Margot Abord De Chatillon

Cycling societies

The appearance of women (and women and transgender) specific programming in community bicycle workshops 1 is an indication of a growing awareness of the gender discriminations that may arise in spaces of bicycle repair and maintenance. However, despite this, no study has yet been conducted on how gender mediates bicycle repair and maintenance practices. This paper is intended to contribute to the field of mobility justice (Sheller 2018) by focusing on gender inequalities in velonomy. Based on a feminist phenomenological approach (Young 1980), I argue that the patriarchal background in which bicycle repair and maintenance practices occur limits women's involvement, and willingness to engage in, bicycle repair.

Survey and interview data was collected from cyclists and bicycle mechanics in Lyon (France) and Melbourne (Australia), two cities where cyclists are predominantly male. Based on these data, I identify the characteristics of patriarchal society that relate to bicycle repair and maintenance. Then, following Young (1980), I show how this environment produces the specific conditions of feminine velonomy. In the final section of this chapter, I highlight four different individual strategies developed by women as they engageor attempt to engagewith repair and maintenance activities.

Theoretical framework

Velonomy

When cycling, an individual engages with a material object: the bicycle. The bicycle-cyclist relationship is at the heart of cycling practices (Spinney 2006). Bicycles age and decay; they require regular maintenance and sometimes break down unexpectedly. Illich argues that, in order to control the way they express their meaning in society, individuals must be able to repair 1 Community bicycle workshops are non-for-profit spaces that provide bicycle repair and maintenance services. The most widespread model of such workshops in France are spaces where anyone can get assistance in repairing their bicycle with the help of volunteers or qualified mechanics.

Introduction

In many Western countries, cycling is a male-dominated activity [START_REF] Pucher | Making Cycling Irresistible: Lessons from The Netherlands, Denmark and Germany[END_REF].

Although transportation research is increasingly investigating the causes of this phenomenon and of the associated gendered differences in cycling practices [START_REF] Aldred | Cycling Provision Separated from Motor Traffic: A Systematic Review Exploring Whether Stated Preferences Vary by Gender and Age[END_REF][START_REF] Heinen | Similarities in Attitudes and Norms and the Effect on Bicycle Commuting: Evidence from the Bicycle Cities Davis and Delft[END_REF], it could benefit from integrating theories developed within the field of feminist geography [START_REF] Law | Beyond "Women and Transport": Towards New Geographies of Gender and Daily Mobility[END_REF]. Furthermore, there has so far been little consideration of gender issues embedded within the material aspects of cycling and the life cycle of bicycles.

To understand cycling mobilities -and the inequalities that arise within themwe must look at the relationships that cyclists develop and maintain with bicycles as objects. Following its use by French cycling activists, the term "velonomy" is used as an ideal for cyclists to achieve [START_REF] Mundler | Le Vélo Comme Outil d'empowerment -Les Impacts Des Cours de Vélo Pour Adultes Sur Les Pratiques Socio-Spatiales[END_REF]. Here velonomy is defined as the ease shown by a cyclist in repairing, maintaining and adjusting their bicycle.

The term velonomy considers bicycle riding, bicycle repair and maintenance as interrelated and complementary. In this chapter, I develop a study of gender inequalities in cycling which also includes considerations of gender dynamics in bicycle repair and maintenance. Previous research has shown the struggles met by women learning manual trades [START_REF] Mosconi | C'est technique, est-ce pour elles ?[END_REF], and female professional bicycle mechanics are not an exception to this (Laker and maintain the tools which they use [START_REF] Illich | Tools for Conviviality[END_REF][START_REF] Illich | Tools for Conviviality[END_REF]. This applies to the bicycle, a highly repairable object [START_REF] Whitwham | Étude Relative à La Perception Des Réparateurs Sur Leur Activité et Les Possibles Évolutions de Cette Activité[END_REF]. Graham and Thrift argue that cities are constituted by constant processes of decay and maintenance (2007); similarly, processes of bicycle repair and maintenance underlie all cycling practices. Developing repair skills transforms the way cyclists relate to their bicycle (Abord de Chatillon 2019). Most obviously, satisfactory repair and maintenance practiceseither performed by the cyclist or by a professional mechanicare key to the empowerment of cycling practices.

One way to describe this empowerment is the term "velonomy" ("vélonomie"), coined and regularly used by French-speaking cycling activists. Most definitions of velonomy put an emphasis on autonomy related to bicycle repair and cycling practices more generally [START_REF] Batterbury | Community Bicycle Workshops and "Invisible Cyclists[END_REF][START_REF] Mundler | Le Vélo Comme Outil d'empowerment -Les Impacts Des Cours de Vélo Pour Adultes Sur Les Pratiques Socio-Spatiales[END_REF]. I choose here to define velonomy as follows: "Velonomy is the level of autonomy of an individual with their bicycle, that is to say the ease they show in repairing, maintaining and adjusting it". Here, I approach velonomy not as a threshold to be achieved but as a skill to be increasingly mastered by cyclists. This chapter focuses on cyclists' personal engagement in the repair of a bicycle but also includes some discussion of cyclists visiting bicycle shops since, in the right conditions, these visits can contribute to a cyclist's velonomy.

Feminine Motility and Feminine Velonomy

In her paper "Throwing like a girl", Iris Marion [START_REF] Young | Throwing like a Girl: A Phenomenology of Feminine Body Comportment Motility and Spatiality[END_REF] extends Merleau Ponty's work in developing the basis for a feminist phenomenology. Merleau-Ponty talked about the essence of human consciousness being based not so much on thoughts but on the movement and perceptions of the body [START_REF] Merleau-Ponty | Phénoménologie de la perception[END_REF]. This focus on the body allows redefining the specificity of women's condition in a patriarchal society. Women move and behave differently to men, not because of a mysterious feminine essence but because of the material and social contexts they find themselves in. Furthering de [START_REF] Beauvoir | Le deuxième sexe, tome 1 : Les faits et les mythes[END_REF]Beauvoir's ( [1949]]), Young describes the specific conditions of living as a woman in a patriarchal environment. According to her, women face domination imposed on them by culture and society. They are constantly reminded of, and therefore internalise, the idea that they are other, inessential, a mere object and immanent, that is to say limited in their possibilities and actions.

Woman is thereby both culturally and socially denied the subjectivity, autonomy, and creativity that are definitive of being human and that in patriarchal society are accorded the man. Young (1980:31) According to Young, this patriarchal context constitutes an impediment on the way women's bodies move and contributes to the production of a 'feminine motility' that she describes as the 'particular style of bodily comportment that is typical of feminine existence' (Young 1980:31). She argues that within society, women are constantly reminded of the possibility of being looked at, touched, even harassed or raped, and this inhibits their intention and movements. It leads to a permanent self-awareness that impedes the naturalness and thus the "efficiency" of their movements2 . Consequently, women, who experience themselves as fragile, often show hesitancy and uncertainty when engaging in physical movement, and thus lack of confidence in their own skills. This 'feminine doubt' [START_REF] Casselot | Pour une phénoménologie féministe du doute[END_REF]) is therefore anchored in the specific conditions of existence of the feminine body, and restricts the scope of women's movements and actions 3 . In this paper, I follow Young's argument on feminine motility through and apply it to velonomy in order to show how the environment in which bicycle repair occurs transforms the way women engage with repair and maintenance practices and produces what could be called 'feminine velonomy'. To this aim, in a first step I review the existing literature regarding gender issues in cycling and in male-dominated areas of employment.

Gender issues in Cycling

Women are less likely than men to cycle, especially in countries where cycling modal share is lower such as France or Australia [START_REF] Pucher | Making Cycling Irresistible: Lessons from The Netherlands, Denmark and Germany[END_REF]. This indicates that cycling is not exempt from the gendered domination exerted by patriarchal society. Since riding a bicycle blurs the lines between transportation and physical activity, one aspect of this domination is the sexism widespread in sports [START_REF] Barbusse | Du sexisme dans le sport[END_REF], included in competitive cycling [START_REF] Djepa | Le genre à la Fédération Française de Cyclisme, vu par son journal officiel[END_REF].

Gender norms around cycling are common starting from a young age [START_REF] Sayagh | Why Teenage Girl Have Fewer Real Opportunities to Ride a Bike than Teenagers[END_REF]) and date from the early days of cycling [START_REF] Cox | Women, Gendered Roles, Domesticity and Cycling in Britain, 1930-1980[END_REF][START_REF] Jungnickel | One Needs to Be Very Brave to Stand All That": Cycling, Rational Dress and the Struggle for Citizenship in Late Nineteenth Century Britain[END_REF]. This domination can also endanger women physically: for example, when passing, cars leave less space for female cyclists than for male cyclists [START_REF] Evans | Factors Affecting Vehicle Passing Distance and Encroachments While Overtaking Cyclists[END_REF] and women are more frequently victims of incidents and near-misses [START_REF] Aldred | Predictors of the Frequency and Subjective Experience of Cycling near Misses: Findings from the First Two Years of the UK Near Miss Project[END_REF]. While cycling, women tend to be less confident [START_REF] Akar | Bicycling Choice and Gender Case Study: The Ohio State University[END_REF][START_REF] Dill | Four Types of Cyclists? Examination of Typology for Better Understanding of Bicycling Behavior and Potential[END_REF] and less willing to ride on their own [START_REF] Gardner | Transport Implications of Leisure Cycling[END_REF]. Female cyclists show higher preferences for off-road and protected bicycle infrastructure [START_REF] Aldred | Cycling Provision Separated from Motor Traffic: A Systematic Review Exploring Whether Stated Preferences Vary by Gender and Age[END_REF]) and higher concerns over traffic safety and personal security [START_REF] Heinen | Similarities in Attitudes and Norms and the Effect on Bicycle Commuting: Evidence from the Bicycle Cities Davis and Delft[END_REF].

say that some women escape or transcend the typical situation and definition of women in various degrees and respects." (Young, 1980:31) These discussions point to the ways that women's experience of riding a bicycle can be different from men's. This is likely to impact women's engagement with bicycle repair and maintenance and thus on the constitution of feminine velonomy.

Women and Technical Work

Another matter to consider in order to understand the gendered aspects of repair and maintenance practices is the common obstacles faced by women engaging with manual labour, tools and technology.

Most cultures have had in common through time the monopoly of men on the fabrication and repair of the productive tools used by women (Tabet 1979:54). Feminist studies of science and technology have tried to describe and deconstruct this 'taken-for-granted association of men and machines' [START_REF] Wajcman | Feminist Theories of Technology[END_REF]. Women are excluded from manual and technical activities from a young age [START_REF] Mosconi | C'est technique, est-ce pour elles ?[END_REF]. In male-dominated areas of employment, they often have to deal with everyday sexism, harassment and must negotiate between gendered expectations [START_REF] Cassell | Doing Gender, Doing Surgery: Women Surgeons in a Man's Profession[END_REF][START_REF] Smith | Working Hard with Gender: Gendered Labour for Women in Male Dominated Occupations of Manual Trades and Information Technology (IT)[END_REF]Smith , 2013a)). Clarsen argued that scientific research should bring some attention to manual trades as spaces where 'a particular kind of masculine culture

[…] is used to justify the exclusion of women ' (2019:15). Bicycle shops are not an exception to this and the rare women employed as mechanics often face many struggles [START_REF] Laker | Inspiring Change[END_REF].

However, the gendered aspects of bicycle repair and maintenance environments are yet to be discussed in scientific literature, and so are the effects that these environments may have on women's ease with bicycle repair.

In this chapter, I follow Young's argument of feminine motility in order to discuss the environment in which women engaging with bicycle repair find themselves, and the effects that such an environment has on women's repair and maintenance practices. The next section develops the data and methods used for this aim.

Data and Methods

The remainder of this chapter dwells on the specific experiences of women regarding repair and maintenance as a key aspect of feminine velonomy. I base the arguments brought here on data collected in 2018 and 2019 in the cities of Lyon and Melbourne. Both cities face a gender imbalance with regards to urban cycling. Recent studies have shown that 40% of cyclists in Lyon were female [START_REF] Adam | Un quart de « véloveurs », 59% d'hommes. Qui sont les cyclistes lyonnais•es ?[END_REF]. In Melbourne, the share of women who stated they had ridden a bicycle in the previous week was half of the men who stated they had done so (12% of women compared to 22% of men) [START_REF] Anon | Cycling Participation Survey[END_REF]).

This study used a mixed-methods sequential explanatory design approach [START_REF] Ivankova | Using Mixed-Methods Sequential Explanatory Design: From Theory to Practice[END_REF]. I used quantitative data in order to paint a general picture of gender differences in repair and maintenance practices. Then, qualitative data was gathered to understand the underlying causal mechanisms and shape that these differences take in the everyday lives of women involved in repair and maintenance practices, whether as everyday cyclists or as volunteers or mechanics in a bicycle shop.

Firstly, I designed a survey which I distributed to cyclists in each city, in person as well as online via Facebook groups. This survey, completed by 920 people, included questions about the cycling habits and bicycle repair experiences of the respondents. I then contacted respondents with diverse levels of experience in repair and maintenance for further interviews.

The 13 people who identified as neither "male" nor "female" were omitted in the following analysis since this sample of the respondents was not large enough to be able to infer any (1.9%)

4 (0.9%) Table 1
For the qualitative section of this study, I conducted 37 semi-structured interviews with female cyclists or members of a bicycle repair organisation. Ten of these women were professional bicycle mechanics, including two owners of a bicycle shop. The interview grid included the issue of how women perceived their gender to affect their repair experiences. For clarity, in this paper, I translated into English the extracts of interviews conducted in French.

Also of note, and having some operational value in the study, is my gendered experience of participating in bicycle repair and maintenance as a woman. This enabled my situated insights into the embodied experiences of the women I interviewed. In addition, some of the conversations documented would certainly not have happened had I been a man. I therefore follow Harding's feminist standpoint epistemology (1992) in considering that my identity as a researcher is a resource in producing more objective knowledge.

Bicycle Repair and Maintenance as a Patriarchal Environment

This paper aims to follow Young's argument according to which the general context of patriarchal society produces in women specific ways of using their body, and to investigate whether this can be observed in the specific case of bicycle repair. In this section, I describe the general environment in which bicycle repair occurs and show that it is not only very masculine, but also patriarchal. Indeed, it is an environment where women frequently receive inappropriate attention and see their expertise denied.

The Masculinity of Repair

One first result of the repair and maintenance survey is that women tend to be less experienced with bicycle repair and maintenance skills. As shown in Figure 1, they are overwhelmingly less likely to agree or strongly agree with the statement 'when I have access to the right tools, I find it easy to repair most problems on a bicycle'.

Figure 1 -Stated overall ease with repair according to the gender of respondents

Men reported greater ease in general, but also with each specified repair and maintenance operation. Figure 2 illustrates the difference in reported ease with one of these operations, performing brake adjustment, by male and female cyclists. We can see in the figure that women were more than three times more likely to have never performed this operation on a bicycle.

Figure 2 -Stated experience with adjusting bicycle brakes according to the gender of respondents

This repair skills gender gap is also visible in a task considered by many to be the most basic of repair, namely puncture repair. 12% of the women surveyed had realised this operation less than once, whereas this was only the case for 2% of male respondents (98% of men felt "comfortable" with this operation).

Overall, a first enquiry into spaces of bicycle repair and maintenance shows that these spaces are overwhelmingly masculine. Most professional mechanics and volunteers in community workshops are men [START_REF] Jose | Strong Women Start on a Bicycle: How Girls-Only Bicycle Empowerment Programs Can Help Urban Girls Grow up to Be Strong Women[END_REF][START_REF] Laker | Inspiring Change[END_REF]).5

A first element of the context women find themselves in when engaging with repair or maintenance is thus a relative lack of experience and skills, and a general association between repair and masculinity. This lower experience with bicycle repair is probably the reason why, when faced with a bicycle breakdown, women were more likely to take it to a shop and less likely to bring it home to repair it or to go to a community workshop. Furthermore, women were more likely than men to solve a bicycle breakdown with someone else's help (83% of women compared to 55% of men). This includes people going to a bicycle shop, but also applies to help received from a friend or acquaintance (30% of women compared to only 7% of men).

The general environment where bicycle repair takes place is therefore a very masculine one:

men are often more experienced in repair, more likely to repair their bicycle themselves and without help. For the repair of their bicycle, women are more likely to depend on professional mechanics (who themselves tend to be men), or on friends and acquaintances. Women engaging with repair thus find themselves in a very masculine environment. This masculinity alone does not make the environment of bicycle repair patriarchal; however, as argued by Clarsen, it derives from active mechanisms of exclusion of women: 'those workplaces are not accidentally or coincidentally male-dominated' (Clarsen 2019:34). Bicycle repair and maintenance spaces are not only masculine but also patriarchal as defined by Young: that is, they constitute an environment where women are denied their subjectivity, autonomy and creativity. The next two aspects of the repair and maintenance environment, inappropriate attention and denial of expertise, contribute to these patriarchal mechanisms of exclusion.

Inappropriate Attention

Women often experience inappropriate attention in spaces of bicycle repair and maintenance.

By 'inappropriate attention', I include many different expressions of sexism and sexual interest towards women, which include exaggerated help, unrequested advice and unwanted flirting.

Although this behaviour does not always qualify as sexual harassment, it always encroaches upon women's private space and initiative.

Lisa, who created an association that teaches and supports female road cyclists in Melbourne, recounts an example of this: Although the general atmosphere of repair spaces is rarely as extreme as the one depicted by Lisa, they are often spaces where women feel objectified, deprived of their own subjectivity and autonomy. For instance, in community workshops, where the interaction between volunteers and visitors is less formal than in bicycle shops, volunteers often show an excessive interest in helping women, sometimes without being requested to do so. Although this seems harmless and women do not always complain about it, it also contributes to constituting spaces of repair as spaces where their subjectivity is denied. As Pauline, an experienced bicycle mechanic, describes:

I
The last time I set foot in a community workshop […] I believe that at least 6 to 8 guys came to me during the evening to suggest that I would go home with them. […] Seriously, it was the theme of the evening! The place I would sleep in! Pauline, 32, Lyon

This frequent inappropriate attention contributes to gendering space, making its lived experience different for men and women [START_REF] Massey | Space, Place and Gender[END_REF]. When men regularly encroach upon women's personal space, it contributes to making the activities of repair and maintenance feel intimidating or to women.

Denial of Expertise

A third characteristic of bicycle shops and community workshops as a patriarchal context for repair and maintenance is the denial of expertise faced by women when engaging in repair and maintenance practices. When walking into a bicycle shop or a community workshop, women often feel that the employees or volunteers make assumptions regarding their repair and maintenance skills. Often, women see their expertise denied at the same time as they experience inappropriate male attention. An example often mentioned in community workshops is male volunteers who, when a woman asks them for help with a repair, take the tools she was using and do this repair themselves.

Amanda, an experienced road cyclist and cycling coach in Melbourne, said she once walked out of a bicycle shop where the employee made the assumption that she wanted a flat bar bicycle. Since such bicycles are not used for racing, this showed an assumption that, as a middle-aged woman, she could not race, something that deeply offended her.

The denial of women's expertise is most blatant in the case of female professional bicycle mechanics. These women, even after years of experience, frequently face customers who do not trust their skills.

Juliette, a qualified e-bicycle mechanic in Lyon, experiences this frequently. She recounts daily interactions where customers do not take her seriously.

Some guy comes into the shop to ask a technical question, he will see me but not go and ask me directly though I am standing at the workshop next to the sign saying 'workshop'. And he goes and asks my colleague instead. This happens to me every day.

Juliette, 31, Lyon

Visible signs of their status, such as the position in the bicycle shopin the workshop area, with tools in handoften do not suffice for customers to treat female mechanics as skilled. All qualified female mechanics told similar stories of customers not talking to them directly and ignoring obvious signs that they were in charge for a specific repair. According to Juliette, customers sometimes refuse to believe she is responsible for a successful repair. In some extreme cases, customers even refused to see a woman in charge of repairing their bicycle or, while on the phone, requested to talk to a male mechanic. Several female mechanics who were formally trained as such also recounted of managers asking them to work as a salesperson. It is thus both customers and sometimes colleagues of female mechanics who frequently deny their expertise. The denial of women's expertise often derives from the strong association between masculinity and an area of employment [START_REF] Cockburn | the Way of Women: Men's Resistance to Sex Equality in Organizations[END_REF], and similar observations were realised in the study of other manual trades [START_REF] Smith | Working Hard with Gender: Gendered Labour for Women in Male Dominated Occupations of Manual Trades and Information Technology (IT)[END_REF]. Once again, it contributes to denying women's autonomy and skills and making spaces of repair and maintenance unwelcoming to them.

In this section, I argued that spaces of bicycle repair and maintenance constitute patriarchal environments. Indeed, they are not only overwhelmingly masculine, but they also allow this masculinity to reproduce itself through frequent inappropriate male attention and denial of female expertise. To follow Young, they are spaces where women are denied their subjectivity and autonomy. The next section dwells on the ways this patriarchal environment inhibits the engagement of women with bicycle repair and maintenance and their velonomy.

The Production of Feminine Velonomy

I described earlier the patriarchal environment repair and maintenance practices take place in.

Young's argument is that women's bodily experience is transformed by the patriarchal society their everyday life takes place in. In other terms, the sexism widespread in societyand among others in spaces of repair and maintenancedoes not only affect women in terms of the opportunities that are given to them. It also transforms 'the modalities of feminine bodily existence' (Young, 1980:30), here understood as the ways women feel and move their bodies.

The following section focuses on the consequences that the patriarchal environment of repair and maintenance has on women's bodies, movements and actions. The patriarchal environment described above is not only the background against which feminine velonomy occurs, but it is what produces the conditions for a feminine velonomy characterised by an inhibition in repairing and maintaining bicycles.

This section follows the outline of the previous one; I examine each of the three characteristics of the patriarchal environment discussed earlier for the ways in which it transforms feminine velonomy. Feminine velonomy appears as a condition of inhibition, discomfort and lack of confidence detrimental to the engagement with bicycle repair and maintenance and to the acquisition of new skills.

Masculinity of Repair and Feminine Velonomy

I discussed earlier the overwhelming masculinity of bicycle repair environments. Women often do not have as much experience as men in bicycle repair, and that they rarely meet other women who are experienced in it, let alone female professional mechanics. As a result, women often feel that bicycle repair is not something that applies to them and lack self-confidence when engaging with it.

The first effect of the masculinity of repair environments is the feeling that repair is 'not for them'. One woman I met in Lyon had never engaged with bicycle repair, she had never even inflated her own tyres, something she left to her husband. She was, on the other hand, very involved with many DIY projects such as fabricating pieces of furniture for her home and for her child. When the situation led her to replace a brake cable, which her husband suggested they could do together, she was surprised to find it extremely easy. In this case, it is possible to think the association of bicycle repair with masculinity had a role in this woman never imagining that she could inflate her own tyres or replace her own cable. Despite considering herself 'very crafty', she did not envision bicycle repair and maintenance as a sphere she could use this craft in.

Another example of thinking of repair as not for them are the many women who expressed some worry at the idea of walking into a bicycle shop. For instance, Ellie confessed feeling uncomfortable because of the outfit she was wearing: 'I remember it feeling weird that I was walking into their shop, in a dress, without a bike.' Another cyclist, Mary, described not feeling comfortable in a bicycle shop which felt 'very boysey' to her.

[

Mary, 54, Melbourne

Cyclists often experience a feeling of illegitimacy [START_REF] Aldred | Incompetent or Too Competent? Negotiating Everyday Cycling Identities in a Motor Dominated Society[END_REF]. In Mary's example, this feeling is related to the masculinity that she associates both with repair and with cycling itself, as illustrated by the image of 'dudes who wear Lycra'. The discomfort expressed by Ellie and Mary illustrates how the masculinity of cycling and of repair can overlap, making women feeling doubly unwelcome in bicycle shops.

A second effect of the assumed masculinity of repair and maintenance is women lacking selfconfidence when engaging with repair. Many women expressed their worry, or even the fear, of not doing things right when repairing their bicycle. One of these women, Susan, describes how the fear of doing something wrong made the repair difficult and unpleasant:

So,

Susan, 38, Melbourne

Consequently, Susan did not engage further in repair after these experiences. Other women showed similar attitudes to repair, stating that, as their main mode of transportation, the bicycle was too important to experiment with it. The bicycle's centrality in their life justifies extra caution and therefore is a reason not to attempt to repair it by themselves. Through the many interviews conducted, no man has demonstrated such a position towards repair.

These examples show how the fear of failing can inhibit action, as argued by Young through the concept of feminine motility. This lack of confidence is not only an issue of discomfort but also an impediment to learning. Indeed, repair and maintenance skills are often learnt by doing [START_REF] Barber | The Informally Trained Mechanic: Skill Acquisition in the Workplace[END_REF]: being willing to try repairing something is often the main step in repairing it, and this requires some self-confidence in one's ability to succeed. As shown in Figure 3, women are less willing than men to try repairing something unfamiliar.

Figure 3 -Willingness to try repairing according to the gender of respondents

The masculinity of repair and maintenance thus constitutes a major impediment to feminine velonomy. Indeed, women sometimes feel uncomfortable in repair spaces; they sometimes lack self-confidence when engaging with bicycle repair. This inhibits women's ease with bicycle repair, and with acquiring new repair and maintenance skills.

Inappropriate Male Attention and Feminine Velonomy

A second characteristic of the patriarchal environment of bicycle repair is the frequent inappropriate attention experienced by women. These experiences affect feminine velonomy and inhibit women while engaging with bicycle repair and maintenance. They make women feel like they do not have the same status as men in spaces of bicycle repair and maintenance and restrict their ease with engaging with repair.

When given unrequested advice and help, women often feel uncomfortable and disempowered.

Sexist remarks and harassment tend to be a reason for them to stop going to the bicycle shop or community workshop where they experienced them. Several women interviewed mentioned a sexist atmosphere as a reason for not coming back to a community workshop or a bicycle shop.

When remaining in the spaces in which they experienced this inappropriate attention, it can be detrimental to the quality of their work. One mechanic described the consequences that the sexist remarks widespread in a previous work environment had on her self-worth.

As a result I lost all self-confidence, so I wasn't repairing bikes like I should, I wasn't doing a good job any more… actually it did a lot of harm to me.

Karine, 25, Melbourne

Inappropriate attention can also affect the ability of women to learn new skills, as shown by the interview of Jeanne, who recounts her early years of being a member in a community workshop in Lyon.

I felt like… flirting was kind of mandatory and everyone seemed okay with it; I don't remember feeling very happy with my repairs there, I could not even tell you what I repaired.

Jeanne, 36, Lyon

The inappropriate attention Jeanne received in the workshop was powerful enough to limit the benefits she got out of volunteering there. This hostile environment obscured the memories that she has of the time she spent there and it is likely that this discomfort was an impediment to her developing new repair skills.

The second aspect of the patriarchal environment of bicycle repair and maintenance, Inappropriate attention, contributes to restricting feminine velonomy by limiting the ease that women feel in spaces of maintenance and repair and reducing their opportunities to learn and acquire new skills.

Denial of Expertise and Feminine Velonomy

The last patriarchal aspect of repair and maintenance spaces is the denial of women's expertise in bicycle repair, even when their peers consider them experts. This general atmosphere inhibits feminine velonomy by feeding women's low self-confidence. It also is an impediment to learning and improving technical skills.

One example of such a case is Rosa. As an apprentice in a bicycle shop, she is not very experienced yet but she also feels very exposed as the only woman in her environment since, to her view, if she fails at her job she will reinforce stereotypes about women and mechanical work. She has internalised this pressure, which she describes as an obstacle that prevents her from enjoying her job and getting better at it.

I

Rosa

Rosa's tale shows that the regular denial of women's expertise does not only impact the way they feel, but also their bodily movements. What she describes as a simple task became a real chore as an angry customer was closely watching her and commenting her work. The pressure that she describes was not only psychological, but it also transformed her bodily engagement with the bicycle she was working on. It reduced her ease and was detrimental to the quality of her work. Once again, the regular denial of female expertise occurring in spaces of bicycle repair and maintenance restricts feminine velonomy. It makes these spaces uncomfortable to women and limits women's ability to engage with, and learn about, bicycle repair and maintenance.

The patriarchal context of repair and maintenance produces the conditions for feminine velonomy, namely for women to feel inhibited and less confident with bicycle repair. By making them feel uncomfortable in some spaces of repair and maintenance, it contributes to their exclusion from these spaces. Furthermore, it limits the opportunities given to women to try and experiment with bicycle repair and maintenance, and thus to acquire new skills.

The Struggle for Legitimacy: Strategies of Feminine Velonomy

From the above, we understand that the general context of patriarchal society, and more specifically of bicycle repair and maintenance spaces, produces the conditions of a restricted feminine velonomy. Awareness of these issues is growing, and several activist groups and spaces 6 have appeared in the last year in order to address them. Some of these groups offer collective alternatives to male-dominated spaces when it comes to acquiring repair and maintenance skills and engaging safely with repair and maintenance 7 . Besides these collective initiatives, women also designed individual strategies in order to assess their legitimacy in repair and maintenance spaces. In this last section, I dwell on four strategies developed by women in order to overcome a central aspect of the patriarchal environment of repair and maintenance that we discussed earlier: the frequent denial of their expertise. These strategies are practising to perfection, didactic demonstration, leaning on male peers and selective interactions.

The first way women sometimes deal with the frequent lack of recognition of their skills is practising to perfection, that is developing their skills to a certain level that it is impossible for others to doubt they are qualified. This is for instance the case of Sam, a Melbourne shop owner who prides herself in being the person people go to for complicated operations, frame building and 'when stuff gets stuck'.

They go 'I heard good things about you… oh you're female!' So it works for the positive as well.

Sam, 47, Melbourne

Whereas for Sam, being known as an expert may not have been an intentional strategy to counteract the sexist interactions she might face, it was a different case for Clarisse. Employed as a mechanic in very high-level competitive races, this woman recounted practising the replacement of a broken bicycle chain for hours and hours at home so that she could then do it in 34 seconds. She described this impressive performance as allowing her to gain respect as a serious mechanic in a place where she, as looking 'blonde and girly', initially did not feel trusted. 'The fact that I was working for a very good athlete also helped a lot', she added.

Didactic demonstration was another strategy followed by women skilled in bicycle repair and maintenance. Indeed, demonstrating skills, in practice or verbally, is a way that female mechanics can assert their legitimacy when facing customer distrust. This is the strategy adopted by Juliette; This mechanic recounted her pleasure in contradicting customers who think they know more than she does, while remaining polite since her employment is at stake. This is also the attitude favoured by some female cyclists as customers of a bicycle shop, as illustrated by the situation of Louise, an experienced road cyclist: Female mechanics sometimes receive assistance from their male colleagues in situations where customers challenge their legitimacythis is what I call leaning on male peers. For instance, Rosa, a mechanic in training whom I quoted earlier, mentioned how helpful she found her male colleague who made a point of always introducing her to new customers as 'Rosa, our mechanic'. Other female mechanics praised the support brought to them by male colleagues who intervened when a customer behaved inappropriately.

I
Lastly, selective interactions was another strategy. For instance, some female cyclists admitted to preferentially use bicycle shops where the staff knows them and their competences. This is the case with Amanda, previously described as feeling extremely offended by an interaction in a bicycle shop. Amanda explained that this hurtful experience convinced her to only visit shops where she is well-known, such as the one sponsoring her cycling club.

Another form that this strategy can take is the one adopted by Olivia. This woman explained that, while in a bicycle shop or a workshop, she often behaves very coldly in order to limit the expectations that people may have when engaging with her: she calls this behaviour, 'putting a hard shell on'.

I feel I have to put on this really confident kind of, and strong, almost rude energy about me when I walk into a bike shop and I ask questions, or like I'm buying things. Because

[…] it's already thought that women don't know anything so you could just do anything you like.

Olivia, 26, Melbourne

This overview of strategies adopted by women in order to be perceived as legitimate in a bicycle repair and maintenance environment shows that women may react in diverse ways to the patriarchal circumstances they find themselves in. It also shows that Young's theory of feminine motility, besides highlighting the patriarchal environment's ability to transform women's bodily engagement with the world, still leaves room for women's agency. These strategies rely on diverse resources that women can use in order to develop velonomy. However, these resources do not solely depend on the women executing them; some of them, like supportive male peers and the existence of more inclusive spaces of repair and maintenance, reside within the environment. This implies that developing strategies of resistance is easier in less patriarchal environments.

Conclusion

This paper has attempted to contribute to research on gender equality and cycling by exploring the gender issues present in a less commonly discussed area of cycling practices, bicycle repair and maintenance. Relying on Young's theory of feminine motility (1980), I show that it applies to velonomy, that is to the ease shown by a cyclist in repairing, maintaining and adjusting their bicycle [START_REF] Mundler | Le Vélo Comme Outil d'empowerment -Les Impacts Des Cours de Vélo Pour Adultes Sur Les Pratiques Socio-Spatiales[END_REF]. Bicycle repair is an activity at the intersection between cycling and manual labour, two very gendered practices [START_REF] Aldred | Cycling Provision Separated from Motor Traffic: A Systematic Review Exploring Whether Stated Preferences Vary by Gender and Age[END_REF][START_REF] Smith | Working Hard with Gender: Gendered Labour for Women in Male Dominated Occupations of Manual Trades and Information Technology (IT)[END_REF], and is itself very male-dominated. Indeed, its masculinity reproduces itself through several mechanisms of exclusion [START_REF] Clarsen | Of Girls and Spanners: Feminist Politics, Women's Bodies and the Male Trades[END_REF], among which regular inappropriate male attention and the frequent denial of female expertise. The latter is even more obvious in the case of bicycle shop customers not taking qualified female bicycle mechanics seriously. In turn, this patriarchal environment transforms the bodily conditions of women when engaging with repair and maintenance. It produces the conditions for feminine velonomy, a bodily experience characterised by low self-confidence, discomfort in spaces of repair and maintenance and an inhibition regarding bicycle repair. As a result, women often do not feel legitimate and distrust their own abilities when it comes to repair and maintenance. This is not only a deterrent against engaging with repair and maintenance, but also against acquiring new skills. I highlighted four strategies executed by women in order to overcome some of these restrictions.

These discussions demonstrate that the gendered issues present in cycling and in repair and maintenance are intertwined and should be considered jointly for a better understanding of both these practices. Besides, this research puts an emphasis on the role of the environment of bicycle repair and maintenance in producing feminine velonomy as well as in reproducing itselfwithout denying women's agency in elaborating strategies in order to assess their legitimacy regarding bicycle repair. By doing so, it may be a basis to assess the relevance of initiatives aimed at transforming this environment, such as gender-inclusive bicycle workshops or women-only bicycle repair skills courses. It should be noted that this chapter, by focusing on gender, leaves aside the experiences of velonomy produced by the belonging of individuals to diverse minorities of race, sexuality or abilities and the multifaceted intersections between these identities. Indeed, 'an intersectional feminist perspective is crucial for an inclusive urban cycling revolution' (Lam 2016:12).

  Action taken the last time the respondent's bicycle broke down (according to gender)

		Brought it to	Community	Fixed it on	Brought it	Did not do
		the shop	workshop	the spot	home to fix	anything
					it
	Men	33%	13%	20%	44%	4%
		(157)	(61)	(93)	(208)	(18)
	Women	49%	8%	16%	32%	3%
		(190)	(30)	(61)	(124)	(12)

Table 2

 2

  wait until the person explains everything to me in detail.[…] He explains everything,

	I let him talk, but I will place in the conversation a couple details that show that 'Oh
	well actually she knows what she is doing.' […] and this way, they are more impressed
	by a striking little detail. […] Several women told me that they do exactly the same.
	Louise, 35, Lyon

According to Merleau-Ponty, to be transcendent and act efficiently on its environment, a "body must not belong to the realm of 'in-itself'"(Young 1980:38)

Following de Beauvoir, Young uses the term "femininity" to describe the typical way in which women experience the typical situation they find themselves in a particular society. "This understanding of "feminine" existence makes it possible to

Furthermore, analysing results for gender non-conforming people itself would be complicated since this term does not refer to a homogenous category but is an umbrella term which includes a wide range of gender identities[START_REF] Richards | Non-Binary or Genderqueer Genders[END_REF]).

There are so few female professional bicycle mechanics in both Lyon and Melbourne that I ended up interviewing every single one of them. Based on observation, it is likely that women constitute less than 10% of all professional mechanics.

In France, one of these organisations is the national network of feminist initiatives for community workshops, Enclume à Clavette

See for instance the excellent documentary "Le moment des forces" by Constance Brosse, 2018, about a bicycle repair and maintenance class for women and non-binary people in Lyon

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Clara Chaffardon for introducing me to feminist phenomenology (and more specifically of Young's work on the topic) as well as Nikki Pugh for her thorough support, advice and proofreading of an earlier draft of this chapter.


Kevin Hoeffner

Mathieu Santonja

Cécile Monard

Lou Barbe

Mathilde Le Moing

Daniel Cluzeau

Kevin Hoeffner Ab Mathieu

Santonja Ac

Mathilde Lemoing

Soil properties, grassland management, and landscape diversity drive the assembly of earthworm communities in temperate grasslands

come

 [START_REF] Hole | Effects of animals on soil[END_REF][START_REF] Bar-On | The biomass distribution on Earth[END_REF]. They are usually classified into three main ecological categories depending on their physiology, morphology and behaviour: epigeic, anecic and endogeic species [START_REF] Bouché | Lombriciens de France: écologie et systématique[END_REF][START_REF] Bouché | Strategies lombriciennes[END_REF]. Briefly, epigeic earthworms live in and consume surface organic matter, anecic earthworms burrow vertical galleries to feed on a mixture of surface and soil organic matter, and endogeic earthworms burrow horizontal galleries to feed on soil organic matter [START_REF] Bouché | Fonctions des lombriciens II. Recherches méthodologiques pour l'analyse qualitative de la matière organique végétale ingéré (étude du peuplement de la station RCP-165/PBI)[END_REF][START_REF] Bouché | Strategies lombriciennes[END_REF][START_REF] Jégou | Effects of four ecological categories of earthworms on carbon transfer in soil[END_REF]. Additionally, within the anecic earthworms, epianecic species feed preferentially on fresh surface organic matter (i.e. leaf litter) and are thereby distinguished from strict-anecic species that feed preferentially on humified organic matter already incorporated into the soil [START_REF] Jégou | Effects of four ecological categories of earthworms on carbon transfer in soil[END_REF][START_REF] Larsen | Substantial nutritional contribution of bacterial amino acids to earthworms and enchytraeids: A case study from organic grasslands[END_REF][START_REF] Hoeffner | Epi-anecic rather than strict-anecic earthworms enhance soil enzymatic activities[END_REF]. Depending on their ecological categories and associated feeding and burrowing behaviour, earthworms contribute to important ecosystem services provided by the soil such as nutrient cycling, water and climate regulation and primary production [START_REF] Blouin | A review of earthworm impact on soil function and ecosystem services: Earthworm impact on ecosystem services[END_REF][START_REF] Bertrand | Earthworm services for cropping systems. A review[END_REF]. For example, [START_REF] Groenigen | Earthworms increase plant production: a meta-analysis[END_REF] reported in a meta-analysis that an increase in crop production was observed in presence of earthworms, this increase ranging from 18% in presence of epigeic species up to 32% in presence of anecic species.

Earthworm communities are governed by different environmental filters, including biogeographical history, soil properties, land use and management as well as species interactions within the community (e.g. competition or facilitation; [START_REF] Lavelle | The structure of earthworm communities[END_REF][START_REF] Curry | Factors affecting the abundance of earthworms in soils[END_REF][START_REF] Decaëns | Assembly rules within earthworm communities in North-Western France -A regional analysis[END_REF]. Previous studies focusing on the impact of soil properties on earthworm communities highlighted the key role played by soil pH, soil organic matter content and soil texture [START_REF] Joschko | Spatial analysis of earthworm biodiversity at the regional scale[END_REF][START_REF] Lee | Earthworms -Their ecology and relationships with soils and land use[END_REF][START_REF] Decaëns | Assembly rules within earthworm communities in North-Western France -A regional analysis[END_REF]. Other studies focused on the impact of land use on these earthworm communities [START_REF] Boag | Distribution, prevalence and intensity of earthworm populations in arable land and grassland in Scotland[END_REF][START_REF] Decaëns | Earthworm communities in a wet agricultural landscape of the Seine Valley (Upper Normandy, France)[END_REF][START_REF] Decaëns | Assembly rules within earthworm communities in North-Western France -A regional analysis[END_REF][START_REF] Cluzeau | Integration of biodiversity in soil quality monitoring: Baselines for microbial and soil fauna parameters for different land-use types[END_REF]. For example, [START_REF] Ponge | The impact of agricultural practices on soil biota: A regional study[END_REF] reported that grasslands exhibited higher anecic earthworm abundance than croplands. In addition, Zaller and Arnone (1999) observed a positive correlation between the density and the biomass of earthworm communities and the plant species richness of grasslands, and in particular for endogeic species. Concerning land management, previous studies reported that ploughing [START_REF] Chan | An overview of some tillage impacts on earthworm population abundance and diversity -Implications for functioning in soils[END_REF][START_REF] Briones | Conventional tillage decreases the abundance and biomass of earthworms and alters their community structure in a global meta-analysis[END_REF], pesticide application [START_REF] Pelosi | Pesticides and earthworms. A review[END_REF] and low permanent cover [START_REF] Vršic | Soil erosion and earthworm population responses to soil management systems in steepslope vineyards[END_REF] negatively impact earthworm communities with a response intensity depending on the ecological category considered.

Other studies have been undertaken at a greater scale to evaluate the impact of landscape diversity on earthworm communities within croplands [START_REF] Vanbergen | Scale-specific correlations between habitat heterogeneity and soil fauna diversity along a landscape structure gradient[END_REF][START_REF] Lüscher | Responses of plants, earthworms, spiders and bees to geographic location, agricultural management and surrounding landscape in European arable fields[END_REF][START_REF] Frazão | Earthworm communities in arable fields and restored field margins, as related to management practices and surrounding landscape diversity[END_REF]. For example, [START_REF] Flohre | Does soil biota benefit from organic farming in complex vs. simple landscapes? Agriculture[END_REF] observed that the earthworm species richness in croplands R e v i s e d m a n u s c r i p t 2 decreased with the percentage of surrounding agricultural fields. Regulska and Kolaczkowska (2015) also reported that a cropland surrounded by a diverse landscape supported a higher earthworm diversity, density and biomass than the same type of cropland surrounded by a simpler landscape. However, the majority of the previous studies did not report effect of landscape diversity on earthworm communities of croplands and vineyards [START_REF] Kovács-Hostyánszki | Earthworms, spiders and bees as indicators of habitat quality and management in a low-input farming region-A whole farm approach[END_REF][START_REF] Frazão | Earthworm communities in arable fields and restored field margins, as related to management practices and surrounding landscape diversity[END_REF][START_REF] Buchholz | Soil biota in vineyards are more influenced by plants and soil quality than by tillage intensity or the surrounding landscape[END_REF]. Moreover, field margins of croplands were reported to exhibit higher abundance and diversity of earthworms than in the croplands itself but, surprisingly, these field margins were not reported to favor earthworm populations of these croplands [START_REF] Smith | Can arable field margins be managed to enhance their biodiversity, conservation and functional value for soil macrofauna[END_REF][START_REF] Roarty | Permanent and new arable field margins support large earthworm communities but do not increase in-field populations[END_REF][START_REF] Crittenden | Earthworm assemblages as affected by field margin strips and tillage intensity: An on-farm approach[END_REF]. Whether and how earthworms disperse within agricultural landscapes hence remains an unresolved issue.

A strong research effort has been done in the past decades to study the earthworm communities of croplands. Grasslands are the largest terrestrial ecosystem in the globe and produce many key ecosystem services, such as carbon storage, soil erosion mitigation or support for pollinators [START_REF] Costanza | The value of the world's ecosystem services and natural capital[END_REF][START_REF] Conant | Potential soil carbon sequestration in overgrazed grassland ecosystems[END_REF]Werling et al., 2014). The main objective of the present study was to conjointly evaluate the effects of soil properties, grassland management and landscape diversity on the assembly of grassland earthworm communities. Specifically, we hypothesized that the intensity of grassland management would negatively affect earthworm community parameters while the landscape diversity surrounding the grasslands would increase earthworm community parameters. The second objective was to evaluate the effect of hedgerows on these earthworm communities. By increasing the number of available niches, we hypothesized that the presence of a hedgerow in the grassland edge would increase earthworm community parameters [START_REF] Tews | Animal species diversity driven by habitat heterogeneity/diversity: the importance of keystone structures[END_REF]. We conducted the study in an agricultural landscape of Brittany, France. Earthworms were sampled in 24 grasslands and, within three of them, they were oversampled near a hedgerow and near a ditch (control without hedgerow). Several parameters of the earthworm communities were evaluated including (i) the total abundance, total biomass, species richness and species diversity and (ii) the abundance, biomass and richness within each earthworm ecological category.

MATERIALS AND METHODS

Study site

The study site covers 10 km 2 and is a part of the Long Term Ecological Research (LTER) ''Zone Atelier Armorique'', located in Brittany, France (48°50' N, -1°58' W). The climate of the area is oceanic with a mean annual temperature of 11.7 °C, a mean annual rainfall of 815.0 mm and a mean annual relative humidity of 80.9 % (mean values over the period 2010-2016, data from Météo France). The main soil types encountered are Cambisols (IUSS Working Group, 2015) with high bedrock heterogeneity (granite, soft schist and aeolian loam). Moreover, the study area presents a substantial micro-topography, mainly due to R e v i s e d m a n u s c r i p t 3 a high variability of landscape structures (e.g. hedges and ditches as field margins) with a hedge density ranging from 50 to 100 m.ha -1 [START_REF] Baudry | A holistic landscape ecological study of the interactions between farming activities and ecological patterns in Brittany, France[END_REF][START_REF] Thomas | Proximate and ultimate controls on carbon and nutrient dynamics of small agricultural catchments[END_REF]. Land use comprises mainly annual crops (corn, wheat, barley) and temporary or permanent grasslands, forest and unmanaged areas.

We used ground-truth aerial photos, which were taken every year since 1990, to construct a detailed land-use history for all grasslands, allowing us to precisely determine the age of each grassland. Based on this land-use history and after verification with grassland owners, we selected 24 grasslands ranging from 1 to 25 years since the last crop. Among them, three grasslands with an age gradient of 1-, 2-and 7-year-old were selected and oversampled from a hedgerow and a ditch at their surroundings to take into account a specific effect of hedgerow on soil properties [START_REF] Marshall | Field margins in northern Europe: their functions and interactions with agriculture[END_REF][START_REF] Walter | The effect of hedgerows on soil organic carbon storage in hillslopes[END_REF].

Earthworm sampling and laboratory analyses

Earthworms were sampled in 2016 within the 24 grasslands at a 30 m distance from any grassland edge, and then in the 3 selected grasslands near a ditch and near a hedgerow. For the 3 selected grasslands, we standardized the sampling with 3 sampling points in order to consider 3 replicates with hedgerow (at 1, 5 and 10 m from the hedgerow) and 3 replicates without hedgerow (at 1, 5 and 10 m from the ditch).

Earthworms sampling followed the normalized protocol ISO 23 611-1, that was modified and validated during the RMQS BioDiv program [START_REF] Cluzeau | Integration of biodiversity in soil quality monitoring: Baselines for microbial and soil fauna parameters for different land-use types[END_REF] combining chemical and physical extractions. Briefly, each earthworm sampling was characterised by a mean of three sub-sampling spaced of 10 m in line. Earthworm sub-sampling consisted of three waterings of 10 L with a gradient concentration of formaldehyde (0.25, 0.25 and 0.4%) on one square meter. After each watering, earthworms were collected for 15 min. Afterwards, a block of soil (25 × 25 × 20 cm, length × width × depth) was excavated within each sub-sampling area and earthworms were hand-sorted. The number of hand-sorted earthworms (HS) was multiplied by 16 to obtain an estimation per square meter. This number was then added to the number of earthworms counted with the formaldehyde extraction (F) to obtain the total number of earthworms per square meter (FHS): FHS = F + (16 × HS). Earthworms were fixed and preserved in formaldehyde solution (4%).

In the laboratory, each earthworm individual was counted, weighed, assigned to a stage of development (juvenile, sub-adult and adult), identified at the sub-species level and assigned to its ecological category: epigeic, anecic or endogeic [START_REF] Bouché | Lombriciens de France: écologie et systématique[END_REF][START_REF] Bouché | Strategies lombriciennes[END_REF]. Additionally, we distinguished within anecic earthworms, the epi-anecic (genus Lumbricus) from the strict-anecic earthworms (genus Aporrectodea) [START_REF] Ferrière | Fonctions des Lombriciens. VII. Une méthode d'analyse de la matière organique végétale ingérée[END_REF][START_REF] Jégou | Effects of four ecological categories of earthworms on carbon transfer in soil[END_REF]. For juvenile individuals, identification was first limited to the genus and thereafter they were attributed a species name according to the proportions of sub-adults and adults present R e v i s e d m a n u s c r i p t 4 of the same genus on each square meter. Earthworm diversity was analysed through three levels: total species richness, Shannon diversity index and species evenness index.

Environmental filters

We selected three environmental filters to explain earthworm community parameters: soil properties, grassland management and landscape diversity.

Soil properties were characterized by the soil texture, organic matter content and pH (water). Ten soil samples were randomly collected at 3 m around the earthworm sub-samplings using a cylindrical soil corer (5 cm diameter × 20 cm depth) in each grassland. These 10 soil samples were pooled and homogenized in order to consider one composite soil sample per grassland and sent to the analytical laboratory of LABOCEA (Combourg, France). Briefly, clay content ranged from 9.5% to 19.7%, sand content from 13.3% to 68.9%, organic matter content from 1.8% to 5.2% and soil pH from 5.5 to 6.7 (Supplementary Table S1).

Grassland management was assessed from interviews with farmers (Supplementary Table S1) and from ground-truth aerial photos. The grassland age ranged from 1 to 25 years since the last row-cropping using quite similar species sown (Lolium perenne and Trifolium repens or pratensis). In addition, livestock unit per hectare varied from 0 to 4.3. Fertilisation rate was declarative so we used only the distinction between organic and mineral input.

Landscape structure within 100 m radius around the sampled fields was classified into 9 habitats based on aerial photos (forest, grassland, crop, hedge, water, building, garden, asphalt area, road). The radius of 100 m was chosen to reflect the overall low mobility of earthworms [START_REF] Bardgett | Biological diversity and function in soils[END_REF][START_REF] Eijsackers | Earthworms as colonisers: Primary colonisation of contaminated land, and sediment and soil waste deposits[END_REF][START_REF] Eijsackers | Earthworms as colonizers of natural and cultivated soil environments[END_REF]. Landscape diversity was characterized by two indexes: total richness of habitats within the radius and Shannon Diversity Index of habitats (hereafter called SHDI). Mapping and analysis were done using the softwares QGis 2.8.1 and FRAGSTATS 4.296. In addition, we characterized the plant community of the 24 grasslands in spring 2015 using 10 quadrats (1 × 1 m) evenly distributed in each grassland, characterizing for each plant species its covering percentage. Among the 24 grasslands selected, landscape richness varied from 1 to 7 habitats (maximum number of habitats has never been observed), SHDI from 0.1 to 1.6 and plant Shannon index (hereafter called Plant diversity) within grasslands from 1.2 to 3.2 (Supplementary Table S1).

Statistical analysis

We used multiple linear regression models to test the effects of soil properties (decomposed in clay, sand, organic matter contents and pH), grassland management (decomposed in grassland age, livestock unit R e v i s e d m a n u s c r i p t 5 and fertilisation), and landscape diversity (decomposed in landscape richness, SHDI and plant diversity) on all earthworm community parameters (i.e. total abundance and biomass, total diversity indexes, ecological categories abundance and biomass). We constructed a full model comprising all environmental filters, and then we selected the significant environmental filters using a backward stepwise selection procedure that selects the best model using the AIC criterion [START_REF] Crawley | The R Book[END_REF]; stepAIC function of the "MASS" package).

We also evaluated the variance inflation factor (VIF) of each variable selected by the previous procedure to test for multicollinearity among environmental filters. We removed all environmental filters that showed a VIF > 5, even if significant from the model. Data met the conditions of normality and homoscedasticity.

Second, within each of the three selected grasslands (i.e. 1-, 2-and 7-year-old), we compared earthworm communities with and without hedgerow (ditch) using the three sampling points per plot as replicates. We used separated t-tests within the three selected grasslands to assess the differences in earthworm abundance, earthworm biomass, and species richness according to the presence or absence of a hedgerow.

Statistical analyses were performed with the R software 3.2.3 (R. [START_REF] Team | R: A language and environment for statistical computing[END_REF]. Significance was evaluated in all cases at P < 0.05.

RESULTS

Impact of soil properties, grassland management and landscape diversity on earthworm communities

Over the 24 grasslands sampled, the average earthworm abundance and biomass were 517.0 ± 57 individual.m -² and 219.4 ± 20 g.m -², respectively. The mean earthworm species richness was 10.8 ± 0.3.

Eighteen species belonging to the three ecological categories were identified (Supplementary Table S2).

Allolobophora chlorotica and Aporrectodea caliginosa were the most abundant species whereas Eisenia tetraedra, Dendrobaena rubida and Octalasium lacteum were present in one grassland only (Supplementary Table S2).

Higher soil organic matter content increased the total earthworm abundance (F = 5.3, P = 0.033, Table 1), the endogeic species abundance (F = 5.7, P = 0.028, Supplementary Table S3) and the endogeic species richness (F = 5.4, P = 0.031, Supplementary Table S4), while the endogeic species abundance was negatively correlated to the sand content (F = 6.9, P = 0.017, Supplementary Table S3). In addition the total earthworm abundance and biomass increased when soil pH was more alkaline (F = 5.0 and 6.8, P < 0.05, Fig. 1, Table 1) but no category-specific impact was observed with respect to pH variation.

The increase in livestock unit decreased total earthworm biomass (F = 5.7, P = 0.028, Table 1), and in particular the biomass of anecic species (F = 9.6, P = 0.005, Fig. 2a, Supplementary Table S5). However, R e v i s e d m a n u s c r i p t 6 this negative effect was only confirmed for the biomass of epi-anecic species (F = 4.4, P = 0.049, Fig. 2b, Supplementary Table S5). The increase in livestock unit also decreased the earthworm species richness, the Shannon diversity index and the species evenness (F = 2.8 to 9.6, P < 0.05, Fig. 2c, Table 1), and in particular the endogeic species richness (F = 9.5, P = 0.006, Supplementary Table S4). Mineral fertilisation enhanced the epigeic species abundance and biomass compared to organic fertilisation (F = 6.6 and 8.6, P < 0.02, Supplementary Tables S3 andS5).

Landscape richness decreased the biomass of epigeic species (F = 4.9, P = 0.041, Supplementary Table S4) but enhanced the epi-anecic species richness (F = 6.6, P = 0.019, Supplementary Table S4). The increase of SHDI decreased the total earthworm abundance (F = 4.6, P = 0.047, Table 1). In addition, the increase in plant diversity was positively correlated to Shannon diversity index and species evenness (F = 5.0 and 4.8, P < 0.04, Table 1).

Interestingly, the abundance of strict-anecic species, their biomass and richness were not affected by any of the environmental filters measured (Supplementary Tables S3, S4 andS5).

Impact of hedgerow presence on earthworm communities

Over the 3 grasslands oversampled, earthworm abundance was higher in the 2-year-old grassland (834 ± 76 individuals.m -2 ) compared to the 1-year-old (306 ± 32 individuals.m -2 ) and 7-year-old grasslands (385 ± 32 individuals.m -2 ). Earthworm species richness was higher in the 2-and 7-year-old grasslands (11.0 ± 0.4 and 10.2 ± 0.3, respectively) compared to the 1-year-old grassland (7.9 ± 0.4). Earthworm species composition was also strongly different between these three grasslands. For example, the presence of Eisenia tetraedra occurred only in the 2-year-old grassland and the presence of Aporrectodea caliginosa meridionalis occurred only in the 7-year-old grassland.

Earthworm species richness was 21.0% and 23.2 % higher with the presence of a hedgerow, compared to the presence of a ditch, in the grasslands of 1-and 2-year-old (t = 5.8 and 13.9, P < 0.03, Fig. 3a andb). It was however not affected in the 7-year-old grassland (t = 0.0, P = 0.85, Fig. 3c). The abundance of earthworms was not affected by the presence of hedgerows in the three selected grasslands (t= 0.0 to 0.03, P > 0.865).

Overall, except Allolobophora icterica and Aporrectodea nocturna that were more abundant with the presence of a hedgerow, the strict-anecic and endogeic species were evenly distributed between the plots with and without a hedgerow. The distribution of epi-anecic earthworm species was heterogeneous, but Lumbricus rubellus rubellus and Lumbricus terrestris were more often observed in presence of a hedgerow.

The distribution of epigeic earthworm was species dependent: Dendrobaena mammalis occurrence was higher in presence of a hedgerow and Eisenia tetraedra was observed in presence of a hedgerow in the 2-R e v i s e d m a n u s c r i p t 7 year-old grassland only. Lumbricus castaneus and Lumbricus rubellus castanoïdes occurrences were overall similar between the plots, independent from the presence of a hedgerow.

DISCUSSION

In the present study, we clearly demonstrated that soil properties, grassland management and landscape diversity conjointly affected the selected parameters of the earthworm communities. Our findings hence contrast with those of [START_REF] Frazão | Earthworm communities in arable fields and restored field margins, as related to management practices and surrounding landscape diversity[END_REF] who reported that earthworm communities of the croplands were impacted by agricultural practices only but neither by soil properties nor landscape diversity.

Contrary to previous studies that observed an effect of soil properties at the regional scale [START_REF] Decaëns | Earthworm communities in a wet agricultural landscape of the Seine Valley (Upper Normandy, France)[END_REF][START_REF] Vanbergen | Scale-specific correlations between habitat heterogeneity and soil fauna diversity along a landscape structure gradient[END_REF][START_REF] Decaëns | Assembly rules within earthworm communities in North-Western France -A regional analysis[END_REF], here, by taking the earthworm ecological category into account, we evidenced that soil properties impact on a finer scale (i.e. 10 km²), the abundance, biomass and richness of earthworm ecological categories. This result might be due to the strong spatial heterogeneity of the soil properties in the studied region [START_REF] Jamagne | Grands paysages pédologiques de France, 1st ed[END_REF]. In agreement with previous studies, we observed that higher soil sand content decreased the total abundance of earthworms [START_REF] Hendrix | Abundance and distribution of earthworms in relation to landscape factors on the Georgia Piedmont[END_REF][START_REF] Lapied | Influence of texture and amendments on soil properties and earthworm communities[END_REF], which could be due to the low capacity of sandy soils to hold water, leading to an unfavorable habitat for earthworms [START_REF] Lee | Earthworms -Their ecology and relationships with soils and land use[END_REF]. In addition, the increase in soil pH was positively correlated to both earthworm species richness [START_REF] Joschko | Spatial analysis of earthworm biodiversity at the regional scale[END_REF] and total abundance [START_REF] Ma | Long-term effects of nitrogenous fertilizers on grassland earthworms (Oligochaeta: Lumbricidae): Their relation to soil acidification[END_REF][START_REF] Mccallum | A role for liming as a conservation intervention? Earthworm abundance is associated with higher soil pH and foraging activity of a threatened shorebird in upland grasslands[END_REF]. Nonetheless, several reviews observed that earthworm preference to soil pH was species-dependent due to their synecology [START_REF] Bouché | Lombriciens de France: écologie et systématique[END_REF][START_REF] Edwards | Biology of Earthworms[END_REF][START_REF] Lee | Earthworms -Their ecology and relationships with soils and land use[END_REF] but the underlying mechanisms for pH preference are not fully understood yet. In line with their feeding behaviour that consists in consuming mainly humified organic matter, endogeic earthworm communities were more abundant and diversified in grasslands presenting high contents of soil organic matter [START_REF] Bouché | Strategies lombriciennes[END_REF][START_REF] Piearce | Gut contents of some lumbricid earthworms[END_REF][START_REF] Ferrière | Fonctions des Lombriciens. VII. Une méthode d'analyse de la matière organique végétale ingérée[END_REF].

Regarding grassland management, increasing livestock unit was the most damaging factor for earthworm communities as it decreased the total biomass, species richness, the Shannon diversity index and the species evenness. This strong negative effect could be associated to the trampling at high stocking levels that damages soil structure and thus adversely affect earthworm communities and burrows [START_REF] Cluzeau | Effects of intensive cattle trampling on soil-plant-earthworms system in two grassland types[END_REF][START_REF] Pietola | Effects of trampling by cattle on the hydraulic and mechanical properties of soil[END_REF][START_REF] Chan | Soil compaction controls the abundance, biomass and distribution of earthworms in a single dairy farm in south-eastern Australia[END_REF]. Interestingly, earthworms' response to livestock unit was almost entirely confined to the largest epi-anecic and endogeic species and only the earthworm biomass was affected, contrary to their abundance, suggesting a decrease in the mean body size rather than in individuals' number. Surprisingly, mineral fertilisation enhanced the abundance and biomass of epigeic species, but this finding is nonetheless in line with some previous studies that reported an increase in earthworm abundance in relation to N mineral fertilisation [START_REF] Muldowney | Relationships between earthworm populations, grassland management and badger densities in County Kilkenny, Ireland. Pedobiologia[END_REF][START_REF] King | Pasture and grazing land: assessment of sustainability using invertebrate bioindicators[END_REF] [START_REF] Curry | Relationships between earthworm populations and management intensity in cattle-grazed pastures in Ireland[END_REF]. Mineral fertilisation would probably allow a better primary production leading to higher leaf litter inputs that constitute a source of refuge and food for earthworms. Further studies are needed, in grassland, to elaborate the different impacts of manure versus mineral fertilisation on earthworms. Overall, we observed that within grasslands, grazing pressure led to smaller and less-diversified earthworm communities.

We observed a negative effect of increasing landscape diversity (richness and Shannon Index) on the total abundance of earthworms and, to our knowledge, for the first time, the biomass of epigeic earthworms in grasslands. A negative correlation between the total abundance of earthworms and landscape diversity was also observed by [START_REF] Flohre | Does soil biota benefit from organic farming in complex vs. simple landscapes? Agriculture[END_REF] in croplands, and the authors hypothesized that landscape diversity increases the number of earthworm predators. Indeed, several studies highlighted that landscape diversity enhance the abundances of invertebrates, mammals and birds [START_REF] Marshall | Field margins in northern Europe: their functions and interactions with agriculture[END_REF][START_REF] Maudsley | Spatial distribution patterns of predatory arthropods within an English hedgerow in early winter in relation to habitat variables[END_REF][START_REF] Vickery | Arable field margins managed for biodiversity conservation: A review of food resource provision for farmland birds[END_REF] that are potential predators for earthworms [START_REF] Granval | Analyse critique des connaissances sur les prédateurs de lombriciens[END_REF][START_REF] O'brien | Use of hedgerows as a key element of badger (Meles meles) behaviour in Ireland[END_REF]. We can also hypothesize that the capacity of epigeic species to disperse is hindered by physical barriers (i.e. hedge or ditch) and different soil properties (shelter and litter availability) in neighboring habitats that nonetheless constitute landscape diversity. In contrast, the species richness of epi-anecic earthworm was enhanced by the landscape diversity. As epi-anecic earthworm species have a great mobility varying from 1.5 to 14 m. year -1 [START_REF] Hoogerkamp | Effect of earthworms on grassland on recently reclaimed polder soils in the Netherlands[END_REF][START_REF] Eijsackers | Earthworms as colonizers of natural and cultivated soil environments[END_REF][START_REF] Nuutinen | Dew-worms in white nights: Highlatitude light constrains earthworm (Lumbricus terrestris) behaviour at the soil surface[END_REF] and the ability to burrow into the soil to protect themselves, higher landscape diversity around grasslands could enhance their areas of emigration. Endogeic earthworm species were not impacted by landscape diversity and were highly abundant in each grassland as previously reported [START_REF] Lavelle | The structure of earthworm communities[END_REF][START_REF] Decaëns | Assembly rules within earthworm communities in North-Western France -A regional analysis[END_REF]. Overall, it is possible that low agricultural practices in grasslands, compared to croplands or vineyard, could increase the effect of the surrounding landscape diversity on earthworm communities [START_REF] Roarty | Permanent and new arable field margins support large earthworm communities but do not increase in-field populations[END_REF][START_REF] Buchholz | Soil biota in vineyards are more influenced by plants and soil quality than by tillage intensity or the surrounding landscape[END_REF][START_REF] Frazão | Earthworm communities in arable fields and restored field margins, as related to management practices and surrounding landscape diversity[END_REF].

In addition to the effect of landscape diversity, we highlighted the importance of hedgerows surrounding grasslands. Hedgerows especially acted in young grasslands (i.e. 1-and 2-year-old grassland), which is probably due to the increase earthworm species aggregation with the age of the grasslands [START_REF] Richard | Spatial organization of earthworm assemblages in pastures of northwestern France[END_REF]. It is well known that hedgerows locally modify soil properties (i.e. soil moisture, temperature or organic matter content; [START_REF] Marshall | Field margins in northern Europe: their functions and interactions with agriculture[END_REF], and especially the amount and type of litter deposited at the soil surface [START_REF] Walter | The effect of hedgerows on soil organic carbon storage in hillslopes[END_REF]. This litter input is a key factor for the development of earthworm communities [START_REF] Lee | Earthworms -Their ecology and relationships with soils and land use[END_REF][START_REF] Edwards | The importance of earthworms as key representatives of the soil fauna[END_REF], and in particular for epigeic and epi-anecic species that have a diet mainly composed of fresh leaf litter [START_REF] Bouché | Fonctions des lombriciens II. Recherches méthodologiques pour l'analyse qualitative de la matière organique végétale ingéré (étude du peuplement de la station RCP-165/PBI)[END_REF][START_REF] Piearce | Gut contents of some lumbricid earthworms[END_REF][START_REF] Ferrière | Fonctions des Lombriciens. VII. Une méthode d'analyse de la matière organique végétale ingérée[END_REF]. In field, earthworm communities living in grasslands surrounded by a hedgerow were richer in earthworm species compared to earthworm communities in grasslands surrounded by a ditch, especially for R e v i s e d m a n u s c r i p t 9 epigeic and epi-anecic earthworm species. Thus, hedgerows presence could promote earthworm diversity in grasslands. Increasing epi-anecic earthworm diversity in grasslands landscape could have consequences on ecosystem services provided by these species. [START_REF] Hoeffner | Feeding behaviour of epi-anecic earthworm species and their impacts on soil microbial communities[END_REF] observed that burrows' fungal communities were regulated by epi-anecic species identity, which could increase the diversity of the drilospheric microbiota and improve soil functioning. Besides, as it is difficult to monitor the earthworm diversity response to global change drivers, earthworm databases often concern surveys carried out at regional or national scales [START_REF] Rutgers | Biological measurements in a nationwide soil monitoring network[END_REF][START_REF] Cluzeau | Integration of biodiversity in soil quality monitoring: Baselines for microbial and soil fauna parameters for different land-use types[END_REF][START_REF] Cameron | Global meta-analysis of the impacts of terrestrial invertebrate invaders on species, communities and ecosystems[END_REF]. A first predictive model on the abundance and diversity of earthworms was created by [START_REF] Rutgers | Mapping earthworm communities in Europe[END_REF] taking into account soil occupation and properties. Future predictive models could therefore take into account the landscape as an additional factor regulating these earthworm communities.

CONCLUSION

Our study clearly illustrated that earthworm communities in grasslands were affected by the three environmental filters considered: soil properties, grassland management and landscape diversity. Soil properties was the main environmental filter controlling earthworm communities. However, we also highlighted important effects of grassland management, for instance a strong decrease in abundance of earthworms with increasing livestock unit. We observed various effects of landscape diversity, such as a surprising overall decrease of earthworm abundance or a higher epi-anecic richness in diverse landscapes. Therefore, our findings demonstrated conjoint effects of various environmental filters as drivers of earthworm communities. Taken together, our results suggest a strong context dependency in the assembly rules of earthworm communities, despite the fact that these communities are well known to be ubiquitous and resilient.

  soil organisms constituting the most important terrestrial biomass in temperate climate zones

  .P., Dickson, T.L., Isaacs, R., Gaines, H., Gratton, C., Gross, K.L., Liere, H., Malmstrom, C.M., Meehan, T.D., Ruan, L., Robertson, B.A., Robertson, G.P., Schmidt, T.M., Schrotenboer, A.C., Teal, T.K., Wilson, J.K., Landis, D.A., 2014. Perennial grasslands enhance biodiversity and multiple ecosystem services in bioenergy landscapes. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 111, 1652-1657. Zaller, J.G., Arnone, J.A., 1999. Earthworm responses to plant species' loss and elevated CO2 in calcareous grassland. Plant and Soil 208, 1-8.

  FIGURE LEGENDS

  Fig. 1. 569

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We thank the LABOCEA (Combourg, France) for mineral soil analyses and Météo France for meteorological data. We also thank Sarah Guillocheau, Daniel Cylly, Albin Fertil, André Bastin, Valentin Tripet, Olivier Jambon, Stéphanie Llopis, Cendrine Mony and Vincent Jung for their help during field sampling. We sincerely thank Claudia Wiegand for helpful comments and improvement of the English. Kevin Hoeffner and Lou Barbe were supported by a French PhD grant from the French Ministère de la Recherche.

R e v i s e d m a n u s c r i p t 17 TABLES Table 1 ANOVA results of multiple linear models testing for the effects of soil properties, grassland management and landscape diversity on total earthworm abundance, total biomass, species richness and Shannon diversity index and evenness index (when VIF > 5). Fvalues and associated P-values are indicated. Significant P-values are indicated in bold (P < 0.05). df = degrees of freedom, %SS = percentage of sum of square.