Pierre A Hallé
email: pierre.halle@univ-paris5.fr

Catherine Durand

Bénédicte De Boysson-Bardies

Do 11-month-old French infants process articles?

Keywords: determiners, recognition, parsing, noun phrases, early receptive lexicon

The first part of this study examined (Parisian) French-learning 11-month-old infants' recognition of the six definite and indefinite French articles: le, la, les, un, une, des. The six articles were compared with pseudo articles in the context of disyllabic or monosyllabic nouns, using the Head-turn Preference Procedure. The pseudo articles were similar to real articles in terms of phonetic composition and phonotactic probability, and real and pseudo noun phrases were alike in terms of overall prosodic contour. In three experiments, 11-month-old infants showed preference for real over pseudo articles, suggesting they have the articles' word-forms stored in long-term memory. The second part of the study evaluates several hypotheses about the role of articles in 11-month-olds infants' word recognition. Evidence from three experiments support the view that articles help infants to recognize the following words. We propose that 11-month-olds have the capacity to parse noun phrases into their constituents, which is consistent with the more general view that function words define a syntactic skeleton that serves as a basis for parsing spoken utterances. This proposition is compared to a competing account, which argues that 11-month-olds recognize noun-phrases as whole-words.

INTRODUCTION

The observation that children's early productions typically omit function words [START_REF] Brown | A first language[END_REF][START_REF] Grégoire | Emergence of an early lexicon: Infant's recognition of words[END_REF], has often led researchers to conclude that children first learn content words and only later begin to acquire function words. On this view, children would not form representations for function words before the age of two. This apparent difficulty has received two explanations. First, function words lack referential meaning whereas content words often have a concrete meaning with a real-world referent. Children thus might begin attending to content words and their referential value before they attend to function morphemes [START_REF] Brown | A first language[END_REF][START_REF] Macnamara | Names for things[END_REF]. A second reason for the difficulty associated with the acquisition of function words is their low perceptual salience and their variable acoustic forms. The first explanation (lack of semantic motivation) can be undercut in several ways. As Naigles has argued (2002), "form is easy, meaning is hard." As an illustration, infants have an apparent advantage over toddlers in generalizing form categories from specific items because they simply build form representations whereas toddlers are engaged in the more demanding process of associating meanings to forms. More generally, as pointed out by Swingley (2005a), the logical developmental path in lexical acquisition is first to learn the sound-forms of frequently recurring words in the speech input, and later to begin "to figure out what those words mean." (Swingley, 2005a: 121). The acquisition of both function and content words could follow this path so that the child's initial stock of word-forms is not based on formmeaning associations but, rather, on frequently recurring forms in the input speech.

The second explanation focuses on the fact that function words are acoustically less salient than content words. This lack of salience could hinder the emergence of word-form representations for function words because children attend to and extract salient, stressed or final syllables more easily than non-salient, unstressed syllables [START_REF] Echols | The role of stress and position in determining first words[END_REF].

Both phonetically and phonologically, the spoken forms of function words are reduced compared to those of content words in languages that are typologically as different as English, French, Chinese, and Turkish [START_REF] Shi | Perceptual correlates of content words and function words in early language input[END_REF][START_REF] Shi | Phonological and acoustic bases for earliest grammatical category assignment: A cross-linguistic perspective[END_REF]. One consequence of this difference is that newborns easily discriminate between function and content words [START_REF] Shi | Newborn infants' sensitivity to perceptual cues to lexical and grammatical words[END_REF]. English-learning six-month-olds prefer content over function words [START_REF] Shi | Six-month-old infants' preference for lexical words[END_REF], and the basis for this preference lies at the perceptual level [START_REF] Shi | The basis of preference for lexical words in 6-month-old infants[END_REF]. Function words may thus attract infants' attention to a lesser extent than content words because they are perceptually less "interesting," just like adult-oriented speech is less attractive than motherese [START_REF] Fernald | Four-month-olds prefer to listen to motherese[END_REF]. But does this mean that infants are "deaf" to function words and cannot build word-form representations for them? First, young infants can be trained to segment monosyllabic function words from spoken utterances, as shown in experiments using the "familiarization" version of the Headturn Preference Procedure (HPP), in which infants are exposed to the target words in the training phase [START_REF] Jusczyk | Infants' detection of the sound patterns of words in fluent speech[END_REF]. The ability to segment function words was found for 7-to-9-month old German-learning infants [START_REF] Höhle | German learning infants' ability to detect unstressed closed class elements in continuous speech[END_REF], and for 6-to-8month old Canadian French-learning infants months [START_REF] Shi | Recognition of function words in 8-month-old Frenchlearning infants[END_REF]Shi, Marquis, & Gauthier, 2006c), which is close to 7.5 months, the age at which English-learning infants can segment stressed monosyllabic words from continuous speech [START_REF] Jusczyk | Infants' detection of the sound patterns of words in fluent speech[END_REF] and younger than 10.5 months, the age at which English-learning infants can be trained to retain most of the phonetic detail of unstressed syllables [START_REF] Johnson | English-learning infants' representations of word-forms with iambic stress[END_REF]. This evidence suggests that infants aged 8 months or younger can segment trained function words from continuous speech and thus have the capacity to build word-form representations for function words.

The next question that arises is whether children do build word-form representations for function words from natural exposure to the ambient speech. The early work of Gerken and colleagues showed that two-year-olds are sensitive to the correct use of functors in simple sentences [START_REF] Gerken | Interplay of function morphemes and prosody in early language[END_REF][START_REF] Gerken | Function morphemes in young children's speech perception and production[END_REF]. Such sensitivity has now been found in 11-month-olds, using behavioral auditory preference tasks [START_REF] Shady | Infants' sensitivity to function morphemes[END_REF] and ERP measurements [START_REF] Shafer | An electrophysiological study of infants' sensitivity to the sound patterns of English speech[END_REF]. [START_REF] Shady | Infants' sensitivity to function morphemes[END_REF] showed that 10.5-months-olds prefer listening to sentences with real rather than non-English functors. [START_REF] Shafer | An electrophysiological study of infants' sensitivity to the sound patterns of English speech[END_REF] found stronger ERP responses to tones superimposed on sentences with real as opposed to nonsense functors. More recently, Shi, Werker, and Cutler (2006a) directly addressed the issue of untrained determiner recognition by English-learning infants between the ages of 8 and 13 months, by comparing their responses to determiner+noun noun-phrases (NPs) consisting of a pseudo-noun (breek or tink) preceded either by a real determiner (the, his, her, their, or its) or a phonetically similar pseudo determiner (kuh, ris, ler, lier, or ots).

Whereas no sign of preference for real over pseudo determiners is found at 8 months, a marginally significant preference appears at 11 months and becomes robustly significant at 13 months. Thus, phonetically detailed word-form representations for determiners would emerge at about 11 months for English-learning infants.

Whether French-learning infants can spontaneously recognize function words has not yet been investigated. The existing data for (Canadian) French-learning infants bear on trained function word segmentation, in experiments using the familiarization version of the HPP [START_REF] Shi | Recognition of function words in 8-month-old Frenchlearning infants[END_REF]Shi et al., 2006c). In this paper, we examine the issue of spontaneous function word recognition by Parisian French-learning infants, focusing on the age of 11 months, which seems critical for English-learning infants. It is possible that Parisian Frenchlearning infants learn word-forms later than English-learning infants: recent data suggest that infants exposed to European French make use of prosodic cues to the segmentation of the speech input less efficiently than infants learning English (or Canadian French), paying more attention instead to segmental cues [START_REF] Nazzi | Early segmentation of fluent speech by infants acquiring French: Emerging evidence for crosslinguistic differences[END_REF]. This preference could thus lead to the delayed development of segmentation abilities, as observed in [START_REF] Nazzi | Early segmentation of fluent speech by infants acquiring French: Emerging evidence for crosslinguistic differences[END_REF], and, perhaps, to the delayed development of word-form representations. Yet infants learning Parisian French have generally built an early receptive "lexicon" of familiar content word word-forms at 11 months [START_REF] Grégoire | Emergence of an early lexicon: Infant's recognition of words[END_REF], which is no later than English-or Dutch-learning infants [START_REF] Swingley | 11-month-olds' knowledge of how familiar words sound[END_REF][START_REF] Thierry | Familiar words capture the attention of 11-month olds in less than 250 ms[END_REF][START_REF] Vihman | The role of accentual pattern in early lexical representation[END_REF]. But retaining familiar word-forms of function words may be more difficult for children because their spoken forms are more reduced than those of content words. On the other hand, their high frequency of occurrence and the distributional evidence for their phonetic cohesiveness may perhaps compensate for their lack of prosodic and phonetic salience. In Swingley's (2005a) modeling of how word-forms emerge from the input as distributionally cohesive speech chunks, functors, and in particular determiners, rank highly in a hierarchical clustering analysis, presumably because even though the phonetic context of any given determiner is highly variable, its own sequence of phonemes is always highly cohesive.

The first goal of the present study thus was to test the prediction that at least some functors' word-forms have become familiar to French-learning 11-month-old infants. More specifically, we examined the six definite and indefinite articles of French (le, la, les, un, une, des). We chose these articles because determiners in general are highly frequent function words and, amongst determiners, articles are about four times as frequent as the others. 1 The second goal of this study was to examine the role played by articles in word recognition. It seems that articles, or more broadly, function words, help listeners to parse the speech input. Research with artificial languages showed that "markers" (the equivalent of real language functors in that they have a low type-frequency but a high token-frequency) help participants to learn the "content words" of an artificial language [START_REF] Valian | Anchor points in language learning: The role of marker frequency[END_REF][START_REF] Cutler | Phonological cues to open-and closed-class words in the processing of spoken sentences[END_REF]. [START_REF] Cutler | Phonological cues to open-and closed-class words in the processing of spoken sentences[END_REF] showed that learnability increases when markers (1) are frequent, and (2) are unstressed relative to non-markers, hence are closer equivalent of real-life functors. [START_REF] Valian | Anchor points in language learning: The role of marker frequency[END_REF] proposed that markers function as "anchor points" defining the grammatical skeleton of a utterance. Experimental data with children point to the same conclusion. Studies using "act-out" tasks have shown that two-years-olds respond better to commands issued using sentences with real as opposed to incorrect determiners or no determiners at all [START_REF] Gerken | Interplay of function morphemes and prosody in early language[END_REF]Petetric & Tweney, 1977). These findings have been extended to 18-month-olds, using an on-line procedure that tracks the child participants' gaze [START_REF] Kedar | Getting There Faster: 18-and 24-Month-Old Infants' Use of Function Words to Determine Reference[END_REF][START_REF] Zangl | Sensitivity to function word morphemes in online sentence processing: Developmental changes from 18 to 36 months[END_REF]. In a recent paper, [START_REF] Fernald | Names in frames: Infants interpret words in frames faster than words in isolation[END_REF] showed that 18-month-olds respond faster to object names in sentence frames than in isolation, and, interestingly, faster when the sentence frame contains a determiner than when it does not (e.g., Look at the doggy! vs. Look. Doggy!). Repetition task data provide another source of evidence. [START_REF] Gerken | Function morphemes in young children's speech perception and production[END_REF] found that 26-month-olds omit real functors but not nonsense functors when asked to repeat short sentences. Gerken proposed that they analyze real functors as morphemes whereas they treat nonsense functors as the beginning of the next word. The presence of a determiner would thus help children to parse the sentence and extract words correctly, thus helping them to learn new words. Recent data on Canadian French-learning eight-month-olds support that view. They learned trained words more easily when they appeared during familiarization in the context of a real rather than a pseudo determiner [START_REF] Shi | Function words in preverbal infants' emerging lexicon[END_REF][START_REF] Shi | Frequency and form as determinants of functor sensitivity in English-acquiring infants[END_REF]). Similar findings have been reported for German-learning 11-month-olds [START_REF] Höhle | The origins of syntactic knowledge: Recognition of determiners in one year old German children[END_REF]: children learn Kahn ('boat') if trained with der Kahn ('the boat') not with Vulkan ('volcano'). Note that, here, the non-morphemic Vul is indeed the beginning of a word. These data suggest that infants as young as eight months of age do not treat determiners as possible word beginnings, although there might be cross-linguistic differences in the age at which this ability emerges, as suggested by the comparison of the Canadian French and the German data.

In this study, we ask whether Parisian French-learning 11-month-olds recognize the word-forms of articles and whether they already have the capacity to parse article+noun NPs.

Throughout the study, we use the HPP [START_REF] Nelson | The Head-Turn Preference Procedure for testing auditory perception[END_REF] without familiarization. In the first part, we test whether 11-month-olds recognize untrained articles. In the second, we test whether articles help them to parse NPs.

EXPERIMENT 1

Do 11-month-old infants spontaneously recognize articles in the context of unfamiliar disyllabic nouns? The six articles of French are compared to pseudo articles matched to the real ones both phonetically and prosodically. A preference for the noun phrases with real articles would show that infants indeed know and recognize these articles.

Method

Participants. Sixteen 11-month-olds -eight girls and eight boys-from monolingual Parisian French-speaking families were tested. Their average age was 11 months and 3 days (range: 10.18-11.14 months.days, SD: 9.3 days). None of them was reported to suffer from audition deficits or temporary otitis. One additional boy was run but his results were eliminated because, on the post-test interview, he turned out to be exposed to Malagasy on a daily basis.

Stimuli and Design. Children were presented with two types of lists of 12 article+noun NPs (Appendix A) that contrasted real articles (the six non-partitive, not-elided, articles of French: un, une, des, le, la, les) with their paired pseudo-articles (/ɛr/, /ɔr/, /roe/, /re/, /mɑ/, /koe/). The nouns following the articles were the 12 unfamiliar disyllabic nouns used in Hallé and de Boysson-Bardies (1996). According to the "Lexique 3" French lexical database, their mean usage frequency was 2.9 occurrences per million ("film subtitles" database, 2 New, 2006). The pseudo-articles were roughly matched with the real ones in terms of phonetic composition and phonotactic probability. (Based on [START_REF] Tubach | Un corpus de transcription phonétique (300,000 phones)[END_REF] frequency counts, the twophoneme sequence frequencies were 0.89 and 0.75 for the real and pseudo articles, respectively). The real articles agreed in terms of gender with the nouns (number agreement is not phonetically marked in French). One noun beginning with a vowel, enzyme /ɑzim/, was paired with either une (/yn/) or /ɔr/ to avoid vowel-contact hiatus. A female speaker of Parisian French, recorded the materials. She was instructed to produce the items in a natural, non-motherese style, at a comfortable rate, with an even tempo and intensity. To ensure prosodic homogeneity across the two types of NPs, the speaker read as a pair the two NPs for each noun (with a real, then a pseudo article). The speech was digitized at16 kHz (16 bits, mono) and transferred to computer files. The pseudo and real article NPs were roughly similar with respect to overall prosodic shape in terms of pitch, intensity, or duration (see Appendix B).

It was important to ensure prosodic similarity across the two types of NPs so that any observed preference on the part of the children could not be attributed to more salient prosody in some speech stimuli. 3 Six pseudo-randomizations were prepared for each type of list, with the constraint that two consecutive NPs could not share the same article. Any two lists of the same type differed in their first two items, in order to ensure that infants had the opportunity to hear all the nouns as well as all the articles. Within each list, the items (mean duration 1.1 s) were presented approximately every 1.5 s. This design was used throughout the whole study.

Apparatus. The experiments reported below were conducted in a quiet, dimly lit room, kept at a comfortable temperature. Infants were seated on their parent's lap in the center of a threesided booth, eyes at about 75 cm from the front panel. A small red lamp was mounted in the center of the front panel at eye level. A movie-camera was mounted behind this panel, just above the red lamp. A small blue lamp and a loudspeaker were mounted on each side panel, at eye level, at about 75 degrees from the center. The experimenter, unaware of the experimental settings and deaf to the stimuli, observed the infant on a video monitor (which relied on a lowluminance-sensitive camera) and measured on-line the infant's head turns by pressing or releasing the appropriate left or right button of a button box. A third "start" button was used to launch the trials. All the sessions were video taped, and later converted to digital movie files (Apple iMovie format) for off-line reliability evaluation. A PC micro-computer controlled the audio stimulus presentation, the lightening of the various lamps, and recorded the on-line measurements of looking times.

Procedure. The procedure followed is common to all the experiments reported in this study.

We followed the procedure used in [START_REF] Hallé | The format of representation of recognized words in infants' early receptive lexicon[END_REF] but introduced a few changes. First, the side of presentation was counterbalanced within instead of between subjects. However, the type and side of presentation of the first list of words were still counterbalanced between subjects, yielding four conditions (2 sides x 2 types for trial #1 of both training and test phases). Second, each experimental session was limited to two phases: a training and a test phase. As in our previous design, the training phase was intended to acquaint infants with the contingency between gaze-orientation and stimulus presentation.

In the training and test phases, each trial began with the red center light blinking to attract the infant's gaze. Once the experimenter judged the infant's gaze to be directed to the center light, she/he launched a trial by pressing the "start" button. Once this button was pressed, the computer turned off the center light and turned on the side light for the next auditory presentation. The side light kept on blinking for 2 s, then was turned off. Auditory presentation was initiated 0.5 s after the light started blinking. The infant was given 4 or 5 s (test or training phase) to begin orienting to the speech. If the child did not begin orienting within this time limit, the trial was abandoned (and the looking time scored as 0 s) and the computer proceeded to the next trial. When a trial was not eliminated in this way, the experimenter kept pressing the relevant button as long as the infant kept orienting to the speech.

The experimenter would release or press the button again, depending upon the orientation of the infant's gaze. Looking away was allowed for no more than 2 or 3 s (test or training phase).

If this time-out was exceeded, the current trial was abandoned and the computer proceeded to the next trial. Whenever a trial was abandoned, the audio presentation was terminated only after the current item had been entirely played. For each trial, the computer recorded the cumulative orientation times. The training phase consisted of four trials with alternating list types. The test phase consisted of 12 trials (six of each type) in pseudo-random order, so that no more than two trials of the same type occur in a row.

Our procedure differs from the standard HPP in some respects. The main difference is that audio presentation starts after a short delay once the side lamp is turned on, whether the infant orients to the lamp or not. In the standard procedure, audio presentation is launched only when the infant orients to the side lamp. As a consequence, average looking times are shorter in our setting, in part because some trials are scored as 0 s: those for which the infant did not orient to the side lamp before time-out. On the other hand, the attrition rate is somewhat lower with our procedure than with the standard one. For instance, the attrition rate was 6.7% in [START_REF] Vihman | The role of accentual pattern in early lexical representation[END_REF] study (using our procedure) and is typically 15 to 20% with the standard procedure (Kemler [START_REF] Nelson | The Head-Turn Preference Procedure for testing auditory perception[END_REF]. Another difference (in the present study) is that the side lamps are used only to initiate orientation before the onset of audio presentation. They are rapidly turned off and do not encourage further orientation. This feature also contributes to shorter looking times.

Results and Discussion

The results for this experiment and the following ones all are tabulated in Table 1. The mean looking times per trial did not differ for the two types of NPs: 3.34 vs. 3.16 s for real vs. pseudo articles, respectively, |t(15)| < 1, p = .70. The "preference ratio" (looking time to a given type divided by total looking time) was proposed in previous studies [START_REF] Grégoire | Emergence of an early lexicon: Infant's recognition of words[END_REF] as a way of factoring out individual variation in total attention span.

The mean preference ratio for real articles was 0.53, not significantly above the 0.5 nopreference level, t(15) = 1.31, p = 0.21. The "split-half" analysis, first proposed in [START_REF] Vihman | The role of accentual pattern in early lexical representation[END_REF], was developed in order to see whether a preference becomes established right away or after some delay (also see [START_REF] Swingley | 11-month-olds' knowledge of how familiar words sound[END_REF]. We applied this analysis to the data (Figure 1). An analysis of variance with the within-subject factors Article (real vs. pseudo) and Half (first vs. second half) revealed a main effect of Half, F(1, 15) = 5.55, p < .05 (looking times decreased across the two halves of the session) and a significant Article x Half interaction, F(1, 15) = 6.43, p < .05, reflecting a reversal in the preference pattern across the two halves of the session. Preference for real over pseudo articles was nearly significant in the second half t(15) = 2.05, p = .058. The girls' performance did not differ significantly from that of the boys (0.55 and 0.52 preference ratios for real articles, respectively, |t(14)| < 1).

------Figure 1 and Table 1 about here -----To summarize, the preference for real over pseudo articles, which is not significant overall, only emerges in the second half of the session. In other words, article recognition, as indexed by a preference for real over pseudo article NPs, is not clear-cut in the context of an unfamiliar disyllabic noun. This context might be phonetically too rich for infants to recognize the articles quickly. Experiments 2.a and 2.b were designed to make the article more salient relative to the noun, so that infants' article recognition might become more clearly observable.

EXPERIMENTS 2.a and 2.b

As in Experiment 1, real and pseudo articles were compared in the context of a noun, which should not, by itself, determine a preference for one article type over the other.

Monosyllabic nouns were used to increase articles' relative phonetic salience within each NP.

In Experiment 2.a, only rare monosyllabic nouns were used, whereas four familiar words were inserted in Experiment 2.b to test for the impact of familiarity: increased familiarity with the nouns perhaps would affect infants' article recognition.

Method

Results and Discussion

In both experiments, looking times were significantly longer for real than for pseudoarticles (2.a: 4.5 s vs. 2.7 s per trial, t(15) = 2.47, p <.05; 2.b: 4.0 s vs. 2.8 s, t(15) = 2.34, p <.05). The preference ratios for real over pseudo articles also were significantly above 0.5 (2.a: 0.63, t(15) = 3.09, p <.01; 2.b: 0.57, t(15) = 3.45, p <.005). A large majority of infants preferred the real articles: 13 and 14 (out of 16) in Experiments 2.a and 2.b, respectively. Girls and boys did not differ in their performances, although the preference for real articles across the two experiments was numerically larger for boys than for girls (0.63 vs. 0.57).

Increased noun familiarity did not affect the detection of the preceding article: the preference for real over pseudo articles was equivalent in Experiments 2.a and 2.b, with a somewhat tighter distribution of preference ratios in Experiment 2.b.

In summary, the data of Experiments 1 and 2 showed that 11-month-olds can recognize articles. The representations they have formed for articles may not be fully specified phonetically, but they are sufficient to distinguish between pairs such as /re/-/loe/, or /koe/-/le/.

Article recognition, however, is clearly observable only in short utterances with monosyllabic nouns. It is more difficult (it takes more time) in the context of unfamiliar disyllabic nouns.

We turn now to the issue of the role played by articles in the processing of disyllabic noun NPs by 11-month-olds infants. A first possibility is that articles make the recognition of a following noun more difficult. However, pilot work conducted in the mid '90s did not support this possibility. 4 The evidence for word segmentation capacities in English-learning infants [START_REF] Jusczyk | The beginnings of word segmentation in English-learning infants[END_REF]) also argues against this possibility: 11-montholds segment familiar disyllabic words from a utterance. However, French-learning infants might not exhibit this capacity prior to 16 months [START_REF] Nazzi | Early segmentation of fluent speech by infants acquiring French: Emerging evidence for crosslinguistic differences[END_REF]; but see [START_REF] Polka | Word segmentation in monolingual and bilingual infant learners of English and French[END_REF]. Infants might also recognize NPs with a familiar noun as whole-words they have been frequently exposed to. Yet, the recognition of a "familiar" NP might be less easily observable than that of a familiar noun because any article+noun NP is necessarily heard less often than the noun alone. For example, according to "Lexique 3" ("film subtitles"), the frequency of gâteau ('cooky') is 57.1 o.p.m., while that of the sequence le gâteau ('the cooky') is only 9.7.

A second possibility is that articles are simply ignored because of their low perceptual salience. On this view, 11-month-old infants would segment familiar nouns from article+noun NPs, regardless of whether articles are real or not. We call this hypothesis the "nounsegmentation" hypothesis. A variant of this view is that any NP is treated as a whole-word equivalent of the embedded noun, provided that its prosodic profile consists of an unstressed syllable followed by a stressed noun. This "prosodic whole-word" hypothesis also predicts that word recognition does not depend on whether articles are real articles.

Finally, articles could help children recognize the following noun if they parse the NP into article plus noun. By this "parsing" hypothesis, infants would show a marked preference for familiar noun NPs if and only if the familiar nouns are preceded by a real article.

Experiment 3 examines the first possibility listed above, that the presence of a real article makes familiar word recognition more difficult.

EXPERIMENT 3

We compare here NPs with a familiar noun to NPs with an unfamiliar noun, both types of NP beginning with a real article. If real articles do not impede familiar word recognition, preference ratios for NPs with a familiar noun should be similar to those for isolated familiar nouns reported in previous studies.

Method

Participants. Sixteen 11-month-old infants -eight girls and eight boys-from monolingual French-speaking families were tested. Their average age was 11 months and 4 days (range: 10.16-11.15 m.d, SD: 10.4 days). None of the infants suffered from any hearing problems.

Two additional children were run but their data were not retained: one boy failed to orient to the speech for more than 1 s per trial; one girl rapidly became excessively fussy.

Stimuli. The six French articles were used. The 12 disyllabic familiar nouns and 12 disyllabic rare nouns in Hallé and de Boysson-Bardies (1996) were used (Appendix A). The NPs were recorded by the same speaker as in Experiments 1-2; NPs were paired by article to ensure prosodic homogeneity (Appendix B).

Results and Discussion

Looking times were significantly longer for NPs with familiar than unfamiliar nouns, and the preference ratios for familiar over unfamiliar NPs were significantly above the 0.5 nopreference level (looking times: 3.7 s vs. 2.5 s per trial, t(15) = 2.31, p <.05; preference ratios: 0.61, t(15) = 3.53, p <.005). There was no significant difference between girls and boys (0.60 and 0.63 preference ratios, respectively).

Eleven-month-olds showed a clear preference for familiar over rare words following a real article. The preference ratios are not lower than those found for isolated nouns in Hallé and de Boysson-Bardies (1994): 0.61 in this experiment against 0.57 in the '94 study. Thus, real articles do not make word recognition more difficult. On the "noun-segmentation" hypothesis, infants segment familiar nouns from article+noun NPs, whether the articles are real or not. On the "prosodic whole-word" hypothesis, infants treat familiar NPs as variants of familiar nouns. Thus, on both hypotheses, replacing the real articles with pseudo articles, while maintaining the overall prosodic shape of the NPs, should not alter infants' preference for familiar over unfamiliar nouns found in Experiment 3. On the "parsing" hypothesis, pseudo articles would not allow infants to parse NPs into article plus noun, and no infant preference for familiar over unfamiliar words preceded by pseudo articles should be found.

EXPERIMENT 4

Experiment 4 compares familiar and unfamiliar noun NPs beginning with a pseudo article. Both the noun-segmentation and the prosodic whole-word hypotheses, but not the parsing hypothesis, predict that 11-month-olds can recognize familiar words in such context.

Method

Participants. Sixteen 11-month-olds -eight girls and eight boys-from monolingual Frenchspeaking families were tested. Their average age was 10 months and 30 days (range: 10.18-11.15 m.d, SD: 10.2 days). None of the infants suffered from any hearing problems. Two additional children were run but their data were eliminated: one boy cried and did not complete the session; one girl failed to orient to the speech for more than 1 s per trial.

Stimuli. The six pseudo articles of Experiments 1-2 and the nouns of Experiment 3 (12 familiar vs. 12 unfamiliar) were used (Appendix A). The NPs were recorded by the same speaker as in Experiments 1-3, in the same way as for Experiment 3.

Results and Discussion

Looking times for NPs with familiar nouns were not longer than those with unfamiliar nouns (2.8 s vs. 2.9 s per trial, |t| < 1), and the preference ratios for familiar over unfamiliar NPs did not differ from 0.5 (0.51, |t| < 1). There was no significant difference between girls and boys (0.49 and 0.53 preference ratios, respectively).

The results of Experiments 3 and 4 are thus clearly different, 5 even though the pseudo and real articles used in these experiments were very similar in terms of their prosodic characteristics and rather close in terms of their phonetic composition. The lack of preference in Experiment 4 for familiar over unfamiliar NPs is clearly at odds with both the "nounsegmentation" and the "prosodic whole-word" hypotheses. But we cannot rule out a more specific "holistic noun phrase" account whereby infants would recognize only a restricted set of NPs, rather than any NP composed of an unstressed syllable plus a familiar noun. We return to this issue in the General Discussion but we note here that the phonetic differences between the pseudo and real articles induce dramatic processing differences: real articles allow for the recognition of a following familiar noun; pseudo articles preclude that recognition.

A straightforward account of the results, consistent with the parsing hypothesis, is proposed by Gerken [START_REF] Gerken | Function morphemes in young children's speech perception and production[END_REF]: infants analyze real articles "as morphemes but

[treat] nonsense functors as part of the adjacent content words." By this account, all the NPs used in Experiment 4 were treated as three-syllable unfamiliar words. Thus we found a lack of preference for one type over the other. This conclusion, however, is based on a null result. It would be strengthened if supported by a positive result. Gerken's account predicts that or chaussure would be an unrecognized word-form while la chaussure would be analyzed as a determiner plus noun NP. Eleven-month-olds should thus recognize familiar words in the latter but not the former type of NP, showing a preference for la chaussure over or chaussure.

EXPERIMENT 5

In Experiment 5, as in Experiments 1and 2, real articles are compared to pseudo articles.

But the following nouns are disyllabic familiar nouns. The parsing hypothesis predicts that only real article NPs are parsed and their constituents recognized. For instance, chaussure should be recognized in la chaussure, not in or chaussure.

Method

Participants. Sixteen 11-month-olds -eight girls and eight boys-from monolingual Frenchspeaking families were tested. Their average age was 11 months and 6 days (range: 10.23-11.18 m.d, SD: 8.8 days). None of the infants had any hearing problems. All were run successfully.

Stimuli. The same real and pseudo articles as in Experiments 1-2 were used. The nouns were the familiar words used in Experiment 3 (Appendix A). The NPs were recorded by the same speaker as in Experiments 1-4, in the same way as for Experiments 1-2.

Results and Discussion

Looking times were significantly longer for NPs with real rather than pseudo-articles, and the preference ratios for real over pseudo articles were significantly above 0.5 (looking times: 3.5 s vs. 2.4 s per trial, t(15) = 3.49, p <.005; preference ratios: 0.59, t(15) = 4.10, p <.001). Girls did not differ from boys (0.57 and 0.60 preference ratios, respectively).

The data suggest that 11-month-olds can segment and recognize familiar words embedded in article+noun NPs only for NPs with a real article. The finding of Experiment 4, that infants do not recognize or chaussure as a more familiar form than or berline, is fully consistent with the preference found here for la chaussure over or chaussure. The two results combine to demonstrate that even though or chaussure contains a familiar noun, the presence of the pseudo article or makes that noun difficult for infants to recognize. The clear preference for la chaussure over or chaussure thus cannot be explained by the sole preference for la over or, which we found in Experiments 2a-b and, to a lesser degree, in Experiment 1. It must be mainly due to the fact that infants recognize familiar words after a real article (or no article) but not after a pseudo article. We return to this point in the General Discussion.

Taken together, the results of Experiments 4 and 5 do not support the two accounts discussed earlier, the noun-segmentation and the prosodic whole-word accounts, which both predicted preferences determined by noun familiarity alone. Rather, they are consistent with a parsing account: real articles trigger a parse, which may produce a known noun in addition to the article. The possibility that familiar-noun NPs may be recognized holistically as wholewords for a restricted set of determiners is discussed in the General Discussion.

GENERAL DISCUSSION

The first part of this study showed that (Parisian) French-learning 11-month-old infants can segment untrained real articles from NPs. That is, infants have already stored in memory the word-forms of these articles and can detect them in simple NPs. Article segmentation from NPs, however, is not extremely robust in the sense that detection seems more difficult when articles precede unfamiliar disyllabic rather than monosyllabic nouns (Experiments 1 and 2.a).

The preference for real over pseudo article NPs was replicated in Experiment 2.b, which included four presumably familiar nouns.

Experiment 3 showed that real articles are not detrimental to disyllabic word recognition. Rather, the results suggest that real articles allow infants to recognize a following noun (Experiments 3 and 5) whereas pseudo articles, however close to real articles they may be in terms of prosodic and phonetic shape, completely block that recognition (Experiment 4).

As a straightforward and parsimonious account of these data, we propose that 11-month-old infants successfully parse NPs consisting of a real article plus a familiar noun.

The parsing account readily explains why the infant preference found for real over pseudo article NPs was much less clear-cut in Experiment 1 (disyllabic unfamiliar nouns) than in Experiment 5 (disyllabic familiar nouns). Indeed, in the former case, the attempted parsing of NPs produced a known article plus an unidentified portion; in the latter case, the parsing was successful in that it resulted in two known items. In other words, the preference infants demonstrated in Experiment 5 reflects something more than successful segmentation. It is successful parsing into known elements. We did not observe the same difference between Experiments 2.a and 2.b, in which monosyllabic nouns were used. In both experiments, we found a clear preference for real over pseudo articles, in an "easier" context than that of disyllabic unfamiliar nouns. It is possible that infants parsed some NPs into article plus noun in Experiment 2.b (e.g., un pied) but not enough to produce an observable increase in preference as compared to Experiment 2.a, in which that preference was already quite strong.

In contrast, there was much more leeway for an increase in preference to be observed when unfamiliar nouns were substituted for familiar nouns in a disyllabic context. Our proposition that 11-month-olds parse noun phrases such as la chaussure is therefore based on the disyllabic noun data. Additional research, using a more sensitive paradigm, is needed in order to determine whether parsing also takes place with monosyllabic nouns.

The kind of parsing we propose presumably occurs at the word-form level. That is, French 11-month-olds only "know" that the word-forms le or la are possibly followed by a familiar word-form. Such knowledge could be a first step toward mapping word forms to presumably innate categories (see Valian, in press). It is unlikely, though, that infants that young can use articles for a full morphosyntactic analysis and assign a precise grammatical category to a word. The capacity to distinguish, for example, determiners from personal pronouns does not seem to appear before 14-16 months for German-learning children [START_REF] Höhle | Functional elements in infants' speech processing: The role of determiners in the syntactic categorization of lexical elements[END_REF]. Likewise, [START_REF] Shady | Infants' sensitivity to function morphemes[END_REF] found that Englishlearning infants younger than 16 months are insensitive to the interchanging of function words in made-up passages. That is, 11-month-olds, for example, accept equally well "…had seen that bike…" and "…that seen had bike…." These findings suggest that French-learning 11month-olds' detection of articles does not help other than possibly signaling an adjacent familiar word. On the other hand, not detecting an article in a noun phrase precludes recognition of the noun. To sum up, our account is actually quite consistent with Gerken et al.'s (1990) proposition: function morphemes are analyzed as such whereas nonsense functors are treated as part of the adjacent word. In other words, NPs can be parsed into constituents if and only if they begin with a real article.

Parsing noun phrases only at the level of word-forms seems a modest achievement. Yet, this ability gives infants a head start on lexical acquisition. Indeed, infants may attend to what is produce after any article they have detected in a utterance. In that sense, article detection could help infants to learn new word-forms, in line with the more general claim that function morphemes play an important role in lexical bootstrapping [START_REF] Christophe | Reflections on prosodic bootstrapping: its role for lexical and syntactic acquisition[END_REF][START_REF] Gout | Phonological phrase boundaries constrain lexical access: II. infant data[END_REF].

With respect to real article detection, it might be argued that infants simply detect frequent syllables, not familiar words [START_REF] Nazzi | Early segmentation of fluent speech by infants acquiring French: Emerging evidence for crosslinguistic differences[END_REF]. This claim is not supported by the radically different outcomes of Experiment 1 and 5, which both compared the same real articles to pseudo articles in disyllabic contexts. A more interesting question is what may support article detection. One obvious factor is the frequency of occurrence of the form in the speech infants are exposed to. According to lexical counts of spoken French [START_REF] New | Lexique 3: une nouvelle base de données lexicales[END_REF], all six articles are highly frequent (footnote 1). (But the frequencies may differ in the speech addressed to infants.) Future research could address the issue of frequency by using a different paradigm or a different design comparing frequent article(s) and less frequent determiner(s) (cf. [START_REF] Shi | Frequency and form as determinants of functor sensitivity in English-acquiring infants[END_REF]. Another issue is how detailed infants' representations of the articles are.

Again, these questions require future research.

We return finally to the account that takes the results of Experiment 3-5 as showing that real article+noun NPs are recognized as whole-words. For example, le gâteau ('the cooky') could have been learned as a whole and preferred over le défaut ('the defect') just like gâteau is preferred over défaut [START_REF] Grégoire | Emergence of an early lexicon: Infant's recognition of words[END_REF]. We have distinguished two extreme versions of the whole-word account. On a "loose" prosodic whole-word account, any weak syllable followed by a familiar word is treated as an acceptable variant of the familiar word. As discussed earlier, the outcome of Experiments 4-5 did not support this account: ré gâteau was not as acceptable as le gâteau and treated as a variant of the familiar word gâteau.

At the other extreme, NPs could be stored as whole-words in all their phonetic detail. That is, most of the NPs consisting of a real article followed by gâteau could be familiar word-forms for11-month-olds. Because form-meaning associations are probably not firmly established at this age, or established at all (Swingley, 2005a: 121), gâteau and the derived NPs possibly familiar to 11-month-olds would not necessarily be represented as related word-forms. If they were, that is, if le gâteau was recognized by infants as equivalent to gâteau, this whole-word account would be functionally indiscernible from the parsing account we propose. If they were not, the whole-word account would not be compelling for at least two reasons. First, storing many related word-forms without recording their commonality would be uneconomical in that infants would have to postpone the work of sorting out word-forms to a later stage when they discover form-meaning associations. Second, this whole-word scenario entails that infants lack the capacity to combine the building blocks they have extracted from the input speech, a capacity which may be viewed at the heart of language acquisition and use. On a more empirical note, given that infants identify and retain word-forms on the basis of how cohesive they are in terms of co-occurring sounds (cf. [START_REF] Saffran | Statistical learning by 8-month-old children[END_REF]Swingley, 2005a; the idea dates back to [START_REF] Harris | From phoneme to morpheme[END_REF], speech chunks such as gâteau and le gâteau might indeed be both retained as possible word-forms in a "protolexicon." Yet, le gâteau is obviously much less cohesive than gâteau, leading to the prediction that it is less firmly established in 11-month-olds' protolexicon, thus should be less easily recognized. This prediction is not supported by the present data: the preference for le gâteau over le défaut (Expt. 3) is as robust as the preference found for gâteau over défaut in previous studies. The equivalent results for familiar nouns and familiar NPs thus suggest that familiar NPs are parsed by 11-month-olds, producing, in particular, known familiar nouns. Articles thus appear to function as landmarks which potentially help children to discover novel word-forms.

Children, however, may fail to correctly extract word-forms in certain situations. This can be the case for words beginning with a vowel. Empirical data showed that infants do not segment familiarized vowel-initial words from continuous speech before they are 16 month old [START_REF] Mattys | Do infants segment words or recurrent contiguous patterns?[END_REF]. [START_REF] Pye | Mayan Telegraphese: Intonational determinants of inflectional development in Quiche Mayan[END_REF] observed that children learning a language in which vowel-initial words can be resyllabified frequently produce segmentation errors. In French, vowel-initial words are resyllabified so that their initial vowel becomes part of a CV syllable whose C belongs to the previous word (often an article) in enchaînement, elision, and liaison situations (e.g., une auto /y.noto/ 'a car', l'oiseau /lwazo/ 'the bird', un ours /ɛ.nurs/ 'a bear').

In these cases, in order to extract the correct word-form (e.g., auto, oiseau, ours), children have to go beyond a syllable-based distributional analysis. They have to detect co-occurrences at the phonemic level, regardless of syllabic structure. The current evidence suggests that early word-forms are extracted from input speech due to a bias to cluster syllables that often cooccur [START_REF] Goodsitt | Perceptual strategies in prelingual speech segmentation[END_REF][START_REF] Saffran | Statistical learning by 8-month-old children[END_REF]Swingley, 2005a). Statistical clustering of phonemes producing word-forms that are misaligned with syllable boundaries is probably much more difficult. This is suggested by child production errors reflecting missegmentation at the phoneme level (e.g., *papa nours instead of papa ours, [START_REF] Chevrot | Acquisition of French liaison and related child errors[END_REF] as well as by diachronic changes reflecting article agglutination (e.g., French lierre 'ivy' < Latin hedora; French lendemain 'following day' < l'en demain). So, while articles probably help children to discover novel word forms most of the time by providing a clear landmark, the mechanism is not fool-proof and, on occasion, children might store incorrect word-forms in their protolexicon.

Footnotes

1 Frequencies of occurrence (o.p.m.) according to the "Lexique 3" database [START_REF] New | Lexique 3: une nouvelle base de données lexicales[END_REF]; also see [START_REF] New | Lexique 2 : A New French Lexical Database[END_REF]: from 13,987 to 5,748 (average 10,162) for la, le, un, les, une, des in that order, against an average 2,608 for the other determiners (including the partitive articles du and de la). The definite and indefinite articles of French are thus clearly the most frequent function words, all above the five-per-thousand frequency level. familiar over unfamiliar nouns preceded by real articles. Nine infants preferred the familiar nouns, as indicated by the longer looking times for noun phrases with familiar (6.1 s) than unfamiliar nouns (3.9 s), t(9) = 3.14, p <.05. The preference ratio (for familiar nouns) was 0.59. Unfortunately, the study could not be completed due to logistical reasons. 5 Statistic analyses were run to compare the outcomes of Experiments 3 and 4, with Article (real in Expt. 3 vs. pseudo in Expt. 4) and Noun (familiar vs. unfamiliar) as between-and within-subject factors, respectively. The Article x Noun interaction was nearly significant, F(1, 30) = 3.79, p = .061, and indeed, Noun was significant for real articles, F(1, 15) = 5.35, p <.05, but not for pseudo articles, F < 1. Consistent with this difference, the preference ratios for familiar over unfamiliar nouns were higher for real than pseudo articles (0.61 vs. 0.51), F( 1 Figure 1

  Participants. Sixteen 11-month-olds -eight girls and eight boys-from monolingual French-speaking families were tested in each experiment. Their average age was 11 months and 3 days (range: 10.21-11.18 m.d, SD: 9 days) and 11 months and 2 days (range: 10.18-11.26 m.d, SD: 11.2 days) in Experiments 2.a and 2.b, respectively. None of the infants suffered from any hearing problems. Two additional children participated in Experiment 2b but their results were not retained because of excessive fussiness or parental interference. Stimuli. The same real and pseudo articles as in Experiment 1were used. Experiment 2.a used 12 rare nouns, whose mean frequency was 6 o.p.m. ("film subtitles" subpart of Lexique 3). None of them was phonetically close to an existing familiar word. Experiment 2.b used four of these 12 rare nouns (9 o.p.m.), four familiar words (181 o.p.m.) appearing in our corpus of utterances of the early productive lexicon (de Boysson-Bardies, 1996), and four nouns of intermediate usage frequency (117 o.p.m.) which are absent from that corpus. The lists of NPs are shown in Appendix A. The NPs were recorded by the same speaker as in Experiment 1, with the same instructions to ensure prosodic homogeneity across NP pairs (Appendix B).

Figure caption Figure 1 .

 caption1 Figure caption

,

  30) = 4.35, p <.05. compared NPs differ by the noun, while they differ by the article in the other experiments.

						E1		E2.a		E2.b		E5
		article					noun
		real		pseudo	unfamiliar	unfamiliar	mixed		familiar
		des		roe	bigots	mèches	moines		canards
		des		roe	tangages	boucs		pommes	lapins
		la		man	berline	cure		cure		chaussure
		la		man	volute	natte		fleur		voiture
		le		ré		caduc		dôme		dôme		bonjour
		le		ré		défaut	lard		ciel		gâteau
		les		koe	félins		dunes		mains		ballons
		les		koe	soudards	pions		trains		chapeaux
		un		èr		busard	moine	chat		biberon
		un		èr		cobaye	soc		pied		oiseau
		une		or		enzyme	tuile		tuile		banane
		une		or		licence	craie		balle		poupée
		E3		E4
	E3	article			noun
	real des canards 18.1	pseudo 162	familiar 146 5.7	unfamiliar 22 73.0	734	180	40.0	149	74.6
	des bigots	18.2		173	142	7.0	30	72.7	780	182	40.2	148	74.7
	des des la èr biberon E4 èr busard	21.1 20.4	roe roe man 185 186	canards lapins chaussure 146 8.9 142 9.2	bigots tangages 35 75.1 berline 38 75.3	692 727	183 180	42.5 39.8	157 144	76.3 77.7
		la		man	voiture	volute
	E5	le		ré		bonjour	caduc
	le une poupée 19.3	ré	159	gâteau 146 5.8	défaut 22 74.9	665	168	42.2	134	76.7
	les or poupée	19.0	koe 157	ballons 148 8.8	félins 32	75.4	667	165	40.1	129	76.6
		les		koe	chapeaux	soudards
		un		èr		biberon	busard
		un		èr		oiseau	cobaye
		une		or		banane	enzyme
		une		or		poupée	licence

Table 1 .

 1 Mean looking times (s) and preference ratio in 1st, in 2nd half of test, and overall, for Experiments 1-5 (E1-5). Ratios significantly above/below 0.5 are signaled with '*'

		Type of NP
		A	B	ratio: A/(A+B)
	E1	le soudard	ré soudard
	1st half	3.6	4.4	0.47
	2nd half	3.1	1.9	0.62 *
	overall	3.3	3.2	0.54
	E2.a	le dôme	ré dôme
	1st half	5.3	3.1	0.63 *
	2nd half	3.6	2.2	0.63 *
	overall	4.5	2.7	0.63 *
	E2.b	le chat	ré chat
	1st half	5.3	3.6	0.60 *
	2nd half	2.8	2.0	0.56 *
	overall	4.0	2.8	0.58 *
	E3	le canard	le soudard
	1st half	4.0	3.0	0.57 *
	2nd half	3.4	2.0	0.63 *
	overall	3.7	2.5	0.60 *
	E4	ré canard	ré soudard
	1st half	3.0	2.8	0.52
	2nd half	2.7	3.0	0.49
	overall	2.8	2.9	0.50
	E5	le canard	ré canard
	1st half	4.3	2.4	0.67 *
	2nd half	2.6	2.4	0.49
	overall	3.5	2.4	0.58 *

The "Lexique

3" database is subdivided into a "film subtitles" and a "printed text" subpart, each based on a corpus of about 16 million words. The "film subtitles" subpart is presumably the more representative of spoken French. It is not, however, child-directed speech.3 Although pseudo article did not differ from real article in terms of duration and intensity, they happened to have somewhat more marked F0 contours in this experiment.4 In this unpublished study, 10 French 11-month-olds were tested on their preference for

Author Note

We are grateful to all the parents who graciously spent their time bringing their babies to our lab. We would also like to thank Claude Kervella, who designed the entire experimental setting, and Souhila Messaoud-Galusi, who helped run the children. We also thank the editor, Elizabeth Johnson, one anonymous reviewer, and Andrea Levitt, whose comments greatly helped us to improve an early version of the manuscript Appendix B. Prosodic characteristics of the NPs used in Experiments 1-5. The first column gives an example of NP, the second is the percent duration of the article in the NP; the other columns indicate the duration (ms), mean F0, F0 standard deviation and F0 range in Hz, and max intensity (dB) for the NP's article and noun. Significant differences between the two types of NP compared in any given experiment are indicated with '*'.


Nanette S Levinson

Meryem Marzouki
email: meryem.marzouki@lip6.fr

Global Internet Governance and Europe: A Regional International Organization Perspective

Introduction

The past decade of Internet governance issues and opportunities has been tumultuous and transformation--filled. Much work has been done on nation--states, new institutions such as ICANN or the Internet Governance Forum (IGF), civil society or even the private sector.

(See for example Brousseau et al. (2012), [START_REF] Cammaerts | Power Dynamics in Multi--stakeholder Policy Processes and Intra-civil Society Networking[END_REF], [START_REF] Denardis | Protocol Politics: The Globalization of Internet Governance[END_REF], [START_REF] Epstein | The Making of Information Governance Institutions[END_REF], [START_REF] Franklin | Digital Dilemmas: Power, Resistance, and the Internet[END_REF], [START_REF] Malcolm | Multistakeholder Governance and the Internet Governance Forum[END_REF], [START_REF] Mueller | Ruling the Root: Internet Governance and the Taming of Cyberspace[END_REF][START_REF] Mueller | Networks and States: The Global Politics of Internet Governance[END_REF], [START_REF] Pavan | Frames and Communication in the Governance of Global Communication : A Network Study of the Internet Governance Forum[END_REF]). Less work focuses on the roles of international organizations, including long--standing regional international organizations such as the Council of Europe (CoE) and their interactions with other key actors.

This paper builds on a relatively long term view of international organizations in the complex and uncertain Internet governance ecosystem, beginning with the United Nations World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS 1 ) and its crafting of an institutional innovation, the Internet Governance Forum 2 , convened for the first time in 2006 in Athens, Greece. Using case study data from our research project on international organizations involved in Internet governance, it reports and analyzes findings from the Council of 1 All WSIS--related documents can be found at <http://www.itu.int/wsis> 2 All IGF--related documents can be found at <http://www.intgovforum.org> Europe (CoE), a regional international organization founded in 1949, now with a membership of 47 member states, including the 28 members of the European Union.

Particular attention is paid to the CoE role in the multistakeholder approach to Internet governance, highlighted in WSIS outcome documents, and especially to the trajectory of such roles and any accompanying tensions and possibilities. The paper tracks a non--linear trajectory from a regional international organization as a region--wide coordinating mechanism for nation--state members to a global stakeholder itself. In so doing, the paper provides data regarding initial outcomes of this trajectory with special reference to power and possibilities of regional international organizations in the decade ahead.

This paper focuses on a case study from the authors' multi--year study of international organizations and Internet governance in a time of rapid change, greater global media coverage, and ensuing challenges (the UN--mandated periodic re--evaluation of the IGF, the Snowden revelations, and the ICANN/IANA transition period to name a few). It uses multiple methods: Interviews with those individuals charged with Internet related policy functions constitute a major data gathering function; additionally, content analysis of documents and archival analysis amplifies and provides a foundation for interview findings; finally, observation and participant observation at key meetings adds to data gathering and data analysis.

What Conceptual Framework for Internet Governance?

To examine international organizations and, as is the case in this paper, a regionally rooted international organization in the context of Internet governance policy spaces, it is important to use a multidisciplinary approach. Concepts from political science, sociology, and communication can help elucidate the complex processes surrounding what we term the Internet governance ecosystem.

Ecosystem or Regime Complex?

We borrow 'ecosystem' from the natural sciences. Here the ecosystem refers to a pattern of interconnected organizations and other human and non human actors in their environmental settings. This more holistic approach allows for tracking the creation, dissemination and utilization of novel policy ideas as they interact with various organizational cultures, structures, and values and the resultant outcomes (or lack thereof). Some work considers Internet governance as a regime. Krasner (1985, p.2) defines a regime as "sets of implicit or explicit principles, norms, rules and decision--making procedures around which actors' expectations converge in a given area of international relations. The focus here traditionally has been on the nation state without much reference to other organizational types or to infrastructure.

Recent work [START_REF] Orsini | Regime Complexes: A Buzz, a Boom, or a Boost for Global Governance?[END_REF][START_REF] Orsini | Institutional Fragmentation and the Influence of "Multi--forum" Non--state Actors: Navigating the Regime Complexes for Forestry and Genetic Resources[END_REF] calls for the study of regime complexes in the context of global governance and adds non--state actors. There are conflicting definitions of regime complexes with Raustilia and Victor (2004) describing a regime complex as an "array of partially overlapping and non hierarchical institutions governing a particular issue area" while Orsini et al. (2013, p. 29) provide a more nuanced definition. They argue that a regime complex is "a network of three or more international regimes that relate to a common subject matter; exhibit overlapping membership; and generate substantive, normative or operative interactions recognized as potentially problematic whether or not they are managed effectively;" they provide the example of the global food security regime that encompasses human rights, international trade and agriculture regimes. Further, they conclude (p. 31) that perceptions draw the boundaries of the complex and that they produce 'opportunities and obstacles' (p. 34) for governance outcomes. But these authors do not specifically define the 'nodes' in the networks constituting regime complexes. Nor do they focus on organizational infrastructure. They do, however, include the 'management of regime complexes' as an important variable. In this regard, they observe that international organizations are very skilled at such management challenges. (The work they survey stems mainly from the environmental, human rights, trade and energy arenas.)

Other scholars [START_REF] Zelli | The Institutional Fragmentation of Global Environmental Governance: Causes, Consequences, and Responses[END_REF] identify similar 'dense' qualities in global environmental governance arenas and argue that it is more powerful to focus on interinstitutional linkages; they prefer to use the term 'institutional complexes' rather than regime complexes. This density and 'messiness' of interinstitutional linkages within environmental governance also applies to Internet governance. Moreover, institutions that may be involved in other domains especially those of the environment, health, trade and, increasingly, security or defense arenas also deal with portions of Internet governance--related issues. While the earlier--cited environmental governance researchers discuss their own domains, there is great potential in tracing idea and practice flow across domains as well as within interinstitutional policy spaces (Levinson, 2012a;[START_REF] Levinson | Improvising Internet Governance: Emerging Trends In The Internet Governance Forum[END_REF].

'Regime', 'regime complexes' and 'institutional complexes' in the international relations field build on an earlier generation of research in the public administration field where the focus was the nation--state; and scholars argued for the importance of studying a 'policy space' (Lambright, 1967). Policy space is the 'turf' or main agency where a specific policy issue has its home in nation state governments. Thus, the policy space for U.S. Internet governance in its early days was transferred to the US Department of Commerce from the U.S. Department of Defense. The key elements in these early policy space approaches are the individual nation--state agency/organization and the issue area. Today's policy spaces are so much more complex and often contested, involving multiple agencies within nation states and crossing national and regional boundaries, with a host of disparate actors, organizations, and interests. Indeed, as we demonstrate here, international organizations and, in particular for this study, the CoE, are important actors (including behind the stage) in the Internet governance policy spaces.

In global Internet governance, there is not always a single set of norms and principles; nor are there always clearly demarcated 'homes' for complex, cross--cultural policy issues. The regime complexes literature provides an important advance in dealing with, for example, non--state actors influences on regime complexes such as those in global environmental governance and outlines ways to trace such influence of non--state actors on individual institutions. [START_REF] Nye | The Regime Complex for Managing Global Cyber Activities[END_REF], uses the regime and regime complex theory to map "cyber governance" activities. While his identification and analysis of "the Regime Complex for Managing Global Cyber Activities" indeed considers non--state actors such as "civil rights organizations" and some loose alliances, it is still rooted and almost only based on normative regimes and their interactions, influences and outcomes on some pre--identified issues that are mainly related to cyberspace and infrastructure security. This almost single attempt of using the regime complex theory in the context of Internet governance thus still fails, in our opinion, to capture the more complete and multidirectional examination of interactions/flows/influences among a set of organizations of like or unlike characteristics, including institutions and organizations ---- and the changes involved over time. The use of an ecosystem approach as advocated here allows overcoming these limitations, even though it could carry some risks of loosing established conceptual consistency. [START_REF] Schubert | Comparing global coordination mechanisms on energy, environment, and water[END_REF] focus on comparing coordination mechanisms related to environmental governance within the United Nations system. They highlight the gap with regard to formal governance processes and demonstrate the rise of ad hoc processes to deal with the complex coordination challenges.

Ad Hoc Processes

Just as in environmental governance, much recent research in the area of Internet governance examines the complex and often messy interactions of a range of different actors (including nation state governments, regional governments, international organizations, non--state actors, standards--setting bodies, new organizations and indeed an entire domain name industry (including ICANN) and even new institutions such as the Internet Governance Forum (created in 2006 as a main outcome of the WSIS) and the concomitant rise of the term, multistakeholderism [START_REF] Denardis | Thinking Clearly About Multistakeholder Internet Governance[END_REF][START_REF] Denardis | The Global War For Internet Governance[END_REF][START_REF] Drake | Institutionalizing the Clearing House Function[END_REF][START_REF] Gasser | Multistakeholder as Governance Groups: Observations from Case Studies[END_REF]Radu et. al, 2014;Brousseau and Marzouki, 2012;[START_REF] Mansell | The governance of communication networks: reconsidering the research agenda[END_REF][START_REF] Mueller | Networks and States: The Global Politics of Internet Governance[END_REF]Musiani et al., 2015).

Our research identifies the presence of these ad hoc processes (alongside of formal processes) just as they appear in the environmental governance arena. We use Gupta and Pahl--Wostl's (2013, 54) definition of governance: "the exercise of authority, by different social actors in a society, though the development and implementation of explicit and implicit substantive and procedural roles to manage resources for the social good…however, only a small part of the governance spectrum has the authority and legitimacy to make regulatory decisions". In the Internet governance ecosystem, institutions such as the Internet Governance Forum (IGF) cannot 'regulate'; rather, the IGF serves as a forum for dialogue as do the more recently spawned national and regional IGFs around the world. In the case of the Internet governance ecosystem also, international organizations cannot 'regulate' per se. Their original conception and early studies [START_REF] Barnett | The Power of Liberal International Organizations[END_REF] saw them as coordinating agencies and their roles bounded by these coordinating functions, representing their member states.

Research on international organizations (but not focused on the Internet governance arena per se), documents an 'opening up' of international organizations to transnational actors such as civil society organizations. Tallberg and colleagues (2013), using a database of international organizations covering a twenty--five year time period, provide data that indicates both that international organizations are definitely opening up to civil society actors and that they have become "political opportunity structures" with varied opportunity patterns.

The Tallberg study provides an important foundation for our research; but it is unidirectional in nature, focusing on civil society and cataloguing their increasing links to international organizations. Using the findings of [START_REF] Schemeil | Bringing International Organization In: Global Institutions as Adaptive Hybrids[END_REF] that extend beyond openness of access (for civil society organizations) and that indicate the proactive nature of the international organizations he studied as they reshaped themselves over time (and even their environments), including interactively and pro--actively connecting with civil society organizations, the research reported on here focuses on one regional international organization, the Council of Europe (CoE). Our data traces how the Council of Europe worked strategically to put human rights (and European values) at the center of Internet governance policy debates and how it continues to work to make itself a key actor in its ecosystem.

Additionally, studies from the field of international communication and knowledge transfer and utilization highlight the flow of ideas (and related outcomes/impacts) across national, organizational, and even cultural boundaries. See, for example, [START_REF] Levinson | Ecologies of Representation: Knowledge, Networks, & Innovation In Internet Governance[END_REF] for an examination of knowledge transfer across complex, cross--cultural inter--organizational boundaries. Using these frames to identify and capture ideas from international organizations to civil society and other actors in the Internet governance ecosystem and vice versa allows us to track whether or not a specific international organization is creating and disseminating ideas and how these ideas are being used (or not) and why.

Global Experimental Governance: A Promising Framework?

Finally, very recent research that stems from studying primarily global environmental and health governance issues provides useful conceptual frames for this work on Internet governance and international organizations. See [START_REF] Levinson | Advances in Virtual Learning: From Cross--cultural Teams to Regional/Global MOOCS[END_REF] for applications of the global experimental governance (GXG) approach as it applies to Internet governance and inter--organizational knowledge transfer. GXG thrives when there is a balance between too much and too little agreement among nation states and where the participation of civil society becomes "indispensable" (DeBurca et al., 2014, p. 484). GXG adds opportunities for civil society participation and posits the presence of five key elements (p. 478):

• Stakeholder deliberation (with "a broadly shared perception of a common problem") leading to What GXG does not do, however, is what we illustrate here: the nuanced ways international organizations attempt to shape their environmental settings and even those multilevel processes addressed above to redefine their own missions and arenas, re--energize and continue to make relevant their own raison d'etre, utilize effectively a multilevel and multistakeholder setting to reinforce their own member state support, and craft relevant roles for themselves in often messy, politically complex and compelling issue areas.

•
Additionally, often such issue areas do not have the complete consensus of an international organization's participating member states.

A European Way of Internet Governance: the CoE Case Study

In this paper, we focus on the Council of Europe, as the CoE provides a powerful example of the role of international organizations in Internet governance (IG) and of GXG and international organizations.

CoE and IG: An Overview

Similar to other international organizations that we are also studying (such as the OECD, the UNESCO, and others, as reported in Levinson and Marzouki, 2014a[START_REF] Levinson | Internet Governance Institutionalization: Tensions and Trajectories[END_REF], 2015a[START_REF] Levinson | IOs and Global Internet Governance Interorganizational Architecture[END_REF][START_REF] Levinson | Straddling Hegemony and Resistance in Internet Governance: The Soft Power of International Organizations[END_REF] although operating on a more regional level, the CoE's original purpose did not at all deal with Internet governance. (It was, after all, founded in 1949, much before the creation of the Internet). Its core mandate is human rights, democracy and the rule of law. It has been involved in Internet governance processes since WSIS, and has managed to become an inescapable actor of the IGF since then.

Viewing the 'public face' of the CoE -at least through its home page on the Internet 3 -provides one view of the role of Internet governance in its public portfolio. One has to look under the 'Rule of Law' link to find "Common Standards and Policies". There, tenth in the listing, is Internet Governance. Above it in ninth place is Freedom of Expression and Media.

If one clicks on this IG link, it brings to a page 4 listing events facilitated by the CoE and linked to its human rights and rule of law missions. Additional events listed are consistent with GXG approaches. For example, the CoE hosted a conference in Austria in 2014 on ""Shaping the Digital Environment -Ensuring our Rights on the Internet" to promote multi-stakeholder engagement or in 2013 it hosted a conference on multistakeholder dialogue for net neutrality and human rights.

The Internet Governance web page lists "Adopted Standards", either binding instruments such as Conventions relating to the Internet; or non--binding ones such as Internet--related Recommendations; or even internal plan of actions such as its "Internet Governance Strategy 2012--2015". It also lists 6 Council of Europe Actions, that tightly link core CoE values and traditions to emerging Internet issues. The six listed are as follows: "Protecting the Internet's universality, integrity and openness", "Maximizing rights and freedoms for Internet users", "Advancing privacy and data protection", "Enhancing the rule of law and effective cooperation against cybercrime", "Maximizing the Internet's potential to promote democracy and cultural diversity" and "Protecting and empowering children and young people". Throughout, it takes a strong stance in favor of a multistakeholder approach.

From the Inside: The role of the CoE Secretariat

Behind and beyond the documentary findings such as the above, our data from interviews of key leaders indicate intricate and important knowledge transfer patterns within the secretariat itself, from secretariat to member states, and with external organizations, especially those of civil society. Interviewees portray a vivid picture of the secretariat promoting ideas. For example, the secretariat used a task force format to formulate a strategy for Internet governance that the member states then adopted. They shifted Internet governance work more to the human rights arena, a core mission of CoE. As an 3 See <http://www.coe.int> 4 See <http://www.coe.int/IG> interviewee there observes, "everyone today agrees that human rights is important [in Internet governance processes]. We just kept talking about it". This is in contrast to the first IGF where "everyone there looked at us as aliens", when they talked about human rights.

Over time they worked with civil society organizations with regard to the human rights issues and disseminated them through the IGF. "In 2008, we started a discussion regarding what should be our participatory architecture to help us focus on human rights… I have a strong feeling that IG is a priority now at the CoE", although perhaps not with enough resources and not the entirety of the CoE vision. The interviewee goes on to say, highlighting the importance of a longitudinal and systems view, "it's a variable geometrymany interlocutors become allies over time". Our own empirical data collected from activities of four main IOs (OECD, UNESCO, CoE and ITU) at the IGF meetings from 2006 to 2014 fully confirm these declarations from our interviewees [START_REF] Levinson | Internet Governance Institutionalization: Tensions and Trajectories[END_REF][START_REF] Levinson | Straddling Hegemony and Resistance in Internet Governance: The Soft Power of International Organizations[END_REF].

The CoE is still pursuing this strategy in 2015. For instance, among the accepted workshops for the 2015 IGF is one that provides a qualitative example of the CoE's role in this new Internet governance ecosystem where international organizations no longer merely coordinate among member states. Workshop No. 68 5 has the title Can Civil Society Impact Global Internet Governance?; its organizers come from academia, civil society, the technical community, and the Council of Europe. The list of speakers also includes representatives from other international organizations (UNESCO and OECD) as well as government, ICANN and the private sector. The focus of this workshop is civil society participation in various Internet governance arenas. Here is yet another example of an international organization, the CoE, playing a facilitating/ catalyzing role and linked to civil society, not just nation state governments.

Within the CoE's Secretariat itself, we showed in previous work how, while the CoE has been active with regard to human rights in the information society since the early WSIS days in 2002--2003, a major turn happened after the WSIS in 2005, which, as we qualified it, 5 See <http://www.intgovforum.org/cms/workshop--proposals/list--of--published--workshop--proposals>. The full list of workshops is at : <http://www.intgovforum.org/cms/workshop--proposals/list--of--published-workshop--proposals> "put back on its feet the CoE approach of Internet governance, from a vision of Internet governance as mainly the governance of political affairs using the Internet to that of the governance of the Internet itself as integral part of the political affairs". This happened following a taking over by one Secretariat division (Media) over the previous one in charge (Political affairs). This internal "coup" is fully documented in (Levinson and Marzouki, 2014a).

Another element is the role of the secretariat vis--a--vis the member states. While interviewees from each IO studied emphasized that in the words of one "we are the member states" or as another said "we can only do what the governments instruct us", the secretariats in each clearly play a role in crafting ideas, first to be adopted by the member states and then disseminated externally, often with 'allies' or 'partners'. In other cases, secretariats disseminated ideas informally to civil society organizations, building idea support, and then going to their member states for formal adoption. An example here comes from UNESCO where the Secretariat designed a study and widespread consultation, the results of which will be brought to the member states in November 2015. At the CoE, the Diplo Foundation6 inter alia played an important 'partnering' role in idea dissemination.

Our findings on the pivotal role of the Secretariat, in the CoE case but also in that of the other IOs we studied, are entirely in line with other analyses in the literature related to global governance addressing fields other than that of Internet governance. For example, [START_REF] Jinnah | Post--Treaty Politics[END_REF] comes to the same conclusions on IOs' secretariats influence in the field of Environmental governance, through her thorough analysis of four cases studies. Schemeil (2012), when discussing the empowerment of IOs in the information field, identifies the same strategies that weak or jeopardized organizations may develop towards external partners or adversaries: mandate enlargement, coalition and controlled overlap, nesting and mutual recognition. The case of the Council of Europe strategizing to put human rights at the center of Internet governance debates and, at the same time, to make itself an inescapable actor in the field, fully supports this analysis.

Channeling Core European Values in IG proceedings

The Dynamic Coalitions (DCs), an innovative network--like structure at the IGF demonstrate another avenue for IOs' secretariats to exchange ideas, test issues or policies in the making and start promoting them on a large and diverse scale before bringing them back home to undertake formal adoption process by their member states. These loose structures were established at the first IGF in Athens in 2006, and described as "informal, issue--specific groups comprising members of various stakeholder groups". 7 The DCs provide a platform or "political opportunity structure" for international organizations such as the CoE, or for "policy entrepreneurship" [START_REF] Levinson | Internet Governance Institutionalization: Tensions and Trajectories[END_REF].

Although informal by definition, a dynamic coalition has to establish itself with an action plan and minimal coordination means (such as a mailing list), and show that its membership comes from at least three different stakeholder categories. It has to demonstrate the necessity of its creation, and is subject to registration with and approval by the IGF Secretariat. At each yearly IGF meeting, dynamic coalitions are given a specific time slot for a public meeting, and must provide a public report of this activityMany IOs are involved in dynamic coalitions, and see them as an important means of interaction with other stakeholders through the dissemination of their work and the exchange of ideas [START_REF] Levinson | Internet Governance Institutionalization: Tensions and Trajectories[END_REF]. representatives of member states and 6 independent experts (4 of them coming from the DC--IRP) working on equal footing. Note this example of interlocking directorates and implications for knowledge transfer [START_REF] Mizruchi | What Do Interlocks Do? An Analysis, Critique, and Assessment of Research on Interlocking Directorates[END_REF]. According to its terms of reference, the MSI--DUI's purpose was to establish "a compendium of existing human rights for Internet users, to help them understand and exercise their rights when, considering their rights and freedoms have been adversely affected, they communicate with and seek effective recourse from key Internet actors and government agencies." Reports and outcomes of the MSI--DUI meetings explicitly mention the cooperation with DC--IRP and the fact that it used the CoE Charter as one of its stating points. After its 18 months of existence, the MSI--DUI came up in December 2013 with a draft Recommendation on a Guide to Human Rights of Internet users containing the Guide itself as its appendix, and accompanied by an explanatory report.

Finally, on 16 April 2014 and as a conclusion to the CoE formal adoption process, CoE member states, adopted both documents. See Recommendation CM/Rec(2014)6 of the Committee of Ministers to Member States on a Guide to human rights for Internet users and 8 See MSI--DUI webpage at : <http://www.coe.int/t/dghl/standardsetting/media/MSI--DUI/default_en.asp> its Addendum. 9 As a follow--up, the CoE has undertaken a process in view of the implementation of this Guide by its member states, and a specific communication action towards Internet users themselves 10 . These examples illustrate the role of one regionally focused international organization and the way in which it disseminated ideas core to its own values in the broader, multistakeholder IGF context, leading to member states ultimate adoption of a new instrument embodying its key principles as they relate to the Internet environment. It succeeded in placing 'human rights' at the center of global Internet governance discussions and, thus, also solidifying its own organizational form, identity, and relevance in the dynamic era of a global Internet. In Levinson andMarzouki (2014b, 2015c)

Conclusion

This case study highlights a number of themes relevant to Internet governance and, indeed, to global governance, as addressed by a European intergovernmental organization. It traces the role of a regionally focused international organization--the CoE--and its interactions with institutions at global, regional and nation--state levels. The CoE has moved from its early days as a linking pin institution centered on human rights and the rule of law in the European context to today's position as an important actor in the global Internet governance ecosystem with its own Internet governance strategy and a more catalytic position, especially with regard to knowledge transfer. As the below table shows, the CoE fits the GXG approach as identified in (DeBurca et al., 2014, p. What is particularly fascinating is the way in which this IO through its Secretariat links to civil society organizations through myriad means including the holding of conferences, the

  Articulation of "a framework understanding with open--ended goals" and • Delegation of implementation to 'lower level or contextually--situated actors who have knowledge of local conditions and considerable discretion to adapt the framework norms to these different contexts" • Provision of "continuous feedback form local contexts >>>with outcomes subject to peer review" • Reevaluation and revision based upon this feedback and "the shared purposes". Indeed, DeBurca et al. (2014, p. 479) talk briefly (focusing on environmental governance) about when international organizations engage in global experimental governance. Here they underline occasions when IOs "adopt organizational forms that allow state and non-state actors to learn, continually and accountably." In the case of Internet governance, one can point to the Internet Governance Forum (IGF) -a new multistakeholder dialogue--type institution created in 2006 as a result of the United Nation's World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS) and its Working Group on Internet Governance (WGIG, 2005. (See Levinson and Marzouki, 2014b for a more detailed discussion of the creation of the IGF). While the DeBurca et al. (2014) formulation does not treat Internet governance directly, their notion of GXG does apply (with some shading) to the Internet governance ecosystemwe study and, in particular, to international organizations and other actors in Internet governance on which we focus. In particular, GXG highlights inter--institutional linkages, multi--level policy making, and novel inter--organizational learning that goes beyond nation-states and supranational entities. It is particularly useful in thinking about the IGF or even ICANN (the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers).

  Indeed, the CoE has become a key player at the IGFs. A compelling example is how the CoE with its participation in the DC it helped to found, the Dynamic Coalition on Internet Rights and Principles (DC--IRP), catalyzed the creation of an instrument ultimately adopted by the CoE member states. In 2008, this DC undertook the collaborative writing of a Charter of Human Rights and Principles for the Internet. Its basis was the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its challenge was to adapt these principles to include the newly emergent digital environment and to translate the principles into practice. Franklin (2013, Chapter 5) provides a detailed account of this DC--IRP work. A first version of the Charter was launched at the 2010 IGF in Vilnius, at which time the DC--IRP started larger 7 See dedicated page on IGF website at <http://www.intgovforum.org/cms/dynamiccoalitions> consultations on this Charter, collecting comments from various stakeholders inside and outside the IGF community. In addition to its participation in the DC--IRP, the CoE organized a more formal meeting at its headquarters in Strasbourg in April 2011. Participating in this meeting were civil society representatives from the DC--IRP who were also active in the Charter development, and CoE secretariat members beyond the ones participating in the DC--IRP. The aim of the meeting was to examine whether the Charter could serve as a basis for the realization of an objective of the CoE at that time: devising a CoE instrument mainly intended for citizens as Internet users, in the same way as the European Union produced the "Air Passenger Rights Charter" displayed in all EU airports. Above all, the CoE objective was to compile means of redress and remedy that Internet users could use to have their rights reinstated in case of violation, in an easier, cheaper and more efficient manner than through going to court, while safeguarding this democratic right. After this meeting, the CoE established and funded in July 2012 a new Expert Committee, the Committee of Experts on Rights of Internet Users (MSI--DUI 8 ), composed of 7

  we also document in detail using empirical data how the Council of Europe has been working in interaction with the other IOs we are studying, while remaining by far the most active in IGF proceedings since 2006. Another example of the CoE at work in a more regional context is EuroDIG 11 (European Dialogue on Internet Governance), a vibrant pan--European discussion of key issues related to Internet governance. It is by its own definition: "an open platform for informal and inclusive discussion and exchange on public policy issues related to Internet Governance between stakeholders from all over Europe. It was created in 2008 by a number of key stakeholders representing various European groups working in the field of Internet governance. EuroDIG is a network which is open to all European stakeholders who are interested in contributing to an open and interactive discussion on Internet governance issues". The CoE played a key role in the founding of EuroDIG, with its first meeting in 2008and its annual editions since then in different European venues. EuroDIG 2015 was held in early June in Sofia, Bulgaria, again with support from a number of organizations including the CoE. 9 Available at : <https://wcd.coe.int/ViewDoc.jsp?id=2184807> 10 See dédicated website at : <http://www.coe.int/en/web/internet--users--rights/guide> 11 See <http://www.eurodig.org>

  to local contexts) Recognizing local contexts/cultures within the frame of human rights for the internet Feedback from local contexts; Peer review CoE direct stated link between its values/framework + MSH dialogue. Re--evaluation/Revision from feedback Formulation of new IG strategy 2015--+ Novel inter--organizational learning CoE working with cs groups plus member states, fostering knowledge transfer/disseminating HR +the Internet Taking the idea of human rights and translating it into the tumultuous discussions surrounding human rights on and off the Internet has allowed this international organization to remain relevant and vibrant. While a Secretariat can play this role either passively or actively, the CoE case demonstrates the strategic, active roles of a secretariat in ensuring the relevance of their own institution in a dynamic, global context.

See <http://www.diplomacy.edu>

organizing of sessions at the IGF, the presence in interlocking directorates such as the DCs and EuroDIG, and the steadfast diffusion of the principles of human rights and the rule of law.