Taslima Ivy
email: taslima.ivy@postgrad.manchester.ac.uk

Educational Technology as a Positioning Tool in Rural Bangladesh

Keywords: Educational Technology, Positioning, Figured Worlds

In this paper, I argue that educational technology can become a symbolic tool for teachers' social positioning as much as a pedagogical tool for the classroom. Drawing on Holland et al.'s (1998) concepts of cultural artefact, semiotic mediation, and positional identity, I explore the experiences of Power-Point use of one rural teacher in Bangladesh. Through her story, I shed light on the processes through which PowerPoint was becoming a positioning tool and how, at the same time, a shift in her positional identity was emerging.

Introduction

The discussion in educational technology centres predominantly around how practical, pedagogical, psychological, or even philosophical factors shape or underpin teachers' use of technology in the classroom [25, p.89]. The focuses in these areas have forwarded our understandings in practical ways and therefore, will continue to be of central importance in the field. However, it has been argued that most of these studies do not take appropriate account of the 'wider social relations' or competing voices shaping technology use in education [START_REF] Phillips | Processes of practice and identity shaping teachers' TPACK enactment in a community of practice[END_REF][START_REF] Rosenberg | Context and technological pedagogical content knowledge (TPACK): A systematic review[END_REF]. There have been calls to study teachers' use of technology as situated within a wider context and from a sociological point of view [START_REF] Selwyn | Making sense of young people, education and digital technology: The role of sociological theory[END_REF][START_REF] Selwyn | The sociology of education and digital technology: Past, present and future[END_REF].

In line with Selwyn's [START_REF] Selwyn | The use of computer technology in university teaching and learning: A critical perspective[END_REF][START_REF] Selwyn | Making sense of young people, education and digital technology: The role of sociological theory[END_REF][START_REF] Selwyn | The sociology of education and digital technology: Past, present and future[END_REF] call for more sociological studies in educational technology, an emergent line of research has shown that educational technology develops not strictly based on material properties but is shaped by social, cultural and political structures as well [4, 20, 21 26, 27]. In most research in educational technology, the sociocultural structures and social relations have been found to be resilient or non-developing. Educational Technology has been claimed to be shaped to the context-either reinforcing existing practices, relationships, and structures or being rejected altogether [START_REF] Agalianos | The social shaping of Logo[END_REF][START_REF] Selwyn | The use of computer technology in university teaching and learning: A critical perspective[END_REF][START_REF] Karasavvidis | Activity Theory as a conceptual framework for understanding teacher approaches to Information and Communication Technologies[END_REF]. At the same time, educational technology use has been shown to shape the context, not particularly by changing the structures, cultures and social relations but by producing or exacerbating existing power relations, social control, and inequality [START_REF] Bernstein | OER and the value of openness: implications for the knowledge economy[END_REF][START_REF] Collin | Capturing digital (in)equity in teaching and learning: a sociocritical approach[END_REF][START_REF] Johnson | Technological change and professional control in the professoriate[END_REF]. The day to day on ground experiences and social processes which contribute to such shaping is still relatively unexplored.

At the micro level educational technology has been shown to be shaped by teachers' identity trajectories, past experiences and digital dispositions [6, 13, 22 30]. How technologies might shape teacher identities has received less attention. The possibility of whether and how technology might produce a new technological identity for teachers is still unexplored.

This paper draws on Holland et al.'s theory [START_REF] Holland | Identity and agency in cultural worlds[END_REF] to study the day to day social processes through which educational technology and the social were shaping each other. It additionally sheds light on how, at the same time, a positional identity was emerging through these social processes.

Context:

The government of Bangladesh aimed for 'digital' reform in primary and secondary classrooms by initiating a project titled 'multimedia classroom and 'teacher-led digital content development programme' in 2010. The project was overseen by a division of the Prime Minister's office titled a2i (Access to information). The project aimed to bring about changes through technology to the traditional educational culture characterised by "one-way transfer of information from teacher to student" and 'limited opportunities of classroom interaction" [START_REF]Bangladesh School Classrooms Get High-Tech Makeover[END_REF]. a2i believes that multimedia technology by visualising 'hard to grasp concepts' could be an agent in promoting more participation, interaction, enjoyment and interest in classrooms and thus promote a culture of student-centred pedagogy [START_REF]Access to Information (a2i) Programme: The Teachers' Portal as a Tool for Teachers' Professional Development in Bangladesh. Special Feature on 3rd anniversary of Multimedia Classroom. Prime Minister's Office[END_REF]. The choice of software to train teachers on visualisation and consequently to use in classrooms was the PowerPoint. This choice firstly was based on cost. Within the budget a2i had, it was not possible to set up fullyfledged computer labs, but it was possible to set up a multimedia classroom consisting of one laptop and one projector in every school. a2i also aimed to connect all 900000 primary and secondary teachers across the country through an online portal called shikkhok batayon. The teachers are expected to contribute and collaborate in shikkhok batayon, which acts as a platform for peer collaboration and a repository for digital content [START_REF]Access to Information (a2i) Programme: The Teachers' Portal as a Tool for Teachers' Professional Development in Bangladesh. Special Feature on 3rd anniversary of Multimedia Classroom. Prime Minister's Office[END_REF]. Through these initiatives, a2i aimed to create and promote a new vision of being a teacher, with a new label 'multimedia teacher'. To generate motivation among teachers to become a 'multimedia teacher', the government implemented a 'gamification' strategy which included recognition by featuring a 'best multimedia teacher' every week on the portal for quality digital content, rewarding best multimedia teachers through promotions, national awards and leadership positions. At first, a2i implemented the multimedia learning project in an attempt to enable urban teachers to help rural teachers. However, very quickly, it turned out to be the rural teachers who began to show the most enthusiasm in contributing to the portal and becoming 'multimedia' teachers. According to a2i, 90 percent of the PowerPoints on the portal were created by multimedia teachers [START_REF]Access to Information (a2i) Programme: The Teachers' Portal as a Tool for Teachers' Professional Development in Bangladesh. Special Feature on 3rd anniversary of Multimedia Classroom. Prime Minister's Office[END_REF]. This intrigued me, and through my PhD I aimed to explore how and why educational technology use was emerging the way it was in rural Bangladesh.

Methods

Data Collection

This paper presents part of my findings from my PhD study. For data collection, I used multimodal artefact production and Golpo/adda (Bengali genre of informal discussion) as primary methods. Multimodal artefact production in this research was a method where participants captured their experiences of technology use in a mode/medium of their choice. The advantage of using participant-generated data lies in the fact that aspects of identity and experiences can be observed and learned about which might never have been imagined by the researcher [19, p.33]. Moreover, multimodal artefact production creates a space for participants in research and might help participants to express their realities in their way. In this paper, I focus on the story of one of the participants in my PhD research, Aparajita (Pseudonym chosen by the participant). When I started my PhD, I had contacted a2i for permission to conduct research with rural multimedia teachers. The programme director arranged for the research to take place in rural Hatia. During an initial 15-day fieldwork on the island, I discussed the concept of informed consent with teachers and discussed the participant information sheets. A total of 6 teachers agreed to participate in my PhD research. I requested participants to send me artefacts every two weeks in response to two prompts: what does multimedia mean to you? And what are your significant experiences of the week? The artefact production period continued from October 2017 to May, 2018. Aparajita had sent in different combinations of artefacts each two weeks. At the end of the data collection period Aparajita's artefacts included 6 audio clips, 3 video clips, 28 diary entries, 54 images with captions, 5 links, 19 screenshots, 3 poems and 8 PowerPoints.

Besides multimodal artefact production, I conducted two golpo sessions with Aparajita. A golpo is a distinctive Bengali form of discussion which communicates equal relations, friendliness and emotional connection. I used this contextually meaningful way to engage with Aparajita instead of interviews to communicate at a deeper level and position myself more as an equal. The first golpo session was face to face (50 minutes) to know about her story of becoming a multimedia teacher, to understand how she developed over time since 2012, future intentions, feelings and opinions as well as build rapport. At the end of data production, we engaged in a second golpo session (45 minutes) in which we discussed in-depth the themes that I constructed from the data. For instance, with regard to positioning we discussed if, how and why this feeling of position had developed from 2012 and her current views on this aspect.

The goal of this qualitative study is to provide a rich, contextualized understanding of how the meaning of educational technology was emerging through analysing Aparajita's experiences over time. Aparajita's story of positioning via educational technology is representative of all 6 participants who took part in my PhD research. However, how generalisable this finding is of other multimedia teachers in context remains subject to further research.

Analysis

I did a thematic analysis of Aparajita's artefacts and interviews to understand how technology and social were influencing each other and how technology related identity was emerging. I followed the steps from Braun and Clarke [START_REF] Braun | Using thematic analysis in psychology[END_REF] for thematic analysis. The first step was reading and re-reading the data to allow underlying meanings and concepts to evolve before coding. I also transcribed the data in this phase. I transcribed in Bengali to keep the meaning intact and avoid losing connotations in the process of translation. In the second step, I coded the data (in Bengali) inductively with a focus on how technology and the social were interacting with each other and how identities were emerging. In the third step, I deductively coded the data in light of Holland et al.'s [START_REF] Holland | Identity and agency in cultural worlds[END_REF] theory, particularly drawing on their conceptualisation of cultural artefact, positioning and identity. The final step involved sorting and combining codes into potential themes. I also tried to understand the relationships between different themes and subthemes. The story of Aparajita that I constructed below is a result of the interaction between my structured prompts, golpo sessions, Aparajita's artefacts and my interpretation of these based on Holland et al.'s [START_REF] Beckman | Conceptualising technology practice in education using Bourdieu's sociology[END_REF] theory.

Conceptual Framework: Figured worlds

Holland et al. [START_REF] Holland | Identity and agency in cultural worlds[END_REF] illuminate the continuous, iterative, connected and bi-directional development process of the cultural artefact, identity and lived worlds that happen through participation in everyday and local activities rather than approaching the artefact, the person and the lived worlds as final, finished products. Holland et al. [START_REF] Holland | Identity and agency in cultural worlds[END_REF] argue for examining the heuristic development of the artefact over time to understand better how artefacts, people and lived worlds become what they are. Holland and Valsiner [15,p.254] cite the example of a study on the use of Marijuana which showed how novice smokers not only learned techniques for ingesting the drugs from others but more significantly, learned the meaning and purpose of ingesting Marijuana from others over time. The 'smoker's high' sensation that expert smokers felt were not felt initially by the novice smokers, they were 'trained and encouraged' by other expert smokers to do so. In other words, motivation, meaning and purpose for using the drug was socially shaped over time rather than being a result only of the artefact's (cigarette's) physical effects. Following Vygotsky, Holland et al. [14, p. 225] argue that cultural artefacts are 'not only part of the context but are part of the content of 'inner life' in a modified way." People encounter and learn cultural artefacts socially, through interaction with others. Over time these become symbols to be incorporated in the mental processes. When the individual takes these artefacts to be 'meaningful for herself' they become potential mediating devices for 'organising knowledge. By 'making meaningful', Holland et al. [14. P.6] mean using it for one's purpose, i.e. using the artefact for guiding problem-solving, shaping feelings, remembering goals, reminding oneself about their identities, in short to effect, guide and evaluate own actions and thoughts. For example, the cigarette over time became a symbol of pleasure and could be used to control one's mood. While individuals use the devices to manage their behaviour, the device itself starts to evoke related thoughts and emotions and thus influences the person. While the artefact is social in that it originates in the social world, it then becomes equally individual as it starts to constitute the thought, emotion and behaviour of the person by whom it is being reproduced [14, p.225]. In this way, cultural artefacts can act as a mediational link between culture and cognition. [23, p. 193]. This is called semiotic mediation.

Through semiotic mediation, people might develop identities related to cultural artefacts. Identification is the shift that occurs when people appropriate the cultural artefacts to guide actions and emotions [9, p. 251]. For instance, Deirdre et al. [ 9, p.251] cite the example of how the cultural artefact white coat was internalised by doctors through semiotic mediation to develop self-understanding and motivation. Putting on the white coat made students feel like a doctor which in turn allowed 'selfdirection' to act like a doctor. Holland et al. [START_REF] Holland | Identity and agency in cultural worlds[END_REF] discuss two aspects of such identities, i.e figured identities and positional identities. For this paper, I will discuss the concept of positioning and positional identity. According to Deirdre et al. [9, p. 251], positional identity refers to: A person's apprehension of their social position in the lived world. We claim position and we position others every day through social interaction…positional identity is about inclusion and exclusion, entitlement, silencing, distance and affiliation. As novices enter a Figured World they gain a sense of their position within it,…. Day to day positioning in cultural worlds is therefore another mediator of identity. Positional identity develops through positioning acts which are acts indicating power, status privilege, distance affiliation, entitlement and how these are negotiated. It is about how experiences of inclusion, exclusion, recognition, humiliation shape our sense of position and how we view ourselves [9, p.251].

Holland and Lave [16, p.8] also highlight the importance of paying attention to the inner struggles in the process of mediation. Other social voices might be in conflict with the use of the artefact as a symbolic tool. Close attention to participants' inner debates might highlight these social tensions. For instance, a group of environmentalists interviewed by Holland and Lave [16, p.8] were found to be developing in relation to the artefact of waste. At the beginning they had little knowledge about their waste production. By participating in the group over time they learned ways of weighing and producing less waste. They met weekly and discussed how they felt bad about high amounts of waste produced by Americans. In this way they developed new meanings and 'emotional evaluations' regarding the waste produced by themselves and others. They were forming as environmentalists in local practice through semiotic mediation of the cultural artefact of 'waste.' However, they were also found to be struggling over whether they were too extreme. The activists sometimes fell back on terms such as 'granola head' or 'treehugger' that were used by their parents and friends to communicate disdain. This sheds light on the broader social tensions around environmental activism in America.

Findings

PowerPoint as a Tool for Social Validation

Aparajita was one of the earliest adopters of multimedia technology in the island of Hatia. Despite infrastructural challenges such as only a couple of hours of electricity per day, Aparajita was a regular user of technology and had received quite a few awards for her contributions as a multimedia teacher. In our first golpo session Aparajita started her story with how she became a primary teacher: "I wanted to become a teacher but never a primary school teacher. I always wanted to be a college teacher. I had a dream to be a college teacher…My father died and I could not go for higher studies outside the island. Because, you know, I am the eldest daughter of the family, all responsibilities fell on me. I graduated from a cal degree college here. Then because of family pressure I appeared in an interview for the primary teacher post. I got the job" This quote exemplifies her previous sense of position in the social hierarchy. The primary teacher position is usually considered the lowest in the hierarchy of teachers in Bangladesh. In the following sections, I will provide examples from my data regarding how, through social interactions, PowerPoint use was becoming a symbol of social position. I will also describe how technology use seemed to be shaping social relations (from Aparajita's point of view) and shifting Aparajita's sense of position.

Social Appreciation:

One of the ways Aparajita experienced a different positioning than before was through social validation. In most of Aparajita's audio clips and a few places in the golpo, she talked about how PowerPoint use led to different forms of social validation from different social groups. She received higher appreciation from students, colleagues, and higher-level officials. A typical example of how students were positioning Aparajita as more appreciated than before was as follows:

"When I do a multimedia class, I cannot keep other classes out of the multimedia room. The whole school gathers in my class. Everyone keeps saying, "Do it for us, we want to see this too! Oh, the happiness that I see in them after the multimedia class! After doing a multimedia class what happens is, they do not want to do a 'normal' class" (golpo, October 2017) In context, the relation between teachers and students is usually that of power and deference. PowerPoint mediated classrooms brought in "fun and enjoyment through animations, videos, and songs" (golpo, October 2017). Technology use seemed to add a new dimension to the student-teacher relation, that of appreciation and interest. Not only students, Aparajita's diary entries regularly mentioned experiences of being appreciated by teachers across the country in the portal. For instance, diary entry, 13th December 2017: "Other teachers' appreciative comments are giving me the inspiration to work even more" Or "It is because the unity within us and inspirations from my colleagues that I have come so far (diary entry, 20 th March 2018). Whereas previously colleagues rarely commented on each other's work, a different relation seemed to be developing based on appreciation and inspiration. She also mentioned a few times how she received attention and appreciation from higher officials whom she expected never to notice a 'primary teacher' and 'villager' like her: "In the digital mela we were supposed to present our PowerPoints. The programme director was concerned about me-"she has come from Hatia, can she do it?' Another official said let's give her a chance. In my PowerPoint, there was a poem connected to the topic to create emotions in children. Sir called me after the presentation-where did you get the poem from, was it from google? I said no sir, I wrote it myself. He was astonished, he called everyone and started to say, listen she wrote this herself. He was so happy-he started to say this is the kind of teacher we need-we need creative people like you, from then on, he has always inspired me to go forward. It is precisely this valuing and this recognition-this valuation is the reason I want to work more and more" (2 nd golpo, May 2018) Aparajita narrated many similar experiences which demonstrated instances of possible changing relations: from deference to recognition. She was being positioned and defined based on her capabilities. She was becoming someone to be appreciated instead of her identity as a villager or primary school teacher. Use of PowerPoint in this way seemed to mediated ground relations with higher-level officials, colleagues and students in the educational system.

Inclusion and Exclusion:

Another way Aparajita's sense of social position might have been developing was through experiences of access to specific spaces related to technology use. According to Holland et al. [14, p.134], spaces can act as vehicles of positioning by including/excluding people or signifying greater and lesser access. Holland et al. [14, p.134] term this inclusionary/exclusionary work which is 'simply done by including or excluding certain people from sites.' Quite a few of the images Aparajita sent me as significant experience showed her along with other multimedia teachers attending government organised educational fairs like shikkha upkoron mela (educational artefact fair), unnoyon mela (development fair), specialised training, workshops, special conferences, and retreats. These were arranged by the government to showcase educational and developmental achievements in local communities. Aparajita, along with other multimedia teachers, were the ones chosen to represent education in these spaces. Primary teachers not interested in technology use had no access to these.

Not only spaces but also various awards, and leadership positions created by the government for multimedia teachers might have also been acting as an inclusion/exclusion device. Aparajita received the best teacher award in 2013. She received the award for teachers' portal popularization in 2017. These gave Aparajita a sense of honour and recognition. One of the typical examples of this was when, she recounted her feeling in the following way after receiving the award for teachers' portal popularization: "I am overwhelmed with this respect, this achievement. My heart is like a kaleidoscope sky with a thousand colours of happiness" (5th December 2017). Teachers not interested in using technology did not have an alternative recognition system for valuing their work. Multimedia teachers hence had a kind of privileged access, consequently producing additional value compared to other school teachers.

Stories of Mouth:

The recognition and acknowledgement seemed to produce a ripple effect in Aparajita's island and the teacher community through stories of mouth. All of the participants, local government officials, her family members, her headteacher whom I met during my fieldwork mentioned Aparajita as a person of respect. In my research, all of the participants mentioned a few times, how Aparajita was a person of respect and inspiration in the community. For instance, one of the participants, Henna commented on how trainers were always mentioning Aparajita to them, "She was very famous, her name was on everyone's mouth, like a woman from Hatia island has done such a great job, so creative. This kind of turned into an inspiration for me." Another participant Jeba commented on how Aparajita was a renowned name in the teachers' community: "When the multimedia classes first started, I first heard that our Aparajita had received training on this and she has achieved fame across the country." In this way, experiences of appreciation, inclusion/exclusion and recognition seemed to be giving rise to modified relations and new positioning experiences for Aparajita.

Internalising the PowerPoint as a Positioning Tool

Through these positioning experiences over time, recognition and appreciation seemed to become one of the preferred purposes of PowerPoint use. Aparajita equated being a multimedia teacher more with special awards, recognitions and privileged access than use in the classroom. For instance, in response to the prompt significant experiences of being a multimedia teacher, she sent a video titled 'my most memorable moments'. The video featured her experiences of being appreciated and recognised through various awards, workshops, and training. There was no mention of pedagogical use in the classroom.

The following quote also shows how she perceived the PowerPoint as a tool for achieving social appreciation. When I asked how she used to develop her Power-Points, she replied: "I felt as if I was in a kind of trans, I was mesmerized. I always used to think, I am doing something in one way in the slides-but how can I make it better? There was a thirst for more and more appreciation-there was a yearning for more good comments from everyone. I wanted everyone to appreciate my work. This thirst of appreciation, of recognition, kept me working without stopping" I found more examples like this throughout her diary entries and audio clips. For instance, "I have uploaded content in batayon today. Teachers' encouraging comments will generate more inspiration for me to work" (audio clip, 15 th February 2018). Identification happens when people appropriate a cultural artefact to guide emotions and actions. We can see that Aparajita had appropriated the socially developed meaning (of validation) to guide her actions and emotions (achieve validation) regarding the PowerPoint. Whereas previously she felt undervalued as a teacher now she had developed a sense of valued position: "I am being able to work even within such a busy life only because I am being recognised and valued (diary entry 18th October 2017). Uploading the PowerPoints seemed to help her enter a new world, experience a new social positioning and become a new 'I'. This sense of becoming a different 'I' can also be seen in her comments: "I can't even imagine. I started working with multimedia without understanding anything. Now look where I have arrived! I can't imag-ine… I am uploading content, downloading content, making members on batayon." In other words, Aparajita seemed to have developed a new positional identity in relation to technology use.

5.3

Conflicts and Tensions:

However, using PowerPoint was not only a source of social validation and new relations but also a source of social conflict. Aparajita, in the first golpo session mentioned how she was limited in her scope due to being an assistant teacher: "My headteacher doesn't see value in technology. If I ever become a headteacher I have a dream to change my whole school, all of the classes into multimedia classrooms. This is one of my dreams…because assistant teachers like me have a lot of limitations. They can't do a lot of things even if they wish. That's why as an assistant I can't do a lot of things. But maybe if I become a headteacher, maybe 10 years from now, I have a dream to make my school a model multimedia school" The quote illustrates different experiences of positioning in her world as a multimedia teacher. She cannot use the PowerPoint all the time as the headteacher sees it as 'detrimental to education'. Due to the existing social structure and hierarchy, she silenced herself rather than protesting and expressing her belief in technology use. Thus, the hierarchy was reproduced within the boundaries of the school. However, she showed some resistance to this positioning by imagining her future practice where she, as a headteacher will use multimedia as extensively as she wants. She also showed resistance by continuing to produce PowerPoints in the e-portal.

Another tension was emerging with non-ICT using teachers. Aparajita mentioned how the non-ICT 'group' were spreading rumours about multimedia classrooms: "I think the reason for this is professional jealousy. They are trying to spread that multimedia is harming the education of children. They are only highlighting any possible disadvantages. They are not talking about the advantages. Guardians misunderstand us multimedia teachers. The headteacher is not very positive after this" (Diary entry, November 2017) Here she is positioned as detrimental to education and resists this positioning by arguing how this is not the case. She is giving more weight to technology. In another place, Aparajita showed resistance by positioning herself as separate from non-ICT using teachers and casting them as 'ancient': "I have two types of colleagues. Ancient (traditional) and progressive. When I started to work, then a number of these people, who had aged a bit, close to retirement, they used to disturb me. They used to say no, what are these? Why are you doing these? We don't need these. These destroy classes, harm children. They had influenced the headteacher a lot. Younger teachers did not create problems for us." This quote also serves to exemplify the conflict with the cultural notion of good education. Technology use clashed with the existing definition of a good teacher and education based on teaching the textbook and teaching to the examination. The restricted definition of good education constructed multimedia teachers as detrimental and positioned them as harmful in context. Aparajita drew attention to the problem of introducing anything new let alone technology, "No one wants to accept anything new, they just say, eh! What is this? Why do we need this?"

Discussion and Conclusions

The examples from my data above show how the PowerPoint was being used for social purposes, i.e. negotiation and renegotiation of positioning. Previous research has concentrated predominantly on the 'product' or outcomes of the social shaping of educational technology (as discussed in the introduction). The brief account above shows some examples of the 'processes' through which educational technologies might emerge. Through day to day processes of appreciation, recognition, exclusion/inclusion, stories of mouth, distancing and imagining, technology use was emerging as a social tool in teachers' world. Material practices of creating and using the PowerPoint became intertwined with Aparajita's subjective understanding of who she was through a process of semiotic mediation. The government had created the subject position of a multimedia teacher along with possibilities of rewards. However, material practices like making and using the PowerPoint led to day to day social experiences of respect, appreciation, recognition in the community. Over time, Aparajita attached these emotional meanings to the PowerPoint and started using the PowerPoint for achieving these purposes. The experiences also created a shift in Aparajita's sense of position. Therefore, the change Aparajita underwent was much more than a change in behaviour; it was a change in positional identity. Moreover, Aparajita's previous understanding of herself as an undervalued primary teacher and villager might also have been a reason why she experienced use of the PowerPoint as social validation. Other teachers who do not feel undervalued might not develop the same emotions and consequently, a positional sense of self in relation to the PowerPoint. The results of this research also imply like Selwyn [START_REF] Selwyn | High-tech, hard work: an investigation of teachers' work in the digital age[END_REF] that engagement with technology can create a sense of separation between technology and non-technology users. The superordination of the multimedia teacher and subordination of other teachers went on through positioning processes. It was a medium through which multimedia teachers could conceptualise themselves as validated and respected. Technology itself did not exclude any group of teachers; it was the validation, recognition, spaces and circulating stories that acted as a vehicle for such inclusion and exclusion. This understanding adds to the gap in educational technology research by shedding light on how educational technology becomes part of conceptualizing the self [START_REF] Goos | A sociocultural analysis of the development of pre-service and beginning teachers' pedagogical identities as users of technology[END_REF].

By adopting a developmental view of both individual and social, in contrast to previous studies, I have shown how social-relational changes might have started to emerge in incremental steps. Relations with students, colleagues and higher-level officials were being perceived as of a changed nature by Aparajita. Technology implementation also led to reproducing the hierarchical relationships among the assistant teachers and headteacher within school boundaries. Aparajita did not accept the position offered by the headteacher but showed resistance through activities like continu-ing to make PowerPoints for the portal. Also, by imagining a future world where she would be able to use technology according to her wishes. This points towards the importance of alternative material and imaginary spaces for resisting contradictions and developing agency. Besides being a matter of power dynamics or hierarchy, social resistance to technology in schools was reflective of tension with larger structures like the pedagogical culture. For years the education system in Bangladesh was textbook-based and examination driven. Any departure from the textbook or any content not related to the examination was perceived as detrimental. In this way, clashes with wider structures like hierarchy and pedagogy were playing out in local conflicts through processes of positioning, discursive resistance like imagining, distancing and material resistance like practicing in alternative spaces. From the realm of material practice, PowerPoint use entered the realm of subjective and social practice to form, signal, and maintain position. This paper aimed to present one teacher's perceptions and experiences of educational technology in depth. Future research could aim to understand the points of view of all other relevant social groups, i.e. students, higher officials, headteachers, non-technology using teachers and more multimedia teachers to understand further how educational technology might have emerged as a positioning tool in rural Bangladesh.


Silvia Masiero

Brian Nicholson

Keywords: Digital platforms, socio-economic development, institutional logics, openness, modularity

Extant literature on digital platforms is predominantly centred on the Global North, resulting in a paucity of research on the implications of digital platforms for developing countries. Against this backdrop, a recent research stream has focused on digital platforms in developing country contexts, with a view of understanding the affordances and limits of platforms as a route to socio-economic development. This paper seeks to contribute to this nascent literature, unpacking a human-centred development logic as an alternative to the market logic that animates most of the platforms discourse and relying on it to lay the foundations for an emerging theory of platforms for development. Two sub-linkages, centred respectively on platforms' openness and modularity, are conceptualised and illustrated with examples from empirical research. This work has implications for the emerging literature on digital platforms for development, and for theorising platforms in the context of information systems and societal challenges.

Introduction

Existing literature on digital platforms is situated primarily in the context of the Global North and seeks to understand business models and market dynamics attached to platformisation (e.g. [START_REF] Gawer | Industry platforms and ecosystem innovation[END_REF][START_REF] Parker | Platform revolution: how networked markets are transforming the economy and how to make them work for you[END_REF][START_REF] Constantinides | Introduction-Platforms and infrastructures in the digital age[END_REF][START_REF] De Reuver | The Digital Platform: A Research Agenda[END_REF][START_REF] Rai | Editor's comments: nextgeneration digital platforms: toward human-AI hybrids[END_REF]. Information Systems (IS) literature [START_REF] Gawer | Platform dynamics and strategies: from products to services[END_REF][START_REF] Evans | The rise of the platform enterprise: A global survey[END_REF] distinguishes transaction platforms (multi-sided markets that connect supply and demand) from innovation platforms (which enable the construction of complements from third-party developers). Across the two streams, IS research focuses on innovation in business models and profit generation, observing platform-specific phenomena such as the dialectics of control and openness [START_REF] Ghazawneh | Balancing platform control and external contribution in third-party development: the boundary resources model[END_REF][START_REF] Eaton | Distributed tuning of boundary resources: the case of Apple's iOS service system[END_REF] and monetisation in a predominant business-oriented light. By contrast, significantly less research focuses on the social dimensions of platforms, such as their involvement in solving societal challenges (Majchrzak et al., 2016) and fostering broader goals of human and development.

Against this backdrop, a new stream of research has focused on digital platforms in developing country contexts (cf. [START_REF] Koskinen | Digital platforms in the Global South: Foundations and research agenda[END_REF][START_REF] Koskinen | Digital platforms in the Global South: Foundations and research agenda[END_REF][START_REF] Nicholson | Digital Platforms for Development[END_REF]. In contrast to previous literature, this stream poses platforms in explicit relation to socio-economic development: not only does it observe platformisation outside of the Global North, but openly considers if and how platforms are entrenched in determinate development processes. An important focus of this emerging literature are affordances (e.g. [START_REF] Hatakka | Understanding the role of ICT and study circles in enabling economic opportunities: Lessons learned from an educational project in Kenya[END_REF] of platforms for development, to be studied in parallel with the constraints that platforms can impose on ongoing development processes. [START_REF] Koskinen | Digital platforms in the Global South: Foundations and research agenda[END_REF][START_REF] Koskinen | Digital platforms in the Global South: Foundations and research agenda[END_REF] identify four trends in this nascent platformsfor-development literature: the development potential of platforms; differences between Global North and Global South; the ways in which platforms may exacerbate inequality; public and non-profit alternatives to private platforms.

This paper contributes to the nascent literature on platforms-for-development. Our contribution stems from the observation that, while empirical work on the topic is being conducted, researchers lack a clear mapping of the linkage operating between platforms and socio-economic development. In response to this absence, we observe that a human-centred logic (which we conceptualise drawing on [START_REF] Sein | Conceptualizing the ICT artifact: Toward understanding the role of ICT in national development[END_REF] provides the basis for an alternative to the market logic on platforms, leading to an alternate vision of platforms for development. Our objective is to provide steps towards a theoretical framework that presents platforms as human-centred, illustrating their potential in terms of broader societal objectives that transcend immediate market goals.

To develop such framework we draw on two core properties of platforms, which are characterised by a modular architecture and an open governance structure [START_REF] Constantinides | Introduction-Platforms and infrastructures in the digital age[END_REF][START_REF] De Reuver | The Digital Platform: A Research Agenda[END_REF]. Openness and modularity are considered as two defining characteristics of platforms, which differentiate them from other digital objects [START_REF] Tilson | Research commentary-Digital infrastructures: The missing IS research agenda[END_REF][START_REF] De Reuver | The Digital Platform: A Research Agenda[END_REF]. Drawing on instances of published research on platformisation in developing nations, we examine how each property concurs to enacting a human-centred logic, theorising two sublinkages which substantiate the connection between platforms and socio-economic development. We also look at the limits of each sub-linkage, which leads us to offer possible reasons for platform-for-development failures.

This paper is structured as follows. In Section 2 we illustrate the dominant market logic on platforms, contrasting it with a human-centred logic which expands more on socio-economic development. In Section 3 we examine openness and modularity as platform properties, and theorise how these are linked to the enactment of the humancentred logic just explained. In Section 4 we observe the limits of each sub-linkage, reading extant cases of platform-for-development failure in their light. In Section 5 we conclude, highlighting implications for emerging theories of platforms in ICT4D.

Market and Human-Centred Logics

The notion of institutional logics is a relevant one to examine the contrasting visions underpinning, respectively, business-oriented platforms and instantiations of platforms for development. [START_REF] Thornton | Institutional logics and the historical contingency of power in organizations: Executive succession in the higher education publishing industry, 1958-1990[END_REF] define institutional logics as "the socially constructed, historical patterns of material practices, assumptions, values, beliefs, and rules by which individuals produce and reproduce their material subsistence, organize time and space, and provide meaning to their social reality (1999: 804). [START_REF] Friedland | The new institutionalism in organizational analysis[END_REF] conceptualise society as an interinstitutional system where behavior in a context is theorised with reference to societal sectors ("orders") representing sets of expectations for social relations and organisational behavior. Building on these insights, scholars have sought to understand the multiple logics implicit in organisational activity, which can be mutually reinforcing, complementary or in conflict with each other (cf. [START_REF] Besharov | Multiple institutional logics in organizations: Explaining their varied nature and implications[END_REF][START_REF] Thornton | The institutional logics perspective: Foundations, research, and theoretical elaboration[END_REF]. Rolland et al. (2018) illustrate three perspectives in the literature on digital platforms. These are an engineering ("technical artifacts with a modular architecture consisting of a stable core component and many changing peripheral components"), an economic ("markets that disrupt traditional markets and facilitate efficient interactions between consumers and producers"), and an organisational view ("innovation practices in which actors organise and coordinate innovation enabled by technical mechanisms and social arrangements"). These three perspectives sum up the IS literature on platforms, illuminating its complementary foci on technicalities, organisational aspects and mechanisms of value creation. Underpinning these three is a focus on platforms as profit generators [START_REF] Parker | Platform revolution: how networked markets are transforming the economy and how to make them work for you[END_REF], which invites questions on business model disruption and its value-generating consequences.

The work by [START_REF] Parker | Platform revolution: how networked markets are transforming the economy and how to make them work for you[END_REF] offers a comprehensive illustration of the market logic implicit in this discourse. Drawing on multiple examples of transaction platforms [START_REF] Gawer | Platform dynamics and strategies: from products to services[END_REF], their book unpacks different instances of business model disruption, highlighting the short business history of actors such as Uber, AirBnB, Google, PayPal or Amazon and pointing out their mechanisms of value-creation. Focus on innovation platforms (e.g. iOS, Android etc.) is limited in this work, and when such platforms appear that is in order to illustrate further profit-generation mechanisms -stemming, for example, from the creation of an apps ecosystem that capitalises on generative properties [START_REF] Parker | Platform revolution: how networked markets are transforming the economy and how to make them work for you[END_REF]. In this work, as in further platform literature in IS and economics, the teleological reason for platforms to exist is that of profit generation, pursued through business model disruption.

To be sure, this paper does not problematise the tenability of the market logic, which is effectively confirmed by multiple works on the profit-generation mechanisms of platforms. It does, however, question the view that a market logic of platforms is "the only" one possible, a view that has arguably dominated platform literature till very recent times. The three perspectives identified by Rolland et al. (2018) all subsume a market logic, only illuminating three different aspects of it (technical, economic and organisational) as applied to platforms. By way of example, recent reviews of platforms literature in lead IS journals barely make a mention of the human, societal or, indeed, development implications of platforms, focusing instead on new trends of platformisation and the relation of platforms with infrastructures (cf. Constantinides et al., 2018; De Reuver et al., 2018). i Against this backdrop, the nascent literature on platforms-for-development (cf. [START_REF] Koskinen | Digital platforms in the Global South: Foundations and research agenda[END_REF][START_REF] Koskinen | Digital platforms in the Global South: Foundations and research agenda[END_REF][START_REF] Nicholson | Digital Platforms for Development[END_REF] articulates around a different implicit view of platformisation. As stated in [START_REF] Koskinen | Digital platforms in the Global South: Foundations and research agenda[END_REF][START_REF] Koskinen | Digital platforms in the Global South: Foundations and research agenda[END_REF], digital platforms have the potential to create social and economic value in the Global South, meaning that researchers need conceptual tools to understand platformisation outside its common Western-centred focus. Underpinning this is the view that the value of platforms goes well beyond profit generation, and is entrenched into socio-economic development processes aimed at increasing quality of life in resource-constrained settings. If "development" is to be broadly understood as the "enlargement of people's choices" [START_REF] Sen | Development as Freedom[END_REF] through dimensions such as health, education and income, this leaves scope for understanding the role of platforms towards this goal. Sein and Harindranath (2004) lay out three core principles that support a "humancentred" logic, complementary (and not necessarily antithetic) to the market one as illustrated in Table 1. In their analysis of ICTs in national development, they conceptualise development processes as "enabling choices in education, health, and standard of living; building a democratic society marked by involvement, participation and transparency; better management of behavior and customs" [START_REF] Sein | Conceptualizing the ICT artifact: Toward understanding the role of ICT in national development[END_REF]. While a market logic is inspired by a teleology of profitgeneration, it is development in its Senian notion that a human-centred logic is built around, and technologies are seen as entrenched in the making of (or, in some cases, hindering) the forms of enablement that [START_REF] Sein | Conceptualizing the ICT artifact: Toward understanding the role of ICT in national development[END_REF] detail. While a market logic is more squarely focused on transaction platforms, a human-centred logic encompasses different types of platformisation such as transaction, innovation and integration platforms [START_REF] Koskinen | Digital platforms in the Global South: Foundations and research agenda[END_REF].

3

Openness and Modularity: Enacting the Human-Centred Logic

As noted in [START_REF] Constantinides | Introduction-Platforms and infrastructures in the digital age[END_REF], the architecture and governance of platforms are defining features that differentiate them from other digital objects. In this section we examine openness and modularity as platform properties, and theorise how these are linked to the enactment of the human-centred logic illustrated above. The two sublinks are articulated as follows. ) defines platform governance in terms of "who decides what" with regards to incentive structures, control mechanisms, and the power distribution between the platform's owner and complementors. The layered architecture of platforms invites a specific trade-off: that is the balance between owners' control and generativity, defined as "the ability of producing new output without input from the originators" [START_REF] Zittrain | The future of the Internet and how to stop it[END_REF]. As opposed to the closed, centralised architecture found in linear value chains (Constantinides et al., 2018: 384), the open architecture of platforms invites forms of governance that allow for generativity, enabling the construction of unfiltered

Pursuit of a human-centred logics

Digital platforms

Openness

Modularity

Creation of locally-relevant complements

Socio-economic development complements on the top of a platform's core. A standard example from IS literature is that of Apple iOS, whose over 140,000 apps built on top of the platforms' core enable contributions from numerous third-party actors [START_REF] Eaton | Distributed tuning of boundary resources: the case of Apple's iOS service system[END_REF]. Through generativity, openness enables the construction of customised content, enabling thirdparty actors in developing countries to produce locally-relevant content for their communities.

Modularity: as in [START_REF] Tiwana | Research commentary-Platform evolution: Coevolution of platform architecture, governance, and environmental dynamics[END_REF], platform architecture describes "how the ecosystem is partitioned into a relatively stable platform and a complementary set of modules that are encouraged to vary, and the design rules binding both". Stemming from this, the modularity of digital artefacts (Kalllinikos et al., 2013) is reflected in digital platforms as the recombinability of different modules, predicated on a common platform core and resulting into reprogrammable architectures [START_REF] De Reuver | The Digital Platform: A Research Agenda[END_REF]. The creation of locally-relevant contents, seen in ICT4D literature as a core strategy for filling design-reality gaps [START_REF] Heeks | Information systems and developing countries: Failure, success, and local improvisations[END_REF], is sustained by the creation of the "complementary set of modules" that characterise platform ecosystems as described in [START_REF] Tiwana | Research commentary-Platform evolution: Coevolution of platform architecture, governance, and environmental dynamics[END_REF]. In particular, third-party innovators in developing countries can capitalise on the modular basis of platforms to build contents that suit the needs of poor and marginalised users, thus minimising the gaps with their lived reality.

Therefore, as represented in figure 1, openness and modularity both feed into the creation of locally-relevant complements, which may transcend the profit-generation goals stated by [START_REF] Parker | Platform revolution: how networked markets are transforming the economy and how to make them work for you[END_REF]. These complements are unfiltered, leaving room for grassroot innovation: for example m-Farm, a company running mobile services for farmers in Kenya, runs an Android-based app for crop price information tailored to the needs of local farmers. ii Similarly, Vula mobile -an app connecting medical professionals and patients in South Africa -is developed on the Android core to meet the specific needs of patients in remote areas of the country. iii Platforms built with development goals in mind also operate under this remit: Kiva, built for connecting borrowers to disadvantaged lenders worldwide, develops its contents accordingly to its contexts and communities of operation. iv E-Kutir, a platform connecting farmers sustaining micro-entrepreneurship for farmers in South Asia, develops different modular adaptations in its four countries of action. v

The human-centred logic illustrated above is centred on goals of education, health and standard of living that inspire the pro-poor, locally relevant contents built by these platforms. Complements like those of m-Farm, Vula Mobile, Kiva or e-Kutir use local relevance to meet the needs of users, filling the gaps [START_REF] Heeks | Information systems and developing countries: Failure, success, and local improvisations[END_REF] between content design and the reality that users experience. This illuminates the link illustrated in figure 1, where the two core features -openness and modularity -feed into a logic of content generation inspired by human development rather than profitmaking. It is the open, modular architecture of platforms that enables generative production, a key basis for the grassroot innovation at the root of empowerment in resource-constrained communities.

One clarification is in order here. As noted above, the logics of platforms-fordevelopment is not antithetic, but complementary to the market-centred view: as a result, profit-centred complements are conceivable, and indeed enacted, through the development logic too. For example, Micrograam -an Indian social enterprise operating a platform for microlending -connects socially marginalised borrowers to lenders, generating a profit from interest both for lenders and for the social enterprise. vi E-marketplaces such as e-Krishi -a platform for farmers to sell their produce at the market price through the Internet -aim at achieving development through profits for members of marginalised communities. vii Therefore, in a platforms-for-development logic profit making is not "banned", but is seen in a wider human-centred view where profit is a means to greater standards of living [START_REF] Sein | Conceptualizing the ICT artifact: Toward understanding the role of ICT in national development[END_REF], and in turn to the enlargement of people's choices as in [START_REF] Sen | Development as Freedom[END_REF].

Limitations

Notwithstanding our description of the platforms-for-development linkage, the literature also engages cases of platforms-for-development which do not function as planned (cf. Koskinen, 2020). A reason is that both the sub-links reviewed in our framework can break: openness and modularity enable unfiltered contributions from third parties, but this does not necessarily result in socio-economic development outcomes under the human-centred logic. Below we illustrate how the production of unfiltered contributions may result into perverse effects, ultimately disempowering development subjects rather than resulting in the empowerment [START_REF] Sen | Development as Freedom[END_REF]) that inspires the development logic.

So far, we have noted that platforms entail a balance of control and generativity, which enables grassroot innovation by empowering third-party actors [START_REF] Ghazawneh | Balancing platform control and external contribution in third-party development: the boundary resources model[END_REF]. However, following the reasoning in figure 1, this process can malfunction in at least two ways: first, openness may be contrasted by control from platform owners that limit the power of local innovators, ultimately disempowering the final users that the platform is meant to empower. Second, modularity can enable complements that do not work towards the intended outcomes, leading to detrimental conditions for the intended beneficiaries of platform-led development efforts. Both cases are illustrated below.

First, platform owners may yield greater power than that assumed by an "open" governance structure. In the case of India's Aadhaar, an identification platform grounded on a large biometric database, complements are constituted by numerous social welfare services, built to "empower the poor" by guaranteeing service access through biometrics [START_REF] Banerjee | Aadhaar: Digital inclusion and public services in India[END_REF]. But Aadhaar's openness -enabling providers to build on it -is constrained by the platform's owner, the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), a government agency that owns and manages the Aadhaar database. Through UIDAI the Indian central government effectively controls Aadhaar-enabled services, resulting into perverse outcomes such as the exclusion of entitled users who fail to authenticate [START_REF] Khera | Dissent on Aadhaar: Big data meets big brother[END_REF]. As a result, openness -rather than resulting into empowerment -is contrasted by platform owners, ending up in exclusionary outcomes that harm development subjects [START_REF] Khera | Dissent on Aadhaar: Big data meets big brother[END_REF][START_REF] Masiero | ICT in social protection schemes: Deinstitutionalising subsidy-based welfare programmes[END_REF].

Second, modularity enables the construction of grassroot innovations that can empower development subjects, but may also result into perverse effects. Studies of digital lending platforms have shown how, beyond providing loans to the socially disadvantaged, such platforms may strengthen the power of donors and, in turn, the dependency of recipients. In the case of Indian crowdfunding platforms studied by [START_REF] Banerjee | Digitally Divided Fundraising: The Power of Online Crowdfunding Platforms in Connecting Local NGOs to 'Micro-Philanthropists' in India[END_REF], these platforms participate in processes that perpetuate extant practices of development, preserving extant equilibria among actors and crystallising extant relations between non-governmental organisations and their networks.

In sum, emerging stories of failure -or unintended outcomes -in digital platforms for development can be read through the linkage theorised here. First, platform owners can contrast openness by altering the balance of power to the disadvantage of local innovators. Second, modularity can evolve into unfiltered contributions that end up damaging development subjects rather than serving them. The two sub-links theorised above can both malfunction, which contributes to explaining cases of platformisation that do not result into positive development outcomes.

5

Final Remarks

In this paper we have theorised a human-centred development logic as an alternative to the market logic that informs most of the IS literature on platforms. Building on the market logic of theoretical foundations of platform governance and architecture (cf. [START_REF] Gawer | Industry platforms and ecosystem innovation[END_REF][START_REF] Parker | Platform revolution: how networked markets are transforming the economy and how to make them work for you[END_REF][START_REF] Constantinides | Introduction-Platforms and infrastructures in the digital age[END_REF], we have theorised two sub-linkages predicated respectively on digital platforms' openness and modularity. Our framework shows how these properties afford the creation of locally relevant content capable of filling design-reality gaps as in [START_REF] Heeks | Information systems and developing countries: Failure, success, and local improvisations[END_REF]. We have also observed the limitations of each sub-linkage, showing how platform owners can contrast openness by shifting power equilibria in their favour, and modularity can evolve into unintended outcomes that ultimately result in development failures.

Our paper needs positioning within a broader critique to the limitations of the market logic dominance in digital platforms. For instance, [START_REF] Zuboff | The age of surveillance capitalism: The fight for a human future at the new frontier of power[END_REF] and [START_REF] Taplin | Move fast and break things: How Facebook, Google, and Amazon have cornered culture and what it means for all of us[END_REF] offer an extensive critique of the main global digital platforms (often referred to as the "frightful five") in terms of mass pervasive surveillance, domination of markets without contributing to local tax revenues and acquisition strategies controlling innovation. Others have pointed to the dysfunctional effects on local communities of Airbnb (Dayne, 2016) and the damage to local businesses brought by Uber (Elbanna & Newman, 2015). Taking stock of this literature, our paper offers a human-centred alternative to the market logic underpinning global platformisation, using it as a lens to study platforms developed with explicit goals of socio-economic development.

Consequently, our theoretical contribution is based on the potential of openness and modularity as a basis for design and evaluation of digital platforms in ICT4D, where profit is not the main purpose. In this domain, meeting the needs of the poor and marginalised and focussing on broader socio-economic development goals is the main underpinning logic. As a result, fundamental platform design building blocks such as "platform monetisation" [START_REF] Parker | Platform revolution: how networked markets are transforming the economy and how to make them work for you[END_REF] are downplayed relative to the human development logics outlined here through [START_REF] Sein | Conceptualizing the ICT artifact: Toward understanding the role of ICT in national development[END_REF]. The reading key offered here views core properties of platforms in relation to this logic, observing their potential to enact it and outlining its principal constraints. Some final remarks are in order: first, our focus on openness and modularity does not dismiss the affordances of other platform properties for development, such as the ability to connect supply and demand through two-sided markets. While [START_REF] Constantinides | Introduction-Platforms and infrastructures in the digital age[END_REF] suggest that two-sided markets for digital labour may have positive job creation effects in developing countries, a wide stream of research (cf. [START_REF] Bergvall-Kåreborn | Amazon Mechanical Turk and the commodification of labour[END_REF][START_REF] Graham | Digital labour and development: impacts of global digital labour platforms and the gig economy on worker livelihoods[END_REF][START_REF] Chen | Digital utility: Datafication, regulation, labor, and DiDi's platformization of urban transport in China[END_REF] problematises this view, pointing especially at the exploitative conditions and lack of protection (for example, through unionisation) to which digital workers are subjected. As the perverse effects of digital labour on workers inside and outside the Global South are highlighted, transaction platforms appear as a double-edged sword for development, whose affordances need examination along with their structural drawbacks. In the light of this, the human-centred logic proposed here is offered as a route to undertake this type of research.

The main contribution of this paper is to offer some tentative first steps towards a conceptualisation of the theoretical link between digital platforms and socio-economic development, on which further theoretical development can be built. In line with this, a practical contribution of the framework is to offer advice to designers regarding the governance and architecture of platforms, transcending the insights of prior work that adopts a market logic. Finally, if read as a potential lens to evaluate extant platforms, the framework provides criteria that allow a focus on their suitability for the needs of development subjects, rather than the fulfilment of sheer market purposes.

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1: digital platforms & socio-economic development -mapping the theoretical link

Table 1 .

 1 Digital Platforms -Market-Centred versus Human-Centred Logics

		Market-centred logic	Human-centred logic
	Underlying assumption	Platforms as tool for profit	Platforms as entrenched in
		generation (cf. Parker et	"the enlargement of
		al. 2016)	people's choices" (Sen,
			2001)
	Core mechanisms	Business model	Enabling choices in
		innovation; disruption of	education, health, and
		existing industry	standard of living;
		paradigms	building a democratic
			society marked by
			involvement, participation
			and transparency; better
			management of behavior
			and customs (Sein &
			Harindranath 2004)
	Type of platforms	Transaction (e.g. Uber,	Transaction (e.g. Uber,
		Amazon, AirBnB, etc.) a	Amazon, AirBnB, etc.) but
		more limited focus on	also innovation (iOS,
		innovation platforms (iOS,	Android etc.) and data
		Android etc.)	platforms (e.g. biometric
			identification)
	Teleology (underlying	Optimisation of business	Optimisation of
	goal of digital platforms)	goals (competition; profit-	development goals (e.g.
		making)	life expectancy, education,
			incomes)

Competing Logics: Towards a Theory of Digital Platforms for Socio-Economic Development