domain: shs scco

text:
Jacus J-P

Jean-Pierre Jacus
email: jeanpierrej@chi-val-ariege.fr

Apathy is the best dimension to consider for awareness assessment in Alzheimer's disease

Keywords:

Previous studies have reported the major role of apathy in awareness assessment among Alzheimer's patients using the patient-caregiver discrepancy method, whatever the awareness dimension assessed. Using the Apathy Evaluation Scales among other awareness scales, we report that apathy is the sole awareness dimension distinguishing healthy controls (25), mild (57) and moderate-to-moderately-severe (11) Alzheimer's patients. A linear regression showed that the Mini-Mental State Examination score used as a risk factor for non-awareness was the only factor associated with awareness of apathy and was the best predictor. This suggests that apathy is the most discriminant dimension for awareness assessment in Alzheimer's disease.

Introduction

Lack of awareness of their own deficits is commonly observed among patients with Alzheimer's disease (AD). This can increase with disease progression, complicating management because patients refuse assistance, thinking they do not need it [START_REF] Starkstein | Anosognosia in Alzheimer's disease: Diagnosis, frequency, mechanism and clinical correlates[END_REF].

Awareness is usually assessed using three methods. The patient-caregiver discrepancy method, using caregiver ratings as the reference, and subtracting patient ratings. The clinical rating methods use structured patient interviews on different impairment domains. The prediction of performance discrepancy method where scores on tests used are the reference to be compared to predictions [START_REF] Starkstein | Anosognosia in Alzheimer's disease: Diagnosis, frequency, mechanism and clinical correlates[END_REF].

Lack of awareness has been found to be associated with executive functions and more particularly with dysexecutive behavioural symptoms. Using a longitudinal methodology, Starkstein et al [START_REF] Starkstein | A prospective longitudinal study of apathy in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF] reported that patients with impaired awareness were more apathetic than those with better awareness, and that apathy increased with the progression of the disease.

Horning et al. [START_REF] Horning | Insight in Alzheimer's disease and its relation to psychiatric and behavioral disturbances[END_REF] reported a positive association between behavioural disturbances and lack of awareness. This association was particularly pronounced for apathy and lack of awareness.

Starkstein et al. [START_REF] Starkstein | Anosognosia Is a Significant Predictor of Apathy in Alzheimer's Disease[END_REF] found anosognosia to be the best predictor of apathy in AD. More recently, in a review of literature, Azocar et al. reported that the majority of studies assessing the relationship between impaired awareness and apathy in mild-to-moderate AD showed a significant positive association [START_REF] Azocar | The Association Between Impaired Awareness and Depression, Anxiety, and Apathy in Mild to Moderate Alzheimer's Disease: A Systematic Review[END_REF]. In addition, apathy is the commonest symptom at any stage in the disease [START_REF] Benoit | Behavioral and Psychological Symptoms in Alzheimer's Disease: Results from REAL.FR study[END_REF][START_REF] Nobis | Apathy in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF]. Conversely, better awareness has been frequently found to be associated with greater depression [START_REF] Azocar | The Association Between Impaired Awareness and Depression, Anxiety, and Apathy in Mild to Moderate Alzheimer's Disease: A Systematic Review[END_REF][START_REF] Mograbi | On the relation among mood, apathy, and anosognosia in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF].

Since associations between poorer awareness, lesser depression and greater apathy have been reported, the role of assessment methods has been studied, showing associations with apathy scored by a relative or a clinician, whatever the assessment method used, [START_REF] Jacus | Modelling awareness in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF]. Indeed, the patient-caregiver discrepancy method clearly shows the involvement of apathy scored by a relative whatever the awareness dimensions explored [START_REF] Jacus | Awareness dimensions in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF], suggesting that lack of awareness could be a main component of apathy. This does not contradict studies suggesting the multidimensionality of awareness, because multidimensionality entails various components of awareness such as different cognitive functions, behaviours and emotional expressions. All of this can be modulated and even inhibited by apathy, which could explain why, with certain statistical analyses, awareness appears multidimensional whereas modelling awareness using regression analysis can reduce it to a few factors supervising the others.

Because apathy, meaning a lack of initiation and interest relating to various dimensions of cognition, behaviour and emotions, is involved whatever the awareness dimension assessed using the patient-caregiver discrepancy method, it could be the most discriminant awareness dimension to be explored in AD using this method. Here, we predicted that apathy could be the most discriminant awareness dimension over and above the cognitive, behavioural, emotional, relational and daily living autonomy awareness dimensions among patients with mild-to-moderately-severe AD, compared to healthy controls.

Method

Participants

The study included 93 participants. Twenty-five were Healthy Controls (HC) recruited from a pool of previous participants. Sixty-eight participants were Alzheimer's patients, according to the National Institute on Aging and the Alzheimer's Association Working Group diagnostic guidelines for AD [START_REF] Mckhann | The diagnosis of dementia due to Alzheimer's disease: recommendations from the National Institute on Aging and the Alzheimer's Association workgroup on diagnostic guidelines for Alzheimer's disease[END_REF], recruited from a memory center. The disease stage was determined using the Mini Mental State Examination (MMSE score) [START_REF] Folstein | Mini Mental State. A practical method for grading the cognitive state of patients for the clinician[END_REF][START_REF] Hugonot-Diener | The Mini Mental Status Examination or MMSE consensual version of GRECO[END_REF]. Fifty-seven (57) patients presented mild Alzheimer's disease (20≤MMSE<30) and 11 a moderate-to-moderately-severe form (10≤MMSE<20). In fact, only one patient with a moderately-severe form (MMSE=13) was able to complete the scales and was therefore included in this group. Most patients had already been recruited in our previous studies [START_REF] Jacus | Modelling awareness in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF][START_REF] Jacus | Awareness dimensions in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF] and we added only 7 Alzheimer's patients. All participants signed consent to participate and the study was approved by the local ethics committee.

Evaluation tools

Cognitive assessment

All participants were assessed using the MMSE, and the Frontal Assessment Battery -FAB [START_REF] Dubois | The FAB: A frontal assessment battery at bedside[END_REF]. In order to ensure the absence of anterograde memory impairment (possible Mild Cognitive Impairment) among healthy controls, we systematically used the Free and Cued Recall Test -FCRT [START_REF] Ergis | L'exploration des troubles de la mémoire épisodique dans la maladie d'Alzheimer débutante au moyen d'une épreuve de rappel indicé[END_REF] and the Delayed Match to Sample test -DMS-48 [START_REF] Barbeau | Evaluation de la mémoire de reconnaissance visuelle: normalisation d'une nouvelle épreuve en choix forcé (DMS 48) et utilité en neuropsychologie clinique[END_REF]. Healthy controls perform normally for all cognitive tasks (MMSE, FCRT, DMS-48 and FAB).

Awareness assessment

All participants were assessed using three awareness scales related to the patient-caregiver discrepancy method.

The Patient Competency Rating Scale -PCRS [START_REF] Prigatano | Cognitive dysfunction and psycho-social adjustment after brain injury[END_REF] including four sub-scales: "Activities of Daily living (ADL)", "Cognition", "Interpersonal Relations" and "Emotions". This scale asks the participant and a relative the same 30 questions on the participant's ability to perform various daily-living activities. Levels of awareness on the overall scale and each sub-scale are assessed by subtracting the participant's rating from the relative's rating. Higher scores indicate greater awareness.

The Anosognosia Questionnaire for Dementia -A-QD [START_REF] Starkstein | A diagnostic formulation for anosognosia in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF] including "Cognitive" and "Behavioral disturbances" sub-scales, designed on the same principle as the PCRS.

Awareness is scored in a similar manner to the PCRS, but lower scores indicate greater awareness.

The Apathy Evaluation Scale -AES [START_REF] Marin | Reliability and validity of the apathy evaluation scale[END_REF] asks the participant, a relative and the clinician the same 18 questions on apathy levels presented by the participant in the two previous weeks.

For all versions of apathy measures, lower scores indicate greater apathy. Awareness of apathy was obtained by subtracting the patient rating from the relative rating, and here higher scores indicate greater awareness of apathy.

Mood/behavioural assessments

We used the Geriatric Depression Scale -GDS [START_REF] Clément | Development and contribution to the validation of a brief French version of the Yesavage Geriatric Depression Scale[END_REF]. This scale is based on a self-evaluation, where higher scores indicate greater depression. For apathy, we used the Apathy Evaluation Scale -AES, based on a hetero-evaluation completed by the clinician (AES Clinician ) [START_REF] Marin | Reliability and validity of the apathy evaluation scale[END_REF],

where lower scores indicate greater apathy.

Statistical analyses

The statistical analyses were performed using R software (version 4.1.1) (prettyR package).

Because some groups comprised < 30, we used a non-parametric ANOVA with Holm adjustments for multiple comparisons. On the overall sample including healthy controls, we performed a linear regression using the stage of the disease, determined with the MMSE score, as the risk factor for impaired awareness of apathy in order to identify the interactions between the risk factor and awareness [START_REF] Jacus | Modelling awareness in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF][START_REF] Jacus | Awareness dimensions in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF].

Results

Table 1 reports performances across healthy controls, mild and moderate-to-moderatelysevere Alzheimer's patients. Healthy controls were younger (W=24.05, p<0.0001) and more educated than patients (W=11.87, p=0.0026) who did not differ across subgroups. The three groups were comparable for gender (p>0.05). Healthy controls performed significantly better than patients for all variables except for depression where all groups were comparable (GDS: p>0.05). Only four variables distinguished the three groups (healthy controls > mild Alzheimer > moderate-to-moderately-severe Alzheimer). These were the MMSE (W=64.35, p<0.0001), which is logical because it was used to distinguish the groups, the FAB (W=38.39, p<0.0001) relating to executive functioning, apathy, only scored by a relative (AES Relative : W=37.05, p<0.0001) and awareness of apathy obtained by subtracting AES Patient from AES Relative (W=18.39, p=0.0001).

Concerning awareness dimensions, only apathy distinguished the three groups (W=18.39, p=0.0001). Concerning the PCRS, the total score, the Activities of Daily Living sub-scale and the Cognition subscale distinguished healthy controls from patients without taking into account the disease stage (healthy controls / patients, respectively: W=16.64, p=0.0006; W=9.09, p=0.0102; W=20.56, p<0.0001). The PCRS Emotions sub-scale and the PCRS Relations sub-scale only distinguished healthy controls from mild Alzheimer without distinguishing moderate-to-moderately-severe Alzheimer from the previous two (respectively: W=8.019, p=0.0181; W=7.892, p=0.0193). Finally, for the A-QD, the total score, and the intellectual and behavioural subscale scores distinguished healthy controls from patients without taking into account the disease stage (healthy controls / patients, respectively: W=17.33, p=0.0001; W=17.03, p=0.0002; W=9.518, p=0.0085).

We also performed a manual backward regression for awareness of apathy (AES Relative -AES Patient ) using the disease stage (MMSE score) as a risk factor. In addition to the risk factor maintained in the model, we entered the following variables: Age, Education, Gender, IADL, FAB, GDS relating to depression and AES Clinician for apathy. We maintained confounding factors impacting at least 15% of the risk factor estimate in the model [START_REF] Jacus | Modelling awareness in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF][START_REF] Jacus | Awareness dimensions in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF]. The only factor associated with awareness of apathy was the risk factor itself (β=1.17, IC95%=0.64-1.69, p<0.0001), without confounding factors. The model showed normal fit (W=0.99, p=0.81) but homoscedasticity with the Snedecor test was debatable (F=0.21, p<0.0001).

Finally, because the risk factor was the only variable remaining in the model, the MMSE score was the best predictor of awareness of apathy, explaining 17.62% of the variance.

Nevertheless, this not exclude other associations such as that between the AES Clinician and the MMSE (r= 0.636, p<0.0001), and awareness of apathy and the AES Clinician (r= 0.366, p=0.0003).

After adjusting our model on age and education, MMSE and age were significantly associated with awareness of apathy (respectively p=0.0028, and p=0.01847), and the three factors explained 20.57% of the variance against 17.62% for the MMSE alone. Although, the last factor removed impacted 16.2% of the risk factor estimate, this could be acceptable given that it should no exceeded 20% [START_REF] Jacus | Modelling awareness in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF].

Discussion

Our hypothesis that awareness of apathy could be the most discriminant dimension for awareness assessment using the patient-caregiver discrepancy method appears valid. Firstly, apathy is the only awareness dimension, rather than the cognitive, relational, emotional, behavioural and autonomy in daily living dimensions, discriminating healthy controls, mild Alzheimer's patients and moderate-to-moderately-severe Alzheimer's patients.

The other discriminant dimensions were the cognitive, autonomy and behavioural dimensions, which only distinguished patients from healthy controls.

Secondly, when using a risk factor (i.e. stage of the disease as measured by the MMSE) to take into account its interactions with awareness of apathy, the only associated factor was the MMSE score. Therefore, this score also appears as the best predictor of awareness of apathy in our sample, explaining alone 17.62% of the variance. This appears congruent with a previous study reporting that apathy scored by a relative or a clinician was systematically associated with awareness whatever the dimension explored when using the patient-caregiver discrepancy method [START_REF] Jacus | Awareness dimensions in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF].

Nevertheless, some studies [START_REF] Ott | Apathy and loss of insight in Alzheimer's disease: a SPECT imaging study[END_REF][START_REF] Bózzola | Personality changes in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF] have reported that the MMSE was not a predictor of behavioural disturbances, although their objectives (studying imagery, personality changes…) and assessment tools were different from those used here which only partially concerned apathy. Alongside, some authors such Starkstein et al. [START_REF] Starkstein | A prospective longitudinal study of apathy in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF] clearly highlighted the associations between increased dementia, increased apathy and decreased awareness with a longitudinal methodology. Our results were totally congruent with that all the more so because the patient groups were more impaired than the HC group for all the awareness scores and the apathy scores.

Therefore, it can appear curious that in spite of our knowledge about the relationship between apathy and awareness or apathy and dementia, there is no study assessing awareness of apathy across different stages in Alzheimer's disease. For several years, anosognosia has been known to be a predictor of apathy in Alzheimer's disease [START_REF] Starkstein | Anosognosia Is a Significant Predictor of Apathy in Alzheimer's Disease[END_REF], and apathy is known to be a main risk factor for conversion of Mild Cognitive Impairment into Alzheimer's disease [START_REF] Vicini Chilovi | Differential impact of apathy and depression in the development of dementia in mild cognitive impairment patients[END_REF][START_REF] Geda | Apathy is a better predictor of mild cognitive impairment than depression: A population based study[END_REF].

Recently, Azocar et al. [START_REF] Azocar | The Association Between Impaired Awareness and Depression, Anxiety, and Apathy in Mild to Moderate Alzheimer's Disease: A Systematic Review[END_REF] reported that ten out of eleven studies on apathy and impaired awareness found positive associations between them. In addition, systematic associations between different domains of awareness as measured with the A-QD and apathy were also reported by Amanzio et al. [START_REF] Amanzio | Impaired awareness of deficits in Alzheimer's disease: the role of everyday executive dysfunction[END_REF] and Mak et al. [START_REF] Mak | Clinical associations of anosognosia in mild cognitive impairment and Alzheimer's disease[END_REF].

Indeed, we found one study on awareness of apathy among addiction patients [START_REF] Moreno-López | Neural correlates of impaired self-awareness of apathy, disinhibition and dysexecutive deficits in cocaine-dependent individuals[END_REF]. This study reported that greater grey matter volume in the dorsal striatum was associated with poorer awareness of apathy among cocaine-dependent individuals. We found another study reporting the role of awareness dimensions in AD [START_REF] Bertrand | Heterogeneity of Anosognosia in Alzheimer's Disease According to the Object of Awareness[END_REF]. This study showed that the level of awareness differs according to the dimension studied, with awareness of the overall condition and executive functions more strongly affected and relatively better preservation of awareness of dis-inhibition and apathy. It is possible that the differing objectives, assessment tools and statistical analyses used in this second study could explain why the authors did not report the same findings as ours. Nevertheless, the lack of studies relating to awareness of apathy across different stages of Alzheimer's disease could be explained by other behavioural disturbances appearing with disease progression that could mask apathy. However, apathy is the commonest symptom at any stage of the disease [START_REF] Benoit | Behavioral and Psychological Symptoms in Alzheimer's Disease: Results from REAL.FR study[END_REF][START_REF] Nobis | Apathy in Alzheimer's disease[END_REF]. Awareness of it seems to increase with disease progression and it therefore appears as a very discriminating dimension for awareness assessment in Alzheimer's disease, in particular using the patient-caregiver discrepancy method.

From a practical viewpoint, the AES, implementing the patient-caregiver discrepancy method, can be used to assess awareness in mild to moderate stages of Alzheimer's disease only, because of the several response choices (Never, Sometimes, Often, Always), making the scale more difficult to complete in more severe stages of the disease. Other apathy scales could be more suited to severe stages of the disease such as the Apathy Inventory designed on the same principle as the AES, but comprising only three general questions relating to affectivity, initiation and interest in each version (patient, relative and caregiver) [START_REF] Robert | The Apathy Inventory: assessment of apathy and awareness in Alzheimer's disease Parkinson's disease and Mild cognitive impairment[END_REF].

Several limitations should be underlined. Group sizes were not matched and some of them were small. Nor were they matched for age or for education level, which could increase the impact of MMSE on awareness of apathy as the level of apathy. The depression scale was only scored by participants, which does not take into account anosognosia towards depression reported in AD [START_REF] Verhülsdonk | Anosognosia and depression in patients with Alzheimer's dementia[END_REF] possibly explaining the comparability for depression across groups. There was collinearity between the factors entered into the model, and the validity conditions for linear models were not totally met, in particular for homoscedasticity. Furthermore,

Acknowledgments:

The authors would like to thank Mrs Angela VERDIER for her linguistic and scientific assistance.

adjustment on covariates could bias the variable selection strategy in the context of collinearity.

Further studies should explore associations between apathy and lack of awareness in order to determine whether lack of awareness is a main component of apathy, and to identify any overlap between symptoms. Because apathy is a person's lack of concern towards his or her environment and him or herself, greater apathy could lead to poorer awareness. Therefore, one question remains: whether awareness of apathy could be a meta-awareness.

The authors have no conflict of interest to report.


Mickaël Durand
email: mickael.durand@sciencespo.fr

"Out of the French Closet. The Political Participation of Gays and Lesbians in France into Perspective

The article puts French scholarship regarding gay and lesbian political participation into international (US and European) perspective, with a focus on homosexual movements, mobilization processes, and electoral behavior. The article draws lessons from the available evidence and identifies several gaps: while homosexual movements have been well covered internationally and to a lesser extent in France, the "micro" level of gay and lesbian individuals has been largely neglected. Individual politicization and voting behavior of LGBT people have received little attention in the US and are absent of European and French political science, delineating a large research agenda.

The history and politics of the French gay and lesbian movement

Studies of the homosexual movement and the politicization of sexuality lie at the juncture between history and social movement theory. LGBT movements were intensely scrutinized in the context of the US and Europe, while this field of inquiry has been less dynamic in France, where the focus has essentially revolved on the "sexual revolution" decades and the AIDS crisis.

A body of research concentrated on movements' history

Apart from noticeable exceptions (J. [START_REF] Girard | Le mouvement homosexuel en France : 1945-1980[END_REF]Jackson 2009;Prearo 2014), research on the French movement remains fragmentary, focusing on specific periods [START_REF] Sidéris | Folles, swells, effeminates, and homophiles in Saint-Germain-Des-Prés of the 1950s: a new "precious" society?[END_REF][START_REF] Gunther | Building a More Stately Closet: French Gay Movements since the Early 1980s[END_REF][START_REF] Jackson | Arcadie : sens et enjeux de "l'homophilie" en France, 1954-1982[END_REF][START_REF] Sibalis | L'arrivée de la libération gay en France. Le Front Homosexuel d'Action Révolutionnaire (FHAR)[END_REF]2013;[START_REF] Callwood | Re-Evaluating the French Gay Liberation Moment 1968-1983[END_REF], organizations or cities [START_REF] Bitoux | The Construction of a Political and Media Presence. The Homosexual Liberation Groups in France Between 1975 and 1978[END_REF][START_REF] Quéré | Qui sème le vent récolte la tapette. Une histoire des Groupes de Libération Homosexuels en France de[END_REF][START_REF] Bargel | Les féministes de la deuxième vague à Marseille[END_REF][START_REF] Idier | Dissidanse rose[END_REF]. The 1950The -1980 "homophile" and "revolutionary" periods of the French movement have attracted most attention, especially compared to later periods.

Historical perspectives highlighted the socio-historical conditions for homosexual movements in Western countries and unveiled the silent work of the "homophile" 3 period [START_REF] D'emilio | Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities : The Making of a Homosexual Minority in the United States, 1940-1970[END_REF][START_REF] Delessert | Le "milieu" homosexuel suisse durant la Seconde Guerre Mondiale[END_REF][START_REF] Delessert | Homosexualités masculines en Suisse: de l'invisibilité aux mobilisations[END_REF]. Julian Jackson's book (2009) appears as crucial for the French case. The more radical gay and lesbian activist organizations that emerged in the 1970s -the "gay liberation" momentled to the silencing of the previous less contentious and more respectable "homophile" organizations, presenting the history of homosexuality as a long march towards "liberation", an aspect disputed by French authors [START_REF] Fassin | Politiques de l'histoire : Gay New York et l'historiographie homosexuelle aux États-Unis[END_REF][START_REF] Prearo | Réflexions Critiques Sur l'histoire Contemporaine de l'homosexualité[END_REF].

Notwithstanding broad and short syntheses (Le Talec 2000a;Broqua and Fillieule 2002), the first long-term and in depth analysis of the movement has been done by Massimo Prearo (2014). His book offers a political history of homosexuality in France, looking at the categories of discourses and the constructed meanings of homosexuality. He approaches the movement in terms of "moments" to uncover the mechanisms of identity politics at play. US and European authors have also linked the homosexual movement to the history of the left [START_REF] Hekma | Leftist Sexual Politics and Homosexuality[END_REF][START_REF] Robinson | Gay Men and the Left in Post-War Britain: How the Personal Got Political[END_REF][START_REF] Hobson | Lavender and Red: Liberation and Solidarity in the Gay and Lesbian Left[END_REF]. For France, this perspective has been limited to biographical approaches concerning 1960s-1980s gay activists [START_REF] Berry | Workers of the World, Embrace!": Daniel Guérin, the Labour Movement and Homosexuality[END_REF][START_REF] Marchant | Daniel Guérin et le discours militant sur l'homosexualité masculine en France (années 1950-années 1980)[END_REF]Idier 2017), highlighting the hard dialogue between leftist and homosexual activism. More insight is needed on the relationships between leftist organizations or trade unions and lesbian and gay organizations, notwithstanding single contributions (Fillieule 2015;[START_REF] Bouvard | Homosexuel-le-s et socialistes ?[END_REF]).

Alongside socio-historical studies, social movement theory has been internationally quite dynamic. It fruitfully studied homosexual movements in the US and Europe through the lenses of framing processes, political opportunity structure, cycles of protest [START_REF] Valocchi | Riding The Crest of a Protest Wave? Collective Action Frames in The Gay Liberation Movement, 1969-1973[END_REF][START_REF] Hull | The Political Limits of the Rights Frame: The Case of Same-Sex Marriage in Hawaii[END_REF]Bernstein 2003;[START_REF] Miceli | Morality Politics vs. Identity Politics: Framing Processes and Competition Among Christian Right and Gay Social Movement Organizations[END_REF][START_REF] Broad | Doing "Real Family Values": The Interpretative Practice of Families in the GLBT Movement[END_REF][START_REF] Chetaille | Émergence et stratégies du mouvement gay et lesbien en Pologne: le rôle des opportunités politiques[END_REF][START_REF] Green | Gay and Lesbian Liberation. John D'Emilio's Sexual Politics, Sexual Communities[END_REF][START_REF] Olsen | Telling Our Stories: Narrative and Framing in the Movement for Same-Sex Marriage[END_REF], or rights claiming and same-sex couples equality (Rimmerman, Last_Version_Before_Editing ; Early View: https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1057/s41253-021-00151-z.pdf 6 [START_REF] Rimmerman | The Politics of Gay Rights[END_REF][START_REF] Roca I Escoda | De la mobilisation du droit à la réalisation du droit. Les actions de l'association catalane "Familles lesbiennes et gays[END_REF], 2013). The debate has nonetheless mostly been centered on collective identity and identity construction and politics (Gamson 1995;Armstrong 2002a;Bernstein 2002[START_REF] Bernstein | Celebration and Suppression : The Strategic Uses of Identity by the Lesbian and Gay Movement[END_REF]Valocchi 2001;[START_REF] Voegtli | La politique de l'identité comme enjeu de luttes. Logiques de constitution et de transformation du collectif dans deux associations homosexuelles en suisse[END_REF]. Transnational comparison, or comparisons with other relevant movements based on classic social movement frameworks, would provide further insight.

Debates over and mobilizations for the legalization of same-sex marriage have received special attention in the US (Taylor and Bernstein 2013;[START_REF] Weber | Daring to Marry: Marriage Equality Activism After Proposition 8 as Challenge to the Assimilationist/Radical Binary in Queer Studies[END_REF]. It crystallizes a cleavage between the assimilationist standpoint and queer politics. Queer and critical views frame marriage as the epitome of conforming to dominant heterosexual normsit "normalizes" gay and lesbian liveswhile for the former, marriage means the end of inequality and is framed as a condition for large acceptance. Such tensions are, more broadly, central to gay and lesbian movements and politics [START_REF] Ghaziani | Cycles of Sameness and Difference in LGBT Social Movements[END_REF]. Stimulating research questions could be formulated out of this debate: how is the tension over "normalization" structured nationally, and how does it constitute a fundamental dimension of sexuality activism?

Classical social movement approaches to French homosexual movements are comparatively scarce: neither political opportunity structures, rights claiming, or framing processes were studied in the French case. The approach in terms of identity politics barely generated short studies. Historian Yves [START_REF] Roussel | Le Mouvement homosexuel français face aux stratégies identitaires[END_REF] was the first to interrogate French movement strategies through the lens of identity politics, while social movement scholars questioned the links and tensions between political identity, commercialized subculture, and the movement [START_REF] Kriesi | Gay Subcultures between Movement and Market[END_REF][START_REF] Fillieule | Gay and Lesbian Activism in France. Between Integration and Community-Oriented Movements[END_REF]. This perspective confirms, as already found in the US, the importance of subculture and community for sexual politics and social movement identity construction.

The new social movement framework combined to that of political opportunity structure nonetheless allowed J. W. Duyvendak to account for the "disappearance" of the movement in France in the light of its success, when President François Mitterrand and the Socialist Party accessed power in 1981 (1995a). His comparative gaze revealed the dependence of gay movement on the Left and its greater politicization compared to other movements and European countries, given French parties' polarization and a strong intertwinement of social movements and political parties (1995b). The scope of the comparison, covering various movements (gay, anti-nuclear…) and countries, however prevents the author to thoroughly dive into the gay movement, its tensions and alliances, and structural dynamics. The dominant interpretation in this scarce literature of a "disappearing" movement in the 1980s is timidly discussed today (Prearo 2014;Bouvard 2020).

Looking at the French homosexual movement from abroad also highlighted the implications of the French universalist republican tradition (Gunther 2009). French republicanism emerges as a force shaping the identity politics of the movement (Duyvendak 2001). It triggered debates on "community", a notion that is more politicized in France than elsewhere, given the framing of "communautarisme" as a threat to republicanism [START_REF] Broqua | Du mouvement à la communauté homosexuelle[END_REF]. Some authors see it as a sign for the influence of the American gay movement on the French movement in the 1990s [START_REF] Poulin-Deltour | French Gay Activism and the American Referent in Contemporary France[END_REF], 2012). French republicanism is frequently invoked by international scholars looking at the French movement, at the risk to reify national political cultures. It remains an easy frame of analysis, possibly hiding other variables calling for studies of framing processes, activist trajectories, or political opportunity structures.

Although the debate over marriage and "normalization" in France structures sexualitybased mobilizations, it has not been an object of investigation either. David Paternotte's Revendiquer le "mariage gay" (2011) does not focus on this debate, yet fruitfully puts the French movement in comparative perspective to show how the claim of equality favored transnational dynamics across European movements. The way in which normative claims such as the one for marriage are constructed among the homosexual movements in different countries would offer a rich perspective on these movements and their national differences.

French anthropologist Ch. Broqua explains for example that the emergence of a queer fringe of the gay and lesbian movement at the end of the 1990s modified the position of Act Up Paris on the "axis normalization-dissent" (Broqua 2006, 373-84). How the movement and activism change after the adoption of same-sex marriage also constitutes a salient research question to be possibly addressed comparatively. A recent doctoral dissertation shows that the conservative opposition prompted by the mobilizations for same-sex marriage contributed to reshape the French LGBT movement (Morabito 2020).

Homosexual movements in the US and Europe have been addressed from new angles over the last two decades. To further examine the conditions for the development and success of homosexual movements, scholars have studied their relationship to the State [START_REF] Johnson | The Lesbian and Gay Movement and the State: Comparative Insights into a Transformed Relationship[END_REF][START_REF] Davidson | Advocacy Beyond Identity: A Dutch Gay/Lesbian Organization's Embrace of a Public Politcy Strategy[END_REF]) and movement/countermovement interactions [START_REF] Ayoub | Movement/Countermovement Interaction and Instrumental Framing in a Multi-Level World: Rooting Polish Lesbian and Gay Activism[END_REF]. To examine movements' changes and institutionalization, others have examined the politics of memory [START_REF] Armstrong | Movements and Memory: The Making of the Stonewall Myth[END_REF], LGBT Pride parades and other marches [START_REF] Ghaziani | The Dividends of Dissent: How Conflict and Culture Work in Lesbian and Gay Marches on Washington[END_REF][START_REF] Johnston | The Spatial Politics of Gay Pride Parades and Festivals: Emotional Activism[END_REF][START_REF] Ammaturo | Spaces of Pride: A Visual Ethnography of Gay Pride Parades in Italy and the United Kingdom[END_REF][START_REF] Peterson | Pride Parades and LGBT Movements: Political Participation in an International Comparative Perspective[END_REF].

Movements connections and

The transformation of the homosexual movement: going beyond the AIDS crisis moment

France remains one of the industrialized countries most impacted by the HIV epidemic, and gay community the most affected group. Like in the US, grassroots organizations and homosexual mobilization were essential to fight the disease. Research on HIV/AIDS fighting movements and homosexuality flourished as much in France as everywhere else in the 1990s (see [START_REF] Mendès-Leite | Fighting the Epidemic: Social AIDS Studies[END_REF]. This literature investigates the 1990s transformations of the movement through the connections between the field of AIDS fighting and homosexuality. The questions of how both causes contributed to politicize each other ("homosexualization of AIDS" and "aidsification of homosexuality") and how gay men organized to face the disease were central in this context (Altman 1984 4 ; Pollak 1992; Fillieule 1998; Pinell et al. 2002), but only few studies took the critical time of the epidemic as an opportunity to study the homosexual movement for itself, the main focus revolving on AIDS fighting.

Act Up received special attention in France and in the US, through different lenses ranging from public identity construction [START_REF] Barbot | Entre soi et face aux autres. La réunion hebdomadaire d'Act-Up[END_REF][START_REF] Marchetti | Les conditions de réussite d'une mobilisation médiatique et ses limites : l'exemple d'Act Up-Paris[END_REF]) and relations to scientific or political fields [START_REF] Elbaz | Beyond Anger: The Activist Construction of the AIDS Crisis[END_REF][START_REF] Mathieu | Act Up ou la tentation du politique : sur les recompositions de la gauche protestataires de 1997 à 2002[END_REF], to the role of emotions [START_REF] Gould | Life During Wartime: Emotions and The Development of Act Up[END_REF]Broqua and Fillieule 2009). A masterpiece remains Christophe Broqua's book Agir pour ne pas mourir, recently translated into English (Broqua 2020). It gives a general understanding of the French gay movement and the health crisis and their connection, based on a thorough Last_Version_Before_Editing ; Early View: https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1057/s41253-021-00151-z.pdf 10 ethnography of Act Up tackling several key aspects of social movement theory, including emotions, collective identity, or the effect of commitment on individual identity.

In France, the role played by homosexual organizations against AIDS has been explored either in short pieces, or indirectly in books with other foci. Different perspectives respectively examine the institutionalization of AIDS fighting [START_REF] Dulac | Du refus de la maladie à une prise en charge exigeante. Le rôle des associations issues des milieux homosexuels[END_REF][START_REF] Pinell | Une épidémie politique : la lutte contre le sida en France (1981-1996)[END_REF], the connection with knowledge production and the medical field (de [START_REF] Broqua | Du mouvement à la communauté homosexuelle[END_REF][START_REF] Pinell | Une épidémie politique : la lutte contre le sida en France (1981-1996)[END_REF]Barbot 2002), or particular organizations ( [START_REF] Busscher | L'association Santé et plaisir gai et la construction du safer sex en France (1988-1994[END_REF][START_REF] Welzer-Lang | Un mouvement gai dans la lutte contre le SIDA : Les Soeurs de La Perpétuelle Indulgence[END_REF]. In contrast, such topics led to more thorough and longer analyses elsewhere in Europe and the US [START_REF] Gamson | Silence, Death, and the Invisible Enemy: AIDS Activism and Social Movement "Newness[END_REF][START_REF] Epstein | Impure Science. AIDS, Activism and the Politics of Knowledge[END_REF]Voegtli 2016).

Authors who have looked at the French homosexual movement in times of AIDS advance that the epidemic contributed to revive and repoliticize the movement after its decline over the 1980s [START_REF] Duyvendak | Résister au sida : destin et influence du mouvement homosexuel[END_REF][START_REF] Pinell | Une épidémie politique : la lutte contre le sida en France (1981-1996)[END_REF]Broqua and Fillieule 2002;[START_REF] Dodier | Les premières années de l'épidémie de sida et la conversion politique du mouvement homosexuel[END_REF]. They observe a polarization of the French homosexual movement between a social logic of community-oriented services and a political logic of claim over the 1990s [START_REF] Pinell | Une épidémie politique : la lutte contre le sida en France (1981-1996)[END_REF], but the question remains to understand how this polarization evolved after. Criticism of mainstream LGBT activism by the radical fringe of the movement after the marriage equality bill in France in 2013 could have reinforced this polarization (Bouvard 2018).

Until today [START_REF] Girard | Les homosexuels et le risque du sida. Individu, communauté et prévention. Le Sens Social[END_REF], French scholarship in this field tends to avoid the notion of "movement" as well as concepts from social movement theory, using instead the notion of "community" (Mendès-Leite and de Zwart 2000; [START_REF] Duyvendak | Une communauté homosexuelle en france et aux pays-bas ? Blocs, tribus et liens[END_REF]). Philippe Adam's (unpublished) Phd (1997) precisely inquires into the intertwinement of AIDS and homosexual mobilizations at different levels, but in terms of the sociology of associations (rather than social movement theory) and using the interactionist concept of "social worlds" emphasizing the different social groups shaping the AIDS movement. These approaches tend therefore to ignore questions from social movement theory and obfuscate the historicization of gay activism or the politics of identity. The focus was rather on the role played by gay men, their sociability, and group identity and solidarity, in the fight against AIDS. Yet, these studies usefully point to tension between universalism and particularismtwo different ways of framing identity and community-oriented activism, one emphasizing sexual identity and difference, and the other minimizing it -, in mobilizations against AIDS (Adam 2001) as well as at the level of single individuals (Girard 2013).

After the 1990s' inflation, research interest waned. Further salient questions may revive scholarship over the French gay and lesbian movement: what happened to the movement after the AIDS crisis? To what extent does the "normalization" debate contribute to re-politicize the movement? The most important research question relates to how the movement evolves in times of "tolerance" and rights equality. Intersectional approaches would also be of interest to investigate the transformation of the movement.

Lesbians and other queers: going beyond the homosexual movement

Over the 1990s and 2000s, the homosexual movement became the LGBT movement.

Looking at its internal diversity, and going beyond homosexuality to study other queers, like trans movements, and their interaction with gay and lesbian movements, is essential to understand their normativities and the power relations among and between minorities. This raises the question of intersectional politics.

The AIDS epidemic contributed to draw attention away from lesbian movements due to a focus on gay men 5 who constituted the bulk of the mobilized homosexuals against AIDS. Specific research on lesbian movements remains scarce, but needed to highlight gender dynamics between gays and lesbians and to further account for (homo)sexual politics and the articulation between gender and sexuality, between women identity and sexual identity and their politicization. If we know a bit about the beginnings of lesbian movements and its relationship to feminism and "gay liberation", or the structuring debate over separatism and single-sex rule ("non-mixitéˮ) for the 1970s and 1980s, in the US (Cruikshank 1992, chap. 6;[START_REF] Stein | Sex and Sensibility: Stories of a Lesbian Generation[END_REF]Armstrong 2002b, chap. 4;[START_REF] Brown-Saracino | The Constraints of Culture: Evidence from the Chicago Dyke March[END_REF] or France through life stories [START_REF] Flamant | À tire d'elles: itinéraires de féministes radicales des années 1970[END_REF] or syntheses (Le Talec 2000b;Bonnet 2002;[START_REF] Chauvin | Les aventures d'une "alliance objective". Quelques moments de la relation entre mouvements homosexuels et mouvements féministes au XXe siècle[END_REF]; Podmore and Tremblay 2015) 6 , we know less about its development over the following decades.

On the other side of the Atlantic, Nancy [START_REF] Whittier | Feminist Generations: The Persistence of the Radical Women's Movement[END_REF] analyzed the interdependence of radical feminism and lesbianism from the 1970s to the 1990s, while identity politics shed light on lesbian feminist mobilizations based on concepts like "consciousness" [START_REF] Taylor | Collective Identity in Social Movement Communities. Lesbian Feminist Mobilization[END_REF] or "cultural feminism" [START_REF] Taylor | Women's Culture and Lesbian Feminist Activism: A Reconsideration of Cultural Feminism[END_REF], or through the perspective of self and community interaction [START_REF] Esterberg | Lesbian and Bisexual Identities. Constructing Communities, Constructing Selves[END_REF]. For the French case, the relationship between feminism and lesbianism triggered important debates in the 1970s and 1980s, to the point of a scission between feminist activists/scholars and lesbian activists/scholars [START_REF] Delphy | Trente ans de Nouvelles Questions Féministes[END_REF]. Behind this quarrel lays the question of the politicization, not only of lesbianism, but also of heterosexuality. As a result, lesbian (feminist) movement remains not much discussed among French LGBT movement scholarship: the literature is scant, not connected to social movement theories, and more historical or theoretical [START_REF] Benstock | Paris Lesbianism and the Politics of the Reaction, 1900-1940[END_REF][START_REF] Lesselier | Les regroupements des lesbiennes dans le mouvement féministe parisien (1970-1982)[END_REF][START_REF] Bonnet | De l'émancipation amoureuse des femmes dans la cité[END_REF]Chetcuti and Michard 2003;[START_REF] Bard | Le lesbianisme comme construction politique[END_REF][START_REF] Fougeyrollas-Schwebel | Controverses et anathèmes au sein du féminisme français des années 1970[END_REF][START_REF] Möser | Minorités, discrimination et reconnaissance. Les stratégies des politiques sexuelles en débat[END_REF]).

Young scholars, mostly Phd women researchers, start to fill this lack, based on indepth empirical grounds, in France [START_REF] Eloit | Le bonheur était dans les pages de ce mensuel" : la naissance de la presse lesbienne et la fabrique d'un espace à soi (1976-1990)[END_REF][START_REF] Zeller | Réflexion sur les liens entre féminisme et "lesbianism" : la Maison des femmes de Toulouse[END_REF][START_REF] Masclet | Le privé est politique.ˮ Des sexualités, conjugalités et maternités féministes ? In Changer le monde, changer sa vie[END_REF]) and in European countries [START_REF] Fourment | Théories en action[END_REF]. They investigate salient aspects such as the link between feminist theories and activist practices (ibid.), lesbian transformations in feminist movements in the 1970s (Masclet 2017, chap. 6), or the construction of the lesbian political subject in France (Eloit 2018;2020). Yet, further research is needed to shed light on national differences. In particular, is the seemingly weaker and more instable lesbian subculture in France (compared to Germany or the US for example) due to lacking political opportunity structures, or national gender dynamics among gay and lesbian movements? More generally, little is known about the internal diversity of sexual movements.

Transgender and intersex mobilizations and claims are understudied, especially in France 7 , although they bear important questions for sexuality and gender concerned movements, as recent US scholarship reminds us (Taylor and Haider-Markel 2014;[START_REF] Beemyn | The Intersections of Trans Women and Lesbian Identities, Communities, and Movements: An Introduction[END_REF]. Interactions between gay and lesbian movements and other identities regard so far mostly LGBT religious movements, in Europe or the US [START_REF] Hopkins | Sacralizing Queerness. LGBT Faith Movements and Identity Deployment[END_REF]Wilcox 2003;[START_REF] Nynäs | LGBT Activism and Reflexive Religion: A Case Study from Finland in the Light of Social Movements Theory[END_REF][START_REF] White | Proclaiming Liberation: The Historical Roots of LGBT Religious Organizing, 1946-1976[END_REF][START_REF] Fuist | Beyond the Liberal-Conservative Divide: Assessing the Relationship Between Religious Denominations and Their Associated LGBT Organizations[END_REF][START_REF] Wilcox | Of Markets and Missions: The Early History of the Universal Fellowship of Metropolitan Community Churches[END_REF], and LGBT racial movements [START_REF] Alimahomed | Thinking outside the rainbow: women of color redefining queer politics and identity. Social Identities[END_REF][START_REF] Mumford | Not Straight, Not White: Black Gay Men from the March on Washington to the AIDS Crisis[END_REF][START_REF] Boston | People of Color Mobilization in LGBT Movements in the Netherlands and the United States[END_REF]. These aspects are also studied in France albeit to a lesser extent (Buisson-Fenet 2004, pt. II;[START_REF] Brault | Une visibilité islamique dissidente. De HM2F à MPF : L'"intrusion" d'une mosquée inclusive dans l'espace public français[END_REF][START_REF] Durand | Réconcilier christianisme et homosexualité. Histoire et politique de l'identité du mouvement David & Jonathan en France[END_REF][START_REF] Trawalé | Le rapport des gays noirs à leur position ethno-raciale et son extériorisation dans une dynamique militante LGBT noire[END_REF][START_REF] Bacchetta | Co-formations : des spatialités de résistance décoloniales chez les lesbiennes "of color" en France[END_REF], while LGBT movements encompass other identities and organizations, linked to professional identities, sexual subcultures, parenthood, queer culture and politics. Two sets of questions emerge in this context.

First, what are the conditions or political opportunities for intersectional claims and mobilizations to emerge? Given their internal diversity, gender-and sexuality-based movements provide a dynamic laboratory of the competition between movements, the marginalization of racialized queers, or trans and bisexuals, and the regular inventions of new identifications noticeable through the variations of the acronym LGBT ("LGBTQAP", "LGBT +" , etc.). Behind, lies the question of how movements accommodate multiple identities.

A second salient question relates to invisible stigma and their articulation to other aspects of social life (work, religion, parenthood, another stigmatized identity, etc.). The invisibility of sexual stigma and the "closet" probably imply different dynamics depending on whether it is articulated to another minored identity. Such interrogations could renew identity politics perspectives, stimulate LGBT movement scholarship, shed light on the renewal of

LGBT movements, and on intersectional politics, beyond the case of women's movement on which most of the literature on intersectionality is based. The "closet" and stigmatization aspects of minored sexualities probably imply dynamics distinct from intersectional politics in the case of women's movement.

What about gays and lesbians as individuals?

The micro level of homosexual people has been far less scrutinized than movements.

Yet, before movements politicize a sexual identity, individuals have to politicize their intimacy. Looking at the micro level allows to go beyond movement and organizations' discourses, to enter the private sphere and observe the mechanisms at play. Conversely, this allows to see how the sexual politics of movements shapes individual lives and sexualities, and the consequences in terms of political or voting behavior.

LGBT engagement processes: what are the effects of "tolerance" and formal equality?

The AIDS crisis incited scholars to move from the meso to the micro level by pointing to the relevance of mobilization and engagement processes. Albeit this turn, LGBT engagement is little known. Several tracks could have fostered discussions, like the (direct or indirect) closeness to the disease as a mobilizing trigger, the question of how AIDS fighting can operate as homosexual socialization [START_REF] Mendès-Leite | Les volontaires de la lutte contre le sida : statut sérologique et paradoxes de l'engagement (le cas du Groupe de prévention gay de l'association AIDES-Paris)[END_REF][START_REF] Chartrain | L'engagement homosexuel à solidarité sida[END_REF], or the intermingling between lived HIV and homosexual stigma and the politics of respectability stemming from it [START_REF] Pollak | Constitution, diversification et échec de la généralisation d'une grande cause. La lutte contre le sida[END_REF]. Ph. [START_REF] Adam | Expérience Intime et Action Collective[END_REF] grounds gay AIDS activism into the mechanisms of associative engagement and recalls that closeness to the disease is not sufficient to understand gay men fighting AIDS. The roots of this engagement are in gay men's intimacies and identities, leading to more or less particularistic/universalistic engagement. Individual framing of collective action and the choice of organization also depend on individual social positions and sociosexual experience. Transformations of gay intimacies eventually contributed to shape AIDS mobilizations (Adam 2001).

The work of sociologists C. Broqua, O. Fillieule, and M. Voegtli remains essential in this literature, when it comes to identify the sociological characteristics of this activism, to describe individual identity processes and trajectories, or to account for disengagement [START_REF] Fillieule | Act-Up à Paris : une sociologie[END_REF][START_REF] Fillieule | Act-Up à Paris : une sociologie[END_REF]Broqua 1999, 2005;[START_REF] Broqua | Agir pour ne pas mourir ! Act-Up, les homosexuels et le sida[END_REF]Voegtli 2016). However, analyses of engagement processes need to be disentangled from AIDS fighting to unveil other mechanisms such as the role and construction of memory in activists' narratives and identity [START_REF] Marche | Political Memoirs and Intimate Confessions: Analysing Four US Gay Liberation/Gay Rights Militants' Memoirs[END_REF], or the role of lived discrimination, childhood gender stigmatization, or collective identification, emphasized in international social-psychology [START_REF] Stürmer | The Role of Collective Identification in Social Movement Participation: A Panel Study in the Context of the German Gay Movement[END_REF]C. Friedman and Campbell 2010;[START_REF] Ramirez-Valles | Getting Involved: Exploring Latino GBT Volunteerism and Activism in AIDS and LGBT Organizations[END_REF]. Above all, results from studies during the AIDS period, such as the role of emotions, could be re-examined in the different context of LGBT activism in the 2010s.

An old article with a rational choice approach [START_REF] Gartner | Appearances Can Be Deceptive. Self-Selection, Social Group Identification, and Political Mobilization[END_REF] reminds us that the mobilization of a category of people with an invisible stigmathe problematic of the "closet"is conditional and not straightforward. Classical social movement theory could helps unraveling the mechanisms linking the "closet" to political engagement. Career analyses constituted a key approach for (political) identity processes in the French literature on gay AIDS activism [START_REF] Broqua | Trajectoires d'engagement. AIDES et Act Up. Portraits d'associations[END_REF]. Comparing activist careers across different

LGBT organizations would thus offer interesting perspectives, for different organizations appeal to different types of homosexualities and political identities. Mobilization processes in intersectional cases would also help understanding LGBT engagement and identity hierarchization processes at micro-level [START_REF] Trawalé | Le rapport des gays noirs à leur position ethno-raciale et son extériorisation dans une dynamique militante LGBT noire[END_REF].

Two important aspects of activist careers remain understudied in the case of queer individuals: the generational aspect and the biographical consequences of LGBT activism.

Producing knowledge on mobilizing mechanisms in the 1970s-1980s or on mechanisms of indifference and (de)politicization among older homosexual generations stands out as an urgent endeavor before they disappear. Comparing careers of activists from different cohorts may provide sociological insights into homosexuality in "repressive" and more "tolerant" times. How does LGBT activism impact sexual or professional life? Does this differ acrossmore or less queer, or radicalorganizations? In what ways are the biographical consequences of activism different for elder and younger activists? Beyond career analysis, other underused concepts in this field could help understanding LGBT engagement. First, analyses in terms of "incentives" (D. [START_REF] Friedman | Collective Identity and Activism: Networks, Choices and the Life of Social Movements[END_REF] would question the role played by individual identity and the effect of a less stigmatizing social context. Is identity the only "incentive", as the literature on gay AIDS fighting suggests? Can identity be an "incentive" when gay/lesbian identity is "normalized"?

In a less stigmatizing social context, how is individual political identity constructed? The French concept of "rétributions du militantisme" ("activism rewards", see [START_REF] Gaxie | Rétributions du militantisme et paradoxes de l'action collective[END_REF] has not been used to explain LGBT mobilization, although some works on AIDS and homosexuality have shown that reducing identity tensions is an important aspect of engagement (Broqua 2006, chap. 5;[START_REF] Broqua | Trajectoires d'engagement. AIDES et Act Up. Portraits d'associations[END_REF]. In times of "tolerance", is activism (still) rewarded by getting out of the "closet" and facilitated identity processes thanks to organizations' sociability [START_REF] Allard | Un ghetto sur la fac ? Quand une association homosexuelle s'installe à l'université[END_REF]? Are there specific "rewards" for sexual minorities activism, like for instance opportunities to meet sexual partners?

Establishing, discussing, and explaining the "sexuality gap" in France and European countries

The question of gay and lesbian electoral behavior appears even more ignored. The experience of sexual minorization can shape (political) attitudes like any other social characteristics or belonging, but the question of how and to what extent sexuality influences political and voting behavior remains largely unexplored.

The case of sexual minority is an intriguing case compared to other minorities, for this social characteristic is not transmitted by the family alongside other political attitudes. When parents socialize their children as Jews or Afro-Americans, they can also transmit political views regarding their religious/racial belonging. This is not the case for LGBT people since their parents mostly do not share their minority characteristics. Identifying one another is also not obvious and a relative isolation remains until the individual finds other queer people and startsor notto socialize among the group. Even self-identification is not straightforward, for one can have a same-sex oriented sexual behaviour without considering herself homosexual. This is a methodological challenge and current political polls data are limited to self-identified queers, or people in same-sex couples.

At the same time, party polarization on homosexuality issues and same-sex marriage, in France [START_REF] Mossuz-Lavau | Les lois de l'amour : les politiques de la sexualité en France : 1950-2002[END_REF][START_REF] Morabito | Les partis politiques face aux associations : polarisation, confrontation, collaboration sur les enjeux de sexualité dans la campagne présidentielle de 2012[END_REF] or elsewhere [START_REF] Rhodebeck | Another Issue Comes Out: Gay Rights Policy Voting in Recent U.S Presidential Elections[END_REF]Engeli et al. 2012) can help constitute a voting bloc in favour of leftist parties, which could be all the more coherent because of the shared experience of the "closet", stigmatization, or discrimination.

Sexuality has become a political issue, discussed in the democratic arena, sometimes at the forefront of presidential campaigns like it has been the case in France in 2012 (see the special issue No 2 of Genre, Sexualité & Société, 2013). Against this background, queer voting behaviour seems a highly relevant question.

Yet, the debate over the "sexuality gap" and the "lavender vote"i.e. gay and lesbian leaning to the left under the effect of sexual identityhas not had much space, even in the US, except [START_REF] Hertzog | The lavender vote : lesbians, gay men, and bisexuals in American electoral politics[END_REF] pioneer work, Bailey's study of urban homosexuals (1999), and a few American articles (see Durand and Mayer 2017 for an overview). Some American researchers have however made interesting hypotheses, for instance on "electoral capture"the fact that the Democratic party "captures" LGB votes without having to compete for them due to the rejection of the Republican party's heterosexist positions (C. A. Smith 2007) -, or on the possibility of an ideological change due to coming out processes and homosexual socialization [START_REF] Egan | Group Cohesion without Group Mobilization: The Case of Lesbians, Gays and Bisexuals[END_REF].

Regarding western Europe, a recent paper using ESS data shows the existence of this "sexuality gap" among couples in several countries, France included (Turnbull-Dugarte 2020). As the data do not contain any self-identification question, the author identified LGBs through partners and compares same-sex couples to heterosexual couples. People in same-sex couples are more likely to lean to the left and vote for left-of-centre parties than people in heterosexual couples after controlling for demographic and class-based characteristics. Yet, the mechanisms behind this gapwhether among individuals or couplesremain largely unknown. American researchers have quickly discussed the role of family political transmission versus LGB community socialization [START_REF] Egan | Group Cohesion without Group Mobilization: The Case of Lesbians, Gays and Bisexuals[END_REF][START_REF] Lewis | Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Voters in the 2000 U.S. Presidential Election[END_REF]), but with quantitative data that bear strong limits when it comes to analyze socialization processes.

Hertzog's study emphasizes the role of ideological distance between political party on homosexual issues and of campaign contexts for the "lavender vote" to be consistent. Such a vote relies indeed on issue voting but also on individual political sophistication (Durand 2020a).

For France, single surveys support the idea of a French "lavender vote" [START_REF] Kraus | Gays, Bis, Lesbiennes : des minorités sexuelles ancrées à gauche[END_REF][START_REF] Brouard | Orientation sexuelle et action publique : les bénéficiaires du mariage pour tous votent-ils plus à gauche ? Note d'analyse 9. L'Enquête Électorale Française : Comprendre[END_REF], even if more recent polls suggest that the "sexuality gap" is in fact more due to lesbian women than gay men [START_REF] Brouard | Orientation sexuelle et action publique : les bénéficiaires du mariage pour tous votent-ils plus à gauche ? Note d'analyse 9. L'Enquête Électorale Française : Comprendre[END_REF][START_REF] Ifop | L'orientation politique des gays, des bis et des lesbiennes à la veille des élections européennes de 2019[END_REF], in line with Hertzog's findings on the effect of feminism on lesbians' preference for the Democrats. These polls also reveal that gay and bisexual men vote for the French far-right party in the same proportion as the rest of the population. Gay and lesbian "frontistes" have been subject of a few pages in recent works on the French far-right party (Crépon 2012, 241-89), but more thorough investigations are needed on the articulation between sexuality and nationalism (Chetaille 2013), and on the question of "homonationalist" politics, at the individual level as much as at the movement level, in France and beyond.

The "sexuality gap" eventually raises the question of gays and lesbians' process of politicization. A recent PhD dissertation demonstrates the role of secondary political in the "sexuality gap" (Durand 2020a), while others have focused on the articulation of homosexuality and activist carriers in political party [START_REF] Bouvard | Esquisse d'analyse des trajectoires politiques et conjugales de militant(e)s LGBT écologistes. Parlement[s[END_REF]. Little is known on rightist or conservative LGBs 8 . Religion and social class appear as important factors of conservative politicization, but homosexual identity can transform politically the individual under certain conditions (Durand 2020a). Looking at LGBs political attitudes towards new assimilationist gay and lesbian rights [START_REF] Haider-Markel | Equality of Transformation? LGBT Political Attitudes and Priorities and the Implications for the Movement[END_REF] could also provide some insight. Solid data not restricted to homosexual couples is needed to deepen analyses, studyingfor example -the "gender gap" among LGBs, as some have tried with a quantitative approach [START_REF] Jensen | Pride & Politics: Public Opinion and Political Behavior among Sexual Minorities[END_REF]) or a qualitative one (Durand 2020b). Otherwise, the effect on political preferences of the coming out processes, activist mobilization, or samesex couple socialization, or looking once again at the diversity of queers and identities, would surely shed light on "sexuality gap" mechanisms. Comparisons are needed to explore how far different political or religious cultures, or party systems, shape this voting "gap".

Conclusion and further questions

International and French scholarship on gay and lesbian political participation is centered on social movements, leaving important questions open. What is the role of allied or counter movements in the (re)shaping of LGBT movements? How are Western and French Last_Version_Before_Editing ; Early View: https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1057/s41253-021-00151-z.pdf 20

LGBT movements renewed in current times of "tolerance" when formal equality is attained (Bernstein 2018)? International comparison is a stimulating direction to enhance our understanding of gender-and sexuality-based movements. Some American scholars use the idea of "post-identity" to work on LGBT movement and community changes under the assimilationist era (Ghaziani 2011) but this approach needs to be more critically looked at [START_REF] Forstie | Disappearing Dykes? Post-Lesbian Discourses and Shitfting Identities and Communities[END_REF]. Comparisons to less "tolerant" and more repressive countries would be of interest. The currently flourishing literature on Eastern Europe (Ayoub 2016) and Russia, or Asian and African countries, or the "global South", encourages this path and shed new light on the movements' conditions for success.

Regarding France, the debate on homosexual/LGBT movements remains less dynamic compared to the AIDS moment and less internationally integrated, while the movement has undergone changes over the last two decades, probably similar to and different from other national LGBT movements. International comparison would help understanding variations in movements' queerness and radicality, debates over "normalization", levels of structuration of lesbian communities and movements, and the impact of contemporary feminist movement on lesbian activism.

Political participation of gays and lesbians at the micro level remains poorly researched, probably partly due to the difficult introduction of sexuality into political science, but also to political science classical objects and political scientists' interests, less directed towards micro questions. How do activists make sense of their activism under "tolerant"

  European norms' influence have also been analyzed from the perspective of Europeanization and transnationalism processes (Chetaille 2013; Ayoub and Paternotte 2014; Ayoub 2015; Paternotte 2016), while others have focused on queer movements and culture (Eleftheriadis 2015; 2018; Binnie and Christian Klesse 2018) or drag and camp gay culture (Rupp and Taylor 2003; Wilcox 2018) showing how gender shapes those movements, their tensions, and how they challenge the heteronormative order. Last_Version_Before_Editing ; Early View: https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1057/s41253-021-00151-z.pdf 9 Apart from a few exceptions (Le Talec 2008; Blidon 2009; Schlagdenhauffen 2011; Fillieule and Broqua 2018; Seydieh 2016), the French movement remains marginal in this literature. International comparison could help renewing time-honored discussions on French republicanism, understanding the strength of conservative counter-movements, or filling the gap of the 2000 and 2010 decades for which not much is known.

  times? To what extent is lived discrimination essential to gay and lesbian activism? Is a broad sense of homosexual belonging enough? How does respectability shape LGBT engagement? What are the biographical consequences of sexual activism? More research is, in a nutshell, needed on the individual (de)politicization of sexuality. Above all, electoral politics and the relationship of gays and lesbians to right and left political ideologies needs to be explored, explained, discussed, and compared to the politicization of other minority groups. [Word count without bibliography (but with endnotes): 6 021 words] [Word count including bibliography and endnotes: 11 743 words] [Word count of the bibliography only: 5 722 words] Endnotes: 1 The Stonewall riots of June 1969 in New York are considered the beginning of Western LGBT movements. Stonewall, 50 ans après. Héritages et construction mémorielles des émeutes de 1969, symposium organized by the University Paris-Est Créteil, the University of Paris-Dauphine, and the Institut de Recherche Interdisciplinaires sur les enjeux sociaux, Créteil, June 2019. Les mouvements lesbiens, homosexuels et trans en France -Années 70 et 80, symposium organized by the University of Lausanne et the University Jean Jaurès of Toulouse, Lausanne, October 2019.