Dhiraj Thapa
email: dthapa@email.com

Dai Griffiths

Ann L Kolodziejski

Constraining and enabling factors in the use of ICT in Rural Schools in Nepal

Keywords: Nepal, remote, rural, education, computers, XO, one-laptop-perchild, ICT, OLE-Nepal. IFIPWG94_Euro2020, 031, v2

The OLE-Nepal project has deployed over 6,500 XO laptops in schools in Nepal, pre-installed with materials designed to support the national curriculum. This has raised hopes that technology can transform the quality of education available in remote regions. In order to investigate if and how the technology can have this impact, a case study was carried out which gathered detailed data on the use of the computers in three schools in contrasting remote rural areas of Nepal. The principal data collection methods were interviews, focus groups, classroom observations, and questionnaires. The results show that the effectiveness of technology in transforming schools is strongly dependent on local conditions and practices. This paper identifies constraining and enabling factors which can be identified in the case study data: infrastructure, classroom management, gender, and teacher motivation and training

1

The motivation for this study

In early 2000, as a medical representative for a drug company, the first author travelled to different parts of rural Nepal. On visits to remote communities, he observed several challenges faced by small public schools in rural villages, isolated by land and lack of transport. Textbooks were limited and often delivered with long delays. Informal classroom observations and several conversations with the teachers and the locals in the village, showed that, in the absence of appropriate teaching material, not much teaching and learning was taking place, with little motivation for teachers to teach or learners to learn. A decade later, on revisiting some of the remote villages, it was intriguing to witness that some schools from the same community were now using computers in their classrooms. Although distant and isolated from the city, it was a surprise to watch children using visual content and learning to read with digital devices, just like the children did in the metropolitan cities. Computers and communications infrastructure seemed to be reconstructing the practice of education in many of these schools.

The teachers from some schools commented that since the deployment of the technology in schools, student enrolment had improved, and the dropout rate had dropped considerably. The teachers explained that the Non-Governmental Organisation (NGO) Open Learning Exchange-Nepal (OLE-Nepal) had significantly contributed to providing access to computers and resources. OLE-Nepal has worked on this in collaboration with the Department of Education, and with the One Laptop Per Child (OLPC) initiative. These impressions, and the perceived potential of technology for remote schools, led the first author to explore further to understand if this was a situation for all schools located in other regions of diverse backgrounds.

Literature Review

ICT initiatives in education in the developing world are well studied and documented in the literature, see for example the literature review in (UNESCO, 2016;[START_REF] Toro | ICT in Higher Education: Review of Literature from the Period 2004-2011[END_REF]. Within this body of literature, the OLPC program has received its share of attention, for example [START_REF] Nugroho | Evaluation of OLPC programs globally : A Literature review[END_REF]. However, the research which has been carried out has two limitations. Firstly, little work has been done with remote schools, presumably because they are too difficult to access. In the view of the authors, these schools are the most interesting to investigate, because they provide an opportunity to contrast the introduction of ICT in schools with a previous complete absence of technology, and because the effect ICT in negating distance should be at its strongest in geographically remote schools. Secondly, the focus in previous work has been primarily on evaluating the effectiveness of the technology or applications, or on documenting the attitudes and perceptions of learners and teachers regarding ICT. It is still unclear what happens in classrooms when computers are introduced into remote schools, and there is little evidence to explain why some rural schools perform better in examinations than other schools in different geographical location using the same technology. This study seeks to fill these gaps in knowledge, by examining how social factors, geographic situation, school, and pedagogic approaches all combine to enable or constrain the success of the OLE-Nepal programme in remote schools.

In undertaking this research, we take a realist position, informed by the insights of Pawson and Tilley [START_REF] Clarke | Realistic Evaluation[END_REF]. In practice, this means that our explanations are formulated in terms of causal mechanisms, which act within specified contexts to produce an outcome. In doing this, we seek evidence from as many sources as possible to confirm or discount the existence of proposed causal mechanisms, following the use of multi-methodology proposed by, for example in [START_REF] Mingers | A review of the recent contribution of systems thinking to operational research and management science[END_REF]. In our study, this has involved the combination of questionnaires, the analysis of documents, interviews, and observations.

The Research Context

In Nepal, private school learners perform better in examinations than public school learners, and the contrast is even higher with rural public schools [START_REF] Shrestha | Exploring mobile Learning Opportunities and Challenges in Nepal: The potential of open-source platforms[END_REF]. To improve the quality of public schools, the Government of Nepal developed the ICT in Education Master Plan 2013-2017. The plan foresaw the use of ICT in education at all levels to improve classroom delivery, increase access to learning materials and ensure quality primary education for all. One of the initiatives identified as contributing to achieving these goals was OLPC [START_REF] Munyantore | The role of one laptop per child project in academic performance in primary schools[END_REF]. OLE-Nepal explored the contribution which ICT could make to improving the education sector in Nepal, mainly targeting public schools in rural regions [START_REF] Thapa | Information Ecology as a holistic lens to understand ICTD initiatives[END_REF] 1 . A collaboration resolved problems for both organisations, and OLE-Nepal launched the OLPC programme in 2008, to provide rural schools with access to XO laptops with pre-loaded software [START_REF] Nugroho | Evaluation of OLPC programs globally : A Literature review[END_REF].

OLE-Nepal convinced the Department of Education (DOE) of the Government of Nepal to work with them to develop digital learning content. Subject specialists, translators and technical experts were provided to review and prepare educational materials and created interactive educational software together with a team of OLE-Nepal [START_REF] Thapa | Information Ecology as a holistic lens to understand ICTD initiatives[END_REF]. The result was E-Paath activities, which is closely aligned with the national curriculum for years 1 to 8 in English, Maths, Science and Nepali. All the digital contents from OLE-Nepal are freely available online (OLE-Nepal, 2020).

According to the OLE-Nepal official website, the program has been running in more than 200 schools in 54 districts across Nepal and has reached over thirty-five thousand learners using over 6,500 OLPC laptops (OLE-Nepal, 2020). OLE provides digital libraries known as E-Pustakalaya, where thousands of e-books and videos are available through its server to schools in the remote areas (OLE-Nepal, 2020).

Methodology

Adoption of a case study approach

This study explores the consequences of technological intervention in rural schools in Nepal. This could be done by surveying all the rural schools in Nepal and comparing their reported experiences. The results would provide some insight but would have two principal drawbacks. Firstly, the data would not be reliable if schools presented themselves as 'good' users of the technology. Secondly, the educational context for the use of ICT in education is complex and varied, and explanations for the way that the technology is used, and the consequences of that use, are dependent on the experiences of individual schools, classes and individuals. To understand these processes, a rich data set is necessary. [START_REF] Yin | Applications of case study Research[END_REF] describes, a case study offers an in-depth, multi-sided approach used in case studies that can shed light on aspects of human thinking and behaviour that it would be unethical or impractical to study in other ways. Consequently, a case study was used to observe and document the use of technologies in selected schools, identifying patterns of use and the factors which enabled or constrained the effectiveness of the use of computers.

4.2

Identification of the case study Schools were selected entirely at random from a list provided by OLE-Nepal. The schools considered were actively participating in the OLE-Nepal programme and willing to participate in the research. However, this selection was constrained in three ways. Firstly, all selected schools had been involved in the programme for at least two years. Secondly, one school was selected from each geographical area to facilitate comparison between regions. Thirdly, A spectrum of technological experience was explored to assess if variations in experience of learning via technology had an impact on the attitudes and practise of learners and teachers. Of the three schools selected for the study 'Annapurna' had been using the XO laptop for over two years, 'Everest' had been using them for more than four years, and 'Makalu' school had been using for over six years. Everest School is located in the mountain region; Annapurna School is located in the hilly area, while Makalu School is located in the plains. The schools' identities are anonymised.

4.3

The role of the researcher

In order to ease tensions and allow participants to express their views openly, the first author spent at least 2 -3 days in each village community, rather than the minimum time needed to collect data. He engaged with learners in activities such as sports and engaged with locals in tea shops, with talks about their communities, their culture, and their everyday lives. Such interactions, as indicated by Wertsch, (1993), led to understanding the social meaning and cultural values that are closely interrelated with the participants' understandings.

As Hellawell ( 2011) argues, a researcher may have comparative data about research sites, but be unable to interpret this because the environment in which those sites are situated is insufficiently understood. The first author was born and brought up in a similar community in Nepal and has been a teacher in a rural school for around three years. He may, therefore, be considered an insider. Although he visited these schools before conducting the research, he was unknown to the respondents in this study and, in this sense, he was an outsider. Unluer, (2012) believes that, depending on the circumstances, a qualitative researcher may have different roles, such as a friend, acquaintance, or researcher and that these different roles need to be explained. During the data collection, the researcher was treated as a community member, welcomed to the school and asked for an evaluation of the teaching activities in the classroom. Nevertheless, this appeal was politely refused to maintain the unbiased position of the researcher as an observer. In this case, shifting between insider and outsider characters required management and reflection.

Data Collection

As Norman (2011) affirms, "obtaining socially and contextually meaningful information in a natural setting is critical". Accordingly, the primary data collection methods used were qualitative interviews and focus groups, asking open-ended questions to teachers, parents, principal and learners about the overall experience of learning with the computer in the classrooms. However, Creswell & J.W., (2007) points out that the inclusion of data from documentation and questionnaires allows for investigation from many perspectives. Consequently, quantitative data were collected from student questionnaires, and documentation of annual examination results for selected learners before and after the introduction of OLE-Nepal activities.

Data was gathered in two periods-Phase One in 2017 and Phase Two in 2018. Phase one study was carried out in two schools, as described in Table 1. Phase one showed that there was a variation in the performance of the schools in standardised examinations in the two regions. Similarly, questionnaires and interviews uncovered differences in the use of computers by boys and girls and differences in teachers' interest in computers. It became clear that questionnaires and teacher interviews alone would not be sufficient to clarify the use of computers in the classroom. Furthermore, interviews with parents and headteachers, as well as classroom observations, were required. There was also a decision to add a third school in another area.

Phase two data collection was conducted a year later in August 2018, again with Annapurna and Makalu schools, and with the addition of Everest school, as shown in Table 2. Interviews with teachers ranged from 20 to 50 minutes and mainly discussed the ways that the computers were used in classrooms. The interviews with parents focused on their perception of technology and the importance of schools in rural villages. Focus groups with learners discussed learners' attitudes, opinions and reflections on learning with the technology. The classroom observations lasted 30 to 45 minutes and documented pedagogic practices with computers and the interactions of learners and teachers during classroom lessons. An observation checklist was used, and field notes were taken on teaching and learning atmosphere, classroom infrastructure, teaching and learning activities, and behaviour of the teacher and learners. Also, classroom facilities and the arrangement of the furniture were recorded. All interviews and focus group discussions were conducted in Nepali, transcribed, and analysed in Nepali to maintain the accurate response messages. All details regarding respondents and their schools were immediately anonymised after compilation and data were stored in a safe location.

Data Analysis

The data collected in each phase was compiled, transcribed and analysed at the end of that phase. The qualitative data were coded and categorised using Nvivo 11, while the questionnaire data from phase one was analysed using a spreadsheet. Sixty-five questionnaires were distributed, with a response rate of 100% because they were completed in the classroom. Six themes have been generated concerning the use of computers in classrooms and students' perceptions of digital learning, which are merged into four areas in the findings below. Quantitative data from the learners' records from the schools were anonymised and stored in the spreadsheet, giving an overview of each learner's performance for the last few years.

Findings

The findings not only focused on the patterns of usage of technology in rural schools but also the teachers' and learners' experience of working with computers in different geographical settings, and on teachers understanding of the equipment and the teaching methods that could be used with it. Equally important is the insight gained into how similar schools with a different background in a different geographical region using the same technology and following a related curriculum can vary in the outcome of the learner. The study proposes that the differences in the performance of learners and the patterns of usage can be associated with four aspects, as we now discuss.

Infrastructure

All schools had allocated a computer room, referred to as a laboratory. Annapurna and Everest had XO laptops. However, OLE-Nepal has experienced problems in obtaining adequate XO laptops, the E-Paath software has also been integrated on desktop PCs, and this is the case in Makalu. In observations, the learners appeared comfortable with the devices, which they operated without much difficulty, and were able to follow the teacher's instructions quite easily. Not all the computers were in working order, as shown in Table 3 below. All the schools were initially equipped with electrical supply, batteries and a backup power supply inverter, internet connection, routers and network servers. Table 3 above shows the number of devices in each school and the number of devices that were functioning during the observation class. Schools are responsible for maintaining this infrastructure, but the data gathered showed that some schools were unable to fulfil this commitment and had a number of slow or non-functional laptops, as shown in Table 3. Partly as a result of this, in all schools, some learners had to share their devices, making it difficult for them to follow instructions. It is interesting to note that PCs were more reliable. Non-functioning and slow-performing devices had implications for the effectiveness of classes, as the lesson did not start until all the laptops lessons were on the screen and ready. In almost all schools, one or two computers were sluggish. Although the allocated laboratory class is 45 minutes, one particular lesson in Makalu lasted for only 25 minutes, because of technical issues. It also was clear that if the number of learners in the laboratory was higher than the number of computers, then problems surfaced in time management and focus on tasks. The Everest school backup power supply was out of order, so in power cuts, the learners would have to miss the laboratory class. Despite the original provision of an internet connection, none of the participating schools had functioning internet access due to financial constraints, so computers ran pre-loaded applications and resources. Teachers and learners were, therefore, unable to upgrade their devices, which reduce the value of computers as a tool to look for new resources and position teachers and learners as consumers of resources.

Interviews with headteacher and teachers, and observations at the schools, reveal that remote location, a poor local economy, the budget constraints of schools and the lack of interest from school administrators are contributing causes of infrastructure problems, and particularly of the lack of internet access. The importance of school management providing internet access, so teachers can update their knowledge of technology and improve their teaching skills, has long been recognised as a critical factor in the success of IT in classrooms and was emphasised some years ago by [START_REF] Yuen | ICT implementation and school leadership: Case studies of ICT integration in teaching and learning[END_REF]. Similarly, [START_REF] Tezci | Teachers' effect on ICT use in education: the Turkey sample[END_REF] showed that limited access to the internet impacted on teachers' use of ICT in instructional activities.

In summary, the schools have difficulty maintaining their infrastructure. The schools do not have replacement computers, and even minor malfunctions with an individual computer can have an impact on learning effectiveness for the entire class. The lack of internet connectivity means that materials cannot be updated and that teachers cannot develop their skills, and open web learning is not possible. Thus, it is not possible to make a generalised statement on the effectiveness of XO computers, or of OLE-Nepal, but only in terms of how they fit into the infrastructure available in a specific context. In the present case study, the infrastructure available in the schools is a significant constraint on the educational effectiveness of the computers, and on the patterns of use which are observed.

5.2

Classroom Management.

Classroom management is strongly linked to the role of the teacher and to the way the teacher handles the daily issues that may arise in the classroom [START_REF] Vairamidou | Classroom Management in Primary and Secondary Education Literature Review[END_REF]. Laboratory observations have shown that classroom management is a crucial factor in the organisation effective classroom environment, and we now discuss the key aspects.

Classroom Scale and Furniture Layout.

Laboratory observations showed that schools with adequate classroom furniture that is arranged appropriately have enabled more productive use of computers. The laboratories in participating schools tended to be smaller than other classrooms in the same school, showing that schools were not willing to reduce traditional class provision to maximise the effectiveness of computers. In Annapurna, the laboratory furniture was set up as a regular classroom, per row of six benches and tables, with three lines. Learners would pick up laptops from the docking station and take to their desk. The teachers used eye contact to confirm understanding and to check that the learners were on task. However, the case was different in Everest and Makalu, desk and benches were positioned in such a way that some of the learners were facing the teacher or the whiteboard and others were facing the wall. Both schools had a two long rectangular table in the middle of the room, placing their devices on the desk with benches on both sides of the long table for eight learners to use. These long tables in the middle seemed to cause a significant challenge for teachers walking around and guiding learners when necessary. Makalu had desktop computers arranged against the three corners of the wall to utilise maximum space. Everest had a similar set up of the desk and benches against the wall where learners carried their laptop from the docking station to the desk. The pupils facing the teacher and the board were in eye contact with the teacher but, the ones facing the wall had opportunities for inactivity and concealed activities.

In contrast to the sitting arrangements at Makalu and Everest, the classroom layout at Annapurna's allowed teachers to have more eye contact with learners and move around the classroom more swiftly, making it easy for teachers to get to the students' tables. This may be partly due to the fact that the room used for the laboratory in Annapurna was wider than the other two schools. Nonetheless, observations suggested that unnecessary and unused furniture could have been eliminated from the room, providing more space in Everest and Makalu schools.

ICT and learners' behaviour.

Teachers recognised that technology offers a way to manage a large number of learners in a crowded laboratory by keeping learners occupied with audio and visual lessons. They also said that digital devices made learning materials more accessible to learners than traditional books. This is consistent with the notes in the laboratory observations diary. Still, it should be noted that teachers could not provide comments about which learners were using the computers productively, which suggests that the use of computers constrained their teaching activities. In particular, in Makalu and Everest, the teachers were not able to establish eye contact or gain access to the learners' desk to check whether the learners were working on lessons or engaged with other activities. Teachers also mentioned that if they assigned an unplanned computer activity to their class, then monitoring learners was an extra burden. The majority of teachers at all schools confirmed that digital devices enabled them to engage the learners, particularly when they had a large number of learners. Still, it prevented them from evaluating each student's activities individually. Teachers were asked whether the computers had relieved them of certain of their academic management responsibilities, such as checking for activities or assessing individual progress. They reported that computers enabled learners to revisit and validate their learning, using self-assessment activities included at the end of the lessons of E-Paath. This supported teachers in carrying out the assessment, as they could keep a record of the learners' performance. Observations in the classroom showed that when there were more learners than devices, the class was distracted, and the learners were unable to focus on their assignment. It is not clear to what extent this issue could have been mitigated by improved practice in the control of classroom behaviour.

To summarise, the teachers recognise the potential of computers for learner engagement and classroom dynamics. However, comparison between schools shows that computers are not resources which can simply be added to existing classroom activities. They represent an active intervention into classroom management, and the classroom layout and teaching methods need to be designed accordingly. Differences in these aspects may explain much of the difference in performance between schools, because if the classroom teacher is unable to manage the class, then planned learning would not take place, regardless of advances in technological resources.

Gender

All the participating schools were public and co-educational. The questionnaire and focus group results showed that in all the schools the boys were more interested in computers than the girls. However, the questionnaires and focus group discussions also showed that girls have lower attendance at school. From the first author's personal experience, and teacher interviews from Annapurna and Everest schools, in most rural communities menstruating girls are considered impure untouchables. Moreover, school observations showed that toilet facilities are inadequate in all the participating schools.

The data from teachers and parents confirmed that because of the condition of the toilets, even girls who do not come from families who hold this belief tend not to go to school when they are menstruating. It is reasonable to propose that this irregular attendance contributes to the lower achievement of girls in examinations. Data from parents shows that girls are encouraged to do housework at homes such as cooking, cleaning, farming and washing clothes, and as a result, they arrive late for schools or miss school.

During the focus group discussion, two girls from Everest school reflected on their low attendance:

I wake up early in the morning at five o'clock. I have to milk the cows, feed them and start cooking food for the whole family. By the time we all eat and finish I hear the school bell. I always try to be on time, but I only manage it once or twice a week.

Both my parents are labour workers in the fields. When one of my parents is not well, they ask me to miss school and nurse them. I do not like to stay at home and miss my lessons. But I have no choice. Sometimes I wish they would ask my brother instead.

To summarise, while boys make more use of computers than girls, and achieve better academic results, it cannot be assumed that this is because of the innate gender characteristics. The girls may be interested in learning but cannot spend as much time at school. As a result, they are less familiar with computers and achieve less expertise.

Teacher motivation and training

The level of professional commitment shown by teachers varied considerably between the case study schools. In the first author's experience, many of his former colleagues in rural schools in Nepal joined the profession because they needed a job and saw teaching as an employment opportunity. Such teachers tend to see the activities of education as a list of tasks to be completed. The introduction of computers means the addition of new and unknown tasks, which are unlikely to be welcome. On the other hand, the teachers from Annapurna school were very committed to the purpose of the school in transforming the lives of their learners, to the point that they have contributed a part of their small salary to employ additional teachers to meet the needs of the children. In this context, any initiative which has the potential to improve outcomes will be welcome, including the introduction of computers.

In the interviews, all three principals confirmed that some teachers were motivated by teaching with computers in the beginning, but when the performance of the laptop deteriorated, they started to feel that running the computers took time from the classes and that it would be more effective to teach from a book. Nevertheless, the school has scheduled classes with computers that they have to carry out. This can lead teachers to have a negative perception of lessons with computers. Out of the thirteen teachers interviewed, ten of the teachers confirmed that the training provided by NGOs was useful, but not sufficient. For example, Bishnu a teacher from Everest said After the NGO installed XO laptops in our schools, we had a week training on how to operate the computer. The training included presentations, interactions, hands-on activities, and practice teaching to prepare to conduct classes with computers. The training was conducted many years ago; we need regular exercise so we can update our knowledge

The training needs to be refreshed and updated, especially in the absence of the internet. The NGOs have to deal with hundreds of schools, and they are in no way able to track and support them all, and Rabi Karmacharya, the founder of OLE-Nepal, admitted that the support provided to teachers was limited [START_REF] Wodon | Technology in Nepal's classrooms: Using impact evaluation as a learning device[END_REF]. Consequently, there is a gap between the expectations of schools and teachers and the capacity of NGOs. This also applies to the maintenance of computers.

In summary, the success of the use of OLPC computers depends on the existing motivation of teachers to focus on the outcomes for learners, rather than on their own tasks. Teachers' belief in the capacity of the computers to achieve these outcomes can be eroded by inadequate training and maintenance.

6

Concluding remarks and future work

This case study has documented the way in which OLPC XO computers and PC's are used in schools in rural Nepal. It has made use of this data to identify the factors which enable and constrain the success of the OLE-Nepal programme, which have been discussed under the categories of classroom management, infrastructure, gender issues and teacher motivation and training The findings show that the effectiveness of educational IT projects in general, and the OLE-Nepal programme in particular, depend on the way in which they interact with the local context in schools. Any progress in the use of technology must focus on detailed planning for the use of computers, process improvements and the development of infrastructure at the national, regional and village level. Much of this work will not be possible without the assignment of resources and decision-making capacity to the appropriate level.

We note that the XO laptops in the OLE-Nepal programme are primarily used as a means to deliver teaching materials. This is indeed a valuable capability for remote schools that cannot receive sufficient printed teaching materials. The lack of internet makes the schools entirely dependent on these pre-loaded materials. However, this fits poorly with the vision of XO as "A project developed and distributed with a low-cost machine for children with an intention for the children to learn without or despite their teacher and schools" (Warschauer & Ames, 2010, p.34). At this most general level, we again see how the ambitions and design of systems are transformed by the local context in which they are deployed.

In future work, the results presented here will be contrasted with data examination results and school performance, and patterns of use of the technology in the classroom will be identified. The results will also be contrasted with a school which no longer participates in the XO project and a school which has never used laptops.

Table 1 . Phase One data collection

 1

	School	Interview	Questionnaires	Observations
	(Pseudonyms)
		Teachers Headteachers	Students	Classrooms
	Annapurna	2	33	2
	Makalu	2	32	2
	Total	4	65	4

Table 2 . Phase Two data collection

 2

	School		Interview		Focus group Observation
	(Pseudonyms)
		Teachers	Headteachers	Parents	Students	Classrooms
	Annapurna	3	1	5	3	3
	Everest	3	1	5	3	3
	Makalu	3	1	5	3	3
	Total	9	3	15	9	9

Table 3 . Number of Equipment in Case Study schools

 3

	School	Year	XO Laptops	Desktop PCs	Func-	Out of
		received	received	received	tional	Order
	Annapurna	March
		2015	40	0	32	8
	Everest	June
		2014	35	0	31	4
	Makalu	August
		2011	0	20	18	2

Thapa is no relation to the present author IFIPWG94_Euro2020, 031, v2 (final): 'Constraining and enabling factors in the use of . . .


Suzana Brown
email: suzana.brown@sunykorea.ac.kr

P J Wall
email: wallp2@tcd.iepdesire10@gmail.com

Patience Desire

Dave Lewis
email: dave.lewis@adaptcentre.iehederman@tcd.iechrystina.russell@gmail.com

Lucy Hederman

Chrystina Russell

What Enables and Restrains Business Entrepreneurship in Refugee Camps in Malawi? A Search for Technology-Related Causal Mechanisms

Keywords: Business entrepreneurship, ICT4D, critical realism, refugee, causal mechanism, Malawi

de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, émanant des établissements d'enseignement et de recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires publics ou privés.

Introduction

According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), in 2018 more than 70 million people around the world were forced to flee their homes because of war, persecution, violence and human rights violations (UNHCR 2019). One of the most affected regions is the African continent, with Sub-Saharan Africa hosting more than 26% of the total refugee population with some estimates putting this at 18 million people in this region. Approximately 4.4 million of these refugees have sought refuge in neighboring countries, e.g. in Rwanda which is currently hosting more than 162,000 refugees in 6 refugee camps. Hosting refugees in camps is supposed to be temporary, but the average time of displacement for a refugee is now over 17 years. Self-reliance is an integral component of the UNHCR's Framework for Durable Solutions for Displaced Persons (UNHCR 2010). Self-reliance is also a key component in any strategy aimed at avoiding or addressing protracted refugee situations, enabling refugees and host countries to find durable solutions and providing a foundation towards achieving the Millennium Development Goals. Such self-reliance can also have a positive influence by bringing new skills and additional income to the local host community and economy. Uganda and Zambia provide examples of countries that have seen the kind of positive change that refugees brought to isolated and neglected areas (UNHCR 2010).

More recently, the United Nations Conference of Trade and Development (UNCTAD), the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the UNHCR developed a guide on the role of entrepreneurship for refugees [START_REF] Zhan | Policy guide on entrepreneurship for migrants and refugees[END_REF]. The section of this guide which discusses technology exchange and innovative start-ups recommends the promotion of social innovation for refugees. The following are selected policy recommendation:

• Support initiatives that develop digital literacy.

• Invest in information and communications technology (ICT) backbone infrastructure in rural and remote rural settlements. • Support eCommerce platforms for refugee businesses.

• Support platforms that facilitate collaboration between refugees.

• Support platforms for sharing knowledge and best practices to facilitate the adoption of successful innovations. Surprisingly, very few studies discuss the potential for entrepreneurship resulting from immigration, i.e. refugee entrepreneurship and their influence on the host economy [START_REF] Wauters | Barriers to Refugee Entrepreneurship in Belgium: Towards an Explanatory Model[END_REF]. However, it is recognized that the issue is complex, and the approach should result in a more nuanced exploration of the entrepreneurial activities relevant to the context and institutionally bounded outcomes [START_REF] Rindova | Entrepreneuring as emancipation[END_REF]. Therefore, more recent explorations do consider the benefits of immigrant entrepreneurship concerning the context in which it occurs and are further expanding this area by observing the different dimensions of social capital on the survival and success of refugee-entrepreneurial ventures [START_REF] Bizri | Refugee-entrepreneurship: A social capital perspective[END_REF].

Academic literature on refugee entrepreneurs typically gives examples of the various creative forms of entrepreneurship, but such activities have largely remained unexamined in depth. One study by [START_REF] Freiling | Refugee Entrepreneurship A Casebased Topography[END_REF] on refugee entrepreneurial activities collected 17 case studies in order to do cross-case analysis. Another type of published research explores the role that technology can play in facilitating and fostering entrepreneurship opportunities for refugees in their host country. For example, Abu-Jarour et al. (2019) conducted a series of interviews with Syrian refugees in Berlin to collect preliminary insights, and from these insights organized panel discussions at two of the larger information systems conferences (ICIS 2016 andECIS 2017). Among the research themes discussed at those conferences were accessibility to information and admissibility to labor markets and entrepreneurship opportunities. Other literature [START_REF] Heilbrunn | Against all odds: refugees bricoleuring in the void[END_REF]) about entrepreneurship in refugee camps demonstrates how refugees initiate entrepreneurial activities in the context of pressure [START_REF] Alexandre | An investigation of migrant entrepreneurs: the case of Syrian refugees in Lebanon[END_REF].

To our knowledge no other study identifies underlining enabling or restricting causal mechanisms that impact successful business entrepreneurship in refugee camps. In addition, none of the studies addresses broader issues such as the socioeconomic context of technology and business innovation. The context is where new technology and business model originated. There are two widely used perspectives regarding the context of ICT innovation process in developing countries. One is a transfer and diffusion perspective, while the other one is a socially embedded approach. The socially embedded innovation approach considers the transfer and diffusion approach overly simplified and inaccurate (Avgerou 2010). The focal point of socially embedded research is the process of innovation in situ (Westrup et al. 2003).

Our approach is centered on one particular refugee camp, Dzaleka camp in Malawi, and the active entrepreneurs within. This particular refugee camp was chosen for a variety of reasons and there are outlined in the following sub-section and also Section 3 below. The main goal of this paper is to discover the underlying causal mechanisms that both enable and restrain business entrepreneurship in that particular camp. From a philosophical perspective, we employ a critical realist-based philosophical approach and associated methodology to identify causal mechanisms that influence entrepreneurship in that setting. There are multiple benefits to using such an approach and methodology this context as detailed by Heeks & Wall (2017), one being the deployment of a triangulated approach that takes into consideration multiple stakeholder perspectives and encourages discussion of multiple methodologies.

Location

In These organizations do not provide free Wi-Fi, but students do have access to the Internet while participating in their programs.

A Critical Realist Philosophical Approach and Methodology

It has been suggested that the ICT4D body of work is dominated by positivist and interpretivist philosophical approaches [START_REF] Walsham | Research on information systems in developing countries: Current landscape and future prospects[END_REF] and that while each of these approaches have their own unique strengths, they also contain many weaknesses that hinder ICT4D research in particular [START_REF] Heeks | Critical realism and ICT4D research[END_REF]. The relative strengths and weaknesses of positivist and interpretivist philosophical approaches has been written about extensively, and thus we will not contribute to that debate in any meaningful way in this paper. We will however briefly outline the benefits of adopting a "thirdway" (Allen et al. 2013, p. 835) research paradigm which goes beyond both positivism and interpretivism. One such third-way research paradigm is critical realism.

It is generally accepted that critical realism is time-consuming, complex, and difficult to operationalize (e.g. Reed 2009, Smith 2018, Fleetwood 2014). In addition, there is little methodological guidance available. The paradigm asserts that general elements of an independent reality exist, but our knowledge of specific structures and causal mechanisms is limited because of the difficulty of accessing them directly through three levels of stratification. These levels of stratification consist of the Real, the Actual and the Empirical domains of reality as proposed by [START_REF] Bhaskar | A Realist Theory of Science[END_REF] as represented in Figure 1. Causal mechanisms are best understood as "causal structures that generate observable events" (Henfridsson & Bygstad 2013, p. 911), with these mechanisms residing in the domain of the Real. This is obviously problematic as researchers seek mechanisms, but as mechanisms reside in the domain of the Real they are independent of human knowledge or our ability to perceive them. The Actual domain contains events which are generated from both exercised and non-exercised mechanisms. The domain of the Empirical contains the events that we as humans are able to experience and record as they are identified by interviewees and through observation by the researcher. Examples of events include the formation of groups and committees, appointment of leaders, approval of new rules and structures, and changes of ICT infrastructure.

This means that any methodology associated with critical realism must be designed to identify and gather events in domain of the Empirical. Using these events, researchers must then have a way to uncover, or hypothesize, the mechanisms residing in the Real. The most widely accepted way of doing this is by way of a process called retroduction. Retroduction literally means "stepping back" from the events that we as researchers can see and record in the domain of the Empirical, to the mechanisms that we must hypothesize from these observed events. Thus, retroduction is key to any critical realist-based methodology [START_REF] Bhaskar | A Realist Theory of Science[END_REF]) and requires the researcher to take "some unexplained phenomenon and propose hypothetical mechanisms that, if they existed, would generate or cause that which is to be explained" (Mingers 2004, p. 94).

Figure 1:

The Stratified Ontology of Critical Realism as proposed by Bhaskar (1975, p. 13) Despite these many philosophical and methodological challenges, this paper relies on the critical realist-based methodology as developed by [START_REF] Wall | Identifying Generative Mechanisms in a Mobile Health (mHealth) Project in Sierra Leone: A Critical Realist Framework for Retroduction[END_REF] and originally based on Margaret [START_REF] Archer | Realist Social Theory: The Morphogenetic Approach[END_REF] morphogenetic approach. This methodology recognizes that agents create causation and this causation can change agency, culture and structure in any particular case. This ability of agents to create causation can work towards either changing things or keeping them the same. Archer refers to this as morphogenesis (where change occurs) and morphostasis (where things stay the same). The first step in the methodology is to create a factual case description and a chorological account of events in as much detail as possible. From this, distinct morphogenetic/morphostatic (M/M) cycles are identified. M/M cycles can be most simply described as logical sections based on discrete time periods that the case can be broken down into. These M/M cycles are then analyzed to produce analytical histories of emergence which form the basis for retroduction. Theorization of mechanisms can then occur when causal influences in social structures, interactions and relationships have been identified.

The M/M cycles can be used to analyze the relationship between structure and agency in any context. Analysis is done over the discrete time intervals -i.e. the M/M cycles -which are used to identify emergent changes in structure, culture, and people, and their causal relationships. In the specific context of the refugee camps in Malawi, and ICT4D more broadly, these relationships are likely to complex and highly contingent on the ethical, social, cultural and political contexts applying in the particular case. This is discussed in more detail in the sections which follow.

Data Collection

Data collected consisted of semi-structured interviews of active entrepreneurs, focusing on the ones bringing changes into the community, and also with the businesses bringing technological and entrepreneurial innovation. Each interview had 15 semi-structured questions regarding their experience and motivation, and the major obstacles to their business with an emphasis on the role of ICT. Entrepreneurs were allowed to elaborate on questions they found most pressing and share some of their thoughts and recommendations. Conducting interviews started in October 2019 and were conducted on a faceto-face basis by a local resident who is currently a student at the Global Education Movement (GEM) that provides access to online degrees to refugee learners, an initiative by the Southern New Hampshire University (SNHU). The student speaks multiple languages and is trained by the SNHU faculty to conduct qualitative research. The interviews were conducted in French, English, Kinyarwanda, Kirundi, and Kiswahili which are all native languages of the camp residents. The translation was done by the same local student to keep subjects comfortable with the process, and the duration was between 45 minutes and 1 hour for each interview. The local student is a refugee from Rwanda and has been residing in Dzaleka Refugee Camp since January 2015. Ethical approval for this research was granted by SNHU and is a home institution for one of the authors on this paper. Dzaleka refugee camp is seen as a multicultural community because the people brought with them cultures and norms from their native countries. It has a large youth population interested in learning about technology and its use in studying and doing business. Very few camp residents own laptops, but a large number have smartphones. For example, 65% of the people who use smartphones are aged between 16 and 35. The demand for ICT products and services is very high within the camp. Even though there are many languages, Kiswahili is the most popular language in Dzaleka and doing business in the camp requires knowledge of Kiswahili.

It is important to note that Malawi's policies regulating the movement and the right to employment of refugees to make opportunities to earn a living outside the camp are very limited. Therefore, the majority of refugees are completely reliant on external assistance for survival. On the other hand, many refugees are trying to obtain online employment, and the government of Malawi is allowing refugees to operate businesses in the camp contingent upon them paying taxes. This has led to a variety of businesses in the camp, many of them related to the production and distribution of food and food services. The refugee camp currently has approximately 50 local businesses in operation. An attempt was made to interview all of them, but for various reasons we were only able to interview approximately half of 25 in total. Future iterations of this work will interview all active entrepreneurs in Dzaleka camp.

Entrepreneurs and ICT in the Refugee Camp

From this initial set of 25 interviews of active entrepreneurs in Dzaleka camp, a subset of three who specifically operate in the ICT field was identified. One of them is a female who started her business in 2010 repairing phones. Talking about her motivation she says; "… [I] got the idea of doing business from my mum. She told me that I am supposed to find something to do instead of waiting for her to give me something to do." She credits her success to the circumstances of camp residents who cannot afford new phones, and therefore they need to repair them more than the regular population. When asked about ICT tools, she says;

"I use a few applications such as Google Chrome and YouTube in order to search [for] good phones and watch some tutorials on how to repair them. I advertise my phones and service on my WhatsApp status." In addition, she identifies several obstacles including the need to increase her knowledge, the Internet being very expensive and slow, and inadequate ICT literacy among camp residents.

One male entrepreneur started his business in 2013 repairing and selling computers. He had a similar business in his home country, Burundi, before coming to the refugee camp. In own his words;

"I decided to put into action what I have studied before." He uses many applications; "… such as Adobe Audition, Microsoft office, Reiboot, YouTube, F.lux, Power Director, WhatsApp, Facebook and so on." When asked about the growth of this business, he claimed;

"I have many customers because this world is growing on the technology side." His main obstacle is a requirement for constant improvement because;

"…technology is keeping improving every day". The third interviewee is also a male entrepreneur who started his business in 2015 teaching computer programming to youth and creating software. His background was in journalism and communication. He stated that he;

"…observed the need through the realization of being a victim as a refugee." The goal was to change his life and support other people around him. He also uses many applications;

"…the android studio for android development, Eclipse, Netbeans, Notepad++ and Microsoft office package." His motivation is based on what he calls "the good cause of changing youth life". The main obstacles for this business are legal registrations and difficulty raising funding.

This interview data formed the basis for the retroduction of the mechanisms using the philosophical approach and associated methodology as very briefly described above. This resulted in three mechanisms being retroduced. These three mechanisms are discussed in the following section.

Causal Mechanisms Retroduced

The overall objective of this work was to use the philosophical base of critical realism and a unique methodology associated with Margaret Archer's morphogenetic approach to reveal mechanisms that explain how the interaction of different structural, cultural and agency factors can explain how these mechanisms have influenced business entrepreneurship in the Dzaleka refugee camp in Malawi. To reemphasize, we do this by relying on the research framework as developed by [START_REF] Wall | Identifying Generative Mechanisms in a Mobile Health (mHealth) Project in Sierra Leone: A Critical Realist Framework for Retroduction[END_REF] as based on [START_REF] Archer | Realist Social Theory: The Morphogenetic Approach[END_REF] morphogenetic approach. Sat its simplest level, this research framework uses data collected to identify events, with these events being used to retroduce mechanisms. Data was collected in this case primarily by semi-structured interview as detailed in the previous sections. This data was then analysed and used to prepare a detailed factual case study description leading to the development of a chronological account of events. These documents then gave rise to the identification of discrete M/M cycles which were identified empirically and based on Archer's morphogenetic approach which has three stages as follows [START_REF] Archer | Realist Social Theory: The Morphogenetic Approach[END_REF], Archer 1996):

• Stage one: The researcher identifies relevant antecedent social structural and cultural relations. • Stage two: The researcher examines the activities of agents that are constrained and facilitated by the identified antecedent social structural and cultural relations. • Stage three: The researcher examines the effect of the agential activities on the antecedent social structural and cultural relations. This effect may be to re-produce social structure and cultural system unaltered (morphostasis) or to modify or transform them (morphogenesis).

Analysis was then carried out over the discrete M/M cycle time periods, with each domain evaluated in time over each analytical cycle. This is at the core of the Wall et al. (2019) methodology and this approach was used to retroduce the mechanisms in this case. This methodology led to a total of three causal mechanisms being hypothesized. As previously mentioned, we were surprised these mechanisms were not strongly related to technology. This would seem to run counter to the literature, and specifically the work produced by UNCTAD and the UNHCR as referenced above which proposes that investment in ICT as a backbone infrastructure in rural and remote rural settlements, digital literacy, and the development of eCommerce platforms should be the key components of any policy underpinning business entrepreneurship in refugee camps.

Mechanisms Retroduced

This section will discuss the three mechanisms which were retroduced using the philosophical approach and methodology as outlined in the previous section. The mechanisms retroduced in this case are as follows:

• The refugees attitude towards, and their belief in, the importance of selfreliance. This attitude and belief is scaffolded by a strong family support system and includes the motivation of the entrepreneurs in the refugee camps to be successful. • The ready and available workforce within the refugee camps who provide a customer base willing to buy goods and spend money. This includes the desire to learn new skills, and in particular technology based skills. Also included is the specific business environment and associated infrastructure within the Dzaleka refugee camp. • The mobile telecommunications technology and associated infrastructure available within the Dzaleka refugee camp. This includes the innovative use of a variety of technologies and software platforms by the refugees to facilitate business, and also their desire to learn about this software.

It is important to state clearly that it is highly likely there are many more mechanisms that may be retroduced in this case, and the three mechanisms we present in this paper are not the only ones that have influenced the outcomes of the evolution of entrepreneurship in Dzaleka. We do appreciate that the three mechanisms retroduced by this iteration of our work are broad in nature, but we expect increasing levels of specificity of mechanisms in future versions of our work. This will happen when we obtain additional data, and in particular when we obtain additional data from different interviewees using alternative methods such as observation and focus group discussions. All of this will add depth and detail to the two key documents at the heart of our methodological approach -i.e. the detailed factual case study description and a chronological account of events -and will allow for the three already retroduced mechanisms to be further validated. It may also allow for additional new mechanisms to be retroduced. Furthermore, it is important to note that although there is currently significant overlap between the three mechanisms as presented in this paper, we do expect mechanisms to be more clearly bounded in our future work and for there to be less overlap between any existing and new mechanisms retroduced.

The first mechanism retroduced by this iteration of our work concerns the overall attitude of self-reliance and self-belief which is prevalent amongst the refugees we interviewed. This emerged clearly from the data, with the refugees strongly believing in themselves and their ability to innovate and be entrepreneurial. This innovative and entrepreneurial spirit was often scaffolded by a strong family support system. This is evidenced by one refugee who got the idea of doing business from her Mother who told her it was her own responsibility to find something to do instead of waiting for her to be given something to do by someone else. Action, as opposed to inactivity and dependence on others, was the default attitude amongst the refugees we interviewed. One refugee stated, "I decided to put into action what I have studied before" in order to create his business. Another refugee stated that his main goal was to change his own life and support other people around him. In almost all instances the refugees we spoke to were highly motivated and this was as a result of having the resilience and past experience of being able to survive in extremely resource constrained environments. This attitude of self-belief and resilience could be clearly seen amongst the entrepreneurs in the refugee camps in particular. They believed they had to create their own opportunities and could rely on their family support systems to help create such opportunities for both themselves and their families.

The second mechanism retroduced concerns the ready and available workforce and customer base available within the refugee camps. This may seem like an obvious mechanism, but it is important in this case and includes the business environment and associated infrastructure specific to the Dzaleka refugee camp as such infrastructure is a necessary prerequisite for entrepreneurship. One good example of this is the person teaching computer programming and creating software with the youth in the refugee camp. If there was no willingness to learn and consume what he is offering he would have no business. In his own words he "observed the need through the realization of being a victim as a refugee" and he acted on this need for his services and skillset. If this need and willingness to learn was not there it would be more difficult for entrepreneurship to flourish.

The third mechanism retroduced is the mobile telecommunications technology and associated infrastructure available within the Dzaleka refugee camp. We expanded this mechanism to include the manner in which people have leveraged the available technology to do business and how this overlapps with the refugee's desire to learn more about technology and create opportunities for themselves. This mechanism is evidenced by the innovative use of WhatsApp and Facebook to create new business opportunities. The mechanism also includes the somewhat surprising use of a wide variety of software applications and platforms in such a resource constrained environment. These include the android studio for android development, Eclipse, Netbeans, Note-pad++, Adobe Audition, Reiboot, F.lux, Power Di-rector, and YouTube. It is clear that this mechanism also encompasses the manner in which refugees overcame a variety of technological obstacles such as the Internet being very expensive and slow and inadequate ICT literacy among many camp residents. For us, this represents a mechanism concerned with the power and potential of technology and how this can be leveraged for business and entrepreneurship as opposed to the actual technology itself.

As already mentioned, these three mechanisms have been retroduced from what we consider to be the first iteration of this work. There is highly likely to be many other mechanisms present in this case and we intend to uncover these mechanisms as we collect additional data and use alternative data collection methods. Based on this iteration of the work, it is important to note the significance of the mechanism concerning the attitude of self-reliance and motivation of the entrepreneurs in the refugee camps as this is perhaps most influential of the three mechanisms we present. It is also worth noting the high level of overlap between this mechanism and the other two mechanisms retroduced in this case. Furthermore, we consider this mechanism to be the primary determinant of the success or failure of business entrepreneurship in the Dzaleka refugee camp.

Summary and Conclusions

This research adopts a critical realist perspective to identify the underlying causal mechanisms that both enable and constrain business entrepreneurship in the Dzaleka refugee camp in Malawi. A critical realist-based philosophical and methodological approach was used to retroduce three mechanisms that explain how the interaction of different structural, cultural and agency factors have influenced this case. These mechanisms were not primarily technology related, but instead consisted of the attitude of self-reliance and motivation of the entrepreneurs in the refugee camps, and the available workforce, customer base, and overall business environment and associated technological infrastructure available in the refugee camp.

Considering the notion of self-reliance is becoming an integral part of many strategies aimed at enabling refugees and host countries to find durable solutions, we believe we make an important contribution to this debate by identifying mechanisms which confirm that self-reliance is indeed key to successful entrepreneurship in such instances. However, the other mechanisms we hypothesize would seem to run counter to the existing body of knowledge in this area which suggests that business entrepreneurship in this context is also driven by technology. We found no such mechanism, but we did hypothesize mechanisms to support the assertion that the technology itself is not a significant causal mechanism in such environments. Instead, it is the potential and the innovative use of such technology that is important for entrepreneurship in this case.

Based on our preliminary results to date we call for additional work in Dzaleka refugee camp in Malawi to either support or counter our initial findings. Furthermore, we call for more critical realist-based approaches and methodologies which examine refugee entrepreneurship in general. This is important, as such mechanism-based explination is likely to influence where scarce resources are allocated in refugee camps into the future.

Access to Technology in Dzaleka Refugee Camp

  There is no free Wi-Fi at the Dzaleka Refugee Camp, and instead residents buy dongles and use them at night because the Internet traffic is lower, and thus the speed of connectivity is faster. Currently, only a few organizations are educating the refugees about technology. One example is AppFactory which offers classes on phone application development. Also, the Jesuit Refugee Service provides lessons that include computer literacy and Jesuit Worldwide Learning provides online studies.

	1.2
	Residents of Dzaleka refugee camp have access to two cellular internet providers in the
	camp, namely Airtel and TNM. The voice bundle and the Internet bundle differ and
	because of the low-bandwidth Internet connection they are considered to be not eco-
	nomical for the refugees. The most affordable monthly Internet bundle is equivalent in
	value to 2 months of corn maize allotment from the UNHCR. Because of these prices,
	people buy specific bundles that are only for WhatsApp paying only 600 Kwacha per
	month (equivalent to 80 cents). Residents find Internet bundles expensive and the ad-
	vertised speeds are often inaccurate. Despite this however, data sharing is not a com-
	mon practice.
	response to a surge of forcibly displaced people fleeing genocide, violence and wars
	in Burundi, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of Congo, the UNHCR established
	camp Dzaleka in 1994. Dzaleka refugee camp is located in Dowa District around 45km
	from Lilongwe, the capital city of Malawi. It houses refugees from different countries
	such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, Burundi, Rwanda, Somalia, and Ethiopia.
	The UNHCR coordinates all activities in the refugee camp, along with many partners
	such as the Ministry of Homeland Security, Churches Action for Relief and Develop-
	ment, Welt Hunger Hilfe, World Food Program, and the Jesuit Refugee Services. Ac-
	cording to the report of Welt Hunger Hilfe, an organization operating in this camp, as
	at February 2019 a total of 45,095 refugees are residing in Dzaleka.


Scarlet Rahy
email: s.rahy@edu.salford.ac.uk

David Kreps

Julian M Bass

Tarek Gaber

Abdulhamid Ardo

A Post-colonial Analysis of Agile Software Development Methods in ICT4D

Keywords: Southern Theory, Post-colonial Theory, Information Systems Development, Agile Methods, Agile Method Tailoring

There is evidence that agile approaches to information system development can improve product quality and developer productivity. However, successful adoption of these approaches appears to depend on adaptation to specific contexts. This research contributes to a broader goal to understand what it means to be agile in the presence of adaptations to the specific context. To pursue our research objectives, we have performed 31 semi-structured recorded and transcribed practitioner interviews from three companies in Lebanon. The interview transcripts were analysed using an approach informed by grounded theory. Agile methods enable learning and improvement through team conversations. Yet, the practitioners in our study shun public self-evaluation, finding it difficult to discuss areas for improvement in public. We also found legacy top down management practices that undermine team autonomy and local client companies lack experience of engaging with agile processes. In a more positive vein, we found evidence of rich use of various communications channels to overcome geographical distance. On the one hand, agile methods represent a northern idea being propagated to the Global South. And yet, on the other hand, the agile concept of self-organising teams has the potential to be empowering and emancipatory. Post-colonial theory helps us understand the phenomenon of agile tailoring, where development process ceremonies are adapted to suite a specific local context.

Introduction

Southern and post-colonial theories seek to look at the world from a non-Euro or US perspective. This leads to either the explicit celebration of indigenous theories, or the critique of euro-centric notions from a Southern perspective. Our aim to is to apply post-colonial theory to a challenge in information systems development in ICT4D in order to investigate what lessons can be learned.

Agile methods are an emerging approach to conducting ICT4D implementations that rely on iterative and incremental project deployment. Agile methods encourage self-organising teams in which developers acquire responsibility for several aspects of development projects normally assigned to project managers.

Our hypothesis, derived from previous research is that "agile methods can enhance software product quality and developer productivity in ICT4D." However, this is only possible when successfully adopted and yet adapted to the specific context.The research questions we have identified for this study, are:

1. What can a critique, using post-colonial perspective, reveal about information system development methods? 2. What challenges do we face in using a post-colonial perspective? And, 3. What can a post-colonial perspective reveal about adaptation to a specific context of information system development methods?

In order to further our research objectives, we have employed an illustrative case study on the adoption of agile software methods in Lebanese small and medium sized companies. We conducted 31 semi-structured, open-ended, recorded and transcribed practitioner interviews, in three companies from four locations in Lebanon. The interview transcripts were analysed using a approach informed by grounded theory.

The rest of the paper is structured as follows. First we present a review of related research in agile software development. Next, we introduce our theoretical perspective based on post-colonial theory. We then discuss our research methods, focusing on research sites, data collection and data analysis. Next, we present our findings from practitioner interviews in Lebanon. We then interpret our findings in a discussion section. Finally we present conclusions, recommendations and references.

Agile Methods in Information Systems Development

Agile methods are a family of information system development methods that comprise iterative and incremental approaches [START_REF] Dingsøyr | A decade of agile methodologies: Towards explaining agile software development[END_REF]. Iterative development methods are cyclic, usually comprised of fixed-length time-boxes, during which a cycle of activities is performed. Incremental development build system functionality in a series of end-to-end functional component.

Agile methods are best described in terms of roles, ceremonies and artefacts. The roles in scrum comprise self-organising teams [START_REF] Hoda | Self-Organizing Roles on Agile Software Development Teams[END_REF], product owners [START_REF] Bass | Tailoring Product Ownership in Large-Scale Agile Projects: Managing Scale, Distance, and Governance[END_REF] and scrum masters [START_REF] Noll | A Study of the Scrum Masters Role[END_REF]. Ceremonies are the practices and activities performed by stakeholders when performing agile methods. In scrum, ceremonies include sprint kick-off, daily stand-up meetings [START_REF] Stray | The daily stand-up meeting: A grounded theory study[END_REF], customer demonstrations and spring retrospectives. These practices enable the orchestration of the agile software development process. Artefacts are the entities created by stakeholders during the development process (broadly defined) [START_REF] Bass | Artefacts and agile method tailoring in large-scale offshore software development programmes[END_REF].

Tailoring Agile Methods

Agile software development methods, such as scrum and Extreme Programming (XP), were introduced under the assumption that they could be used in developing any type of project [START_REF] De Cesare | Tailoring Software Development Methodologies in Practice: A Case Study[END_REF]. However, there are many failures in developing software using agile methods [START_REF] Campanelli | Agile methods tailoring A systematic literature review[END_REF]. Responding to this problem, the idea of tailoring agile methods emerged where agile methods can be adapted to fit a development context such as culture or organization needs [START_REF] Campanelli | Agile methods tailoring A systematic literature review[END_REF].

In the context of software process, software tailoring method is defined as "the adaptation of the method to the aspects, culture, objectives, environment and reality of the organisation adopting it" [START_REF] Campanelli | Agile methods tailoring A systematic literature review[END_REF]. Such adaptation is practical as almost all software project development is unique [START_REF] Conboy | Method and Developer Characteristics for Effective Agile Method Tailoring: A Study of XP Expert Opinion[END_REF]. This means deciding a software development method depends on many factors: technical, organisational or human as well as the project nature. Consequently, it is difficult to find a software development method that is most effectively adopted as it was originally suggested in textbook format [START_REF] Conboy | Method and Developer Characteristics for Effective Agile Method Tailoring: A Study of XP Expert Opinion[END_REF]. Software organisations could further tailor agile methods in order to fit their country culture, values and strategies [START_REF] Mohallel | Agile Software Development Practices in Egypt SMEs: A Grounded Theory Investigation[END_REF] [START_REF] Regassa | Agile Methods in Ethiopia: An Empirical Study[END_REF].

To tailor an agile method, there are two main approaches: Method Engineering and Contingency Factors [START_REF] Campanelli | Agile methods tailoring A systematic literature review[END_REF]. The Method Engineering approach makes use of meta-method processes to create a new method by using existing method fragments. The new method is developed following all software development activities related to building a software. On the other hand, tailoring software methods using the Contingency Factors approach is handled by selecting multiple existed methods and making them available to the organisation. Thus, during the development process, the method selection is achieved based on factors such as uncertainty level, impact and structure of the project being developed [START_REF] Campanelli | Agile methods tailoring A systematic literature review[END_REF].

Agile Methods in ICT4D

Studies have investigated agile methods adoption in Kenya [START_REF] Haxby | Building Capacity in Kenyas ICT Market Using Cross-Border Scrum Teams[END_REF], Ethiopia [START_REF] Regassa | Agile Methods in Ethiopia: An Empirical Study[END_REF] and Egypt [START_REF] Mohallel | Agile Software Development Practices in Egypt SMEs: A Grounded Theory Investigation[END_REF]. Whereas, in Kenya where an offshore/onshore collaboration model was employed, in Ethiopia and Egypt, practitioners were adopting agile methods with little prior first hand experience. The stakeholders, in Egypt and Ethiopia, thought there might be some benefit to gained from agile methods because of reports in the grey literature and practitioner community word-ofmouth knowledge transfer.

Theoretical Model

There has been a surprising paucity of theory building underlying ICT4D [START_REF] Sein | A holistic perspective on the theoretical foundations for ICT4D research[END_REF]. Dominant research approaches have included interpretative stances [START_REF] Walsham | Doing interpretive research[END_REF]. Analysis in cultural studies identified how Europe came to view the rest of the world through the prism of colonialism and empire [START_REF] Said | Orientalism. Penguin Books[END_REF]. Orientalism makes a striking contrast, in terms of attitudes and actions, towards "east" and "west."

More recently, Orientalism has informed a post-colonial branch of critical management theory [START_REF] Goss | Postcolonialism: Subverting whose empire?[END_REF]. The study of imposition of management practices, productivity models and processes has been seen as a form of Americanization [START_REF] Frenkel | From Americanization to Colonization: The Diffusion of Productivity Models Revisited[END_REF]. The binary "east/west" dichotomy has splintered into a rich and hybrid set of realities [START_REF] Frenkel | From Binarism Back to Hybridity: A Postcolonial Reading of Management and Organization Studies[END_REF].

A colonial lens has been used to understand the relationship between multinational companies and their subsidiaries [START_REF] Mir | From the Colony to the Corporation: Studying Knowledge Transfer Across International Boundaries[END_REF]. This ethnographic study observed the appropriation of technical knowledge and innovation which flowed from the subsidiary toward the multi-national company's overseas headquarters. Indigenous innovation conducted in an off-shore resource constrained setting has been appropriated into the private ownership of an onshore corporation.

Post-colonial theory has been used to examine the phenomenon of off-shoring in the digital economy [START_REF] Ravishankar | Information technology offshoring in India: a postcolonial perspective[END_REF]. Three main schools of thought can be identified [START_REF] Ravishankar | Information technology offshoring in India: a postcolonial perspective[END_REF]. Firstly, Orientalism [START_REF] Said | Orientalism. Penguin Books[END_REF], which rests on Foucault's [START_REF] Foucault | Archaeology of Knowledge[END_REF] discourse analysis, and an appreciation of the asymmetric power relations between post-colonial countries and their former colonial masters. Secondly, a school of thought around the 'subaltern' notion developed most notably by Gayathri Spivak [27] [28]. 'Subaltern studies' focus on the 'voiceless' in global society, and the technologies of rule that maintain structures of poverty [START_REF] Masiero | Subaltern studies: Advancing critical theory in ICT4D[END_REF]. Thirdly, a school of thought that argues that the asymmetries are not "one-dimensional and one-sided as suggested by Said [but] inherently complex" [START_REF] Ravishankar | Information technology offshoring in India: a postcolonial perspective[END_REF]. This approach focusses on the complex hybrids that have developed out of the colonial era, producing syncretic mixes of practices from the different contexts of the colonised and the colonisers, and those who have been born and made their own lives and their own compromises in the complex hybrid environments that have resulted [START_REF] Bhabha | The Location of Culture[END_REF].

Beyond these three strands, Southern theory is a more recent contribution than post-colonial theory, that focusses on the possibilities of critical thinking taking place in, of, and about the Global South. In this view, those living in the Global South are all too often intellectually subalternised by the universal character of theoretical understandings originating in the Global North [START_REF] Kreps | Southern Theories in ICT4D[END_REF] [9] [START_REF] Comaroff | Theory from the South[END_REF]. The rediscovered pre-colonial theoretical traditions of indigenous peoples, alongside newly Global Southern gaze of later descendants of the colonisers, may look back upon the Global North with a critical eye of its own tenor.

This Southern Theory approach, we argue, when considered in tandem with the hybridity of Bhabha, suggests that the complex mixes of pre-colonial tradition, colonial imposition, and post-colonial adaptation, may produce unique customisations of otherwise Globally Northern impositions, and that this process may in fact be requisite both for successful adoption and for effective integration of new technologies and practices in various parts of the world.

Research Methods

This research employs a qualitative case study, with a unit of analysis comprise a set of software development practitioners employed in three Lebanese companies.

Research Sites

There is a paucity of large software development companies in Lebanon. Thus, we chose to sample research sites from small and medium-sized software development companies. Three research sites were chosen from a range of companies that implemented agile methodology in Lebanon. To protect their anonymity, the three sites were labelled LEB1, LEB2, and LEB3. LEB1 is a Lebanese based software development company having three branches in Lebanon. Its main headquarters is in Mount Lebanon and the other two branches are located in North Lebanon and Bekaa Valley. LEB1 provides solutions in areas of insurance, academics, technology, analytics, and banking for clients in Lebanon and abroad. LEB2 is software development company located in Beirut. It is specialized in developing technological solutions and digital transformation for its local and international clients. LEB2 also provides customized software consulting services. LEB3 is a software development company located in Mount Lebanon. LEB3 develops software, applications, and websites for its clients.

Data Collection

In-depth research interviews were conducted with 31 practitioners. The semi structured interviews were conducted in English and lasted around 40-50 minutes each. The interviews were recorded and transcribed. The interview respondent job titles and affiliations are available online [START_REF] Bass | Agile Software Development in Lebanon[END_REF]. The interviews were conducted face-to-face, apart from five which were conducted using Skype due to an outbreak of civil unrest on appointed date. A semi-structured interview guide was used. Open-ended questions were used to seek out indigenous topics from respondents. Probing questions were used to encourage depth in the responses.

All the interview transcripts were analysis using an approach informed by grounded theory. the transcripts were uploaded to the NVIVO (v11) qualitative data analysis tool [START_REF]NVivo qualitative data analysis software[END_REF]. The transcript data was first coded. Topics evident in the data, on a sentence-by-sentence basis, were identified. Then the codes, from different interview subjects were compared. This constant comparison technique was used to contrast the code across the respondent population. Memo writing was then used to collect the different perspective on codes from different respondents. Thus, the memos were used to represent higher-level categories identified within the data.

Findings

The following section presents the analysis of data collected from our case study. The findings discuss a critique of agile implementation in a post-colonial perspective. The findings reveal four main points: rejection of retrospectives, effective communication between teams, limitation of self-organizing teams by hierarchy, and Complications faced when dealing with Lebanese clients.

Teams Rejecting Retrospectives

Practitioners find it difficult to self-evaluate their performance in front of the entire team. Practitioners fear public self-evaluation and undermine its effectiveness. Retrospectives are defined as meetings held at the end of each sprint iteration during which, team members reflect on the whole sprint and their performance. Consequently, practitioners indicated that they do not perform retrospectives which is a vital ceremony in agile. S1 explained: "We do not do retrospectives; we don't have formal evaluations." Practitioners fear public selfevaluation may cause loss of their job, hinder any promotions and undermine their position in front of colleagues. For instance, S3 explained: "If I admit my mistake in front of the whole team, I am afraid I might lose my job." Thus, practitioners would rather talk directly to the team manager and try to solve the issue covertly. A2 explained: "The problem is that there is always people who resisted talking because they were afraid that colleagues will undermine them." In addition, practitioners undermine the effectiveness of self-evaluation. Practitioners expressed how they know their responsibilities and the need to complete them. A6 expressed: "I feel everyone is self-aware. Thus, I find it useless to do retrospectives." In addition, there are misconceptions about retrospectives and their purpose. Practitioners lacked a clear understanding of what retrospectives are and their team learning purpose. Practitioners excluded retrospectives from analysing the whole team's effectiveness, celebration of its successes, and acknowledging openings for improvement. Instead of labelling a whole session for team performance evaluation, team leaders tend to encourage team members to perform this evaluation during bi-weekly meetings. V3 explained: "During our bi-weekly meetings we open indirectly the floor to learn from our mistakes. We learn from each other so that we would face the same things." Thus, team leaders would ask evaluation questions without labelling the whole session as a way to encourage members to assess their performance.

Communication Status

Communication is highly encouraged at the agile implementing software development companies. Diverse communication channels are open for employees. Weekly face-to-face meetings are held specifically for each project and reports are shared with all stakeholders. At the end of the week, the project manager sends a report indicating project progress to all involved teams. V4 highlighted the importance of delivering the message regardless of the technology used: "The target is that they deliver the message not the medium."

Initially, all information was supposed to be communicated through e-mail to all members involved. V3 explained: "Initially everyone was supposed to communicate in a written manner and involve everyone." This was deemed necessary in order to deliver the message and respect the institutional hierarchy. Gradually, practitioners started communicating through messaging platforms and then orally. They were training to communicate everything and involve everyone which lead to a smooth and practical communication in the development projects.

Face-to-face communication is always present among members who are in the same geographical location. When practitioners need to communicate and are present in different geographical locations, they use online video conference platforms. Communication across the diverse geographical location in Lebanon is very smooth. Our definition of geographically co-located teams differs from the conventional definition. Our co-located teams are distributed in the same country but are faced with challenges such as different culture, tradition, and religion which highly affects the persons character in Lebanon. Members do not feel the need to physically visit the different branches instead they will join virtual meetings.

The usage of communication channels depends on the needs and message being delivered. Most practitioners rely on non-written communication; as V8 expressed: "Verbal is the most common way of communicating." Especially if it is a simple update. Instant messaging platforms are also used. V4 explained: "Sometime, I have to send just an informal message so I use WhatsApp." Teams also hold meetings to update all stakeholders and send emails and reports to everyone involved. This communication strategy enables team members to communicate effectively and thoroughly.

Restrictions of Self-Organizing teams by the hierarchy

Hierarchy is embedded in the institutional arrangement and individual organization in software development companies. The roles assigned to practitioners, such as project manager and director, reveal that hierarchical structure is entrenched in the institutions. This leads to high levels of bureaucracy which may hinder the development process. V17 claimed: "We find that we are in a bureaucracy box; It consumes a lot of time to get one thing approved."

The hierarchy affects the teams and restricts teams from becoming selforganizing agile teams. Allocation of tasks by managers, time estimations by product owners, and micromanaging of upper management limit the development of self-organizing teams. First, managers and team leaders are responsible to assign the tasks to the team members. V7 explained: "We assign the global tasks for each team and then each team leader will assign the tasks to his/her team." This creates occasional tension between team leaders and project managers from one side, and team members from the other. Team members prefer to choose their tasks. As A7 describes: "I dislike the idea that our leaders allocate the tasks." S6 added: "It would motivation if I chose my open tasks from each sprint."

Second, the time estimation for each project is performed from all the involved departments. The first high level estimation is done by scanning the requirements. Understanding the task consumes time and requires effort prior to implementation. Time estimation is performed by product owner and team leaders which may lead to inaccurate evaluation of the time required for task completion.

Third, dealing with the pressures of the upper management is one of the main challenges faced by employees. Practitioners revealed how the CEO micro-managed the process. A7 explained: "The CEO micro-managed and interfered in every single detail." The CEO wanted to know the details of every project in the daily morning meetings. These meeting will last longer than advised and team leaders weren't able to conduct their own stand-up with their team members. A4 explained: "It was impossible for me to do that again with my team."

Lebanese Clients Vs Western Clients

The mangers expressed the difference in working with different clients. They characterized them into two groups: the Western clients, North America and Western Europe, and Lebanese clients. Managers felt that it is easier to work with the Western clients in comparison to the Lebanese clients. V4 explained how transparency is key when dealing with the Western market: "Working with Western market, is easy. What you have to do is to be transparent and say things as they are. Working with the Lebanese market is much harder."

This is due to several factors pointed out by the mangers. First, the Western clients value time and provide a logical estimate for task completion. V2 explained: "In their business culture, they are committed to the set dates. Also, they are very reasonable in discussing the time required to complete each product." Lebanese clients tend to put unrealistic deadlines for their suppliers. Second, they are structured, well organized, and cooperative. V3 explained: "They did their due diligence by preparing the requirements. And they work with you in order to have their work done properly and with high quality. You will not find them as clients you'll find them as partners." Third, they have a collaborative nature and seek to have a successful product. V14 said: "If you have something a bottleneck in certain place and you give the good argument, they will understand and they will help you solve it." Fourth, Western clients are specific about their requirements. V4 explained: "They know exactly what you can do and what they have want. They know their budget and give you the righteous amount for your work."

On the contrary, dealing with Lebanese clients was harder and less efficient. Delays in project time affect the client, as well as the software development company that is keeping resources dedicated for a certain project longer than planned. The coming paragraphs explain several reasons why agile software development companies find difficulty in achieving results with Lebanese clients.

Lebanese clients show low levels of responsiveness to the requests from the software development company. This causes major delays in the due date. A3 explained: "The collection of data was the most difficult part." V3 expressed how clients delay in presenting the required information: "The client will delay in answering back our requirements to get their feedback. So this will lead us not to meet a deadline at a certain point." With clients responding poorly, gathering needed information was a challenging process. A1 explained a case where their client was a university in Lebanon and the project was delayed: "We knew that the educational system is slow by design but we weren't expecting 3 months of delay. Every time we requested data or a specification it would take days and weeks for them to respond." Practitioners indicate how they try to find innovative ways to keep the client engaged and motivate the client to respond promptly. A1 expressed: "We have to sometimes create ways to put pressure like sending emails, calling and texting in the same day."

Managers expressed how certain Lebanese clients stated their initial commitment to the development process, but through the development, the clients' enthusiasm decreased and their commitment became minimal. V2 claimed: "Lebanese client's availability and commitment of staff is not always as promised."

In addition, employees at the clients' premises may show resistance to change and feel threatened by it. V14 explained: "Some employees resist the change because our solutions are seen as a threat. You're taking my work they would say." Lebanese clients are not familiar with the software development industry thus they are threatened by it. So they tend to resist the suggested changes. According to V2: "Some will just try to punch holes in the solution being developed for them."

Discussion

In this research we explore the conflicting trade-offs between adoption and tailoring of agile information systems development methods. On the one hand, agile methods originate in the Global North. Hence, agile methods represent a "northern" idea being propagated and adopted in the Global South. On the other hand, self-organising teams are empowering and emancipatory. Agile is about taking power away from managers and putting more responsibility into the hands of self-organising software development teams.

The research around agile tailoring is predicated on the assumption that methods must be adapted to the local context [START_REF] Campanelli | Agile methods tailoring A systematic literature review[END_REF]. Conventionally, agile method tailoring tends to focus on factors such as business domain, technology stack and project characteristics (such as project scope or size and disposition of teams).

Our approach here, in contrast with conventional agile method tailoring, has been to address agile tailoring from an ICT4D perspective. So our perspective is not "how should Lebanese software development practices change in order to adopt agile methods" but rather "what adaptations to agile methods are required to achieve success with the approach in developing countries."

RQ1: What can a critique, using post-colonial perspective, reveal about information system development methods?

Our study suggests that agile development needs to expand its corpus of basic frameworks. Agile tailoring should consider the cultural setting in which it is implemented. We suggest, a post-colonial reading of agile information systems development adds important dimensions to our understanding of agile tailoring. While one may argue that the differences between small and medium-sized software companies in the South are more significant than the difference between small software companies in the North and South, we advocate that the difference in agile methods adoption vary, using post-colonial theory, according to Global North and South perspective.

RQ2: What challenges do we face in using a post-colonial perspective?

We found that post-colonial theory, and Southern theory more generally, is a substantial body of research. While the concepts around hybridity in postcolonial theory are helpful, we did not see many previous attempts to apply this to informations system management.

RQ3: What can a post-colonial perspective reveal about adaptation to a specific context of information system development methods?

We found that retrospectives, as described by the agile methodology, were rejected when introduced to practitioners in Lebanon. Culturally, practitioners are not comfortable with public self-evaluation or criticism. Thus, even though retrospective is a major agile ceremony, it is difficult to apply.

We know a lack of end-user involvement is challenging for agile organisations. Practitioners revealed how dealing with Lebanese clients is harder and less efficient than dealing with clients from the USA. Using post-colonial theory, we can say the Lebanese practitioners in our study successfully mimicked agile actions with "Western" clients. But the same mimicry action revealed potential negative impact on the relationship with the Lebanese clients who are not used to such involvement in the developing process.

Hence, we suggest the main contribution to knowledge arising from our research is that post-colonial theory offers new insights into agile method tailoring. Specifically, we propose that conceptions of tailoring needs to look beyond project-specific characteristics and consider wider contexts.

We have enhanced the rigour of this research by collecting a substantial corpus of data and conducting detailed and thorough analysis. However, all interview-based research suffers the drawback that is relies on self-reporting from respondents. We have used triangulation, of different roles and companies, to mitigate this. But we have been able to directly measure the impacts of agile methods on product quality or developer productivity.

Conclusions

In this research we have adopted a post-colonial stance, in order to understand the conflicting trade-offs between the adoption and tailoring of agile information system development methods. We concede that on the one hand, agile methods are a "northern" or "Western" innovation being copied and adopted around the world. And yet, on the other hand, agile methods undermine hierarchical management models and offer opportunities for empowerment within software development teams. Agile methods have been shown to have the potential for improved productivity and product quality.

To investigate these conflicting influences, we have undertaken a case study in three software development companies in four locations within Lebanon. Lebanon is emerging as a regional centre for outsourced software development in the middle east and gulf states. We conducted 31 semi-structured, open-ended, recorded and transcribed practitioner interviews.

The practitioners in our study struggled with the public self-evaluation mechanisms that agile method advocate for team learning. Also, we found local business clients were not well-informed about participation in agile projects. On the other hands, we found practitioners adept at using a rich variety of communication methods for overcoming geographical distance.

While agile tailoring is not a new concept, it has predominantly focused on project characteristics in the past. We think the post-colonial perspective presents a new and original framing on the tailoring concept by placing agile methods in a wider "Southern" context.

We are currently investigating adaptation of selected agile ceremonies to better suite the Lebanese context. We will then observe the challenges faced and any benefits achieved.