Osama Aradeh

ICT-Based Participation in Support of Palestinian Refugees' Sustainable Livelihoods: a Local Authority Perspective

Keywords: E-participation, ICT-based Participation, Sustainable Livelihoods, Livelihoods Outcomes, Refugees, Palestine, The Gaza Strip

This study investigates how e-participation could improve the livelihoods of marginalized and disadvantaged groups, in particular, refugees in the Gaza Strip in Palestine. They constantly faced problems of basic services of water supply, electricity, housing and infrastructure in their daily lives. This study was conducted from the perspective of municipalities which are local authorities which providing services and responsible to address these issues. This study used a qualitative research method by means of in-depth interviews. Thirteen interviewees from four municipalities in the Gaza Strip participated in the study and were given open-ended questions to express their views about the phenomenon. Thematic analysis was adopted to analyze the interview transcripts. Two theme clusters were uncovered: consequences of e-participation as increasing information and raising awareness among refugees, saving time, and long-term direct relationships with their stakeholders, and livelihood outcomes which include poverty alleviation and unemployment reduction as well as increased well-being. There are challenges that persist in e-participation implementation in the Gaza Strip including ICT infrastructure and the culture of the society. However, the findings of this study reveal evidence of the benefits of e-participation implementation and how livelihood outcomes have influence in refugee contexts.

Introduction

The importance of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) has been emphasized in refugee studies, for example, in the role of ICTs in the integration of refugees [START_REF] Bisimwa | Impact of Mobile Phones on Integration: The Case of Refugees in South Africa[END_REF] and the facilitation of social inclusion of newly resettled refugees [START_REF] Andrade | Information and communication technology and the social inclusion of refugees[END_REF]. One form of ICT usage, e-participation, "technology-facilitated citizen participation in (democratic) deliberation and decision-making" [3:408], enables the transformation and extension of participation in consultative processes and societal democracy and embodies democratic values [START_REF] Cantijoch | Internet Use and Political Engagement: The Role of E-Campaigning as a Pathway to Online Political Participation[END_REF].

However, while there has been an increasing interest in e-participation, research to date has focused on government-citizen interaction [START_REF] Meneses | Overcoming Citizen Mistrust and Enhancing Democratic Practices: Results from the E-participation Platform México Participa[END_REF] and engaging citizens in government decision-making [START_REF] Panopoulou | e-Participation initiatives: How is Europe progressing[END_REF]. As yet, there is limited research on e-participation in refugee contexts and its impact on the sustainability of their livelihoods. E-participation has the potential to connect refugee voices to the relevant stakeholders; establish mutual trust and long-term relationships between refugees and service providing institutions to enhance access to services and enhance overall livelihood improvement [START_REF] Rexhepi | Youth e-participation as a pillar of sustainable societies[END_REF]. E-participation can be useful in the thus far under-researched context of refugees such as those living in the Gaza Strip in the Middle East.

Palestinian refugees in the Gaza Strip constitute every person whose normal place of residence was Palestine from 1 June 1946 -15 May 1948, and who lost both home and means of livelihood as a result of the 1948 Arab-Israeli conflict [START_REF] Unrwa | Where We Work[END_REF]. Since the 1948 the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) has provided humanitarian relief, access to services and employment for Palestinian refugees pending the regional political settlement to release the economic blockade on Gaza [START_REF]DFID's Support for Palestine Refugees through UNRWA. Independent Commission for Aid Impact[END_REF]. The UNRWA, in collaboration with other donor agencies, have been engaging in the development of sustainable livelihood strategies in the delivery of essential health, social and educational services, employment and vocational training [START_REF] Mcloughlin | Sustainable livelihoods for refugees in protracted crises[END_REF].

The Palestinian ICT sector is recognized by both the Palestinian private sector and the Palestinian Authority as an important sector for economic viability and growth. [START_REF] Corps | Palestinian ICT Sector 2.0: Technology sector development report and recommendations relevant to regional and global market opportunities[END_REF]. Palestinian telecommunications companies provide internet services via digital subscriber line, fiber optics and microwave communication through neighboring countries such as Israel, Jordan and Egypt [START_REF] Pita | ICT sector profile, Palestinian Information Technology Association of Companies[END_REF]. Despite the conditions and restrictions are imposed by the Israeli authorities [START_REF] Corps | Palestinian ICT Sector 2.0: Technology sector development report and recommendations relevant to regional and global market opportunities[END_REF][START_REF] Abushanab | The Role Social Media in Recruitment Process: Case Study Companies in ICT Sector in Gaza Strip[END_REF], the ICT sector in the Gaza Strip progressed in early 2018 with the launch of telecommunications providers of the 3G services to the population of the Gaza Strip [START_REF] Pcbs | Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) and the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology[END_REF]. Given this and the fact that, according to the census of [START_REF]Household Survey on Information and Communications Technology[END_REF], 75.5% of households in the Gaza Strip in Palestine have smartphones, the infrastructure for e-participation is available.

The overarching purpose of this study is to explore the influence of e-participation on the sustainability of livelihoods among Palestinian refugees in the Gaza Strip. The study further purposes to investigate the relationship between e-participation and livelihood outcomes. Finally, the study aims to provide insights into the forms of e-participation that are present in the context of refugees.

Therefore, this study asks the following main research questions: What are the re-

sults of e-participation based on the use of e-channels and activities between refugees and local authorities and How does e-participation influence sustainable livelihoods of refugees in the Gaza Strip?

Section two of this paper highlights the use of ICT in the refugee context and links key theoretical concepts of e-participation to sustainable livelihoods. The conceptual model used in this study, which is based on the theories of e-participation and sustainable livelihoods, is outlined, followed by a methodology section that justifies an interpretive paradigm and a qualitative approach to understanding the interplay between context and e-participation. The findings are then revealed and explained.

Background

ICTs in Context of Refugee Studies

The importance of ICTs has been emphasized in refugee studies; for example, the role of ICTs in the integration of refugees, the facilitation of social inclusion on newly resettled refugees (allowing refugees to connect effectively in communities and areas that have become fragmented during their movement), and ICTs use is seen as beneficial to vulnerable groups, such as refugees, as they can more easily communicate with society and stakeholders [START_REF] Pcbs | Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) and the Ministry of Communications and Information Technology[END_REF][START_REF] Wirtz | E-participation: A Strategic Framework[END_REF][START_REF] Pivskur | Participation and social participation: are they distinct concepts?[END_REF].

ICT-based participation has earned considerable attention from different disciplines, such as contributions from political science, management, economics, psychology and technology-oriented studies, which are key to the role of transnational communication for and research on refugees [START_REF] Wirtz | E-participation: A Strategic Framework[END_REF]. Thus, the interest of charitable and humanitarian organizations in ICT initiatives has increased and could serve as a potential solution for refugees where ICT-based communications, such as smartphones, provide a convenient means of accessing information related to humanitarian assistance, food, water, and other social services [START_REF] He | E-participation for environmental sustainability in transitional urban China[END_REF].

With increasing access to social media in all its forms, ICT-based participation is expanding worldwide across several channels to meet community needs and enhance collaboration between communities and governments as they aim to achieve better and greater participation of society [START_REF] Davison | Context is king! Considering particularism in research design and reporting[END_REF]. In this vein, governments around the world have made significant investments to utilize the potential of ICTs for participation to inform and to consult with public stakeholders [START_REF] Panopoulou | e-Participation initiatives: How is Europe progressing[END_REF]. The definition of ICT-based participation is considered in the follow.

E-participation

The concept of e-participation revolves around the promotion of community participation and open participatory governance through ICT. E-participation aims at improving access to information and public services, empowering individuals and benefiting their communities [20]. There is growing evidence pointing to the noticeable and rapid expansion of e-participation as a tool to enhance community engagement and interaction with local authorities [20]. Furthermore, the use of ICTs in public participation is termed e-participation [START_REF] He | E-participation for environmental sustainability in transitional urban China[END_REF]. Public participation acts as an interaction channel between the community and the government to formulate better decisions that have a positive influence on the lives of refugees [START_REF] Vriese | Refugee Livelihoods: a Review of the Evidence[END_REF][START_REF] Shirima | Assessment of Contribution of ICT for Sustainable Livelihoods in Kilosa District[END_REF]. Thus, public participation can be considered the basic building block underlying e-participation [START_REF] Panopoulou | e-Participation initiatives: How is Europe progressing[END_REF].

The improved use of ICT in Palestine is a key component of national infrastructure to improve living standards, especially when used to facilitate public services [START_REF] Corps | Palestinian ICT Sector 2.0: Technology sector development report and recommendations relevant to regional and global market opportunities[END_REF]. The Gaza Strip faces challenges in the infrastructure of the water and sanitation sector, electricity, roads and the exacerbation of environmental problems [START_REF] Alastal | The Reality of Gaza Strip Cities towards the Smart City's Concept. A Case Study: Khan Younis City[END_REF]. Refugees and the population generally, depend heavily on local authorities such as municipalities for improvements [START_REF] Ali | Integrity, transparency and accountability in the work of local communities in the Gaza Strip[END_REF]. To this end, this study seeks to investigate a form of ICT, which is eparticipation between refugees and municipalities.

Sustainable Livelihoods, Use of ICTs and E-participation

The term "livelihood not only refers to people, their capabilities and means of living but also to the ownership and articulation of information that is vital for the effective utilization of the assets people use to obtain a living" [25:209] and to "maintain and sustain their life" [21:7]. ICTs play a crucial role in social and economic development as well as in ensuring sustainable livelihoods [START_REF] Shirima | Assessment of Contribution of ICT for Sustainable Livelihoods in Kilosa District[END_REF]. Furthermore, ICTs have a meaningful influence on sustainable livelihoods, which include natural, social, human, physical and financial capitals [START_REF] Zaremohzzabieh | A systematic review of qualitative research on the role of ICTs in sustainable livelihood[END_REF]. ICTs can also promote the delivery of strategies between the poor for their livelihoods [START_REF] Makoza | Interaction Patterns and ICT Use to Support the Livelihoods of Microenterprises[END_REF] when institutions involved in promoting sustainable livelihoods are using ICTs to collect and disseminate information to the community [START_REF] Zaremohzzabieh | A systematic review of qualitative research on the role of ICTs in sustainable livelihood[END_REF]. In addition, public participation has become a central concept contributing to an increase in well-being [START_REF] Pivskur | Participation and social participation: are they distinct concepts?[END_REF]. Increased well-being is considered an important outcome of livelihoods [START_REF] Duncombe | Using the Livelihoods Framework to Analyze ICT Applications for Poverty Reduction Through Microenterprise[END_REF].

ICTs used for sustainable livelihood is popular in the refugee context and many studies have focused on how ICT use is leverage either for providing information or through interactive mobile app to improve lives of refugees [START_REF] Bisimwa | Impact of Mobile Phones on Integration: The Case of Refugees in South Africa[END_REF]. Studies on ICT use as a form of e-participation is lacking though in the refugee context. However, e-participation phenomenon is bound to exist in the context if refugees are interacting with authorities through the ICT channel to sustain their livelihood. To this end, this study, relying on the conceptual model in Table 1, seeks to explore the influence of e-participation consequence on refugee livelihoods outcomes.

Conceptual Model for the Study

Adopting on Sustainable Livelihoods Approach as used by [START_REF] Duncombe | Using the Livelihoods Framework to Analyze ICT Applications for Poverty Reduction Through Microenterprise[END_REF]. However, while [START_REF] Duncombe | Using the Livelihoods Framework to Analyze ICT Applications for Poverty Reduction Through Microenterprise[END_REF] underscored the analytical and functional role of ICTs as information technology, this study focused on e-participation consequences and livelihood outcomes conceptualized as an influence in refugee livelihoods. Table 1 shows the conceptual model for the study.

Research Methodology

The purpose of this research is to study the phenomenon of ICT-based participation and its impact on the livelihoods of refugees in the context of the Gaza Strip, Palestine. The interpretive paradigm was to investigate this phenomenon. In the interpretive paradigm, a researcher makes understands and interpretation transcribed documents, data and notes collected throughout the investigation [START_REF] Creswel | Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative, and Mixed Methods Approaches[END_REF]. Face to face interviews were done with representatives of local authorities and the data were analyzed using thematic analysis. The researcher encountered difficulties to obtain permission from service providers in the Gaza strip due to restricted access. However, the researcher managed to obtain approval to conduct interviews from some municipalities which are also mandated to providing community services. The qualitative approach is usually used to look at the creation of meaning or interpretations in particular contexts because they investigate phenomena from multiple aspects [START_REF] Neuman | Social research methods[END_REF]. Furthermore, this methodology is convenient when the objective of the study is to investigate a phenomenon in a specific context, that has not or only marginally been addressed in other studies [START_REF] Denzin | The Sage Handbook of Qualitative Research[END_REF].

Written approvals were obtained from those municipalities and interviews were conducted between February and May 2019. Participants were informed that participation is voluntary, and they could withdraw at any time. The consent to recording the interview was obtained from the participants, except two interviewees who refused to record and simply answered the questions. Flexible and open-ended questions were asked to provide participants with the opportunity to give open and in-depth answers about the phenomenon of e-participation effects on the sustainable livelihoods of refugees in the Gaza Strip, Palestine. The interviews lasted between 30 to 40 minutes for each participant. Preliminary observations were written on each answer for initial analysis. When participants' answers were vague, subsequent questions were asked for more information. Thematic analysis was conducted to analyze the qualitative data [START_REF] Braun | Using Thematic Analysis in Psychology[END_REF]. The interviews were conducted individually and separately. During the individual in-depth interviews, their verbal and non-verbal information was registered on the phenomenon of "e-participation and its influence on the livelihoods of refugees in the Gaza Strip".

Study Sample

This study was conducted where more than sixty-five percent (65%) of the population lives as refugees in the Gaza Strip [START_REF]Estimated Population in the Palestinian Territory Mid-Year by Governorate,1997-2016[END_REF]. Thirteen interviews were conducted in four main municipalities in the Gaza Strip: Rafah, Khan-Younis, Nuseirat and Jabalia. The interviewees include three mayors, four public services and relations department officials, two community activities department official, two social media supervisors, and two members who work in ICT and e-service in their municipalities as shown in Table 2. Although the author noted that some women are working in the administrative field in the four municipalities (place of study), the approvals granted for interviews were for men only. The interviewees were between 26 and 50 years of age, ranging from 5 years to more than 15 years of experience* (Table 2). The qualifications of the participants are at least a bachelor's degree. Exp*. > 15 > 15 > 15 10-15 10-15 10-15 > 15 10-15 10-15 1-5 > 15 1-5

1-5

Findings and Discussion

Thematic analysis is conducted to analyze the qualitative data [START_REF] Braun | Using Thematic Analysis in Psychology[END_REF]. The thematic analysis was used for all interviews to attempt to understand and evaluate study data. A predefined set of themes were derived from the conceptual model. The transcripts were read several times. Extract of the transcripts that matched the pre-defined themes were grouped in the respective themes. Data analysis followed a deductive approach. Two main themes were categorized. The analysis section illustrates and discusses the follow themes: e-participation consequences and livelihood outcomes based on e-participation.

ICT-based Participation Consequences

In this main theme, ICT-based Participation Consequences, three outputs of the coherent interaction between refugees and service providers were described based on the existing e-participation implementation strategies.

Increasing Information and Raising Awareness. The data showed that interviewees focused on the role of e-participation channels to increase information and raise awareness among refugees relating to their well-being and basic needs. Participant P12 said, "e-participation is a very effective means to refute the rumours, raise awareness among people...". That was confirmed by participant P9, "the municipality's specialized media team prepares awareness-raising short videos through social media platforms...". Whereas participants P8 and P11 emphasised that e-means of participation play a big role in transferring information -quickly among the local community. Despite the negative view of many community members, including refugees, that the municipality is only for the collection of information, municipalities are trying, through e-participation tools and activities, to change this concept in society as much as possible, as asserted by participant P13. However, there is a different view from participant P12, who stated, " providing basic information to the community members for increasing information and raising awareness is vague, because it does not make sense to publish unnecessary information…"

Consequences of e-channels use and e-activities of communication and interaction between refugees and service providers from municipalities. The interviewees agreed on the positive role of these channels in sharing information and improving the quality of decisions within the municipality. This supports what [START_REF] Wirtz | E-participation: A Strategic Framework[END_REF] argued. Institutions and organizations involved in livelihoods also use ICTs to collect and disseminate information to the community [START_REF] Makoza | Interaction Patterns and ICT Use to Support the Livelihoods of Microenterprises[END_REF].

Saving Time and Money. Through the analysed data of this sub-theme, it can be noted that e-channels have greatly helped people to minimize the transportation costs and efforts of visiting the services providers' offices, particularly the disadvantaged, elderly and disabled. Participant P10 confirmed that "citizens and refugees can communicate with the municipality through e-platforms and direct contact that save the transportation cost...". This finding is equally supported by participants P3 and P7. A further indication of "saving cost" agreed upon by participants P4, P12 and P13 is that some municipalities exempt the refugees from paying fees of some services if they use the intended electronic channels to communicate.

A majority of interviewees pointed to the importance of ICT-based participation in "Saving Time and Money" for all parties, whether providers such as municipalities, or beneficiaries such as refugees. Accordingly, this is in line with [START_REF] Samuel | Mobile Communications in South Africa, Tanzania and Egypt: Results from Community and Business Surveys[END_REF], who stated that the use of ICT-based tools such as mobile phones in livelihood activities reduces the frequency of movements and thus saves time and money [START_REF] Samuel | Mobile Communications in South Africa, Tanzania and Egypt: Results from Community and Business Surveys[END_REF]. However, participants P4 and P9 declared that the additional costs resulting from the use of e-participation channels, such as the cost of the Internet and electronic devices, cannot be ignored [START_REF] Burchert | User-centered App Adaptation of a Low-Intensity E-mental Health Intervention for Syrian Refugees[END_REF].

Long-Term Direct Relationships. The sub-theme of a long-term direct relationship was analysed as a result of the implementation of e-participation among refugees and decision-makers of the municipalities. The interpreted data of this study shows the role of e-participation channels in eliminating the functional pyramid of most transactions within the municipality and enabling the public to reach the decision-maker. Participant P3 confirmed that he had "e-participation channels reinforce open-door policy and provides people with opportunities to communicate and interact with the mayor and decision-makers directly...". Participant P8 agreed that "e-participation helped to create a direct relationship and remove the barriers between the decision-makers in the municipalities, and members of the community …". Participants P1, P2, P4, P5, P6, P9 and P13 agreed with this argument.

However, access to the decision-makers and head of the municipality through e-participation channels does not completely rule out of institutional procedures, as Participant P12 mentioned. He adds, "the municipality has certain regulations and procedures that cannot be ignored even in the presence of direct relations between refugees and decision-makers within the municipality ....".

Despite the weakness and interruption of the Internet in the Gaza Strip, as confirmed by participants P4, P7 and P9, it can be argued that e-participation processes have contributed significantly to the formation of long-term direct relationships between refugees and decision-makers within municipalities. That is in line with [START_REF] Rexhepi | Youth e-participation as a pillar of sustainable societies[END_REF].

Therefore, the first research question What are e-participation effects as to the results of using ICTs-based tools and activities? has successfully been addressed.

Livelihood Outcomes Sustained by E-participation

In this study, two main livelihood outcomes were highlighted: Reducing Poverty and Increased Well-Being [START_REF] Shirima | Assessment of Contribution of ICT for Sustainable Livelihoods in Kilosa District[END_REF].

Reducing Poverty. Poverty is a global issue [START_REF] Adera | ICT pathways to poverty reduction: Empirical evidence from East and Southern Africa[END_REF] that cannot be solved solely by a municipality or limited interventions. However, data of this study show that e-participation channels support refugees measurably in unemployment reduction by the advertisement and circulation of job vacancies via e-channels. The municipalities are eager to utilize the unemployed by mobilizing them in implementing projects that serve the province by offering job creation opportunities and possibilities for a specific period. The Participant P13 mentions, "when the municipality decided to start the project "Paving Al-Fallujah Road" we announced through our e-platforms and social media requested need of manpower for that project". Participant P13 added, "we have already received a lot of applications through a link (Google Form) was created by the municipality to be able to fill it ...". This kind of advertisement was implemented by other municipalities interviewed, as Participants P1, P7, P8 and P12 declared. Participant P12 states, "that e-participation channels have somehow contributed to the reduction of poverty. For instance, by interacting electronically with some refugees to identify their needs and trying to assist them by employing them in the municipal projects or exempting them from the fees of some e-services at times…". Thus, it can be said that e-channels contribute to the reduction of poverty and unemployment amongst refugees. This is consistent with [START_REF] Adera | ICT pathways to poverty reduction: Empirical evidence from East and Southern Africa[END_REF] and [START_REF] Lapeyre | The Living Conditions of the Palestine Refugees Registered with UNRWA in Jordan, Lebanon, the Syrian Arab Republic, the Gaza Strip and the West Bank[END_REF]. In contrast , Participants P3 and P11 assume that e-participation channels do not lead to poverty alleviation because of the deteriorating economy in the Gaza Strip, in support of [START_REF] Kurz | The crisis of the Gaza Strip: a way out[END_REF].

The interviewees who supported the poverty-reduction view believe that this has been achieved due to several factors: advertising and circulation job vacancies of the municipalities' projects via e-channels, minimizing transportation costs to visit municipal offices and headquarters, as well as a municipal exemption on service and bills through online platforms as mentioned by participants P4, P12 and P13. This is in line with [START_REF] Adera | ICT pathways to poverty reduction: Empirical evidence from East and Southern Africa[END_REF].

Increased Well-Being. Increased refugee well-being was also among the livelihood outcomes [START_REF] Andrade | Information and communication technology and the social inclusion of refugees[END_REF] in this study. Through a number of evidences cited by interviewees, we can say that increasing refugee well-being can be achieved through electronic refugee petitions related to, for example, healthcare, safety, cleanliness and road repair. One of the most popular evidence of e-Petitioning is when Rafah governance residents appealed to the local and international communities in order to establish a hospital under the hashtag #Rafah_needs_hospital and #rafahneedshospital, since about 65% of the population in Rafah are refugees [START_REF]Estimated Population in the Palestinian Territory Mid-Year by Governorate,1997-2016[END_REF]. This was confirmed by Participants P12 and P13. One of the interviewees mentioned another example of the role of electronic channels in enabling people with disabilities to appeal to the municipality to provide services and facilities. Participant P7 said, "... the municipality, after the appeals through social media platforms, repaired a road leading to the house of a wounded man who lost his leg during the recent war on the Gaza Strip ....". Participant P7 further stated, ".... a street in the refugee camp was very terrible, and drivers urge through social media platforms to repair the road. We have formed a committee to study this case, and it was addressed indeed...". Based on many examples cited by the interviewees, the most famous was the appeals of Rafah residents, 84% of whom are refugees [START_REF]Estimated Population in the Palestinian Territory Mid-Year by Governorate,1997-2016[END_REF], through social media platforms, specifically Facebook and Twitter,, in order to build a hospital serving Rafah city. Participants P12 and P13 pointed out that the Kuwaiti government has responded to these appeals, which began in 2014. The participants confirmed that the Kuwaiti Government will begin work on this project soon. The interviewees also added that Rafah municipality is following up this subject closely. It can be argued that e-participation channels can help increase and improve the well-being of refugees. This is in line with [START_REF] Andrade | Information and communication technology and the social inclusion of refugees[END_REF]. Information, communication and knowledge, facilitated by ICTs, are important in the ability of individuals to formulate appropriate strategies for sustainable livelihoods [START_REF] Makoza | Interaction Patterns and ICT Use to Support the Livelihoods of Microenterprises[END_REF]. In addition, the use of ICTs positively affects people livelihoods [START_REF] Soriano | Exploring the ICT and rural poverty reduction link: Community telecenters and rural livelihoods in Wu'an, China[END_REF]. ICTs are a crucial element of positive change in terms of people's livelihoods, involving principles, assets, policies, and institutions [START_REF] Makoza | Interaction Patterns and ICT Use to Support the Livelihoods of Microenterprises[END_REF].

Thus, the second question of this study: How livelihood outcomes are influenced by e-participation implementation? was answered.

The challenges of e-participation Implementation

The implementation of e-participation faces many challenges, especially in developing countries [START_REF] Sari | Challenges and Issues of E-Participation Implementation: A Case Study of E-Complaint Indonesia[END_REF]. In the context of refugees in the Gaza Strip as determined through interviews, some challenges were identified. These include the culture of society [START_REF] Sari | Challenges and Issues of E-Participation Implementation: A Case Study of E-Complaint Indonesia[END_REF] where some individuals, especially the elderly, are not convinced of the benefits of these electronic channels. Furthermore, frequent power outages in the Gaza Strip [START_REF] Kurz | The crisis of the Gaza Strip: a way out[END_REF] and the lack of access to internet services for a segment of refugees due to their high cost or infrastructure [START_REF] Miah | An infrastructure for implementing eparticipation services in developing countries[END_REF] are further deterrents. Among the obstacles mentioned by the interviewees and related to the implementation of e-participation, the prime obstacle is the dominant culture of society in accepting change. Therefore, it was necessary to motivate members of Palestinian society, including refugees, and urge them to use the available e-channels to communicate with municipalities. Participant P7 said: "... the adoption of the motivation principle will help to achieve the desired results and accelerate the process of change in the mainstream culture... ".

Conclusion

The present study offers a more comprehensive insight from the municipality's perspective for e-participation consequences and its influence on sustainable livelihoods of refugees in the Gaza Strip, Palestine. The municipalities are the main local authorities responsible for providing basic services such as water, electricity, infrastructure and social services to refugees. These services represent the basic needs of refugees' livelihoods. Municipalities are always faced with funding issues and should work in collaboration with refugees to better understand their needs, which will help to improve their planning for providing services with limited funding. E-participation which is a form of ICT usage reflects the interplay between the context and ICT usage and therefore reflects the interaction between the municipalities and refugees for clearer insights.

The findings of this study show that there are positive attitudes expressed by the respondents with the e-participation implementation that would be rendered feasible in the context of refugees. The authors acknowledge that there are also many possible and fewer actual negative effects e-participation. However, the authors believe the benefits far outweigh the negative effects and focus on the paper is on how e-participation, given the lack of other currently available public participation channels, can benefit marginalized communities.

Two key themes were analyzed: e-participation consequences and livelihood outcomes. The former includes "increasing information and raising awareness", "saving time and money" and " long-term direct relationship". These themes did not produce a strong agreement, although there were positive trends of interviewees in all of these themes. Similarly, there were positive attitudes relating to the themes of e-participationbased livelihood outcomes, which are: "reducing poverty" and "increased well-being".

Given the positive orientations of the respondents in the discussed themes, e-participation has been found to be feasible in the context of sustainable livelihoods of refugees. This study, therefore, provides a basis for future work to provide a more coherent view of the phenomenon of e-participation and its implications within the context of sustainable livelihoods in developing countries, in contrast to the more traditional focus on the political context of e-participation in developed countries.

This study presented explanatory insight into ICT-based participation and its adoption in the context of poor, marginalized and disadvantaged groups using the aforementioned conceptual framework. Future research could look at refugees in other settlements. Future research could also enhance the conceptual model proposed in this study by formulating additional coherent propositions that present high-level guidance to researchers and practitioners working in similar contexts. Finally, the perspective of other actors, as services providers, providing services to refugees could be investigated.

Table 1 :

 1 Proposed Conceptual Model for the Study

	ICT-BASED	LIVELIHOOD OUTCOMES
	PARTICIPATION	BASED ON E-
	CONSEQUENCES	PARTICIPATION
	• Increase Information and Rais-
	ing Awareness	• Reducing Poverty
	• Save Time and Money
	• Long-Term Direct Relationships	• Increased Well-Being.

Table 2 .

 2 Participants' Demographic Information

	Posi-tions	Mayor of Mu-nicipality	Public Services and Relations	Social Me-dia Super-visors	Commu-nity Ac-tivities	ICT and e-Service
	ID	P1	P7	P13	P2	P3	P8	P12	P5	P10	P9	P11	P4	P6
	Age	> 45 36-45 36-45 26-35 26-35 36-45 > 45 26-35 36-45 26-35 > 45 26-35 26-35


Faheem Hussain
email: faheem.hussain@gmail.com

P J Wall
email: wallp2@tcd.ie

Richard Heeks
email: richard.heeks@manchester.ac.uk

Digital Innovation by Displaced Populations: A Critical Realist Study of Rohingya Refugees in Bangladesh

Keywords: Rohingya, ICT4D, critical realism, Myanmar, Bangladesh, refugee

We are living in a time of unprecedented human displacement both within countries and across international borders. The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) notes that the number of displaced populations are on the rise, both internationally and within individual countries, with this resulting in a wide range of significant international development challenges. If some of these challenges are to be addressed by technology, an understanding of the manner in which displaced persons access and interact with technology and the conditions necessary for digital innovation in such contexts is vital. This paper adopts a critical realist-based philosophical approach and associated methodology to seek the underlying generative mechanisms that both enable and restrain digital innovation by Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh. The majority of these Rohingyas have severely restricted access to technology as well as practically non-existent access to the Internet. Despite this, innovation in the form of creation and sharing of digital content in mobile phone repair/recharge shops has flourished. This paper provides mechanism-based explanation of this particular form of digital innovation, with a total of three mechanisms being hypothesized as follows: 1) the communications and technological infrastructure built around the mobile phone shops; 2) the motivation and social, cultural, and political belief structures of the Rohingyas themselves; and, 3) the legal and technical infrastructure which applies to the Rohingyas in the refugee camps in Bangladesh.

Introduction

Wide scale displacement of people is fast becoming one of the most critical challenges for humanity. According to the UNHCR approximately 71 million people were displaced, either locally or internationally, at the end of 2018 [START_REF]Figures at a Glance[END_REF]. A growing number of problems created by these crises are also surfacing which are more long-term and developmental in nature instead of being the more traditional, short-term humanitarian crises we have become used to. Some information and communications technology (ICT) enabled preliminary-level development interventions for such displaced groups show promise. However, very little research has been undertaken on this multifaceted topic with the majority of research being confined to a certain geolocation or ethnoidentity. Our initial observations show that the majority of these proposed ICT solutions for refugees are significantly context specific and have limited scope to scale up or be used for other challenges. We believe that in order to build a stronger body of scholarship in this domain additional in-depth research examining underlying systems and processes is needed. In addition, a comprehensive understanding of the manner in which displaced people access, interact, and innovate using technology is critically important in order to document, analyze, understand and design possible future iterative and scalable interventions.

Background of Rohingyas

The Rohingyas are originally from Myanmar and are recognized as one of the most persecuted ethnic groups in the world. Rohingyas have suffered through various atrocities over the past decades including being stripped of their citizenship status in Myanmar due to the discriminatory policies taken by successive governments since that country's independence from the British in 1945. In addition, they have been consistently discriminated against by the army-led administrations in Myanmar with very limited access to education, health, and other basic human rights. All of this, accompanied by ever-increasing levels of hostility and violence towards their community over the past decades, has resulted in a mass exodus of Rohingya from Myanmar. Approximately 400,000 Rohingya refugees were living in Bangladesh before this mass exodus began in 2017, with current estimates putting the Rohingya population in Bangladesh at 1.3 million. The vast majority of these Rohingyas live in refugee camps and have little access to technology or the Internet [START_REF] Hussain | Digital Access Isn't a Luxury for Refugees[END_REF].

Challenges with ICT and Internet Access for Rohingyas

The government of Myanmar has placed severe restrictions on the use of ICT by Rohingyas. By law Rohingyas are not allowed the use of any ICT with the exception of non-smart or feature phones, and any Rohingyas caught with a smart phone in their possession are subject to severe sanction and punishment [START_REF] Hussain | Bangladesh Should Legalize SIM Cards for Rohingya Refugees[END_REF]. Added to this is the tradition that Rohingya women should not access technology and are likely to be admonished within their own social groupings if they have ownership of any digital devices or phones [START_REF] Hussain | Network shutdowns in Rohingya camps: how they're damaging the fragile information ecosystem of refugees from Myanmar[END_REF]. To make matters even worse, the ICT infrastructure in Rakhine state in Myanmar where many Rohingya originate is considered to be quite poor. Bangladesh, the new refuge for the majority of Rohingya refugees, had the potential to offer relatively better ICT access and services. However, this potential was never realized and any Rohingya who wishes to purchase a SIM card in Bangladesh is required to provide official identification and their biometric information to service providers in order to prove legal status in the country. Unfortunately, the vast majority of Rohingyas, especially the ones who arrived in Bangladesh after August 2017, are highly unlikely to have any such legal documents in their possession and this automatically excludes them from obtaining mobile data and voice services legally in Bangladesh. The Government of Bangladesh has tried to address this lack of access to technology and connectivity among Rohingya refugees in a number of ways, but many of these initiatives have been ineffective or unsuccessful. One example is the provision of free telephone booths in different parts of the major refugee camps, but these have been rarely used. These ineffective initiatives, combined with the poor ICT infrastructure in the south-eastern part of Bangladesh where all the Rohingya camps are located, make getting access to any kind of technology or Internet connectivity very challenging indeed.

Overcoming ICT Challenges and Restrictions

The first outcome of the restriction of mobile phones and Internet usage among Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh was the rapid rise of the illegal SIM market within the various refugee camps. According to our research, the majority of the Rohingyas procured Bangladeshi SIM cards through the black market with the help of a variety of people, mainly ethnic Rohingyas who had previously gained Bangladeshi citizenship. We also found that the refugees consistently paid significantly more than a Bangladeshi citizen for accessing mobile data and other mobile voice related services. In the refugee camps near the border of Myanmar a significant number of refugees carry multiple active SIMs with them which are capable of accessing both Bangladeshi and Myanmar mobile network services. This is because the signal strength of Myanmar's telecom companies is stronger in this particular region of Bangladesh. Hence, such practice became standard in order to ensure constant connectivity between the Rohingya refugee population both within and outside Bangladesh. By the first quarter of 2018, the overall situation in all the major Rohingya refugee camps had become more stable and organized in terms of access to food, shelter and healthcare. This was when Rohingyas started to more strongly express their multifaceted needs to communicate with others and for accessing various localized information. Around the same period, we witnessed the growth of a support structure for mobile phone repairing and recharging which was in sync with the ever-increasing use of mobile phones by Rohingyas (which was technically illegal). Such supports were primarily provided through numerous small mobile phone repair/recharge shops managed by young Rohingyas and financially supported by local entrepreneurs. This was important for a variety of social and economic reasons as within the refugee camps there are not many opportunities available to young male Rohingyas in the form of education, employment, or entertainment. As a result, these mobile phone shops have become popular hangout places for this particular demographic.

Services Offered by the Mobile Phone Shops

A typical mobile phone shop offers two to three services as follows: 1) mobile phone repair for both smart and non-smart phones; 2) mobile phone recharging; and 3) the transfer of audio-visual data from a shop's laptop or phone to client's memory card or phone. In addition, we saw the relatively bigger shops sell other products including refurbished mobile phones, memory cards, earphones, mobile chargers, various mobile phone accessories, small and medium sized solar panels, solar lamps, etc. Other services such as photocopying, scanning, printing, laminating, and printing wedding cards were some of the other services provided by the mobile phone shops. These shops also offer a variety of mobile phone repair services, with the majority of the shopkeepers having had prior technical training and some of them receiving assistance in setting up their services from the host community experts. However, according to almost all the repair personnel and their customers, the level of service provided in the refugee camp areas is very basic and the price range is capped at around BDT 200 (US$2.50).

Due to the lack of electricity in the camp areas, recharging a modern mobile smartphone is a huge challenge. This task is made even more difficult during the monsoon season as the majority of the solar lamps used for domestic purposes become too weak to charge a mobile phone due to the relative lack of sunlight during daytime. Hence, recharging phones is a steady earning source for all the mobile phone shops with each of the shops offering multiple power supply sources including solar panels, car batteries, power banks, and diesel-powered generators. The price for charging a phone is strictly regulated by the shop owners across the camps at approximately US$0.12 for charging any phone completely. In addition, in order to avoid confusions with mobile phone ownership, the shopkeepers came up with their own two-point verification system for verifying ownership of the mobile phones.

Digital Innovation and an Alternative Internet: Acquisition and Transfer of Audio-Visual Content by Mobile Phone Shops

The third and arguably the most digitally innovative service offered by the mobile repair/recharge shops is audio-visual digital content transfer which we frame as an alternative Internet. As mentioned earlier, due to the restriction on owning mobile phones and accessing the Internet for Rohingyas, there has always been a huge demand for good quality information and entertainment among the refugee communities. It is also worth noting that Rohingyas do not have any official written script based on the newspapers, books, or other literary materials they use. Hence, culturally appropriate audiovisual content among this particular community in their newly adopted host country has become increasingly significant. Despite this, the humanitarian agencies and other NGOs working for the betterment of Rohingyas have mostly prioritized services on physical health, hunger, and shelter related issues over creation and supply of digital news and entertainment content customized for Rohingya consumption. This has led to a dearth of such culturally appropriate services and audio-visual content, which was quickly and organically filled by the mobile phone shops. Each of the shops is usually equipped with at least one laptop and a number of hard drives loaded with a wide variety of audio-visual content. As already mentioned, poor internet connectivity and restricted access to technology means that Rohingyas in Bangladesh are unable to access such content online or in real time. In order to circumvent this lack of access, short audio and video clips on Rohingya related news, reports, and features are being downloaded and saved on the mobile phone shop's laptop and hard drives. This content is then transferred to the customers mobile phone for a small fee. This highly organized network of digital audio-visual content providers facilitates the supply of up-to-date and relevant content for Rohingyas on a regular basis. This network is mainly comprised of Bangladeshi entrepreneurs who first download the content using high speed Internet which is widely available outside the camp areas in bigger cities like Cox's Bazar and Chittagong. This content is then collated and transferred to mid-sized mobile phone shops on the outskirts of the refugee camps. From there, the mobile phone shop owners from the camps go to these intermediary shops and procure content based on local demand. On average, a 500GB hard drive filled with downloaded audio-visual entertainment including news and various religious sermons can be sold for approximately US$5. According to our research, the mobile phone shopkeepers' collection frequency of newer content ranges from one to four times per month depending on the level of demand for the content.

A Critical Realist Philosophical Approach and Methodology

This section briefly presents the philosophical approach adopted for this research and the associated methodology.

Field Data Collection Method

We collected field data for this research from various field visits between November 2017 and August 2019. Data was collected at refugee camps within the Kutupalong, Balukhali, Leda, and Teknaf areas of Cox's Bazar district in Bangladesh. During this period, we conducted interviews and focus group discussions with around 200 people including Rohingya refugees, local NGO workers, Government officials, and international humanitarian officials. Furthermore, we conducted around 100 hours of participatory observations and contextual inquiries. We faced numerous challenges while collecting the data from the Rohingya refugee camps. With the exception of law-enforcement agency people, no non-Rohingya refugee people were allowed to stay or work in the camp areas after sunset, thus forcing us to leave the camp areas by 4pm daily. Moreover, as evidenced from our findings, the majority of the areas where we conducted our research did not have any mobile phone service coverage. Such obstacles made our observation and data collection processes significantly more difficult.

Critical Realism, Mechanism-based Explanation, and ICT4D

As already mentioned, this research adopts a philosophical approach based on critical realism [START_REF] Bhaskar | A Realist Theory of Science[END_REF][START_REF] Bhaskar | The Possibility of Naturalism[END_REF], with the methodology being adapted from Wall et al. [START_REF] Wall | Identifying Generative Mechanisms in a Mobile Health (mHealth) Project in Sierra Leone: A Critical Realist Framework for Retroduction[END_REF]. Importantly, the paper answers the call for the increased use of critical realism in ICT4D research as made by Heeks & Wall [START_REF] Heeks | Critical realism and ICT4D research[END_REF] who suggest that such an approach has many advantages for the field. In addition, this research used the basic principles proposed by Hussain & Brown [START_REF] Hussain | Developing a comparative framework of ICT4D initiatives in the global S outh: A critical realist approach[END_REF] who utilized a critical realist philosophical approach in collecting in-depth field data and insights from ICT driven grassroots development initiatives in Rwanda and Bangladesh. A critical realist-based approach is highly relevant to this research as it can enable us to identify the underlying causal mechanisms which both cause and prohibit the digital innovation in the Rohingya refugee camps as described in the proceeding sections of this paper. This has not been done previously and we could find no similar research which carries out a critical realist, mechanism-based exploration of digital innovation in this context. We thus view this as a significant contribution to the ICT4D literature. Moreover, the hope is that this work can create a broader research agenda which seeks mechanism-based explanation in other refugee and internally displaced person (IDP) contexts.

The Philosophy of Critical Realism

This section will give a brief explanation of critical realism in an attempt to provide some degree of context for this research. Should you wish to delve deeper into this philosophy we refer you to the more extensive works of Bhaskar [START_REF] Bhaskar | A Realist Theory of Science[END_REF][START_REF] Bhaskar | The Possibility of Naturalism[END_REF], Archer [START_REF] Archer | Realist Social Theory: The Morphogenetic Approach[END_REF] and Mingers [START_REF] Mingers | Re-establishing the real: critical realism and information systems[END_REF]. For those more interested in the application of critical realism to the field of ICT4D we refer you to the recent special edition of the Electronic Journal of Information Systems in Developing Countries (EJISDC) on "Critical Realism and ICT4D Research" as published in 2018 (volume 84, issue 6). Put simply, critical realism asserts that elements of an independent reality exist through three separate levels of stratification. This stratification is represented as three nested domains as proposed by Bhaskar [START_REF] Bhaskar | A Realist Theory of Science[END_REF] and represented by Mingers [START_REF] Mingers | Re-establishing the real: critical realism and information systems[END_REF] in Figure 1 below. The research questions posed by this research seek underlying causal mechanisms, but these mechanisms reside in the domain of the Real and we as human beings do not have the ability to perceive them. The Actual domain contains events, and the domain of the Empirical contains the events that we as humans are able to experience. A variety of technical definitions are available in the literature for these phrases: mechanisms are causal structures that generate observable events [START_REF] Henfridsson | The generative mechanisms of digital infrastructure evolution[END_REF], and events are specific happenings resulting from causal mechanisms being enacted in some social and physical structure within a particular context [START_REF] Williams | Causal Explanation in the Coordinating Process: A Critical Realist Case Study of Federated IT Governance Structures[END_REF]. The concept of retroduction is also key to any critical realist-based methodology [START_REF] Bhaskar | A Realist Theory of Science[END_REF] and requires the researcher to take some unexplained phenomenon and propose hypothetical mechanisms that, if they existed, would generate or cause that which is to be explained [START_REF] Mingers | Re-establishing the real: critical realism and information systems[END_REF]. In other words, we as researchers seek causal mechanisms but we can only perceive the events which are in the Empirical domain. Thus, we must retroduce (or hypothesize) the mechanisms that exist in the Real from the events that reside in the Empirical.

Over the past years a variety of methodologies have been developed to achieve this retroductive process. As already mentioned, this paper relies on the methodology as developed by Wall et al. [START_REF] Wall | Identifying Generative Mechanisms in a Mobile Health (mHealth) Project in Sierra Leone: A Critical Realist Framework for Retroduction[END_REF] who leverage Margaret Archer's [START_REF] Archer | Realist Social Theory: The Morphogenetic Approach[END_REF] morphogenetic approach. The first step in this methodology is to create a factual case description and a chorological account of events in as much detail as possible. This can be done from interview data, but also from other qualitative methods such as observation and document analysis. From this, the theorization of mechanisms can occur when causal influences in social structures, interactions and relationships have been identified. This is discussed in section 3.2 below.

3

Discussion & Analysis

Factual Case Study Description & Chronological Account of Events

As mentioned, we conducted a variety of in-depth interviews and focus group discussions between November 2017 and July 2019. This data was then used to create a factual case description and a chorological account of events in as much detail as possible. Some quotes from the data collected are given below in order to provide context for the retroduced mechanisms which follow. The objective was to cover as many diverse shops as possible in order to develop a holistic view of such digital technology centered businesses in adverse conditions. The absence of a robust, reliable and legal mobile network for communication (both voice and data), lack of content and scarcity of power to charge phones and light up shelters within the camp areas played key roles behind the establishment, growth and evolution of these shops.

The shopkeepers are actively encouraged to choose the types of content they would like to populate their hard drives with based on the popularity of certain content. According to one mobile repair shopkeeper (Rohingya, male, age 26);

"At first we were not sure what to keep in the hard drive. But now we know. We bring new collections (of movies and music video) in every other week from Ukhiya bazaar (a big marketplace right outside the main camp areas). Sometimes, the customers tell us what types of content to bring."

On the demand side, a typical Rohingya customer usually purchases a memory card of 4 or 8GB which costs between US$2 and US$5 and then transfers the content he chooses onto that memory card. For each such transfer, the customer pays around US$0.50.

In general, the nature of the audio-visual content can be divided into four broad categories: news, entertainment, religious sermons, and education. For many years, Rohingya refugees living in Malaysia, Middle East, Europe, and the USA run news channels based on YouTube and other social media platforms. Rohingya refugees living in the camps access this digital content mainly through memory card transfers. In some cases, when there is mobile network signal available within the refugee camp area Rohingyas share these news clips via WhatsApp, imo, or WeChat with their peers and family members. Similarly, a clear pattern of preferences and popularity emerged when we analyzed the contents on the laptops of the 15 representative mobile phone shops.

When it comes to entertainment, we found that Indian, Pakistani, American, Arabic, Burmese, and Turkish movies, music, and dance videos are in high demand. In many cases, these programs are somewhat unprofessionally dubbed with Rohingya language. Aside from that, Bangladeshi dramas and music videos are also very popular. Religious sermons (of religious scholars belonging to Rohingyas, Bangladesh, etc.) are also very popular. One customer (Rohingya, male, age 32) stated;

"I miss listening to Rohingya Tarana (music). I come to this shop all the time to get new collections of Rohingya Tarana." Unfortunately, we found content of some of these sermons to be fear mongering, belligerent and filled with false information. On a smaller scale, we found short videos containing educational instructions in the Rohingya language covering issues on the opening of new social media accounts, healthcare, etc. These videos are made by the expat Rohingyas and started getting disseminated via the mobile shops and the Internet.

Besides the demand and supply chain that emerged out of the demand for audiovisual content in camp areas, we observed a strong demand of digital content created inside the camps by the refugees themselves, mostly among the expat Rohingya groups based in South East Asia, Australia, Middle East, and Europe. These contents are also developed and distributed using the same network of mobile phone repair shops, other mid-size shops, and bigger shops with Internet connectivity.

As a whole, the entire network of gatekeepers engaged in collecting, creating, localizing, and distributing audio-visual content for Rohingyas works similarly to the Internet. The mobile repair/recharge shop laptops and hard drives are full of options and the Rohingyas have clear agency to choose, buy, and watch or listen to whatever they would want or need to. For a population persecuted for decades, and for whom the regular internet or mobile network is officially illegal, such options seem like a welcoming change. One user (Rohingya, male, age 24) mentioned;

"We can access the songs and videos we like from this shop and then can watch those with our family. I don't have access to the Internet. But I am using my smart phone and memory card to get what I want from this shop. I am happy." However, a significant gender imbalance exists with relation to existing services and customers of this alternative network of content and communication in the Rohingya camps. Rohingya women, who are around 55% of the Rohingyas recently arrived in Bangladesh, are not directly benefitting from the mobile repair/recharge shop-based content network. One middle-age Rohingya women (age 39) told us:

"We watch the videos of songs, dramas, and movies our sons share with us. We don't download those or buy such things from others."

This can be partially explained by the attitude of the patriarchy and the religious leadership of Rohingya towards women (especially the younger ones) using mobile phone or the Internet. All the senior and married women respondents in our study believe that it is a "problem" if young, unmarried women get access to mobile phones and the internet. One Rohingya women (age 43) mentioned: "It's not acceptable for the young women to talk on the mobile phone. There are many crank calls coming for our girls. That is unacceptable." When we asked different male respondents about their perceptions of women using ICTs or accessing mobile repair/recharge shops, the reactions were almost unanimous. Rohingya males, be they religious or community leaders, young, senior, literate, or illiterate, all agreed on the fact that women should not have a lot of access phones or the internet, and they should not be in any mobile repair/recharge shops. A prominent religious leader (age 50) explained the boundaries or limits of Rohingya women's ICT usage by saying:

"Women can talk over phone, but they should not be allowed to use the phones." That respondent, along with others during the same conversation further explained that it is okay for the married women to have access to phones in order to ensure food and other relief for their families. However, women should not use it for some other reasons, and most importantly, "...young and unmarried women should never use mobile phones or the internet."

Retroduction of Causal Mechanisms

The first step in the methodology as developed by Wall et al. [START_REF] Hussain | Digital Access Isn't a Luxury for Refugees[END_REF] is prepare a factual case study description and a chronological account of events in as much detail as possible. This is then used to empirically identify discrete and separate cycles in the case.

From our data we identified three cycles as follows:

1. The "exodus from Myanmar to Bangladesh" cycle (pre-August 2017 to December 2017). This cycle includes the exodus of the Rohingya to Bangladesh because of persecution in Myanmar and takes into account the very poor access to technology and Internet connectivity available to them during that time. 2. The "inception of frugal digital innovation" cycle (January 2018 to mid-2018).

This cycle includes the hope for better access to technology and Internet connectivity in Bangladesh, and the ultimate loss of hope when this didn't happen. It also includes the way Rohingyas managed to get access to technology and Internet connectivity and the beginning of the alternative Internet and the mobile phone repair/recharge shops. 3. The "Expansive and increasingly Inclusive Digital Innovation" cycle (mid-2018 to mid-2019). This cycle includes increased access to technology and improved Internet connectivity (because of pressure from UN/NGOs/INGOs to open up mobile and Internet services). Additionally, included is the massive growth in mobile phone repair/recharge shops. As the situation in the refugee camps settled there was also a massive increase in demand for localized content, with this demand being met by the mobile phone repair/recharge shops.

Each of these 3 distinct cycles were then analyzed to produce analytical histories of emergence [START_REF] Archer | Realist Social Theory: The Morphogenetic Approach[END_REF]. Analytical histories of emergence are retroductive, corrigible accounts of sociological transformation over time which are never final because we can always improve on our explanations as more or better data becomes available. These analytical histories of emergence then formed the basis for retroduction. The resulting retroductive process produced a total of three generative mechanisms which are discussed in the following section.

Causal Mechanisms which Explain Digital Innovation Rohingya Refugee Camps

This section briefly presents the three generative mechanisms that were retroduced from the analytical history of emergence, with the first of these mechanisms being discussed in brief. The three mechanisms are as follows:

1. The communications and technological infrastructure built around the mobile phone shops. This mechanism includes what we frame as the alternative Internet where digital audio and video content was downloaded and distributed. 2. The motivation as well as the social, cultural, and political belief structures of the Rohingyas themselves. This includes the attitude towards women having access to technology, the desire to access news and entertainment content of relevance, and the desire to keep in contact with disperse family and other social networks. The space restrictions imposed by this paper prohibit a detailed discussion of all three mechanisms, but we do discuss the first of these retroduced mechanisms, i.e. the communications and technological infrastructure built around the mobile phone shops. This mechanism includes all elements of the way the mobile phone shops operate, including the communication structures between the people who downloaded the audiovisual digital content, the mobile phone shop owners and operators, and the final customer who purchases the digital content. An important component of this mechanism is the communication structures that operated within and between the various parts of this supply chain and the way this evolved over time as the Rohingyas were able to access more advanced technology and smartphones. This mechanism also includes elements of Bangladeshi Government policy to maintain a stable communication network and the legacy technological needs of the Rohingyas themselves.

This mechanism had the important effect of creating an environment where the mobile phone shops could flourish both socially and financially. Another important effect was the creation of a strong and stable social structure where young Rohingya males could gather and socialize. This is important as these young males mostly ran the mobile shops and made up the largest customer demographic. It also gave confidence to those willing to invest their time and money in establishing the shops (mainly Bangladeshi nationals and Rohingyas living in Bangladesh for many years) which was a vital component needed for the long-term viability of the shops themselves.

Summary

This research adopts a critical realist philosophical and methodological approach to uncover underlying causal mechanisms which identify why digital innovation occurred in the way that it did in the Rohingya refugee camps in Bangladesh. A total of three causal mechanisms were retroduced, and these mechanisms explain how the interaction of different structural, cultural and agency factors have influence in this particular context. Although we suggest the communications and technological infrastructure built around the mobile phone shops mechanisms is the most important mechanism in this case, it should be noted that all three mechanisms are important and all together go towards explaining why the conditions necessary for digital innovation and the alternative Internet evolved and developed in the way they did. Our belief is that such mechanism-based explanation allows a theoretically informed and empirically rich account of how context and mechanism interact to produce this specific outcome in this specific case.

As a result of this research we add our voices to the recent calls by many scholars for an increased amount of critical realist-based research and mechanism-based explanation [START_REF] Wall | Identifying Generative Mechanisms in a Mobile Health (mHealth) Project in Sierra Leone: A Critical Realist Framework for Retroduction[END_REF][START_REF] Heeks | Critical realism and ICT4D: editorial introduction to the special issue of EJISDC[END_REF][START_REF] Thapa | Four steps to identify mechanisms of ICT4D: A critical realism-based methodology[END_REF]. In particular, we call for this approach and methodology to be used for additional research on displaced persons and refugees. The hope is that such mechanism-based explanation will play an important part in promoting a wider research agenda which seeks such mechanism-based explanation in similar cases.

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1: Three overlapping domains of realityin the critical realist ontology[START_REF] Mingers | Re-establishing the real: critical realism and information systems[END_REF]

3 .

 3 The legal and technical infrastructure which applied to the Rohingyas in the refugee camps in Bangladesh. Important here were the attempts by the Bangladeshi authorities, under pressure from the UN and other various NGOs and INGOs, to open up mobile and Internet services.