Adrian Alsmith

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Ten problems of bodily ownership

Frédérique de Vignemont

The body is a material entity located in space and time in the same way as a rock, a tree or a bird. But do we perceive and experience our body like those other objects? Most philosophical interest for bodily awareness has come from its peculiarities. It is precisely because we assume that we are aware of our body differently from other objects that it raises many questions. But what makes it unique? The most intuitive answer is that it bears a special relation to the self, and to self-awareness. Yet, although introspectively familiar, it is hard to exactly pinpoint the nature of this specific relationship. Thanks to their privileged relation to our body, bodily experiences seem to afford awareness of our body as being our own, what has been called the sense of bodily ownership, for want of a better name. 1 In my book, Mind the body (2018), I explored what it takes to be aware of one's body as one's own but I had to face a number of issues, many of which are still unresolved, and since then, new ones have raised. The aim of this chapter is to offer a very brief outline of the main questions and puzzles that await those interested in bodily ownership. I have picked ten of them, to echo Michael Tye's famous Ten problems of consciousness, but there are many more, I am afraid, and each problem raises major issues that deserve much more than the space allocated here.

The problem of the first-person

1 Here I focus on external parts of the body and leave aside internal organs. We feel internal sensations but we ascribe them to specific viscera only at the cognitive level, and even sometimes we fail to do so (we can easily confuse a kidney pain with a back pain, for instance). It is thus not clear whether we experience a sense of ownership toward our viscera.

To appear in the Routledge Handbook on the philosophy of the body, edited by Adrian Alsmith and Matt Longo. 2 What is the difference between seeing and feeling one's legs being crossed? One could say that vision gives access to many legs besides one's own whereas proprioception is self-specific: it does not give information about any other legs than one's own. Because of this difference, one can be mistaken about whose legs one sees, but not about whose legs one feels. In more technical terms, proprioception along other ways of gaining information about the body from the inside (touch, pain, interoception, etc) ground bodily self-ascriptions that are immune to error through misidentification relative to the first-person [START_REF] Evans | The varieties of reference[END_REF][START_REF] De Vignemont | Bodily immunity to error[END_REF]. This difference between vision and proprioception is epistemic. It concerns the type of knowledge the sensory experience can ground. There is also a phenomenological difference.

Merely seeing one's legs does not make one experience them as one's own. One can believe that they are one's own but this is not the same as to have a sense of bodily ownership toward them. Only when one experiences one's body from the inside does one experience one's body as one's own. But what is at the source of this first-personal character of bodily experiences?

One may simply suggest that when one feels one's legs crossed, not only does one proprioceptively experience one's posture, but one also experiences a primitive irreducible feeling of 'mineness' (Billon, this volume). This proposal offers an account for the firstpersonal character of the sense of ownership but it may seem to presuppose what it is supposed to explain. We want to know where this mineness comes from. One can then adopt the opposite strategy and reduce the first-personal character to some non-first-personal features, and more particularly spatial features of bodily experiences [START_REF] Martin | Bodily awareness: a sense of ownership[END_REF]Bermudez, 2017). According to this reductionist approach, one experiences nothing more than somatosensory properties, such as posture, temperature, pressure, and so forth, located in one's body. The proposal, however, is that these properties are experienced in such a way that one is necessarily aware that they are properties of one's body qua one's own. But is that really the case? As Peacocke (2017, p. 292)

notes:

To appear in the Routledge Handbook on the philosophy of the body, edited by Adrian Alsmith and Matt Longo.

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The content this leg is bent, even based on proprioception, or capacities for action with the leg, or both, is not yet the content my leg is bent […] What more is required?

The challenge is thus to find a way to account for the transition from "this leg" to "my leg" without begging the question, one way or another. It is difficult to find a path that avoids the risk of either giving a circular account or no account at all. One solution may then be to explain the awareness of one's body as one's own (my body) by appealing to other types of experiential relation to the self, such as mental properties (the body that I feel), agentive properties (the body under my control), or affective ones (the body that matters to me). These various options then presuppose that one already has some self-referential abilities and the sense of bodily ownership only borrows, so to speak, the first-person from them.

The problem of feeling

Does one actually feel one's body as one's own or does one only entertain the thought that it is one's own body? The notion of a sense of ownership is ambivalent. You may claim that you have the sense that tomorrow will be a great day or that you have failed your exam. It then refers to your intuition, something like a conceptual non-reflective awareness. Likewise, one may argue that ownership is only something that one can conceptually represent. As Bermudez (2011, p. 167) claims: "there are judgments of ownership, but there is no additional feeling of ownership" (see also [START_REF] Alsmith | Mental Activity & the Sense of Ownership[END_REF]Wu, forthcoming). This conception of bodily awareness finds its origin in [START_REF] Anscombe | On sensations of position[END_REF] and [START_REF] Wittgenstein | Philosophical investigations[END_REF], who both dispute the epistemic significance of bodily sensations. They argue that the use of the term 'sensation' can be misleading: it is not because we talk of sensations that we do have them. Instead, what we may really have are only beliefs or judgements. They conclude that we know that our legs are crossed, but not in virtue of feeling them that way. Bermudez follows up on their proposal and claims that we know that our body is our own but not in virtue of feeling it as our own. But are we doomed to only think about ownership or can we have a non-conceptual experiential grasp of it?

One objection that has been put forward against Anscombe and her followers is that there are bodily illusions in which the body appears in a certain way to the subject, but the subject does not believe it to be this way. This is typically the case in the rubber hand illusion, in which participants report that it seems to them that a rubber hand is their own hand though they know that it is only a mere piece of rubber. At first sight, it may seem that the rubber hand illusion is like any sensory illusion. For instance, in the Muller-Lyer one, it can seem to you that two lines are of distinct length, though you know that they are of equal size. It is then generally assumed that you have a visual experience of the two lines as being different that is immune to the influence of your belief. Likewise, one may argue that participants have a feeling of ownership towards their rubber hand, which can be at odds with their judgment. One can also take the case of the patients who know that their hand belongs to them, and for whom it still seems as if it did not. A patient, for instance, claimed: 'my eyes and my feelings don't agree, and I must believe my feelings. I know they look like mine, but I can feel they are not, and I can't believe my eyes' (Nielsen 1938, p. 555). This calls to mind what one experiences when one suffers from vertigo: one can feel afraid to fall down, though one does not believe that there is an actual risk. On this experiential interpretation, one should take the patient's words at face value when he claims not feeling ownership.

The problem, however, is that there are attitudes other than feelings and sensations that can be dissociated from one's beliefs and judgements [START_REF] Mcdowell | Anscombe on bodily self-knowledge[END_REF]. The question then becomes: what kind of cognitive state are we in when we have a sense of bodily ownership? What does the patient express, if not his feelings? One may also simply ask why rejecting the notion of ownership feeling. One possible reason is that ownership is a relatively high-level abstract type property, and as such it can be only conceptually represented. This reply assumes a conservative conception of perception, according to which only low-level properties can be represented at the level of perceptual content. The conservative conception, however, has been challenged in the last ten years in favour of a richer conception of perceptual experiences. For instance, causation may seem as abstract and as complex as ownership, even if not more, and yet for some, it can be represented in visual experiences [START_REF] Siegel | The Visual Experience of Causation[END_REF]. According to a liberal account at least, there is no principled reason for which ownership cannot be grasped in a nonconceptual manner.

The problem of body mereology

Is it one and the same thing to experience a body part or the whole body as one's own? Or if we rephrase the question in empirical terms, do the rubber hand illusion (RHI) and the fullbody illusion (FBI) manipulate the same notion of ownership? In the classic set-up of the RHI, participants sit with their arm hidden behind a screen, while fixating on a rubber hand presented in their bodily alignment; both the rubber hand and the real hand are then stroked in synchrony or not [START_REF] Botvinick | Rubber hands 'feel' touch that eyes see[END_REF]. The FBI follows the same principle of visual capture of touch except that with a system of video cameras and virtual reality goggles, participants see the back of a virtual avatar being stroked while feeling their own back being stroked [START_REF] Lenggenhager | Video ergo sum: manipulating bodily self-consciousness[END_REF]. For both illusions, multisensory integration appears to play a key role but beyond this commonality, what is the relation between self-ascribing a hand (local ownership) and self-ascribing the full body (global ownership)?

It is tempting to conceive of local ownership in mereological terms. To claim that this hand is mine simply means that it is part my body. The hand is then experienced as a part of a larger object, and the sense of hand ownership only expresses this part/whole relationship. One may

then claim that local ownership results from what Bermudez (2017) calls the connectedness

To appear in the Routledge Handbook on the philosophy of the body, edited by Adrian Alsmith and Matt Longo.

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principle, according to which one experiences the location of the bodily event relative to the disposition of the body as a whole. In brief, one experiences this hand as one's own because one experiences whatever happens there as being connected to the rest of the body. However, one may then ask: what makes the rest of the body one's own? There is a risk that ultimately local ownership requires global ownership if what one really experiences is (i) the hand being a part of the body and (ii) the body being one's own. One then needs to give an account of global ownership that does not appeal to local ownership to avoid a vicious circle.

Alternatively, one may claim that there is no global ownership. One may indeed ask whether we need to represent the body as a whole. [START_REF] Alsmith | Bodily structure and body representation[END_REF], for instance, argues that it suffices to have a collection of local representations of body parts that are coordinated together. One may further claim that we only need to self-ascribe the various individual body parts to the same subject. How, then, to interpret the FBI? It could be about the full body, but only derivatively. Its primary object is the torso, which is the body part that is stimulated. The difference with the RHI, however, is that unlike the hand, the torso is articulated with many other segments of the body, including the head, the legs and the arms. Consequently, the illusion of ownership towards the torso has consequences for the whole body, but this does not mean that there is an illusion of ownership towards the whole body.

The problem of the alien limb

What is the relationship between the sense of ownership and the sense of disownership? What seems so obvious for us, namely, that this body is our own, is not so for some individuals with neurological or psychiatric conditions who deny ownership of one of their limbs (see Billon, this volume). One of the first cases was described in 1825: a patient said about the left side of his body that it felt 'as if it were a stranger to him; it seemed to him that somebody else's body was lying on his side, or even a corpse' (Bouillaud 1825: 64). Almost two centuries later, a patient after a right parietal lesion described his left hand as follows: 'I'm sure, it isn't mine, I don't feel it as my hand' (Cogliano et al. 2012: 764). The questions are: what do these patients express when they deny ownership of their limbs? And what does it tell us about the sense of ownership that we normally experience?

One can first note a phenomenological asymmetry between ownership and disownership.

Our body normally remains at the margin of consciousness, unless there is something wrong that happens. Patients then report a remarkably vivid and salient phenomenology associated with their sense of disownership. The fact is that our body never leaves us and it can thus become almost phenomenally transparent. In neural terms, there is a phenomenon of habituation for repeated stimuli, which become suppressed over time, and if there is one thing that is repeated, it is our own body. It has even been argued that by default, there is no phenomenology of ownership; there would be only a phenomenology of disownership [START_REF] Chadha | No-Self and the Phenomenology of Ownership[END_REF]. This asymmetry, however, is not systematic. On the one hand, when the situation is unusual, the phenomenology of ownership can become relatively strong. Consider the case of phantom limbs, for which ownership becomes relatively salient [START_REF] Melzack | Phantom limbs and the concept of a neuromatrix[END_REF]. A soldier amputated during the Civil War, for instance, claimed about his phantom leg: "I am more sure of the leg which ain't than of the one that are" (Mitchell, 1871, p. 566). On the other hand, one should not believe that disownership phenomenology is always very vivid. It has been found that there is a "silent" version of the disownership syndrome [START_REF] Ronchi | Disownership of body parts as revealed by a visual scale evaluation. An observational study[END_REF]. Patients then do not report experiencing disownership for their left limb, and yet when they have to rate the ownership that they experience on a visual scale, the rating for the left limb is significantly lower than for the contralateral limb. Now the question is whether the sense of disownership solely results from the lack of ownership experiences. Since it is normally relatively dim and elusive, it may seem that if the sense of ownership goes missing, its loss may not be phenomenally immediate. Think of a painting that you have always seen on the wall in your parents' house. Most probably, when facing it, you no longer pay attention to it. And if one day the painting is gone, you may not notice it because you take it for granted, so to speak. The painting is then simply absent in your visual phenomenology but it is only when you notice that the painting is missing that you do experience its absence. Likewise, one may argue that the experience of disownership is not only the result of the loss of ownership experiences; it also requires the awareness of this loss.

The problem of degree

Another way to conceive the relation between ownership and disownership is as two endpoints on a continuous scale. Billon (forthcoming), for instance, claims: "Mineness would come in degrees". In his view, mineness is not a discrete property. This explains the heterogeneity in the disownership experiences that patients report. This could also explain the rating that participants in RHI studies give on a quantitative scale (from -3 to 3, for instance). But what does the rating precisely mean? We need to distinguish three distinct claims:

(i) I feel that this hand is more or less my own.

(ii) I feel more or less intensely my hand as my own.

(iii) I feel more or less confident that this is my hand.

Option (i) is the most counterintuitive. Arguably, the function of the sense of ownership is to track whose body one experiences. It aims at systematically co-variating with the metaphysical fact of body ownership [START_REF] Descartes | The sense of ownership: An analogy between sensation and action[END_REF]. Now, it is hard to conceive that a living body part could belong to a certain individual to varying degrees. It rather seems that either it is your hand or it is not. Therefore, the sense of bodily ownership should also be a matter of all or nothing: either you experience the hand as your own or you do not. There are then two ways one can explain the variety of ratings and reports: in terms of vividness (ii) and in terms of confidence (iii).

First, body parts can be associated with a more or less intense and vivid phenomenology of ownership depending on attentional and emotional context. For instance, we can speculate that anorexic patients feel more vividly their hips as being their own than other parts of their body that are not at the core of their concerns. This might also explain why the ownership rating for the rubber hand is always less than the maximum. On some accounts indeed, one only imagines that the rubber hand is one's own [START_REF] Alsmith | Mental Activity & the Sense of Ownership[END_REF], and as Hume famously claimed, imagination strikes our mind less clearly than perception. To be clear, a less vivid experience does not entail that one experiences the body part as as being less of one's own. Alternatively, we can analyse the ownership rating in the RHI at the metacognitive level of confidence. When participants are asked to what extent they agree with a specific statement in questionnaires for the RHI, they may be only replying to what extent they are confident that the statement is true. Not surprisingly, they are only mildly sure whether it seems to them that the rubber hand is their hand. Their rating reflects the probability that they ascribe that this is their hand. But to experience a 0.9 or 0.3 probability that something is part of one's body is not the same as to experience that something is 0.9 or 0.3 part of one's body.

The problem of cognitive penetration

In a recent highly debated paper, Lush and coll. (2020, p. 6) claimed that the RHI "requires" the contribution of top-down factors and that one can give a "cognitive" account of the illusion.

But do we normally feel our body the way we do because of our knowledge and expectation?

The issue of cognitive penetration of perception is highly debated [START_REF] Firestone | Cognition does not affect perception: Evaluating the evidence for "top-down" effects[END_REF][START_REF] Macpherson | Cognitive penetration of colour experience: Rethinking the issue in light of an indirect mechanism[END_REF] (ii) The sense of bodily ownership can be cognitively penetrated.

(iii) The sense of bodily ownership requires the contribution of cognitive states.

To show that a sensory experience is cognitively penetrable, one must be able to show that two perceivers can have different experiences because of semantically-relevant differences in their respective cognitive states, while the object of perception, the perceiving conditions, the state of the sensory organ and the location of spatial attention are hold fixed. Let us now see whether we have evidence of such cognitive penetration for bodily awareness. Consider the following example. A somatoparaphrenic patient believed that her left hand belonged to her niece. She was unable to detect tactile stimulations on her 'alien' hand, unless she was told beforehand that they were going to be applied to her niece's hand [START_REF] Bottini | Feeling touches in someone else's hand[END_REF]. Her belief thus influenced her bodily experiences, but does it penetrate it? Not necessarily. One may indeed reply that the patient's expectation that her alleged niece's hand was going to be touched directed her spatial attention to her hand, which in turn modified her tactile experiences. Hence, the location of attention was not hold fixed. Consider now the results that lead Lush and coll.

to defend a cognitive interpretation of the RHI. They found that participants generated expectancies about what the illusion would feel like when the RHI set-up was only described to them [START_REF] Lush | Demand Characteristics Confound the Rubber Hand Illusion[END_REF]. But what role do these expectancies play for the actual illusion? Lush and coll. (2020) found that manipulating them (by warning beforehand the participants what they should feel and when they should feel it) had no effect on the strength of the illusion. All they could find was a weak correlation between the strength of the illusion and the participant's suggestibility score. Suggestibility scores, however, are known to be difficult to interpret and they may be explained by a variety of factors. Thus, it is not clear what this correlation can reveal.

Finally, it should be noted that even if there were proofs of cognitive penetration, that would still not suffice to show that cognitive factors are necessary to the sense of bodily ownership.

Take the example of pain for which there is robust evidence of cognitive penetration (for discussion see [START_REF] Gligorov | Don't worry, this will only hurt a bit: The role of expectation and attention in pain intensity[END_REF][START_REF] Shevlin | Pain, placebo, and cognitive penetration[END_REF]. Many agree that pain cannot be reduced to the signals sent by nociceptors and that it can result from many factors, including expectations. Yet very few are ready to claim that pain requires the involvement of top-down processes.

The problem of felt location

We just saw the case of a somatoparaphrenic patient who took her hand to be her niece's. We discussed it to analyse the impact of beliefs on the sense of bodily ownership but we should not neglect the most important fact, namely, that she was able to feel tactile sensations in her 'alien' hand. But can one really feel sensations in a limb that does not appear to be one's own? At first sight, this seems to be unconceivable [START_REF] Bain | Intentionalism and pain[END_REF][START_REF] Descartes | The sense of ownership: An analogy between sensation and action[END_REF][START_REF] Martin | Bodily awareness: a sense of ownership[END_REF]. For Martin (1992: 201), for instance, there is nothing beyond the felt location in the sense of body ownership: "when one feels a bodily sensation to have a location there is no issue over whose body it appears to belong to". Yet, for some patients at least, there seems to be an issue. Bottini's patient is not an isolated case, 5% of all the somatoparaphrenic patients that have been tested

showing no somatosensory deficit [START_REF] Romano | The dynamic nature of the sense of ownership after brain injury. Clues from asomatognosia and somatoparaphrenia[END_REF]. We may also include in our list patients who suffer from depersonalisation or from peripheral deafferentation, who can still feel sensations on their body (thermal and painful ones in deafferentation), though it feels to them as if it was not their own body. More importantly, one should not forget that even a single To appear in the Routledge Handbook on the philosophy of the body, edited by Adrian Alsmith and Matt Longo. 12 case can suffice to serve as a counterexample. But is there no way to save the intuitive link between the felt location of one's sensations and the sense of ownership?

One can start with questioning the content of the patients' introspective reports.

Introspection is accused to be unreliable when it comes to the sense of ownership (Wu, forthcoming). Roughly speaking, patients do not know what they are talking about when they claim, "It doesn't feel like mine". But then, what are they talking about? They could be reporting only what they erroneously believe, and not what they experience. Somatoparaphrenic patients are indeed delusional: they are convinced that their hand is not their own. This interpretation, however, does not work for those, like depersonalized patients, who are aware that it is their own body and who still complained that it feels 'as if' it was not. Alternatively, one may claim that patients experience only a partial lack of ownership, one dimension still being preserved. [START_REF] Bradley | The Feeling of Bodily Ownership[END_REF], for instance, grants that the patients report what they experience, but he claims that they fail to dissociate two distinct types of ownership, which he calls minimal and affective ownership. In his view, the latter is missing but the former is preserved and it is this sense of minimal ownership that is guaranteed by the felt location of bodily sensations. But what is this minimal ownership? According to Bradley (2021, p. 373), it corresponds to "one's awareness of one's own body to directly control relevant first-personal capacities", such as "motivation, withdrawal reflexes, protective dispositions, etc". The crucial question is whether those capacities truly require the first-person (Vignemont, forthcoming).

For instance, one can note that most animals display protective behaviours and react to nociception (and possibly to pain). On Bradley's view, this entails that they have a sense of minimal ownership, but it seems so minimal that one may wonder whether it corresponds to the type of self-awareness that most philosophers have focused on when they discuss bodily ownership.

To appear in the Routledge Handbook on the philosophy of the body, edited by Adrian Alsmith and Matt Longo. 13 Now, if one grants that these patients really fail to experience ownership, one can still question whether bodily sensations are fully preserved. One may, for instance, argue that patients are not paying attention to their sensations and to their 'alien' limbs, and this lack of attention would explain their denial of ownership. However, adding attention may not be sufficient insofar as some patients suffer from no attentional deficit. We have to look for other differences. One may then revise the original claim as follows: when one feels a normal bodily sensation to have a location there is no issue over whose body it appears to belong to. One can then assert that patients do not have normal sensations. But on which basis? The challenge is to determine how to decide if a sensation is normal or not. If by normal sensation, one means reliable perception of somatosensory properties, then they can be normal in some somatoparaphrenic patients: they can experience pressure when a tactile stimulation is applied to their hand. Unless we beg the question and claim that sensations are normal only if one feels them to be located in one's body qua one's own, it seems that their sensations are normal. We thus have not solved the puzzle: why do these patients do not feel their limb as their own?

The problem of bodily control

Some insights may be gained by considering a different type of neurological condition, namely, peripheral deafferentation (see Gallagher, this volume). One of the most studied patients, IW lost all proprioceptive and tactile information below his neck after an acute neuropathy. For the first few months, he was bedridden because he had no control over his limbs, whose posture and location was inaccessible to him from the inside. At this time, Ian reported feeling alienated from his body [START_REF] Gallagher | Body schema and body image in a deafferented subject[END_REF]. Yet he could still experience pain and thermal sensations. Again, this shows that bodily sensations may not be sufficient for the sense of ownership. What is also interesting is that with time IW regained his sense of ownership and this coincided with his regained ability to control his body. He learned to exploit visual information to compensate for his proprioceptive loss. Looking at his limbs, he could know where they were located and thus, plan their movements. It may then seem that agency plays a key role for the sense of bodily ownership. This seems to be confirmed by the fact that disownership syndromes often involve some more or less extreme motor impairment. But what components of agency exactly? And if agency is necessary for the sense of bodily ownership, how to explain this other important fact, namely, that most patients with motor disorders still experience their body as their own?

We need to distinguish between three levels at which agency may intervene for the sense of bodily ownership:

(i) Agentive feelings, (ii) Body schema, (iii) General agentive ability.

The challenge that the first version (i) faces is that the sense of bodily ownership can be preserved in patients who have no agentive feelings whereas it can be missing in patients who have retained agentive feelings. For example, anarchic patients report that they have no control over their limbs but they still claim that their limbs belong to them [START_REF] Marchetti | Disentangling the alien and the anarchic hand[END_REF]. On the other hand, somatoparaphrenic patients can be unaware of their paralysis, erroneously feeling that they can control their paralyzed 'alien' hand, and yet they do not experience it as their own.

One might then reply that the analysis is not at the right level of explanation. The account should be in terms of unconscious sensorimotor knowledge (ii) but this is no more satisfactory.

Consider the RHI. It has been shown that in some situations at least, there is no agentive contrast between synchronous and asynchronous conditions, not only at the phenomenological level (subjects report no agentive feelings toward the rubber hand, [START_REF] Longo | What is embodiment? A psychometric approach[END_REF], but also at the sensorimotor level (the way they perform their movements is not altered by the illusion,

To appear in the Routledge Handbook on the philosophy of the body, edited by Adrian Alsmith and Matt Longo. 15 [START_REF] Kammers | The rubber hand illusion in action[END_REF]). [START_REF] Peacocke | Philosophical reflections on the first person[END_REF] agency-involving account may then seem the most promising because it appeals to the notion of action at a relatively high level of generality (iii).

On his view, a subject can experience that this is her own hand if and only if:

1) There is a range of action notions A for which the creature must be capable of being in mental states… with the content c is A-ing where the state… is produced by the initiation of an A-ing by the reference of c;

2) And there is a range of notions F of bodily properties, spatial properties, and past tense properties F such that the creature is capable of being in mental states… with the content c is F; where in these attributions, c is F is accepted (in central basic cases) if and only if this body is F is also accepted. (Peacocke, 2017, 293) One may then question which individuals, if any, do not meet these constraints. Peacocke offers only a necessary condition, and not a sufficient one. Consequently, he cannot explain why some patients that are paralyzed feel their legs as their own whereas others do not. Nor can he explain why one of the rare somatoparaphrenic patients that have no motor deficit still experiences her right upper limb as alien [START_REF] Beato | Transitory somatoparaphrenia associated with a left frontoparietal meningioma[END_REF]. Agency may be a precondition for ownership but there is still a lot that remains to be explained.

The problem of survival

Agency has two fundamental functions, to exploit the world and to protect oneself from the world. Most interest has focused on the former, investigating movements such as reaching and grasping. However, when it comes to the self, the second class of movements, which are concerned by self-defence, may be more interesting. In brief, survival involves preservation of one's body. It may then seem that protective behaviours should be a good proxy for the sense of bodily ownership. At first sight, this seems to work. On the one hand, when participants report ownership for a rubber hand, they affectively respond when a hammer threatens to hit it, as if it were their own hand (Erhsson et al., 2007). On the other hand, patients with somatoparaphrenia (or other disownership disorders) show no autonomic reaction when their 'alien' hand is under threat [START_REF] Romano | Arousal responses to noxious stimuli in somatoparaphrenia and anosognosia: clues to body awareness[END_REF]. Likewise, depersonalized patients do not feel concerned by the pain they experience in their 'alien' body. The problem, however, is that one protects many things besides one's body and one does not always protect one's body. What is then the relationship between protective agency and ownership?

The first thing to note is that protective agency encompasses a range of various behaviours.

There are relatively high-level behaviours that result from complex decision-making, involving a variety of beliefs, desires, emotions, moral considerations, and so forth, but there are also more basic and fundamental behaviours, which are based on direct connection between perception and action. There are protective behaviours that target the body in danger (e.g., putting the burnt hand under cold water) but there are also protective behaviours that target one's affective state (e.g. taking a pain-killer). Arguably, only basic defensive mechanisms that are body-directed are relevant for the sense of bodily ownership. 2 A good example is provided by the sensorimotor processing of peripersonal space. It has been found that the immediate surrounding of one's body is encoded in a specific way to elicit protective behaviours as quickly as possible if necessary [START_REF] Graziano | The spaces between us[END_REF]. It thus plays the role of a margin of safety surrounding the body. We can further speculate that we have a specific representation whose function is to track the body to protect, what I call a protective body map. Hence, if a spider crawls on my hand, I feel its contact as being located within the frame of the body to protect.

2 A patient can thus deny that the limb in pain is her own and yet try to get rid of the pain because her protective response is pain-directed, and not body-directed (see [START_REF] Maravita | Spatial disorders[END_REF] for such a case).

To fix the bodily boundaries that have evolutionary significance, the protective body map answers two questions: (i) where do the body stop, and the rest of world start? and (ii) what matters for self-preservation? I propose that there is a stage in development in which it is important, possibly even necessary, to experience pain and other negatively-loaded sensations to give affective significance to bodily boundaries, and thus to build the protective body map.

Typically, pain indicates that these boundaries are the ones to care about and to protect if one wants to survive. It vividly highlights for the subject that what is inside bodily boundaries matters and if one has never experienced it, one fails to experience the body as one's own, as shown by congenital insensitivity to pain. Indeed patients that have a dramatic impairment of pain since birth describe their body like an external object. A patient, for instance, said: "A body is like a car, it can be dented but it pops out again and can be fixed like a car. Someone can get in and use it but the body isn't you, you just inhabit it." (Frances and Gale, 1975, pp. 116-17). This seems to indicate that one needs affectively-loaded sensations to experience one's body as one's own. It thus seems that Descartes (1724) was right: "Nature likewise teaches me by these sensations of pain, hunger, thirst, etc., that I am not only lodged in my body as a pilot in a vessel" (Meditation IV) (see Chamberlain, this volume).

Euthyphro's dilemma

In Euthyphro's dilemma, Plato noted that on the one hand, one may say that an action is just because it pleases the gods, but on the other hand, one may also say that the action pleases the gods because it is just. We seem to face a similar dilemma for ownership. On the one hand, one may claim that one experiences one's body as one's own because it has a special significance.

On the other hand, one may also claim that for one's body to have such significance, one already needs to experience it as one's own. It might then seem that there is no way to determine what comes first, affective significance or the sense of bodily ownership. However, one can avoid the apparent circularity in the case of bodily ownership because the notion of significance used here is grounded in biology. For the body to have personal significance is for it to be the body to protect for the organism's evolutionary needs. What happens to the body that has this significance happens to the subject. Why is it so? One possibility is that it is because one is one's body. Or more mildly, one can simply assume that one evolved in a world such that for the self to survive, its body must survive. In any case, the impact on what happens on this body for oneself gives immediate ground for labelling it as one's own. Hence, one is entitled to judge that this is one's own body when one feels that this body matters in this special way, because under normal circumstances the body that matters in such a way is one's own body. One might then say that the experience of ownership is nothing more than the awareness of the special value of the body for survival. It singles out the body that matters for self-preservation more than anything else. Hence, bodily awareness is not about the body simpliciter; it is about the body for the self because it matters for it. It is thus endowed with a specific affective colouring that goes beyond its somatosensory phenomenology. This affective colouring, one may argue, constitutes the phenomenology of bodily ownership

  , though rarely in the context of bodily awareness. Can ownership beliefs To appear in the Routledge Handbook on the philosophy of the body, edited by Adrian Alsmith and Matt Longo. 10 influence how one experiences one's body? And if they can, what does it show about the nature of the sense of bodily ownership? It is important to distinguish several claims: (i) The sense of bodily ownership can be causally influenced by cognitive states.


Although video games initially appeared as an adult hobby [START_REF] Triclot | Philosophie des jeux vidéo[END_REF], they then became associated with children and teenagers. Later on, video game audiences grew older again, with some young adults even playing the same games as children and adolescents to some extent [START_REF] Cross | Valves of adult desire: The regulation and incitement of children's consumption[END_REF]. This porosity of the boundaries of age is part of a wider trend observable mainly in the leisure world that has been associated with transformations related to media, although Cross argues that "the cult of cool" is a core factor. Pokémon is usually known as a children's game, and even though its audience has grown older as old-time fans keep buying their products and actively engaging with the franchise, the video games are still mainly designed for children. Yet, the internet of Pokémon seems to be mainly populated by adolescents past the age of 15 and young adults, even up to 30 years old, according to my observations as well as my casual experience as a fan. Younger children are there, but are less visible. I argue in this chapter that this is a consequence of the fact that the online spaces I study, which are mainly the ones with the highest visibility, 1 are built by adults and older adolescents, for adults and older adolescents. While the younger part of the Pokémon audience is likely to have less access to the internet, this does not suffice to explain the relative invisibility of younger adolescents. 2 As such, fans' online practices of circulation and enrichment of the Pokémon franchise are part of what makes it broaden its audience.

According to Jenkins, "a participatory culture is one which embraces the values of diversity and democracy through every aspect of our interactions with each otherone which assumes that we are capable of making decisions, collectively and individually, and that we should have the capacity to express ourselves through a broad range of different 1 I study some "niche" communities such as one based on a role-playing forum, however, the one I chose is the most populated and most visible one among the French role-playing forums, with several dozen to a hundred active members. 2 It is impossible for me to make a rigorous quantitative claim about the age stratifications of the French Pokémon audience, in general or online, since such data is unavailable and would require a complex and expensive methodology. France also lacks rigorous data on the use of internet by children and younger adolescents. The surveys conducted by the Ministry of Culture on the matter only concern people aged 15 or more [START_REF] Donnat | Les pratiques culturelles des Français à l'ère numérique[END_REF]. forms and practices" (Jenkins, Ito, Boyd, 2015, p. 2). This idea of participatory culture as a movement toward a democratization of participation tends to minimize the fact that participation is primarily about power [START_REF] Kelty | From participation to power[END_REF]. Indeed, adult-children relationships are grounded in power, as age constitutes a "principle of justification of action between adults and children" (Garnier, 2014, p. 453) which contributes towards the legitimizing of adult domination. This means that the study of the online participation of children, adolescent and adults of the same fandom must take adult domination into consideration. Thus, although it is undeniable that the internet has raised some opportunities for participation, it is important to keep in mind that the skills and resources required for such participation are not evenly distributed across social categories such as social class [START_REF] Helsper | Distinct skill pathways to digital engagement[END_REF][START_REF] North | DIGITAL TASTES: Social class and young people's technology use[END_REF] and age [START_REF] Meneses | Putting Digital Literacy in Practice: How Schools Contribute to Digital Inclusion in the Network Society[END_REF], as, unsurprisingly, children need to develop their digital literacy, contrary to what the criticized concept of "digital natives" would suggest (Bennett et al., 2008, Lardellier in this book).

Gary Alan Fine argues that the success of leisure organizations mainly depends on their ability to provide resources to participants [START_REF] Fine | Mobilizing Fun: Provisioning Resources in Leisure Worlds[END_REF]. Resources can be material, such as infrastructures or physical tools, but also immaterial, such as knowledge. Explaining the success of Pokémon is beyond the scope of this chapter. Rather, Fine's Provisioning Theory

Investigating the internet of Pokémon.

Pokémon was launched in Japan in 19963 as a video game before it quickly became a media mix [START_REF] Steinberg | Anime's media mix: Franchising toys and characters in Japan[END_REF] with the production of an anime as well as a trading cards game.

Satoshi Tajiri, the man behind the original games, was a fan of beetle collection and hoped to foster a taste for the exploration of nature in children of the new generation (Tobin, 2004, p. 57). After a period of "Pokémania" around the 2000s, the franchise was prophesied to fall out of trend [START_REF] Tobin | Pikachu's global adventure: The rise and fall of Pokémon[END_REF]. Despite the apparent end of "Pokémania", the video games of the main Pokémon series4 still usually hit 10 million sales each year 5 . Pokémon came back into the spotlight with the 2016 augmented reality smartphone video game Pokémon GO, which was the object of much academic focus, as it raised issues related to public health [START_REF] Althoff | Influence of Pokémon Go on physical activity: Study and implications[END_REF][START_REF] Ayers | Pokémon GO-a new distraction for drivers and pedestrians[END_REF][START_REF] Oidtman | Pokémon Go and exposure to mosquito-borne diseases: How not to catch[END_REF][START_REF] Zach | To catch them all-The (un) intended consequences of Pokémon GO on mobility, consumption, and wellbeing[END_REF] and economic impact [START_REF] Frith | The digital "lure": Small businesses and Pokémon Go[END_REF], and academics investigated the potential reasons for its success [START_REF] Keogh | Pokémon Go, the novelty of nostalgia, and the ubiquity of the smartphone[END_REF][START_REF] Vella | A Sense of Belonging: Pokémon GO and Social Connectedness[END_REF][START_REF] Yang | Motives matter: Motives for playing Pokémon Go and implications for well-being[END_REF]. Thus, while it is unlikely that Pokémon has managed to revive Japanese kids' taste for nature and beetle collection, it succeeded in encouraging many people to explore cities. However, the world that Pokémon fans usually wander through is rather the virtual, intertextual world of the franchise itself, and one of its widest spaces may be found online.

This chapter draws on a study of the francophone online fandom of Pokémon, focused mostly around the video games, which are at the center of the Pokémon media mix [START_REF] Gervasoni | Pokémon as Hybrid, Virtual Toys: Friends, Foes or Tools[END_REF][START_REF] Ito | Mobilizing the imagination in everyday play: The case of Japanese media mixes[END_REF], though the broader context of the franchise is taken into account. 6 Rather than mapping a priori the space of our fieldwork and its boundaries, I started with participant observation of a few online Pokémon fan spaces, and drew on the "orientations" [START_REF] Boutet | S'orienter dans les espaces sociaux en ligne. L'exemple d'un jeu[END_REF] of the users themselves who participate in constructing the internet of Pokémon. 7 This means our fieldwork is dynamic and the limits are drawn based on practical criteria but not taken for granted. In this chapter, I mostly focus on observational data gathered on four kinds of online spaces: Facebook fan groups, YouTube videos and comment sections, Twitter, and fan websites. This leaves out several major online spaces, See for instance the ranking for the best Nintendo 3DS sales (official website). https://www.nintendo.co.jp/ir/en/finance/software/3ds.html 6 This chapter draws on an ongoing PhD thesis about the role of the internet in the attachment to the Pokémon franchise, under the supervision of Pascale Garnier and Vincent Berry of EXPERICE research center, Université Sorbonne Paris Nord 13. This PhD thesis benefits from a grant from LabEx ICCA. 7 I use the term "internet of Pokémon" to refer to the complex set of online spaces dedicated to Pokémon. such as Discord 8 , and forums. According to my observations, which have been confirmed by several testimonies, forums have been largely emptied of their active users, who left to Discord. Discord is a very scattered space, with a very complex and messy organization. At this point of my research, my understanding of the Discord Pokémon fan ecosystem is too shallow for me to exploit the data rigorously. This chapter also draws on 19 semi-directive interviews, most of which were conducted online. The latter were mostly contacted in Facebook fan groups and on my workplace at the time, as interviewees were mostly contacted in several online fan communities and other online spaces. Online, written interviews were done through Discord for most part, although a few of them were carried out on Messenger. The choice to use mostly online, written interviews is driven by several factors. It is easier to get fans to agree to an online interview than a face-to-face one, and it allows me to do away with geographical barriers. Although interviewees are less likely to be focused on the interview due to the multitasking habits of internet users [START_REF] Béliard | Internet et la méthode ethnographique: L'utilisation des messageries instantanées dans le cadre d'une enquête de terrain[END_REF], online interviews also allow them to opt for spontaneity rather than well-considered responses, and make it possible for the researcher to come back to the interviewee in later days in order to ask for clarifications, precisions, or finish aborted interviews. In this chapter, all quotes from interviews are translated from French. I try to respect the tone and style of the interviewee to a certain extent.

Interviewees are also given a pseudonym.

The "designed exploration" of the Pokémon world.

"I love the culture they created in the games, with a mythology, a history, events, as well as self-references between games. But most of all the exploration/discovery of new regions with each new game" 9 Kurt Squire argues that video games are to be considered as "designed experiences, in which participants learn through a grammar doing and being" 10 (Squire, 2006, p. 19), by which he means that any ideology or intent is injected during the development of a game, and gamers are active producers of a gaming experience that is framed by the design. Pokémon's 8 Discord is an application which allow users to easily create servers with direct message channels for written conversation, and vocal channels. Discord also allows private direct messages and calls. 9 Nicolas, 20, M. 10 Italics in the original text. experience appears to be mainly focused around exploration and adventure. I use the term designed exploration here to examine the ways in which the Pokémon game design, and even Pokémon as a whole, incite and frames diverse exploration practices. Indeed, one of the main pleasures of Pokémon stems from the possibility to explore a complex living world. As was noted earlier in the chapter, Satoshi Tajiri's goal when developing Pokémon was to give kids the will and the pleasure to explore nature. In this respect, Pokémon GO may look like the achievement of that original goal, although the game design favors the most urban areas over "nature" [START_REF] Colley | The Geography of Pokémon GO: Beneficial and Problematic Effects on Places and Movement[END_REF]. Still, Pokémon video games from the main series are about setting on a quest to help a scientist learn everything about pokémons 11 by exploring the region. The Pokémon anime, another core part of the Pokémon media mix, also tells the story of a young adolescent who explores the world of Pokémon. The French and English versions of the emblematic opening of the first season both mention this fact. 12 Indeed, Pokémon was designed "not as something you consume, but as something you do" [START_REF] Sefton-Green | Initiation rites: A small boy in a Poke-world[END_REF]. Pokémon fans are incited to navigate through the fictional world of Pokémon, engaging with products of the Pokémon media mix [START_REF] Steinberg | Anime's media mix: Franchising toys and characters in Japan[END_REF]. Becoming a fan of Pokémon involves learning about hundreds of creatures, gaining and sharing information within the community of fans. Such a quest for information may lead fans online [START_REF] Vasquez | What Pokémon can teach us about learning and literacy[END_REF]. When she was younger, Marjorie 13 "loved to visit Pokébip to read articles about the anime". All the fans I interviewed converged in their discourses of how they started searching for online Pokémon content. At some point, they needed information about how to get past an obstacle, or about where to find a pokémon. They figured that the internet might be the place to find a solution.

For instance, Morgane 14 started checking Pokémon-related materials "at the end of primary school, to find walkthroughs on forums". The designed exploration of Pokémon is not only a product of media mix strategies which foster active engagement with cultural products, but also of game design itself. Pokémon contains several hidden and semi-hidden ingame features. For instance, pokémons have Individual Values (IVs), hidden values which influence the pokémon's combat characteristics. Such hidden values can be evaluated thanks 11 Although TPC prescribes the use of Pokémon both for referring to the brand and to the creatures, we consider it less ambiguous to write "Pokémon" when referring to the brand, and "pokémons" when referring to the creatures which inhabit the world of Pokémon. 12 The English and French lyrics of the Pokémon first season anime opening on the largest Pokémon fan-made wiki. https://bulbapedia.bulbagarden.net/wiki/Pok%C3%A9mon_Theme; https://www.pokepedia.fr/Th%C3%A8me_Pok%C3%A9mon 13 20, F. 14 19, F.

to online calculators15 . In the recent games, some Non-Playable Characters (NPC) give hints about IVs, although one needs to know such values exist in order to understand what the NPC is talking about. Some other features are not completely hidden but not explicit either, such as "nature". Pokémons can be of one of 24 natures, 4 of which are "neutral". The 20 other natures give a 10% boost to one battle characteristic 16 and reduces another one by the same amount (Hit Points are not affected by nature). This feature is not explicitly explained in the video games and players usually learn this in the fan websites and communities. The recent games give hints about the effects of natures in the User Interface. The boosted stat is written in red and the lowered one in blue (Figure 1). However, the interviews revealed, not surprisingly, that only those who already know about the mechanics behind the "nature", realize what the colored stats mean, and some do not even realize they are differently colored.

Pokémon is already too vast for a player to know everything about it by simply playing and passively consuming products. Such game design features make it even more important for players to engage more intensively, and online participation is the most common way to further one's knowledge about the games thanks to the resources provided by fans. Through the media mix strategies embraced by TPC and a variety of game design features, Pokémon incites a form of involvement which guides people toward "curious exploration" [START_REF] Auray | L'Alerte ou l'enquête: Une sociologie pragmatique du numérique[END_REF] of online spaces, which can be seen as a potential gateway to participation, or even a form of participation in itself [START_REF] Jenkins | Participatory culture in a networked era: A conversation on youth, learning, commerce, and politics[END_REF], although it does not leave obvious traces. The fact that the content fans engage in once online are, in part, produced by other fans, suggests that the "designed exploration" is framed not only by TPC, but also by the collective action of fans. Although the exploration of online content appears to be of a different nature than that of the virtual spaces in-game, we argue that there is a continuity between both.

Fan digital labor

While Pokémon is a copyrighted subculture [START_REF] Fine | Mobilizing Fun: Provisioning Resources in Leisure Worlds[END_REF], and Nintendo is known for its conservative approach to copyright and authorship [START_REF] Newman | Kaizo Mario Maker: ROM hacking, abusive game design and Nintendo's Super Mario Maker[END_REF], much of the internet of Pokémon is the result of fans' digital labor [START_REF] Scholz | Digital labor: The Internet as playground and factory[END_REF] through which they provide walkthroughs, encyclopedias, news about the franchise, as well as online communities to participate in, constituting resources for exploration and participation. Although TPC has now seriously entered the internet, putting effort into an official YouTube channel, advertising on Twitter with a Community Manager, fans have been pioneers in building the internet of Pokémon. Since 2013, Pokémon now has official channels in several languages including English and French, which boast millions of subscribers each. Yet, some Pokémon fan channels sometimes attract even more viewers than the official channel. The official French language Pokémon channel has 205,000 subscribers, and most of its videos about the video games get between 50,000 and 200,000 views. One of the most popular recent videos, the first Pokémon Sword/Shield trailer, got 203,915 views on November the 6 th in 2019. At the same time, the Pokémon Trash YouTube channel has 800,000 subscribers, and most of its videos about the video games get over 100,000 views. A telling example is that of the video "Que cache le trailer de POKÉMON ÉPÉE BOUCLIER ?"[What's behind the Pokémon Sword/Shield trailer?], published on July 8, 2019, 3 days after the trailer it refers to, which got more than 270,000 views. In comparison, the official trailer got slightly over 104,000 views17 .

Fan participation also results in a large body of fan production, such as artwork or even fanmade video games. In other words, fans are the active builders of the internet of Pokémon, and as such, they are the core providers of transmedia resources which enable and foster participation. In his study of 80s role-playing games, [START_REF] Fine | Mobilizing Fun: Provisioning Resources in Leisure Worlds[END_REF] already observed this process: the players participated in providing resources in copyrighted cultures, however, he still insisted that it was highly framed by the game creators. While TPC plays a central role in shaping fans' activity and the way resources are organized, nonetheless the way the resources circulate, especially on the internet, is now determined in a more complex way by both the company and the fans. I avoid talking about a "coproduction" of the franchise and its online spaces, because such a term tends to hide the fact that the relations between fans and companies are ones of uneven power. For instance, when fans produce video games which gain too much attention, TPC does not hesitate to make legal threats and force the amateur to shut his game down 18 .

Nonetheless, the internet has given the opportunity for fan communities to be active producers and to play an important role in the production and circulation of Pokémon content online. Fan websites are run by fans who recruit other fans to gather information about the franchise as fast as possible in order to share news, and as such become important sources of information for fans. Two of the main Pokémon French fan websites, Pokébip and Pokémon Trash, boast around 1-2 million visits a day, while the official website can be estimated to usually get about 1.5 million French visits a day 19 . Much like mainstream news outlets, fan websites draw on each other's work, as well as a network of information sources. For instance, in February 2019, a Twitter account which had leaked a conference a few weeks earlier tweeted the message "Pokémon soon". Pokékalos, a French fan website, shared that news through their own Twitter account, and other websites such as Pokémon Trash wrote articles in anticipation 20 of a supposed "Pokémon Direct "21 coming soon. As a result, although TPC own Pokémon and are the first-hand producer of the franchise, the circulation of the information is largely done for free by fan websites which act as mediators. They are essential 18 Pokémon Uranium, which boasted over a million downloads, may be the most famous recent example. https://www.polygon.com/2016/9/21/13007798/pokemon-uranium-shutdown-downloads-development-canceled 19 According to SimilarWeb (https://www.similarweb.com). The 1.5 million number for the official website was obtained by applying the percentage of visits from France to the total. 20 The article about the rumours on the Pokémon Trash website names and thanks Pokékalos for finding and sharing the information. https://www.pokemontrash.com/news/rumeurs-annonce-plus-coquiperl-go 21 Nintendo broadcasts live streams called "Nintendo Direct" on streaming platforms such as YouTube and Twitch to reveal and discuss trailers, expose their marketing strategies, or simply communicate with their fanbase. Pokémon now has its own live streams called "Pokémon Direct". actors of the affective economics [START_REF] Jenkins | Convergence culture: Where old and new media collide[END_REF] of Pokémon in that they provide information about the franchise not only as fans, but also as fan communities. For instance, Pokémon Trash is known for its humorous editorial line which heavily draws on subcultural elements of internet and gaming communities, such as internet memes 22 , which act as important shared references for online groups [START_REF] Miltner | There's no place for lulz on LOLCats": The role of genre, gender, and group identity in the interpretation and enjoyment of an Internet meme[END_REF] and constitute repertoires of practices [START_REF] Gutiérrez | Cultural ways of learning: Individual traits or repertoires of practice[END_REF], in that they become important aspects of participation in fan communities. Relevant Pokémon memes can also be more standard memes which do not draw on Pokémon content if the meaning of the meme has something to do with Pokémon. In such a context, fan groups largely function under an emotional regime [START_REF] Reddy | The navigation of feeling: A framework for the history of emotions[END_REF] of fun, that is, the activity of the group is largely driven by the production and the circulation of content with the purpose of producing a playful atmosphere.

As such, fans do not just circulate Pokémon content with some minor added value; they are, at a collective level, very active producers of Pokémon content. This fact is most obvious during periods in which new Pokémon content is revealed or commercialized, which 22 Internet memes can be defined as "groups of digital items sharing common characteristics of content, form, and/or stance, which were created with awareness of each other and were circulated, imitated, and/or transformed via the Internet by many users" (Shifman, 2014, p. 41). The most common examples of memes rely on images called "templates", usually viral pictures, often took from popular culture media products, which are either posted in a fitting context or captioned in a slightly different way from the original. 23 Knowyourmeme page of "surprised Pikachu": https://knowyourmeme.com/memes/surprised-pikachu triggers an emotional regime of collective effervescence, marked by an expression of hype24 , but also disappointment and even anger25 . This emotional regime, alongside the regime of fun, is dominant in the live chats of live stream announcements on platforms such as YouTube and Twitch.tv, as well as in the comment section of YouTube trailers, for instance. Fan Discord servers and Facebook groups are also affected. In Facebook groups, the daily activity rises in the days subsequent to announcements and leaks26 . Fan artists are also very active right after trailers and announcements. For instance, as soon as a new pokémon is revealed, many works of fan art are produced and circulated, and such fan art even seems to participate in feeding the hype. Wooloo, a basic and cute sheep-like pokémon, which is the equivalent of usually bland, early-game pokémons, received an enthusiastic response and inspired fan artists a lot.

The female playable character, with its Scottish look, also inspired fan artists, who drew on clichés about the Scottish such as their accent and their alleged love of alcohol, which guides much of the production of fan art of this character.

While Pokémon is a copyrighted culture and The Pokémon Company sometimes has a conservative stance concerning copyrights, nonetheless fans and fan communities participate actively in the production and circulation of Pokémon content online. Not only they do engage with resources provided by The Pokémon Company, but the fan communities have also built social infrastructures which in turn provide relevant resources for participation, such as repertoires of practices and online spaces for learning and mobilizing those repertoires, among other resources. In that sense, fans play an important part in the construction of an online ecosystem which favors the development of a participatory culture.

Barriers to children's participation.

"So, everyone's 30 years old, you follow Pokémon like kids, the group's called trash talk, but we can't trash talk? It seems like we've got the elite over here" 27 "A game for crybabies who are going to have great fun grooming their pokémons, giving them hugs, and throwing a plastic pokéball at the TV screen, because It'S So CoOl 28 .

And on the other hand, we cut off battles with wild pokémons from the game and to make things worse we add some of this Pokémon GO shit.

Can't wait for the next RPGs, hoping they'll think about their very first players". 29 These two instances of online posts by fans capture the tensions that pervade the Pokémon audience and fandom in relation to age. As the first one suggests, albeit exaggeratedly, the majority of the active members of the group are adult. On November 15, 2019, a member of the fan group Pokémon Trash Talk posted a survey asking for the age of other members. People voted in categories including 10-14, 14-18, 18-20, 20-25, 20-30 and 30+, alongside many less serious choices added by other members such as "age is just a number". While this is obviously not a rigorous survey, it can be used to determine broad tendencies. The highest age category was 20-25, with 232 answers, followed by 18-20 with 124 answers, 25-30 with 87 answers and 14-18 with 45 answers, while 10-14 only had one, although an earlier survey in September 2017 had 10 self-declared members aged 13 or less, all of whom did not seem to be lying according to their Facebook profile. These surveys suggest that the majority of the active members of the Facebook group are over 18 years old.

Although this may not be the case of the Pokémon online audience in its entirety, Pokémon Trash Talk is arguably the biggest French Pokémon fan community, and the most visible. The second quote is a YouTube comment which aggressively exposes a stance which is held and expressed in hundreds of other comments on the official French-speaking YouTube channel.

Online debates and discussing in Pokémon spaces can be perceived as so toxic that some 27 Facebook publication done by a member of the Pokémon Trash Talk group. He was banned or left the game thereafter. 28 I write in such a way to highlight the fact that the original French comment writes this phrase with a very bad spelling in order to make it look stupid and signify sarcasm. Another way people do so in the internet, which is much easier to translate, is by alternating upper and lower cases, usually in reference to the Mocking SpongeBob meme: https://knowyourmeme.com/photos/1267323-mocking-spongebob 29 Comment on the first trailer for Pokémon Let's GO Pikachu/Eevee on the official French-speaking Pokémon YouTube channel. Link to the video: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8b-FZT9O6C4&list=PLVXmcWvDTic9Rq6I1oSu3PX2lLwiE4sb_ interviewees have reported that they avoid participating openly due to this. Hamza 30 reports that "sometimes [he] refused to ask questions or share stuff on the website because [he] was afraid too many people would be mean to [him] or make fun of [him]". He later sent me a screenshot of a segment of the comment section of a post on the Pokémon Trash Talk group, in which someone asked what the use of a particular Pokémon move was. The first person who answered assumed he was asking about the effect of the move, and answered, in what was interpreted as an aggressive way, that one can use Google to find answers to such questions, before explaining the effect 31 . Hamza highlighted that "he's the kind of person because of whom [he doesn't] want to post stuff". If adults are deterred from participating due to a "toxic atmosphere", it is likely that some children would be too, especially when many fans claim that children are responsible for what they consider a decline in quality of Pokémon video games, which feeds mechanisms of exclusion analogous to some of the mechanisms which exclude women from online gaming spaces [START_REF] Fox | Women's experiences with general and sexual harassment in online video games: Rumination, organizational responsiveness, withdrawal, and coping strategies[END_REF][START_REF] Gray | INTERSECTING OPPRESSIONS AND ONLINE COMMUNITIES: Examining the experiences of women of color in Xbox Live[END_REF][START_REF] Gray | Blurring the boundaries: Using Gamergate to examine "real" and symbolic violence against women in contemporary gaming culture[END_REF]. Still, one must be wary of immediately drawing a parallel between these two forms of domination, as these claims require further inquiry.

The potential exclusion of children from online fan spaces and communities does not only arise from explicit exclusionary mechanisms such as an open hostility toward childhood.

After all, the publication present in the first quote in this section was followed by several opposing comments. Members of Pokémon Trash Talk reminded the person who posted it that this was not a group for "trash talking", a discussion group of the Pokémon Trash community, hence the name. At the time, a member also noted that "there are also children in this group (some comments are made by 12 years old)". All the more, participation requires the acquisition of repertoires of practices [START_REF] Gutiérrez | Cultural ways of learning: Individual traits or repertoires of practice[END_REF] which are associated with specific subcultures. It is unlikely that younger adolescents and children understand most of the pop culture references which internet memes draw on or more subtle forms of humor which memes can convey, which require specific, new literacies [START_REF] Procházka | Internet Memes-A New Literacy?[END_REF] to be fully grasped. Indeed, a lot of memes are references to typically adult worlds, such as workplace culture, drug, sex, and politics.

Not only do children and younger adolescents lack specific kinds of literacy, they also do not necessarily share the same interests and the same culture as older adolescents and 30 26, M. 31 In the main series of Pokémon video games, pokémons learn moves (4 at a time at most) which they can use in turn-based battles. Some of these moves are not very useful during usual solo play but can be strategically useful in player-versus-player, and their usefulness isn't always obvious. adults. Even though the "cult of cool" has weakened age barriers in the domain of leisure [START_REF] Cross | Valves of adult desire: The regulation and incitement of children's consumption[END_REF], differences still subsist between the leisure worlds of children and adults, starting with some shared popular culture references which may be largely restricted to a generation or the other. Alban 32 had "acquired a writing 'style' (nothing exceptional but, as a result, nobody knew about my exact age until the first IRL gathering)". He had therefore developed skills which allowed him to be a news writer for the Pokémon Trash website when he was in junior high school, which means he had a status, and was recognized by the community. Yet, even though he did not always get talked down due to his age, "[he] felt little connection with their humor, their interests". Being an important member of the community was important for him as he was in a "violent school" and a difficult overall social context, he wrote during the interview. His status in the community allowed him to feel cool and important. In another context, the lack of connection with his older peers' culture would likely have been a barrier to his participation.

Pokémon is adult business

In the recent years, The Pokémon Company has put more efforts into their online presence. While their games still seem to be targeted at children, their online activity, paradoxically, seems to be turned towards their older fans. This results in tensions with regards to the reception of the online communication surrounding Pokémon video games.

One of the core reasons for lasting attachment of fans to the franchise is believed to be nostalgia [START_REF] Carter | Pokémon and a Fandom of Nostalgia. Reflexive Horizons: Film Philosophy and the Moving Image[END_REF][START_REF] Keogh | Pokémon Go, the novelty of nostalgia, and the ubiquity of the smartphone[END_REF][START_REF] Yang | Motives matter: Motives for playing Pokémon Go and implications for well-being[END_REF], as suggested by the success of Pokémon GO among adults. Nostalgia acts as a sort of disposition ready to be re-ignited on certain conditions. It is an emotion that has long been strongly commodified [START_REF] Cross | Nostalgic collections[END_REF], and Pokémon plays heavily on it. A year after the creation of the official Pokémon YouTube channel, before announcing the Pokémon Sun & Moon games, the official channel posted a series of short videos called Pokémon Generations which acted as a tribute to the history of Pokémon generations. Among the trailers for Pokémon Let's GO Pikachu & Eevee, several videos were clearly made to appeal to nostalgia. One of the trailers shows Lavender Town, an iconic town of the first games famous for its creepy atmosphere, which inspired a famous creepypasta (creepy urban legend) about Japanese kids who allegedly committed suicide 32 26, M. because of the music33 . Pikachu is present in most games, and every generation has its "Pikachu-like" (Figure 2) new pokémon, except for the second generation which brought Pikachu's baby counterpart, Pichu, which evolves into Pikachu. This can be understood not only as a tribute to the franchise mascot, but also as a tribute to the first generation. To a lesser extent, Charizard, another first-generation pokémon and one of the most iconic of the franchise, also had special treatment. It had several special forms, such as two Mega-Evolutions, when not every pokémon had one and none other than it had two, and it also got a Gigamax form (Figure 3). In the trailer which revealed its Gigamax form, four others are revealed, and they are also from first generation, iconic pokémons. Not surprisingly, Pikachu is one of them, and its Gigamax form is made fat, which is understood by fans as a reference to the fat design of Pikachu in the first-generation games. Eevee, which was featured as one of the two main pokémons of the Pokémon Let's GO games, Meowth, which is famous for being a main antagonist of the animated series, and Butterfree, an important pokémon of the main protagonist in the first season of the anime, were also revealed to have a Gigamax form.

Butterfree is famous for the emotional scene where he was released by Ash, the main protagonist, so that he could live with his romantic partner. This scene has become a meme which made fans cry, and still does. TPC communication also strongly draws on aspects of online culture which are unlikely to appeal to younger fans. Junichi Masuda, composer, and producer of Pokémon, has the habit of sharing subtle clues about upcoming content. While exploration and riddles are not specifically adult leisure activities, he shares those on Twitter, which is mainly a network for adults and, to a lesser extent, older adolescents. 35 For instance, in February 2019, Masuda shared a screenshot from Pokémon GO which showed a pokémon which had 226 candies 36 , without any context. Fans deduced that an announcement would happen on February 26, 2019 (2/26) 37 , and were right. Another most telling case of online communication directed towards adult fans may be the 24-hour live stream which took place on the October 4, 2019. For most part, it was just a still view of a mysterious forest where nothing happened on screen. In 24 hours, only a handful of previous-generation pokémons and one from the current one, which had already been revealed in a previous trailer, appeared.

The only novelty was the revealing of Galar Ponyta, the Galar form of a first-generation pokémon 38 . Hence only one new pokémon was revealed in a 24-hour stream. Fans, and especially fan websites which had to gather and share the information, followed the entire stream. This sort of commitment is unlikely to happen with children and younger adolescents, due to them not being able to do this, but it is also highly unlikely that they find enjoyment in doing so, not that adults seemed to enjoy it all that much.

Many adult fans believe that TPC does not really care about them when designing its video games, and still targets children. An employee of Asmodée, the French company in charge of the distribution of Pokémon cards, informally confirmed that TPC does not focus all that much on satisfying itsadult fanbase. This may however be partly untrue, in that, although they do not seem to design their video games mainly for that part of their fanbase, they still provide resources which seem to be specifically targeted at them. In-game "Easter eggs" are common. For instance, in Pokémon Sun and Pokémon Moon, which were released in 2016, a feature allows players to take in-game pictures of wild pokémons and receive comments from fictional social network commenters. Sometimes one can get the comment "7.8/10 Too much water ¯\_('--')_/¯", which is a reference to a popular IGN Entertainment Inc. review which became a famous internet meme39 . More generally, the media mix strategy has long allowed Pokémon to broaden its audience's age range. For instance, the Pokémon Adventure manga is considered to target an audience older than that of the anime, for instance. It tackles more serious and political subjects, has humans targeted and hurt near death in pokémon battles, and some pokémons die gruesome deaths, such as an Arbok, a snake pokémon, which gets cut in pieces and lies in its blood. Another one, the last one before the release of the games, revealed that the game featured famous human characters from the first generation of games and manga.

Conclusion : Children participation in the adult fandom of Pokémon.

Throughout this chapter, I have made the case that, by circulating and transforming resources provided by TPC, Pokémon fans and fan communities are essential actors of the enrichment of the "Poke-world" [START_REF] Sefton-Green | Initiation rites: A small boy in a Poke-world[END_REF], by taking part in cooperation networks similar to those observed in "art worlds" [START_REF] Becker | Art worlds[END_REF]. In this "Poke-world", fans engage in a "designed exploration", induced by Pokémon game design and its media mix nature, and framed by the online ecosystem of resources for participation which results from the combination of industrial production and fans' "digital labor" [START_REF] Scholz | Digital labor: The Internet as playground and factory[END_REF]. Among such resources are the vast and varied information fans have collectively gathered and shared in online databases and websites, as well as the many fan productions such as fan art and fanmade video games. These resources act as a support both for the initial gaming experience, with walkthroughs and guides, and for the enrichment of gaming possibilities.

Alongside informational resources are social resources, such as fan communities, which allow fans to build their identity as a fan by participating in communities of practice [START_REF] Lave | Situated learning: Legitimate peripheral participation[END_REF] in varying degrees, by writing news, sharing information, or simply publishing internet memes and participating in debates. This makes Pokémon, an initially single-player game for the most part, into a collective experience. Active, public participation, however, is limited by dynamics of exclusion. The perceived toxicity of some internet spaces can be a deterrent for some fans, and the hostile discourse toward children makes the internet of Pokémon a space which paradoxically may not be completely fit for children's participation.

Since this chapter draws mostly on qualitative data, and quantitative data in online participation is very difficult to grasp, especially regarding children, as well as being scarce and of limited quality, I cannot say with certainty that children are deterred from participating online due to all of this. Indeed, they are likely to be in lower numbers in the first place in the online spaces I observe. They may also participate in online Pokémon spaces which I have not explored yet. Still, since I investigated the spaces with highest visibility, their absence there is important to note. Furthermore, however great or small the effect is which the exclusionary dimension of the resources has on children's participation, the internet of Pokémon still appears to be an age-segregated space built largely by adults, for adults.

  incites people to consider the role played by resources produced online by The Pokémon Company (TPC) and by the Pokémon fans with respect to fans' participation and the age dynamics among the online fandom. How do the resources provided by TPC and the online fan communities influence fan trajectories in the Pokémon world? How do those resources participate in framing the intergenerational online fan participation with Pokémon? First, I present the Pokémon franchise and the data and methodology which this chapter draws on. In the second part, I argue that the Pokémon experience can be understood as a "designed exploration" produced by the intersection of game design, marketing strategies, fan engagement and collective fandom production, which leads fans to navigate in the Pokémon universe, especially on the internet. The third part emphasizes the role of fans in the construction of the internet of Pokémon, and the fourth part investigates what various barriers this induces for children's participation. The fifth part furthers this point by highlighting adult-targeted online communication by TPC.

Figure 1 .

 1 Figure 1. Picture of a stats screen of a pokémon, Pelipper, in Pokémon Ultra Sun. His nature is "Jolly", which lowers his Special Attack (Sp. Atk) by 10% and boosts its Speed by 10%, as suggested by the colors in which they are written.

  Indeed, not only are memes used in Pokémon Trash articles, but sharing memes is also one of the main activities in some Facebook fan groups and Discord servers. Pokémon Trash runs a Facebook Fan Page which advertises some of the website's content and shares some funny posts. A private group called Pokémon Trash Talk is associated to this Fan Page. While Discord servers are scattered online spaces, which are subject to very complex patterns of use, maybe in part because Discord written communication is done only through instant messages, Facebook group patterns of use are a little easier to characterize. Usually, people post and comment on "Pokémon memes". For a meme to qualify as a Pokémon meme and thus be relevant in a Pokémon fan group, it must at least feature a Pokémon in the image or be about Pokémon. Some memes use images from Pokémon, such as the "surprised Pikachu" meme which got famous online even outside of the Pokémon fandom 23 . "Surprised Pikachu" was originally a zoomed image of Pikachu from the anime, in which he had his mouth wide open and looked shocked. A lot of "surprised Pikachu" memes posted in Pokémon fan groups were not really about Pokémon, such as one which was painted on a car hood, with the caption "*Engine blows up*", surprised Pikachu thus representing the reaction of the car owner.

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 2. Pikachu and the "Pikachu-likes", as well as his two evolution forms and his baby form.

Figure 3 .

 3 Figure 3. Charizard and his Mega-Evolutions and Gigamax form.

Pokémon official website: https://www.pokemon.com/us/about-pokemon/

Fans refer to the series of Pokémon video games which are iterations of the first ones as the "main" series. They consist of a young adolescent (around eleven years old) setting out on a quest to become a Pokémon master by challenging trainers in Pokémon battles, while beating an evil team in the process.

For instance, using Serebii (a famous fan website) IV calculator. https://www.serebii.net/games/ivcalcsm.shtml

 16 Pokémons have 6 battle characteristics: Hit Points, Attack, Defence, Special Attack, Special Defence, and Speed.

Every trailer on the official French-speaking channel is published in two versions, with one presented as the Belgian version, although I have not found any difference between those versions. Links to the Pokémon Trash video and the official trailer: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=FVhgglVg7TQ; https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qHLJXe8PUYs

I use the term hype in the way fans do, to refer to the strong, collective feeling of anticipation and impatience. French fans also use the English word hype.

See the #Dexit and #BringBackNationalDex on Twitter for examples of strong, collective fan "voice" mobilization. These hashtags followed the announcement that not all former pokémons would be included in the next games.

Sometimes, information which TPC does not want to give away is leaked. The most recent, massive leak, happened in November 2019. The entirety of the pokémons to be available in Pokémon Sun & Moon, including the new ones which had not yet been revealed in official trailers, were leaked.

"Lavender Town", Know Your Meme. 2011. http://knowyourmeme.com/memes/lavender-town-syndromecreepypasta

An article from Pokémon Trash was written live by members of the writing team: https://www.pokemontrash.com/news/les-24h-du-pokmans

An IGN article which lists Pokémon Sun & Moon Easter eggs, including the one about the IGN review: https://www.ign.com/wikis/pokemon-sun-pokemon-moon/Easter_Eggs_and_References#Other_References