dedisse pecunias. Saepius ac saepius me commendatum facias Caesari et iteratas gratias pro consiliariatu sue majestati reddes meo nomine, cui ero observantissimus et gloriosissimi nominis sui praedicator indefessus. Itidem et facies apud reverendum 12 patrem 13 meum Chiemensem14 .Et tu vale ac amorem nostrum et amicitiam observa cordi15 . Vale iterum. Ex Lausana.16

	1 Italie HE, WO
	2 Florentiam WO
	3 quam ingentes : quingentos M3
	4 dominus add. M2, M3, V2a; dominus seq. V2b;
	5 omit. WO
	6 omit. M2, M3, V2a; add. in marg. V2b
	7 dominus add. M2, M3, V2a; dominus seq. V2b
	8 nosti M2, M3
	9 breve add. M2, M3, V2a; breve seq. V2b
	10 domini add. M2, M3, V2a; domini seq. V2b
	11 ut M2, M3
	12 reverendissimum HE, WO

13

dominum add. M2, M3 V2a; dominum seq. V2b 14 episcopum add. M3 15 crebrioribusque tuis litteris cum contingentiis patriae ac regionis illius add. M2, M3, V2a; crebri-oribusque tuis litteris cum contin-gentiis patriae ac regionis illius seq. V2b 16 Ex Lausana omit. M2

  But when it became necessary to send envoys to Milan, the treasurer Johannes de Grolea went to meet with Piccinino and only promised to give him 60,000 Rhenish florins. This upset Picci-nino so much that soon after, he made an agreement with Eugenius and was appointed his captain. Similarly, when the King of Aragon realised that he had been strung along with words, he reconciled himself with Eugenius and recalled his Catalans from the Council of Basel. They obeyed him, caring more about their people than Faith. The only exception was the Bishop of Vich, who would afterwards regret losing his church out of too great loyalty (DVI, sect. 197).

Alfonso V (Aragon) (1396-1458): King of Aragon from 1416, Count of Barcelona. King of Na-ples from 1442 to his death.

4

Jorge de Ornos [Jordi / Hornos] (c. 1380-1453): Bishop of Vich [Vic], 1424 -1445.

5

Francesco I Sforza (1401-1466): Italian condottiero. Son of Muzio Attendolo Sforza. First Sforza duke of Milan (1450). See DVI, ch. 10.

6

Unidentified.

7

In his DVI, Piccolomini has a section on Felix' negotiations to gain allies in Italy: He had serious negotiations with the King of Aragon, who promised to take Rome and bring Felix there safely. However, the French would not allow Felix to make an agreement with the King of Aragon since this king was an enemy of King René, despite René himself being an enemy of Felix. He also had inten-se negotiations with the Duke of Milan and Niccolò Piccinino. In the end, Felix offered Piccinino 150,000 ducats to serve him with 9,000 cavalry and 3,000 infantry. The matter was almost concluded, and Piccinino promised (though without obliging himself) to take Eugenius prisoner in Florence. It would likely have come to pass if Felix' banners had been raised in Italy with such a great force behind them, for he enjoyed a great reputation as a powerful and clever man. Eugenius, on the other side, was hated, for men are commonly hated in their own country, whereas men who are far way are loved.

Letter to Domenico Capranica (mid February 1444, Laibach).

  Redditae sunt mihi litterae vestrae, quas cum prima fronte recepissem titulumque cardinalis Sanctae Crucis perlegissem, stupidus fui mecumque "Quidnam hoc est," inquam, "cardinalem hunc diem obiisse percepi. Aut falsa vox fuit aut mortuus revixit." Cum autem litteras aperui, repperi neutrum verum fuisse, sed paternitatem vestram illius suscepisse locum, quae res ultra modum mihi jucunda fuit, qui semper status vestri crementum optavi et jam audio, quod tota mente petivi. Fortunent nunc superi hunc vestrum cardinalatum 1 et nedum vobis, sed amicis et servitoribus omnibus utilem illum reddant. Non peto mihi aliquid, nam ego satis habeo, quod vobis audio bene contigisse. Solum opto, ut bonum vestrum perpetuum sit et nulla possit calamitate perrumpi.

	Manuscripts:	M1, f. 79v **.
	Editions:	HE, 124, pp. 262; WO, 1: 1, 124, p. 294; (both based on M1).
	{79v} Cardinali Sanctae Crucis. Reverendissime in Christo pater et domine mi colendissime.
	[1]

11

Bishop Silvester Pflieger of Chiemsee.

124.

[2] Cognovi praeterea desiderium vestrum de litteris in Portugalliam scribendis. Navo ad id operas, sed neqeunt haec 2 , ut vellem utque opus foret, cito expediri. Spero tamen me illas brevi tempore ad vos missurum. Alia nunc scribenda non sunt, nisi quod me vestrae reverendissimae paternitati deditum non facio, sed repeto. Posco insuper, ut sanctissimi domini nostri pedibus me commissum faciatis, cujus statui tam studeo, quam mea parvitas fert.

Valete optime et me prisco ex more diligite. 1 em. HE; cardinalem M1 2 hoc WO 124.

Letter to Domenico Capranica (18 February 1444, 1 Laibach).

	Context:	Cardinal Capranica, Piccolomini's first employer, had written to Piccolomini 2 requesting his aid in
		procuring a letter from the imperial court in some Portuguese matter.
	Editions:	Piccolomini expresses his delight in the cardinal's promotion to the title of Santa Croce, promises his
		assistance with Portuguese matter, and -via the cardinal -discreetly informs the papal curia -that
		he now supports the cause of Pope Eugenius IV.
	Translations:	RE, 41, p. 185.

  scripsi tum de mea erga te voluntate tum de uxore, quam eras ducturus. Nunc addendum nihil est, nisi {104v} quod te rogo, ut rescribas successum rerum, et an adhuc vir fies10 . Nam si sic est, dabo tibi onus, ut me quoque virum aliquando facias, si quid inveneris opinioni meae conveniens. Ego non intendo vitam omnem extra Italiam degere, et adhuc cavi, ne me sacer ordo involveret, neque enim satis scio, an continere perpetuo possim. Continentia namque, etsi magnopere 11 laudanda sit, verbis tamen quam factis aetate nostra12 probabilior est et philosophis magis quam poetis conveniens. Quidquid sit, rescribe petitionibus meis et me tui status scium facito et confide13 me non tantum mei quam tui boni14 cupidum esse et gaudere omni tua fortuna. Postremo investiga omnes vias, si quae inveniri possint, ut aliquando Teutonicus Aeneas fiat Italicus.

	Vale. Ex Labaco Carniolae, die 18. mensis Februari 1444 15 16 .
	1 SC, 96
	2 SC, 501
	3 DV, ff. 114r-114v
	4 DV, ff. 107r-107v 5 DV, f. 23r
	6 poeta add. M2, M3, V2a; poeta seq. V2b
	7 domino add. WO
	8 de Noxeto M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex de Noxeto V2b
	9 omit. V4
	10 em.; sies M2, V2-V4; sis M3
	11 neque enim … magnopere :; timeo enim continentiam, quae licet M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex timeo enim continentiam,
	quae licet V2b

12

omit. M2, M3, V2a; aetate nostra add. superlin. V2b 13 considera M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex confide V2b 14 omit. V4

15

Die … 1444 omit. M3

16

Ex Labaco … 1444 : etc. M2

125. Letter to Pietro da Noceto (18 February 1444, Laibach).

	Context:	A continuation of Piccolomini's previous letter to Pietro (letter 119).
	Subject:	Piccolomini asks Pietro about the development of his marriage plans and appears to ask him to help
		find a wife for him and a living in Italy since he is not prepared to live in celibacy, as a priest. A living
		in Italy is probably a veiled reference to a job at the papal curia, which would necessitate
		Piccolomini's public conversion to the cause of Pope Eugenius IV.

Letter to Giovanni Campisio (18 February 1444, Laibach).

  1 I wrote to you about my sentiments towards you and the wife you you were going to marry. I have nothing to add now except asking you to write again and let me know what has happened and if you are still going to become a husband.2 For if you are, I give you you the task of making a husband of me, too, if you find something that fits my views and sentiments. I do not intend to live all my life outside Italy, and until now, I have not let myself be taken in by the priestly order since I am not sure that I could live in a state of permanent continence. Meas litteras jam te arbitror invenisse, quas per Venetias, mensis est, ad te misi. In illis te rogatum feci, politicum Aristotelem ut mibi coemeres, sicut Viennae interlocuti fueramus. Credo id tibi menti esse, ideo brevior sum8 . Tantum expecto cupide, ut volumen veniat.[2] Vidi bullas ecclesie Frisingensis cancellario missas, quae illo absente mihi redditae sunt. Ea res multum proderit parti vestrae, nam liberalitas inter ceteras virtutes maxime homines allicit. Non erit immemor cancellarius hujus rei. Ita dicito 9 cardinali Tarentino, cui etiam me commissum facito. Habebit 10 pontifex maximus et ipse cardinalis in reditu cancellarii litteras regratiatorias, {104r} quamquam magis sint facta quam verba spectanda. Sed nec facta deerunt. Obligatus est cancellarius manibus pedibusque recognoscere hoc beneficium, et, nisi fallor, id faciet. Ita velis tu suadere et cardinalibus et papae.

	Manuscripts:	M2, ff. 44r-44v 1 ; M3, f. 247r 2 ; V2, ff. 216-217 3 ; V3, ff. 103v-104r 4 **; V4, ff. 92v-93r.
	Editions:	KO, 49 5 ; HE, 126, pp. 263-264; WO, 1: 1, 126, pp. 295-296; (both based on V2).
	Translations:	RE, 42, pp. 186-187.
	{103v} Aeneas Silvius 6 salutem plurimam dicit domino 7 Johanni Campisio, philosopho.
	[1] 1 SC, 95-96
	2 SC, 500
	3 DV, ff. 113v-114r
	4 DV, ff. 106v-107r 5 DV, f. 22v
	6 poeta add. M2, M3, V2a; poeta seq. V2b
	7 omit. M2, M3
	8 credo id … sum omit. M2
	9 reverendissimo domino add. M2, M3, V2a; reverendissimo domino seq. V2b
	10 habet V4
	11 Noxetum M2, V 2a; corr. ex Noxetum V2b
	12 avitas WO
	13 variatim WO
	14 ut sit omit. V4
	15 intermissum WO

For though continence is most praiseworthy, men in our age are more likely to praise it in words than in deeds since it is a state more fitting for philosophers than poets. However that may be, please answer my requests and inform me about your present status. Trust that I am devoted not just to my own but also to your prosperity and that I rejoice in your good fortune. And, please, consider if there is any way in which the German Enea may at some time become Italian again.

Farewell. From Laibach in Krain, 18 February 1444.

126.

[3] Exinde meis verbis poetam Vegium salvum dicito et Petrum Noxetanum

11

, cui do litteras, ac amicorum quidquid me habere scis, tum praesertim conterraneum meum Contem. Et cave, ne amplius legem taciturnitatis observes, quia tempori leges serviunt et juxta oportunitatem mutantur. Ego nolo legem meam majoris esse roboris, quam synodales sunt sanctiones, quae dietim infringuntur. Nulla civitas

12

municipalia jura in perpetuum servat, et Spartani et Athenienses et Romani in dies contrarias ediderunt leges. Quod inter omnes variatur,

13

inter nos non decet immutabile ut sit

14

.

Vale et quantum tacendo praetermissum

15

est sermonis, tantum scribendo restitue. Ex Labaco, quod est Vindelicum inter Carnos 16 oppidum, die 18. mensis

[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF]

Februarii 1444.

18

16 omit. M2, M3, V2a; inter Carnos add. V2b 17 omit. V4 18 Ex Labaco … 1444 : etc. M2 126.

Letter to Giovanni Campisio (18 February 1444, Laibach).

	Context:	Piccolomini had written to Campisio on 15 January (letter 117) and could not have expected to
		receive a reply after a month.
	Subject:	Piccolomini informs Campisio that he has now received the papal letters of appointment of the
		chancellor's brother as Bishop of Freising.

  Dulce mihi admodum et suave est, vir clarissime, quod valeas, {68v} dummodo recte valeas, quando te apud tuum Caesarem honore primum et commodis non carere existimem, sed apud eum in dies te ob ingentes virtutes tuas et doctrinam magnipendi sciam et intelligam. Scripsissem ad te crebrius, nisi provolutus visitationi7 episcopatus Gebennensis, quam ob gravem meam penuriam, ut viverem, sumpsi 8 invitus. Cum enim, ut solent visitatores, ipso in exercitio per eam diocesim cucurrerim 9 discolus 10 , non potui nec crebrius nec prius scribere ad te, cui in11 scribendo ac omnibus ferme morem ferre astringor. Scias itaque me valere cum omni familia quamquam misere suscepisseque litteras consiliariatus regii, ad quas tu tantopere 12 laborasti, mihi quidem caras et13 gratas et inter res alteras cariores. Et eapropter Caesari tuo primum, qui tanta in me humanitate usus est, tibique ac Jacobo 14 , qui et initium et inceptae rei finem praebuistis, ago gratias indefessas, non recusans

	Manuscripts:	M2, f. 113r 1 ; M3, ff. 234v-235r 2 ; V2, ff. 149-150 3 ; V3, ff. 68r-69r 4 **; V4, ff. 61r-61v.
	Editions:	KO, 200 5 ; HE, 127, p. 264; WO, 1, 1: 127, pp. 296-297; (both based on V2).
	{68r} Bartholomaeus, episcopus Cornetanus, salutem plurimam dicit Aeneae Silvio Senensi 6 ,
	poetae clarissimo et amico praestanti.
	[1]

7

Medieval frontier march of the Holy Roman Empire, roughly cor-responding to Lower Carniola (Krain) in presentday Slovenia.

127. Letter from Bartolomeo Vitelleschi (February 1444, Genève).

127. Letter from Bartolomeo Vitelleschi (3 October 1444, Genève).

  WO Vale et me ama, ut coeperas, licet absentem et insudes gratificari tuo humanissimo Caesari. Ex Gebennis, 3. die 1 Octobris anno 43.2 I am exceedingly happy that you are prospering, especially since I believe you are not lacking in honour and advantages with the emperor. Moreover, I know and understand that, due to your exceptional qualities, his esteem for you is growing daily. I would have written to you more often had I not become engaged in the visitation 1 of the diocese of Genève. Because of my grave poverty, I had to accept this task -though reluctantly -simply to live. As visitators do, I have been travelling all over this diocese and could not write to you before now, despite being committed to writing to you and being of service to you in every way. So, you should know that, together with my household, I am getting along, though poorly. I have now received the letter [of my appointment as]

	Context:	Vitelleschi's letter of appointment as a royal counsellor had been late in arriving (see letters 105 and
		123).
	Subject:	Vitelleschi informs Piccolomini that the letter of appointment had now arrived, assures him of his
		gratitude and requests him to use his position at the imperial court to support the cause of the
		schismatic council in Basel and antipope Felix V.
	Bartolomeo, Bishop of Corneto, sends many greetings to Enea Silvio of Siena, eminent poet and
	distinguished friend.
	[1]
	1 SC, 235
	2 SC, 473-474
	3 DV, ff. 80r-80v
	4 DV, ff. 71r-72r 5 DV, f. 178v
	6 omit. WO
	7 visitatione HE, WO
	8 asssumpsi WO
	9 hinc inde add. M2, M3, V2a; hinc inde seq. V2b
	10 distolus WO
	11 omit. V3
	12 tanto tempore V4
	13 omit. V4
	14 domino add. M2, M3, V2a; domino seq. V2b
	15 recusam V4
	16 vices V3, V4
	17 fauctorem V4; favere WO
	18 nobis M3; valeas V4
	19 textus corruptus?

[START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF]

omit. WO

21

certum reddas : advises M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex advises V2b 22 omit. a royal counsellor, for which you laboured so much. It is dear and welcome to me, and it means more to me than most other things. For this, I give my profuse thanks first to the emperor for showing me such great kindness, and then to yourself and Jakob for undertaking this matter and bringing it to a happy conclusion. [In return], I shall never refuse to further your honour and advantagein as much as I can.

Letter to Kaspar Schlick (end of March 1444, Vienna).

  Insignem litteratumque militem Procopium de Rabenstein, quanti faciam quamque amem multis signis potuisti intelligere. Is nunc ecclesiam Budovicensem germano suo conferri petit. Episcopus alius Bohemus dicit eam sibi promissam. Mihi constat hunc episcopum non vacaturam sed vacantem8 impetrasse, et quia tunc non vacavit, vana fuit ejus impetratio, potestque regia majestas, ut vult, disponere. Mihi consultius videretur, {211v} Procopii fratrem quam illum episcopum promoveri. Multa sentio, quae scriptis nolo committere. Tu amas Procopium et ab eo amaris. Ideo non expedit me multa dicere. Si quid tamen preces meae valere pro eo possunt, scito omni conatu et integro corde ipsius me commodum cupere. You know from many signs how greatly I cherish and love Prokop von Rabstein 1 , distinguished and lettered knight. He now requests that the church in Budweiss 2 be conferred upon his brother. However, another Bohemian, a bishop, claims that this church has been promised to him. As far as I can see, the bishop requested [that church] as being vacant at the time, not as becoming vacant in the future, and since it was actually not vacant then, his request had no substance. Therefore, His Royal Majesty can dispose [of the benefice] as he wills. I consider it more advisable to promote Prokop's brother than the bishop, having heard much that I do not wish to commit to paper. You love Prokop and are loved by him. Therefore, I need not say much. But if my prayers can effect anything for him, please know that I wish intensely and with all my heart for his advancement.

	Editions: Context:	1 ; M3, ff. 176r-176v 2 ; V2, ff. 436-437 3 ; V3, ff. 211r-212r 4 **; V4, ff. 200v-201r. As a ranking member of the imperial chancery and the powerful chancellor's protegé, Piccolomini KO, 75 5 ; HE, 128, p. 265; WO, 1: 1, 128, pp. 297-298; (both based on V2). systematically used his influence to obtain clerical benefices (incomes) for his friends and for
		members of his household.
	Subject: {211r} Magnifico domino 6 Gaspari Sligk, imperiali cancellario, Aeneas Silvius salutem plurimam Piccolomini requests the parish of Budweiss for Prokop von Rabenstein's brother and another benefice for a member of his own household.
	dicit. 7
	Enea Silvio sends many greetings to His Magnificence, Lord Kaspar Schlick, imperial chancellor. [1] 1 SC, 129 [1]
	2 SC, 360-361
	3 DV, ff. 223v-224r
	4 DV, ff. 214r-215r 5 DV, f. 37r
	6 omit. WO
	7 Titulus: Eneas Silvius salutem plurimam dicit magnifico domino Gaspari Slick imperiali secretario M2, M3

[2]

Hospes noster vellet ad te proficisci tuoque auxilio praesentiam regis habere, si saltem triduo in Novacivitate rex sit mansurus. Quod si huc venturus sit, expectabitur ejus adventus. Tu velis me, quid fieri debeat, instructum facere.

[3] Dum Ţergesti essem praeterita hieme

9

, exposui majestati regiae inanes fuisse, quas per medium tuum pro meis familiaribus regias preces impetraveram, quia non erant verae collationes petiique alias preces, si locus vacans reperiretur. Annuit rex praesente Wilhelmo Tacz protonotario. Nunc dicit mihi Jacobus locum esse vacuum, quem in cedula tibi significo. Peto, ut permittas pro Johanne, familiari meo, ad collationem istam preces expediri, quia ex hoc magnum me 10 beneficium recepisse putabo, quamvis tot sint tua erga me merita, ut silere potius quam amplius petere debeam. Sed facio sicut rustici, qui, postquam vident se non posse obligationibus satisfacere, curant, ut obligationes ipsae quam maximae sint. Domini quoque id solent quaerere, ut {212r} servos suos quam obligatissimos habeant.

Vale et me tuum tuissimum facito. Ex Wienna, die 29. Junii 11 1444.

12 8

vacaturam sed vacantem : vacan-tem sed vacaturam HE

9

essem praeterita hieme : praeter-ita hieme forem M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex praeterita hieme forem V2b 10 omit. WO

11

Julii V4

12

Ex Wienna … 1444 omit. M2, M3 128.

Letter to Kaspar Schlick (end of March 1444, Vienna).

  2 From Vienna, 29 June 1444. Guido, tabellarius apostolicus, ad me hodie venit litterasque mihi ex Roma reddidit Johannis Campisi et Petri Noxetani, qui mihi ex tota humani generis societate sunt amicissimi. Hi venerabilem et ornatissimum virum Bartholomaeum Rovarellam9 , secretarium et cubicularium apostolicum, magnopere commendant, utque res suas juvem10 , non suadent tantum, sed cogunt. Quale negotium sit, non scio, sed id tuae magnificentiae scribitur tum per eundem Bartholomaeum, tum per alios. Audio illum tui germani causam toto conatu promovisse, dum res ecclesiae Frisingensis Romae tractabatur. Ajunt praeterea hunc esse apud summum pontificem magno loco virumque fore et litteris et virtutibus ornatum. Quibus ex rebus, si quid apud te roboris 11 meis inest

	Manuscripts:	M2, ff. 61r-61v 3 ; M3, ff. 176v-177r 4 ; V2, ff. 437-438 5 ; V3, ff. 212r-212v 6 **; V4, ff. 201r-201v.
	Editions:	KO, 76 7 HE, 129, pp. 265-266; WO, 1: 1 129, pp. 299-300; (both based on V2).
	{212r} Magnifico domino Gaspari Sligk, imperiali cancellario, Aeneas Silvius salutem plurimam
	dicit 8 .
	[1] SC, 129-130
	4 SC, 361-362
	5 DV, ff. 224r-224v
	6 DV, ff. 215r-215v 7 DV, f. 37r
	8 Titulus: Aeneas Silvius salutem plurimam dicit magnifico domino Gaspari Sligk imperiali cancel-lario M3
	9 de Rovarella M2, M3
	10 omit. V4 [blank space]
	11 arboris M2
	12 Amisconi V4

129. precibus, peto, rogo et supplex oro, ut rem hujus viri expeditam reddas, si modo est, quae possit impetrari. Nam et gratiam homini reddes bene merito et amicis meis, qui (212v} tui sunt servi, plus complacebis, quam si montes auri tradideris. Sic eos in hanc rem affectos video. Tuum est morem servare vetustum, qui felicitatem tuam soles in acquirendis amicitiis collocare. Recessum regis suumque transitum sicut jussisti et Hanusconi 12 et ceteris sociis significavi. Zeboldus in balneis est. Hospes dubius est, venturusne ad te sit. Ego dissuasi, quia et tu huc venturus es

13

. Ex Vienna, die 3 Julii 14 1444.

15

1 E.g., loans. 2 I.e., by Piccolomini's becoming totally indebted to his master, the chancellor.

3 13

venturus es : venire intendis M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex venire intendis V2b 14 Junii V3, V4

15

Ex Vienna … 1444: vale optime (etc) M2, M3 129.

Letter to Kaspar Schlick (end of March 1444 1 , Vienna).

  Guido, the apostolic messenger, came to me today and delivered letters to me from Giovanni Campisio and Pietro da Noceto in Rome, my closest friends of all men. They greatly recommend the venerable and most distinguished Bartolomeo Roverella, 2 apostolic secretary and chamberlain, and urge me, nay compel me to assist him in his affairs. I do not know what his business is, but both Bartolomeo himself and others will write to you about it. I hear that when the matter of the Church of Freising was treated in Rome, he strongly supported your brother's 3 cause. Moreover, they say he he has great influence with the Supreme Pontiff and is a man distinguished by his culture and qualities. Therefore, if my requests carry any weight with you, I ask, petition and humbly beg you to advance the request of this man if it is one that can be granted. Then you will both render a favour to this well-deserved man and please my friends, who are your servants, more than if you had given them mountains of gold.

	Context:	Piccolomini's friends in Rome had recommended Bartolomeo Rovella, a papal official, to him.
	Subject:	Piccolomini asks the chancellor to favour Roverella's matter.
	Enea Silvio sends many greetings to His Magnificence, Lord Kaspar Schlick, imperial chancellor.
	[1]

4

So much does this matter mean to them! Now, do keep your old old custom of gaining prosperity by acquiring friendships. I have informed Hanusco

5

and other associates of the king's departure and travel, as you required. Zeboldus 6 is in Baden. The guest is in in doubt whether to go to you.

7

I advised him against it since you will yourself be coming here.

From Vienna, 3 July 1444.

1

Concerning the date, see WO, 1: 1, p. 299.

2

Bartolomeo Roverella (1406-1476): Bishop of Adria, 15 July 1444. Archbishop of Ravenna from 1445 to his death. Appointed cardinal by Pius II in 1461

  HE, 130, pp. 266-267; WO, 1, 1: 130, pp. 300-301; (both based on V2).{308} Magnifico domino Gaspari Sligk cancellario Aeneas Silvius salutem plurimam dicit.4 [1] Cum recederes heri ex Vienna, putavi me hodie tuum iter secuturum, quia in Balneis me velle operiri dixeras. Hoc mihi voluptati erat, tum quod in Balneis recreor, tum quod5 tecum libentius quam usquam gentium sum. Sed advenit heri circa vesperam Hartungus noster, qui ait te hodie Novam Civitatem petiturum, sicut Chiemensis episcopus sibi dixerat, nam regia majestas omnino te visere cupiebat deque nonnullis conferre tecum. Quod, ut audivi, ratus sum non expedire me Balnea petere, quia sine te inutiles sumptus facerem. Reddidit enim me certum idem Hartungus me non inventurum tuam ibi magnifcentiam. Deliberaram 6 igitur hic remanere, donec aliud mihi significares. Interim venit ulcus, nescio quod, in sinistram tibiam, quo maxime crucior, et ab heri usque hodie mirum in modum crevit. Crus ipsum sinistrum a genu 7 in femur rubeum est et sanie 8 plenum. Oportet me uti emplastris. Nescio an infra triduum possim fieri robustus equitandique potens. Nunc nullatenus possum nisi supra dextrum pedem consistere. Mira res quam celeriter aegritudo venit quamque tarde recedit9 . Qui nunc sanus erat, in hora aegrotabit. Nihil sub caelo stabile, nihil securum. Spero tamen me non esse nunc ex his, qui diu jacent. Et quippe, si meum ad te iter tam necessarium quam voluntarium putavissem, mox equum ascendissem, etiam si una privatus tibia veniendum fuisset, quia libentius tecum cum uno pede forem quam cum duobus sine te. Si ergo mea praesentia ulla in re opus est, rescribe, quia omni {309} debilitate posthabita curabo ad te proficisci.[2] Iterum sicut tibi dixi de Simone, presbytero Missinensi, vicario apud Sanctum Michaelem, supplico, ut causam ejus recommissam habeas verbumque regi facias, ut is possit illic perseverare, quod esset illi ecclesiae admodum utile, nam aedes ruinam minantur, vineae incultae sunt, quia, cum rector non arbitratur se mansurum, rapit, quod potest, et cetera negligit. Hic vult domum reparare jamque ex amicorum subsidio certam in hoc opus pecuniam comparavit. Vult etiam vineas colere et agros reformare, sicuti jam coeperat. Itaque multum expediret illi ecclesiae hujus hominis confirmatio. Praepositus Sancti Stephani habet annuatim ex Sancto Michaele libras octo et quadraginta, sex 10 dantur aliis quibusdam. Pro vicario supersunt librae 40 vel circa, ex quibus tenetur quattuor capellanos habere, unum choralem, unum clericum, unum procuratorem et se nutrire. Itaque majores sunt expensae quam redditus. Sed hic homo, si continuetur, intendit vineas sic meliorare, ut fructus majores sint. Nec hoc novum est, quod aliquis illic perpetuetur, nam rex Albertus antecessorem istius11 vicarii perpetuum esse voluerat. Rogo igitur et supplico, ut tam pro

	bono illius ecclesiae quam meo intuitu, quia virum illum diligo, velis efficaciter regem orare, ut
	hunc perpetuet.
	1 SC, 128-129
	2 DV, ff. 159v-160r 3 DV, f. 35r
	4 Titulus: Aeneas Silvius Magni-fico domino Gaspari Sligk cancel-lario salutem plurimam dicit M2
	5 ego add. M2
	6 deliberavi M2
	7 sinistrum a genu omit. M2
	8 sanio WO
	9 recedere M2
	10 omit. M2
	11 illius WO

  1] Yesterday, when you left Vienna, I intended to follow you since you had said you wanted me in Baden. I was glad about this because Baden is good for my health and I would rather be with you than anywhere else. But last evening, our Hartung 1 came and said the bishop of Chiemsee 2 had told told him you would be going to Neustadt 3 today since His Royal Majesty urgently wished to see you and consult with you on some matters. Hearing it, I decided not to go to Baden since without you there, I would incur superfluous expenses, for Hartung informed me that I would not find Your Magnificence there. So, I decided to stay here until you let me know otherwise. In the meantime, an ulcer developed on my left shinbone, which hurts terribly and has grown amazingly since yesterday. My left leg is inflamed from the knee to the thigh and full of pus. I have to use bandages. I don't know whether I will get well and be able to ride in three days. Right now, I can only stand on the right foot. It is incredible how quickly an illness arrives and how long it takes to leave. Nothing is stable under the sky, nothing safe. But I hope I am not one of those who must lie abed for long. Anyway, if I had thought that my going to you was as necessary as voluntary, I would immediately have mounted a horse, even if I had to come deprived of one leg, for I would rather be with you having one foot only than without you having two! So, if my presence is needed, please write, and I shall ignore my infirmity and come to you.

[2]

I beg you to reconsider the case I have told you about concerning Simon, a priest from Meissen

4

Letter to Kaspar Schlick (c. 23 March 1444, Vienna).

  V4Vale optime, et, nisi Norembergensis cura dietae nimium regem teque gravat, nonnihil mihi rescribe1 . Ex Vienna, 13. Junii 1444.2 At this time, the chancellor was occupied with the approaching Diet of Nürnberg and other urgent matters and was preparing for a court hearing on the matter of the See of Freising. Subject:Piccolomini again requests the chancellor's support of the vicar of Michaelerkirche. He also informs him that he has written an oration for him defending his brother's claim to the see of Freising.

	Context:	See letter 130.
	1 SC, 213
	2 SC, 127-128
	3 SC, 359-360
	4 DV, f. 178v
	5 DV, ff. 168v-169r. 6 DV, f. 36v
	7 Titulus: omit. M1; Aeneas Silvi-us salutem plurimam dicit magni-fico et generoso domino Gaspari cancellario
	imperiali M2, M3
	8 dominus add. M1
	9 M1 uses 2 nd pers. plural in address.
	10 exinde mihi : mihi exinde M1,
	11 ut M3
	12 meam V4
	13 dedi M3
	14 novam M2-M3
	15 cum dub. V2a; tum M1-M3
	16 hoc praemio : sic praemiari M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex sic praemiari V2b;
	17 magis M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex magis V2b
	18 vos M1
	19 sint M1
	20 mea sententia : mee sententie M3

21

em.; vos codd.

22

nec me novus omit.

1

rescribere V4 2 Ex Vienna … 1444 : omit. M1, M3; etc. M2 131.

Letter to the Bishop of Konstanz (c. April 1444, Wiener Neu- stadt).

  {238} Reverendo patri domino episcopo Constantiensi Aeneas Silvius6 et Michael7 , secretarii regii, regii, salutem plurimam dicunt8 . Reverende in Christo pater et domine.[1] Obtinuit superioribus diebus honorabilis Cincius9 10 a majestate regia primariarum precum litteras pro aliquo beneficio ecclesiastico sibi conferendo ad tuam 11 collationem spectante. Nunc vero cum eisdem litteris ad tuae paternitatis praesentiam proficiscitur, sperans in oculis tuis gratam promotionem invenire. Verum, quia idem Cincius 12 nobis perplurimum13 conversatus est nobisque14 retroactis temporibus obsequiosum se praebuit et acceptum, et eum semper honestum {239} et probum invenimus, non indignum putavimus has nostras litteras in ejus recommendationem tibi15 conscribere. Quapropter, licet non dubitemus paternitatem tuam tum16 intuitu virtutum suarum tum maxime ob reverentiam regiae celsitudinis benevolam sibi et affectam esse, rogamus tamen, ut etiam nostro intuitu Cincium ipsum recipias commendatum, ut per tui[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] favoris praesidia quam primum regiarum precum sortiri possit effectum. In qua re reputabimus specialem gratiam a tua paternitate recepisse18 , viceversa in nobis possibilibus ad vestra beneplacita nos offerentes.Datum in Novacivitate19 .

	HE, 132, pp. 268-269; WO, 1, 1: 132, pp. 303-304; (both based on M1 and V2).
	1 Marked "dimitte" in V2b
	2 SC, 112-113
	3 SC, 511-512
	4 DV, ff. 124v-125r 5 DV, f. 97r
	6 poeta add. M3
	7 de Phullendorff add. WO
	8 Reverendo … dicunt: episcopo Constantiensi, notarii imperiales M1
	9 nobis percarus add. M1
	10 N. M1
	11 M1 uses 2 nd pers. plural in ad-dress.
	12 N. M1
	13 plurimum M1
	14 nobis M3
	15 vestre paternitati M1
	16 cum WO
	17 te M3

18

paratus add. M1; paratos add. 19 in Novacivitate omit. M1, M3 132.

Letter to the Bishop of Konstanz (c. April 1444, Vienna).

  HE, 133, pp. 268-269; WO, 1, 1: 133, pp. 304-305; (both based on M1 and V2). Licet merita nostra nulla7 praecesserunt, quorum vigore petere a te 8 aliquid audere debeamus, quia tamen res justa est, pro qua intervenimus, et benignitatem tuam non ignoramus, fiduciam habemus, quod ea, quae quaerimus, libenter audies et libentius adimplebis. Quod autem poscimus hoc est: venit ad te9 Cincius 10 cum litteris regiis primariarum precum super aliquo beneficio ecclesiastico sibi conferendo ecclesiae tuae. Qui cum sit vir litteratus et bonis imbutus moribus, facile apud te, optimum patrem 11 , gratiam inveniet. Nos tamen cupimus, ut etiam nostrae sibi recommen-dationes prosint, cum eum diligamus et pro suis exigentibus meritis percarum habeamus. Rogamus itaque, ut nostro intuitu tuos sibi favores impendas, quod ipse sentiat litteras nostras ad effectum suae regiae gratiae consequendas12 non modicum profuisse, quam rem nobis ad praecipuam complacentiam recipiemus, parati econtra in omnibus possibilibus tibi et13 in communi et in particulari complacere.

	Context:	See letters and 137. According to Wolkan, this letter was originally (M1) addressed to the Chapter of
		Zofingen but in later versions (M3, V2) changed to a letter to the Bishop of Konstanz. 1
	Subject:	As letter 132.
	{242} Notarii Romanae regiae cancellariae reverendo patri episcopo Constantiensi domino suo
	salutem plurimam dicunt. 6
	[1] Datum Novacivitate 14 15 .
	1 Marked "dimitte" in V2b 2 SC, 113
	3 SC, 512
	4 DV, ff. 126v-127r 5 DV, f. 97r
	6 Titulus: eadem M1
	7 ulla M3, V2a
	8 M1 use 2 nd pers. plural in address.
	9 add. honorabilis M1
	10 N. M1
	11 optimum patrem : optimos patres M1
	12 consequendum M1, M3
	13 omit. M1
	14 omit. M3

15

Datum Novacivitate: omit. M1 133.

Giovanni Campisio (8 April 1444, Rome).

  Eram animo nimium7 perturbato, cum mihi8 hodie mane ad scalas9 basilicae principis apostolorum Noxetanus noster litteras tuas restitueret praesente Conte nostro Senensi, unico vitae meae et angustiarum mearum solatio atque refugio. Illis lectis non potui non 10 hilaris per id temporis fieri, tum quod ex aliis tuis ex Sancto Vito ad vigesimum sextum11 Decembris ad me litteris dubius factus extiteram, ne meae et Noxetani ad te litterae minime pervenissent, tum quod propter scripta tua eum te mihi attulerunt, quem semper optime novi. Nam et amicitiam tuam solidam esse ostendisti et libertatem loquendi inter nos, ut libet, constitutam esse probe atque egregie declarasti. Ex ipsa quoque verborum tuorum copia et12 facilitate ac rerum pondere, quas nescio an dicam gravius an ornatius {106r} an potius modo utroque attigisti, exhibitus es mihi rhetor et poeta nobilissimus, dehinc gravis quidam doctissimusque philosophus. Cum iterum atque iterum13 epistolam tuam relegissem, quin immo -ut unum dicam, quod forte ridebis -prophetam te certis14 in locis epistolae de me ipso affirmare possem, quorum locorum prophetiam libenter aperirem, si omnia tam litteris mandare quam coram explicare liceret. Habeo enim, quae -ut verbo tuo utar -mihi expuenda essent, quae tamen apud Noxetanum non expuere non potero, quocum officium et omnes horas dicere15 et licet et juvat. Nosti enim, quam sit in celebrando officio et libens et religiosus.[2] Librum Politicorum, ut alias ad te scripsi, Senis inveneram, sed Romae nondum invenire venalem potui, etsi non cesso illi inveniendo exactissima diligentia intendere, quod mihi credas, velim. Non est certe Romae illa librorum venalium copia, quae Florentiae fuit, gentilium praesertim et16 horum maxime, quorum est nova Aretini traductio. Tu tantum certo habe me voti tui implendi gratia non quieturum, nisi faxim, ut librum hunc, quam primum licuerit, habeas. Et quia difficilimum experior, invenire venditorem, nec etiam facile est habere, qui illum mihi nisi ad breve tempus commodet, statui scriptorem 17 invenire, qui librum ipsum veloci manu, bona tamen littera M2 transcribat et transcriptum Mediolanum mittam ad Sigherium {106v} vel 1 Antonium, ut jubes, aut per aliam viam illum ad te deferri curabo, quemadmodum Johanni Tolner melius videbitur.

	Manuscripts:	M2, ff. 116r-117r 1 ; M3, ff. 247v-249r 2 ; V2, ff. 221-227 3 ; V3, ff. 105v-109r 4 **; V4, ff. 94r-97v.
	Editions:	KO, 175 5 ; HE, 134, pp. 270-273; WO, 1, 1: 134, pp. 305-309; (both based on V2).
	{105v} Johannes Campisius 6 Aeneae Silvio, poetae doctissimo ac serenissimi domini regis
	Romanorum secretario, salutem plurimam dicit.
	[1] 1 SC, 239-241
	2 SC, 501-504
	3 DV, ff. 116r-119r
	4 DV, ff. 108v-112r 5 DV, f. 166r
	6 domino add. M2-M3, V2a; domino seq. V2b
	7 nimis WO
	8 nichil M3
	9 maximae add. M2
	10 omit. V3, V4
	11 XXVII. M3
	12 omit. M3
	13 atque iterum omit. M2
	14 caeteris V4
	15 licere V4
	16 aut M3

[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF]

ipsum add.

134. Letter from Giovanni Campisio (8 April 1444, Rome).

  February and finished on 8 April. It answers Piccolomini's letters of 15. January and 18. February (letters 117 and 126). Subject: Campisio acknowledges receipt of Piccolomini's last letter, tells him of the progress in the matter of Aristotle's Politica, informs him of the situation of his friends and his personal prospects, and ensures him of the benevolence of Cardinal Berardi di Tagliacozzo.

	Context:	This letter was begun on 7

  6 professus 7 est. Contes noster, quam jucunde litteras tuas totas legerit, et de te quam avide audiverit, quantoque in sermone de te8 fuerimus, non est, ut ultra tibi aperiam, quandoquidem jam tibi per me cognitum extat unam esse illius et meam more Aristophanis9 animam. Vegii nostri fortuna, si ad eum spectes, aut admodum tenuis est aut nulla. Si ad tempora {107r} nostra, quibus vere, ut scribis, dicere possumus, esurit intactam Paridi, ni vendat Agaven, eam vel magnam dices vel miram. Nam praeter id, quod sacras summi pontificis aedes et quadram colit, datarius est, quod munus tamen haud est illi lucrosum volenti se, quod constanter facit, bonum virum conservare. Quae res facit, ut ex eo officio neque ditior neque dives fiat. Emolumenti tamen aliquid habet, quod breviator est et novissime Sancti Petri in urbe canonicus factus extitit.[6] Haec, ut dixi ad hominem,10 parva sunt verumtamen tanta, ut majora sint, quam quae ipse post tot ac tantos tamque varios tot annorum labores mereri11 potuerim, qui nihil certe praeter dedecus et rerum omnium, quibus reliquam vitam tueri possim, tenuitatem, ne dicam indigentiam possideo, quo nemo certe 12 est13 philosophior, si modo philosophi est, bonorum externorum omnino nihil habere. Ex his et ex principio epistolae, ubi me fuisse "animo nimis perturbato affirmavi", scio, negaveris me esse philosophum. Et recte, nam etsi sapientum amator sim, et mihi placeat ipsa sapientia, et philosophorum 14 studia me aliquando delectarint ac delectarent, si mihi adessent facultates, tantum tamen15 abest, ut me philosophum censeri ab ullo, etiam abs te, velim, ut nihil a me magis sit alienum, neque illam Stoicorum aut Peripateticorum sapientiam attigisse me ulla ex M2 parte experior, ut vel nulla 1 , quod Stoicorum est, vel moderata, quod Peripateticorum, {107v} animi animi perturbatio mentem attingat 2 . Sum enim de numero mortalium, quorum, ut quidam poeta apud Ciceronem inquit, nemo est, quem non 3 attingat egestas morbusque.

	1 mutuo M2
	2 certe WO
	3 aptissime M2-M3,V2a, V4; corr. ex aptissime V2b
	4 moderare M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex moderare V2b
	5 omit. V3
	6 se esse : sese M3
	7 profectus est M2
	8 omit. M3
	9 Aristophani V3
	10 Johannem M2
	11 vereri V4
	1 ulla M3
	2 attingit M3
	3 omit. M2

12

praeter dedecus … certe omit. M2

13

omit. M3 14 et recte … philosophorum omit. V4 15 omit.

  paucos dies, decrevi, ut librum ipsum Politicorum potius habeas, qualemcumque ipse habere possum16 et id quam cito, quam nimium differendo expectationem tuam vehementem et honestissimam {108r} offendere. Itaque a 17 cardinali de Columna 18 exemplar habui et scriptorem satis eruditum inveni, qui celeriter, ut fidem dedit, opus hoc absolvet. Absolutum curabo adjutorio Tolner, qui nuntios patriae novit et mores, ut quam primum illud

  credi possit posse me certius quam antea sperare. Sed vale, nam dum 1 tecum libenter loquor ineptus 2 , ineptias 3 ineptissime 4 , tibi homini aptissimo scribo, verum dabis familiaritati nostrae et meae de te fiduciae veniam. M2[7] I read with pleasure about the affairs of the legate 1 and the Hungarian army [fighting] the Turks.However, what we have heard about the city of Sophia being reduced to ashes is already old and confirmed news. There is also a rumour here, not yet confirmed, that Adrianople, 2 the Grand Turk's 3 main city this side of the sea,4 has been conquered, that his son 5 has been captured, and that that the Turks are fleeing so [desperately] that they have not yet stopped! Maybe the same rumor is now flying where you are. Da Noceto writes to you. Farewell.

	responsa, ut Romae, die 29. Martii 5 6 .
	Rome, 7 February 1444.
	3 habebimus M2
	4 certe M3
	5 reversos M3
	6 faciet V4
	7 omit. M3
	8 scripsit V4
	9 anno add. HE, WO
	10 die 7. … 1444 omit. M2
	11 diei or dici M2
	12 uti de M2
	13 omit. V3
	14 obtunderim M2, M3, V4
	15 vale M2
	16 possim V4
	17 reverendissimo domino add. M2, M3, V2a; reverendissimo do-mino seq. V2b
	18 Calumnia V4
	19 illuc M3
	20 qui nuntios … illud omit. V4 1 diu M2
	21 qua M3 2 inepte WO
	22 tenet WO 3 ineptius M3
	23 facta M3 4 ineptissimi V4
	24 attenus V4 5 omit. V4
	25 ceras

1 reverendissimi domini add. M2, M3, V2a; reverendissimi domini seq. V2b; 2 Teucros et passim M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex Teucros et passim V2b 6 Romae … Martii omit.

  curaret, redditae fuerunt mihi6 litterae tuae date in Labaco Vindelico, ut scribis, oppido 18. Februarii7 . Quod Quod de libro Politicorum Aristotelis scire optas, ex litteris meis praesentibus intelliges. Ex hac cedula mortem Leonardi Aretini accipies et 8 in ejus officii locum suffectum esse Poggium apud illam Florentinorum democratiam.[12] Placuit mihi, et bene a te factum est, quod de receptis bullis9 ecclesiae Frisingensis et de futuro futuro optimo imperialis cancellarii animo, cum id rediens rescierit, aliquod graviter certe scripsisti, laudata etiam summi pontificis et sacri senatus liberalitate. Fui itaque in ea apud10 dominum meum. Is te vehementer de multis laudavit et cupere se dixit re ipsa ostendere, quam sit plurimum virtuti tuae affectus, et quam grato gerat animo, quod illum constanter amas. Quare si quidquam ex eo cupis, fac ut sciat: invenies te apud illum non parvum neque postremum locum tenere. Et quoniam jubes, cavebo summopere pro viribus, ne legem nostrae taciturnitatis observem, praesertim quod et scite 11 multum 12 rationem adjecisti, cur a me servari non debeat.Vale. Datum13 Romae, feria 3. post diem palmarum, qua die litteras tuas accepi.14 [13] Ex Conte nostro infinitas et gratias et salutes habe. Apud {109r} Vegium nondum fui. Ad Noxetanum nostrum nunc pergo, ut ab eo litteras ad te capiam, si paratas habuerit, quas cum his meis ad te mittam. Vale iterum. Non potest non prodesse mihi, cum ad me scripseris, ut in litteris tuis aliquid adjicias verborum, quibus veluti calcaribus quibusdam herus meus ad mihi benefaciendum urgeri15 a te velle videatur, etsi optimo sit erga me16 animo.[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF]

	1 omit. V3, V4
	2 habet M3
	3 ut supra omit. WO
	4 Datum … 1444 omit. M2
	5 differri M3
	6 omit. V3
	7 18. Februarii omit. M2
	8 ut V4
	9 omit. M2
	10 reverendissimum add. M2, M3, V2a; reverendissimum seq. V2b
	11 scire M3; si te V4
	12 multam HE, WO

135. Letter to Johann von Lupfen (9 April 1444, Wiener Neustadt).

	Manuscripts:	M1, ff. 107r-108r; M2, ff. 54r-55r 1 ; M3, ff. 261v-262v 2 ; V2, ff. 269-273 3 ; V3, ff. 127r-129r 4 **; V4,
		V4, ff. 113r-114v.
	Editions:	KO, 125 5 ; HE, 135, pp. 274-276; WO, 1: 1, 135, pp. 310-312; (both based on M1 and V2).
	Translations:	BA, 4, pp. 25-27; WI, pp. 288-292 [large extract].

135. Letter to Johann von Lupfen (9 April 1444, Wiener Neustadt).

  1] In scriptis veterum tria invenio, quae nostri partim negligunt, partim assequi non valent: elegantiam enim et gravitatem sententiarum, quibus vetusti codices redolent, nequeunt nostri saeculi homines imitari. Quod usitatissimum aevo priori fuit, allocutiones singulares enuntiare et se in epistolarum capite ponere possent nostri, sed supina quadam ignorantia decepti, dum11 blandiri volunt, omnem orationis textum confundunt. "Vos, precor," inquiunt, "vobis supplico, Caesar, vestram majestatem appello, vestrum officium imploro, vestram clementiam obtestor, reddite judicium inopi, judicate potentem, meam {127v} calamitatem respicite, nemo vos magis quam justitia moveat, Caesar", et in hunc modum infinita. Hoc et mihi facere liceret, sed veterem morem magis commendo, et cum summos illos imitari sapientes in eloquentiae atque philosophiae studiis nequeam, in hac certe parte ipsorum vestigiis inhaerebo, ideoque te, quamvis claro sanguine cretus et multa doctrina sis fretus, singulari appellatione saluto. Et sicut Julio Caesari scribens Cicero se anteponebat, sic et tu aequo animo feres Aeneam tuum in ipso primo epistolae angulo intueri, quia non arrogantis est, sed veteres imitantis, quorum ignorantiam modernorum scientiae praefero.[2] Nunc quid ex te velim paucis accipe12 . Retulit mihi vir mitis et mihi amicissimus, immo alter ego, Michael Pfullendorfius13 , te pluribus libris abundare, quorum nomina etiam mihi praescripsit. Inter illos nonnulli sunt, quos visere cupio, non quod antea non perlegerim, sed quod diu illis carui. Et sicut amicus post14 magnam temporis intercapedinem avidus est amici videndi, sic mihi cupiditas est contubernales illos meos, quibus nimium privatus fui, in domum recipere et per aliquod tempus esse cum eis. Hoc potest mihi praestare humanitas tua, ut me Michael 15 instruxit. Est enim apud te Ovidius de Tristibus, de Arte amandi et Amoris remedio, Terentius quoque comicus et Jeronimus in Epistolis, quos tam {128r} expeto relegere, quam nunc paschalem adesse diem, ut, piscibus atque oleribus et oleo semotis, vesci carnibus possim. Quod desiderium, si tua benignitas implerit, magno me tibi nexu retinebis obnoxium. Erubesco, dum sic scribo, namque cum nulla inter nos usura praecesserit nullaque notio, temerarium quodammodo videtur me beneficium ex te petere. Quisquis enim poscere 1 aliquid cupit, cupit, ante omnia sese debet metiri et, an impetratu sit dignus, rigida trutinare censura, ne postulatis 2 postulatis 2 carens et damno et irrisione mulctetur. Sed neque hoc ego praetermisi. Sunt enim nonnullae rationes, quae mihi spem faciunt te meis votis annuiturum, quas breviter tibi 3 exponam, ne me temere atque inconsulte motum judices. After an introduction where Piccolomini motivates his use of the singular in addressing (even) highranking persons and placing oneself first in an epistolary salutation, he requests a loan of books (classical authors) from the count and offers to lend him his own books in return.

	[3] Context:	In Siena and Basel, Piccolomini had had relatively easy access to books, but classical book
		collections were evidently not much prized at the imperial court, so, by now, he was starving for
		classical literature.
	Subject:
	1 SC, 115-117
	2 SC, 527-529
	3 DV, ff. 140r-142r
	4 DV, ff. 130r-132r
	5 DV, f. 100v
	6 poeta add. M1-M3, V2a; poeta seq. V2b
	7 imperialisque M1-M3, V2
	8 imperialis secretarius : etc. M1
	9 et generoso domino add. M1-M3, V2a; et generoso domino seq. V2b
	10 domino suo add. M1-M3, V2a; domino suo seq. V2b
	11 cum WO
	12 omit. M3
	13 etc. M1
	14 pius WO
	15 omit. M3

  But I have certainly thought of that! Several reasons give me hope that you will accede to my request, and I shall explain them briefly lest you judge me to be acting rashly and inadvisedly.[4] Omnes, qui libros cumulant, aut oblectari illis et fieri legendo peritiores cupiunt aut videri amatores sapientiae volunt, ut transeuntes per viam digitulis monstrentur. Hi sunt, qui magnas et pretiosas habent bibliothecas, in quorum pluteis4 Aristoteles, Plato, Cicero, Seneca, Virgilius, Livius, Plinius et omnis vetustas delitescit. Priores quidem, ut gaudium perfectum habeant, opuscula communicant, commodant et in commodatum recipiunt, transcribi permittunt et tanto magis exultant, quanto vulgatiora sapientum virorum volumina conspicantur. Alii vero tamquam thesaurum libros 5 recondunt et corrodi potius tinea et opicis muribus, quam in apertum {128v} dare dare velint, nec tam diligenter vellus aureum draco custodiebat aut aditum Orci 6 Cerberus 7 , quam isti suos libros, quorum dumtaxat marginibus et aureis bullis oblectantur, numquam quid interius sit aut legentes aut intelligentes. Huic etiam placebis, et is vadem cum domino Wilhelmo 1 , tui observantissimo, se dabit libros {129r} non ituros esse sinistrorsum 2 sed ad te pura fide remeaturos.[6] Addo et tertium, quoniam mihi etiam 3 libri 4 sunt, quorum te potero, cum voles, participem facere, et sic vicissim tu meis uteris codicibus 5 et ego perfruar tuis. Ut ergo finem epistolae donem, credo me non esse stulta petitione usum, si id postulo, quod moribus tuis est consentaneum concedere, si tute mihi potes annuere, si tua etiam in eo versatur6 utilitas, si non solum meam, sed etiam Michaelis, amantissimi tui, commoditatem promoveo. Tu fac, ut ratione potius obtineam quam caeca fortuna repellar mihique uti mancipio impera.

	Datum in Novacivitate Austriae, 5. idus Aprilis 1444 7 8 .
	bibliothecis glossa interlin. M1
	5 omit. M3
	6 inferni glossa interlin. M1 1 domino Wilhelmo: et add. M1; Titio M2, M3, V2-V4 7 canis infernalis glossa interlin. M1 2 seorsum HE, WO 8 claudes M3 3 mihi etiam : etiam mihi M3 9 honestum corr. ex homines M3 4 pura fide … libri omit. V4 10 litteras ad te : ad te litteras M2 5 opusculis M1-M3, V2 11 observareque M1; obsecrarique WO 12 et M3 6 versetur M1
	13 hoc M3
	14 omit. M3

[5]

Quod si tu ex his esses, numquam vel tibi scribere vel te alloqui temptassem. Sed ajunt omnes, qui te norunt, similem illis prioribus esse, qui poetas et oratores non ut in taetro carcere claudas

8

, sed ut ad tuam et communem utilitatem publices, emere congregareque studes. Ajunt praeterea te fore in omnibus rebus liberalem, benignum, munificum et cum in omnes homines

9

tum in eos, qui tuorum studiorum amatores sunt, largum atque beneficum. His ergo allectus moribus decrevi has meas litteras ad te 10 dare teque hortari, rogare obsecrareque

11

, ut per aliquod tempus in usum meum oratores et poetas, quos praescripsi, venire permittas, quoniam ad te nihilo pejores revertentur, sed potius per ridentia prata et floridos agros verno tempore transeuntes mecum postquam confabulati aliquantisper fuerint, tamquam recreati alacriores te repetent, quia nullus est tam gratus locus, nulla societas tam jucunda, cujus non aliquando emergat satietas. Missos igitur illos fac, ut non solum mihi, sed ut

12

ipsis etiam geras morem. Ad haec

13

accedit Michaelis, quae apud te est

14

familiaritas.

1

Ovidius, Publius Ovidius (40-17 BCE): Roman poet.

2

Jeronimus [Eusebius Sophronius Hieronymus] (c. 342-420): Latin priest, theologian, historian. Doc-tor of the Church.

3

Meat was not eaten during Lent.

4 7

In Novacivitate … 1444 omit. M1, M2

8

Austriae … 1444 omit. M3

Letter to Giovanni Peregallo (18 April 1444, Wiener Neustadt).

  Veteres sunt apud me litterae tuae, quibus non respondi, quoniam nunc in Styria, nunc in Carinthia, nunc in Carniola inter medios barbaros saevasque nationes constitutus, nunc apud Histriam et super oras Superi Maris cum Tergestinis versatus, nullum habui, cui committere litteras possem ad te perferendas. Nunc quia nuntius datur Basileam petiturus, statui nonnihil ad te scribere, ut et me vivum scias et sospitem ac {179v} tui memorem. Nec enim possum 8 oblivisci tui, semperque tua dulcis imago menti haeret meae. Habe igitur has ex me litteras et illum timorem, quem de adventu familiaris tui indueras, abjice. Nihil est enim, quod 9 amplius illinc vereare. Vidi eum sanumque 10 vidi11 , apud quem tui causa visus amice sum. Vult ejus socius, quantum intelligo, vos revisere, ipse manere decrevit. Ego utrique abitum persuasi, at ubi non profeci12 , liberum dimisi arbitrium, quia nihil juvat calcibus murum tundere aut eos 13 ventis dare14 . Fiat quod eis placet, nihil est quod ad15 damnum vergat. Tuus ille frater cautus est sibique magis quam voluptati vivit nec breve gaudium longe praeponit utilitati. Tu te mirarere16 , si hominem cerneres. Si quando combibit, nihil periculi est. Nemus magnum est Viennae multaeque inter diversas quercus ad fontem sunt viae, obloqui potest aliquis, eloqui non potest. Haec tuis dictis amicitiae et monitorum[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] plenis dicta18 esse volo, quantum famulo conveniunt.

	136. Letter
	Manuscripts:	M1, ff. 89v-90r; M2, ff. 55r-55v 1 ; M3, ff. 262v-263v 2 ; V2, ff. 273-276 3 ; V3, ff. 179r-180v 4 **; V4,
		V4, ff. 114v-116r.
	Editions:	KO, 61 5 ; HE, 136, pp. 276-277; WO, 1: 1, 136, pp. 312-314; (both based on M1 and V2).
	Translations:	RE, 43, pp. 187-189.
	{179r} Aeneas Silvius 6 Johanni Peregallo, scriptori apostolico, fratri amantissimo, salutem plurimam dicit. 7
	[1] 1 SC, 117-118
	2 SC, 529-531
	3 DV, ff. 142r-143v
	4 DV, ff. 132r-133v 5 DV, f. 31r
	6 poeta add. M1, M3, V2a; poeta seq. V2b
	7 Titulus: Dominus Eneas Johanni Peregallo scriptori apostolico. A-mantissime frater add. M1
	8 possem M3
	9 omit. M2
	10 esse add. M1-M3
	11 cognovi M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex cognovi V2b
	12 perfeci M2
	13 res M3; omit. HE, WO
	14 verba add. M1
	15 in HE, WO
	16 mirabere WO
	17 monitorio V3, V4
	18 omit. M2

11

I am yours to command. Given in Neustadt, 9 April 1444.

136.

to Giovanni Peregallo (18 April 1444, Wiener Neustadt).

	Context:	Peregallo had sent Piccolomini a letter 1 on various matters.
	Subject:

  . Ego nullum faciam pluris, quam tenear21 . {180v} Tu vale et mihi saepe scribe meque saepe visita, quia nihil est, quod tuis scriptis in oculis meis extet acceptius. Andream Panigalium22 et Jacobum Cerverium23 ac Omnebonum24 nostrum tam affectuose25 meo nomine jube salvere, quam me scis illos amare.

	6 ut HE, WO
	7 omit. V3
	8 oro WO
	9 omit. V3
	10 meis WO
	11 satis eis est, quod bonam spem facio M1-M3, V2a; satis eis est, quod bonam spem facio seq. V2b
	12 sum ejus animi : ejus animi sum M2
	13 illud M1, M2
	14 omit. M3
	15 omit. M3
	16 de add. M1-M3, V2a; de seq. V2b
	17 obtinet V4
	18 in illum : nullum M3
	19 facere M1
	20 corr. ex indigni V3; indigni V4, M3
	21 me putem teneri M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex me putem teneri V2b

Gasparem Novariensem arbitror cum avunculo repatriasse. Si tamen istic sit, ne meae salutationis expers maneat, facito. Vale. Ex 26 Novacivitate, die 18. Aprilis 1 1444 2 . 1 vos add. M1-M3, V2a; vos seq. V2b 2 exauditos M1-M3, V2a; exauditos seq. V2b 3 em.; mei codd. 4 reverendissimo domino meo add. M1-M3, V2a; reverendis-simo domino meo seq. V2b; 5 mihi corr. ex veri M2; vere WO 22 omit. M1; de Panegalis M2-M3, V2a; corr. ex de Panegalis V2b 23 omit. M1; de Cerveriis M2-M3, V2a; corr. ex de Cerveriis V2b 24 omne bonum M2, M3, V3, V4

Letter to the Bishop of Konstanz (1 May 1444, Vienna).

  Viros bonos et litterarum amatores tuae dignationi dilectos esse nequaquam ambigimus, quia similis est amare similem et omnis probus afficitur probis, nec virtus potest non placere virtuti. Hoc facit, ut Johannem Cilium9 , qui tuo indiget 10 auxilio, non multis tibi verbis recommendemus11 . Nam Nam cum sit ille probitate plenus et omni ex parte laudandus, satis in se praesidii habet ad tuum favorem nanciscendum nec 12 recommendatione 13 nostra magnopere indiget. Ne tamen in suis necessitatibus verba sibi 14 nostra defuisse arbitretur, scire te volumus magni beneficii loco nos suscepturos, quidquid in eum te boni contulisse percepimus15 . Amamus enim hunc et in16 amicitia nostra tertium habemus, nec sibi quisquam {149v} prodesse potest, quin et 17 is nobis gratificetur. Non tam Pilades Orestem aut Perithoum Theseus dilexit, quam nos in alterutrum18 servamus amorem. miscere, juva 3 hunc amicum nostrum et fac, ut nostras preces4 illi sentiamus fuisse proficuas. Quod si feceris, ut de tua humanitate confidimus, non solum illum et nos tibi obligabis, sed imperialis etiam fastigii erga te gratiam efficies proniorem5 .

	Context:	See letters 132 ad 133.	2 ; V2, ff. 311-312 3 ; V3, ff. 149r-149v 4 **; V4, ff. 132r-
	132v. KO, 71 5 ; HE, 137, p. 278; WO, 1: 1, 137, pp. 314-316; (both based on M1 and V2). A (probably) formulaic letter requesting the support of the local bishop in cases where an imperial Vale. Ex Vienna, kalendis Maji 1444 6 . Editions: Subject: appointee to an ecclesiastical benefice could not gain possession because another person was already
		in possession.
	{149r} Aeneas Silvius 6 et Michael Pfullendorf 7 salutem plurimam dicunt et sese dedunt reverendo
	in Christo patri et illustri principi, domino 8 Conrado, episcopo Constantiensi.
	[1] 1 SC, 127
	2 SC, 359
	3 DV, ff. 161v-162r
	4 DV, ff. 152r-152v 5 DV, f. 36r.
	6 poeta add. M2-M3, V2a; poeta seq. V2b
	7 etc. M1; Phullendorfius V4
	8 omit. WO
	9 Cilum M2; omit. M1; Cincium WO
	10 eget M3
	11 commendemus V3, V4
	12 omit. V3
	13 commendatione V4
	14 sic M3
	15 perceperimus M1, V3; pre-cerimus V4
	16 omit. V4
	17 ex V4
	18 in alterutrum : inter nos V3, V4 1 omit. V4
	19 omit. M2, M3 2 musto M3, V4
	20 fortassis M3 3 uina V4
	21 suscepisse V4 4 nostras preces : preces nostras M3
	22 nil V4 5 promereri M2, M3
	23 illis V4

[2]

Huic regia munificentia primariarum precum

19

jus praebuit capitulumque Zofingense tuae diocesis pro eo rogatum fecit jamque in canonicum est receptus. Praebendam autem assequi non potest, quoniam alius sibi impedimento est. Habet igitur honorem absque commodo. Alius forsitan

[START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF]

libentius commodum absque honore suscepisset

21

, quia vulgus utilitatem praefert honori. Vera tamen philosophia nihil

22

utile censet, quod non sit honorificum. Utcumque sit, noster Johannes optat honori suo misceri commodum, quia caduca res est mundialis honor, nisi pecunia sustentetur. Tu ergo, qui illic

23

episcopus es, in cujus manu calix est 1 mixto 2 plenus, quique potes ex hoc in hoc hoc

6

ex … 1444 : etc. M2; omit. M1, M3 137.

Letter to Juan Carvajal (20 May 1444, Vienna).

  Accepi cupide te9 Germaniam repetisse, quia et te revisere spero, quocum10 loquor et convivo libenter, quamvis inter nos saepe de rebus ecclesie concertatio sit. Illa namque non pertinax aut rancida est, sed qualis inter philosophos esse consuevit, {181v} qui non ut appareant, sed ut inveniant verum, disputant. Nec rursus ego is sum, qui me velim hujusce divisionis principem facere. Theologorum est haec disputatio, mihi satis sentire fuerit, quod plures senserint.

	; V2, ff. 316-317 4 ; V3, ff. 181r-182r 5 **; V4, ff. HE, 139, pp. 280-281; WO, 1: 1, 139, pp. 318-319; (both based on M1 and V2). 134r-134v. ME, 23, pp. 113-114; RE, 44, pp. 189-190; WI, pp. 192-195. {181r} Reverendo patri domino Johanni 6 Carvajal, jurisconsulto et apostolici palatii causarum Editions: Translations: auditori, Aeneas Silvius 7 salutem plurimam dicit. 8 In two (non-extant) letters, Pope Eugenius' envoy, Juan Carvajal, had asked chancellor Schlick and Piccolomini, respectively, what they thought would happen at the approaching Diet of Nürnberg, summoned to settle the church schism. [1] Context: Subject:

[2]

Petis ex me de cursu dietae ut, quid sperem, tibi renuntiem. Satisfacit desiderio tuo, quantum potest, cancellarius.

11

Me nec scire neque

12

significare plus eo

13

fas est. Si me tamen divinare vis, quia poetarum est praesagia scribere, pauca subjungam. Ego tibi, ut verum fatear, non puto dietam hanc aliis esse steriliorem. Scis, quid hoc verbo sentiam. Fecundae sunt omnes dietae, quaelibet in ventre alteram habet. Apud Arabes avis est Phoenix, carminibus poetarum illustris. Haec dum sibi fatum instare sentit -500 enim et 40 annis vivitrogos suos instruit thymiamis

14

, ex cujus cineribus mox altera surgit, et semper unica Phoenix est. Tu hoc, ut vis, accipe. Annis jam pluribus dietas habemus, nec statim finis.

139.

to Stefano Caccia de Fara (20 May 1444, Vienna).

  3] Presently, affairs are turbulent: some are happy with the state of neutrality since it provides new hunting [grounds], whereas those who have gained [illegal] possession [of ecclesiastical benefices] reject [church] union because they are unwilling to return them to the rightful possessors. I have seen and heard the serpent1 2 of whom you were suspicious, and he proved to be just as I thought. Unless you have an antidote, you will perish if it bites you. Even Mithridates3 would barely be safe against this poison. Now you know what I expect and what I can say without neglect of duty. Reversus ex Vindeliciis inveni munera, quae mihi Wiennam Barbatus ex te detulerat, tam pretiosa, ut mittente magis quam recipiente sint digna. Mos hic Alexandri fuit, qui dona semper ex se 6 metiebatur. Ago itaque tibi gratias, quamquam ferre tale ornamentum, ubi mos non est, minime deceat. Scias, quia non regiones nobis aptandae sunt, sed nos ipsos 7 regionibus conformes reddere 8 reddere 8 debemus. Ego tibi ad haec versus Mediolanum scripseram, quia te reliquisse concilium rumor erat. Nunc vero admonitus Peregalli litteris Basileae te esse 9 didici 10 , quod mihi eo gratius est, quo te possum meis scriptis saepius visitare, quoque id tibi et honorabilius {131r} et utilius puto, quia frugifer illic campus est et pauci messores, et quamquam plures essent, tibi tamen priores semper debentur partes.

	140. Letter Manuscripts: M2, f. 55v 1 ; M3, ff. 173r-173v 2 ; V2, ff. 276-277 3 ; V3, ff. 130v-131r 4 **; V4, ff. 116r-116v. 140. Letter
	Editions:	HE, 140, pp. 281-282; WO, 1: 1, 140, pp. 319-320; (both based on V2).
	Farewell, and if you can love people who do not agree with you in all things, then love me, too. 4 {130v} Aeneas Silvius 5 , Stephano Caciae Novariensi, jurisconsulto, salutem plurimam dicit.
	From Vienna, 20 May 1444. [1] Vale et amicis salutes 18 dicito, domino 19 vero me commenda. Ex Wienna, 27. Maji 1444. 20
	1 SC, 118
	2 SC, 354-355
	3 DV, ff. 143v-144r
	4 DV, ff. 133v-134r
	5 poeta domino add. M2-M3, V2a; poeta domino seq. V2b
	6 semper ex se : ex se semper M3
	7 ipsis WO
	8 conformes reddere : conformare M2-M3, V2a; corr. ex conforma-re V2b
	9 fore M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex fore V2b
	10 percepi M2-M3, V2a; corr. ex percepi V2b
	11 scis non : non scis M3
	12 velim frui : frui velim WO
	13 animis M2, V2-V4,	Hoc scio et
	hoc vobis notum facio dominum nostrum regem dietim se instrue-re, ut ad dietam ascendat inten-ditque germanum 14 conari tui : tui conari M2
	suum, ducem Albertum, et patruelem ducem Si-gismundum, secum ducere. Diem certam recessus praescribere ne-queo, 15 qui WO
	16 omit. M2, M3, V2a; add. interlin. V2b;
	17 petam M2, M3
	18 salutem WO
	19 dominis 2-M3, V2-V4
	20 Ex … 1444: M3

sed omnis apparitio fit, ut quantocies iter sumatur. Quid au-tem impedierit celeriorem reces-sum, dicam vobis, cum praesen-tialiter verba seremus, nam et Bo-hemorum et Ungarorum res mo-ram pepererunt, quas me re-ferente plenius agnoscetis (WO, 1: 2, 86, pp. 140-141).

6

See VO, 1: 2, p. 333.

7

Solinus: Collectanea, 33: 11.

[

[2]

Obtuli me alias curaturum, ut regius advocatus fieres, si res Frisingensis apud vestram democratiam bene transirent, quam conditionem scis non

11

esse completam, te quoque patronum fuisse partis adversae. Quo fit, ut solutus promisso siem, si juris apice velim frui

12

. Sed scio, quia summum jus summa est injuria. Ego praeterea tibi non verbis, sed animo

13

sum ligatus scioque me numquam tantum conari tui 14 causa posse, quin

15

ultra sim debitor. Quapropter, etsi durum sit obtinere, quod spopondi, spero tamen me voti compotem fieri, ut tibi geratur mos. Sed est moderator et arbiter omnium tempus. Rogo itaque te, ut parumper expectes mihique fidem habeas, quia aut Aeneas esse desinam aut tuae cupiditati parebo. Nec me Gallico more loqui censeas, qui parvam moram quattuor et decem annos computant. Credo prophetas imitari cupiunt, qui cito venturum dicebant Jesum

16

, qui annis post quingentis venit. Ego non annos, sed paucos menses peto

[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF]

, ut rem tibi confectam donem.

to Stefano Caccia de Fara (20 May 1444, Vienna).

	Context:	Piccolomini's friend had sent a costly gift to him, maybe as an indirect reminder of his promise to
		arrange his appointment as a royal advocate.
	Subject:	Piccolomini thanks for the gift and promises to do what he can regarding the appointment.

Johann Vrunt (27 May 1444, Vienna).

  Non habeo, quod tibi scribam, et cupio scribere, ut inter meas epistolas tuum quoque nomen inveniatur. Mendicabo ergo materiam et novitates, quae apud nos sunt, tibi enarrabo 7 , quas tamen, uti reor, non invitus audies. Conducunt enim ad res Norembergae tractandas. Scis te saepe veritum esse, ne pestem nobis aliquam Hungaria pararet, quae regem his in partibus detineret. Hic jam timor abest. Indutias namque biennales habemus 8 , quas, quomodo sumus venati, paucis (adverte) docebo. Miserat rex Poloniae litteras quasdam Caesari nostro 9 formamque dederat, juxta quam pacem deposceret. Non libuit Caesari, quod petebatur, formamque aliam dictavit, per quam non solum Austria, Stiria atque Carinthia cum Carniola sed omnis etiam oboedientia regis Ladislai comprehendebatur oratoresque cum eadem misit, quibus regem Poloniae petentibus post expositionem legationis certi deputati sunt viri, cum quibus conferrent, inter quos Julianus cardinalis, Nicolaus, decanus Cracoviensis et Laurentius palatinus

	Manuscripts:	L, 204r ff *; M2, ff. 55v-56v 1 ; M3, ff. 263v-264v 2 ; V2, ff. 278-280 3 ; V3, ff. 131v-133r 4 **; V4, ff.
		116v-118r.
	Editions:	HE, 141, pp. 282-284; WO, 1: 1, 141, pp. 320-323; (both based on L and V2).
	{131v} Eneas Silvius 5 domino Johanni Amici 6 , Agrippinae civitatis secretario, salutem plurimam
	dicit.
	[1]

Letter to Johann Vrunt (27 May 1444, Vienna).

	141. Context:	After the death of Emperor Albrecht III, King of Bohemia and Hungary, his posthumous son,
		Ladislaus (Habsburg), was crowned king of Hungary in May 1440, when he was only some months
		old. However, in the same year, the Polish King Wladyslaw III was offered the crown by a majority of
		the Polish nobles. In 1444, Wladyslaw, supported by the papal legate, Cardinal Cesarini, was
		preparing a crusade against the Turks. He, therefore, needed a truce with his Habsburg neighbour,
		the emperor, lest he was attacked by him while absent on the crusade.
	Subject:
	1 SC, 118-120
	2 SC, 531-532
	3 DV, ff. 144v-145v
	4 DV, ff. 134v-136r
	5 poeta add. M2, M3, V2a; poeta seq. V2b
	6 Vrunt M2
	7 significabo L, M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex significabo V2b
	8 habeo M2
	9 litteras quasdam … nostro : Caesari nostro quasdam litteras M3
	10 Hungariae L, M2, M3, V2a; del. V2b
	11 et Laurentius palatinus omit. M3
	12 nihil amplius : amplius nihil M2
	13 partialem facit … Caesar omit. V4
	14 siirpo M3, V2
	15 noster V4
	16 omit. L
	17 nam L
	18 ecclesia fuerit : fuerit ecclesia M2

jus adimunt." Ad hoc retulit palatinus: "At Wladislaus verus est Hungarorum rex; non 17 par ratio est." Tum oratores: "Haud hic locus est de jure disputandi. Postquam unita ecclesia fuerit

18

, jus poterit in hac causa discuti."

[cont.]

  entitles himself King of Hungary, and the emperor does not, for that reason, reject his letter, for your letter cannot deprive Ladislaus of his rights, nor does the royal letter1 deprive you of your rights, should you have any. The palatine palatine replied, "But Wladyslaw is the true king of the Hungarians. Therefore, your argument is not valid." Then the ambassadors said, "This is not the place to argue the [question] of rights. That matter can be discussed when the Church has been united." 2 [cont.] Non disputaturi venimus," inquiunt oratores, "sed de pace acturi. Si pacem vultis, pacem damus, si bellum plus placet, non detrectamus certamen. Vestrum est eligere, quid 3 horum velitis4 ." velitis4 ." Huic 5 decanus, "Non sic exhausti sumus," inquit, "neque tam vecordes, ut tam ignominiosam pacem velimus amplecti. Vires adhuc sunt nobis et animi nec quemquam timemus." Tum oratores, "Nec nos," ajunt, "aut inopes sumus aut exangues. Si aliena invadere non possumus at tueri nostra commode valemus 6 idque bonis viris 7 sat est. Nobis a tergo {132v} tuta sunt omnia; in fronte vos habemus, quibus potentes sumus resistere, si malignari volueritis. Vos inter nos et Turcos 8 estis medii. Videte, ne retro et ante feriamini." Tum palatinus: "Scimus9 Caesarem vestrum vestrum opulentum esse, sed regnum hoc etiam 10 plenum est. Nobis nemo terrori est. Pacem vestram vobiscum 11 referte." "Referimus," inquiunt oratores, ab invicemque discedere volunt.Pozonii recipietis, ubi et Caesareos apices esse 1 curabitis nobis 2 tradendos." Sic ergo conclusa res est, et {133r} agunt Hungari jam 3 inter se, quo pacto formidabiliores in Turcos 4 proficiscantur. Venetiis 5 et 20 triremes armantur, quae per mensem Junii in Hellespontum trajici debent.[5] Caesari nostro 5 nulla est alia cura, nisi ut quam festinanter et quam honorifice Nurembergam petat. Puto abhinc dies 15 ejus erit recessus. Albertus et Sigismundus duces sequentur, et, uti submurmurari sentio, comes Ciliae junior et dominus6 Walsee. Utcumque 7 sit, bene actum putabo, si ejus tantum persona illuc venerit, quod jam mihi non est magni dubii, nisi quia futuri nulla est certitudo.

	[cont.] "At ego," palatinus inquit, "et coram summo pontifice et coram cardinalibus nihil negotii
	haberem hanc tueri causam, quia plana et perspicua res est. Nec tam inops sensus est quispiam, qui
	regnicolis auferat eligendi regis potestatem."
	[3] "3 quod WO
	4 malitis L, M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex malitis V2b
	5 hinc V3
	6 valeamus L
	7 bonis viris : boni viri V4
	8 Teucros L, M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex Teucros V2b
	9 inquit add. M3
	10 hoc etiam : etiam hoc O
	11 nobiscum WO
	12 inquit add. WO
	13 Teucros L, M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex Teucros V2b
	14 vociferatio ejus : ejus vocife-ratio WO 1 omit. WO
	15 omit. M3 2 vobis esse M2; vobis WO
	16 camera L, M2, V2a; corr. ex thalamo V2b
	17 Postea res … est omit. M3
	18 omit. L
	19 nos add. M2
	20 suis WO

Exinde Julianus cardinalis

12

: "Per Deum oro, viri magnifici, complectimini pacem. Si progredi adversus Turcos

13

volumus, pax necessaria est. Sinite, ut hoc pauper regnum respiret. Nolite campos Christiani sanguinis unda commaculari." Sed frustra vociferatio ejus

14

fuit. Abitum est re infecta.

[4]

In crastinum tamen nuntiatum

15

est oratoribus, ne discederent, quia non regis nomine responsum eis fuisset. Expectatum est iterumque disputatum. Postea res in thalamo

16

regis trutinata est

[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF]

. Tandem venit in publicum rex et in hunc modum Hungarica lingua locutus est: "Revertimini, oratores, ad Caesarem salutemque sibi 18 nomine nostro dicite. Post referte nos pacem per eum missam, quamvis non indigeamus

19

illa, sui causa, ut sibi complaceamus, libenter acceptasse et in omnibus ejus

[START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF]

articulis, sicut jacent, esse complexos. Super qua re litteras nostras infra octendium 1 "apices" 2 I.e., after the settlement of the church schism.

3

Hungari jam : jam Hungari WO

4

Teucros L, M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex Turcos V2b 5 omit. M2 6 del. V2b; de add. V2a, L, M2, M3

7

ut cum V4

Letter to Giuliano Cesarini (28 May 1444, Vienna). 1

  nuntius meis litteris non onustus, nisi magnificus cancellarius me praeveniret, qui tam seriose 8 et accurate tibi omnia refert, ut mihi nihil relinquat scribendum, quo fit, ut tacere potius quam scribere malim. Nam res notas iterum conculcare9 obtundentis est, inania vero attingere et nihil nisi verba dare dementis. Hoc oro, ut et tua10 paternitas animadvertat mihique11 veniam det tacenti potius quam inutiliter scribenti. Satis 12 est, si me tuum esse scis13 mancipium, si me habes ad omnia mandata voluntarium et promptum. Scribe mihi, quando res exposcit et jube parato parere.

	143. Context:	While Piccolomini had been writing the chancellor's letters to Cardinal Cesarini, his personal
		correspondence with the cardinal had been languishing, presumably because the cardinal was not
		really interested in corresponding closely with a lowly official or did not have the time.
	Subject:	Piccolomini pointedly refers to the chancellor's letters to the cardinal, written by Piccolomini himself,
		and assures him of his willingness to serve him. He is pessimistic concerning the prospects of the
		approaching Diet of Nürnberg since the German state of Neutrality in ecclesiastical affairs is so
		advantageous to many people.
	1 SC, 120-121
	2 SC, 536-537
	3 DV, ff. 150v-151v
	4 DV, ff. 142v-143r
	5 DV, f. 33r
	6 poeta add. M2, M3
	7 me M2
	8 curiose V4
	9 significare M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex significare V2b
	10 reverendissima add. M2, M3, V2a; reverendissima seq. V2b;
	11 nichilque M3
	12 sat WO
	13 esse scis : scitis esse WO
	14 nihil V3
	15 miri V4

[2]

Novi nil

14

est, quod scriptu arbitrer dignum. Nostra Italia parumper respirat, sed nescio, quid paritura sit illa conventio Senis habita, quae nondum dissoluta est. Utinam Martini aliquando, ne dicam Saturni, redirent saecula. Vellem et ego revisere patriam et ossa parenti reddere. Nihil plus timeo, quam in peregrina terra jacere, quamvis undique tantundem est et ad inferos et ad superos viae. Sed habet minus, nescio quomodo, doloris inter ulnas fratrum, sororum, filiorum atque nepotum mori

15

. Et licet ubique amici comparari possint, nullae tamen familiaritates tam dulces aut stabiliores sunt quam in patria. Si pacem haberet ecclesia, de pace Italiae {140r} magis sperarem.

  2 divisi 3 animi sunt. Neutralitas difficulter aboleri potest4 pluribus utilis est5 . Pauci sunt, qui verum sequantur, omnes fere, quod suum est, quaerunt. Placet hoc novum neutralitatis aucupium, quia, seu juste seu injuste quis teneat6 , repelli non potest, et ordinarii pro suo arbitrio conferunt beneficia. Non est facile, mihi crede7 , ex ore lupi praedam eripere. Quantum sentio, tota Christianitas Eugenii sequitur partes. Germania tantum divisa est, quam ego semel unitam videre vellem meque illi conformare, quia multum tribuo nationi huic, quae non metu, sed suo libito suoque judicio ducitur. Quocumque rex cum electoribus se inflexerit, eo et 8 animula mea sequetur9 , nec 10 mihi plus quam aliis credam. Haec Haec volui scripsisse, ne omnino nihil scriberem, et ut in futurum excusatior sim taciturus.Vale feliciter et me pro tuo placito utere. Ex Wienna, die 28. maji 144411 .

	1 dieta M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex dieta V2b
	2 qui V4
	3 divis V4
	4 quia add. M2, M3, V2
	5 est add. M2, M3, V2
	6 neutralitatis aucupium .. teneat omit. M2
	7 credite M2, M3, V2
	8 ut M2
	9 sequitur M2
	10 nunc V4

11

Ex Wienna … 1444 : etc. M2

  Regius tabellarius ex Anglia dudum reversus tuam mihi epistolam reddidit, cujus tot sententiae fuerunt quot verba. {138v} Legi cupide, quae scripsisti miratusque sum Romanam facundiam in Britanniam usque profectam esse. Sed fuerunt et alii apud Anglos Tullianae cultores eloquentiae, inter quos venerabilem Bedam nemo non ponit11 . Petrus Blesensis longe inferior fuit, cujus epistolis hanc tuam perbrevem antepono. Congratulor tibi et Angliae, quia jam12 dicendi ornatum suscepistis13 . Sed magnae ob hanc causam referendae sunt grates clarissimo illi et doctissimo principi Clocestriae duci, qui studia humanitatis summo studio in regnum vestrum recepit, et14 , sicuti mihi relatum est, et poetas mirifice colit et oratores magnopere veneratur. Hoc enim nimirum fit, ut plures Anglorum eloquentes evadant, quia quales sunt principes tales et cives esse consueverunt, et imitantur servi studia dominorum. Perge igitur, mi Adam, mi here15 . Eloquentiam, quam habes, tene atque amplifica tibique honorificentissimum puta in ea re praestare hominibus, in qua ceteros animantes homines ipsi praecellunt. Magna res est facundia, et si verum fateri velimus, nihil est, quod tam regat orbem quam eloquentia, quoniam, quidquid agimus in re publica, persuasi verbis agimus et illius in populis16 sententia manet, qui melius novit persuadere. Tute ista scis, ideo missa[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] facio.

		1 ; M3, ff. 265v-266r 2 ; V2, ff. 289-290 3 ; V3, ff. 138v-139r 4 **; V4, ff.
		122v-123v.
	Editions:	KO, 64 5 HE, 143, pp. 285-286; WO, 1: 1, 143, pp. 324-326; (both based on M1 and V2).
	Translations:	BA, 5, pp. 28-29; ME, 26, pp. 119-120; WI, pp. 293-295 (extract).
	{138r} Aeneas Silvius reverendo patri 6 Adae 7 de Molin 8 , Anglico 9 apostolicae sedis protonotario,
	protonotario, salutem plurimam dicit. 10
	[1] 1 SC, 120
	2 SC, 535-536
	3 DV, ff. 150r-150v
	4 DV, ff. 141r-142v 5 DV, f. 32v
	6 domino add. M2
	7 Adam M2-M3, V2-V4
	8 Mulin HE
	9 et add. WO
	10 Titulus: Aeneas Silvius domino Ade de Molin, Anglico aposto-licae sedis protonotario. Reveren-de pater ac domine
	mi M1
	11 posuit HE, WO
	12 verum add. M1-M3
	13 suscepisti V4
	14 qui M1-M3, V2; corr. ex qui V3
	15 domine glossa interlin. M1
	16 prophetis M3

[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF]

dimissa glossa interlin. M1

  At the time, Dean of Salisbury clerk of the ruling council during the mi-nority of Henry VI, and papal protonotary. Later, Lord Privy Seal (1444) and Bishop of Chi-chester (1445). He attended a diet in Frankfurt in 1441 or 1442 (Stie-ber, pp. 234-246), where he ap-parently met Piccolomini. On his murder in 1450, see Piccolomini's Europa (HE), 5949.

1

Adam Moleyns (d. 1450):

  In rebus ecclesiae qualis sit animus tuus, et tabellarius {139r} idem, ut voluisti, mihi retulit, et ego Frankfordiae prius senseram. Laudo te, qui pacem praeponis bello et pacatam videre cupis ecclesiam. Audio te Nurembergam petiturum; ibi latius invicem colloquemur. Caesar jam itineri se accingit. Infra 1 futurum mensem illic 2 , ut spes est, inveniemur. Dux Albertus frater et Sigismundus Sigismundus patruelis eo quoque se conferent. Utinam pax, ut optamus, fiat finisque tandem neutralitati detur, ut sciamus, ubi agnum comedere debeamus.[3] Munus tuum, quam mihi gratissimum fuerit, nec scribere nec dicere possem, quia nec os nec calamus satis animi potest explicare conceptum. Faxit 3 deus, ut bene sit illi virgini, nepti tuae praenobili, quae talis est operis artifex, cui nec Penelope 4 nec Aragne fuerit comparanda. Eveniat illi vir5 dignus tanta virtute et sobolem illa progeneret, matris imitatricem. Oblationibus tuis uterer, quotiens res exposceret, nec minus in opere quam in verbis apud te invenire putarem. Idem tibi ut de me persuadeas, cupio. Vale dignitate parens, aetate frater dilectioneque socie, et me, ut facis, ama, sed, non ut facis, utere. Ex Wienna, 29. 6 Maji 7 1444 8 .

	7 Bede (The Venerable) (c. 672-735): English monk, author, and teacher. Piccolomini had visited his tomb in Durham in
	1436 (COM, 1: 6 (Meserve, 1: pp. 5-6)). 1 intra M2, M3; illic intra V4
	8 Pierre de Blois (c. 1140 c. 1211): French cleric, theologian, poet and diplomat. He is particularly noted for his corpus 2 omit. V4
	of Latin letters. In 1173 he came to England and served as a letter-writer first for the archbishop of Canterbury and later 3 faciat glossa interlin. M1
	for King Henry II. 4 Penolpe M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex Penolpe V2b
	5 ut V4
	6 30. M3

9

Humphrey (Lancaster)(1390-1447): Duke of Gloucester. Domi-nating member of the regency go-vernment of his nephew Henry VI. Patron of humanism and learning. See also DVI, sect. 227.

10

Cicero: Pro Archia, 2: 3.

11

For a comment on this passage, see Martels: More, p. 210

[2]

7 anno domini add. M3 8 Ex … 1444 : omit. M1; etc. M2

Letter to Wilhelm von Stein (1 June 1444, Vienna).

	145. Letter
	Manuscripts:	L, ff. 70r ff *; M2, ff. 57v-59r 1 ; V2, ff. 292-299 2 ; V3, ff. 140r-144r 3 **; V4, ff. 124r-128r.
	Editions:	KO, 111 4 ; HE, 144, pp. 287-291 (based on L and V2); WO, 1: 1, 144, pp. 326-331 (based on V2).
	Translations:	BA, 6, pp. 30-36; ME, 26, pp. 121-127; WI, pp. 438-439 (extract).

8

Adam had written: Excellent Enea, I ask you to let me, your Adam, know if there is anything in England that you would like me to do for you (letter 68: 1).

145.

to Wilhelm von Stein (1 June 1444, Vienna)

	Context:	As an imperial poet laureate, Piccolomini would naturally defend poetry. In this letter, he used a
		fictive jurist's criticism of poetry as a basis for his defence.
	Subject:	Using the humanist invective style against his fictive opponent, Piccolomini presents a defence of
		poetry, arguing that it is lucrative, useful, and a gift of God (wherefore poets are rare). Piccolomini
		would return to this theme, with the same arguments, a year later, in his quodlibetal lecture "Aderat
		nuper" at the University of Vienna. 1
		Contents
		1. A foolish lawyer´s criticism of poetry [1-4]
		2. Defence of poetry [5]
		2.1. Poetry is lucrative [6]
		2.2. Poetry is useful [7-10]
		2.3. Poetry is a divine gift [11]
		3. Conclusion

  immo noster, et "Heus tu," inquit, "Aenea, vir abhinc hora me aggressus est, qui se tantam juris peritiam jactat habere, ut nullius Italici disputationem {140v} formidet, nec Panormitano nec Ludovico Romano, si viveret, palmam daret. Cinum, Bartholum, Baldum, Johannem Andreae, Imolensem, Butrium, Fulgiosos omnesque novos legum interpretes post se facit4 . Inter Scaevolas, Vulpianos, Nervas, Pomponios, Paulos Serviosque 5 se locat. Multorum verborum est, sed quantum salis habeat, non scio. Qui eum sequuntur, audire magis quam loqui possunt. Horis plus quattuor secum fui, numquam mihi vacuum tempus praebuit, quo aliquid dicerem. Cicada est, quae ut tacta fuerit semel, numquam silet. Scis, qualem cicadam. Non ut in Reginis 6 sunt, quae jussu Herculis tacent, sed ut Locrenses sunt, quae ultra ceteras strepunt. [cont.] Enea Silvio sends many greetings to His Lordship Wilhelm von Stein, 1 lettered and valiant knight.2

	1 poeta add. M2, V2a; poeta seq. V2b
	2 omit. M2
	3 immo meus V4
	4 se facit : facit se M2
	5 Scaevolas, Vulpianos … Servi-osque : Scaevolam, Vulpianum … Serviumque M2, V2a; corr. ex. Scaevolam,
	Vulpianum … Servi-umque V2b
	6 greginis WO

  [cont.] [cont.] Is poeticam contemnit, nec si dii Musas ei omnes infunderent, gratias ageret, quia praeter legum peritiam nullam esse scientiam 1 praedicat. Poeticam 2 vero prorsus inutilem esse contendit, quae 3 nec panem lucratur nec vestitum. Solus Justinianus et Hippocrates 4 marsupium implent. Jejunus cantat Lucanus in hortis, et satur est, cum dicit Horatius 'euhoe."5 [2] Stomachatus sum, dum haec audio, Wilhelme, militum decus, nec me comprimere possum, quin bilem expuam, si non cum aliis saltem tecum, qui judicium habes rectum. Non vitupero leges, ut ille Musas, quamvis Ovidii verbis6 usus verbosas leges dicere potuissem. Sunt 7 enim utiles, quae constringunt hominum vitas, et quia non potest quilibet esse philosophus, ut quid vitandum quidque sequendum sit, agnoscat,{141r} editae leges sunt et8 ante hominum oculos positae tamquam cancelli quidam, ultra quos progredi 9 nullus audeat.[3] Legibus tamen nemo perfectus fiet, nisi philosophiae studiis incubuerit, quia non possunt omnem casum complecti leges. Ideo princeps moderator est legis epicheiamque habet, ut duram mollificet, laxam vero sanctionem restringat, quod numquam recte principes agent, nisi magistram vitae expultricemque vitiorum secuti fuerint philosophiam. Sed hic noster monarcha vel bipes asellus potius, inflatus opinione sui, civilem scientiam 10 omnibus praefert, matrem filiae postponit et fluminibus mare. Is est ex illis caecis et11 obtusis hominibus, qui postquam leges quattuor aut decem memorie commendarunt, jam non amplius homines sed deos se putant legesque divina censent oracula, quae vel Apollo vel Apolline major Deus ipse per Moysen 12 tradiderit aut qualia sunt Christi responsa, quae nos evangelia nuncupamus.

	1 praeter legum … scientiam : ius civile nulla scientia est nulla doc-trina omnes artes minores (L; mancas M2) praeter
	legum peri-tiam L, M2
	2 poetam M2
	3 quia WO
	4 Hippocras V2, V4; corr. ex Hippocras V3
	5 euhoe M2 V2-V4,; ne WO
	6 verbo WO
	7 sicut M2
	8 omit. WO
	9 transgredi M2
	10 sententiam V4
	11 omit. L
	12 Moysem V2

  Obsignaram tibi has litteras nuntioque in crastinum committere animus erat. Sed accidit inopinatus et acerbus casus, qui et epistolam retinuit et mentem affecit dolore. Laurentius namque noster, quem velle religionem ingredi scripseram, non claustrum, sed carcerem ingressus est. Poloni enim, ut cardinalem moriturum viderunt, manus in Laurentium injecerunt nulla penitus auctoritate freti. "Tu," inquiunt, {146r} "argentum heri impignorasti, non exibis, nisi luatur." Septuaginta et ducentarum marcharum argentum est 6 , quod Alberti habent Basilae. Hoc volunt, ut Laurentius redimat. Obligatum est pro septingentis aureis, quos cardinalis accepit. Digna res est, ut servus aes alienum exsolvat 7 . Ego nitor hominem juvare, quia compatior viro in aliena terra capto et amico. Sed quid tu facias, ubi nulla vox auditur, nisi auri, cum tu sis inops? Ille adhuc deprehensus est, nescio quid futurum sit. Nulla excommunicatio prodest, nulla fidejussio, dum res sic stat. [2] Anima 8 illa, quae in cardinalis Aquilegiensis corpore diu alligata filo vel cera detinebatur, abruptis retinaculis carcerem evasit. Obiit ille 4. nonas Junii hora post meridiem quarta. Nullas extorsiones passus est, nullos cruciatus, sed tamquam dormiturus animam exalavit. Viderat medicus mortem instare suasitque testamentum fieri, sic et amici astantes. Ille, "Vos me deficere censetis," inquit, "at ego robustus sum nec in me quidquam sentio deficere." Nec post verba haec 9 mediam vixit horam. Ejus corpus per alteram diem servatum est ostensumque omnibus. Tertia vero luce apud Sanctum Stephanum et ad dexteram altaris dextri sepultus est. Funus juxta morem Germaniae magnum et honorificum fuit; apud Italos non fuissent tanto viro exequiae dignae. Pileus rubeus ob neutralitatem non est permissus mortuo, qui vivo {146v} non negabatur. Sermo ante funus habitus est. Nescio, qui vir fuit, verba hominis 10 laudo.

		2 ; V2, ff. 303-305 3 ; V3, ff. 145v-146v 4 **; V4, ff. 129r-130r.
	Editions:	HE, 146, pp. 293-294; WO, 1: 1, 146, pp. 334-335; (both based on V2).
	Translations:	RE, 47, pp. 194-195.
	{145v} Eneas Silvius 5 Johanni Peregallo, scriptori apostolico, salutem plurimam dicit.
	[1] 1 SC, 122
	2 SC, 354-355
	3 DV, ff. 157r-158r
	4 DV, ff. 148v-149v
	5 poeta add. M2, M3
	6 omit. M3

7

sic lex barbara jubet add. M2, M3, V2a; sic lex barbara jubet seq. V2b 8 animal V4

9

verba haec : hec verba V2 10 verba hominis : omnes M3

  Deliciae nostri Caesaris nusquam majores sunt quam in Novacivitate. Ibi aedes imperiali culmine dignae sunt, virides horti, saluberrimus aer, frigidi fontes, amoeni luci, latae venationes, jucundae piscationes, aucupia laeta, pascua pinguia, vineta propinqua. Nil miror placere Caesari locum, quia omnia suppeditat voluptati.[2] Hic dum Martio mense, qui modo praeteriit, ex consuetudine sequerer curiam, rem miram et relatu dignam sum contemplatus. Nam quod antea non putaram apud Germanos fieri orationes sicut olim Romae pro rostris fiebant, coram Caesare audivi. Venit Johannes Bavarus, unus ex cardinalibus, ut ajunt, Felicis -Sancti Martini cognomentum habet. Hic se per capitulum Frisingensis ecclesiae in episcopum dicebat electum darique sibi regalia per Caesarem postulabat. Jam Gasparis Slik cancellarii frater Heinricus illi ecclesiae per Eugenium praefectus erat4 . Petit uterque castrorum possessionem, quae in dominiis Austriae sunt. Johannes pro se dicit et inter orandum lacrimas miscet. Heinrici causam cancellarius suscipit absentemque fratrem tuetur. Visus sum apud Argolicas naves Ajacem atque Ulixem contendentes videre. Si affuisses, Johannem Ajaci, Ulixi cancellarium adaequasses.

		1 **; M3, ff. 277r-277v 2 .
	Editions:	HE, 148, pp. 296-297 (based on M2); WO, 1: 1, 148, pp. 337-338 (based on M2, M3 and GSB).
	Translations:	ME, 28, pp. 127-128; RE, 49, pp. 198-199.
	{282r} Aeneas Silvius 3 Johanni Campisio, philosopho claro et amico incomparabili, salutem
	plurimam dicit.
	[1]

1 SC, 584.

2

SC, 558-559 3 poeta add. M2

4

praefectus erat : erat prefectus WO

  3] Haud dissimiles orationes fuere, nisi quod hae Teutonicae, illas Ovidius latinas fecit, quas constat Graecas fuisse. Mira cancellarii fuit oratio et longe ornatior, quam ex viro Ciceronis et Quintiliani nescio 2 expectari deberet. Sed agnosco naturam illi favisse, tum usum, quem cum Sigismundo et Alberto Caesaribus habuit, naturae dotes juvisse. Fuit enim illorum cancellarius multosque viros disertos orare causam coram illis vidit, quos nunc imitatus est. Ejus orationem, ut te judicante probetur, interpretantibus amicis in Latinum verti tibique transmitto. Rogo tuum judicium mihi rescribas, et, si quod est vitium, interpreti potius quam oratori ascribas.Vale, meae deliciae magis quam Caesaris Novacivitas. Ex Vienna, 6. idus Junii 1444.3

1 Odysseus [Ulysses]: (Myth.) Greek hero, King of Ithac. Parti-cipated in the Siege of Troy. Main subject of Homer's Odysseus.

  priorem sententiam, quia nullo bono indignus est. Ipse me rogavit, vestrae ut parti faverem, si non alia causa, sua saltem, qui ex officiis curiae vivit. Sed miror illum jam meae oblitum esse fortunae. Nam quod vobiscum non sum, vestri causa facio, ut secundior sit vobis16 fortuna. Dum partem sequor vobis adversam, nihil adversi tulistis; si ad vos deficiam, mox fortunae impetum sentietis, quia non vult esse, ubi ego sum. Suade igitur Petro, ne[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] petat, quod sibi nocivum18 est. Ego pretiis magnis essem rogandus inimicitias tenere. Novit hoc Petrus, dum Basileae simul essemus. Vegium invenisse pontificis summi gratiam gaudeo, ne cogatur Agaven Paridi vendere, quamvis sua Clio 19 sicut et mea Calliope desertis Aganippae fontibus jam migrarit 20 in atria. Sed respiciat illum, oro,

	1 prophetiis M2
	2 nimis V4
	3 tamen WO
	4 provida M2
	5 omnis WO
	6 ero V4
	7 aurum claudet : claudet aurum M3
	8 usus, que WO
	9 respondentem M3
	10 non V4
	11 concludentes M3
	12 tuam epistolam : epistolam tuam V3
	13 libro V4
	14 omit. V4
	15 in me M3
	16 nobis V4
	17 ut M3
	18 nocuum V
	19 sua Clio : suadeo V4
	20 migravit HE, WO

  Saumaise, p. 206: pertusa lena Persio quam vulgo dicimus vestem perforatam.

	5 omit. M3
	6 Teucros M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex Teucros V2b
	7 sed add. V4
	8 fecerunt M3
	9 Teucris M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex Teucris V2b
	10 accomodo WO
	11 tumultibus patriae … Nurember-ga omit. V4
	12 conjecturari WO
	13 possim V4
	14 de Wallsee M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex de Walsee V2a
	15 oratos M3
	16 omit. V4
	17 fuerimus M2, M3

1

  Titulus: Tractatus de fortuna. Eneas … praestanti L; Somnium de ludo fortune. Eneas … prae-stanti M3 2 poeta add. L, M2, M3, V2a; poeta seq. V2b

	3 Petro M3
	4 afferri V4
	5 reluceat in te : in te reluceat M2
	6 video L, V2a; scio M3; corr. ex video V2b;
	7 bonorum M3
	8 extolleretque M3
	9 me somnus : somnus me L
	10 omit. L
	11 pigre V4
	12 Boeti WO
	13 circummergerant V4
	14 demittebantur M3
	15 quo V4

16

omit. V2a; add. in marg. V2b 17 agnoscebam facies : facies a-gnoscebam L, M2, M3

  10 , vineta semper uvis onusta, arbores perpetui autumni, quales hortus Hesperidum vel Phaeaces habuisse creduntur, poma, quorum solo pascaris odore, per silvas ferae mansuetae, captu faciles, volucres et esui et cantui natae. Unicus est apud Aethiopes locus, Heliotrapeza nuncupatus, opiparis epulis semper refertus, quibus indiscretim 11 omnes vescuntur, apud quem lacus tenuis laticis haustu saluberrimus. Hic plurima sunt hujusmodi loca, mensae sub arboribus paratae, gemmatis vasculis paterisque aureis12 oneratae. Nullum 13 Falernum 14 comparari vino potest, quod ex vivo 15 saxo illic manat. Mella passim fluunt, arundineta zuccaro plena. Omne genus aromatum ex arbore cadit. Auri et argenti inexhaustae minerae. Lapilli pretiosi tamquam ceresa in nemoribus pendent, venustae puellae elegantesque16 juvenes 17 perpetuas ducunt choreas18 . Quidquid musicum est, illic {154r} resonat. Non tam19 voluptuosam suis sequacibus paradisum Mahometus repromisit, quam hic vidisses. Dispensatores huc et illuc discurrebant Bacchus, Ceres et Venus. Silva myrtea concubitus admittebat.

	1 omit. V2-V4
	2 scripta V4
	3 crede M3
	4 omit. V4
	5 jus V3
	6 demissis M3
	7 complures M3
	8 adherebat M2
	9 fluentes M3
	10 balnea suavissima … luci : densi luci balnea suavissima M3
	11 indiscretum L, M3, V2-V4; in-distinctim M2
	12 ornate vel add. M2
	13 vinum V4
	14 Valerium M3
	15 uno M3
	16 elegantes M3
	17 juvenesque M3
	18 ducunt choreas : coreas ducunt M3
	19 omit. M3

  exaltatos super cedros Libani, qui etiam hodie florent, homines sine litteris, elingues, sine sensu, vix manus dextra, quot habeat digitos, norunt. Securius est mortuos quam viventes carpere. Quid taetrius 12 {155r} aut horribilius monstrum Nerone fuit? Quid Tiberio sceleratius? His tamen imperia, quam Vespasiano et Tito, piis caesaribus, diuturniora fuerunt. Quid Domitiano turpius? Bestiam tamen illam mundi cervicibus13 imminentem pluribus14 annis pertulit orbis15 , Jovinianum, quia religiosus clemensque fuit, oppressum fumo carbonum mox amisit. Quot Crispinus villas erexit monstrum a vitiis nulla virtute redemptum? Spado Claudii Neronis Pophides tot divitias possedit, ut aedes suas ornatiores et ampliores Capitolio construeret.16 Gabrinus Cremonensis septem dominos suos interemit, quibus in foetida sepultis cloaca, dominatum suscepit. Cato, Marcus Porcius (the Younger) (95-46 BCE): Roman senator. Known for his intrans-igence, not the least in his op-position to Julius Caesar. Died by suicide. And, looking to the living, do you see that she has rewarded Giuliano, 1 Cardinal of Sant'Angelo, Sant'Angelo, a man of eminent qualities? And what about Juan of San Pietro,2 Juan of San Calisto,3

	[8]
	3 responsum V3, V4
	4 in M2
	5 omit. M3
	6 copulaverit M3
	7 omit. L
	8 miles insignis : insignis miles L
	9 omit. M2, V2-V4
	10 del. V3; omit. L
	11 asinos viderim : viderim asinos L, M3
	12 deterius M2, M3
	13 mundi cervicibus: cervicibus mundi L
	14 compluribus M3
	15 pertulit orbis : orbis pertulit L
	16 Jovianianum quia … construeret omit. M3
	17 phocida V4

17

1

Cato, Marcus Porcius [the El-der] [Censor] (234-149 BCE): Roman censor, senator, and histo-rian known for his conservatism and opposition to Hellenisation.

2

  1 , 'Meum genus erexit me.' Sic et Saxones 2 et Bavariae duces dicere possent, tamquam nihil in eis Fortuna fuerit operata. Sed quis eos tam alte nasci fecit nisi Fortuna? Poterat haec, si voluisset, me3 regis Hispaniae vel Angliae 4 loco supponere. Nulla virtute nostra, sed sed casu generis nanciscimur claritatem.[15] Quodsi plures sunt virtuosi, quos Fortuna praeterit, nemo irasci debet. Potest 5 enim haec domina, quae sua sunt bona, cui vult elargiri. Homines in mundum non ad opes possidendas6 aut perfruendas delicias, sed ad labores nascuntur7 , vivereque in terris non tanquam incolae sed ut advenae peregrinique debent futuramque8 patriam per opera virtutis inquirere. In magna vero fortuna non facile virtus reperitur, quod animadvertens Thebanus ille philosophus ingens auri {156r} pondus in mari conjecit, ut expeditiorem se traderet philosophiae. Christus salvator Deusque noster divitias tanquam spinas et tribulos docuit fugiendas. Ejus discipuli paupertatis amatores fuerunt; victum et vestitum habentes, his contenti erant. Nec Jeronimus quamvis doctissimus in tenui gaza Fortunam accusavit, quia non illam dominam, sed Christum dominum sequebatur, transitoria pro perpetuis 9 spernens. Antonius abbas, quod Fortuna dederat 10 , sponte rejecit. Quodsi sanae mentis essemus, odium potius quam favorem appeteremus Fortunae, cujus blanditiae maximum praestant impedimentum ad aeternae vitae consecutionem. Rarusque est et corvo rarior albo, qui et Fortunam simul et iter in caelum sequi valeat. Sed comprimo me, ne huic dominae videar detraxisse, cujus amplexibus jam delector 11 . Tu tamen 12 cave 13 , ne Procopium vel alios, quos nominasti, virtutis amatores, dicas expertes fortunae. Nec enim vel cardinales vel 14 milites essent vel generosi, nisi Fortuna juvisset. Solus Campisius est, ex quo nihil suum potest Fortuna repetere.

	1 istorum alte M3; Moguntinus WO
	2 Saxonum M3
	3 omit. L, M2, M3
	4 me add. L, M2, M3
	5 post V4
	6 omit. V4
	7 nascimur M3
	8 futuram V4
	9 propertius V4; eternis M3
	10 dedit M2
	11 cujus amplexibus … delector omit. M3
	12 tamen V3
	13 omit. V2, V3
	14 fortes add. V4

  se solet adnectere8 , jucundissime virens; Mirrhites coloris myrrhae, qui ad calorem attritus 10 nardi odorem spirat; Mitridas, quae sole percussa variis emicat emicat coloribus; tum Pirrhites, qui se teneri non sinit vehementius. Chalachias 12 grandinis candorem13 praeferens ; Echites, vipereas15 habens maculas; Dionysias16 , qui[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] sui natura fuscus18 est 19 et 20 mixtus aqua, si conteratur, vinum flagrat21 22 ; Veneris crinis, qui ruforum crinium faciem praefert23 ; Selenites 24 fulgore candido translucens; Pyropus, qui flammas imitatur25 ; Meconites papavera exprimens; Mirmitides 26 reptantem formicam; Calcoptongos ut 27 aera pulsata 28 resonans; Siderites 29 certis maleficiis incantatus discordias excitat 30 , similis ferro 31 ; Flogites, qui intra se quasi flammas aestuantes ostentat; Antracias ut stella coruscans 32 ; Enhydros exsudans, ut clausam in eo putes 33 fontaneam scaturiginem; Melochites Arabicus, crassius smaragdo virens, infantum 34 periculis resistens; Iris 35 in mari rubro 36 reperta, quae aeris percussu 1 caelestis arcus ex sese Andradamas 2 nitoris argentei animorum calentum 3 impetus molliens et tumentes refrenans iras et contra molestias {157r} nervorum utilis; Pederos 4 aspectu eburneo; et gratiarum conciliator

	speciem jacit;
	1 forsitan hospes : hospes forsitan M3
	2 viae confeceramus : effugiam M3
	3 tum M2, M3
	4 omit. V3
	5 solui M2; soli V4; solia HE, WO
	6 profunde M2
	7 carinae navis : carnie vanis V4
	8 aduectare M3
	9 colorem M2
	10 attributus V4
	11 omit. V4
	12 galaxias M2
	13 spirat add. V4
	14 Chalachias gradinis … praefe-rens omit. M3
	15 vesperas V4
	16 Dionysius M3
	17 omit. M3
	18 fiscus M3
	19 omit. L, M3
	20 qui M3
	21 fragrat M3
	22 solis gemma percandida ad spem fulgidi sideris add. M2
	23 refert HE, WO
	24 Solenites L
	25 imitantur M2
	26 Mirmitites M2, V2, V4
	27 omit. V3, V4
	28 aera pulsata : aere repercussa L
	29 sideritis WO
	30 excitat L, M2, M3, V2a; corr. ex excitans V2b
	31 Veneris crinis … ferro omit. M3
	32 Antracias ut … coruscans omit. M3
	33 putans M3
	34 infantem WO
	35 omit. V4
	36 rubeo M2

  3 satis functi huc venerunt, et ut quisque major fuit, sic fortunae proximior est. Nec hic ex virtutibus locus datur, sed ex felicitate. Primus hic est 4 Augustus Cesar, divum genus, qui aurea condidit saecula, quique super Garamantas et Indos protulit imperium. Alexander secundus est, tum Julius Caesar 5 , post Scipiones duo, inde Pompejus. Alius, quem luscum vides, Hannibal est, tum Fabius Maximus, Aemilius Paulus, Marcellus, Alcibiades, Themistocles 6 , Priamus, Hector, Agamemnon 7 , Agamemnon 7 , Achilles, Ulixes, Darius, Xerxes, Ninus. Praetereo multos. Ille, quem vides signo crucis munitum, Constantinus est, hunc sequitur Constantius, Constans, Constantinus 8 , Valentinianus, Theodosius. Sunt et juniores 9 : Carolus magnus, Pipinus, Arturus. Mitto vetustiores. Sigismundum tu ipse nosti et Albertum 10 generum, qui post socerum non 11 diu regnavit fortunamque tum secundam tum adversam expertus est. Hic Albertus, ex duce rex factus, Hungariam Bohemiamque recepit nec diu post imperium est assecutus. Ut tamen cito crevit, ita cecidit repente, vix annis tribus regnaverat, cum 12 morbo absumptus spiritum Deo reddidit". Reference to Odysseus fleeing the Sirene's songs, see. Homer: Odyssey, 12: 173-177. Piccolomi-ni (following Basil)

1

  favourable and an unfavourable Fortune. A duke, he became king, gained Hungary and Bohemia, and shortly afterwards, the Empire. But he fell as quickly as he rose, for having ruled for less than three years, he sickened and gave up his soul to God." Then I asked, "What do you mean by happiness? I have read in Juvenal that no bad man can be happy, 1 but several of those you mentioned were wicked men. [For example,] you know how brutal brutal Hannibal was, how deceiving and how greedy, but nonetheless you call him happy." "I do not define happiness as wise men do," Vegio replied, "but following the custom of ordinary people, I call happy those who succeed in their endeavours, good or bad." 2 "I am more interested in those who are alive than in those who are dead, so please show them to me," I said. "Look over there," Vegio replied. "Do you see the young man with blond and straight hair? He is not yet 30, rarely laughs, and walks with gravitas. He is a man of few words, with a modest bearing, a long face, taller than most, and broad-chested." Vegio said. "Venus 3 did not love Adonis 4 as much as Mylady loves your Lord. But he avoids her and rejects Fortune's advances. As you see, Fortune's face is pleasant, but Friedrich's face is grim, and he barely looks at her. I do not know his intentions, but Fortune says, 'Stay, Friedrich, and entrust yourself to me. No king will be happier than you if only you heed me. But if you flee me, I shall flee you, too.' Do you see, Silvio, how Fortune has placed her hand on

	experiencing both a 4.1.1. The nature of happiness
	[19] 4.2. Today
	4.2.1. The emperor and his court
	[20] "I see him," I said. "Who is it?"
	"That is your master, Emperor Friedrich," Vegio said.
	"I recognise my lord," I replied, "but why does he avoid looking at Fortune? What is her Ladyship
	saying? I hear her voice but do not understand the words."
	"I shall tell you, Enea,"
	2 ostra M2; orcestra M3; orche-stra V2; corr. ex orchestra V3; omit. V4
	3 nam M3
	4 omit. V3
	5 tum Julius Caesar omit. L
	6 Aemilius Paulus … Themisto-cles omit. M3
	7 Agamenon M2
	8 Constans Constantinianus omit. M3
	9 noviores M3
	10 Sigismundum tu … Albertum omit. V4
	11 qui post … non : socer L, M3
	12 tamen M2

Kaspar Schlick (ca. 3 July 1444, Vienna).

  Piccolomini had written his famous love story or erotic novel, Historia de duobus Amantibus, destined to receive remarkable circulation. The main characters of the novel were based on the chancellor, Kaspar Schlick, and a Sienese noble lady with whom he conducted an affair during Emperor Sigismund's stay in Siena in 1433. Context:

	Subject:	During the first half of 1444,

  qui admodum abundabant, abundabant, sed hi nihil civilitatis habebant nec rem publicam nec domesticam regere norant4 . Stupuit Pagliarensis 5 et furti vilicum accusavit, qui suem fetam undecim porcellos, asinam6 unam dumtaxat enixam pullum retulerat. Gomitius Mediolanensis gravidum se putavit diuque partum veritus est, quia se uxor ascendit. Hi tamen juris 7 maximum lumen habiti sunt. In aliis praeterea vel fastum vel avaritiam invenies, hic perliberalis est. Plena illi semper domus est honestis hospitibus. Nulli adversus est8 , pupillos tuetur, aegros solatur, pauperibus subvenit, viduas juvat, nulli indigenti indigenti deest. Vultus ejus quasi Socraticus semper est idem9 . In adversis fortem animum praebet. Nulla fortuna inflatur. Versutias non ut exerceat sed ut caveat quaslibet novit. Civibus dilectus est, peregrinis amatus. Nulli odiosus est, nulli gravis.[3] At homo tantarum virtutum {268r} cur nunc rem leviusculam exigat 10 , non scio. Illud 11 scio, nihil me illi negare12 13 fas est. Eum namque, dum Senis essem, unice dilexi, nec diminutus est amor, quamvis separatus sit. Is quoque, cum esset ceteris naturae dotibus praeditus, tamen 14 hoc 15 maxime bono16 pollebat, ut nullius erga se sterilem esse amorem sineret. Hujus ergo rogatus non censui[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] respuendos scripsique18 duorum amantum casus, nec19 finxi. Res acta Senis est, dum Sigismundus imperator illic degeret. Tu etiam aderas et, si verum his auribus hausi, operam amori dedisti. Civitas Veneris est. Ajunt, qui te norant[START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] , vehementer quod arseris21 , quodque22 nemo te gallior fuerit23 . Nihil ibi amatoriae gestum te inscio putant. Ideo historiam hanc, ut legas, precor, et an vera scripserim videas, nec reminisci te pudeat, si quid hujusmodi nonnumquam evenit tibi, homo enim fueras! Qui numquam sensit amoris ignem, aut lapis est aut bestia. Isse 24 namque vel per deorum25 medullas non lateat[START_REF] Illae Viduae | pullatis indute vestibus, quae post Alexandrum Herculemque jacent 12 , urbes sunt, quae quondam splendidae nunc solo equatae, sicut jussit fortuna, cernuntur[END_REF] igneam favillam.

	1 novis V4
	2 meis diebus : diebus meis M3
	3 discipulis M3
	4 norunt M3
	5 Vagliarensis M3
	6 asina L
	7 uiri V4
	8 omit. V4
	9 est idem : idem est M3
	10 exigit KO
	11 hoc KO
	12 denegare M3
	13 illi negare : negare illi L
	14 cum L, M3, KO
	15 hac L, M3
	16 omit. L, M3
	17 esse sui V4
	18 scripsi quoque L
	19 non V4
	20 norunt M3
	21 arseristi L
	22 quoque V4
	23 fuit V4
	24 esse V4; ille KO
	25 deorumque V4
	26 latet M3

  super collem transivissemus, castellum conspicimus ecclesiae Pataviensis, quod alii Aprorum, alii2 Planitierum Montem appellant. Ibi praelatus insignis residebat, Leonardus, episcopus Pataviensis, qui suscepturus regem illuc 3 {205r} obviam venerat. Tu hominem nosti, nam et hic Wiennae fuit, cum tu cardinalem Sancti Angeli secutus regiam majestatem (jam annus est) visitasti, vir elegantis staturae, blandi colloquii, ingenii prudentis ac liberalis, qui primum in consilio regio 4 locum tenet. Hic ubi ex alta specula cancellarium vidit advenientem, marescallum suum obviam destinavit, qui nos ad se recta via5 deduceret. In publicis autem diversoriis praeceptum erat, ne quid nobis venundaretur vel ad hominum vel ad equorum usum. Et quia dispensator cancellarii praevenerat jamque popinam armaverat, omnia jussit eripi nec unum ex familia nostra passus est extra arcem6 esse, sed equis etiam pabula ministravit. Quod ubertim triduo factum est.[5] Venimus igitur ad ejus conspectum, postquam is 7 divina peregerat8 . Non tam laetus Herculem suscepit Evander aut Acestes Anchisen quam hic nostrum cancellarium. Nam et illum et nos singulos blando vultu et alacribus oculis ad se recepit modestissimoque9 risu quoslibet amplexabatur ac dulcissimis verbis consalutabat, et, ut quilibet valeret, percontabatur, nec nos uti servos -quod non erat impar -sed ut filios vel fratres pertractabat. Nemo est 10 , mihi crede11 , Johannes amantissime, quem umquam viderim tam benignus atque humanus in hospites suos12 , tam magnificus in aedificiis, tam splendidus13 in conviviis, tam largus erga personas miserabiles, tam aequus in subditos, tam justus in omnes quam istum praelatum accepi. Hospitalitatem, magnificentiam {205v} ac liberalitatem14 ego ipse sum contemplatus. Neque hic, sicut plerique, bona ecclesiae inter necessarios partitur aut in alios inlaudabiles usus convertit, sed elargitur pauperibus Christi quam plurima, nec princeps est his in partibus, ante cujus ostium plures pascantur inopes. Taceo eleemosynas, quas clanculum facit; nam et comitibus et baronibus nonnullis occulte subvenit, quos rota fortunae instabilis praecipitavit. Patet praeterea domus ejus praeclaris semper hospitibus. Et licet15 ea resistentia, quam sibi16 Albertus, Austriae dux fecit, qui postea rex Hungariae, Bohemiae ac Romanorum fuit, in octuaginta milibus aureorum suam ecclesiam damnificarit[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] , hic tamen18 postea quam pacem nactus est, in aedificiis tum castrorum tum ecclesiarum reparandis septem et viginti milia florenorum exposuit, in redimendis autem

	1 nemus KO
	2 omit. KO
	3 illic KO
	4 regis V4
	5 se recta via : secretam viam KO
	6 castrum V2a; corr. ex castrum V2b
	7 hic KO
	8 officia add. V2a; officia seq. V2b
	9 modestoque KO
	10 omit. KO
	11 mihi crede : crede mihi KO
	12 hospites suos : suos hospites KO
	13 liberalis V2a; corr. ex liberalis V2b
	14 ac liberalitatem omit. V4
	15 liceat V4

  illustris comes Ortenbergensis, quartus praepositus Frisingensis, vir et nobili loco natus et juris interpres. Sed nec mihi ultimus locus in tam sublimi mensa negatus est. Credo me alienigenam honorare voluerunt. Nihil lautius illa quadra fuit, nec tam florentes epulas Metellus, quaestor Hispaniae, dicitur habuisse, nec tam exquisita fercula Crispinus aut Apicius {206r} et alii Romani vorabant, postquam abrogatis cibariorum legibus prisca severitas 5 luxui cessit maligno. Mos Germanorum est est pisces carnibus admiscere6 , nec felix putatur, qui tantum carnibus vescitur. Fuerunt 7 igitur suavissimi 8 pisces appositi, quos tum Danubius propinquus tum Trauna praeterlabens administrabat. administrabat. Nescio quem acipenserem laudant antiqui quasve murenas. Ego inter edendum saepe recordatus sum ejus, quem Aristoteles dicit collum gruis optavisse, ut quam maxima ciborum voluptate perfrueretur. Inter carnes autem ardeam comedimus9 , turdos altiles, oryces, cervum, aprum, leporem, omitto reliqua 10 , ne dum haec legis, salivam

  dicimus, nobilitat viles16 frons generosa dapes, quid tunc dicemus, cum lautae mensae copiosisque apparatibus et vultus laeti et verba gratissima adjunguntur? Postquam vero exempta {206v} fames epulis mensaeque remotae sunt, ducit nos pontifex per castrum locaque singula monstrat[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] , situm ostendit et, quidquid est laudabile, in aperto facit. An opulent lunch had now been prepared. We went up to the hall and were seated below a window where a light breeze was blowing. First [at the table] was the bishop, second the chancellor, third the illustrious Count von Ortenberg, fourth the provost of Freising, a nobleman and jurist.1 I was seated in the last place at this distinguished table: I believe they wanted to honour me as a foreigner. Nothing surpassed the table in sumptuousness: Metellus, 2 the quaestor of Spain, is not told to have held such splendid meals,3 and neither Crispinus 4 nor Apicius 5 nor other Romans ate such exquisite dishes after the laws on meals had been abolished, and the former strictness gave way to fatal luxury. It is the German custom to serve both fish and meat, and one is considered unfortunate if he only eats meat [and not fish]. So, sweet-tasting fishes were served, provided by the nearby Danube and Traun rivers. (I know neither the sturgeon nor the lamprey

	[6]
	1 Where Piccolomini had a canon-ry.
	2 appositum ascendimus … levis omit. V4
	3 perflauit V4
	4 omit. V4
	5 omit. V4
	6 Mos Germanorum … admiscere omit. V4
	7 fuere V4
	8 fuerunt igitur suavissimi : sua-vissimi igitur fuerunt KO
	9 commendemus V3
	10 lepora V4
	11 saluiam V4
	12 nudatosque V4
	13 aut add. V2
	14 mandarentur KO
	15 omit. V4
	16 multum KO
	17 ducit nos … monstrat omit. V4

  1 et Austriam jacet, marchionatus Anasi. Quidam volunt hanc esse portionem Austriae postquam ibi ducatus erectus est. Sedet autem castellum in rupe Traunae2 , cui ab oriente Austria est3 , ab occidenti4 Bavaria5 . Boream sibi Bohemia praebet, Austrum Stiria6 . Trauna fluvius est mirae perspicuitatis, qui ex Alpibus Stiriae7 praecipitatus quosdam lacus efficit, exinde per quinquaginta milia passuum discurrens planitiemque peramoenam secans, non longe ab hoc castello fertur in Histrum. Habet hic8 amnis miri saporis pisces, nec scio an alius feracior sit. Scripsi jam tibi cursum ejus, qui admodum brevis est. Jus in eo piscandi multorum est: Pataviensis ecclesia 12 habet piscatores, quorum quilibet9 tres ministros secum ducit. ducit. Dux Austriae quattuor, comites10 de Schaunberga totidem, dominus11 Wallsee, praepositus Sancti Floriani, domini de Trauna et de Liechtenstein totidem, qui pro libito suo piscantur ac familias suas nutriunt. Praeter hos tamen, qui in horum manus pisces deveniunt12 , ad theolonium13 hujus oppidi quadraginta piscium modii quotannis ducuntur 14 ex his15 , qui ad mensuram venundantur; nam grandiusculi numeratim16 venduntur. Modius autem permagna mensura est et ultra quam reputes capax. Quid plura? Nusquam terram aut harenam juxta hoc flumen effodies, quin aqua introcrescente mox pisces invenias. Hoc, quemadmodum vides, ad ornamentum castelli locique voluptatem plurimum conducit.[9] Sed adhibe amplius te[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] mihi locumque intuere melius. Mihi, si castrum aliquod detur inhabitandum, ubi ad recreationem vivere velim, hoc potissimum placeret. Quid enim18 est ad plenum laetamen19 necessarium, quod hic desideretur? Fateor non esse hic vineta vel[START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] oliveta, non ficus, non cedros, non poma punica et alia quaedam, quae apud Italos habentur complurima. Sed vina huc21 ex Austria quam gratissima perferuntur, amica naturae gustuique suavia, quae nos in prandio affatim bibimus, nec ex Athesi desunt aut22 ex Tergesto, quia ubi pecunia est, illuc et vina vehuntur. Quodsi desunt racemi et cum ficubus melones, sunt pira et poma admodum gustui sapida, sunt cerasa multimodi generis, est aer saluberrimus, ventulus suavis. Si nudus incesseris, si os , si ventrem ostenderis et quantumvis flantis aurae perceperis, nihil exinde laederis. Cum aestus est quantumvis alibi maximus, semper in castra 1 flatus respirat amoenus. Now, listen a little longer, and I shall describe the location so that you may enjoy it, too, as you read about it. The castle is situated between Bavaria and Austria in the [old] margravate of Enns,. Some claim that it became a part of Austria after that duchy was created. The castle is placed on a cliff at the river Traun. To the east, it has Austria, and to the west, Bavaria. A southern wind blows from Bohemia, and a northern wind from Steiermark. The river Traun is remarkably clear. It falls from the Alps in Steiermark, and, forming some lakes on the way, it runs for 50,000 passus through a most charming plateau and flows into the Donau not far from the castle. The fish in the river have a marvellous taste, and I do not know of any river more prolific. I have now described the river'srather short -course. Many have fishing rights: the Church of Passau has 12 fishermen, each with three assistants. The Duke of Austria has four, the Counts of Schaumburg as many, the Lord of Wallsee, the Provost of Sankt Florian,1 the Lords of Traun and of Liechtenstein as many. They may fish as much as they want and make a living for their families. Besides the fish they catch for themselves, they annually bring 40 modii 2 of [smaller] fish to the town as a levy to be sold by volume (the bigger ones are sold individually). A modius is a rather large measure, larger than you may think. What more? Whenever you dig earth or sand by the river, the hole quickly fills with water, and you will find fish in it. As you understand, this contributes greatly to the advantages of the castle and the attractiveness of this site[9] But let us tale take a closer look. If anybody would give me a castle to live in for pleasure and relaxation, this is the one I should want, for what is lacking here that is needed for perfect enjoyment? Admittedly, there are no vineyards, olive yards, figs, cedars, grenade apples and other such that proliferate in Italy. But excellent wines are brought here from Austria, gentle and sweet to the taste, that we amply drink at meals, and there is no lack of wines from Tyrol or Trieste, for where there is money, there comes wine. Grapes, figs and melons may be missing, but there are tasty pears, apples and cherry trees of all kinds. The air is most healthy, the wind sweet. If you walk about undressed, open your mouth or bare your stomach to feel the breeze, you will not get sick. And when the summer heat is overwhelming, there is always a pleasant breeze at the castle.[10] Prospectus illinc ad novem decemve Teutonica miliaria protenditur: videntur montes, nemora, fluvii, campi, colles culti, vireta jucunda. Hinc Trauna currit, illinc Hister prolabitur. Prata quamplurima {207v} ridentia, cum tempus fert, circumspiciuntur. Pomeria circa castellum tria sunt, duo altissimis communita foveis, nec vitibus 1 omnino nuda, ubi stationes habentur et 2 umbracula contra solem aptissima. Si piscari velis, aquae in oculis sunt; si aucupari, sepes quamplurimae aviculis refertae circumstant; si tibi venatio placet, vix ad mille passus silvae distant, quarumvis ferarum genere plenae. Est in colle 3 proximo nemus umbrosum, altissimis quercubus septum, quod fovea sepsque cingit in modum parci 4 seu leporarii5 , ubi quamplurimae ferae conclusae sunt. Illic etiam nidi sunt quamplures, quos in arboribus humana diligentia ad usum ardearum 6 custodit, quae ibi 7 porrectis cibis nutriuntur. In planitie feraces sunt agri, tantum frumenti siliginisque reddentes, ut ex eo, quod superest, castro munito facile possit vinum comparari. Haec foris sunt.[11] Nunc arcem ipsam interius conspice. Est, ut dixi, super alta rupe constructum castellum, ex tribus partibus ex planitie sursum erectum ac sua natura defensum. Pars quarta duplicem habet foveam pontemque duplicem. Profunditas fovearum altissima est. In hac parte turris est in caelum tendens undique propugnaculis communita, in cujus summitate custos residet, qui cornu tubaque perpetuo clamitat, interdum et rusticam musam exagitat. Murus castelli undique duplex est et in plerisque locis triplex8 . In medio vero platea est circularis9 ibique fons amoenissimus scaturit {208r} ac per fistulas aereas bis sex aquam propinat10 . Fontis ambitus marmoreus est, intercolumnium11 medium et12 tabernaculum, quod desuper eminet, aereum13 mirifice structum, ut Elcanoris opus dijudices aut Polycreti, cujus fabrica trecentis et mille aureis empta est. Septem circum procerae ac frondosae ulmi tenduntur in caelum, quae umbram gratissimam 14 reddunt. Cena, dum aestus est, in cancellis apud hunc fontem paratur. Pisces ex fluminibus in fonte tamquam in vivario reservantur, ac, dum sedes in prandio, capi pisces et in popinam15 vivos deferri cernis, quos evestigio coctos manducas. Est et alius fons lapideus, dulces ac perlucidas aquas effundens; tertius in coquina est, cujus canulae lymphas in quaslibet ollas igni admotas inferunt. The view from there stretches for nine or 10 German miles: you can see mountains, forests, rivers, fields, cultivated hills and charming groves. Here the Traun flows by; there the Donau glides forward. When the season is right, you see smiling meadows. Around the castle are three orchards, 1 orchards, 1 two of them protected by deep moats. They have resting places with vines providing protection against the sun. If you want to go fishing, the waters are in sight. If you want to go fowling, there are many enclosures full of birds. And if you want to go hunting, there are forests only 1

	1 Baioariam V3, V4 2 Tramie KO 3 omit. V3 4 occidente V4, KO 5 Baioaria V3, V4 6 Siria KO 7 Sirie KO 8 sic V4 [8] 1 actibus KO [10]
	9 quorum quilibet : quorumlibet V4 2 omit. KO
	10 comes KO 3 calle V4
	11 de add. V2a; de seq. V2b 4 porci KO
	12 adueniunt KO 5 seu leporarii : omit. V2a; add. in marg. V2b
	13 teloneum KO 6 usum ardearum : ordearum usum KO
	14 dicuntur KO 7 tibi V4
	15 iis V3 8 est et … triplex omit. V4
	16 numeratum V4 9 arcularis KO
	17 KO; tete V2-V4 10 propinquat V4
	18 quid enim : qui deinde V4 11 inter columnas KO
	19 plenum laetamen : plenam leti-tiam V4, KO 12 est KO
	20 seu KO 13 est add. V2a; est seq. V2b
	21 hic KO 14 grauissimam KO
	22 ut V4 1 castro KO 15 coquinam KO

aperueris

  12] Est praeterea hujus castri mirum privilegium (sive consuetudo est): ruricolae, qui circum habitant, obnoxii sunt quaevis necessaria ad usum castri praebere exceptis his, quae majoris habentur sumptus. Dant caseum, butyrum, lac, ligna1 et fenum ad cloacas opportunum gratis, mundant domum, ligna scindunt, discos 2 mensarum exhibent, scutellas et cacabos lavant.[13] Post haec capellam vidimus 3 ad divinum cultum perornatam, ubi tres arae consecratae sunt. In ambitu superiori post aulam majorem habitatio {208v} regi parata erat, ubi haec loca notavi: stuba una tapetibus ornata et Atrebatensibus pannis, camera perampla, ubi et lectus aureis ornamentis et apparatu regio relucebat, ex qua et fenestra quaedam in capellam praebebat intuitum. Erat et studiolum perpulchrum rursusque alia camera propinqua, post habitaculum extra murum castri pontibus sustentatum, undique patulum in occiduum ac septentrionem meridianumque solem respiciens, ubi semper aura suavis respirat, cum alibi fervidus aestus sentitur. Exhinc aditus per pontes in alteram fertur cameram, quae extra murum trabibus sustentata et orientem et4 arctoum et occiduum solem intuetur, quam marescallus regius inhabitavit5 . Secundum locum dux Sigismundus Sigismundus obtinuit, qui et aulam et stubam et thalamum non6 minori cultu quam rex habuit. Ipse sibi pontifex cancellariam servavit, ubi rursus alia mansio suis membris ad usum principis erat ornata. Cancellario perpulchrum thalamum 7 in alta turri ac8 sub eo Walthero, regis consiliario, locum dedit. Partem 9 castri, quae 10 respicit orientem meridianumque solem11 , praefectus arcis12 cum cum conjuge ac nonnullis nobilibus dominabus occupavit. Nam et ibi mansiones quamplures fuere, tum amplae, tum decorae. Cellaria sub castro perampla et stabula multa. Inter castellum et flumen Traunam villa quaedam fuit aperta, quam hic pontifex brevi tempore muro13 cinxit et14 ad incolentium tutelam armavit, {209r} atque his in locis Romanorum regem et Sigismundum Austriae ducem suscepit, honoravit, pavit ac 15 omnem equitatum peditatumque recreavit. Neque contentus his sumptibus rursus, cum rex Linciam perrexisset, cum cancellario viam praeripuit ac Pataviae apud 16 regiam majestatem mansit. [14] Est autem Patavia praeclara divesque civitas inter Danubium Enumque sita, quam prisci Caesares ecclesiae tradiderunt. Danubius ex montibus Sueviae venit, Enus ex Alpibus, quae Germaniam ab Italia disterminant, atque hoc in loco mixtus Danubio nomen amittit. Urbs ipsa in longum tenditur nec magno negotio formam insulae susciperet, si quis ab Eno foveam in Danubium duceret. Nec enim quingenti passus sunt ex una in alteram aquam. Super 17 Enum 1 pons est ligneus, sexdecim habet arcus et civitatis partem, quae trans flumen est, civitati majori conjungit. Est et alius pons super Danubium, per quem via est ad montes, qui Bohemiam respiciunt. Post hos montes fluvius alius, niger admodum perlabitur, qui ex Bohemia veniens, oppidulum Judaeorum et tertiam Pataviae partem dividens, sub castro praesulis Danubio, quasi ex opposito Eni, se inmiscet. [cont.]

	1 lignum KO
	2 incisoria V2a; corr. ex incisoria V2b
	3 vidi V4
	4 omit. KO
	5 inhabitat K
	6 in KO
	7 perpulchrum thalamum : orna-tam cameram praebuit V2a; corr. ex ornatam cameram praebuit V2b
	8 et KO
	1 Du Cange. 9 dedit partem omit. KO
	2 ME translates "auf dem Schlosse Branntwein bereiten könnte." 10 qui KO
	3 I.e., playing a rustic tune. Pic-colomini may, obliquely, be echo-ing the "silvestris musa" of Vergil, borrowed from 11 Phoebum V2a; corr. ex Phoe-bum V2b
	Lucretius. See Vergilius: Eclogae 1: 2: silve-strem tenui musam meditaris ave-na. 12 praefectus arcis : castellanus ipse V2a; corr. ex castellanus ipse V2b
	13 omit. KO
	14 omit. V4
	15 atque KO
	16 omit. V2-V3
	17 sub V2

4

Read: Euphranor (fl. 4 th century BCE): Greek sculptor and painter.

5

Polykleitos (fl. 5th century BCE): Greek sculptor in bronze. See also DIA, 3: 5. 66 Juvenalis, 3: 217: hic aliquid praeclarum Euphranoris et Poly-cliti (… a third some notable work of Euphranor or Polyclitus).

7

"popina".

[qui

  Itaque tria flumina uno in loco conjunguntur ac propterea locum istum quidam verbo Italico Passum, hoc est transitum, vocitant. Nam et per hunc locum merces Italiae in Bohemiam ferebantur et superiores {209v} Teutonici vel Austriam vel Hungariam petebant 1 , sicut et hodie fieri videmus.[15] In medio urbis templum est Divi Stephani, primi martyris, hujus episcopatus patroni, egregie coeptum sed nondum perfectum. Chorus hic admodum pulcher aedificatur, sed, quia parce nimis tum civitas tum capitulum ad fabricam conferebat, Leonardus episcopus magnam pecuniam ad hoc opus dedit, adeoque jam celeriter aedificatur, ut quadriennio putetur ex integro perfici posse. Apud hoc templum aedes episcopi sunt ad eam partem, quae respicit Enum, cum 2 capacissimae tum splendidissimae, in quibus Fridericum Caesarem ac Sigismundum ducem aptissime collocavit. Esset res 3 admodum longa4 , si tibi omnes aedium partes vellem describere, si vel capellae reliquias reliquias sanctas vel aureos pannos, quibus undique muri vestiti5 erant, ostendere contenderem. Nescio quis princeps non se his aedibus egregie habitare putaret. Ego et regibus et caesaribus atque ipsis ecclesiae Romanae summis pastoribus 6 convenientissima haec palatia judicaverim, nisi quis7 forsitan Hussitarum 8 nimium sumptuosa haec sacerdotibus extimaverit9 . Sed neque 10 hic 11 solum habitacula regibus digna sunt, sed12 trans Danubium quoque duae13 14 sunt arces episcopi, altera in summo montis cacumine, altera in radicibus apud aquas, ubi Danubius et Niger, Bohemiae {210r} fluvius15 , qui etiam fert uniones, conjunguntur. Est ad sublimiorem arcem grandis ascensus atque difficilis, qui tantum ex uno angulo potest oppugnari, sed tot ibi munitiones additae sunt tam murorum quam fovearum, ut expugnari posse nulla vi hominum videantur. Ibi et aulae sunt et camerae splendidissimae, quas qui viderit nec ornatius aliquid nec munitius usquam esse putaverit. At ubi descenderis in arcem quae16 infra jacet, rursus ornatum majorem videbis, testitudinatas cameras et aulas quamplures, lectos ad regium cultum stratos. Mirari ego potius quam commendare potui. Sunt meo judicio Teutonici mirabiles mathematici omnesque gentes in architectura superant, at hic episcopus praecipuus est, sive suapte natura in hoc inclinatus sive peritissimis magistris edoctus. Vidi ego quamplurimas arces tum apud Italos tum apud alias gentes, sed[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] illae vel ad bellum sustinendum constructae vel ad voluptatem paratae fuerunt. Has vero Leonardus episcopus ad utramque rem miro artificio coaptavit, ita ut nec ad jucunditatem nec ad tutelam ulterius quidquam desiderent. Quae omnia cancellario et mihi fuerunt ostensa18 , dum Pataviae regem opperiremur.

	1 patebant V4
	2 tum KO
	3 jam KO
	4 epistola add. KO
	5 muri vestititi : moenia vestita HE, WO
	6 commendatissima vel add. KO
	7 omit. V4
	8 more add. KO
	9 existimauerit KO
	10 nec KO 1 Or balcony -open to the pleasant breeze? ME translates: Erker. 11 hoc KO 2 ME translates: Der Kirchenfürst selbst hat sich ein Zimmer vorbe-halten, wo wieder ein anderes Ru-helager von 12 omit. KO
	fürstlicher Pracht bereitet war. 13 omit. V4
	14 quoque duae : duae quoque KO
	15 filius V4

3

Kaspar Schlick.

4

Walther Zöbing.

5

I.e., the castle.

6

The Ilz.

7

Ilzstadt.

[cont.]

16

at ubi descenderis in arcem quae: quod V2a; corr. ex quod V2b 17 et add. KO

18

fuerunt ostensa : ostensa fuerunt KO

  16] Venit autem rex die lunae cum Sigismundo duce 12 kalendas Julias triduoque mansit, quem Pataviensis episcopus cum omni familia tam copiose quam {210v} splendide pavit nec aliquem vel principem vel privatum hominem, qui curiam sequeretur, passus est Pataviae vel obolum exponere: cunctis ipse sumptus quam liberalissime praebuit1 . Si 2 qui fuerunt, qui verecundia ducti nollent fercula petere, illis usque in domum ubertim edulia mittebantur et vina, nec potuit aliquis cibum mordere, qui non ex episcopi conquina venisset, cumque 3 rex moneret 4 episcopum, ne tantis se sumptibus oneraret, "Tace," inquit, "rex. Nolo, cum hac vita migravero, patronus meus me arguat Stephanus, qui scit haec bona sibi per tuos antecessores elargita digneque tibi ex illis honorem impendi." Ministri praeterea esculenta et poculenta equorumque pabula tam voluntarie exhibebant, ut tum se quam maxime lucrari putarent, cum effusius dispensarent.[17] Ego, mi Johannes, non potui, dum ista cernerem, non laetari. Videbar videre priscos illos et admirabiles viros, quos tantopere commendat antiquitas, sicut de Seneca scribunt Pisoneque bono 5 et Cotta, quibus et titulis et fascibus6 major fuit donandi gloria. Fortunet Deus hunc praesulem 7 vitamque sibi 8 cornicis praebeat et annos Nestoris, sapientiam autem eam sibi usque in finem vitae praestet, quam modo habet. Nam etsi multos sub se populos tenet et castella ultra 30 possidet et diocesim ad trecenta milia passuum extensam 9 regit 10 , a {211r} Ratispona prope 11 usque in Pozonium, quod est Hungariae oppidum12 , regit13 , tanta est tamen ejus14 prudentia singularisque virtus, ut nihil dubium sit sub ejus gubernatione praestantissimam hanc ecclesiam tam in spiritualibus quam in temporalibus prosperari.Vale, Campisi optime, et hujus clarissimi viri laudes reverendissimo domino tuo meoque, cardinali Tarentino, et ceteris Romanae curiae secutoribus15 expone, quamvis Tarentinus ipse praelatum hunc et noscat et amet. Ex Patavia, 10. kal. Julias anno a nativitate domini16 1444.

	1 fecit V2a; corr. ex fecit V2b
	2 sed KO
	3 cum KO
	4 moueret KO
	5 gneo KO
	6 fastibus HE
	7 praesidem V2a; corr. ex praesi-dem V2b
	8 omit. KO
	9 non longe add. V2a; non longe seq. V2b
	10 omit. KO
	11 omit. V2a; add. superlin. V2b
	12 porrectam add. V2a; porrectam seq. V2b;
	13 regnat KO
	14 est tamen ejus : eius tamen est KO
	15 senatoribus KO

16

a nativitate domini omit.

KO

  3 God bless this bishop and give him the [long] life of a raven 4 and Nestor's5 [many] years, and may he keep the wisdom he possesses now to the end of his life. For though he rules many people, owns more than 30 castles, and heads a diocese extending 300,000 passus, from Regensburg to Pozon,6 a town in Hungary, his wisdom and eminent virtue are such that, under his rule, this church will no doubt prosper both spiritually and temporally.Farewell, best Campisio. Please praise this illustrious prelate to your and my Most Reverend Lord, the Cardinal af Taranto7 and the other members of the Roman Curia, though the cardinal already knows and loves him. From Passau, 23 June 8 in the year 1444 from our Lord's birth.

	1 Error for July. According to Heinig, the emperor was in Passau on 19 and 22 July (Heinig, 3: 1356).
	2 "obolus"
	3 Juvenalis, 5: 107-109: Nemo pe-tit, modicis quae mittebantur ami-cis a Seneca, quae Piso bonus, quae Cotta solebat
	largiri; nam-que et titulis et fascibus olim ma-jor habebatur donandi gloria.

Letter to Johann Gers (22 September 1444, Nürnberg).

  Diet of Nürnberg opened on 1 August 1444 and ended on 11 October. Its main agenda was to reach an agreement on the German position in the church conflict between PopeEugenius in Rome and the schismatic council in Basel with its Pope Felix V, but its deliberations on this matter were overshadowed by the arrival of French troops, the Armagnacs, led by the dauphin, in imperial territory.

	Context: The long-awaited Subject: Piccolomini informs Johann Gers about the Armagnac invasion and the negotiations about the church
	matters.	1 2

HE gives the reference MPL, 76: p. 1259: 1612. The passage is (al-so) in a letter from Pope Innocent III (Epistolae, 16: 179 (MPL, 216: col. 964B)).

156.

  6 -of the arrival of the French, but now I give you reliable news, and what I write you may tell others as gospel truth if only you find it confirmed by my letter. Recently, Louis,7 the Dauphin of Viennois and the firstborn firstborn of the King of France,8 entered the Empire with a large army9 and laid siege to the town of of Mömpelgard, which the Counts of Württemberg hold as a feudal possession from the Empire. When the dauphin had stayed there for some days, he agreed with the people of its castle that the town would be given over to him for a certain period, after which he would return it freely. Otherwise, he would conquer it by force to have a proper place to stay since it was not fitting for a king's son to stay in the fields without a roof over his head. [cont.] [cont.] Postquam autem dalphinus Beligardi potitus est, famam undique sui adventus publicavit, sed non uno modo apud omnes. Apud aliquos 1 namque se in auxilium nobilitatis venisse praedicabat, tamquam illa 2 in Germania per communitates 3 esset oppressa. Apud alios vero vocatum se dicebat per Romanorum 4 regem contra Suicenses. Nonnullis autem se velle vendicare jura domus Franciae asserebat, quae usque ad Rhenum protendi dicebat. Ex hac causa urbem Argentinam obsessurum se affirmabat. Dicebat 5 enim etiam et propter ducem Sigismundum se venisse. Et hos rumores ubique publicari studebat, non quod ita esset, sed quod favorem ob eam causam sese putabat habiturum.[3] Dum haec fama sic percurrit, nobiles Alsatiae, quibus gravior videtur Suicensium dominatus, oratores ad dalphinum mittunt eumquam rogant, ut praesidia contra Suicenses praebeat. De dalphini exercitu varia dicta sunt. Qui majora sequuntur, 60 milia hominum in ejus comitatu fantur haberi; qui minora probant, 25 milia; medii vel 30 vel 36 6 milia censent esse7 . Concordatum est inter dalphinum et Alsatienses 25 milia hominum ex suo exercitu per hanc {111r} hiemem in oppidis Alsatiae recipi debere, ipseque dalphinus et Thuricensibus et aliis obsessis ferre opem promittit8 . Veniebant jam dalphini gentes, quae vulgo vocantur Armeniaci, in subsidium cujusdam castelli, quod Suicenses prope Basileam obsidebant. Suicenses, ut hoc senserunt, non expectatis hostibus obviam pergunt primasque Armeniacorum turmas invadunt9 , stragem dant plurimosque 10 neci praebent. Armeniaci retro pedetentim fugientes ad majorem exercitum se recipiunt. Illi sanguinis cupidi et avidi victoriae, dum gloriam 11 quaerunt, propriam salutem amittunt.

  illos fertur irruisse1 , ex quibus duos obtruncavit, alios vero in fugam dedit 2 ac deinde semianimum corpus amici super humeros recepit et invitis hostibus portavit ad suos.

	1 alios L
	2 omit. M2, M3
	3 comites M3
	4 Romanum M1
	5 omit. M1, HE, WO
	6 30 vel 36: 36 vel 30 M3
	7 qui minora … esse omit. L
	8 em. HE, WO; promittunt codd.
	9 incidunt M3
	10 pluresque L
	11 gratiam M2
	12 quattuor stadiis : stadiis quattuor M3
	13 aut Basilienses M1-M3
	14 nonnullis ante … cederentque omit. L
	15 bellum L
	16 sanguinolentes M1
	17 nec prius … exalabant omit. M2
	18 nec prius … occidissent omit. L
	19 vindicabant M2, M3
	20 grassabantur HE, WO

quattuor 1 omit. M1 2 convertit M2, M3

  1 illi se tutos 2 ab una parte rebantur solumque in fronte pugnabant. Sed Teutonici, qui cum Armeniacis erant, intrantes hortum murum perfodiunt Suicensesque a tergo ferunt, quae res magna causa ruinae Suicensium fuit. Pugnatur tum ante tum retro. Jam viro vir imminet nec jam eminus, sed cominus ferrum stringitur. Suicenses quasi leones 3 per omnem exercitum in victores vagantur, caedunt sternuntque omnia, ut qui jam non in spem victoriae, sed in mortis ultionem se pugnare sciunt. Proelium a 4 principio diei usque 5 in finem tractum est. Ad extremum non victi Suicenses, sed vincendo fatigati inter ingentes hostium catervas ceciderunt. Victoria lugubris atque 6 cruentissima Armeniacorum fuit, campusque liber eis mansit non virtute, sed multitudine superantibus. Ex Suicensibus, qui plures occidisse jurant7 , quattuor milia caesa referunt8 , qui minus mille et quingentos viros cecidisse ajunt. Ex Armeniacis {111v} dicunt aliqui plures desideratos9 esse quam ex Suicensibus. Magna caedes equorum fuit. Plures Teutones 10 , dum ulcisci Suicenses volunt, vitam amiserunt. Suicenses autem nulla res magis extinxit quam magnanimitas sive illa temeritas fuit. Nam dum hostes parvipendunt, eo deducti sunt, unde exire non potuere. Qui sapit, nec nimis timet hostes neque contemnit nimis11 .[6] Dum haec aguntur, rex Romanorum oratores ad dalphinum mittit episcopum Augustensem et Johannem de Eich doctorem nonnullosque milites perscrutatum, quid causae sit, quod imperium cum exercitu sit ingressus. Redeunt oratores et cum his dalphinus suos ad regem destinat, quinque viros praestantes. Interim ex parte concilii Basiliensis cardinales duo, Arelatensis et Sancti Calixti, pluresque alii doctores dalphinum adeunt et cum his cives Basilienses deprecanturque, ne vel concilio vel civitati noceat. Is rursus suos Basileam cum his nuntios mittit, qui adhuc ibi sunt habentque diversos concordiae tractatus, nam et oratores papae Felicis 12 ac ducis Sabaudiae13 totiusque Suicensium factionis illic convenerunt.

	1 qui M1
	2 se tutos : secutos M3
	3 quasi leones omit. M2
	4 ab M1
	5 ut M2
	6 et M2, M3
	7 narrant L
	8 caesa referunt omit. M2, M3
	9 stratos M3
	10 Theutoni M3

11

sive illa … nimis omit. L 12 papae Felicis : Felicis papae M3

  6

	1 fortassis M3
	2 pendente M2; prudencie M3

3

Cum consorte … prudentia : et domino Tusskoni commendatum me facito. Arma sua misi per quendam nobilem dictum Boch L

4

Iterum vale … ama omit. M2 5 domini add. L 6 Ex Nuremberga … 1444: Ex Norimberga etc. M2; Ex Norim-berga 1444 M3

157. Letter to Michael von Pfullendorf (1 October 1444, Vienna).

  5 This, my excellent friend, is what I can tell you now concerning the Armagnac affair.[8] In the church matter, no decision has been reached as yet. Four of the prince-electors are here now: the Archbishop of Mainz,6 the Archbishop of Trier,7 the Duke of Saxony8 and the Margrave of of Brandenburg.9 Because of the Armagnacs, the Count Palatine 10 has received permission to not come but protect his country. The Archbishop of Cologne 11 is occupied with a siege of Soest and has not yet been able to come, but it is believed he will come soon, now that the royal ambassadors have arranged an armistice. The ambassadors from both parties are here, each defending his own party's cause. The Bishop of Verdun 12 has come on behalf of the Duke of Burgundy.13 He energetically endeavours to persuade His Royal Majesty to declare himself and the whole [German] nation for Pope Eugenius, and he has, today, given a long oration before the entire assembly. This is what I can write now.Farewell together with your wife,14 who possibly possesses more goodness than wisdom15 since wisdom usually does not prevail among women. Again farewell, and love me. From Nürnberg, 22 September 1444. Sequebar magnificum virum dominum Gasparem 5 cancellarium ex Nuremberga recedentem, cum inter equitandum rogasti me, ut tibi patriam tuam revisuro aliquid rescriberem6 , nam sic potissime reconciliatum me tibi censeres. Ego tunc non spopondi 7 me scripturum, nisi tuae ad me litterae prius devenissent. Nunc cum diu expectarim scripta tua jamque mihi satis persuadeam in vanum me manere8 , ut scribas, deliberavi tuo desiderio morem gerere prioresque meas litteras ad te 9 te 9 dare, quod, si verum audire vis (debes autem velle), non tantum tui causa faciam quantum mea. Veniunt enim 10 ad me plures quaeruntque diligenter ex me, cur11 inter te meque turba fuerit. Nota enim omnibus erat amicitia nostra et quasi Pictagoreos amicos nos omnes arbitrabantur, cum et libri12 et bona omnia inter nos communia viderent13 . At cum postea seorsum inceperimus14 vivere, sciscitantur omnes, cur hoc discidium intercesserit, et aliqui te, aliqui me incusant, nonnulli utrumque. At ego, cum mihi de re hac verbum fit, expurgo meipsum et causam meam sine advocato defendo, sicut et te facere non ambigo. Nam et Procopius Bohemus, vir praestans nostrique amantissimus, ita tuis verbis persuasus {83r} erat, ut oratione magna opus fuerit, antequam ejus opinionem mutare potuerim, quia tu eum imbueras. Existimabat enim homo me potius quam te peccavisse. Sed auditis tandem rationibus meis sententiam variavit, jamque, ut est, non me amicitiae jus violasse sed te, sicut est, putat. Sed est mihi permolestum unicuique poscenti reddere rationem, namque ut diuturnior nostra benevolentia fuit, eo notior omnibus fuit.[2] Sed venit in mentem, quod Papius Florentinus fecit. Is cum pallium olei pauxillo maculasset, quia se per urbem euntem singuli percontabantur, quidnam esset, quod pallium deturpasset, cum graviter omnibus responderet, schedulam15 pergameni pallio consuit, in qua scriptum erat "Oleum". Nec post hac voce cujusquam vexatus est; occurrebat enim interrogationi cujuslibet schedula16 . Ita et mihi faciendum est. Scribam ad te causas, cur ex tua me subtraxerim amicitia. Si quis deinde me fuerit, ad epistolam hanc remittam, ex qua poterit quisque 1 et causas dissolutionis amicitiae2 nosse et non me culpandum, sed te potius fuisse. Et satisfaciam tibi, qui meas litteras te cupere significasti. Fateor enim me priorem fuisse in amicitia dirimenda, cum viderem non elegisse me virum, qui posset in amicitia mea esse diuturnus.[cont.]

	157.
	Manuscripts:	M1, ff. 82v-84v 1 **; M2, ff. 77v-78v 2 ; M3, ff. 406r-407v	3 .
	Editions:	KO, 97	4 (KO); HE, 158, pp. 380-383; WO, 1: 1, 158, pp. 439-442; (both based on M1).
	Translations:	ME, 31, pp. 141-146.
	{82v} Aeneas Silvius poeta salutem plurimam dicit Michael de Phullendorf, regiae cancellariae
	protonotario.
	[1] 1 SC, 164-168
	2 SC, 162-164
	3 SC, 812-814
	4 DV, ff. 57r-58r
	5 Slick add. M3
	6 rescriberem HE, WO
	7 respondi KO
	8 me manere : mouere M2; ma-num monere M3
	9 ad te omit. M2, M3
	10 omit. KO
	11 cum KO
	12 liberi KO
	13 viderentur M2, M3
	14 ceperimus M2, M3
	15 cedulam M2, M3 1 quisquam M3
	16 cedula M2, M3 2 omit. M3

scrutatus

Letter to Michael von Pfullendorf (1 October 1444, Vienna).

	Context:	When Piccolomini joined the imperial chancery, he soon developed a close friendship with Michael
		von Pfullendorf, but later, the two friends apparently had a falling out. They would soon be
		reconciled.
	Subject:	Piccolomini tells Pfullendorf why they can no longer be friends.

  . [cont.][cont.] Nec propterea mirari 1 quisquam debet, quod benevolentia nostra biennalis fuerit; nec enim anni duo veram amicitiam ostendunt, sed vix aetas hominis satis comprobat amicitiam. Plures sunt, qui nobis ab initio placidi et humiles videntur, sed ii 2 successu temporis, quales sint, apparent3 . Possunt enim aliqui naturae vitia ad tempus tegere, in perpetuum tegere non possunt. Necesse est4 enim, ut sese aliquando, quales sint, demonstrent. Quod cum fit, solvitur amicitia, quia perditum est, quod amabatur. Jam te arbitror, quo pergam, intelligere. Non insimulo te alicujus vitii, sed ajo te alium esse quam rebar. Putaram te meorum morum esse conformem 5 ideoque te amavi. Et certe finxisti te naturae meae admodum similem. Nunc, quia non continuas nec ille es, qui antea fuisti, nec amor meus erga te ille est. Ego, ut vixi ab initio tecum, sic perseveravi semper. Itaque, si nunc non sum amandus, nec in principio diligendus fui. Nec ista dico, quod me bonum, te malum arguam aut mores meos sinceros dicam et tuos impuros. Potest esse, ut tu 6 bonus sis, ego malus. Utcumque est, non potest amicitia perdurare, {83v} ubi mores dissimiles sunt.[3] Sed ne sic divagando 7 rem 8 faciamus longiusculam, dicam tibi, quid est, quod me non sinit esse esse amicum tuum et quibus in9 rebus injuriatus sis mihi exponam. Morum diversitas est in hoc, quod tu multorum verborum 10 , ego paucorum; tu pecuniis studes, ego eas parvifacio; tu litteris ad lucrum aliquando11 vacas, ego ad quietem animi sequor eas; tu rigidus et atrox, ego lenis et facilis; tu cibis plus quam venere oblectaris, ego plus venerem amo quam cibos; tu nocte adveniente numquam dormire et in 12 mane numquam13 surgere vis, ego post cenam, paululum postquam quievi, dormire vellem et ante lucis adventum surgere; tu clarus, ego humilis. Sunt hae inter te meque differentiae. Quod si fateri nolis, eorum judicio stabo, qui te meque usu noscunt14 .[4] At certe, cum prima inter nos jacta sunt15 amicitiae fundamentaquae certe mala jacta fuerunttu haud talem te monstrabas, sed eras mihi admodum morigenus, ita ut quidquid mihi placeret, idem et tibi videretur cordi talique arte me invisceravisti16 . Sed mutasti postea modum vivendi et priorem naturam tuam redisti. Quodsi tu vitam mutas, decet et me amorem mutare. Dicis "Quid est, quod tibi obfuerit?" Multa sunt, Michael, ne vereare: lacessisti me lingua, dixti pluries inter commensales me levem multisque vitiis me insimulasti. Quae si fortasse vera fuerintscio enim me miseriis involutumdecebat te non inter alios, sed inter te meque corripere et, si me non emendassem, sicut evangelii lex jubet, adhibere unum, poteras[START_REF] Dietrich Ii Von Mörs | Archbishop of Cologne and German prince-elector from 1414 to his death[END_REF] vel duos ac postmodum ecclesiae dicere.[cont.]

	1 admirari M2, M3
	2 hii M2, M3
	3 appareant KO
	4 omit. M3
	5 morum esse conformem : confor-mem esse morum M2, M3; esse conformen morum KO
	6 omit. M3
	7 sic divagando omit. KO
	8 illam add. KO
	9 omit. M3
	10 omit. M2, M3, KO
	11 ad lucrum aliquando : aliquando ad lucrum KO
	12 omit. M2, M3, KO
	13 mane numquam : nunquam mane KO
	14 cognoscunt KO
	15 jacta sunt : sunt jacta KO
	16 em.; inviscasti M1-M3; inua-sisti KO
	17 poteris KO

  think you understand what I am getting at. I am not accusing you of any fault, but I am saying that you are different from what I thought. I believed we were similar in character, and therefore I loved you. And you certainly let me think we had a great natural affinity. But now you are not continuing this way and are no longer like you were before, so my love for you cannot be the same. I have continued to be as I was when we lived together in the beginning. So, if you can no longer love me, you should not have loved me then. I do not say this to claim that I am good and you are bad or that my character is honest and yours impure. It is entirely possible that you are good and I am bad, but in any case, our friendship cannot continue if our characters are different.

  liked, too, and thus you captured me. But later, you changed your way of life and returned to your former nature. But if you change your life, I must change my love, too. You say, "What have I done to hurt you?" Many things, do not fear, Michael. You have attacked me in words, you have often told our table-fellows that I am superficial, and you have accused me of many faults. But even if you were rightfor I know I am not perfectyou ought not to say it among others but correct me between us. And if I did not improve my ways, you shouldas the law of the gospel bids us -take with thee one or two more and afterwards tell the church.2 [cont.] [cont.] At tu me coram semper laudasti blanditusque mihi magnopere fuisti, post tergum vero monstrasti me digito atque subsannasti. Sunt noti tui meique, ex quibus saepe audivi haec. Nec tu negare potes, quin comediam meam carpseris, quam de Chryside feci Nurembergae. Non est mihi curae, quod mea scripta tuo judicio reprobenturquamvis magnum estnec ego laudari musam meam ex te volui 1 , quia non est digna laus, quae ab homine 2 rei non perito venit, sed noto animum tuum. Praeterea si quid vitii inerat, decebat te me admonere, ut limassem. At tu nedum carmen, sed auctorem {84r} quoque irridebas meque perlevem 3 accusabas, qui comediam scripsissem, tamquam non laudi Terentius et Plautus habiti sint, qui comedias scripserunt. Sed mitto haec.[5] Alia sunt, quae famae meae plus obfuerunt. Quinque et viginti aureos mutuo mihi dedisti, magnum officium et amico dignum, nam cujus tu fidem in pecunia cognoveris, tuto illi omnia credas: argentum est alter sanguis. Subvenisti me, fateor, in re necessaria nec ego umquam inficias ibo me tibi propterea obligatum fore. Repetisti ex me mutuum. Non communicavi4 verbum, sed cum ipse pecunia vacuus essem, ex alio mutuatus sum, quod tibi restituerem. Bene hucusque actum est. Post dies exinde aliquos, cum ex me nonnihil peteres, quod praestare non poteram, dixti me tibi succensere ac propterea succensere, quod tuum aes repetisses. Magna profecto haec injuria fuit. Nam quis posthac 5 mihi nummos credat, si repetenti irascar? Magno me crimine insimulasti tantoque meum animum offendisti magis, quanto ab ea intentione eoque vitio magis abfueram. Verius dicere poteras: ideo erga me alius est Aeneas, quia nonnihil sibi detraxi, aut quia non affui sibi in perceptione6 bibalium, aut quia sibi detrahentes non redargui. Hoc me, Michael, mirum in modum turbavit. Quodsi dicis antea quoque me tibi fuisse solito graviorem, non negabo. Sciebam namque me tuis morsibus lacessitum, sed erant illa vulnera, quae non aegre curari poterant, si alia non supervenissent. Et quippe quod tu dicebas me7 propter repetitionem pecuniae commotum, facile potest confutari8 , nam et antequam pecuniam repeteres cognitis, quae de me dixeras clanculo, non eram tibi ex consuetudine prisca conjunctus paulatimque studebam me disjungere memorque Ciceronis sententiae non rumpere benevolentiae vinculum sed solvere nitebar. Quod autem postea truncavi amoris funem tua culpa fuit, cum me coram aliis propter pecuniam tibi molestum assereres. Feci ergo tunc, ut nautae faciunt, qui adveniente periculo non solvunt navem, sed retinacula incidunt. Haec credo satis fuisse ad amicitiam dirimendam, nam quod cistam mihi commodatam vendideris Jacobo nostro quodque tuos libros repetieris et meos retinueris non vitio do, sed indignationi jam suborto tribuo.

	1 noui M3
	2 aut add. M1-M3; ac KO
	3 meque perlevem : me levem KO
	4 commutaui KO
	5 post hoc KO
	6 persecutione KO
	7 omit. M3
	8 refutari M2, M3

Johann Gers (3 November 1444, Wiener Neustadt).

  , pp. 385-387; WO, 1: 1, 160, pp. 444-446; (both based on M1).{112r} Domino Johanni Gers, regio protonotario, viro praestanti et amici amico, Aeneas Silvius poeta salutem plurimam dicit.3 [1] Dedi ad te litteras ex Nuremberga scripsique tibi Armeniacorum adventum credens tibi complacuisse, nam et sic mihi abs te discedenti praeceperas. Nunc autem reversus huc inveni, nescio quid, te moleste tulisse, quod in epistolae calce scriptum erat, conthoralem tuam ut juberes salvere, adjunctis verbis, quibus eam probiorem quam sapientem, videbar sensisse. Hoc, ut accepi, tu aegre tulisti. Nescio, an credam his, qui mihi haec4 insinuarunt, nam hoc non Viennae, sed inter Viennam et Novam Civitatem ac inter equitandum mihi relatum est. Quodsi Viennae id contigisset, verbis potius quam litteris apud te purgassem. Utcumque est, mihi non fit verisimile te, virum aetate maturum et moribus comprobatum, verba, quae nunc attigi, non bono animo tulisse, nam quid ego dixi? Laudavi probitatem, diminui sapientiam. An tu is es, qui quaeras in muliere sapientiam? Scio, quia non ignoras Ecclesiastici verba: virum de mille unum reperi, mulierem ex omnibus non inveni. Sed quid ego de mulieribus, cum et in viris laus sit probiorem esse quam sapientem. Namque sicut ad Corinthios inquit Paulus: stultam fecit Deus sapientiam hujus mundi, ac ideo in evangelio dominus: nisi conversi fueritis, inquit, et efficiamini sicut parvuli, non intrabitis in 5 regnum caelorum. Non enim sapientiam hujus saeculi 6 , sed cor simplex et mentem puram diligit dominus. Et his dotibus pollere conjugem 7 tuam scripsi. Non eam Corneliam, Graccorum matrem, oratricem dixi aut Calpurniam in causis patrocinantem, sed talem praedicavi, quam ipse Deus 8 non aspernaretur et qui stulta hujus mundi delegit et sapientiam perdidit sapientum. Sed dixerit aliquis fortasse de uxoribus, qualescumque fuerint, tacendum esse. Hoc, si apud vos moris est, fateor me vestrae consuetudinis inscium peccavisse dandaque erranti venia, nam et Paulus veniam meruit ecclesiam Dei persequens, qui se bene facere credidit 9 . Titulus: alia M1 [in the M1, this letter follows immediately after Piccolomini's previous letter to Gers (letter156)]; Eneas Silvius poeta salutem plurimam dicit domino Johanni Gers, regio protonotario et amici amico M2 ; Eneas Silvius poeta (etc.) salutem plurimam dicit domino Johanni Gers, regio protonotario M3 4 omit. M3 5 omit. WO 6 ac ideo … saeculi omit. M3 7 pollere conjugem : coniugem pollere M2, M3 8 ipse Deus : deus ipse M2 9 crederit M3

	Manuscripts:	M1, ff. 112r-112v **; M2, ff. 72v-73r 1 ; M3, ff. 402v-403v 2 .
	Editions: HE, 1601 SC, 152-153
	2 SC, 805-807
	3

159. Letter to Johann Gers (3 November 1444, Wiener Neustadt).

  :Piccolomini had sent Johann Gers a letter (letter 156) on the proceedings at Nürnberg, at the end of which he had mentioned Gers' wife in a somewhat disobliging manner (consorte tua magis bona quam fortasse prudente). Apparently, Gers had taken offence at this. Subject:

	Context

  scire beatum mihi videri, qui vitam ab negotiis procul publicis sibi delegit sicut prisca gens mortalium consuevit. Quis enim non felicem illum dicat, qui nullo fenore aut aere alieno obligatus paterna 2 rura suis bobus exercet. Audi quam beatus sit. Nempe non truci 3 excitatur excitatur classico, quo bellum petere ac pugnam jubeatur inire, non horret {192r} iratum mare, forum vitat et litigantium jurgia, non visitat superba divitum atria, non fastidiosis curialibus est supplex, sed aut 4 altas populos adultis vitium propaginibus maritat aut in secreta reductaque valle errantes boves et armenta pascentia prospectat, interdum ramos inutiles falce resecat ac feliciores inserit, interdum mella, quae pressit, puris recondit amphoris aut oves tondet 5 lanasque recipit. At, cum autumnus decorum caput mitibus pomis per agros extulit, magno afficitur gaudio, pira ex arboribus decerpens, quas sua manu inseruit6 . Interdum et purpureas uvas colligit et aut suspendit in in usum hiemis aut mustum exprimit. Libet illi jacere modo sub antiqua ilice, modo in tenaci gramine. Labuntur aquae7 ex altis rupibus, quaeruntur aves in silvis, obstrepunt fontes manantibus 8 manantibus8 lymphis somnosque leves invitant. Ut vero hibernus advenit annus et imbres nivesque dominantur aut apros multa cane in obstantes detrudit9 plagas aut 10 rara retia levi amite seu furca contra edaces turdos suspendit aut pavidum leporem et advenam gruem laqueo captat.[4] Quodsi pudica mulier illi fuerit, quales olim fuerunt Sabinae sive11 , de quibus sacra scriptura meminit, Sara, Rebecca vel Rachel, quae solibus perusta domum servet et dulces nutriat12 liberos, multo beatior fiet, cum illa in adventu lassi viri vetustis lignis sacrum extruet 13 focum 14 claudensque textis cratibus laetum pecus distenta {192v} siccabit ubera et dulcia vina dolio promens dapes inemptas15 apparabit16 . Quis hanc non laudet ac desideret vitam? Non me amplius lucrina 17 conchylia aut rhombi vel18 scari nec ex quovis mari vel flumine quaesiti pisces juverint, quam lecta19 de pinguissimis ramis arborum oliva decerpta aut agna, quam solis paschalibus festis rustici mactant, vel haedus ab ore praereptus 20 lupi. Nam quantum juvat inter rusticales 21 epulas, mitia poma et castaneas molles ac pernas et caseum, pastas oves videre, cum domum properant, intuerique fessos boves, inversum vomerem collo trahentes languido. Multa sunt ruris gaudia, quae nunc singula prosequi non est epistolaris angustiae.

	1 te volo : volo te M2
	2 omit. WO
	3 truce V3
	4 ut V4
	5 tundet V4
	6 conseruit V4
	7 atque V4
	8 quaeruntur aves … manantibus : que V4
	9 detundit M2
	10 et M2
	11 sero M2
	12 nutriet M2
	13 extimet M2; excitet M3
	14 uocum M2
	15 ineptas M2
	16 apparebit V3
	17 locrina V2-V4
	18 et M3

19

em. HE; leta codd.

164. Letter to Jacopo di Castro Romano (28 November 1444, Bruck).

  since he is staying in faraway regions. Write back to me about your eyes, and if you receive your things from Venice. The Hungarians are arrogant and want to invade Austria, which they will find [prepared] if they come.Farewell and love me as always. From Bruck, 20 November 1443. Aeneas Silvius, poeta, salutem plurimam dicit domino Jacobo, physico regio de Castro Romano, militi et nobili tamquam patri honorando.[1] Nemo me juste posset arguere, si ad meos amicos scribens te solum juberem salutari, nam et tu similiter facis, qui satis fecisse amicitiae reris, quod in magnifici cancellarii litteris Aeneam salvere jussisti. Sed nolo tecum agere, sicut tu mecum facis. Scribam enim potius tibi quam te per alios mandem resalutari. Quod autem ad te scribam, non est aliud, nisi quod me sospitem possum tibi significare.[2] Tetigisti tamen in litteris cancellarii domini mei et amici tui optimi unum, quod mihi scribendi materiam praebet, namque tu doles virum illustrem Nicolaum Piceninum decessisse de vita. Ego sui causa maxime gaudeo, nam cum viderem illum scientia rei militaris et armorum gloria omnibus, qui nostra aetate fuerunt, praestitisse, cum scirem ipsum semper constantem ac fidelissimum fuisse timebam semper -ut variae et mutabiles sunt res mundanae -ne qua res intercideret, quae vel gloriae vel bonitati suae detraheret. Cupiebam semper illum diem venire, quo tantus homo dici beatus posset, quod ante obitumut Ovidio placet -de nullo dici potest, namque ut ille ait: dicique beatus ante obitum nemo supremaque funera debet. Congaudeo igitur et admodum tanto viro congratulor, qui vitam suam cum laude finivit. Cui et nunc epitaphium ederem, nisi quod nunc librum De viris illustribus aevi nostro compono, in quo et ipsum suo loco sepeliam et tumulum meliorem diuturnioremque faciam, quam dux Mediolani construxisse sibi dicatur.[3] De Rotundella cum scriberes credo inflatum nervum urina magis quam desiderio Veneris stetisse tibi, namque ut minxisti et calamus tacuit, quod tuorum paucitas verborum ostendit. Sed illa non tumidas 1 vento vel urina sed succo pretiosissimo distentas cupit, ideoque scias te sui non esse idoneum amatorem. Haec ex joco dixi. swollen with the most precious of fluids1 and not by air or urine. Therefore, you should know that you are not a suitable lover. I say this as a joke! 2 Tu vale et Matthaeum nostrum Pisanum meo nomine salvum dicito. Ex Prugk, die 28. novembris 1444.

	Manuscripts:	M4, f. 165r * **.
	Editions:	HE, 165, pp. 391-392; WO, 1:1, 165, p. 452-453.

{165r}

1

Semen.

2

The joke is inspired by Ovid's 2 nd epode.

165.

Letter to Filippo Maria Visconti (18 December 1444, Wiener Neustadt).

	Manuscripts:	M1, ff. 121r-122r; M2, ff. 45v-46v 1 ; M3, ff. 251r-253v 2 ; V2, ff. 233-238 3 ; V3, ff. 112r-114v 4 **;
		V4, ff. 100r-102r.
	Editions:	HE, 167, pp. 422-425; WO, 1: 1, 167, pp. 487-490; (both based on M1 and V2).
	Translations:	ME, 35, pp. 193-197.

  ullum mobilitate viget et quae vires, ut Virgilius ait, acquirit19 eundo. Haec[START_REF]Dicam tibi, Aenea," refert Vegius. "Non tam Venus Adonem 9 dilexit, quam mea domina tuum herum. Is tamen refugit nec aspiranti Fortunae 10 annuit. Vultus fortunae, ut cernis, blandus est; Friderici oculi torvi sunt vixque Fortunam intuentur. Nescio, quid sibi sit menti, verba Fortunae haec sunt[END_REF] igitur maximum et nobilissimum principem21 Wladislaum, Poloniae regem, qui regnum Hungarie occupaverat,22 in bello cum toto exercitu {112v} prostratum vulgavit. Quia tamen nullae venerant V2b 9 poeta add. M3, V2a; poeta seq. V2b 10 imperialisque M3, V2a; corr. ex imperialisque V2b11 Salutem plurimam dicit : humil-lime sese commendatum facit M3, V2a12 Titulus: Illustrissimo principi ac excellentissimo domino, Philippo Mariae Anglo, duci Mediolanensi etc. domino suo praecipuo, Aene-as Silvius, etc. humillime sese commendatum facit M1; Illu-strissimo principi ac domino excellentissimo domino Philippo Mariae Anglo, duci Mediolanensi, Papiae Angleriaeque comiti ac Ja-nuae etc. domino, domino suo praecipuo Aeneas Silvius, poeta imperialisque secretarius, humilli-me sese commendatum facit M213 omit. M3 14 hac M215 M1 use 2 nd pers. plural in address.16 non tamen apud tuam illustrem (illustrissimam) dominationem pro servulo reputato add. M1-M3, V2a; non tamen apud tuam dominationem pro servulo reputato seq. V2b 17 referuntur M218 aliud velocius : uelocius aliud M319 requirit V4 20 hoc M3 21 maximum et … principem omit. M1-M3, V2a; maxi-mumet … principem seq. V2b 22 ac serenissimum principem La-dislaum Hungariae ac Bohemiae regem paterno et avito regno spoliaverat add. M1-M3, V2a; ac serenissimum principem Ladis-laum Hungariae ac Bohemiae re-gem paterno et avito regno spoli-averat seq. V2b litterae nullusque certus auctor habebatur, ficta 1 res credita est. Nec multo post 2 epistolae ex Hungaria missae sunt regem Poloniae superatis conflictisque 3 Turcis 4 victorem reverti, eratque non non parva trepidatio, ne, sicut est victoria sui natura insolens et superba, rex idem cum Hungaris adversus Austriam et Stiriam castra moveret. [cont.] Jamque vir magni nominis, Dionisius, archiepiscopus Strigoniensis, et alii, qui Ladislai regis partibus favent, auxilia Romanorum regis efflagitabant. Studuerant enim, qui regem Poloniae apud Hungaros manu tenebant, conflictum ejus tegere, sive quod 1 redeunti ex bello regi quamvis fugato consulere volebant, sive quod statum suum eo melius interim putabant posse dirigere.[3] Sed nihil est mendacio instabilius nihilque veritate constantius. Advenerunt enim hodiemirabile 2 dictu est -ex diversissimis remotissimisque regionibus una in hora diversi nuntii, non tamen diversa, sed eadem nova portantes. Scripsit illustris Ciliae comes, scripserunt ex partibus Transsilvanis alii et rursus alii ex Hungaria barones novitates istas regiae majestati, quae, licet Christiano populo lugubres sint et admodum nocivae, non tamen taceri debent, sed tanto diligentius inter Christicolas divulgari, quanto Catholicae fidei majus imminet periculum, nisi religiosissimi {113r} principes in unum convenientes de modis resistendi sanctae crucis inimicis et hostibus Christi cogitaverint3 .[4] Nova igitur ista sunt: ajunt omnes nuntii uno ore regem Poloniae cum cardinali Sancti Angeli multisque Hungaris sed pluribus Walachis et Bulgaris atque Ruthenis in Romaniam 4 usque profectos5 tot bellando successus habuisse, ut non longe ab Andrinopoli castra posuerint. Quod postquam Turcorum 6 imperator accepit, collecto in Asia exercitu 7 quadraginta milium pugnatorum, pugnatorum, mare trajecit. Classis namque in Hellespontum ad prohibendum ex Asia in Europam 8 transitum hac aestate praeterita missa, ut isti referunt, jam retrocesserat, patronis ejus pecunia et Asiatica gaza corruptis, quod mihi non fit9 verisimile, nec persuaderi mihi poterit, tanta perfidia usos illos fuisse, ut Christianum sanguinem Mahumetistis auro vendiderint. Illud autem credibilius est deficiente commeatu classem ulterius non potuisse procedere, sicuti jam suis litteris timere se Julianus cardinalis significaverat. Utcumque sit, liberum 10 mare Turcis 11 patuit, qui transeuntes in Graeciam junctique suis cis mare manentibus cum magno exercitu Christianos aggressi sunt.[5] Nec nostri detractavere certamen, sed in ipsa Sancti Martini festivitate bellum commissum est, quod tam atrox et asperum fuit, ut raro inter mortales tale fuisse putetur. Diu proelium anceps extitit diuque viribus {113v} utrimque paribus est pugnatum. Atque dum nostri pro Christo et illi pro Mahumeto contendunt -tam acres utriusque partis animi fuerunt, ut caesis12 inter utrumque exercitum circiter 15 milibus hominum -cum pugna par esset, adhuc cessare noluerunt13 , sed quo plus sanguinis14 fundebatur, eo ferociores utrimque acies turmaeque15 proeliabantur. Defecerunt tamen utrisque vires fessisque16 brachiis nec versare 17 gladios amplius nec arcus tendere valebant 1 , res quiescere ambas partes ad magnam horam coegit, donec resumptis viribus ac spiritibus redeuntibus instauratum est proelium, in quo vicit ad extremum Turcorum 2 sive virtus fuit sive fatum, sive quod numero plures erant. Affirmant, qui ex bello fugerunt3 , patrum nostrorum memoria nullum tota Europa tam cruentum bellum esse commissum nec pauciores ex Teucris 4 quam ex Hungaris cecidisse et, si verus5 est rumor

	1 SC, 98-101
	2 SC, 508-511
	3 DV, 122r-124v
	4 DV, 115r-117v
	5 domino add. M3, V2a; domino seq. V2b
	6 omit. M3
	7 Anglie M3
	1 de add. M3
	2 rurabili M3
	3 rogitaverint M3
	4 Romaniamque M2
	5 profectis M3
	6 Teucrorum M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex Teucrorum V2b
	7 Turcorum imperator … exercitu omit. M1
	8 Teucrorum imperator … exercitu in Europam add. M1
	9 est M2; sit M3
	10 liberam M1
	11 Teucris M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex Teucris V2b
	12 lesis M1
	13 noluerint M1-M3, V2
	1 facta M3 14 sanguis M3
	2 plus M3 15 omit. V4
	3 conflictis M2 16 defessique M2
	17 versari M2

8

domino suo praecipuo add. M3; domino suo praecipuo seq.

4

Teucris M1-M3, V2a; Teucris seq. V2b [cont.] quae

  M2 6 est rumor : rumor est M27 octuaginta virorum … caesa : in hac pugna sunt caesa octuaginta milia virorum V48 Dénes Szécsi (ca. 1410-1465): Archbishop of Esztergom [Gran] 1440 to his death. Cardinal (1439). Supporter of Empress Elizabeth and her son, King Ladislaus.

	1 nolebant M1; volebant M3
	2 Teucrorum M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex Teucrorum V2b
	3 venerunt M3
	4 [Sic!]

5

si verus omit.

  6] De rege Poloniae incerta vox est. Quidam occubuisse eum ferunt, quidam captum putant. Illud inter omnes constat regem Poloniae ad Hungaros non esse reversum, nec desunt, qui eum in facie vulnus suscepisse inter proeliandum asserant 2 , quo fit, ut 3 adolescenti tam nobili tantique animi admodum condolendum sit, qui non suo judicio -non enim propter aetatem aliena regna cupiebatsed suorum suasu ex pacifico regno in alienum, non ad pacem sed ad bellum, non ad {114r} opes possidendas sed ad mortem vel captivitatem est tractus.[7] Murmur etiam est in hoc proelio virum nostri temporis cum4 eloquentissimum tum prudentissimum Julianum, cardinalem Sancti Angeli, cecidisse ac suum illum nobilissimum spiritum ad omnia5 , quaecumque ageret, divinitus aptum exalasse. Quidam astruunt 6 eum 7 cum Johanne vaivoda Transsilvano, viro magnifico 8 et -nisi timiditate victus aufugerit9 -animosissimo, animosissimo, cum paucis evasisse, quod magis optaverim. Sed mors sua mihi probabilior est, quia non fuit in 10 bellis fortunatus. Nam et adversus Bohemos cum exercitu profectus fugatus est, nisi forsitan et idem sibi11 nunc accidisse arbitrari velimus. Sed assuevit fortuna, quos uno ex bello fugatos fecit, in alio interemptos reddere. Quaecumque sors ejus fuerit, non puto male actum cum eo, qui pro Christi fide pugnavit, pro qua, si mortuus est, ut isti ferunt, nulli dubium esse debet, quin ad eum transierit, cujus causam tutabatur12 . The Battle of Varna, 10 Novem-ber 1444. This was the last battle of the Crusade of Varna, ending in the defeat of the Christians.

	2 asserunt WO
	3 ab M3
	4 tum M3
	5 cardinalem Sancti … omnia omit. M1
	6 asserunt V4
	7 omit. V4
	8 viro magnifico omit. M2
	9 aufferit M3
	10 omit. M1
	11 ibi M2
	12 tuebatur M3

1

See Reinle, p. 174; VO,

2: 4, p. 316.

Niederstätter, pp.

242-243; Kol-ler, p. 102. 2 Niederstätter, p. 244. 3 King Charles VII.

Du Fresne de Beaucourt, IV, p. 36: Les ambassadeurs [du dau-phin] devaient réclamer une solu-tion immédiate: il fallait, pour é-pargner à la contrée et aux pays voisins des désordres sans cela inévitables, que l'armée put pren-dre ses quartiers d'hiver. Les am-bassadeurs devaient en outre rap-peler au roi des Romains la promesse fait par lui de mettre en liberté son pupille le duc Sigis-mond …

Du Fresne de Beaucourt, IV, p. 39: Relativement au logement des troupes, Frédéric se bornait à dire que son frère le duc Albert allait se rendre en Alsace, muni de pleins pouvoirs, et qu'une fois sur les lieux il donnerait la provision demandée; en ce qui concernait le duc Sigismond, Albert était chargé de tout arranger à la satisfaction du Roi et du Dauphin.

Diet of Nürnberg 1 August to 11 October 1444. RTA, 17: 1, pp. 225-622.

Du Fresne de Beaucourt, IV, p. 33: Arrivé le 1 aoùt à Nuremberg … il [le roi des Romains] fut assailli de plaintes au sujet de l'invasion des écorcheurs.

Du Fresne de Beaucourt, IV, p. 35: … le jeune Louis répondit qu'il était venu en allié et non en ennemi, ajoutant fièrement que son intention était de recouvrer certaines terres anciennement soumises au royaume de France, et qui s'étaient volontairement et frauduleusement soustraites à son obéissance …

The Battle of Sankt Jakob an der Birs,

August 1444.

WO, 1: 1, 166, pp. 453-487.

That fortune favours the bold is a classical axiom. See especially two of Piccolomini's favourite works, Vergilius: Aeneis, 10:

(audentis fortuna juvat), and Terentius: Phormio, 204 (fortis fortuna adjuvat).

The papal party and the conciliar party.

The cause of the schismatic council in Basel and antipope Fe-lix V.

Jakob von Sierck (c. 1398-1456): Archbishop of Trier and German prince-elector from 1339 to his death. The archbishop had previously supported the cause of Pope Eugenius IV but had swit-ched to supporting the conciliar party and antipope Felix V.

The archbishop visited the empe-ror in Skt. Veit in January 1444.

COR,

2: 5.

The council in Basel functionedin principle -as a democratic institution.

The conciliarist party Johann Grünwalder, contendant for the See of Freising also sought by the chancellor for his brother.

Helmrath: Vestigia.

COR, 3: 9.

In the salutation.

In the plural sense. This passage is untranslatable since "you" in English is both single and plural, whereas the Latin uses "tu" (sin-gular) and "vos" (plural).

Vol. 1: https://hal.science/hal-03625579v1; vol.

2: https://hal.science/hal-03928326v1

Available in HAL Archives.

https://hal.science/search/index?q=collected+orations+piccolomini+2

https://www.digitale-sammlungen.de/de/view/bsb11156982?q=%28szalay+%29&page=12,13

If a messenger was not on hand, letters would be kept and sent (to-gether) with the first available messenger.

Friedrich III.

Note this example of Picco-lomini's criticism of court life, prefiguring his De curialium mise-ria. The whole passage also sounds as a warning to Chancellor Schlick that his situation at court is precariousand demands his personal presence.

The diocese of Zagreb.

Emperor Sigismund.

Albrecht III (Wittelsbach) (1401-1460): Duke of Bavaria-Munich from 1438 to his death (see DVI, ch. 41). Paternal uncle of Johann Grünwalder.

Wolfgang Forchtenauer[Vorcht-enauer]

Does this mean that the two influential court officials could not reador read well?

Johann Grünwalder (c. 1392-1452): Illegitimate son of Duke Johann II of Bavaria-Munich. Ap-pointed cardinal by antipope Felix V. Elected Bishop of Freising by the chapter on 13 September 1443 and took possession of the see on 10 October. Heinrich Schlick, ap-pointed bishop of Freising by Pope Eugenius, never got posses-sion of the see and formally retired in 1448. Grünwalder was appoint-ed cardinal by antipope Felix V on 2 October 1440. San Martino is a minor basilica in Rome's Rione Monti area.

Friedrich III.

I.e., of the see's properties and castles in Habsburg territories.

Apparently, Piccolomini by now had sufficient German to under-stand the tenor of a text being read.

Neitperg and Zebinger who were apparently both present.

The staff of the chancery who were subordinates to Chancellor Schlick.

Papal messenger.

Taddeo d'Este (c. 1390-1448): Of the younger branch of the fami-ly ruling Ferrara. Condottiere in the service of Venice, at the time at war with King Alfonso V.

Niccolò Piccinino (c. 1386-1444): Italian condottiero.

King Alfonso V.

The Tyroleans, rebelling against the emperor, sought the help of Venice.

Against the emperor.

I.e., The Venetians would sup-port the rebellion in Tyrol to pre-vent the emperor from causing trouble for them in their maritime territories.

Before his death in 1437, Emperor Sigismund, in a reversal of alliances, entered a pact with Venice directed against the Duke of Milan. In this connection, the emperor formally invested Venice with mainland territories inclu-ding

The chancellor apparently pos-sessed a copy of Titus Livius' history of Rome.

Giovanni Campisio [Campesi] (d. 1474): Humanist, friend and correspondent of Piccolomini.

Piccolomini had written to Campisio: I am sure that all you did in Lombardy was done with circumspection, though you could not achieve much (letter 84: 1). Campisio had replied: You wrote that I had not achieved much concerning your affairs while in Lombardy, which seems to me to be a grave criticism. I did write my reason for not going to Milan, which was that I knew Guiniforte and Giglino were not there but at the Roman curia, and also for not going to Novara.[So you see that] my reasons and plans were irreproachable. If you believe me, you will excuse me. If not, then I regret if the negligence you attri-bute to me has caused you any loss. At any rate, your kindness and our old mutual sympathy and friendship ought to ensure me of your forgiveness even if I did less for you than you would wish I (letter 94: 2)

Leonardo Bruni's translation of Aristotle's Politika.

I.e., to resist the seller's attempt to job up the price.

Piccolomoni had written to Cam-pisio: I am happy that you found a copy of the books of the Politics in Aretino's translation, and I have decided to spend the money even if it cannot be had at a lower price than the one you mentioned (letter 84: 2). Campisio had replied: If I had the book in my possession, I would already have sent it to you as a gift lest you believe me to have been or to be worried about recovering the costs. But when you write that you "have decided to spend the money even if it cannot be had at a lower price than the one you mentioned," you show yourself as less liberal than I should have wished. For with such words, you ask me to buy a book of lesser quality, which is the sign of a soul more concerned with money than is fitting. However, so that you may know how liberally I shall act for the sake of our friendship, I shall use all my force and wits to obtain the best book for you but in such a way that you shall not find me an imprudent buyer (letter 94: 3).

Terentius: Adelphoe, 834: solum unum hoc vitium affert senectus hominibus, attentiores sumus ad rem omnes quam sat est.

Cicero: De senectute, 18: 67: Potest quidquam esse absurdius, quam quo viae minus restat eo plus viatici querere?

sicut M2, M3, V2a; sic jam corr. ex. sicut V2b

Pope Eugenius resided in Siena from 11 March to 14 September 1443.

In a letter of 25 June 1443 (WO, 1, 2: XVII, pp.

30-3) drafted by Piccolomini, the emperor asked for the pope's agreement to a third council to settle the schism in the Church. In a letter of 27 August, the pope answered that his own council in Rome (the continuation of the Council of Ferrara-Floren-ce) was a legitimate ecumenical council and perfectly capable of settling the affairs of the Church. The papal letter is extant in ms. M2, ff. 120r-122r (SC 248-253) and in ms.M3,. See also DVI, sect. 173-174.3 Piccolomini intimates that the Germans may make the pope re-gret his rejection of a third coun-cil.4 Bartolomea and Niccolò Lolli, Piccolomini's aunt and uncle.5 Probably Piccolomini's own mo-ther and two sisters.

For comments on this letter, see VO,

2, pp. 297-298.2 Pietro da Noceto (1397-1467): Master of the papal household under Pope Nicolaus V. Fellow se-cretary and close friend of young Piccolomini. Later, da Noceto ap-pears to have somewhat distanced himself from Piccolomini, and the friendship cooled to the point that da Noceto was not employed by Piccolomini when he became a pope. On Pietro, see VO, 2, pp. 296-297.3 Apart from the letter of 18 No-vember, there must have been another letter from Pietro da No-ceto, in which he mentions Philor-cium and a number of Terentian themes, see sect. 3.4 Thraso: a proud and self-con-ceited captain from Terence's co-medy Eunuchus.5 Niccolò Tifernate, humanist and friend of Piccolomini, Campisio, and Pietro da Noceto.6 Philorcium: Classical name of maiden in love.7 Antiphila: a young lady in Te-rence's Heauton Timorumenos.8 Terentius Afer, Publius [Teren-ce] (c. 195/185 -c. 159? BCE: Roman playwright. For a com-ment on this passage, see Heck: Amator, p. 124.

dicere M3

remeare M1-M3, V2a; corr. ex remeare V2b

This claim refers to the folk tale of Griselda related in Boccaccio: Decamerone, 10: 10. Versions of the tale are also found in Chau-cer's Canterbury Tales and nume-rous Renaissance ballads.

Here, the first collated versions of the letter (M1-M3, V2a) refer to Piccolomini himself. The later versions (V2b-V4) substitute his friend, Giovanni Peregallo, since such personal remarks would not be appropriate for Piccolomini as a high-ranking prelate, cf. his let-ter of 15 January (the day before) to Goro Lolli where he attributed his own son to Giovanni [Peregal-lo] (letter 118: 2).

For a comment on this passage, see Bigi, p. 165.

Vergilius: Aeneis, 4: 100.

Pietro had written: If you ever vi-sit these parts (may the gods make it so), then deigneven if you have become a great manto visit my little house eat what is set on the table, whether I have a wife or not (Letter 96: 3).

Cf. Piccolomini's remarks in his letter to Kaspar Schlick from 1 January 1444 (two weeks before): Nobody lives content with his lot; the more we have, the more we want. He is happy who puts an end to desire. The man who wants ex-cessive honours and wealth builds a high tower for himself from which his fall will be tremendous and cause him greater ruin than esteem. God give that I shall always be without what I do not have now (Letter 111:

7).

The papal party, see letter 96, sect. 3.

Friedrich III.

The papal party and the conciliar party.

The emperor was bound by the German 1438 declaration of neu-trality between the Council of Ba-sel and Pope Eugenius IV.

Piccolomini's masters were the emperor and the chancellor.

Cf. Cicero: De Officiis, 1: 34, 125: Peregrini officii est nihil praeter suum negotium agere, ni-hil de alio inquirere minimeque esse in aliena re curiosum. This passage from Cicero Piccolomini would use in his oration (sermon) Non est apud me dubium of 1445: … if you happen to be abroad, then care for nothing but your own business, do not make inquiries about local matters, and do not interfere in the affairs of another country (sect. 127).

A parasite in Terentius' comedy Eunuchus.

Terentius: Eunuchus, 252.

Only a month before, Picco-lomini had, in his letter of 3 De-cember 1443 to Duke Siegmund of Austria, denounced such flat-terers at court: Do not think that I am saying this like a yea-sayer. Above all, I urge you to avoid all flatterers as a terrible plague and to hate those men most who flatter you, who praise you to your face, who approve of all you do, who say no when you say no, and yes when you say yes. They are like the men whoaccording to Gnatho in Terencesay yes when I do, and whoaccording to Juvenal -break out in sweat if the[other] says "I am hot". This is the worst kind of men: they cause princes to be overthrown and fall, and they are to be feared by young men and old men alike (sect. 7)

.10 though such behaviour is alien to me: added in the later versions of the text, possibly because Piccolomini had then remembered his own earlier remarks on the same

subject.11 That Piccolomini's masters did not require him to contribute to the context of their letters but only to their style is shown by a note from the chancellor to Piccolomini in a minute that he was to write up as a letter from Friedrich III to the Polish King Wladyslaw. The chancellor wrote: Domine Enea, aptetis hoc ornatius, effectu non mutato (WO, 1:

2, p. 50).12 Tommaso Parentucelli (1397-1455): Master of Cardinal Alber-gati's husehold. Bishop of Bo-logna (1447), cardinal (1446) and pope as Nicolaus V from 1447

to his death.13 Calling Parentucelli and da Noceto compatriots was an exag-geration and must have been intended as some kind of com-pliment.

dietam M2-M3, V2a; corr. ex dietam V2b

dieta M2-M3, V2a; corr. ex dieta V2b

eandem V4

Arcimboldi, Niccolò (1404-1459): At the time, counsellor of the Duke of Milan.

Letter 83.

Chancellor Kaspar Schlick.

Filippo Maria Visconti (1392[START_REF]2 Antiphila: a young lady in Te-rence's Heauton Timorumenos. 3 Pamphilus: Young man in Teren-ce's Hecyra. 4 Aischinus: young man in Teren-ce's Adelphoe. 5 Clinia: a young man in love with Antiphila[END_REF].

Note that Piccolomini here uses the title "imperator" (emperor) for Friedrich III, though not yet crowned emperor in Rome. A little later, he uses the title Majestas Regia (Royal Majesty).

I.e., in charge of running the imperial chancery, which Piccolo-mini takes care to let Arcimboldi know.

Cardinal Giuliano Cesarini.

The Polish-Hungarian crusade against the Turks, conducted by King Wladyslaw III, which would end with the disaster at Varna.

Date provided by Wolkan. Van Heck has "1444 ineunte". Here, dated after the dates of the two following letters, presumably dis-patched with the same messenger.

The letter is not extant.

Domenico Capranica (1400-1458): appointed cardinal in petto by Pope Martin V in 1426. His cardinalate was recognised by the Council of Basel in 1432 and by Pope Eugenius IV in 1434. See letters

and 8.4 Niccolò Albergati (1373-1443): Appointed cardinal 1426. Later employer and mentor of Picco-lomini.

Albergati died on 9 May 1443.

The cardinalitial title of Santa Croce in Gerusalemme was a pre-stigious one, and Capranica's ap-pointment to this church shows how greatly he was now favoured by Pope Eugenius. The appoint-ment happened mid January 1444.

Vergilius: Aeneis, 4: 100: habes, tota quod mente petisti.

"superi".

Note how Piccolomini quite naturally assumes that high office be used for the benefit of the offi-ce-holders friends and dependents.

There is no information on the nature of the cardinal's business in Portugal or why he would need a letter from the imperial court. It may have been a matter of some important ecclesiastical benefice.

Pope Eugenius IV.

"parvitas"

Note that Piccolomini here, discreetly, informs the papal court that he has finally switched sides and joined Pope Eugenius' cause. But only a month before, in his letter to Pietro da Noceto of 16 January

(letter 119), he had written: Next [in your letter], you urged me to support your party, if for no other reason then at least for your sake. This appeal is not just persuasive, it is compelling! But you know that I serve a prince who supports none of the[two] parties, but works for[Church] union while keeping a middle course. It is not right for servants to pursue different policies than their masters. The king's plan seems impeccable to me, and I fervently pray that God will favour it (sect. 7).

Letter of 16 January 1444 (letter 119).

"vir"

omit. M3

3. die … 43 : etc. M2

Hartung von Kappel: counsellor of Emperor Friedrich III: Doctor utriusque juris.

Bishop Silvester Pflieger.

Wiener Neustadt, imperial resi-dence town.

HE, p. 267: Meiszen.

Michaelerkirche in Vienna.

Stephansdom in Vienna.

Albrecht II (Habsburg) (1397-1439): Duke of Austria (Alberti-nian line) as Albrecht V (1404). King of Hungary and Croatia (1437). Elected King of the Ro-mans (Germany) in 1438.

WO, 1, 1: 304.

Johan Cincius, see letter 137.

Sigherium vel omit. M2

In letter of 13 November 1443 (letter 94), sect. 4.

In the plural sense. This passage is untranslatable since, in English, "you" is both single and plural, whereas the Latin uses "tu" (sin-gular) and "vos" (plural).

die 18. Aprilis omit. M3

Ex … 1444 : omit. M1; etc. M2

This letter was inadvertently duplicated in M1. The text in M1b was marked "vacat" in the mar-gin, probably meaning that the duplication had been noticed and the second text marked for dele-tion in a later copy.

Jakob von Sierck (c. 1398-1456): Archbishop of Trier and German prince-elector from 1339 to his death. The archbishop had previously supported the cause of Pope Eugenius IV but had swit-ched to supporting the conciliar party and antipope Felix V, see VO, 1:

2: p. 33; Stieber, pp. 251-258.2 The archbishop visited the empe-ror in Skt. Veit in January 1444.3 Mithridates VI Eupator (135-63 BCE): King of Pontus in Northern Anatolia from 120 BCE to his death. He cultivated an immunity to poisons by regularly ingesting sublethal doses4 For a comment on this passage, see VO, 1: 2, p. 301.

tua causa : causa tua HE, WO

nihil HE, WO

Vale. ex Vienna, V idus januarii XLIII. Incipe epistolam: Iohannes Peregallus scriptor apostolicus Petro Geminghero salutem pluri-mam dicit. Philorcium quam hic amasti add. in marg. V2b; V2a, L, M2, M3, HE, and WO continue with the text of letter 142.

Ex Wienna … 1444: etc. M2

A complicated and lengthy law-suit between Cologne and the Johann and Dietrich von Lunen (WO, 1: 1, p. 322; Diemar passim).

For comments on this passage, see Diemar, pp. 87-88.

In the earlier versions of the text, the date wasmore correctlygiven as 27 May. Maybe the rea-son for the change of date was to separate it from the subsequent fletter (142) fictively addressed to Giovanni Peregallo.

On this letter, see VO: 3,

2, p. 299.2 Note that in this letter to the car-dinal, Piccolomini does not pre-sume to name himself first in the greeting, like he did in his letter to Count Lupfen (see letter 135: 1).3 Chancellor Kaspar Schlick.4 Indeed, the chancellor's letters to the cardinal were drafted by Pic-colomini himself, which the car-dinal would surely know.5 Terentius: Andria, 5056 Martinus V [Oddo Colonna] (1369-1431): Pope from 1417 to his death. Restored the papacy after the end of the Great Western Schism. In view of later Italian troubles and wars, his reign now appeared to be a peaceful age.7 Saturnus: (myth.) Roman god. His age was considered to have been a golden age.8 Cicero: Tusculanae Disputati-ones, 1: 43, 104. Piccolomini "christianised" the passage by adding "to the higher".

In the chancery, Piccolomini had seen letters from all the European rulers to this effect.

"libitum".

This is a clear declaration that Piccolomini would, in the matter of the schism, follow the direction of his German masters.

SC,[122][123][124][125]

DV, ff. 151v-155v.

DV, ff. 143r-147r.

DV, f. 80r

For comments on this letter, seeKisch.

Horatius: Carmina, 1: 31, 17.

Cicero: Pro Archia, 8: 18.

I.e., the fictive jurist of Piccolo-mini's invective.

cogitare patres debent, quem sibi in patriarchatu suffiant et in omnibus regium desiderium exequi, ne Frisingensem injuriam innovent add. M1-M3, V2a; cogitare patres debent, quem sibi in patriarchatu suffiant et in omni-bus regium desiderium exequi, ne Frisingensem injuriam innovent seq. V2b

haec ut reverendissimis dominis meis Arelatensi et sancti Calixti dicas posco meque his facias commen-datum add. M1-M3, V2a; haec ut reverendissimis do-minis meis Arelatensi et sancti Ca-lixti dicas posco meque his facias commendatum seq. V2b

de Panigaliis M1-M3, V2a; de Panigaliis seq. V2b

de Cerveriis M1-M3, V2a; de Cerveriis seq. V2b

de Verona M1-M3, V2a; de Verona seq. V2b

de Roma M1-M3, V2a; de Verona seq. V2b

de Quadruciis M1-M3, V2a; de Quadruciis seq. V2b

Panigalium Jacobum … Qua-dracium : de Panigalis et ceteros amicos M2

Andream Panigalium … 1444 omit. M1

Ex Wienna … 1444 : etc. M2

kalendis … 1444 : datum M3

Phaëton: (Greek myth.) In the myth as told by Ovid, Phaëton was the son of Phoebus, the sun god.

Phoibos [Apollo] (Greek and Roman myth.) god of archery, mu-sic and dance, truth and prophecy, healing and diseases, the Sun and light, poetry, and more.

Piccolomini had already related this myth in his letter to Duke Sigismund of 5 December 1443: Phaëton, son of Phoebus, asked his father to grant him whatever he asked for. The father swore by Styx that he would deny him nothing. Phaëton then demanded the chariot of the Sun. Phoebus regretted his promise since he knew the son was not capable of the great task of steering. But since he had made an oath, he could not refuse … Phaëton mounted the chariot and trium-phantly took the reins, holding himself to be a king similar to the god. But when he reached mid-heaven, he could no longer control the sun's horses, flying every-where and igniting the whole world. Then he was hit by a bolt of lightning from Jupiter and cast into the Eridanus (Letter

49: 34).4 Ovidius: Metamophoses, 2: 227.5 Jesus' entry into Jerusalem.6 Alexander of Mazovia.7 The epitaph is extant in two versions. The first version, the one sent to Peregallo, was vaguely po-sitive, the later, revised one, di-stinctly negative. See WO, 1, 1, p. 335; CAR, p. 142; RE, p. 196.

I.e., to Rome. Since Piccolomini would be able to send letters with imperial or papal couriers, this may say something about the frequency of official contact, at the time, be-tween the imperial court and the papal.

Orestes and Pylades: famous (mythological) pair of friends from Antiquity.

Cicero: Epistolae ad Atticum, 133.

Of the philosophies of Anti-quity, Stoic morals and religiosity were considered closest to Christi-anity.

Friedrich III.

See Hlavacek, p. 289.

Cardinal Giuliano Cesarini.

Juvenalis, 14: 91: spado vince-bat Capitolia nostra Posides.

Cabrino Fondulo (1370-1425): Lord of Cremona from 1406 to 1424.

The former lords of Cremona were from the Cavalcabò family. Three of them were killed at the orders of Cabrino and thrown into a sewer.

Francesco I Sforza (1401-1466): Italian condottiere. Count of Coti-gnola. First Sforza duke of Milan (1450). See DVI, ch. 10. Picco-lomini had met him personally in 1447, during negotiations in Milan.

Ebersberg (today Ebelsberg).

Laiming was elected bishop of Passau by the Bavarian majority of the chapter, against the Austrian candidate and he opposition of Duke Albrecht V (Emperor Al-brecht V). He was later reconciled with Albrecht and became his im-perial chancellor.

As the affair of Freising, where the chancellor tried to have his brother appointed bishop against the opposition of the Bavarian candidate, Johann Grünwalder, had not yet been settled, it is re-markable that the chancellor would be seated with a high official of that see.

Metellus Pius, Quintus Cae-cilius (ca. 129-63 BCE): Roman statesman and general, consul and pontifex maxmius Reputed for luxurious living. Macrobius,

3: 13, 6-9.

Stift Sankt Florian, Sankt Flori-an, Austria.

Modius: an ancient Roman unit for dry measures (8.73 L), roughly equivalent to a peck. It may not measure the same as the modius that Piccolomini refers to.

em.; Eno codd.

This etymology is false, the name Passau deriving from the Roman name Castra Batava.

One of the basic tenets of the Hussites was that priests should live a poor simple life.

The Veste Oberhaus.

The Veste Niederhaus.

Ilz.

When, later, Piccolomini, as Pope Pius II, decided to build a cathedral in his hometown Corsig-nano (renamed Pienza), the design was inspired by German church architecture.

Friedrich III.

Chancellor Kaspar Schlick.

Pythagoras valued friendship highly and considered it the most essential bond for a collective way of life, even more important than kinship.

Piccolomini also used this figure in letter 101: 2.

I.e., sex.

Matthew, 18: 16.

The Diet of Nürnberg, August -October 1444.

Vienna.

The following sections are a pa-raphrase of Horatius: Epodes,

 2 Note Piccolomini' addition of vine growing to Horace's descrip-tion of agricultural pleasures.3 "rupibus": Horace's text has "ri-pis" (banks), meaning that they flow between high banks.4 Note Piccolomini's addition of biblical examples to Horace's de-scription.5 Horace has "the feast of Termi-nus". Note Piccolomini's substi-tution of the Christian Easter for the pagan feast.

Cardinal Cesarini's death at the Battle of Varna on 10 November was first reported to the imperial court on 13 December (WO, 2: 5, p. 338),

A noun seems to be missing.

Letter to Giovanni Peregallo (27 May 1444, Vienna). 1

Manuscripts: L, 205r*; M2, ff. 56r-56v 2 ; M3, ff. 264v-265r 3 ; V2, f. 280 4 {133r} Johannes Peregallus, scriptor apostolicus, Petro Geminghero salutem plurimam dicit.

[1] Philorcium, quam hic amasti, tumidum ventrem gerit, sive is ventus est sive cibus nimius. Johannes, secretarius Nurembergensis, utrem putavit illius ventrem vino plenum ascenditque super, calcavit, pressit omnique studio nixus est, ut vinum depromeret 6 . Sed nihil praeter ventum {133v} exivit. O, si lacrimas cerneres et planctus audires, quibus misera post tuum abitum se maceravit! Certe, nisi Johannes opem tulisset, animum exalasset misella, quia nesciunt mulierculae, ut viri flammas amoris ferre. Sed abiit nunc quoque Johannes; nescio, quid actura 7 1 In M2, M3, V2a, HE, WO this letter forms the last section of the preceeding letter (142); in V2b-V4 it is a separate letter. 2 SC, 119-120 3 SC, 532-533 4 DV, ff. 144v-145v 5 DV, ff. 136r-136v 6 deprimeret WO 7 auctura M2 8 Wienna M3, V2a; corr. ex Wienna V2b [3] Concerning my office of scribe, 1 I have heard your advice. I am sending you an act of procuration to sell it at the greatest price possible. 2 3 [4] Concerning my Milanese provostship, I understand and agree with your proposal, but I do not know if it can be done since I lack sponsors. 4 If obedience to the council is restored, 5 I wish you to take on the casefor it is yoursif you can achieve something.

[5] I fully approve of your actions with regard to a reservation 6 of benefices at the Church of Trento, for I wish you to be there so that when we retire, we can spend our old age together with our Francesco. 7 I am afraid, though, that he may have changed his mind, for, fearing the war, he left Trento and has not returned, and possibly he would rather live with a wife than with the Church. However that may be, I should like you to sound out his intentions so that we may confer about his deanery and possibly gain some advantage for you and me. [6] Our Lorenzo Rotella has obtained the administration of a fat provostship in the patriarchate of Aquileia and intends to make a religious profession 8 if he can get possession. 9 Since he likes me, I have suggested to him to first resign from his canonry in Trento in your favour. He himself wishes to resign from his parish church in my favour. If the Tyrolean affairs are settled in Nürnberg, as we believe they will, we may gain something good from it. At any rate, I shall not cease to further your cause as if it were my own, for you have deserved it. 1 Secretary. 2 See letter 136. 3 Here, Piccolomini deletes the following passage from the original text: "But be cautious and wait to see the results of the Diet of Nürnberg. If it turns out well for our party, as I hope, do not sell the office, for then it might become advantageous to myself or mine. But if it turns out differently and it pleases the heavenly beings to favour the other party, then sell it as you find best." In view of Pic-colomini's previous letters to friends in Rome and others ex-pressing support of the papal party, calling the conciliar party "our party" seems duplicitous and can only mean that he hedges his options in case of a German decla-ration of support to the council. On this passage, see VO, 2: p. 333. 4 At the Milanese court. 5 If the diet in Nürnberg resulted in a German declaration of obedien-ce to the council in Basel and anti-pope Felix V. Or, if a further result was restoration of Milanese obe-dience to the council. 6 A reservation of an ecclesiastical benefice (to become vacant) was not a guarantee of actual appoint-ment and getting possesion, since rival candidates might also have received such. 7 Francesco Bossio. 8 Religious profession: the solemn admission of men or women into a religious order by means of the pronouncement of religious vows. 9 I.e., of the ecclesiastical bene-fice.

Letter to Giovanni Peregallo (4 June 1444, Vienna).

Context:

In Vienna, Alexander of Mazovia had borrowed a sum from some Poles, probably merchants, with surety provided by the office of the Alberti bank in Basel. When the cardinal was on his deathbed, the lenders became afraid of losing their money and seized the person of Lorenzo Rotella, who was in the cardinal's service and had apparently arranged the loan. Subject:

Piccolomini relates the misfortune of Lorenzo Rotella and the circumstances of the death and funeral of Alexander of Mazovia.

Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Giovanni Peregallo, apostolic scribe.

[1] I had sealed the letter and intended to give it to the messenger the next day, but then an unexpected and shocking thing happened that delayed the letter and upset me deeply. Our Lorenzo, 1 Lorenzo, 1 whom I had written would enter a religious order, 2 did not enter the cloister but the prison. For some Poles, hearing that the cardinal 3 was dying, had Lorenzo arrested without any authorisation. "Yesterday," they said, "you gave surety for a sum of money. You will not get out before it is paid." It is a sum of 270 silver marks, which is held by the Alberti in Basel. 4 They want this sum to release Lorenzo. The surety he had given them was for 700 ducats that the cardinal had received. Evidently, a servant 5 should pay the debt of another 6 ! 7 8 I strive to help the man, for I feel feel pity for someone who is imprisoned in a foreign country and is a friend. But what can you do where only the voice of money is heeded, and you are poor? Rotella is still under arrest; I do not know what will happen. As things stand, no excommunication 9 or formal guarantee will help.

[2] The soul that had long been bound to the body of the Cardinal of Aquilea only by a thread or wax, 10 finally broke free and escaped its prison. He died on 2 June after 4 o'clock in the afternoon. He did not suffer and had no pains but died as if he were falling asleep. The physician had seen that death was approaching and urged him to make his testament, as did the friends who were present. But he said, "You think I am weakening, but I am strong and do not feel weak at all." After these words, he did not live for more than half an hour! 11 His body was kept the next day and shown to all. The day afterwards, it was buried in Saint Stefan's 12 to the right of the altar. According to German standards, the funeral was great and splendid, but in Italy, it would not have been considered worthy of such a great man. Because of the state of Neutrality, the red hat was not exhibited at his death, though it had been allowed him when alive. 13 A sermon was held before the funeral. I do not know the preacher, but I approve of his words.

1 Lorenzo Rotella.

2 See letter 146: 6. 3 Alexander of Mazovia. 4 Presumably, the Basel office of the Florentine Alberti banking company. 5 Apparently, Rotella was then in the service of Alexander of Ma-zovia. 6 I.e., his master. 7 Sarcasm! 8 Here Piccolomini deletes the following passage from the origi-nal text: Thus bids barbarian law. 9 An ecclesiastical sanction also used against those who exerted violence against a cleric, as Rotel-la was. 10 I.e., very lightly. 11 On the cardinal's death and burial, see VO, 2: p. 335. 12 Stefansdom in Vienna. 13 The German state of Neutrality between Pope Eugenius IV and the council in Basel with its anti-pope Felix V did not allow for German recognition of the cardi-nals appointed by Felix and for-bade them wearing a cardinal's insignia (including the red hat) in public. Because of his special rank as the emperor's uncle, an exception had been made in the case of Alexander of Mazovia, but after his death, the rule was apparently reinforced. Enea Silvio sends many greetings to the Most Reverend Father in Christ, Juan, Cardinal of San Calisto.

[1] Some days ago, I received a letter from you that has taken almost a year to reach me. I shall not reply to it since conditions have completely changed since then. So, I shall just send you some news that may enable you to conduct the council's affairs more vigilantly and usefully.

[2] His Royal Majesty 1 is busily preparing for a speedy journey to Nürnberg, and I believe he will leave soon. May God grant an end to the troubles 2 of the Church and not allow the prince of darkness to rule us any longer.

[3] The Cardinal of Aquileia 3 departed from life on 2 June, having made no testament. It is true what they say that you die as you live: one's death is like one's life. His funeral was worthy of his life but not of his rank. He was buried on the morning of 4 June in Sankt Stephan in Vienna. I do not think his death will be a great loss to the council, for his life was not very useful to it. Indeed, his people abused his legatine office, and even the pope 4 does not do what he did. All was the same 5 same 5 to him. Therefore, there were such protests against the council that I can barely describe them. You know that one who has adversaries must have clean hands. If the cardinal lacked anything, some 6 clever steward, recommended by a notorious mission to Poland, 7 came to his assistance. 1 Friedrich III.

2 "res" 3 Alexander of Mazovia. 4 Eugenius IVor antipope Felix V? 5 "plana" 6 The early version of the letter had "Marcus Bonifilii".

Non-Christians

[27] "And who are the men over there, loath to mingle with ours?" I asked.

"The first one is the sultan," said Vegio, "who governs Egypt. 1 The second rules the Turks, 2 the third the Parthians, 3 and the fourth the Africans. 4 The one only clothed in breeches and bracelets, with a precious chain around his neck, is the lord of India. 5 " [28] Then I turned to the left. Sitting there were poverty, ignominy, derision, insults, illnesses, old age, torments, prison, hunger, pain, gnashing of teeth, fear, famine, war, plague, solitude, whips, worries, and 1,000 evils, and starched fields, bare or covered with stones. "And what means this desolation, Vegio?" I asked.

Those formerly favoured by Fortune

"Here live," he said, "the cities that lost Fortune's favour and fell from their high position.

Do you see the tall matron standing on seven hills as on seven feet? That is Rome, once golden, now squalid. After her comes Capua, then Syracuse, then Genoa, Pisa, Lucca and Paris. The German cities are still thriving, except that Prague, splendour of the Earth, is now in decline.

Constantinople, the capital of Thracia, is dying. 6 1 The Mamluk sultans ruled Egypt from 1251 to 1517. 2 The Ottoman Turks. 3 Muslim Persia, at the time not a single political unity. 4 There was no single ruler of the India, of course. 5 And there was, of course, no single ruler of Africa either. 6 Cities and the fortunes would also be mentioned by Piccolomini in his dream about purgatory (let-ter 235: 7).

[29] Time subdues all, and no one's good fortune lasts forever. The dejected man over there, with bowed head, is René, 1 whom Fortune drove out of Puglia. And there is Thomas Fregoso, 2 who was was dragged from the ducal throne and now lies chained in prison. And there, Pankraz 3 is held with a hook. He used to be an enemy to all and especially your chancellor, 4 but now Fortune is giving him new hope. 5 And there is the duke of Bourbon, 6 who was the effective ruler of France, but now has been fined a part of his domain and banished from the court. 7 And do you see that old nobleman nobleman with a white and unkempt beard? That is Ludwig, 8 who was deprived of the government by his son and is now in house arrest."

Children who will be favoured by Fortune if they survive

[30] As Vegio was speaking, I turned again towards the right. There I saw a field overshadowed by a white cloud. Looking into it, I saw the little boy Ladislaus 9 (either in person or as some kind of representation) with a crown and clothed in royal garments, playing with other small children. "Who are these children under the white cloud?" I asked Vegio.

"They are children, "he answered, "whom Fortune will favour if only the Fates 10 grant them to survive." 4 Kaspar Schlick. 5 This passage was not in the early version of the text (L, M2, M3) but was inserted in the later (V2-V4) because, in the meantime, there had been a rapprochement be-tween Pankraz and the imperial court. 6 Charles I (Bourbon) (1401-1456): Duke of Bourbon and Auvergne from 1434 to his death. He was the main instigator of the rebellion was called the Praguerie (after an earlier rebellion in Pra-gue), lasting from February to July 1440. The duke won over the dauphin, Louis, then 16 years old, by promising him to set his father aside and make him regent in his stead. After the rebellion ended, he made his submission to the king and was pardoned. See DVI, sect. 283. 7 The original text (L, M2, M3) has "regnum" (kingdom) because Pic-colomini, when he wrote it, was under the impression that the duke had been exiled from the realm. Later, he realised that the duke's punishment was less severe, and therefore, in the later versions (V2-V4) he changed "regnum" to "regiam" (the royal palace). 8 Ludwig VII (Wittelsbach) (c. 1368-1447): Duke of Bavaria-In-golstadt from 1413 to 1443, when he was imprisoned by his own son, Ludwig VIII. 9 King Ladislaus the Posthumous, who was four years at the time. He did not survive his 18 th year. 10 Note the relationship between Fortune and Fatum.

Letter to Giovanni Campisio (22 July 1444, 1 Passau).

Context: After much procrastination, the emperor had finally decided to leave for the appointed Diet of Nürnberg. The chancellor, accompanied by Piccolomini, went ahead and awaited the emperor in the domains of the Bishop of Passau. Subject:

Piccolomini describes the bishop's palaces and the city of Passau to his friend, Giovanni Campisio, with fulsome praises of the bishop. In the end, he asks his friend to communicate these praises to Cardinal Berardi and the papal curia, thus making clear that the description has ulterior motives (see following letter).

2 Enea Silvio, imperial secretary, sends many greetings to Giovanni Campisio, eminent philosopher and true friend.

[1] The law of friendship 3 demands that friends should share everything, whatever happens, good or or bad. Philosophy has taught you this since your nails were tender, 4 so I shall speak no more of it but come directly to the matter.

[2] These days have brought me great pleasure, which only lacked your presence to be complete. Indeed, your company would heighten all my pleasures. But I shall tell you with letters what I cannot with spoken words, though the pen cannot tell all. But listen and share my pleasure.

[3] Recently, in Vienna, I was distressed because I feared our emperor 5 was neglecting the affairs of of both Church and Empire, for considering what was said and written, I thought [the Diet] of Nürnberg would be postponed. But suddenly, the royal orders arrived, bidding us to accompany the king, who had left Neustadt on Thursday, 9 July, to proceed to Nürnberg. We all rejoiced at this message. With His Excellency Chancellor Kaspar, who likes you well, I followed His Royal Majesty for two days. Then the king wanted to see one of his towns 6 off the road while we continued to Enns, 7 where once the metropolitan church of Lorch flourished. Lorch was an important city on a plain above the river also called Enns. But when Attila, 8 king of the Huns, destroyed the city with its citadel, it was rebuilt and named after the river, while the metropolitan see was transferred to Salzburg. We spent one night there. Piccolomini asks his Bohemian friend to buy a bible for him in Bohemia, where bibles are believed to be more cheaply available. The letter is the first statement of the religious conversion Piccolomini was undergoing at this time of his life.

1

Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Jan Tuschek.

[1] You will be surprised at my request if you agree with those who believe poets only like books containing invented stories. 2 But if you agree with those who call poets brothers of the orators, good men and skilled speakers, 3 then you will neither be surprised nor scornful but help me fulfil my wish. For why should poets not wish for what concerns the preparation for life and moral instruction? So, what I want and ask from you is to buy a bible for me. I hear this book may often be found for sale in Bohemia since this region formerly had many colleges 4 and libraries because of the University of Prague, 5 famous among so many others. I have been told that many priestlings there have books for sale and at low prices since they are poor. Therefore, I ask you to buy, if possible, the Old Testament and the New in one volume and send it to our dear friend Wenzel, 6 and I will give him the sum needed. Thus you will not only do me a great favour, but you will also gain merit with God by leading me, who am given to secular letters, to Holy Scripture.

[2] I am now an old man, 7 and secular letters neither suit nor please me. I would now immerse myself in the depths of the Gospel and there drink the water that keeps him who drinks it from ever tasting death. 8 This world is nothing, and those who follow it are deceived. Blessed is he who has placed his hope in eternal life and all his joy in Christ. So, dear Jan, I scorn the pleasures of this world 9 and would serve God alone. 10 But since I am a lover of literature, I do not know how I could could serve God better than in some literary occupation. And since the Bible is the basis for religious literature, I wish to obtain one. Therefore, I ask you to search for a Bible in all of Bohemia, if necessary, so that I, too, may have one. This is what I wish, desire, and request of you.

If you fulfil my wish, it would mean more to me than if you had granted me a kingdom.

Farewell, and endeavour to fulfil my desire, and use me as your own. From Neustadt, 31 October 1444.

1 For comments on this letter, see Izbicki: Reject, p. 196 2 "fabulae" 3 Quintilianus, 12: 1, 1. 4 "collegia" 5 University of Prague, founded in 1348 by Emperor Karl IV. 6 Wenzel von Bochow. 7 At the time, Piccolomini was 39 years. 8 John, 4: 13. Enea Silvio sends many greetings to Johann Lauterbach, 1 priest, most decent man, and excellent friend.

[1] Seeing that I am no longer with the king, you must -I think -be asking many people what I am doing, but nobody can explain it better to you than my own pen, which gladly fulfils your wish, knowing that you love me. So first hear, briefly, what happened to us in Neustadt, 2 and then what I am doing now, and where I am.

[2] Recently, while at the emperor's court, we visited a widow who knew Italian, having served the Scala family as a young girl. 3 There, first a stable boy fell sick and died after a week. Right afterwards, another member of the household, a robust man, said he had been infected, and his illness was so severe that he died in three days. Then our hostess began to suffer from a headache, and a servant girl developed a fever. Also, the brother of his Excellency Chancellor Kaspar suffered dizzy spells. All became terrified and thought of flight. The chancellor approached the king and received permission to flee the deadly plague. And thus [it happened] that now, eight days later, we have arrived here in Bruck, 4 where we are among the people of the Reverend Father, the [bishop-] elect of Freising. 5 I think you know the town. It is called Bruck and lies between two rivers, Mur 6 and Mürz 7 , which meet outside the town and continue their course until they later unite with the Sava. 8 They have an [annual] market here that lasts through the octave following the Feast of Saint Martin. 9 Having left all cares behind, I look at the wares brought here from everywhere or walk in the fields, contemplating the sunny mountains, the dense forests and the shimmering river waters, which gives me singular joy. Now you know where I am and what I do. 1 Johann Lauterbach: later, vicar general of Piccolomini as bishop of Trieste 1448-1450 (HE). 2 Wiener Neustadt 3 Possibly the Vivivana mentioned in letter 194: 4. 4 Bruck an der Mur. 5 Heinrich Schlick, appointed bi-shop of Freising by Pope Euge-nius IV, but never able to take pos-session of that see. 6 River Mur, a tributary to the river Drau. 7 River Mürz, a tributary to the ri-ver Mur. 8 Savum. Error for Dravum = Drau, a tributary to Donau. 9 11 November.

Letter to Pietro da Noceto (19 November 1444, Bruck).

Context:

The Diet of Nürnberg had ended in disagreement between the parties supporting 1) Pope Eugenius, 2) the Council in Basel and 3) the compromise course of holding a third council (besides the pope's ongoing council in Rome -a continuation of the reunion council in Florence -and the Council in Basel). The emperor would shortly send envoys to the pope to ask for such a council. The chancellor was expected to go. Subject:

Piccolomini asks for letters from Pietro and for his assistance to the royal ambassador in Rome, not yet knowing that he would be the one (in the chancellor's place).

Enea Silvio, poet, sends many greetings to Pietro da Noceto, apostolic scribe and best of brothers.

[ Enea Silvio, poet, sends many greetings to Jacobo de Castroromano, royal physician, knight, noble, and honourable Father.

[1] Nobody could reasonably criticise me if, when writing to friends, I just asked them to greet you from me, for you do the same when apparently you think to satisfy the demands of friendship when, in your letter to the chancellor, you ask him to greet Enea. However, I shall not do to you what you do to me but will write to you directly rather than ask others to greet you. Actually, I am writing this mainly to let you know that I am safe and sound.

[2] However, in your letter to My Lord Chancellor and your good friend, you wrote something that I would comment on: you lament the death of the illustrious Niccolò Piccininio. 1 I, for my part, rejoice greatly for the following reason: seeing that he surpassed all men of the present age in knowledge of warfare and military glory and knowing him to be constant and most faithful, I feared thatas worldly affairs are fickle and mutablesomething would happen to diminish his glory or goodness. Therefore, I always wished for the day to arrive when such a great man could be said to be happy. For, as Ovid believes, nobody can be said to be happy before his death: "None must be counted happy till his death, till his last funeral rites are paid." 2 So, I rejoice and fervently congratulate this great man who finished his life commendably. I would write an epitaph for him if I was not at present working on a book on Famous men of Our Time, 3 4 in which I shall bury him in his own place and grant him a funerary monument better and more lasting than the one the Duke of Milan 5 is said to have made for him. 6 [3] You also wrote about Rotundella. 7 I believe that you had an erection because your member 8 was distended by urine rather than sexual desire, for when you had pissed, your stalk shrunk, and your pen 9 fell silent, as proven by the fewness of your words. But Lady Venus wants that member to be Farewell, and greet our Matteo Pisano from me. From Bruck, 28. November 1444.

Letter to Filippo Maria Visconti (18 December 1444, Wiener Neustadt).

Context: For years, Piccolomini had been trying to curry favour with the Duke of Milan, aiming to regain his lost provostship of San Lorenzo in Milan and possibly also to obtain employment at the ducal court, which would bring him back to Italy. Subjects:

Piccolomini sends the duke important news about the Battle of Varna, aiming to ingratiate himself with the duke and show him how useful he could be to the duke as an informant at the imperial court 1 in return for the duke's recognition of his rights to San Lorenzo in Milan.

Enea Silvio, imperial secretary, sends many greetings to the Most Illustrious and Most Excellent Lord Filippo Maria Angelo, Duke of Milan, Count of Pavia and Angleria 2 , and Lord of Genua.

[1] Until now, Your Highness has not shown me much favour. On the contrary, after I had been granted possession of the Church of San Lorenzo in Milan, you have protected the man who deprived me of it, against all rights and despite frequent royal letters in my favour. 3 Nonetheless, I am still so devoted to Your Most Illustrious Highness that I shall send you the news we have received here: it must be heard even though it will not be welcome. But one should know both the good and the bad things. So, please accept from your humble servant the news reported here [2] Fifteen days ago or more, we heard of a rumourwhich Virgil calls the swiftest of all evils. Speed lends her strength, and she wins vigour as she goes." 4 According to this rumour, the great and noble prince Wladyslaw, 5 King of Poland, who had previously occupied the kingdom of Hungary, 6 has been utterly defeated with all his army. The rumour was not confirmed by letters, and its origin was unknown, and it was therefore considered a fabrication. And shortly afterwards, letters were sent from Hungary stating that the king had fought and crushed the Turks and was returning as a victor. Since victory is, in its very nature, haughty and overweening, 7 this gave rise to to some fear that the king would, with the Hungarians, invade Austria and Steiermark. [cont.]

1 In his oration "Audivi" of 16 November 1436, Piccolomini had commented on the duke's excel-lent network of informants (COR, 2: 1, 86) 2 Como. 3 E.g., letter from Friedrich III to the Duke of Milan of 15 January 1444 (WO, 1: 2, ep. LXX, p. 120). 4 Vergilius: Aeneas, 4: 174-175. 5 Wladyslaw III (Jagiellon). 6 See the objections to this claim by the Polish Cardinal Olesnicky in a letter of 10 September 1453 (letter 365: 7, 10) (WO, 3: 1, 137). 7 Cicero: Pro Marcello, 3: 9.