Aline Author

Lima De

UFMGS (Brésil Rodrigues

des sciences du territoire -Frontiers and boundaries of territorial sciences Land Approach in Territorial Development

Keywords: Question foncière, aménagement du territoire, géographie Land, territorial development, geography

Cet article a pour but de discuter des approches de la question foncière dans le cadre de l'aménagement du territoire. Nous avons cherché à comprendre le foncier en tant qu'élément de l'analyse spatiale dans le développement des politiques publiques d'émancipation mises en place dans les campagnes brésiliennes. Pour ce faire, nous avons réalisé une brève synthèse critique des objectifs de l'action publique pour l'aménagement des territoires où sont installés des paysans et petits exploitants, et des conflits qu'elle a générés. L'accent est mis sur le fait que ces conflits créent des mouvements d'émigration, à partir de terres qui n'offrent plus les conditions de la survie ou du développement aux exploitants. Ceux-ci reproduisent leur mode de vie ailleurs, ce qui complète la triade des effets dérivés de la question foncière : déterritorialisation, territorialisation et repossession. Le territoire est le résultat de ces conflits d'intérêt qui naissent des groupes sociaux et des relations de pouvoir. Ainsi, penser l'aménagement du territoire consiste à penser en termes de croissance économique et sociale depuis chaque territoire en fonction des intérêts en jeu et de leurs contradictions.

INTRODUCTION

The idea of territory has known important transformations throughout the history of geographical thinking approached within a perspective of Natural Sciences, with Ratzel, as well as a more humanized view within the courant of Critical Geography.

Currently, land is considered as a key concept of Geographical Science, for it is known as a spatial analysis unit often replacing the idea of geographical space. This substitution results from the fact that land covers a fraction of space defined by social relations, therefore more suited for different analysis of social, political, and cultural conflicts.

The aim of this paper is first to provide a brief historiography of the concept of land, and the most current approach of this concept. Moreover, it emphasizes land as a spatial unit for territorial development, on the basis of which important public policies are being developed with various objectives and intentions.

LAND IN TERRITORIAL DEVELOPMENT

Geographical Science has been transformed to follow the evolution of societies and their interactions in geographical space. Therefore, its key concepts of space, territory, region, landscape, and place were reinterpreted and contribute to spatial analyses with a new perspective.

The concept of land did not always have the same approach according to the current debates, and have been submitted to multiple sense derivations with the use of terms like: deterritorialisation, territorialisation, and repossession, and yet for some authors, multiterritorialisation. Thus, significant changes occurred in its epistemological sense, evolving from the naturalist idea of Ratzel to an idea of relations of power on a given portion of the geographical space, from the concept of Claude Raffestin. Ratzel brought up the debate about land to Geography, defining it as a geographical extract, on which the State has some power over the form of occupation and appropriation of its natural and social resources, and consequently the protection of its borders.

According to Saquet, "Society is transformed into State to ensure the possession and protection of the resources needed, such as soil, water, and food. Roughly speaking, Ratzel corresponds society and man to territory and soil " (2007:30).

Without neglecting the idea of Ratzel, one of the most significant debates about land appears with Claude Raffestin who considers fundamental the action of the State in defining the idea of land, although it is not exclusively defined by the power of the State. Another "fundamental power" is the daily practices and relations of society exerted on a given portion of the geographical space. Thus, in the concept of Raffestin, land is defined by power and Power, the latter resulting from the action of the State through government, social, and economic policies. "Land is the political space by excellence, the action field of power" (Raffestin, 1993:60).

However, although the idea of land has acquired new meanings by the end of the 20th century, it did not distance itself from the concept of border since the relations of power and Power are given over a delimited space, either politically or socially (when resulting from the power of social practices) and this delimitation makes land and border closer. The idea of land has also followed the changes of the modern world, especially because economic, political, and social relations have been considerably transformed with the end of the Cold War.

For [START_REF] Becker | O usogeopolítico do território: questões a partir e uma visão do terceiro mundo[END_REF], land is then understood as a result of power relations from very different social actors, knowing that, after the Second World War, States became influenced by the national space, but mainly because of international interests. This happens because of economies interconnected with economical blocks, search for raw material, markets and their products, cheap labour, or farm or industrial goods lacking in the productive national matrix. These types of economic relations are essential to nourish the capitalist system and stimulate the economies of countries. This concept has become key in the analyses of space organization, and is used even by other Social Sciences to express spatial manifestations of social relations, either in the countryside or in the city.

But which sense is more relevant to use? Land considered as a simple delimitation or associated to power relations existing over a given space? Are lands standardized or do they result from distinct social relations, materialized in each territory?

In this regard, Bernardo Mançano Fernandes ( 2009) created a typology of lands, which aims to contribute to the reading of territorial disputes and conflicts of processes. According to this author, there are three kinds of territories. The first territory would be the governance space at all government scales, where public policies and programmes for economic development are created. The second territory corresponds to private properties, either fixed or movable, capitalists or non-capitalists. The third territory is the territorialities space, and concerns the relational space, its economic and social use.

These definitions are based on ideas of conflictuality and intentionality, because the search for land or its maintenance is done through conflict. This conflictuality process leads to socio-spatial transformations. Distinct interest manifestations over land are based in the character of intentionality. Each subject -economic groups or the State-act through intentions that are distinct because they are based in often opposing interests, such as, for example, land disputes between the peasantry or agribusiness in Brazilian countryside, or the fight for housing and real estate speculation in the city. Fernandes (2008) stressed the difference of land disputes in the countryside and in the city when he mentioned that socio-territorial movements in the city are for housing and not for jobs, unlike what happens in the countryside where housing and work are directly connected. Thus, the conflictuality of interests between the countryside and the city are evidenced and materialized by distinct intentionalities.

LAND, TERRITORIAL DEVELOPMENT AND CONFLICTUALITY IN BRAZILIAN COUNTRYSIDE

Land disputes in the city are evident when territorialisations are defined as downtown, closed apartment complexes, residential areas, and suburbs. The suburb is always distant from downtown, as in a process of eviction, in order to hide what is not beautiful and socially adequate. The best areas of the city are taken by real estate speculation that "sells" the best fractions of the city to a part of society. All of this creates distinct territorialities in the city, because the use and domain of land are distinct due to the socioeconomic difference between social groups that may produce evident conflictualities in big Brazilian cities.

Conflictuality is even more evident in Brazilian countryside where the intentionality of the State is completely distinct from the peasants'. With a neoliberal character, the State designs a countryside with a capitalist production targeted to exportation and favouring commodities, without considering the interests of small producers. This intention of the State to stimulate large monoculture production creates a conflict of interests with the non-capitalist traditional production, targeted to food production and maintenance of the families in the field with reproduction conditions, and not with the character of exclusion they currently hold.

The conflict between the peasantry and agribusiness is clearly expressed in Fernandes, Welch and Gonçalves: "…while for the peasantry, the land is a site of production and housing, for agribusiness, the land is only a site of production. These are important characteristics to conceive peasantry and agribusiness as different models of territorial development" (2011:1).

Hence, a territorial dispute between capital and peasantry is evidenced. Peasant and capitalist properties are distinct territories; they are different totalities where different social relations are produced, promoting divergent models of development (Fernandes, 2008). Therefore, according to Fernandes: "conflictuality is a constant process powered by the contradictions and inequities of capitalism. The conflictuality movement is a paradox since it simultaneously promotes territorialization, deterritorialization, and repossession of different social relations" (2008:2).

Therefore, manifestations of power relation are evident in territorial disputes. In the countryside, with agribusiness groups that, by expanding throughout the national territory, buy land, evict peasant production by expropriating them from their means of production, and even from the land they use for housing. And in the cities, the power relations of large real estate ventures that exceed the right to housing of every Brazilian citizen.

Thus, for being a space associated to power relations, domain, and political control, land is set as a spatial analysis unit essential to territorial development. Numerous researches and initiatives for territorial development, organized by the State or social institutions, use the concept of land as spatial substrate, as the locus of socioeconomic manifestations.

Actually, land is a reflex of distinct development models adopted in Brazilian countryside. These models present contradicting intentions because they adopt two opposite principles: compensatory/subordination development policies, and emancipatory policies [START_REF] Fernandes | Questão agrária e disputas territoriais no Brasil[END_REF].

Compensatory/subordination development policies are created by the State and are permeated with the intentionality to meet the capital, although they are created with popular participation. When elaborated by the Ministry of Agriculture Development (MDA), they tend to favor large monoculture production, and to territorialise agribusiness in Brazilian countryside. This is evident with the expansion of soybean along the West of the country, the growing of eucalyptus to produce cellulose in the South, and more recently with the expansion of sugarcane ventures that materialize the capital in the field in monoculture "spots", producing new lands and new territorialities. Examples of these policies are the Territórios da Cidadania (Citizenship Territories), that are projects involving a set of cities with common interests, the micro-regions, and the Iniciativa para la Integración de la Infraestructura Regional Suramericana (IIRSA, Initiative for Integration of the South American Regional Infrastructure), which is considered a "trans-territory" because it includes lands from several countries, and supports projects that meet the interests of the transnational, such as improvements in transport, energy, and communication conditions. In Brazil it has been operating mainly in the Amazon region, in the fluvial transport department, improving port conditions and enhancing energy supply at the border of Colombia.

The creation and effectiveness of emancipatory policies -that refer to a territorial development promoting emancipation of peasants against capital, and stimulating the non-capitalist production of food-would cause the maintenance of peasants in the countryside, in their land. This is one of the many claims of social movements in the countryside that not only fight for agrarian reform, but also for small food production, for access to the means of production, and a fairer lifestyle. For this type of policy, it is right to mention the CONDETEC (Council of Territory Development of Cantuquiriguaçu), which aims to promote territorial development from the needs of each land, in this case stimulating policies towards family agriculture, which are created by this Council and funded by the MDA. This initiative actually considers a development based on the interests of all social classes, without favouring one over the others. Moreover it promotes the autonomy of people, the maintenance of peasant land, and the effective exercise of citizenship.

These public policies also concern other aspects of territorial development: the countryside, the city, health, education, among others. Most of the time, they are created with a compensatory character, and tend to avoid any discussion on the basis of the issues. Although they perform structural reforms, they reproduce inequity and social exclusion.

CONCLUSION

Because it is a scale unit that best represents the materialization of power relation, land is directly suited for territorial development policies, although each of these policies may produce deterritorialisation and repossession, since territorialities follow the subjects and are produced and reproduced in other spaces, creating or recreating lands. What must be stressed is that the land in discussion is not the delimited, unique space, deprived of social relations: "lands are not only physical spaces, they are also social spaces, cultural spaces where relations and ideas manifest, transforming even words in land" (Fernandes, 2008).

The territorial development would consist in promoting economic and social growth of one or more social groups in a spatial substrate, in this case the territory, which is the unit of analysis of the space in which relationships of these social groups are materialized through their intentions and their actions, in addition to being subject to the authority of the national State, with its political and economic interests. Promoting regional development would be nothing more than giving conditions to the territory to develop according to the interests of local communities and with minimum conditions of appointment of the basic conditions of subsistence.

It is important to highlight in conclusion that this reflection is not finished: indigenous lands and border lands were not mentioned, but are surely a part of the debate about land and territorial development, as they are also conflicting and intentionally distinct from other lands.

THE AUTHOR

Aline de Lima Rodrigues

Universidade Federal de Mato Grosso do Sul, Brasil aline.rodrigues@ufms.br


Mattias Author

Kärrholm

sciences du territoire -Frontiers and boundaries of territorial sciences A Territorological Study of Time-Space Production at Stortorget, Malmö 1977-2013

Keywords: Événements, territorialité, usage temporaire, espace public Events, territoriality, temporary use, public space

Nous avons assisté, ces dernières années, au développement d'une approche plus relationnelle de la territorialité. Cette perspective, qui se concentre sur les événements plutôt que sur l'espace, permet aussi d'ouvrir vers une élaboration des aspects temporels de la production territoriale. Dans cette étude, j'enquête sur la place centrale, Stortorget, à Malmö, Suède, dans le but de développer une discussion sur territorologie urbaine spatio-temporelle. En 1978, Korosec-Serfaty a exécuté une étude précise de la place, observant ses activités quotidiennes. Notre étude compare les productions territoriales sur la place centrale de Malmö de 1970 à celles d'aujourd'hui. Les résultats indiquent une modification de la production spatio-temporelle dans laquelle la durée des appropriations et tactiques territoriales temporaires a tendance à se raccourcir, alors que le nombre de stratégies territoriales temporaires et à grande échelle augmente et que leur rôle devient plus important. Elle souligne également le besoin d'approcher l'usage de l'espace public comme un système relationnel et interdépendant plutôt que comme des relations bilatérales génériques entre échanges matériels et activités sociales.

Territoriality has traditionally mostly been dealt with as a socio-material phenomenon, focusing on space and power, and famously defined by the human geographer Robert David Sack as the "attempt by any individual or social group to affect, influence, and control people, phenomena and relationships by delimiting and asserting control over a geographical area" (Sack, 1986:19). In recent years we have, however, also seen the development of more process-based and relational territorology, often inspired by thinkers such as Deleuze and Guattari or Latour (Brighenti, 2010a;[START_REF] Kärrholm | Retailising Space, Architecture, Retail and the Territorialisation of Public Space[END_REF][START_REF] Palmås | The production of chemical worlds: Territory and field science in global agribusiness[END_REF]. Here, the focus is on territory as an act rather than a space, and on territoriality as spatio-temporal processes rather than as spatial strategies. Brighenti states, for example, in his proposal for territorology as a general science, that: "Territory is not defined by space, rather it defines spaces through patterns of relations" (Brighenti, 2010a: 57). Territories are thus events, expressive and boundary-producing power relations, and as such not defined by a certain land or area (although always dependent on materialities). Furthermore, this take on territoriality also manifests itself in an increased interest in the goings-on of everyday life, rather than focusing solely on the intentions and strategies of obligatory passage points.

One advantage of defining territory as an act or event is the possibility of opening up for a more elaborate discussion on a temporal perspective on territoriality -a perspective that has hitherto been quite neglected. Just as territory "defines space through patterns of relations" (as described by Brighenti above), it should be acknowledged that territories also define times and temporalities. In fact, time and space have always been deeply entangled in territorial processes -from the rhythms of the animal patrolling her territory to the muzak setting the pace of a shopping environment-but even so, in territorial discourse, space has always been prioritised more highly than time. Time-space territories can be produced deliberately through tactics or strategies, or result as a consequence of use, as through associations and appropriations [START_REF] Kärrholm | Retailising Space, Architecture, Retail and the Territorialisation of Public Space[END_REF]. Territorial strategies indicate deliberately scheduled and striated landscapes where certain moments are marked and controlled by rules or different kinds of institutions. Strategically produced time-spaces could thus include the opening hours of shops, parking, the operating hours of factories, the Christmas advertisement campaign of retailers' associations or shopping malls, etc. There are, however, also situational and more spontaneously produced territories, i.e. more unofficial or informal tactics, marking a time-space in a public space as a part of an ongoing social situation. This might range from micro-situations such as the emission of certain phatic utterances ("ehhh…" or "well, well"), intended to stall for time and keep one's audience quiet and attentive while attempting to finish a thought (De Certeau, 1984:98 f.), to setting up one's tent for the night, e.g. personally claiming a certain time-space in a public park. Besides intentional strategies and tactics, territories can also be produced in a more indirect manner. The time-space territories of our cities are not only deliberately marked and produced, but could also be the result of unintended collateral effects, the uncertainty of duration, or the simple fact that things take time. Time-spaces might be temporarily appropriated by a certain group or person, for example, a gang that converges on a particular street corner every Friday night. Appropriation often includes a territorialisation "through time", and appropriations are most often associated with groups that have a lot of time on their hands -youth, the unemployed and the elderly. Finally, there are also time-spaces associated with a certain behavioural regularity: activities such as smoking a cigarette, walking a dog or going to the toilet are often connected to a certain spatial and temporal extension. A lot of spaces in the city are associated both with a specific use and an approximate or "proper" duration of that use, whether it is the pedestrian crossing or the table of an outdoor café.

In this study I investigate territorial time-space production and changing consumption patterns at the central urban square in Malmö. The square, Stortorget, was inaugurated in the 1530s, and was then largest square in Northern Europe measuring 131 x 145 meters. The square has a long history and is an important and emblematic space for the city of Malmö (a city situated in the South of Sweden of approximately 300,000 inhabitants). In 1978, [START_REF] Korosec-Serfaty | The Main Square, Functions and daily uses of Stortorget[END_REF] did a thorough study of the square observing its everyday activities. Malmö was in the late 1970s an industrial city in crisis with a declining population. Perla Korosec-Serfaty study of Stortorget in Malmö, The Main Square, Functions and Daily Uses of Stortorget, Malmö (1982) -also published in French as La grand' place : fonctions et pratiques quotidiennes de Stortorget à Malmö (1986)-summarizes a large empirical work made by "Study group on public squares" in 1978. This was around the time that the pedestrianisation of Malmö inner city started [START_REF] Kärrholm | Retailising Space, Architecture, Retail and the Territorialisation of Public Space[END_REF]. Today Malmö is a growing city and it is part of a large and growing European urban region. Comparing Korosec-Serfaty's results with how the square is used today ( 2013 The most striking difference is perhaps the proliferation of planned large-scale events. In 1977, most of the (167) newspaper articles reporting from the square mentions political gatherings and activities on the square (26%) followed by official activities (17%). In 2012, the articles (119 all in all) tend to focus on collective celebrations (23%) followed by crime and safety (19%). The new collective celebrations tend to be quite large scale weeklong events such as Malmöfestivalen (the city festival) and Musikhjälpen (a fund-raising event), with concerts and cultural performances. A study made by the municipality of Malmö in 2008 shows that this eventalisation of the square also seems to be welcome by the inhabitants (Malmö Stad, 2008). In line with the process of eventalisation, a lot of the stores that were on Stortorget during the 1970s (selling everyday things) have disappeared or given place to cafés and restaurants. Although the pedestrian precinct with hundred of shops starts here, the square itself has today just five shops (but fourteen in 1978). Perhaps this can be seen as signifier of how the square, once an old market space of mixed uses, now quickly is being turned into a specialized space for events.

Looking at clusters of people (from the observation study), the ratio of women walking alone has changed from 18 to 29 percent (between 1978 and 2013), although the square is still somewhat dominated by male presence. The number of children has also increased, and the percentage of clusters including at least one child is more than three times higher in 2013 than in 1978. From these numbers it might look as if the square has become more heterogeneous, but it should be reminded that the comparison of clusters and gender does not account for the fact that certain groups and activities might be quite rare or even excluded from the square. Already Korosec-Serfaty noted that Stortorget had become a kind of museumized space: "the Main square is conspicuously exhibited because it conceals another urban reality, a different social life" (Korosec-Serfaty, 1982:70). This has been enhanced by the last decades of intense retailisation of the city centre [START_REF] Kärrholm | Retailising Space, Architecture, Retail and the Territorialisation of Public Space[END_REF], and it is also confirmed by recent studies, for example, by Sixtensson who has shown that the city centre was actively avoided by some groups of Muslim women (2010). Last row shows the ratio between peak and off-peak hour for each year. 1978 data comes from Korosec-Serfaty (1982:64 ff).

From the photographic study one can see that there are a smaller percentage of people sitting on the square today as the ratio of sitting people has gone from 45% to 21%. A higher percentage is walking and also a somewhat higher percentage is taking shorter breaks on the square. It seems as if people were spending shorter time on the square on a regular day: people take shorter breaks (most of them talking on the phone, texting or taking photos), but tend to sit less and walk more. Although people certainly spend a lot of time on the square during the large and planned events, one could argue that it has become increasingly rare for larger groups to temporarily appropriate the square for non-official uses. In fact, the role of the temporal qualities -rhythm, salience, scale, and pace-all seem to have undergone changes. Korosec-Serfaty noted Stortorget transformation from a place of everyday activities to a representational square of official activities (Korosec-Serfaty, 1982:43).

Today, this salient territorial association of the square as a place of official activities would appear to have given way to the square as a place of events. The dominating role of the rhythms of the industrial city -including the role of male-dominated workplaces, retired people on their benches, busy weekday rush hours and calmer weekends-have, to a certain extent, been replaced by rhythms more strongly associated with consumer society. Stortorget thus seems to have found its role as a specialised place within the pedestrian precinct of Malmö. With a decreasing number of permanent activities, a faster pace and shorter pauses from temporary activities on the one hand, and an increasing frequency of prearranged temporary events on the other, Stortorget has come to play a double role. The square facilitates movement to, from and through the pedestrian precinct. Sometimes, during large events, it works as a strong and highly accessible if temporary magnet, but otherwise it acts as a facilitator of movement to other places than the square itself. The duration and ratio of temporary appropriations and tactics seem to have decreased since the 1978 study; instead, a larger ratio uses the square purely for thoroughfare movement. Furthermore, the temporary stays that do take place tend to be made more by individuals and less by groups (ratio of "single walkers" changing from 54% to 64%), less by residents of the city centre and more by tourists, visiting shoppers and those eating lunch. The general pace has changed as well; and the activity during the working week tends to be more intense, its timeframe undergoing expansion with a colonisation of evenings and weekends. All these territorial changes are traceable at different temporal scales. The number of small artefacts and objects moved about and used on Stortorget has also increased, and these seem to affect the temporary use as well as how visitors temporarily claim space by way of tactics and appropriation on the square; for example, pausing while standing rather than sitting down. On a larger temporal scale, the role of territorial strategies in the form of advertisement campaigns, outdoor restaurants or large-scale events lasting up to weeks at a time have increased.

Even if the material design and outline of Stortorget is fundamentally the same today as in 1978, the role of the material figures on the square has undergone transformations as human behaviour has changed, and new artefacts have come into play. For example, the statue becomes more important for eating, the Town Hall benches for resting with bags, and the fountain for pausing with cell phones and cameras. The built environment of Malmö's Main Square might thus look the same today, but the timescapes produced here do not. Counting territorial productions, it is perhaps impossible to discern a greater variety today, i.e. when it comes to the range of different time-space territorialisations. However, territorial complexity has decreased due to the increasing dominance and stabilisation of certain types of territorial productions (people walking by, scheduled events, etc.) and also to an increase in verticality, where certain territorial strategies are made to manage a series of others.

In this paper, I have noted some of the important changes in the temporary use of Stortorget. I have investigated the time-space productions of the square, produced through temporary territories of different scale and salience, following or induced by different paces and rhythms. The square is in this sense a pulsating and transforming assemblage, mirroring contemporary culture and the city of Malmö in interesting ways. One of the main points of my approach in this paper is not to see public space through a fragmentary logic of means and ends ("the number of sitting persons depends on the number of seats", etc.), but more as a complex, sensitive and transformative ecological system. One must thus take more generic recipes for public space design with a grain of salt. The material figures of Malmö's Main Square are largely unaltered, but their actor roles change as they get new associations. A thorough development of a time-space territorology might be one way of studying public space use as a complex system, acknowledging that the territorial production of time-spaces are never static or independent, but always relational, interdependent and entangled in transformative processes.

  Planche photographique 1. Stortoget, Malmö, April 2013 (photo by M.Kärrholm)

  ), 35 years later, shows some interesting differences when it comes down to territorial production. The comparison is based on four studies: -newspaper studies (comparing articles mentioning Stortorget in the local press during 1977 and 2012); -analyzing ground floor activities in the buildings surrounding the square (comparing 1977 and 2012); -observation study, made peak hour and off-peak hour during seven days (each day of the week) and from three different locations on the square (made in June 1978 and April to August 2013) 1 ; -photographic study made peak hour and off-peak hour during seven days (each day of the week) and from five different locations on the square (made in June 1978 and April to August 2013) 2 .

Table 1 .

 1 Activities on Stortoget according to the photographic study in percent and numbers

	Activity	Peak hour	1978 Off-peak hour	Total	Peak hour	2013 Off-peak hour	Total
	Walking	46% 1 167	46%	821	46%	1 988	56%	4 439	54%	3 125	55%	7 564
	Sitting	43% 1 096	40%	717	42%	1 813	24%	1 917	17%	956	21%	2 873
	Pausing	10%	249	13%	231	11%	480	17%	1 381	24%	1 358	20%	2 739
	Playing	1%	18	1%	24	1%	42	1%	70	2%	97	1%	167
	Biking	0%	11	0%	5	0%	16	1%	108	1%	60	1%	168
	Working	0%	0	0%	0	0%	0	0%	30	3%	166	1%	196
	Other	0%	2	0%	0	0%	2	1%	63	1%	28	1%	91
	Ration P-OP	59% 2 543	41% 1 798 100%	4 341	58%	8 008	42%	5 790 100% 13 798

The investigation from 1978 observed 901 clusters of people and the one from

observed 2,079 clusters of people.2 The photographic study of 1978 counted/classified 6,806 people from 840 photos and the one in 2013 classified 13,798 people from 840 photos (taken from the same locations).

THE AUTHOR

Mattias Kärrholm

Architecture and Built Envionment, LTH Lund University mattias.karrholm@arkitektur.lth.se


Shelley Author

Feldman

Shelley Feldman

CIST2016 proceedings En quête de territoire(s) ? Looking for territories? Inclusive Exclusion: Constructing a Hindu Minority and the Contradictions of Law and Land Ownership in Bangladesh

Keywords: Social inclusion, Majoritarian rule, Land appropriation, Subjectivity, Law

This paper examines how a legal doctrine sanctioning land appropriation from a Hindu minority in Bangladesh, the Vested Property Act, constitutes and regulates space, meanings, and subjects. Foregrounding relations of property ownership, I show how the appropriation of private property, embedded in contingent social, political, and cultural relations, shape the making of place, security, and subjectivity. I argue that relations of social inclusion mark minority identities and suggest that the marginalized are directly and indirectly targets of state action. Thus, relations of inclusion are consequential for how rights claims are enacted literally, on the ground, to shape subjects, forms of subjection, and the materiality of lived space. Two spatial scales are noteworthy: the construction of majoritarian regimes, and the contingent practices of rule and subjection. I support this argument with evidence from court records and interviews collected over the past 15 years.

and rights, as well as relations of marginalization, belonging, and social inclusion, where citizens can be turned into subjects whose rights and security no longer deserve protection. I address the following animating question: How does the implementation of the Vested Property Act, a policy that defines the state's right to appropriate land and its return, both create and draw upon religious difference as a basis for belonging and as an instrument that recasts space and its use? This question is situated in the accumulative practices that shape struggles over property and constructions of legitimacy to enable rights, including the state's right to expropriate property, to be differentially applicable to different social constituencies. I interpret processes of legitimation as the substance of rule making and of the making and remaking of hegemonic morality and normative sensibility that establish the conditions of belonging and inclusion, as well as relations of minoritization and exclusion [START_REF] Blomley | Law, Property, and the Geography of Violence: The Frontier, the Survey, and the Grid[END_REF]. Said differently, I wonder who has rights, and whose rights can be compromised without the fear of reprisal or the possibility of broadbased social unrest (Harvey, 2004). Abrams (1977), and [START_REF] Corrigan | The Great Arch, English State Formation as Cultural Revolution[END_REF], influenced by a Foucault and Durkheim, are especially suggestive for understanding the institutional and discursive practices that are enshrined in law and embedded in everyday routinized symbolic gestures and moral judgments.

In Bangladesh, where a predatory political formation akin to those marked as a kleptodemocracy operates under a variant of crony capitalism, land appropriations control and concentrate scarce resources that can be leveraged for state patronage, as well as for private gain. But land grabs are not simply appropriations from an undifferentiated population where the default is likely to be the small-scale and vulnerable subsistence producer. Rather, property appropriations are seizures that target particular populations, including the poor, in ways that legitimate their doing so without sparking broad-based reprisal. I will show that the Enemy/Vested Property Act was established precisely to justify land enclosures of Hindu property, marking Hindus as critical sites for questioning how targets of appropriation are selected and how violent forms of appropriation are legitimized in the name of modernity, progress, and national security. In Bangladesh, targeting the Hindu minority population for such appropriations both create and reproduce relations of subjection that draw on the legacy of partition and the 1971 independence struggle [START_REF] Samaddar | Development, Democracy, Governmentality and Popular Politics[END_REF]Mezzadra et al., 2013). These relations can be suggestively framed by the following questions: How do the social relations that embody land and property appropriations, notorious for their enactment through "conquest, enslavement, robbery, murder, in short, force, [which] plays the greatest part", help to create particular kinds of subjects (Marx, 1867: 668) and landscapes? What role does policy and governance, including regional policy and claims of national interest and security, play in legitimating and securing particular relations of land expropriation? What, for example, is the role of bureaucratic elites in facilitating and securing land appropriations through violent, as well as non-violent, means? Finally, in what ways does the construction of the other and the marginalization of particular populations help to legitimate property grabs? Together, answers to these questions will expose placemaking as a process of subject formation and physical infrastructure.

To address these questions, I trace the career of the Vested Property Act (VPA) in Bangladesh, first promulgated in 1948 by the then Pakistan Government, to legitimate dispossessing the Hindu community of its right to (primarily) landed property, but also, to buildings and other physical infrastructure [START_REF] Barkat | Political Economy of the Vested Property Act in Rural Bangladesh[END_REF]. The various instantiations of the Act and its confirmation, with minor modifications throughout the history of now independent Bangladesh, opens to scrutiny the mechanisms that secure land expropriation and private forms of capture thereby providing a window on the construction of subjects, community, and place.

By unpacking the different regimes in East Pakistan, and subsequently the military and democratic formations of Bangladesh, I examine the making of majoritarian rule where the reproduction and salience of religious difference has been an ongoing project of state and nation-making. With the 1947 partition of India into the predominantly Muslim state of Pakistan, including its East and West Wing, and the Hindu majority state of India, efforts were made to build a national imaginary in Pakistan defined by Islam as its unifying feature. The Pakistani state first did so by introducing Urdu, identified as an Islamic language, as the lingua franca, which would include the primarily Bengali speaking East Wing. Its purpose was to bring the two Wings of the country, separated by more than 1,000 miles, together under the frame of Islam and against the threat of "Hindu" India, as well as against Bengali nationalism in the East that was viewed as a culture and language infused with Hindu linguistic and religious idioms and people. This language initiative failed, and eventually would be reflected in the long struggle in the East against West Pakistani rule. With independence in 1971, the syncretic tradition in Bangladesh appeared secure and came at the cost of the deaths of numerous Hindu citizens by the Pakistani army. But this seeming victory also reasserted Hindus as other, establishing minority-majority relations in religious rather than ethnic terms.

Sheik Mujib (1971Mujib ( -1975)), the father of the country, who came to power under the banner of democracy, secularism, socialism, and nationalism, however, would quickly abandon a substantive commitment to secularism and restore efforts to build belonging in the idiom of Islam. The military regimes that followed the murder of Mujib in 1975(Zia Rahman 1976-1981and Hussain Mohammad Ershad 1983-1990) would continue this movement, first by deleting from the Constitution secularism as a state principal and adding "Bismillah ar-Rahman ar-Rahim" (In the Name of God, Most Gracious, Most Merciful) before the Preamble, and also by replacing the words "historic struggle for national liberation" with "historic war for national independance. Then, in 1988, Islam was declared the state religion. These initiatives marginalized Hindus and were further entrenched through everyday processes of cultural and social enclosure, such as when Muslim prayer before public meetings and on television were first promoted and then required, and with the introduction of religious education as compulsory from Class I-VIII. Critical to this process of rule, place-making, and belonging was Zia's distinction between Bengali and Bangladeshi identities, where the former was linked to West Bengal and Hindu India, and Bangladeshi was marked as Muslim. In these ways, Hindu citizens of Bangladesh were constructed as a distinct minority community and as potential enemies of the state. This cultural landscape reveals the synergy between the making of place as a national or state project that is concerned with controlling Bangladesh's borders or physical landscape, and the normative sensibilities that shape relations among citizens.

Expectations changed with the public uprising against the autocratic regime of General Ershad that led, in 1991, to the first democratic elections. The history of the Vested Property Act under democratic rule reveals an ebb and flow of support for the Act, but not for its implementation that, despite its passage by Parliament, has yet to be operationalized. What this means in practice is that land expropriation continues to be justified as part of a national imaginary, while for the Hindu minority, their claims for the return of vested property remain an unfulfilled expectation. Modifications to the Act's implementation strategy has accompanied each regime in power but, as for now, little has happened to secure the ownership rights of Hindu citizens. Rather, each of the two political parties in power since 1991 have used the Act to expropriate the land and buildings of Hindu owners across class and region differences. Further, as currently framed, the implementation of the Act would build on an acknowledged system of corruption among rural bureaucrats who would hold responsibility for adjudicating Hindu property claims.

As land seizures continue, including the taking of buildings located in towns where they are increasingly valued, even Hindus with resources and connections to top-level administrators may be unable to ward off property grabs. Under such conditions, and without holding accountable those who use their power to grab land, there is little guarantee that Hindu owners will be able to secure their rights over property and citizenship and secure their place of belonging in the body politic. Instead, as I hope to show, struggles over property will reproduce contingent relations of subjection. The examples I will bring to bear will expose processes of dispossession as a set of social practices that include the seizure of property, the governance structures that legitimate such takings, and the subjection of those who are targeted for expropriation despite their possible legal right to property. As these processes unfold, they are especially suggestive for understanding the coconstitution of subjects and space/place, or of the formation and reproduction of people and landscapes as ongoing practices that unsettle presumptions about the fixity of preexisting or bounded configurations of social collectivities or spatial arrangements.

Ce papier examine comment le Vested Property Act, une doctrine légale sanctionnant l'appropriation de terre appartenant a une minorité hindoue du Bangladesh, constitue et réglemente espace, significations et sujets. Tout en mettant en avant les relations issues de la propriété privée, mon intention est de démontrer comment les régimes d'appropriation de la propriété privée, ancrés dans des relations contingentes sociales, politiques, et culturelles, affectent les conceptions de l'espace, de la sécurité et de la subjectivité. Je considère que les relations d'inclusion sociale définissent les identités des minorités et suggère que les marginalisés font directement ou indirectement l'objet de l'action de l'État. Ainsi, les modes d'inclusion affectent-ils la manière dont les revendications de droit sont formulées. Deux espaces sociaux sont importants dans ce contexte : la construction de régimes majoritaires et les pratiques contingentes de règles et de subjection. Cette communication sur l'analyse de fichiers judiciaires et interviews collectés sur une période de 15 ans.MOTS CLÉSInclusion sociale, règle majoritaire, appropriation de la terre, subjectivité, droit This project is informed by the historical experience of the enactment of the Vested Property Act in Bangladesh, and on current debates on subject formation and critical geographies of space[START_REF] Blomley | Law, Property, and the Geography of Violence: The Frontier, the Survey, and the Grid[END_REF] Foucault, 2004;[START_REF] Gieryn | A Space for Place in Sociology[END_REF][START_REF] Jeffrey | Rethinking Enclosure: Space, Subjectivity, and the Commons[END_REF] Mezzadra et al., 2013;[START_REF] Vasudevan | Spaces of Enclosure[END_REF]. Together, these empirical and conceptual interventions provide an optic to explore the constitutive making of identities, subjection,


Andrea Braga
email: andrea.braga@ufrgs.br

Andrea Da Costa Braga

Heleniza Ávila Campos
email: heleniza.campos@ufrgs.br

Fábio Lúcio Zampieri
email: fabio.zampieri@ufrgs.br

André Fauri

CIST2016 proceedings En quête de territoire(s) ? Looking for territories? Brazilian Southern Borderland Strategic Circuits: a Network Approach AUTHORS

Keywords: Borderline twin cities, MERCOSUL roads network, Cargo flows, Space syntax

This paper focuses on the role that borderland twin cities play on the hierarchy of transnational urban systems. It aims at analysing MERCOSUL road network measures of integration, synergy and centrality in order to display the correlations between the borderline twin cities functional specialization and the probability of transnational and cross-border flows. Methods are based on Space Syntax theories that provide descriptions of networks' structure properties at different geographical scales. The analysed road network spreads from São Paulo (Brazil) -the main South American industrial centre-to La Plata (Argentina) and Pacific seaports (Chile), comprising of five national territories: Brazil, Uruguay, Argentina, Paraguay and Chile. The analysis provides evidences that Paso de Los Libres/AR-Uruguaiana/BR twin cities hierarchical accessibility and centrality patterns in the regional structure correlate to their functional specialization as logistic hubs. We argue that these twin cities are strategic nodes controlling cargo flows within MERCOSUL due to their central position within the circulation network.

RÉSUMÉ

Cet article porte sur le rôle des villes jumelées frontalières dans la hiérarchie du système urbain transnational, compris étant que résultat de l'interaction des propriétés morphologiques des réseaux local et régional. L'objectif est d'analyser quantitativement la probabilité de flux dans le reseau routier du MERCOSUR afin de saisir les corrélations entre la spécialisation fonctionnelle des villes jumelées situées à la frontière entre le Brésil et l'Argentine et leur position hiérarchique dans le réseau. Les méthodes sont basées sur la théorie de la syntaxe spatiale qui permet des descriptions multi-échelles de la zone d'étude, celle-ci étant délimitée au nord par la ville de São Paulo (Brésil) et au sud par la ville de La Plata (Argentine), en comprenant les territoires du Brésil, Uruguay, Argentine, Paraguay et Chili. L'analyse des villes jumelées Paso de los Libres/AR-Uruguaiana/BR signale une relation solide entre la position hiérarchique de ces villes dans le réseau routier et leur spécialisation fonctionnelle à cause de leur position stratégique de contrôle de flux de marchandises dans le MERCOSUR.

MOTS CLÉS

Villes jumelées frontalières, réseau routier du MERCOSUR, flux de machandises, syntaxe spatiale.

INTRODUCING THE RESEARCH PROBLEM

International borderline regions are prioritised in transnational integration projects, although their role in controlling cross-border flows still arise concerns in Latin America. This article discusses the strategic role international borderline twin cities play in MERCOSUL urban network structure, focusing on Uruguaiana/BR-Paso de los Libres/ AR case, a busy cargo cross border gateway.

The hypothesis is that their hierarchical position in the regional circulation network differentiates the borderland region between Brazil, Uruguay and Argentina into subareas. Their heterogeneity is granted by the functional specialization of twin cities due to main flows characteristics that emerge from the interaction between local and MERCOSUL contexts, transport modals and merchandise flows towards global, local and regional markets, that in turn relate to spatial integration patterns, informing movement potentials and route choice probability.

MERCOSUL road networks properties are described with space syntax methods in which cities are nodal components of the network topological structure at global scale, allowing the measurement of their relative accessibility and centrality of each node. The modelling provides quantitative evidence to perform a hierarchical ranking towards potential movement and flows probability within the circulation system. The article displays preliminary evidences consisting of partial findings within the current research project "South American Transborder processes: Territorial Dynamics, Regional Development, Integration and Defense in Brazilian Southern and Northern borderland"1 .

CONTEXT: BRAZIL SOUTHERN BORDERLINE AND CASE STUDY

Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay borderland region characterise the configuration of the South American territorial divide due to its geographical, economic, political and strategic importance for the interactions between, firstly Spanish and Portugese colonies, later, the emergent national states [START_REF] Maxwell | Os desafios da maturidade para o Brasil[END_REF]. The current territorial divide emerges from 19th century struggles over the La Plata Basin control, which testifies the imbricate relations between its geographical position, regional economic system, political disputes over territory and worldwide markets targeted by national states economies. Brazilian borderland zone with Argentina and Uruguay comprises almost half of Rio Grande do Sul State area where half of its population is dispersed through a sparse urban network comprising small to medium-size cities. Numerous international borderline twin cities that are strategic nodes for globalised trading networks, attest for cross-border interactions intensity and resilience. Our case, the twin cities of Paso de Los Libres/AR has 45,803 inhabitants (INDEC, 2010) and Uruguaiana/BR has 125,435 inhabitants (IBGE, 2010) and are connected by an international bridge across the Uruguay river. Uruguaiana is classified as a sub-regional centre with restricted influence over its surroundings (IBGE, 2008). Our hypothesis is that its role as the main MERCOSUL logistic hub linking Brazilian production centers to Middle and Far Eastern markets relates to its centrality towards flows probability within the road network, that drives its functional specialization [START_REF] Braga | A espacialização de trocas multiculturais em conurbações internacionais de fronteira Brasil-Uruguai[END_REF].

METHODS, MODELING TOOLS & RESEARCH TARGETS

In order to verify the hypothesis, Space Syntax methods (Al-Sayed et al., 2014: 11) were applied regarding movement potentials and flows probability as generic functions of roads spaces. The road network is based on satellite images decomposed into a one dimensional graph, where axial lines represent the longest straight possible paths within a circulation structure. Modelling is performed on the resulting graph with Depthmap2 . The iconography structures accessibility in a colour range based on quantitative measurement, where hot colours are the most integrated spaces. The axial integration measure describes relative asymmetry globally or within a restricted topological radius (R3,5, etc.) captured by depthness (number of turns) from one point to all others. Morphological properties are described, measured and analysed towards:

a. closeness centrality (nodes's adjacency or relative accessibility) that equals to integration measure to infer origin-destination movement potentials within networks (Al-Sayed et al., 2013); b. betweenness centrality (bridge effect on flows probability) computes a node's frequency in every possible path used to reach other nodes in the network, displaying the shortest paths from all origins to all destinations and forecasting vehicular movement [START_REF] Hanna | Measuring the structure of global transportation networks[END_REF]; c. route choice displays our case hierarchical position towards cross-border and transnational flows probability [START_REF] Hillier | Metric and topo-geometric properties of urban street networks[END_REF]; d. synergy (correlation between global and local integration) measures the robustness of multiscale flows probability informing the emergency of alternative regional divides according to the twin cities' functional specialization. The hierarchical position on MERCOSUL roads network allows a spatial explanation of our case role as the main MERCOSUL cargo gateway (Al-Sayed et al., 2013).

MOVEMENT AND FLOWS PROBABILITY THROUGH INTERNATIONAL BORDERLINES

Global Integration analysis highlights the paths with higher accessibility on the road network (figure 2), comprising the Uruguay river basin where Uruguaiana/BR-Paso de Los Libres/AR is the higher origin-destination movement potential gateway. It displays spatial evidence of historic territorial disputes for control over this strategic node and the paths with higher integration measures that have been The Paraguay War epicenter in the 19th century.

Local Integration (R20) depicts the urban network integration core limits (figure 3) comprising of its main seaports (Montevideo/UY and Buenos Aires/AR) and other borderline gateways such as Foz do Iguaçú/BR-Iguazu/AR and Ciudad del Este/PA-Salto/UY-AR), all of them holding intensive MERCOSUL cross-border interactions. Spreading from Salto, it encompasses the most part of Uruguay/Brazil borderland attesting its porosity, intensive interchanges and conurbation processes that enhances the urban network importance in structuring and controlling cross-border flows. The measure is also effective in explaining tourists' movement from Buenos Aires to the Brazilian/Uruguayan Atlantic coasts: Uruguaiana/BR is the potential main gateway between Argentina and Brazil, and Salto/UY for regional touristic flows. Local Integration spreads weakly to Colonia de Sacramento/ UY, once a Portuguese enclave in Spanish Colonial Territories and to Santa Fé, Rosário, Mendoza and Cordoba/AR, leading to the Andes cross-border paths to Chile, through which intensive cargo flows originated in São Paulo, Buenos Aires and other production centres reach Pacific seaports.

Route choice (figure 4) displays the highest flows probability along the paths connecting São Paulo/BR to Mendoza/AR through Uruguaiana and São Borja/BR, where the Brazil-Argentina roads systems connect. Santa Fé/AR is the main crossroad linking Buenos Aires to the borderland with Brazil and Paraguay. The segments with highest flows probability converge to strategic nodes where river crossings are possible. The locational choices of international cooperation infrastructure projects channel transnational and cross-border flows through easily controlled and surveilled nodes (bridges), achieving the regional economic integration aimed by MERCOSUL. Interchanges between the twin cities of Uruguaiana/BR-Paso de los Libres/AR are driven by their distinctive centrality towards cargo flows probability within the regional circulation network, what attests for this node resilience as an international cargo and logistic hub.

5-ON FURTHER ANALYSIS: TOPOLOGICAL SCALE BOUNDED CROSS-BORDER REGIONS

The robust correlation between local and global integration measures (synergy) evidences the multiscale coherence between spatial integration patterns that reinforces the network hierarchy. Uruguaiana/BR-Paso de los Libres/AR hierarchical position within the road network structure enables international cooperation investments and control strategies regarding cargo flows that characterize them as the main MERCOSUL logistic hub. Its functional specialization differentiates this case from others, where conurbation processes inform the prevalence of local cross-border flows and commuting. The ascendent correlation attests for the emergency of an alternative regional divide enhancing a transnational logistic hub zone, driven by the economic integration between MERCOSUL national members (figure 5) and another one, in which microscale cross-border commerce induces the emergency of hybrid communities and cross-border market towns. In order to verify the acuteness of these preliminary findings, further research targets to widen multidimensional analysis, correlating twin cities functional specialization to qualitative data performed over an extended road network encompassing the whole of MERCOSUL territory, including local multivariable indexes such as GNP and import / export flows data to corroborate our general hypothesis.

Figure 1 .

 1 Figure1. MERCOSUL road network boundaries(Fauri, 2015)

Figure 2 .Figure 3

 23 Figure 2. Global Integration(Braga and Fauri, 2015)

Figure 5 .

 5 Figure 5. Synergy RN-R20 (Fauri, 2015)

The project is coordinated by Aldomar Rückert (UFRGS) and supported by the Brazilian Federal Research Funding CAPES (PRO-DEFENSE/2013).

© 2000-11, University College London, Alasdair Turner, Eva Friedrich.