Nicolas Mayot
email: mayot@com.univ-mrs.fr

Charles-François F Boudouresque

Agathe Leriche

Unexpected response of the seagrass Posidonia oceanica to a warm-water episode in the North Western Mediterranean Sea

Keywords: Posidonia oceanica, Temperature, Lepidochronolog, Mediterranean Sea, Seagrass Posidonia oceanica, Température, Lépidochronologie, Mer Méditerranée, Magnoliophyte marine

published or not. The documents may come     Unexpected response of the seagrass Posidonia oceanica to a warm-water episode in the North Western Mediterranean Sea

Introduction

Posidonia oceanica (Linnaeus) Delile, a Mediterranean endemic marine Magnoliophyta, grows between the surface and 30-40-m depth and forms extensive meadows [START_REF] Molinier | Recherches sur les herbiers de phanérogames marines du littoral méditerranéen français[END_REF]. These meadows constitute a key ecosystem that plays a major ecological role [START_REF] Pergent | Primary production, stocks and fluxes in the Mediterranean seagrass Posidonia oceanica[END_REF][START_REF] Cebrián | Detrital stocks and dynamics of the seagrass Posidonia oceanica (L.) Delile in the Spanish Mediterranean[END_REF]. Extensive meadows are restricted to warm waters, to the exclusion of colder areas such as the Gulf of Lions and the northern Adriatic Sea. The Provence Coast (France) is localized near this range limit [START_REF] Molinier | Recherches sur les herbiers de phanérogames marines du littoral méditerranéen français[END_REF].

During the year 1999, exceptionally high seawater temperatures occurred between the end of August and the beginning of October from Liguria (Italy) to Provence (France). They were consistently above 24 • C at 20-30-m depth for almost two months [START_REF] Romano | Thermal anomaly in the waters of the Gulf of Marseilles during summer 1999. A partial explanation of the mortality of certain fixed invertebrates?[END_REF]. These high temperatures were associated with a mass mortality event of sessile benthic invertebrates [START_REF] Cerrano | A catastrophic mass-mortality episode of gorgonians and other organisms in the Ligurian Sea (Northwestern Mediterranean), summer 1999[END_REF][START_REF] Perez | Mass mortality of marine invertebrates: an unprecedented event in the Northwestern Mediterranean[END_REF][START_REF] Coma | Seasonal energetic constraints in Mediterranean benthic suspension feeders: effects at different levels of ecological organization[END_REF][START_REF] Laubier | Mass mortalities in the northwest Mediterranean[END_REF][START_REF] Laubier | Climatic changes and trends and marine invertebrates: a need for relevant observing networks and experimental ecophysiology[END_REF][START_REF] Laubier | La Méditerranée se réchauffe-t-elle ?[END_REF]. The western geographical limit of mass mortality was located between Marseilles and the Camargue (Provence).

From in situ measurements, the upper lethal temperature limit of Posidonia oceanica is 29 • C [START_REF] Augier | Étude du régime thermique annuel des eaux au niveau des peuplements de phanérogames marines de la baie de Port-Cros (îles d'Hyères, Méditerranée, France)[END_REF]. In addition, it develops healthy and extensive meadows in areas where summer temperatures usually reach 24-25 • C (e.g., Thyrrenian Sea, Sardinia, Corsica [START_REF] Marullo | The surface Characteristics of the Tyrrhenian Sea: Historical satellite data analysis[END_REF][START_REF] Santoleri | Seasonal and interannual variability of the sea surface temperature in the West Mediterranean Sea: Historical satellite data analysis[END_REF][START_REF] Pasqualini | Mapping of Posidonia oceanica using aerial photographs and side scan sonar: Application off the island of Corsica (France)[END_REF]), i.e. nearly the same temperature as that observed in Provence during the 1999 warm-water episode. According to Short and Neckles [START_REF] Short | The effects of global climate change on seagrasses[END_REF], an increase in temperature, associated with global climate change, should have a positive effect on warm water seagrasses. Furthermore, Zupo et al. [START_REF] Zupo | A production model for Posidonia oceanica based on temperature[END_REF] established a production model, in which the production rate of Posidonia oceanica is directly linked to the temperature prevailing 3-4 months earlier. For these reasons, a negative impact of the 1999 warm episode was unlikely. In order to test this hypothesis, deep Posidonia oceanica overlapping the geographic limit of the invertebrate mortality event [START_REF] Cerrano | A catastrophic mass-mortality episode of gorgonians and other organisms in the Ligurian Sea (Northwestern Mediterranean), summer 1999[END_REF][START_REF] Perez | Mass mortality of marine invertebrates: an unprecedented event in the Northwestern Mediterranean[END_REF][START_REF] Coma | Seasonal energetic constraints in Mediterranean benthic suspension feeders: effects at different levels of ecological organization[END_REF][START_REF] Laubier | Mass mortalities in the northwest Mediterranean[END_REF][START_REF] Laubier | Climatic changes and trends and marine invertebrates: a need for relevant observing networks and experimental ecophysiology[END_REF][START_REF] Laubier | La Méditerranée se réchauffe-t-elle ?[END_REF] were analysed using the lepidochronological methods [START_REF] Pergent-Martini | Lepidochronological analysis in the Mediterranean seagrass Posidonia oceanica: State of the art and future developments[END_REF][START_REF] Cebrián | Estimating leaf age of the seagrass Posidonia oceanica (L.) Delile using the plastochrone interval index[END_REF][START_REF] Short | Methods for the measurement of seagrass growth and production[END_REF].

Materials and methods

Lepidochronological analysis is based upon the long term (up to centuries) persistence of leaf bases ('scales'), after leaf shedding, along the Posidonia oceanica rhizomes. Cyclic variations of scale thickness along the rhizomes provide an annual signal that makes it possible to backdate biological parameters, e.g., the number of leaves produced per year and the annual rhizome growth [START_REF] Pergent-Martini | Lepidochronological analysis in the Mediterranean seagrass Posidonia oceanica: State of the art and future developments[END_REF][START_REF] Cebrián | Estimating leaf age of the seagrass Posidonia oceanica (L.) Delile using the plastochrone interval index[END_REF][START_REF] Short | Methods for the measurement of seagrass growth and production[END_REF][START_REF] Crouzet | Evidence of the annual character of cyclic changes of Posidonia oceanica scale thickness (erect rhizomes), Rapp[END_REF][START_REF] Pergent | Cyclic changes along Posidonia oceanica rhizomes (Lepidochronology): present state and perspectives[END_REF][START_REF] Pergent | Lepidochronological analysis of the seagrass Posidonia oceanica (L.) Delile: a standardized approach[END_REF]. Study sites were located between the east of Marseilles and the Camargue (Provence, France) at the lower depth range of Posidonia oceanica, at (east to west) En-Vau (-31 m), Niolon (-22 m), Sausset-les-Pins (-28 m), three areas affected by the 1999 invertebrates mass mortality, and Carro (-23 m), an area not affected (Fig. 1). The choice of these sites is due to their relative proximity to each other, which limits the possible influence of parameters other than temperature. Sampling was carried out at the deep limit of the meadows (22-31 m) since in this zone they usually do not undergo relatively high temperatures for extended periods, and the seagrass is at the very limit of survival conditions, and therefore more sensitive to stress.

At each site, 15 orthotropic (erect) and plagiotropic (creeping) shoots, with the underlying rhizomes, were collected by SCUBA diving on 6 February 2003 for Niolon, Sausset-les-Pins and Carro and on 1 June 2004 for En-Vau. According to Pergent [START_REF] Pergent | Lepidochronological analysis of the seagrass Posidonia oceanica (L.) Delile: a standardized approach[END_REF], 15 shoots are sufficient for lepidochronological analysis. For the shoot sampling, a plastic bar (1 m) was laid flat on the meadow. The shoot nearest to the extremity was collected. The bar was then relocated with the near end at the sampling point, the direction of the bar being determined from a random table. Again, the shoot nearest to the farthest extremity of the bar was collected. And so forth up to the last shoot. For each past year (1998-1999 to 2000-2001), the number of leaves produced and the rhizome growth were noted. The years considered in this study, based upon the lepidochronological analysis are the years of leaf production (i.e. biological cycle; from October to October of the next year). Statistical analysis involved ANOVA and posthoc analysis (Newman-Keuls test) using Statistica 6.0 (Statsoft ® ).

Results

For three out of the four sites (En-Vau, Niolon, Sausset-les-Pins), a significant decline of number of leaves and growth rate of both rhizome types was observed for the year of leaf production 1999-2000 in comparison with the previous (1998-1999) and the following years (2000-2001) (Fig. 2, Table 1). In contrast, no significant variation between the year 1999-2000, the previous year and the following year was observed at Carro. We compared these three years since records of the water column temperature were available [START_REF] Romano | Thermal anomaly in the waters of the Gulf of Marseilles during summer 1999. A partial explanation of the mortality of certain fixed invertebrates?[END_REF], together with the geographical range of invertebrate mass mortality [START_REF] Perez | Mass mortality of marine invertebrates: an unprecedented event in the Northwestern Mediterranean[END_REF][START_REF] Coma | Seasonal energetic constraints in Mediterranean benthic suspension feeders: effects at different levels of ecological organization[END_REF][START_REF] Laubier | Mass mortalities in the northwest Mediterranean[END_REF]. In addition, at the three sites concerned by the warm-water episode, the growth and leaf production values for the year of leaf production year 1999-2000 were among the lowest values for the 6-year study period (data not presented).

Discussion

At all sites concerned by the 1999 invertebrates mass mortality [START_REF] Perez | Mass mortality of marine invertebrates: an unprecedented event in the Northwestern Mediterranean[END_REF], Posidonia oceanica growth (number of leaves produced and rhizome growth) was significantly altered during the 1999-2000 year, i.e. the lepidochronological year following the warm-water episode. This decline could not be linked to a flowering event inducing a reduction of the number of leaves on the flowering shoots [START_REF] Gobert | Anthesis effects on Posidonia oceanica (L.) Delile phenology in the Bay of Calvi (Corsica, Mediterranean Sea)[END_REF][START_REF] Balestri | Interannual variability in flowering of Posidonia oceanica in the North-Western Mediterranean Sea, and relationships among shoot age and flowering[END_REF] since no floral stalks (evidence of past flowering according to [START_REF] Pergent | Lepidochronological analysis of the seagrass Posidonia oceanica (L.) Delile: a standardized approach[END_REF]) were observed, a feature confirmed by divers. If we hypothesize that high temperature is responsible for this weak growth, the reason could be the impact of the warm-water episode on carbohydrate storage within rhizomes. The warm-water episode took place during the period (only during summer months) when Posidonia oceanica stocks carbohydrates (starch) produced by photosynthesis for further utilization, i.e. for the next biological cycle. During the rest of the year, the carbon balance between production and consumption is negative [START_REF] Alcoverro | Annual metabolic carbon balance of the seagrass Posidonia oceanica: the importance of carbohydrate reserves[END_REF].

The possibility that moderately high temperatures could negatively affect Posidonia oceanica near its cold limit of distribution is a rather unexpected result. It is interesting to note that, according to Hartog [START_REF] Hartog | The Seagrasses of the World[END_REF], the optimum temperature for Posidonia oceanica growth lies between 17 and 20 • C, but this assumption is not supported by experimental data. The fact that Posidonia oceanica could be sensitive to high temperatures, at least at its deep limit, could explain its relatively restricted distribution at depth in oligotrophic and transparent waters of some eastern Mediterranean regions [START_REF] Pérès | Résultats scientifiques des campagnes de la Calypso. Fascicule III. Recherches sur les peuplements benthiques de la Méditerranée nord-orientale[END_REF] (e.g., 25 m at El Dabaa (Egypt) in a region not influenced by turbidity from the Nile river [START_REF] Thélin | Le benthos littoral d'El Dabaa (Méditerranée, Egypte). II. L'herbier à Posidonia oceanica, Rapp[END_REF]; 34 m at Ischia (Italy) [START_REF] Giraud | Observations sur l'herbier de Posidonia oceanica (L.) Delile autour de l'île d'Ischia (Italie)[END_REF]; 32 m at Salina Island (Tyrrhenian Sea) [START_REF] Pessani | Premières données sur la distribution de Posidonia oceanica Delile autour de l'île de Salina (îles Éoliennes, Sicile)[END_REF]; see also [START_REF] Aliani | A map of seagrass meadows in Palaeochori Bay (Milos Island, Greece) a marine area with hydrothermal activity[END_REF][START_REF] Infantino | Sulla distribuzione delle praterie di Posidonia oceanica (L.) Delile e Cymodocea nodosa (Ucria) Ascherson nella riserva naturale marina "capo rizzuto[END_REF]). In contrast, in colder and less transparent waters of the northern Mediterranean Sea, Posidonia oceanica reaches deeper bottoms (e.g., 38 m at Port-Cros (France, [START_REF] Harmelin | Note préliminaire sur la morphologie de l'herbier profond de Posidonies Posidonia oceanica (Linné) Delile, à Port-Cros[END_REF]).

This result should be interpreted in the context of the general regression of the lower depth limits of Posidonia oceanica meadows [START_REF] Boudouresque | A monitoring network based on the seagrass Posidonia oceanica in the Northwestern Mediterranean Sea[END_REF]. Interestingly, the regression of the lower limit of Posidonia oceanica meadows affects a large part of the northwestern Mediterranean, including regions where the decline in seawater transparency does not seem to be a likely explanation. Contrarily to the invertebrate mass mortality [START_REF] Laubier | Climatic changes and trends and marine invertebrates: a need for relevant observing networks and experimental ecophysiology[END_REF], our results do not allow us to state that the 1999 high temperatures were the direct cause of a decline in Posidonia oceanica growth. Clearly, a sporadic reduction of leaf and rhizome growths does not mean that it induces a regression of the lower limit. The possible negative effect of high temperatures could be indirect. This would be consistent with the steady upward regression of the lower limit [START_REF] Boudouresque | A monitoring network based on the seagrass Posidonia oceanica in the Northwestern Mediterranean Sea[END_REF] and the present-day warming trend of Mediterranean waters [START_REF] Laubier | La Méditerranée se réchauffe-t-elle ?[END_REF][START_REF] Short | The effects of global climate change on seagrasses[END_REF][START_REF] Laubier | Changement et vulnérabilité des peuplements marins côtiers[END_REF][START_REF] Bethoux | Warming and freshwater budget change in the Mediterranean since the 1940s, their possible relation to the greenhouse effect[END_REF][START_REF] Salat | The oceanographic and meteorological station at L'Estartit (NW Mediterranean), in: Tracking long-term hydrological change in the Mediterranean Sea[END_REF][START_REF] Moron | L'évolution séculaire des températures de surface de la mer Méditerranée (1856-2000)[END_REF]. Our results thus open up a new and unexpected line of research to shed light on the current regression of Posidonia oceanica meadows, and their possible fate in the context of the warming up of the Mediterranean Sea.

Fig. 1 .

 1 Fig. 1. Location of study sites: En-Vau (1), Niolon (2), Sausset-les-Pins (3), Carro (4). Black areas show coasts where extensive meadows of Posidonia oceanica are absent [1].

Fig. 2 .

 2 Fig. 2. Lepidochronological results for the orthotropic (erect) rhizomes at En-Vau, Niolon, Sausset-les-Pins and Carro. (") Mean number of leaves produced and (2) mean growth of rhizomes (mm) per year of leaf production. Error bars are 95% confidence intervals.

Table 1

 1 Analysis of variance (ANOVA) between the year of leaf production 1999-2000, the previous and the following years, for the number of leaves and the rhizome growth (mm), for orthotropic (erect) and plagiotropic (creeping) rhizomes, at each site. Significant values are in bold. (F : ANOVA factor, p: probability)

		Number of leaves
	Rhizome type	Orthotropic		Plagiotropic
		F	p	F	p
	En-Vau	7.731	0.011	7.000	0.007
	Niolon	14.189	0.000	8.000	0.003
	Sausset-les-Pins	5.087	0.013	15.187	0.001
	Carro	1.713	0.200	0.118	0.890
		Growth of rhizomes
	Rhizome type	Orthotropic		Plagiotropic
		F	p	F	p
	En-Vau	6.612	0.017	3.933	0.042
	Niolon	10.581	0.001	3.909	0.039
	Sausset-les-Pins	5.128	0.013	2.160	0.162
	Carro	1.553	0.231	0.847	0.453

Acknowledgements

The authors thank L. Laubier for his valuable comments and the both anonymous referees for theirs corrections, F. Bachet, B. Baniel, G. Bernard, P. Bon-homme, G. Cadiou, E. Charbonnel and A. Gantaume for diving assistance, F. Garcia and J. Patrone for their support, I. Taupier-Letage, J. Garrabou and T. Perez for bibliographical information and M. Perret-Boudouresque for bibliographical assistance. This work was supported by a research contract between CQEL 13 and GIS Posidonie.


Keywords: inferent ial, epistem ic, subjecti vity, intersub jectivity, stance, Maya, Yucatec

This chapter aims to contribute to this field by disentangling values relating to evidence, epistemic judgement, and (inter)subjectivity as conflated in two epis temic inferential markers ofYucatec Maya, a language spoken by nearly 800,000 people in Mexico. 1 In keeping with a discourse-centred approach, the categories are apprehended "through token level usage, [by considering) the actual deploy ment of the forms under interactive circumstances" (Hanks 2012: 169). The two particles -miin and ma'akexpress the epistemic modality of uncertainty or pos sibility (or "partial support", Boye 2012), as do other Yucatec epistemic markers, in particular wale' "maybe" [START_REF] Hanks | The evidential core of deixis in Yucatec Maya[END_REF][START_REF] Vapnarsky | The grammar of uncertainty in Yucatec Maya[END_REF]Vapnarsky , 2013a, in prep), in prep). But they differ from the latter because they are also irlferentials, conveying that the predica tion results from a reasonirlg process based on perceptual evidence or knowledge. They are thus partial support inferentials. Miin and ma'ak contrast in terms of the type of access to, and epistemic judgement of, the referent they index. Broadly speaking, miin is subjective and ma'ak non-subjective, or to use different termi nology, they instantiate a direct/non-direct or first-hand/second-hand opposition [START_REF] Haan | The place of inferential within the evidential system[END_REF], or to put it in [START_REF] Aikhenvald | Evidentia/ity[END_REF] terms, the former would be an "inferred" evidential and the latter more of an "assumed" evidential [START_REF] Aikhenvald | Evidentia/ity[END_REF]). 2 However, given the variety of their uses, the precise characterization of their encoded values is less straightforward than it might first appear. Even though miin might seem to encode subjective access to information, in some cases the access is mediated, and miin only conveys a subjective epistemic judgement. However, the hypothesis that views subjective judgement as the primary encoded value is weakened by other facts. As for ma'ak, even though it seems to primarily encode non-subjective access to evidence, one might be tempted to characterize it as an intersubjective form that also marks the speaker's expectation of shared knowledge. However, intersubjectivity might be more a matter of implicature, and the encoded value might strictly reference collective or general knowledge. Miin and ma'ak are thus good examples of the challenge of understanding the semantic and pragmatic intricacies of epistemic and evidential markers.

In section 2, I will start by defining the concepts and corpus of our study. Section 3 offers an overview of the syntactic properties of the inferentials miin and ma'ak. Section 4 will present an analysis of the subjective mfin: its use for the estimation of measurements (including a comparison with the other estima tive kex), its use for indexing direct-access to evidence, or for indirect access but subjective epistemic judgement, and lastly, its use in questions and play speech. Section 5 will analyse the non-subjective collective ma'ak: its use for inferences based on collective shared knowledge, in the context of situation experiencedbut involving some type of mediation, its lack of strict encoding of knowledge symmetry, and its relation with perceptual access. In each section, my aim is to provide the reader with a thorough presentation and illustrations of the different kinds of more or less typical contexts in which each marker is used, in order to clearly show the values they encode and the inference they commonly trigger. This will involve a number of long examples. These illustrations are important because the markers studied here have been described either little or not at all. The examples also show the importance of taking into account local cultural principles of communicative practice and interpretation when elucidating epis temic and evidential values. Section 6 offers conclusive remarks.

Concep ts and corpus

I define evidential as the linguistic marking of the source and type of perceptual or cognitive access to knowledge. Epistemic modality is the expression of the speak er's evaluation of his/her own degree of commitment to the knowledge or belief upon which the statement is based. This includes epistemic judgement, which in the context of inferentials is the speaker's assessment of the degree of validity of the inference (cf. also commitment; or epistemic qualification in Nuyts 2001: 386). I understand subjectivity as applying to both areas: evidentiality and epistemic modality (here instantiated as epistemic judgement). The access may be subjec tive (personal perception and experience, individual practice, autobiographical memory ... ) and the judgement may be subjective ("in my opinion" ... ), and the two are not always correlated.3 Like [START_REF] Nuyts | Subjectivity as an evidential dimension in epistemic modal expressions[END_REF], I assume that subjectivity enters into a parameter of ( INTER ) SUB J ECTIVITY, but in my view this parameter is made up _ of ( � t least) � ree � oles that account for the values potentially encoded by e _ p1stem1c and evidentlal markers: subjectivity, intersubjectivity and the collec tive-general. For the purpose of my analysis, these terms will be restricted to the following definitions: -Subje � tive: knowledge sourced/accessed from the field of the speaker's direct expenence and/or personal epistemic judgement. -Intersubjective: knowledge sourced/accessed from the field of the other speech p � rticipant(s); it is either shared (you and me) or unshared (you but � o � me) ; it r � flect � � e speaker's expectations with regard to the speech par tlc1pan : s ep1stem1c 1udgement in the here-and-now of the speech event.

Collecttve-general knowledge: knowledge sourced/accessed from widely shared collective or general knowledge; the speaker is making reference to general opinion (beyond the speech event).

Intersubjective is understood here in a more restricted sense than "intersub•e t' " l 1 c ive as e � p oyed by [START_REF] Nuyts | Subjectivity as an evidential dimension in epistemic modal expressions[END_REF], who used it to encompass what I designate as collective-general. My view is doser to more discourse-oriented views such as Traugott (1995) ? r Traugott and[START_REF] Traugott | Regularity in Semantic Change[END_REF], although I restrict intersubjective here to _ values mherent to, or prototypically associated with, linguistic forms. ln particular, � i � fere � tiating intersubjective from collective-general knowledge allows us to d1stmgu1sh among markers expressing that the speaker shares his knowledge with others, those markers which specifically make reference to the addressee's knowledge (they index shared knowledge as construed in earlier dis course and are often _ used _ discursively in agreement or disagreement strategies) from th ose markers s1gnallmg that the information or stance is more widely shared as collective-general knowledge (and often shared with the addressee as well but not necess � r � ly). � ile the latter can be found designated by the term "ge�eral knowledge m the hterature on evidential markers, I add "collective" to the label to refer _ to the fact that speakers are often aware that their epistemic world is made up of d1ffe � ent types of collective knowledge, which is shared to varying degrees, � nd to wh1ch they relate discursively (and in some languages grammatically, as m the � ayan language under study here). In different pragmatic and cognitive theoretical _ cu � ents (Lyons 1977;[START_REF] Langacker | Subjectification[END_REF], 2002[START_REF] Verhagen | Construction of lntersubjectivity: Discourse, Syntax, Cognition[END_REF]; Portner 2 i 09), subJective has often been opposed to objective, with diverging views in how t e two concepts should be understood (for an overview, see Narrog 2012: 15-24).

We take objective to apply to utterances in which the speaker is not indexing any reference to her/his knowledge or anyone else's (thus placing it outside the (INTER)SUBJECTIVE parameter defined here, although we do not rule out the pos sibility that "objective" could represent a point further away on the subjective H collective-general f-➔ objective axis). The question of whether such "objective" utterances exist at ail in real life, and what type of communicative components should be included in the • matter, lies beyond the scope of this paper. In line with Benveniste's pioneering proposals on subjectivity, by using the (inter)subjectivity parameter, our aim is to account for values attached as conventional meaning to specific linguistic forms (Benveniste 1958).

Intersubjective and collective-general can enter into "multiple per spectives" indexation [START_REF] Evans | View with a view: Towards a typology of multiple perspective[END_REF][START_REF] Bergqvist | Epistemic marking and multiple perspective. An introduction. STUF. Language Typology and Universals[END_REF]) -the property that causes some markers or grammatical constructions "to encode poten tially distinct values, on a single semantic dimension, that reflect two or more distinct perspectives" [START_REF] Evans | View with a view: Towards a typology of multiple perspective[END_REF]) -but they involve different types of shared perspective and knowledge dynamics in the interaction. For instance, intersubjective markers are much involved in agreement or dis agreement strategies during the speech event, and tend to be interchanged by speakers during conversational interactions [START_REF] Heritage | The Epistemic Engine: Sequence Organization and Territories of Knowledge[END_REF][START_REF] Gipper | lnter)subjectivity in interaction: lnvestigating (inter)subjective meanings in Yurakaré conversational data. STUF. Language Typology and Universals[END_REF][START_REF] Stievers | The Mora/ity of Knowledge in Conversation[END_REF], in contrast to collective-general knowledge markers, which may be triggered more by particular discourse genres. Distribution or a/symmetry of knowledge [START_REF] Hanks | Referentia/ practice. Language and Jived space amang the Maya[END_REF][START_REF] Heritage | The Epistemic Engine: Sequence Organization and Territories of Knowledge[END_REF]) is understood in relation to the speech interaction. Therefore, subjectivity always involves some asymmetry of knowledge. By contrast, intersubjectivity involves symmetric knowledge, unless the marker explicitly encodes a differential access or judge ment. Collective-general tends to involve knowledge symmetry (the speaker assumes that the addressee and the other participants share the same collec tive knowledge), although the speaker may be aware that the collective knowl edge of the addressee or the other participants is not the same as that which she/he shares with her/his own epistemic group of inclusion. In this sense, it seems relevant to distinguish shared knowledge (shared with others, including or not including the addressee) from symmetric knowledge (shared with the addressee).

I use stance to refer to "the semiotic means by which we indicate our orientation to states of affairs, usually framed in terms of evaluation (e.g. moral obli gation and epistemic possibility) or intentionality (e.g. desire and memory, fear and doubt)" [START_REF] Kockelman | Stance and subjectivity[END_REF]). In my view, stance also includes the speaker's evaluation of evidential aspects.

The analysis is based on data recorded in villages of the municipio of Felipe Carrillo Puerto, Quintana Roo, Mexico between 1994 and 2015. In these villages, Maya is the dominant language in all types of daily interaction (except in school, and recently, in an increasing nurnber of young parent to young children inter actions). The corpus used for the study is based on approximately fifty hours of recorded audio and video, as well as transcribed verbal interactions, representa tive of different conversational and narrative genres. The data was supplemented by examples noted on the spot ir1 day-to-day interactions, as well as by meta linguistic and elicitation sessions on the epistemic markers under study, held in Maya with four native speakers from the vi llage of x Kopchen (x K'oopch'e'en in Maya). The aim of these sessions was to gain a more thorough understanding of the linguistic forms and recorded examples. However, with the exception of one small paradigm of examples, ail of the illustrative utterances I present in the chapter came from natural interactions.4

Syntactic properties of the inferentials mîin and ma'ak

Amerindia n languages are famous for grammaticalizing epistemic modality and evidentiality [START_REF] Aikhenvald | Evidentia/ity[END_REF][START_REF] Hanks | The evidential core of deixis in Yucatec Maya[END_REF]. In these lan guages, markers of evidentiality usually seem to be inflectional affixes or clitics, contrasting with other languages such as those of Europe, where these notions tend to be expressed by lexical roots or verbal inflexion linked to tense. Yucatec Maya presents what could be seen as an intermediate case, since most epistemic markers are particles that, in this mildly polysynthetic language, have a status midway between grammatical and lexical elements. 5 They are not affixes, but cannot serve as the base of any affixation or derivation in the way that lexical roots do. They have linear constraints. They are not syntactically obligatory, but prag matically they often are. The range of epistemic particles ofYucatec Maya present diverse syntactic properties (in particular in relation to linearity and predication). Among this range, however, miin and ma'ak share the same morpho-syntactic properties (for miin, examples of most of these properties can be found in [START_REF] Hanks | The Evidential Core of Deixis in Yucatec Maya[END_REF][START_REF] Anderbois | Mfin en maya yucateco: evidencial o modal? Paper presented at CILLA VI[END_REF]; the examples given in the next sections of the present chapter complete the illustration for miin and provide them for ma'ak).

As shown by the properties below, miin and ma'ak precede the constituent over which they have scope. This implies that with these markers, the speaker first communicates her/his epistemic commitment to the proposition, framing the utterance from the outset as a conjecture or supposition (contrary to other Yucatec Maya particles which are clause final, and hence modalize the information only after its statement, such as the uncertainty marker wale', the mirative bakaan [START_REF] Anderbois | lllocutionary mirativity: the case ofYucatec Maya bakâan[END_REF] or the confirmative lo'obal). a. they precede the predicate (and the focalized constituent, but appear after topic), Yucatec Maya being a predicate-initial language, with the topic usually preceding the predicate, as shown in table 16.1. miin/ma'ak (Focus) Predicate Arguments b. they apply to independent clauses ( except in the case of the estimative use of miin, see 3.1); c. they cannot function as the main predicate, nor can they be negated; d. they cannot function as the base of morpho-phonological processes.

The subjective inferential miin

The epistemic particle miin is used to modalize a statement as a conjecture, as a hypothesis that the speaker cannot fully substantiate. It conveys possibility and inference. But miin also encodes a relation to the subjective field: in most cases the speaker uses miin when the inference is rooted in direct, perceptual evidence from the situation. We will show that miin can also be used in situations of indi rect evidence, in this case, it conveys a subjective stance about what is inferred, similarly to "in my opinion" or "in my view". The subjectivity entailed by miin is also revealed by the translations provided by Yucatec bilingual dictionaries: Bricker et al. (1998: 185) give "1 suppose", and the Maya Popular dictionary (2003: 164) proposes "creo que, quizâ, a lo mejor" ("I think that, maybe, perhaps"). In addition to these brief mentions, miin is analysed as conjectural in [START_REF] Hanks | The Evidential Core of Deixis in Yucatec Maya[END_REF] and Anderbois 2013 (see 4.6).

Estimation of measurements

A very common function of miin is to indicate the estimative nature of a meas urement, which can be of any type, such as size in examples (1) and ( 2), quantity in (3) and ( 5), or temporal location in (4). This function represents about a third of the examples of our corpus. Th' e measure is generally expressed as a nominal clause or an adverbial complement. ln (1), a woman explains that when she was hunting for an agouti, a big stone fell on her as she tried to enter a cave. To esti mate the size of the stone in her story, she compares it to the hearthstone she is looking at while speaking. This perceptual act of approximate comparative meas urement is expressed by miin.

(1) 1.

Buka'aj le tunich luub t inw6o'lo'!

The stone that fell on me was this big! [xisa-vva0154-1996] In [START_REF] Vapnarsky | The grammar of uncertainty in Yucatec Maya[END_REF], the speaker estimates how old he was when he lived through the period of poverty that followed the war. His words miin buka'ajena' "maybe about this size" are accompanied by a gesture pointing at a child of an equivalent age.

(2) 1. Teene' 'oora'ako' inwilmaj pero teene' ma' nojochen 'oora'ako' Me, at that time, I saw it (= experienced it), but I wasn't big at that time, 2. miin buka'aj-en-a'! INF.S MEASURE-Bl-TD 1 I was about that size! In (3), an old man remembers the farm where he lived as a child, and the many domestic animais they had; he estimates their number by recalling persona! memories of his life.

(3) 1. Pos tene', ka j luuk'en ten Xek Pich, tu'ux kajakbalo'ono', Weil, when I left Xek Pich, where we used to live, [mak-vva0091-1996 ] In (4), the speaker is describing the onset of a cyclone that he experienced years ago. He remembers that it started around the same time of day as when he was talking.

(4) 1. pero le ka a'la' miin walaaji-ak tuka'aten-o' [mak-vva0085-1997] Finally, in (5), the speaker estimates the size of the field in which he is currently planting beans.

( All these examples are very representative of mfin uses. In all instances, the esti mation involves direct personal access to the referent, which is evaluated through perception, practice and/or personal memory.

The subjective estimative (miin) vs. the neutral estimative (kex)

When the estimation is not based on direct subjective access to the referent, another particle, kex, is favoured. Kex is a concessive marker that serves to intro duce "even if" clauses, as in ( 6).

( 6) kex taant u-sfij-l-e' bey-a', tuun-chu'uch-(i)k u-chan k'a' C0NC RETR0S.IM A3 -born-VL-TD 4 M0D-TD I , PR0G.A3-sucke-IPF.TR A3-small band Even though she's just born, she's (already) sucking ber little band But kex also signals approximation when estimating measurements. The facts presented below confirm that mfin indexes subjectivity of access in the estimation of measurements, and also that contrary to mfin, in its estimative function kex is neutral in terms of the type of evidential access.

It is not unusual for kex to co-occur with mfin, as in (3) above, line 4. However, kex is used on its own, without mfin, when the estimation is based on indirect access to the referent. This is typically the case in traditional narratives. A survey of the distribution of kex vs. mfin in this genre shows that kex is considerably more frequent, and that the few instances of mfin are framed as quoted speech, in which mfin indexes the perspective of the quoted character.6 For this analysis, it is impor tant to clarify that Yucatec Maya has both a generic hearsay marker (bin, hearsay most often from an indefinite source, translated in the examples as "they say") and a quotative marker (k-ABS). Only the latter presents the reported statement as a verbatim quotation and main tains the indexical frame of the reported speech event (see also [START_REF] Lucy | Metapragmatic presentationals: reporting speech with quotatives in Yucatec Maya[END_REF]. Ail three examples below corne from the same story about the origin of the sacred crosses in the region. The story takes place during the "war", in the early days of what is regarded as present-day humanity, a time the speaker bas heard much about but did not see.7 In (7), the estimation, which concerns the size of the tree on which the very first of these crosses is said to have been found, is explicitly presented as part of reported speech, signalled by the hearsay clitic bin.

(7) 1. Si le che'-o' yaan-0 kex bin de seeys meetros Si DET tree-TD 2 EXIST-B3 C0NC REP C0NJ six but this tree, it's about, they say, six meters ... [mak-vva0098-1996] In ( 8), the sizes of some parts of the tree are now described, a bran ch fork and a little hole in the trunk. Note that for the latter, the speaker adds a gesture to his description to show the approximate size of the hole. Despite this gesture -reinforced by the terminal deictic a', which signals immediacy of access, and typically accompanies ostensive gestures -no miin is used, only kex. This choice reveals that in selecting an estimative marker, indirect access to the primary referent (the speaker never saw the tree) predominates over the speech event context. This indirectness/non-subjectiveness is also overtly signalled by the recurrent use of the reportative bin.

(8) 1. koomo le seedro as DET cedar as the cedar, 2. yaan-0 kex buk u-nak' uy-6ox toop'-i le seedro EXISB3 CONC MEASURE A3-belly A3-three bud-NOM DET cedar tun bin-a', thus REP-TD l it was about that size, the three-forked branch of the cedar tree, they say 3. te' tun bin uchan kweeba yan kex buk ujoboni bina', there, in its little cave, the hale was about that size they say [mak-vva0098-1996] By contrast, (9) illustrates one of the very few instances of miin (co-occurring with kex) in the same narrative. Miin occurs here in the context of direct quoted speech, signalled by the verbatim quotative k-. The narrator speaks as the "ani mator" (below, "animator" and "author" are used in Goffman's sense) of the main character's words: with miin, the main character -or "author" -estimates the time the candie must have been burning on the tree, given the large drops of wax that caver the trunk. Miin is allowed and expected here because now, given the quoted-speech framing, it is the narrated event (and the author's perspective) rather than the speech event (and the animator perspective) that determinates the indexical marking, and this triggers a subjective estimation.

(9) 1. Le ba'ala' ma' taantike' senyoora! Ki' bin. This thing, it's not new madam! He said they say. The candie there, be said they say.

Le ba'al-a' mîin

[mak-vva0098-1996]

The distribution of kex (with no miin) vs. miin (in quoted speech) in narrative gemes confirms that miin conveys subjective access (and most often direct perceptual access) when used in measurement contexts. The next section will show that miin also indexes subjectivity in non-measurement-estimation uses, but that in these other cases, subjectivity of epistemic judgement can surpass subjectivity of access.

Other inferential uses based on direct access to evidence

In non-measurement uses, miin most often occurs in situations where, similarly to the measurement-estimation use, the inference is based on premises connected with the perceptual field of the speaker, or direct cognitive knowledge, such as in ( 10) and ( 11) below. Miin also helps signal that the statement is a persona! supposi tion. This subjective stance is very often reinforced by the combination of miin with the idiomatic subjective attenuators (in)wake ( < kinwa'alike' "I say it'') "according to me" "to my opinion", as in ( 10) to ( 13), or bey inwoojle' "to my knowledge". In (10) a man (S1) visits a ritual specialist, j meen, (S2) for a purification sweeping. Shortly after he arrives, he explains his pains by painting at different parts of his body, and then suggests a hypothetical cause. His aetiological guess (a bad wind) cornes from the feelings in his body, as well as from his persona! knowledge of occasions when the wind might have caught him. And this is just a supposition. Ali of this is conveyed by the use of miin.

(10) 1. S1: ( ... ) Ma' chen junp'e diya ka tyala tunk'iinam te'ela', tunk'iinam, And is it not that one day, it was hurting here, it was hurting, [tor-D3-GA-P2-2OO7)

The following example ( 11) is taken from the same conversation as (3) above. The man had moved to a new home, where his poultry and pigs had quickly begun deteriorating and dying. Before going to see the ritual specialist, the man had had a conversation with his brother, which he re-enacts in his long story. In this extract, he is suggesting to his brother that the field is cursed. The persona!, auto biographical experience on which the events are based and the subjective nature of the supposition are reflected in, and asserted with, the use of miin. The dis course is framed as quoted speech by the quotative k in first persan (ken) at the end, line 3. teereno' field so that we couldn't have any sort of domestic animal there, I said to him.

[mak-vvaOO91-1996)

Miin use with non-direct evidence, but subjective epistemic judgement

Rarer, but nevertheless possible, are uses where the conjecture presented by miin is not based on direct subjective evidence. This is found especially in com ments about old non-biographical times, or prophesied times-to-come such as in ( 12) and ( 13), or in speculations about matters to which one has no experien tial access, such as in ( 14). As we will see in the section 5, in these contexts, the expected inferential marker is ma'ak. But the use of mfin in such cases signals that, despite indirect access to the referent, the conjecture is a persona! opinion of the speaker. Thus here, miin does not index subjective access to the evidence, but rather a subjective judgement on the facts.

(12) was uttered after the speaker had narrated the story of a fan tas tic animal, said to have killed and eaten people a few generations aga. In this extract, the speaker supposes that what was known as the boob might in fact be the "lion", which he has heard about and once saw in a picture (this was recorded before the introduction of electricity and television in the village). All the speaker's refer ences to the boob are indirect (hearsay and mediated visual access).

(12) 1. as.kweenta boob tumen (.) [pascbob-1 994)

In ( 13), an old woman talks about the different doomsday prophesies, a tapie often discussed in the region. Her knowledge of the prophecies is hearsay; but here she suggests the doomsday that she personally thinks would be the least painful.

( 14), another woman is answering a question I had asked about the location of the sun, during an interview about cosmology . She can see the sun of course. But this does not provide her with the dues necessary for understand ing precisely where the sun is located in the different sky layers that make up the Maya cosmos. With miin, she hypothesis es that even those who travel in planes cannot know. This thought has just occurred to her, and she has never expressed it before. It is based on indirect knowledge but she experience s and conveys it as a very persona! opinion on that topic. ( 14) 1. V: tu'ux yan le k'iino'?

Where is the sun?

J: lelo' ken sa' tu'ux?! tu'ux t at'aan le je'elo'?

That who knows where?! Where is it according to you? [xjua-IIl-5-1994) These examples show that even if direct access to the evidence is an important feature of miin, it is not a necessary value (see also sections 4.1.1 and 4.1.

2).

The subjectivity encoded by miin is further confirmed by the fact that miin is most often combined with first-person predicates, as in ( 10) and ( 11). Naturally, the third person appears more often in the indirect access cases presented in this section. As for second-person subject predicates involving miin, these mostly concern polar questions, to which we now turn.

Questions and play speech

Polar questions (about facts concerning the addressee)

As a corollary of the cases analysed above, miin is also frequently used in questions that offer a personal supposition calling for a confirmation from the addressee. In the situation, the supposition is generally based on some immediate aspect that is perceived by the speaker, but concerns the addressee. In (15), after I step on a dog's tail and shout in surprise and fear, the worried owner of the bouse promptly approaches me and asks if her dog has bitten me. She did not see the incident but heard my shout (sensory-auditory access), and is guessing what happened. ln ( 16), a woman reports her conversation with a woman who has corne to attend the village festival with her daughter. The conversation is rendered in quoted speech, framed by the verbatim quotative k. When she saw the woman waiting for a van, she asked her if she was planning to take her daughter back to their village. Again, the supposition is based on some perceptual-visual evidence (the visitor waiting for the van) and presented as a persona! guess.

( Notice that in both ( 15) and ( 16), miin modalises a predicate concerning an addressee's circumstances to • which the speaker has some perceptual access, though Jess than the addressee her/himself. These examples could therefore be considered cases of (relative) symmetric knowledge (the speaker shows that s/ he is aware of some circumstances concerning the addressee). However, basic Mayan principles of communicative interaction rather tend to favour the inter pretation that the speaker uses the subjective miin to avoid making an assump tion about the viewpoint and experience of the addressee/ other without previous confirmation. This is part of a more general cultural and linguistic stance to avoid asserting something that one is not entirely sure of and has no direct access to. Consequently, here miin also indexes an asymmetric relation to evidence.

Play speech

Finally, miin is characteristic of the genre baaxal-t'aan (play speech), in its gentle form.8 In this dialogic genre, speakers make clearly false statements to their addressee. The humorous statement connects a detail of the situational context to a fact about the addressee, one that the speaker might want to indirectly crit icise, compliment, or just make fun of. In (17), one woman teases another who arrives very late for group work during the village festival. (18) was said to me during the first minutes of a visit with some friends. When I arrive without my son, the man makes fun of me, referring to the fact that I often left my young son in the care of other women in the village. Notice that both jokes are based on perceptual evidence, as is common in the genre and correlates with the subjectivity of mfin.

(18) [rosi8:17.40-2008] Besides being triggered by the direct-access evidence condition, miin in baax al-t'aan forms seems to help attenuate the provocation by marking the idea implied by the question as only assumed by the speaker (and potentially not shared by others).

Summary and discussion of miin

The analysis of the different uses of miin shows that this particle is often linked to the expression of subjective perceptual access to information, indicating an asymmetry of knowledge distribution among the speech participants. This is typ ically the case in the measurement-estimation function of miin, which represents a large proportion of its uses. It is also predominant in non-measurement cases, but among these it is possible to find contexts in which miin is used in situations of indirect non-subjective access to evidence, in order to signal more that the inference is a persona! judgement. One question is whether or not the marker should be analysed as basically a marker of subjectivity of epistemic judgement (a value that always appears to be present when miin is used) on which the value of direct access, or asym metric knowledge, would be dependent. At first sight, this analysis would seem more economical, and could explain the fact that (i) miin is used even in cases of indirect access if there is subjectivity of epistemic judgement and that (ii) we have found no clear case of direct access and non-subjective (or intersubjective) judgement expressed by miin. Recent analyses of epistemic markers have offered similar interpretations, in which access to evidence or the indexation of knowl edge distribution is seen as dependent on (inter)subjective epistemic judgement (e.g. Gipper 2015: 216). However, as [START_REF] Gipper | lnter)subjectivity in interaction: lnvestigating (inter)subjective meanings in Yurakaré conversational data. STUF. Language Typology and Universals[END_REF] mentions in her study of the Amazonian language Yurakaré and two of its epistemic forms that seem seman tically very similar to miin/ma'ak, subjective judgement is rather neutral in terms of expectations regarding access to knowledge. In fact, for the Yurakaré subjective marker that Gipper analyses (-laba), subjective stance occurs just as frequently in cases of both symmetric and asymmetric (access to) knowledge. This contrasts with Yucatec uses of miin. In my view, the fact that miin occurs predominantly with direct access and asymmetric knowledge (including when it functions as a measurement-estimative) argues in favour of considering these values an essential part of its meaning. Furthermore, miin is not commonly used in responses marking the kind of disagreement or misalignment that would be expected with a marker primarily expressing epistemic judgement. Conse quently, I would hypothesize that subjective access is the primary (diachronie) encoded meaning of miin, the subjective epistemic judgement being pragmati cally conveyed. Through the conventionalization of pragmatic implicatures, the subjective stance becomes tightly attached to the form, to the point that in some uses, a shift occurs from subjective access to subjective epistemic judgement. 9 This explains why miin can be used in cases of indirect access to evidence or more symmetric knowledge, though these are less common. Moreover, the fact that sentences with miin are very often modalized by additional subjective atten uators like "in my opinion" or "according to me" confirms that miin tends to occur with an overall subjective stance, but it also reveals that the speakers need these expressions to explicitly express a persona! judgement that is, or was, only inferable when using miin. [START_REF] Anderbois | Mfin en maya yucateco: evidencial o modal? Paper presented at CILLA VI[END_REF] analyses miin as a conjectural evidential, following [START_REF] Hanks | The Evidential Core of Deixis in Yucatec Maya[END_REF] and Faller (2002)'s subcategorization of inferentials. Anderbois argues that miin can be used for the two sub-types of iruerence that, according to Faller, characterize "conjectural": (i) inference with direct evidence and (ii) "reasoning" based on general knowledge and persona! experience. We have shown several contexts in which miin can be used with direct evidence. This is its typical sub jective frame of reference. As for "reasoning" as defined above, according to our data, miin can only be used (a) if the reasoning is also grounded in aspects of the predication to which the speaker bas direct perceptual, practical or memory access or, (b) in cases where there is no such direct access, if the speaker wishes to express the subjectivity of her/his epistemic judgement. We will now see that in Yucatec Maya, a different marker is used when the inference is based exclusively or primarily on general knowledge.

Ma'ak: lnference and uncertainty in the field of collective knowledge

The particle miin contrasts paradigmatically with a second inferential epis temic marker: ma'ak. The particle ma'ak shares the same syntactic properties as miin, and the two never co-occur. Furthermore, ma'ak also expresses inference and conveys the same epistemic form of possibility or partial support as mi in: the statement is presented as inferentially obtained (through presumption, deduction or abduction) and subject to a degree of scepticism. But in contrast to miin, ma'ak signais that the statement is a supposition whose clues are not centred on the speaker's subjective field, are not the immediate evidence of perception or personal memory, but are rather indirect and mediated. However, the distribution of the domain of ma'ak does not neatly complement that which is covered by mi in. Whereas miin rather widely indexes directness of access and subjectivity, ma'ak is more specifically used for non-subjective evidence falling into the category of collective-general knowledge, based mostly on hearsay (but distinct from the hearsay markers). 10 This also means that it is not intersubjec tive in the strict sense of the definition in the introduction. Intersubjectivity (the expectation of symmetric knowledge) is nevertheless often conveyed by implicature.

The combination of ma'ak values of inference and non-subjectivity of access can lead to two apparently opposite epistemic interpretations, depending on the context: it can be considered (i) dubious, because the evidence does not corne from the personal field, or (ii) probable, because it is linked to (widely) shared knowledge and presumably, for the speaker, a shared stance.

The particle ma'ak, often contracted to mak, is not reported in published dictionaries of contemporary Maya, most probably due to dialectal variation. My own data suggests that it is rarely or never used in Campeche and Yucatân, where most of the lexicographie work has been done.11 However, it is frequently used in the eastern dialects spoken around Valladolid and Felipe Carrillo Puerto.

10 Hearsay is expressed by other particles: the reportative bin and the quotative k-, previously illustrated with mîin and appearing in an example with ma('a)k in ( 21) below; see also [START_REF] Lucy | Metapragmatic presentationals: reporting speech with quotatives in Yucatec Maya[END_REF]. 11 Also pers. corn. by Briceida Cuevas Cob for Campeche and Fidencio Briceîio Chel for Yucatân.

An arguably related form, ma'k or ma'ki' (Diccionario de Motul), (ix) ma'kil (Vocabulario de Viena) "por ventura no, quizâ no" ("by chance no, maybe not"), is reported in the earliest colonial dictionaries of the 16th and 17th centuries (Barrera-Vâsquez 1981: 480, 482). The form of the dictionaries' quotations and their proposed translations could indicate that the particle is etymologically related to the negative marker ma'. 12 In any case, these early reports suggest that the dialectal variation observed nowadays results from the decreasing use in some regions of a particle that was once more common.

Ma'ak for inferences based on shared collective knowledge

Given the meaning of ma'ak, it is not surprising that it is most frequently used in talk about old times, prophesied future times, folktales and matters to which the average person has only indirect and mediated access, such as the details and intricacies of the non-visible supernatural world. The following examples illus trate these contexts.

The first example, ( 19), is taken from a long conversation between two men, Don Juan (J) and Don Eu (E) (see Vapnarsky 1999, vol. II text 6). In this extract, the men are talking about former times and how people used to live. Don Juan, the oldest man in the village, is very confident about facts (which is typical of him, but is reinforced by my presence and the recording situation), whereas Don Eu, in his forties, adopts a much less affirmative stance, inquiring and supposing rather than asserting. This is seen clearly in the following extract, in which Don Eu introduces the topic of the clothes wom by the eiders. At that moment, Don Juan had just talked about his father, and Don Eu is making reference to that gen eration of people, whom he did not know, or only knew when he was very young, and does not remember clearly.

(19) 1. J: ( ... ), pos inp ap a l eti' koomo ya'ab ubeetik koole ', pos ma' t see n'il aj o'tsil il i'.

My dad, as he worked a lot of fields, we didn't experience much poverty.

Maybe in old times, maybe clothes like those, maybe thereweren't any (as we can suppose from what we know)?

J: Ba'ax nook'e' tun kunyaanta tech! Ba'ax '6osa tun kak'uuch?

What clothes could one have had! And what did one spin for, then?

4. E: Chen bey uweenelo'bo', chen j wi'it'! They slept just like this, they were just people with loincloths! [jua-eul-vva0028-1995] The use of ma'ak in line 2 by Don Eu signais that the statement "there were no clothes (like today's)" is a supposition based not on persona! experience, nor on anything the speaker has previously heard about in these precise terms, but rather on his general knowledge of th ose times, about which he has good reason to think his interlocutor knows more. In Don Eu's words, the intonation and the use of ma'ak also have a questioning effect. They call for a confirmation from Don Juan, his elder addressee. Don Juan's answer emphatically confirms Don Eu's supposition. And Don Eu's subsequent comments in line 4 show that he is falling into line with the elder's words.

In example ( 20), a man comments on the success of a ritual for rain, and on the powerful action of the guardian spirits that are invoked during this type of ceremony. Not being a ritual specialist himself, he has no legitimate reason to assert any direct persona! knowledge on the matter. In Mayan terms, what he knows or can infer bas to be presented as second-hand information. Furthermore, the inference expressed by ma'ak is itself part of a statement expressing a commonly shared conjecture.

(20) 1. ( ... ) maan le 'aaka'bo', graasya tunmeyaj, the night passed, and the offerings were working 2. beendisyon jajal dyoos, ubendisyoon le nukuch maak, this was the blessing ofTrue God, the blessing of the guardian-spirits, INF.C special-B3 A3-whistle RS POSS-TD 4 Their whistling may have been special maybe they say.

Bey u'istoorya bey utsikbatik 'aanima inmaadrinai.

That's the story as my godmother used to tell me. [mak-vid145:20-2005] Notice that the statement is framed by three evidential-epistemic particles: ma'ak, the reportative bin and the epistemic wale' conveying possibility [START_REF] Hanks | The evidential core of deixis in Yucatec Maya[END_REF][START_REF] Vapnarsky | The grammar of uncertainty in Yucatec Maya[END_REF]. Ma'ak introduces the hypothetical statement as an infer ence that is based on collective knowledge. The use of the reportative bin (hearsay without a definite source) in the same predicate makes it explicit that the sup position (and not only the evidence) is shared by hearsay. Therefore, the final comment of the speaker in line 3 ("That's the story as my godmother used to tell me") is easily understood as referring not only to the narrative events but also to the speaker's tentative explanation of the special powers of men in old tirnes. However, despite the supposition on the nature of the whistle also being hearsay, it is not part of the narrative itself, or at least it is not on the same epistemic level (otherwise it would not be introduced by the inferential ma'ak). The co-occur rence of ma'ak and bin in the same clause confirms that their values are distinct though not incompatible, and are clearly connected to the same domain of refer ence to cultural knowledge. The use of wale' in final position of the ma'ak clause reinforces the hypothetical char acter of the inference. Whereas the use of the reportative bin is rampant in traditional narratives, ma'ak is used much less systematically and does not constitute an index of this genre. The following example clearly shows how ma'ak introduces the speaker's inferences and epistemic judgements on events repeated in canoni cat staries. This example is also very revealing of the specific values that ma'ak does or does not convey in terms of evidential access and epistemic symmetry.

After a conversation on various subjects, mostly surrounding the guardian spirits of different forest places, I had asked Don Torib, a man in his ?Os, if the cenotes (the natural wells formed in sinkholes characteristic of the Yucatan penin sula) also have guardians. He answers affirmatively, but frames his assertion with two hearsay markers, the reportative bin and the reduced form ya'ala (> kuya'alal "it is said"), and in so doing, he explicitly roots bis assertion in shared traditional knowledge. Don Torib then tells a well-known story about a "waterer" who got caught by a snake in a cenote, and whose rifle exploded so powerfully, it made the cenote collapse. With this story, Don Torib is suggesting that the " gu ardians of the water" or "of the cenote", about whom I had just asked, are in fact the aj j6o'ya'o'ob "waterer" gu ardian-spirits. Mayas commonly believe that these beings inhabit the lower layer of the sky and corne down to earth to fill their gourds from the cenotes; with this water, the "waterers" create rain.

Notice first that the speaker introduces the aj j6o'ya' "waterer" character with ma'ak, a quite unusual incipit for a Maya folk story (line 3). This reveals that the speaker is still preparing bis ar gu ments at that point, using ma'ak to make explicit the inferential nature of the equivalence he is establishing between "the master of the water" (uyuumil ja') and the "waterer" from the sky (aj j6o'ya'). The speaker then continues the story, constantly punctuating bis words with the reportative bin and other hearsay markers, as is usually the case for traditional narratives (lines 4-36). It is only after the end of the story that ma'ak shows up again. Don Torib uses it twice, this time to equate the explosion produced by the rifle (on earth, at the cenote) with celestial thunder and lightning. This is done with a twostep/two-ma'ak inference: firstly, by suggesting that the sound of the rifle was just like the sound of thunder, and secondly, by suggesting that the small rifle found near the cenote must have been the same weapon that thunders in the sky. In both ma'ak sentences, Don Torib explicitly appeals to my persona! knowledge: to my experiential knowledge in the first sentence (lines 37-40): "like when you hear the thunder of the lightning"; and to my knowledge of things "that are said" in the second (lines 41-46): "don't you hear its shake, its explosion; and you hear it is said the gu ardian spirits are shooting, it is said. that's it, that thing thunders".13 Therefore, in this example, the speaker appeals to both traditional cultural knowledge and the addressee's experience. Ma'ak is used to draw on shared collective knowledge of the matters in which the inference is rooted, while explicit references to the addressee's experience are made to include this knowl edge as part of the shared knowledge. As for the supposition (inference) itself, it is not symmetric, but is what Don Torib wants me to understand.

(22) 1. Ka' bin uuch bin unp'ée beesak bin uuch bine' They say it happened once, they say, a long time ago, they say ( + 1 they say)

13 Notice also that in these sentences, the reportative bin is not used in the same way as it was in the previous part, and this creates a clear contrast with the storytelling section. B. e kutiip'l ula' juntuu maak beey k6omo ja' de uk'bile'_ when another man appears, since it was drinking water ... 9. ka' taal uch'a ja' bini' and he came to fetch water they say, 10. kya'ala bin ti', kya'ik bin e maako' it is said to him, they say, the gu y says, they say 11. ichil uchupk uchuuj e aj j6o'ya'6o' maa ka' chu'uki' As the waterer was filling in bis gourd, suddenly he got caught 12. ka' j k'a'ax men junp'e (no)xi kaan and he got tied up by a big snake 13. t ujool le ja' beyo', kya'ik bine'_ at the entrance of the water source like this, he says they say ( .. .) ( ... ) (here a section of the narrative is omitted for reasons of space)

Tuntronaart e' ba'alo' ka j k'aschaj e (.) ts'ono'ot bino'

The thing thundered and the cenote got ruined.

[bey uwa'ak'a] uwiinkili maak bey üuchk utronark le ts'ono'oto'!

just like a body explodes, that's how the cenote thundered! The examples above are typical of the majority of the instances of ma'ak found in our corpus, in that they involve non-subjective indirect access to the evidence on which the inference is based, and concern different kinds of traditional collec tive knowledge. Since they concern traditional collective knowledge, they also tend to imply symmetry of knowledge. Indeed in these cases, we have seen that most instances also imply the speaker's supposition or expectation that both the evidence and the inference are shared by others, usually -but not always -the other speech participants. This is seen in example (19) because the speaker is convinced that bis addressee knows more than be does about what be is suppos ing, in example (20) because the inference reflects a shared conjecture, and in example ( 21) because the inference is grammatically marked as hearsay. However, notice that in (21) the inference is marked as shared with others (hearsay), but is not expected to be shared by the addressee (myself). The last example ( 22) shows a similar but more complex situation in which ma'ak is used because the speaker thinks the knowledge behind the inference is shared (either as common experi ence or as common traditional !ore) but the epistemic judgement is not (although the speaker's aim is to change this).

Ma'ak in the context of situations experienced

The next examples are especially instructive because they present cases in which ma'ak modalizes statements related to autobiographical events. In this context, the subjective miin rather than ma'ak would be expected in terms of knowledge access and asymmetry. But we will see that in fact, despite being rooted in a per sona! experience, the inference introduced by ma'ak always concerns an aspect of the situation to which the speaker bas only non-subjective or mediated access, following the general pattern of ma'ak uses. This is clear in example ( 23). The situation mentioned is a very concrete event that the speaker, an elderly woman, experienced and is remembering: while hunting, she got trapped in a cave after a stone fell and blocked the entrance. The speaker then speculates about why the cave closed, and ma'ak introduces the hypothetical cause. Notice however, that the cause is not related to anything the speaker bas directly seen or experienced. It is instead related to a supernatural power, the guardian-spirit of the cave, knowledge of which is, as we saw in (20), indirect, based on comments and staries of all kinds (see also Vapnarsky 2013b). This reference to common and mediated knowledge can explain the use of ma'ak.

(23) 1. Pos leti', mak u-yuum-il le 'aaktun C0NJ PR3 INF.I A3-master-N0M DET cave well it's him, it must be the guardian of the cave 2. leti' leen-ch'in-t-ej le ba'a t-inw-6ok'ol-o', leti' ! PR3 flash-throw.at-TRZER-B3.SBJ DET thing PREP-Al-on-REL-TD2 PR3 he's the one who threw the thing on me, it's him! 3. Yaan uyuumil ( ... ) ( ... ) la'ten e' tunmeetiko' teen beyo'.

It [the cave] bas its guardians, that's why they did that to me. [xisa-vva0154-1996] The following example involves another type of mediation. It is taken from the account of a boy abducted by guardian-spirits and taken to live with them for some time. In quoted speech, the extract presents the dialogue between the parents and the son, now back home. At first sight, ma'ak seems clearly unexpected here because it introduces a statement relating to an action of which the boy was the direct patient, and which is reported as verbatim quotation. However, notice that this action took place when the boy was living with the guardian-spirits, in a somewhat different world, and in an abnormal state of consciousness. Ma'ak appears to index the indirect perception of this extraordinary experience. Here it might also be used as a way of creating a sense of distance while relating events that, according to cultural values, should be left unmentioned, or be only very vaguely referenced.

( [mak-vva0087-1996] The last example in this section is probably the most atypical of our corpus. It is nevertheless perfectly explainable from what we saw before. The sentence was spoken by a young mother while she was bathing her little girl in an elevated washing tub. The girl laughs with joy. The mother then tells of another child she once saw, a boy who cried and resisted while being bathed in the same way. Using ma'ak, she then hypothesizes that the boy might have been suffering because he was not used to that way of bathing. The speech event takes place in the kitchen of her mother-in-law (where the girl's mother lives) with various family members around. None of them knows the boy she is talking about. The speaker is reporting a situation she observed, and is drawing an inference about this situation. There is clearly asymmetric knowledge, since the inference is addressed to speech participants who were not present when the reported event occurred. Despite the fact that this asymmetry and the speaker's perceptual access to the evidence (the boy crying) would make miin the expected inferential, ma'ak is used instead. We can identify a number of relations -of the speaker to the reported facts, as well as to the speech participants' assumed knowledgethat lead the speaker to use ma('a)k: (i) perceptual and corporal mediation (the mother observed the situation but she was not bathing the child herself; the child was bathed by a third person who is absent from the speech situation);14 (ii) inference addressed to a third party (the mother is addressing not the person who was bathing the boy, nor the boy himself, but rather people who did not observe the situation; this context can be contrasted with the uses of miin in questions, seen in section 2.4.1); (iii) the inference has to be confirmed by drawing on second-hand cultural knowledge (given that the speech event participants have no access to aspects or participants of the reported bathing situation). 15 All of these elements converge to exclude the use of miin in this experienced situation and, by contrast, to justify the use ma'ak.

Ma'ak: The lack of coding of knowledge symmetry

We have seen that all of the instances of ma'ak found in our corpus reflect various types of knowledge-access indirectness, but mainly relating to references to shared collective knowledge. The recurrent use of ma'ak to draw inferences from this type of knowledge may lead to the analysis that ma'ak is a marker of symmetric knowl edge. However, some of the previous examples did not fit this analysis (( 21), ( 22), ( 25)). Other examples, some of them from elicitation sessions, confirm that sym metry of knowledge is not a necessity. For instance, ma'ak was chosen in an imag inary context in which a speaker, seeing seeds he did not know about as a child (tumen teene' ma' inwili' "because I didn't see them (the seeds)") assumes they did not exist back then. He comments on this to a co-worker, asking for confirmation:

(26) Ma'ak mina'an aa iiuchij ? INF.C EXIST.NEG IN TER in.the.old.times Doesn't it seem that there weren't any before? [ elicitation-epist-2012] The interviewee improvised an answer for the addressee, who contradicts the inference, replying that the seeds must have existed because his grandfather told him so. The fact that ma'ak was used in a polar question, and that the answer is incongruous with the proposition introduced by ma'ak, reveals that symmetry of knowledge was not expected by the speaker.

Prevalence of collective-general knowledge over visual access

Interestingly, the elicited data also reveals a preference for ma'ak when the inference concems matters of the past and of collective history, even if the evidence also cornes from persona! memory or perceptual access. This was already present in the earlier example where the speaker, imagining the scene associated with the ma'ak sentence, said that he was drawing his inference from old memories. This is even more strik ing in the contrast between the next two examples. In ( 27), the imagined situation involves a person discovering traces of an old wall in the forest, and inferring that there once must have been a village at that location. She expressed this with ma'ak.

(27) 1. Ma'ak yan-0 maak kaaj-l-a'an-0 way uuch-ej INF.C EXIST•B3 person village-posit-PART•B3 here long.ago-TD 4 It seems there were people living here before.

pos tumen umeyajo' way p'aatla', wa kex nukuch maak6o' meetej.

Well because, their work has stayed here, it could have been done by old generations.

[elicitation-epist-2012]

In (28), the speaker was asked to imagine someone discovering that a stool had changed place in ber bouse while she and the other inhabitants were absent, and inferring from this that someone must have entered the bouse. In this case, the speaker clearly preferred to express the inference with mfin: 16 way-e'. enter-B3 here-TD 3 why is this thing like this? (.)

Apparently someone entered here.

Beey, inwa'ake' yan maak 6ok waye'. Aaja ooko maak waye'! kech xan

That's it, l'd say someone entered here. Aha, someone has entered here! You (should) say also. [elicitation-epist-2012] 16 Similar answers to both contexts were given by three other speakers.

Both situations imply that the inference is drawn from visible evidence. However, in the first case, the epistemic judgement is also informed by common local histor ical knowledge about the existence of abandoned dwellings in the forest, and this led to the use of ma'ak. By contrast, the second case corresponds to an individual fact linked to present-day life and the immediacy and singularity of a situation that has just occurred and that no one knows about, which triggered the use of miin.

Similarly to the ancient dwelling example, but taken from a natural context, our final example confirms the prevalent relation of ma'ak to matters of tradi tional knowledge. When I asked a friend if Maya had been their language since old times, my addressee, a woman in her forties, exclaimed:

(29) -Ma'ak bey-of INF.C MOD•TD 2
Probably yes, it bas! She immediately supported her assertion by mentioning that her grandfather used to speak Maya. She had known her grandfather well, and clearly remem bered interacting with him in Maya until his death when she was about 20. The evidence she invokes is thus based on persona! memory access (which is more of the field of miin). However, as also shown by the above example (26), and as supported by other facts, here the reference to the grandfather mainly serves as a typified source of collective knowledge, which triggers the use of ma'ak.

Examples ( 27) and (29) show interesting cases in which the evidence cornes from both subjective and collective-general knowledge. Remarkably, the fact that the latter is favoured in the marking choice does not follow the common salience hierarchy generally observed for evidential (visual > non-visual > inferred) (Aikhen vald: 2004) or for deictic markers in Yucatec (asymmetric/perceptual > symmetric/ perceptually more distant) [START_REF] Hanks | Referentia/ practice. Language and Jived space amang the Maya[END_REF][START_REF] Hanks | Explorations in the Deictic Field[END_REF] (where > means that the value to the left of the sign outweighs the one on the right, and the marker encoding the "heavier" value is given preference when both compete in a given speech context).

Summary of ma'ak and its contrast with miin

The particle ma'ak signals that the statement under consideration is a partial-sup port inference based on non-subjective knowledge. This characterization makes it the exact complement of miin. However, I have shown that the evidential anchor ing of ma'ak does not apply to any kind of mediated non-subjective access, and that ma'ak is mostly connected to collective-general knowledge. In particular, I have not found cases of ma'ak being used for knowledge that is accessible to the other speech participants, especially the addressee, but is inaccessible to the speaker. Since ma'ak appeals to collective-general knowledge, it generally pre supposes that the knowledge is shared with the addressee, although this is not always the case. Instances of a speaker using ma'ak based on a presumption of knowledge asymmetry with the speech participants can occur. The speaker might conceive the knowledge as being shared not with the speech participants, but rather with others not present in the speech event. Thus in the strict sense of the definition in the introduction, symmetry of knowledge and intersubjectivity is not codified by this marker.

The fact that ma'ak and mfin are not used in intradiscursive, dialogic strate gies of agreement and disagreement confirms that they do not primarily encode intersubjectivity (even though ma'ak often anticipates alignment from the other speech participants, because the inference is drawn from collective knowledge, and often resonates with common presumptions or explanations). The same is true concerning the fact that in dialogic exchanges, I did not observe changes from mfin to ma'ak that indexed a shift from asymmetric to symmetric knowl edge. This dimension is instead expressed by other markers in Yucatec, particu larly the pervasively used terminal deictics a' (asymmetric) /o' (a/symmetric) which do evolve intradiscursively [START_REF] Hanks | Referentia/ practice. Language and Jived space amang the Maya[END_REF]). Nevertheless, it is worth noting that in my corpus, the instances of ma'ak that appear in sentences with terminal deictics all involve the clitic o'. This is not surprising given that o' indexes shared access to the referent, typically associated with collective-general knowledge.

In contrast, mfin occurs in utterances with a' or o', and this correlates with its broader usages, and with the fact that it applies to more varied and indexically complex speech events.

Other correlations would appear to be relevant for understanding the contrast between ma'ak and mfin. The particle ma'ak is used with third-per son predicates, whereas mfin is found with a variety of persons (since the subjective stance it encodes may apply to statements about other people or things, even though first-person predicates are most commonly used because of the subjective access value). The particle ma'ak tends to be used in or next to predicates with the indefinite reportative (bin), whereas mfin appears more frequently in quoted speech marked with the quotative (k-ABS) (and this is required in traditional narratives for the measurement-estimation use). Finally, ma'ak does not co-occur with subjective modal attenuators, contrary to mfin, which is very commonly found with them. Instead, ma'ak occurs with expressions such as keensa, which signals shared lack of knowledge (Vap narsky 2012). All of this confirms the link of ma'ak with collective-general knowledge and traditional lore. Table 16.2 below presents the main properties of mfin and ma'ak.

Conclusion

As a general characterization, the particles mfin and ma'ak can be defined as partial support inferential markers that contrast on the (inter)subjectivity para meter. However, we have seen that, as commonly understood, this characteri zation is insufficient for understanding the specific uses and speaker choices connected with this form. Firstly, one needs to determine whether the subjectiv ity applies to access or to epistemic judgement. Secondly, the pole contrasting with "subjective" needs to be specified. Besides "intersubjective", which I restrict to knowledge as constructed in the speech event, I have proposed to introduce "collective-general" knowledge as a third pole of the (inter)subjective dimension. Thirdly, although (inter)subjectivity often correlates with symmetric/asymmetric knowledge distribution among speech participants, the particles analysed here confirm the need to keep both dimensions very separate. As we have seen with the contrast between Yucatec Maya and Yurakaré, languages with markers con veying apparently very similar values may differ in terms of which dimension is encoded and which is inferred.

Lastly, the analysis shows that even though miin and ma'ak form a paradig matic contrast in a two-member syntactic category of inferentials, their use does not cover all possible semantic and pragmatic possibilities relating to inference reasoning (for example inference based on something the speaker has previously heard said about the addressee). This is the case particularly because ma'ak is connected with collective-general knowledge and rarely used for other types of mediated access to knowledge. It is also linked to the scattered distribution of evidentiality in the Yucatec Maya grammatical and lexical system, which is expressed by different sub-groups of particles with limited contrasts. Last but not least, it probably also results from constraints dependent on local linguistic ideologies regarding what can be said and what should remain implicit, as well as on more universal communicative principles of knowledge sharing. To better understand these crucial issues, further investigation will be needed in Yucatec Maya, as well as in many other languages.

Abbreviations

  often combme d from the fact that values rela ss d by ost of the first referenc es; see also Tou � in actual forms (a point addre v gle those aspects of meanin g wh1ch are encoded _ fr � m tho � e

2

 2

  yaan-0 kex siinko wa seeys aanyos DET thing-TD l INF.S EXIST-B3 CONC five DISJ six years this thing, I suppose it must have been burning for about five or six years 3. ts'6ok uyeele' le saanto kib te'la', ki' bin.

  5. S1: Puuta k-inw-a'a-(i) k damn ICP-Al-say-T R.IPF k-inw-a'a-(i)ke'. ICP-Al-say-TR .IPF•TD 4 le ba'al-a' miin DET thing-TD 1 INF.S iik'-0 wind-B3 Damn. I say, this, this may be wind, I say.

  6. S2: (to other visitors) P'aat injan atender le 'aamigoe'. (to Sl): Mâaneni'. Wait, l'm quickly attending to the friend. (to Sl ): Come in.

(

  11) 1. -'Pos le ba'ala' 'ermaano', de por sile', 'Well, this, my brother, in fact, 2. inw-a'-k-e' miin waay-bi Al-say-TR.IPF-TD 4 INF.S curse-PART tu'ux yaan-ak-en, where EXIST-INTR.SBJ-Bl meent-ab-0 do-PAS.CP-B3 le DET I'd say that the field where I was might have been cursed, 3. y6osa munyaanta to'on mix junp'e klaase 'âalak' waye', ken ti'.

(

  15) 1. V: -Ay! -Ow! 2. R: -Bik u-chi'-ech! Miin t-u-chi'-ech Balentiina ? ADM A3-bite-B2 INF.S CP.TR-A3-bite-B2 PN -Careful it doesn't bite you! Might it have bitten you Valentina (as it seems to me)? [xros-D3G2-06-2006]

( 17 )

 17 Mîin j6ok'-ech cha'an '6onyak! INF.S go.out-B2 watch last.night Maybe you were out watching [the festival] last night?![maakan-2007]

9

  Our conclusion contrasts with Anderbois (2013 submitted)'s analysis which considers that miin is primarily an epistemic modal and that the restriction to indirect evidence is an epipbe nomenon of the semantics of uncertainty (Anderbois 2013: 9).

3 2 .

 2 . ma'ak e nukuch.maak-o'ob-o' INF.I DET big.PL.man-3PL-TD 2 probably the guardian-spirits, 4. leti'-o'o' manejar-t-ik PR3-3PL govern-TRZER-TR.IPF they govern this type of work tulaaka le meyaj bey-a'. all DET work MOD-TD 1 [mak-vidl:29 :52-30 :02-2005] The next example (21) shows a similar type of inference, but it does this by combining different epistemic-evidential markers. After relating a well-known episode from a mythical story about how in ancient times, people used to carry their firewood just by whistling, the speaker speculates on how this might have worked. He suggests that the whistle probably had special powers. (21) 1. ( ... ) tujun kutaal! Teeche' taanxuu'xu'! It came on its own! You, you were whistling! Mak espesyal-0 u-xiiu'xu' bin wal-e'.

  37. Ma'k lee ma'k (. ) je'ex je'ex u-tronar raayo k-aw-uy-ik INF.C DET INF.C as as A3-thunder lightening ICP-A2-hear-IPF.TR It must have been like when you hear the thunder of the lightning

( 25 )

 25 Mak ma' siiujk uy-ich-kiiun-s-a'a(l) bey-o' INF.C NEG HAB A3-bathe-FACT-CAUS-PAS.IPF MOD-TD 2 Maybe he wasn't used to being bathed like that?![fieldnote-2012]

  28) 1. mîin yaan-0 maak 6ok-0 in-na(j)-i, INF.S EXIST•B3 person enter-B3 PREP Al-bouse-NOM Apparently someone entered my bouse, 2. ba'an.ten le ba'al-a' bey yaan-ik-a'? ( .. ) mîin yaan-0 maak WHY DET thing-TD I MOD EXIST•MAF•TD I INF.S EXIST•B3 person 6ok

  ; talk about old times, prophe inference based on premises sied future times, folktales and connected with the perceptual matters to which speakers only field of the speaker or direct have mediated access (e.g.

2 -

 2 terminal deictic (less immediate, symmetric) TD 3 -terminal deictic (neutral); TD 4 -terminal deictic (topic); TP -temporal; TR -transitive; -VL -suffix attached to nominal and imperfective stems realized as -VI (vowel harmony).

Table 16 .1: Position

 16

	of inferential particles miin/ma'ak in
	the clause structure
	(Topic)

  About the size of the hearth stone.

	Noxi woolis tunich nojoch buka'aj! Miin buk	le k'ooben-o'.
	Big round Stone big	MEASURE INF.S MEASURE DET hearth-TD
	A big round stone, as big as this!

  • • • but DET C0NJ say INF.S TP.ADV-PAST again-TD 2 But when it was about this time of day again,

	2. tuka'aten	u-lfik'-i	muunyal-60'
	again	A3-rise-vL	cloud-3PL
	again the clouds rose

  boob because but INF.S PI3 DET lion Al-say-IPF.TR we can think it's the boob because ... but I suppose this is the lion I'd say 2. faasil beyo' tumen uuchben nukuch maakob-o' it's probably that because the ancestors 3. boob ya'ako' jaaa bey uts'a'amilob uk'aabao' they said Boob, haa, that's the name they gave to it.

	pero miin let e	leon inw-ay-ik
	CON]

  INF.S NEG.EMPH DET ICP-A3-go-3PL sky-TD 2 NEG.PROG.A3-see-IPF.TR-3PL I suppose not even those who travel to the sky, they don't see it 5. munk'uchlo'bi', ay wa k'uchke' yeelo'be'! they don't get there, uy if they got there, they would burn!

	3. lelo' mix maak ojeelmil inwa'ik. Lelo' mix maak ojeelmi!
	That, nobody knows l'd say. That, nobody knows!
	4. Miin mix	le k-u-bin-o'	ka'an-o' muny-il-ik-60',

  INF.S OBL A2-go-CAUS-IPF.TR A2-daughter-TD 2 QUOT.Bl PR3 maybe you're taking your daughter away (as it seems to me)? I say to her.

	16) 1. tinw-a'al	t	e	nojoch maako',
	PROG.Al-say PREP DET	big	person-TD 2
	I said to the lady,
	2. miin yan a-bi-s-(i)k		a-'iija-o'	ken	ti,

  QUOT RS and when I went to sleep, maybe they put worms on me (lit. I was put worms) maybe, he said they say...

	24) 1. -Ay pero niiux, kuya'alaj bin ti', yaan tak x n6ok'ol tech!
		Oh but son, it was said to him they say, you even have worms!
	2. -Xiib yaan wale', ( ... )	pos teene', teene' tin-maan,
		Man, I have maybe ( ... ) well me, me, I was going,
	3.	chen ween-(e)k-en, ma'ak tun-ts'a'ab-a	ten xn6ok'ol
		just sleep-SBJ-lB INF.C	PROG.A3-give-PAS-IPF PRl worm
		wal-e'	kij bin ...
		POSS-TD 4

Table 16 . 2 :

 162 Synthesis of mfin and ma'ak properties

	Access to information
	Epistemic judgement
	Knowledge symmetry
	(with respect to speech
	event)
	Typical uses
	Combination with person

  : 1 -first person; 2 -second person; 3 -third person; A -SET A (ergative); ADM -admonestative; ADV-adverb; AG-agent; B -SET B (absolutive); CAUS -causative; coNc -concessive; CONJ -conjunction; CP completive; DEM -demonstrative; DET -determinant; DIS -disjunctive; EMPHemphatic; EXIST -existential; FACT -factitive; FEM -feminine; HAB -habitual; ICP -incompletive; IPF -imperfective; INF -inferential; INF.C -collective general knowledge inferential; INF.s -subjective inferential; INTER -interrogative; INTR -intransitive; IPF -imperfective; LOC -locative; MOD -modal deictic base; like; MAF -manner adverb focus; NC -numeral classifier; NEG -negation; NOM -nominal suffix; OBLIG -obligative; proyective; OST -ostensive; PART -participial; PAS -passive; PF -perfective; PL plural; PN -proper noun; POSS -possibility; epistemic deictic; PR -independent pronoun; PREP -preposition; PROG -progressive; QUOT -quotative; REP -repetitive; RS -reported speech; RETROS -retrospective; SBJ -subjunctive; TD

	1	-terminal deictic (immediacy, asymmetry); TD

The study presented here is part of a more general investigation I have carried out in the last years on uncertainty markers in Yucatec Maya. Parts of the analysis of the inferential uncertainty markers dealt with in this cbapter were presented in earlier versions in different meetings: Ta/k ing through uncertainty: Linguistic and multimodal analyses ofuncertain speech situations, EASA Worksbop, University Paris Ouest Nanterre, July

2012; Fi rst International Meeting on Yucatec Maya, El Colegio de México, D-F, 4-5 October 2012; ELIA Ill, Encuentro de Lenguas Indfgenas Americanas, Universidad de Rio Negro, Bariloche, May 2013 and FAMLI IV, Form and Analysis in Mayan Lin guistics, Universidad del Oriente, Valladolid, November 2016. I thank all the participants of these meetings for their precious questions and comments, in particular Michel de Forne! and Scott An derbois, as well as the editor of this volume, Zlatka Guentchéva. Ali misunderstandings are mine.2 Aikhenvald (2004) proposes the following terminology: "inferred evidential", defined as "in formation source based on what one can see, or the result of something happening" (Aikhen vald 2004: 393) vs. "assumed evidential", defined as "information source based on conclusions drawn on the basis of on logical conclusion and general knowledge and experience" (ibid: 391).

For example, a subjective epistemic judgement may apply to evidence to which the speaker has no sub j ective access. Obviously there are asymmetries, for instance, cases of non-subjective

At this stage, we do not have access to diachronie data on the inferential markers to complete the analysis and better evaluate some hypotheses presented below concerning semantic and pragmatic changes. In any case, given the limited range of written genres which make diachron• ic data available in Yucatec Maya, and the discursive nature of the markers analysed, it is most probable that a diachronie analysis would provide a very partial image of their use in earlier times.

[START_REF] Aikhenvald | Evidentia/ity[END_REF]

69) presents a few other Amerindian languages that mark evidentiality with particles (Hopi, Arizona Tewa, and Kamaiurâ).

There are a very few exceptions to this. One possible way to explain them is to consider that they occur when the narrator adopts the perceptive of a protagonist, as an instance of discursive polyphony. We leave this tapie for further investigation.

The "war" the Mayas refer to is the indigenous rebellion historically known as the Caste War, which took place on the Yucatan Peninsula, 1847-1901 according to Mexican history, although the Mayas consider that it lasted much longer.

0ther languages have been reported to use inferred inferentials for irony and sarcasm (seeAikhenvald 2004: 322).

E: Mak le uuchij, mak bey tak le nook '-o' mak mi na'an-0? INF.C DET long.ago INF.C MOD even DET cloth-TD2 INF.C NEG.EXISf-B312 Pérez (1866-77) suggests another possible etymology maaki "puede ser que no, parece sub juntivo de maakhal [no ser, no llegar a ser o tener resultado]" ("maybe not, it seems a subjunctive form of maakhal [not to be, to not manage to be or have results]") (Barrera-Vâsquez 1981: 483). Pio Perez seems to have based his mention of maaki on the use of the particle as found in the Arte ofBeltran de Santa Rosa (Beltran de Santa Rosa 1859 (1746]).

See alsoKwoon (2012: 963) on the use of an indirect inferential marker in Korean with third-person subject experiential predicates.

In a way, this is similar to example (19) with the speaker asking for help to confirm a hypoth esis based on cultural knowledge.