Claske Dijkema

Morgane Cohen

Madame Ruetabaga's Prefigurative Politics at the Urban Fringes of Grenoble

Keywords: Prefigurative politics, social pedagogy, marginalised social housing neighbourhoods, children, right to the city, effects COVID-19

During its practice of critical social pedagogy in street workshops, Madame Ruetabaga has shown that it is able to create a space that is radically open, where groups form and dissolve over a period of two hours every week. The workshops lay the basis for a form of prefigurative politics in an area generally to be perceived as anomic and as a place of violence and tensions. During the street workshops, Madame Ruetabaga temporarily challenges power relations and suspends rules to replace them with new ones for the specific period of time and in a specific space of the square. The association provides a space for children to experiment with new kinds of freedom and limits that differ from those at home or in institutional spaces. This example provides an alternative view to both the pessimism of the death of public space and the utopian idea of mass movements challenging global capitalism à la Lefebvre and Harvey. The focus is on the everyday, the mundane, the micro and how they can sometimes produce extraordinary situations.

Introduction

'Meeting people where they live, at the foot of their residences in order to learn, work build and struggle together' [that is what social pedagogy is all about] ( [START_REF] Dababi | Des lieux pour habiter le monde pratiques en pédagogie sociale[END_REF]). 1Every Friday, the cart of Madame Ruetabaga arrives at one of the central squares of Villeneuve, a marginalised social housing neighbourhood in Grenoble, a middle-sized French city. Once arrived, volunteers of Madame Ruetabaga unload the cart: they roll out the carpets, they unpack the wooden crates and install all over the square material to play and be creative. The volunteers position themselves according to the activities they are in charge of that day. Some children are already waiting, others come down from their apartments, accompanied by their parents or alone, and engage with the volunteers and activities.

During its practice of critical social pedagogy in street workshops, the association Madame Ruetabaga is able to create a space that is radically open, where groups form and dissolve over a period of two hours every week. Critical social pedagogy, an approach to education developed by Helena Radlinksa in early 20th century Poland, combines education and upbringing with politics and public life. This form of education teaches how to engage in dialogue with others and develops skills of cooperation and interaction in order to fight against violence, ignorance, intolerance and nationalism [START_REF] Theiss | Helena Radlińska: a return to the roots and traditions in the post-modern world[END_REF]. The workshops lay the basis for a form of prefigurative politics [START_REF] Ince | In the Shell of the Old: Anarchist Geographies of Territorialisation[END_REF][START_REF] Springer | Anarchism and Geography: A Brief Genealogy of Anarchist Geographies: Anarchism and Geography[END_REF]) in an area generally perceived as anomic [START_REF] Dubet | La galère. Points[END_REF]. Created in early 2014 by a group of people, who partly built on their experience with social pedagogy at Intermèdes Robinson in the Paris suburbs [START_REF] Dababi | Des lieux pour habiter le monde pratiques en pédagogie sociale[END_REF], Madame Ruetabaga has become an important player in the political and cultural landscape of Villeneuve. The workshops of Madame Ruetabaga provide a counter-narrative to both the pessimism of the death of public space [START_REF] Davis | City of quartz: Excavating the future in Los Angeles[END_REF], Sorkin 1992) and the utopian idea of mass movements challenging global capitalism that we find in the early work of Lefebvre (1973) and [START_REF] Harvey | Rebel cities: From the right to the city to the urban revolution[END_REF]. The focus of this chapter is on the everyday, the mundane, the micro and how they can sometimes produce extraordinary situations. This chapter builds on the literature that has emerged over the last decades about the politics of public space, including [START_REF] Iveson | Cities within the City: Do-It-Yourself Urbanism and the Right to the City[END_REF] work on the appropriation of public spaces by active/activist citizens involved in "DIY urbanism," [START_REF] Holston | Insurgent citizenship: Disjunctions of democracy and modernity in Brazil[END_REF] research on practices of everyday resistance and insurgent citizenship, [START_REF] Hou | Insurgent public space: Guerrilla urbanism and the remaking of contemporary cities[END_REF] work on guerrilla urbanism, and [START_REF] Amin | Cities for the many not the few[END_REF] interventions on claiming rights to the city. Others, such as [START_REF] Mitchell | The right to the city: Social justice and the fight for public space[END_REF], have considered public space's potential as a locus for (counter-)politics and activism, drawing on [START_REF] Lefebvre | La production de l'espace[END_REF][START_REF] Lefebvre | La production de l'espace[END_REF] trialectics [START_REF] De Backer | Preface: The Everyday Politics of Public Space[END_REF]. In this special chapter, we want to zoom in on the everyday and the microlevel as a site of political expression. For this, we turn to the lens of performative, prefigurative, and affective politics of the everyday, agreeing with [START_REF] Himada | From noun to verb: The micropolitics of making collective[END_REF] that "Politics" with a capital "P" is much less the "real deal" than it presents itself. While "Politics" operates in the sphere of representation, where precomposed bodies are already circulating, "the micropolitical is that which subverts this tendency in the political to present itself as already formed" (p. 5).

Within the larger picture of forces that shape the city (e.g. capitalist, racist, governmental, criminal forces), and in comparison to powerful actors in Villeneuve, such as the National Agency for Urban Renovation, the municipality, large construction companies and the police, the intervention of Madame Ruetabaga hardly seems relevant. While we are well aware of the limited impact of this small association, we nevertheless think there is something important to learn from what it has achieved with relatively few means. Madame Ruetabaga creates the possibility for those who don't own anything in the city, who are simply users of the city and its social services, to appropriate the city in some small way. This right to the city in a Lefebvrian sense, is 'a right to inhabit, to appropriate and to freedom ' (2009 [1968], p. 35) but it is also a right to participation, which 'cannot be conceived as a simple visiting right [...]; it can only be formulated as a transformed and renewed right to urban life' (in [START_REF] Lecoq | The Right to the City: An Emancipating Concept? Metropolitics[END_REF]. Madame Ruetabaga offers participants in their workshops this right to both the material and political aspects of access to the city. Through the work of Madame Ruetabaga we want to raise awareness about the importance of access to public space for (micro)political action and citizenship.

A focus on everyday agency in a context where people have limited control over their lives has two aims: 1) uncovering subaltern forms of agency; 2) providing a counter-narrative to the dominant narrative of marginalised and racialised social housing neighbourhoods as places of violence and otherness. After the wave of terrorist attacks in France in 2015,2 marginalised social housing neighbourhoods have, in addition to violence and otherness, become even more associated with Islamic fundamentalism. 3 This new articulation of marginalised social housing neighbourhoods builds on a long process that spatially locates the dangers associated with the working class, with immigrants and with crime (Dikec 2007). While visibilising violence, media generally do not capture the alternative and everyday prefigurative politics that inhabitants are engaged in. Through a narrative of the ways Madame Ruetabaga opens up public space and temporarily densifies social relations in Villeneuve, we provide a counternarrative of marginalised social housing neighbourhoods that makes visible the marginal possibilities at the fringe. This text is based on an ongoing dialogue between the two authors, who have been involved in different ways in the association, as well as in other projects in the neighbourhood. 4 The first target of our engagement was to find out to what extent knowledge and university collaboration can strengthen actors that work towards social transformation [START_REF] Dijkema | Les Tours d'en face[END_REF] and a first version of this text was presented at the RGS-IBG in 2016, at a session on "Young people, public space and gender". The latter was written together with Mélodie Fournier, who was the coordinator of Madame Ruetabaga at the time. 5 With our interdisciplinary backgrounds in political science, geography and architecture, we decided to provide a spatial analysis of Madame Ruetabaga's political work. We draw on our observations (2015-2021); on five (audio-recorded and transcribed) group discussions (2016), exploring why the work of Madame Ruetabaga is special in the neighbourhood, what Madame Ruetabaga is able to achieve and how; on radio interviews carried out during the workshops; on pictures and on documents produced by the association.

The first section of the chapter discusses the everyday politics around public space in Villeneuve. This section mainly draws on the PhD research carried out by Claske [START_REF] Dijkema | Subaltern in France -A decolonial exploration of voice, violence and racism in marginalized social housing neighborhoods in Grenoble[END_REF]. The following sections draw on the action research carried out by the co-authors. The second section describes in further detail what Madame Ruetabaga is about, its analysis of societal problems that are the starting point for its work, what it sets out to do, who participates in the workshops and how they are funded. The third section describes the space and time of the workshops, supported by a map that shows the core, fringe and outer edge of the workshop space. Throughout this section, we seek to demonstrate how Madame Ruetabaga opens up space. The fourth section discusses how Madame Ruetabaga temporarily densifies social relationships, followed by a discussion of the political dimension of Madame Ruetabaga's work. Taking the initial unpublished paper as starting point for this chapter, it was clear that an update was necessary due to the COVID pandemic: a central aspect of Madame Ruetabaga's work, bringing people together physically in public space, was no longer possible during the different moments of lockdown in France. The association had to rethink its mission, how to continue to form a collective in these challenging times when physical co-presence became a source of danger and the withdrawal into private spaces the way to protect oneself against this danger. In the fifth and last section we therefore discuss how Madame Ruetabaga adapted its activities during the pandemic.

Everyday Struggles over Public Space in Villeneuve

The function of this section is to situate the case of Madame Ruetabaga in the political and geographic context in which it operates, in order to explain the challenges that neighbourhood inhabitants face. To understand why Madame Ruetabaga's action in public space is political and extraordinary, I explain public space in Villeneuve as a space of everyday tensions.

Villeneuve was built as a modern utopia in the 1970s. The neighbourhood was conceived by Grenoble's socialist municipality at the time, which had great ambitions and a vision for the antithesis of the bedroom community. It worked together with an avant-garde group of architects, artists and sociologists and engaged in citizen consultation. Progressive ideas about public space and the place of the child in the city were at the centre of their reflection. Buildings were constructed on pillars, thereby opening up the space under them for pedestrians; it is car-free; the high-rise architecture has liberated space for the monumental park; and facilities have been integrated in the architecture, thereby creating a large publicly accessible area. Children have a relatively large perimeter in which they can move without being accompanied by a parent, providing a sense of freedom in comparison to children living in the city centre. This makes the spaces in the neighbourhood particularly conducive to street workshops.

Over the years, Villeneuve has lost a lot of its attraction which coincided with a rising percentage of social housing and a changing population (Breynat et al. 2015[START_REF] Dsq | Développement social du quartier Villeneuve[END_REF][START_REF] Dubet | Les quartiers d'exil[END_REF]. Residents of immigrant origin, from former French colonies and more recently Roma people from Eastern Europe, came to represent a larger part of the neighbourhood residents. In the administrative jargon, the neighbourhood is categorized as "sensitive" and it is part of the French state's cartography of special intervention zones that require specific attention in terms of security and other types of urban policy targeting lowest income areas. Its negative reputation is known nation-wide as a result of the violence that occurred in recent years. Most of the time, however, the neighbourhood is calm and on sunny days its 14 hectare park, lake and hills are an enjoyable place in the city.

Public space in Villeneuve, as elsewhere, is rife with everyday tensions and competition. Dynamics are comparable to that of other social housing neighbourhoods. There are tensions between police and youth over drugs and physical presence at street corners; between youth and older inhabitants over the unsanctioned use of publicly accessible spaces, such as hallways and corridors of apartment blocks. There is a struggle over what is appropriate behaviour in public space and over the right to "otherness" or difference, These tensions have only increased since the 2015 terrorist attacks. For those belonging to racialised minorities, this diversity in the neighbourhood, which partly is the reason for its stigmatisation, simultaneously serves as a security valve as it offers some kind of protection against a racist gaze, and therefore provides a sense of security and belonging. Residents feel these tensions at specific times and in specific places. For example, weather conditions will increase the unsanctioned use of public space by groups of young men as they look for spaces to gather outside while being protected from the rain [START_REF] Dijkema | If You Can't Hear Me, I Will Show You: Insurgent Claims to Public Space in a Marginalized Social Housing Neighborhood in France[END_REF]). The fear associated with certain spaces and certain moments of the day is gender-and age-specific. Neighbourhood residents know which places to avoid, and they adapt their itineraries through the neighbourhood accordingly. The square where the workshops take place, the Place des Géants, is a place in the neighbourhood that is associated with paroxysmal as well as more everyday forms of violence. In 2012, a group of young men who frequently hung out at the square were responsible for the death of two young men of a neighbouring area [START_REF] Dijkema | Subaltern in France -A decolonial exploration of voice, violence and racism in marginalized social housing neighborhoods in Grenoble[END_REF][START_REF] Monkam-Noubissi | Le ventre arraché[END_REF][START_REF] Raynaud | Vivre, c'est quoi: parcours et réflexions d'un homme du temps présent[END_REF]).

In the neighbourhood, a variety of players mitigates the permanent condition of precarity, frustration, anger and despair that inhabitants are confronted with and that make life a struggle [START_REF] Dubet | La galère. Points[END_REF]. Different actors help people to deal with difficult life conditions, such as public actors, peer groups, solidarity networks and civil society organizations. These actors keep the potential for violence in check and establish some kind of social cohesion and apparent peace. Madame Ruetabaga is one of these actors. It is quite extraordinary that Madame Ruetabaga, in the midst of these multiple tensions and conflicting claims to public space, is able to appropriate every week a large area of one of the central squares for its practice of social pedagogy.

Gaining Right to the City through Social Pedagogy

In opposition to other actors in the neighbourhood whose role it is to police space, such as specialised police forces and mediation patrol teams at night,6 Madame Ruetabaga seeks to open up public space [START_REF] Dababi | Des lieux pour habiter le monde pratiques en pédagogie sociale[END_REF]. Madame Ruetabaga's concept of opening up space is close to Sennett's conception of the open city, in which borders are porous, which is incomplete in its form and democratic in nature, and allows for encounters, conflicts and dissonances (2006). The workshops have been born from a critique of the education system, of public space, of capitalism and in favour of a public that doesn't find a place anymore in traditional institutions [START_REF] Dababi | Des lieux pour habiter le monde pratiques en pédagogie sociale[END_REF]. Parents indeed have complex relations with institutions and school in particular as a result of the disqualification, stigmatization and relegation that they may experience. Madame Ruetabaga has chosen to organise its workshops in public space because, in opposition to more institutionalised spaces, such as social centres and community centres (Maison des habitants), one does not have to show one's identity card, to prove one's place of residence or one's age, in order to participate in activities. The pedagogy Madame Ruetabaga proposes distinguishes itself from more institutional offers (e.g. school, leisure centres, clubs, sports, libraries) that select, categorize, classify and survey access through doors, walls, financial contributions and administrative procedures. It insists on the pedagogical value of its activity which should not be mistaken for leisure. Madame Ruetabaga uses the city for its prefigurative politics and provides a practical example of what Springer has described in the following way: "Prefigure is to embrace the conviviality and joy that comes with being together as radical equals, not as vanguards and proletariat on the path towards the transcendental empty promise of utopia or 'no place' but as the grounded eminence of the 'here' and 'now' of actually making a new world 'in the shell of the old' and the perpetual hard work and reaffirmation that this requires" (2016, p. 287).

The values upheld by the association are the horizontality of relationships, autonomy, no taking of power, no measuring of performances and no judgement. Madame Ruetabaga stands out for its hands-on approach and its decision to shy away from institutional meetings, saving time that can then be used for establishing direct contact with the families involved in the street workshops.

The association was created in 2013. Its name is a pun: It is both a reference to rutabaga, the French word for the root vegetable swede, a root that grows well in difficult conditions and to rue, the French term for street. Madame Ruetabaga places the street at the heart of their action. Whatever the weather may be like, the workshops always take place outside, following a strict principle of continuity all year round. Participation in the workshops is free of charge and no particular conditions apply. Madame Ruetabaga organises workshops in four different places, of which the Place des Géants is one. While people of all ages can participate in the workshops, most of the participants are children between three and 14 years old, and the number of people that participate in each workshop varies between 10 and 150. In addition to street workshops, Madame Ruetabaga also organises festive evenings, summer camps, and activities outside of the neighbourhood. The demand for the latter has increased considerably since the COVID pandemic.

Madame Ruetabaga approaches each form of participation in the workshops as a contribution to the collective. It seeks to rotate roles within the collective, in order that roles can be exchanged and reinvented. Therefore, seeking a strict difference between the volunteers of Madame Ruetabaga and the resident-participants of the workshops does not do justice to the fact that the street workshops function through the people that take part in them: it is they who make the workshops as much as the team who prepare the workshops in a material and logistic sense. The team of roughly 12 people consists of a combination of volunteers, interns and employees. Those employed have in almost all cases started as volunteers. The interns are for example young people who have grown up with the street workshops and who are seeking integration into professional networks; students in social work; or adults with professional experience who are looking for alternative and less institutionalised approaches to social or pedagogical work. Participants are mainly residents of the apartment blocks around the workshop sites, residents from other areas being the exception.

Because of Madame Ruetabaga's decision to offer free activities, without registration and open to all, the organization relies on external funding, coming mainly from public funding sources, but also from a few private foundations and it also generates funds through training. Their reliance on voluntary work (50% of their activity) is also a way of auto-financing its activities and is an important driver of the social and solidarity economies.

How Madame Ruetabaga's Workshops Open up Space

This section looks at the space of the workshops on the Place des Géants. We develop the argument that Madame Ruetabaga is able to open up space by translating its politics of inclusion and libertarian principles in the temporal and spatial design of its workshops. The workshop's rhythm takes shape over four moments in time: it starts with the arrival of Madame Ruetabaga's cart filled with games and other pedagogical material at the Place des Géants, followed by the installation of the carpets and the start of a creative activity (serigraphy, creation of books, sculpture, board games, etc), until teatime and it's holding of a democratic council meeting with the participants, and ends with the departure of the cart and the gradual dissolution of the group. We draw on three spatial concepts to explain how Madame Ruetabaga creates a radically open space: core, fringe and outer edge (see fig. 1).

Figure 1: The space of the workshops on the Place des Géants, map by Morgane Cohen.

The core of the workshops is where the activities take place, where the pedagogical material is stalled out and past productions are exposed, and where tea is served. It is the visual attraction for newcomers and the permanent meeting point for regulars. The fringe is the transition space between what is in-and what is outside of the workshops. Here, we can think of the watchful eyes of parents from the apartment windows, the terrain used for ball games, hiding places at the margin of the workshop and finally, benches or other objects where people sit together. At the fringe, people participate indirectly in the workshop by their presence and occasional remarks. The outer edge is the space surrounding the workshops where things happen that do not directly enter into interaction with the activities, except perhaps in case of conflict (scooters, a drifting soccer ball) or when they become part of the discussions of the participants. What keeps the workshops radically open is not so much that they take place in public space itself. After all, there are many closed groups that gather in public space. Rather, it is the creation of a space that has a mediating function between those in-and outside. It therefore allows for the mixing of people and their roles, and renders the space integrative. To explain how it works, we take the forest fringe as a metaphor. One of the key characteristics of the forest fringe is that it is porous: it is neither a limit nor a border that can only be crossed through defined and controlled passage. The fringe offers a multiplicity of opportunities for passage between the interior and exterior; the public and private; the known and unknown.

Four types of displacement contribute to the formation of this fringe and thereby widen the outer edge of the workshop's perimeter. The different itineraries are indicated in the map (fig. 1). The first itinerary is that of the cart from the office of Madame Ruetabaga to the Place des Géants. This moving through the neighbourhood allows the volunteers to meet and greet children and their families, exchanging news and inviting them to join the workshops. The second itinerary is that of other volunteers, reaching the square from other directions but with the same social function. These displacements contribute to the connection between different spaces of public occupation. The third itinerary is that of small groups of children and volunteers during workshops, who go and fetch material or water. These are privileged moments to discuss and to listen to concerns, often linked to difficult periods in children's lives. The fourth type of itinerary is that at the end of the workshop when the cart returns to Madame Ruetabaga's office and people depart in other directions. It is a moment of saying goodbye, letting go, reassuring that the team will come back and sometimes accompanying a child to their home in case a volunteer has identified any specific needs of children. The end of the workshop constitutes a moment of tension. The group that has formed and has appropriated the public space is now going to be undone.

Madame Ruetabaga Temporarily Densifies Social Relations

We think of the workshops as a temporary densification of social relations. First there is one line, then different lines coming together, leading to a fusion of interactions, forming a group, which is then unravelled again. These lines are visualised in a second map (fig. 2) with the itinerary of the cart, the pedestrian paths leading to the Place des Géants, which sometimes conflict with the itinerary of scooters, and the movement down from the apartment blocks to the square. This map visualises how the people who participate in the workshop maintain relations to those in the private and public spaces in the vicinity of the workshop space and thereby integrate these more distant spaces.

Figure 2: Madame Ruetabaga's workshops, a temporary densification of social relations, map by Morgane Cohen

When children join the workshops, parents may stay in the private spaces of their apartments and continue to keep an eye on their children through the windows (see fig. 1 and2). An indirect relationship is created between the volunteers and the families without seeing each other, this is what we describe, in the map, as Madame Ruetabaga's relation with private spaces. Each child, when coming to the workshop, receives indications from caretakers regarding which limits are not to be crossed. In most cases they overlap with the limits of view from the windows. This latent link can be activated in times of crisis. For example, once a recorder was stolen during the workshop, all families were visited to ask them to speak about the problem and make them part of the solution. It did not take long before it was brought back. Beyond times of crises, it also happens that parents themselves take the decision to step into the core of the workshops. For example, it was surprising to see that when a mother participated for the first time after having watched for over two years, she knew exactly what was going on and even knew the names of the volunteers.

The direct and indirect participation of parents is an important source of legitimacy of Madame Ruetabaga.

In addition to being linked to private spaces, the workshops also establish relationships with public space, where groups of people gather, on the outer edge of the workshops. Each meeting place has its own function and public. There is for example a group of young men that gather in front of a kebab joint, families (mostly mothers) with small children sit on benches around a small playground, and children that look for corners to play ball games. People circulate between these spaces and thereby create links, which equally can be mobilised in times of crises (example of recorder that has been previously mentioned). Children participating in the workshops also voluntarily explore the link between these different spaces during a community radio project. Children set out with a recorder to interview people in the neighbourhood about a specific topic. It is an opportunity to be present in areas that are usually off limits for them and feel legitimate about it. One time, when visiting the kebab joint, they were made to feel that they were not at their place. This became an occasion for a group discussion about access to public space with the children concerned.

During workshops, conflicts mainly occur in interaction with those who are outside the workshop and who use the square to go from one place to another. Children's activities can be disturbing for passers-by. Several times, older people have scolded children who were playing ball right next to the workshop because the ball caused fear of harm among older people, or because they were hit by a ball. Others may complain that Madame Ruetabaga occupies too much space. A more important source of friction is the incessant passing of scooters across the square: the activities spread out over the square stand in the way of the scooters, which forces them to slow down. One of the more lasting conflicts is with the gardeners of the community garden, Jardin des Poucets, where Madame Ruetabaga also has a plot. The (mostly older) gardeners don't agree with Madame Ruetabaga's pedagogical principle of (respective) exploration of the environment. The gardeners would like the children to enter only under adult supervision, which leads to arguments between the children and the gardeners.

Over the period of two hours the space of the square is made more public, in the sense that Mitchell describes as 'a site of interaction, encounter and the support of strangers for each other; as a place of gathering and vigil; as a space to communicate information and interchange ' (2003, p. 6). Madame Ruetabaga does not occupy the square, but through its presence, it contributes to the actualisation of publicity. During the time of the workshop, the presence of the group forces the scooters to slow down, and children obtain greater freedom of movement. Moreover, at times, during conversations, participants have spoken up about a difficulty they have met. The association offers social and political accompaniment in individual cases, connecting families to networks that might improve the situation of a family. The space of the workshop is also used to make collective claims: for the installation of a swing or for access to public facilities. It has, for example, obtained access to the kitchen of the highly regulated neighbourhood community centre, as well as to the restricted community garden mentioned above. It can make these claims as a result of its local legitimacy and the indirect links that have been demonstrated earlier. The workshops of Madame Ruetabaga are also a place for public expression, e.g. through discussions about political events and through their collaboration with a community radio station to make children's voices heard. The terrorist attacks that have taken place in France and the Islamophobia that they have caused have been important topics of debate, but also more local events in the neighbourhood that are source of tensions.

For the reasons developed above, the space that has been opened with the workshops should be analysed as a political space. It is a form of direct action and prefigurative politics: no authorization has been asked from institutions to carry out workshops, neither for the installation of signposts, nor for making small campfires in order to heat milk for hot chocolate in the winter months. By-passing red-tape becomes possible as a result of de facto presence and local legitimacy. Their action is prefigurative because Madame Ruetabaga puts in place, on a microscale, the kind of change they would like to see in wider society.

The political importance of the work of Madame Ruetabaga lies in the fact that it offers participants opportunities of emancipation as a result of the libertarian conception of workshops and citizenship. The street workshops are conceived as an organisational space in their own right: a space in which people over the time of the workshop can experience what it means to be part of a collective and contribute to what this collective stands for. Madame Ruetabaga does not ask for institutional permission to occupy central squares in the neighbourhood and generally avoids seeking institutional authorization for their activities, they claim space rather than ask for it.

Maintaining Links When the COVID Pandemic Disrupts Everyday Life

During the pandemic, coming together collectively, even outside, became a threat to people's health. To keep safe, people retreated to private spaces. In this section we look at the ways in which Madame Ruetabaga discovered methods to maintain a minimal level of connection.

In December 2019, during an outing Madame Ruetabaga organised to the museum of contemporary art, a member of the association said that a virus was arriving from China ̶ she already had her hydroalcoholic gel ready. The other people who participated in the outing, at first, laughed at her prediction. Three months later, the first lockdown was announced on the day when the neighbourhood's carnival celebration should have taken place. The street workshops were cancelled for long periods of time (2020-2021) due to lockdown restrictions: two months from April 2020, one month from November 2020, and one month from March 2021. Right after the announcement of the first lockdown, the team got together outside in the park to discuss what role Madame Ruetabaga could play during this crisis. When social life shifted to online spaces and social, educational and professional links were maintained through digital tools, the digital divide became even more tangible as a factor of exclusion in the neighbourhood. Schools and social workers lost contact with the more precarious families, and at times turned to Madame Ruetabaga. The association's non-institutional approach meant that they were better able to maintain relations, because the digital divide was not solely responsible for failing connections: families in situations of administrative precarity share a general distrust of institutions and believe that they will not be cared for if they fall ill. Some chose to protect themselves by closing themselves off from the outside world, especially if family members were struggling with other health issues. Madame Ruetabaga decided that its role was to stay in contact and remain dedicated to attending to the specific needs of families, because it felt (inspired by Janus Korczak) that it is not the child that should adapt to society, but that society should adapt to the (needs of) the child.

In order to maintain relationships with all those involved in Madame Ruetabaga, the team reached out by phone to all the families whose numbers they had collected over the past years, to let them know that they were still there and available if needed. A volunteer said 'Madame Ruetabaga is like a good friend: it is always there for you when you need it' (and therefore different from social workers). The phone was however an unreliable tool to keep up with links, because several families could no longer afford buying telephone credit. The team passed by the homes of some families to chat on the doorstep and, for one of the authors, hanging out in the neighbourhood during the hours of the food bank, was a way of making herself available to families that might want to speak to her. The queue at the food bank was getting longer every time and the amount of food distributed decreased proportionally. Madame Ruetabaga applied for an urgency fund, Urgence COVID, to organise solidarity, which allowed them to punctually distribute food and parcels with materials for manual creative activities to 45 families. This was the only collective project that Madame Ruetabaga could conceive in the period of the lockdown but allowed at least to maintain links over a longer period of time. The team was in touch with families to inform them about the parcels, to collect their shopping lists (each family could decide on the content of the parcel, up to 30 €), to agree on a time of pick-up (five families per week throughout seven weeks), and to set the time when they physically met to pick up of the parcels. These weekly distributions were the only direct collective discussion space without connection problems and became the team's barometer of how families were doing. Madame Ruetabaga's effort at maintaining relationships provided a certain continuity in uncertain times.

After the lockdown, the team observed that children were much more agitated, and experienced more difficulty in concentrating. Despite its efforts, the interruption and withdrawal to private spaces had created distance in once closer relationships. Moreover, the danger of the virus had not disappeared: activities on the square had to be spread across a wider area, masks were used, and all activities that involved touching had to be stopped.

Conclusion

In moments of crisis people withdraw from public space and seek refuge in private spaces. This is true for the sporadic events of violence that the neighbourhood was confronted with in 2010, due to the riots that took place after two men died in a violent confrontation with the police; in 2012 due to the youth violence leading to the death of two young men; and in 2015 due to the terrorist attacks. It is even more true for the period of the health crisis due to COVID-19. As appropriating public space is an important tool for prefigurative politics and for claiming one's place as political subjects in France, the withdrawal into private spaces has important political consequences. At the time of the workshop, the square is a terrain for politics: appropriating public space during the time of the workshops also means community building, the possibility of belonging, networks and solidarity. Through the lens of Madame Ruetabaga's experience during the three lockdowns, it became evident that the right to the city was curtailed, that there is a large inequality regarding access to digital spaces that partially replace the material spaces in the city and the neighbourhood, and that keeping some form of community was a major challenge that takes time to rebuild.

Translation from French by authors.

Although discourse on terrorism is instrumentalised by the politico-military elites of the world, we still deem the term 'terrorist' appropriate here for the deathly attacks in Paris that have been claimed by jihadist organisations, based on the following (geographical) definition of terrorism as 'an act of violence, different from other acts of violence, e.g. genocide, war, war crimes, political assassinations etc. in that it is (1) a spectacle directed towards a wider audience than the immediate victims, (2) directed towards place destruction and/or (3) place alienation'(Mustafa 2005, p. 79).

Le Parisien, 'Patrick Kanner: Des centaines de Molenbeek potentiels en France', March 27, 2016 https://www.nytimes.com/2015/11/19/opinion/molenbeek-belgiums-jihad-central.html, accessed March 15, 2017.

Morgane Cohen and Claske Dijkema got to know each other during a training in social pedagogy offered by Madame Ruetabaga (2014). The collaboration that led to the writing of this chapter grew out of a growing friendship and a curiosity to learn from each other and to work together. When we started data collection and writing in 2016, Claske Dijkema was at the beginning of her PhD research and Morgane Cohen was a volunteer at Madame Ruetabaga. Since then, their roles have changed: at the time of writing Morgane fulfils the role of paid coordinator of Madame Ruetabaga; and Claske has a postdoc position in another country but continues to follow the association.

Dijkema, Claske, Cohen, Morgane, and Fournier, Melody. 'Street Workshops for Children at the Urban Marges of Grenoble: Creating a Space for Prefigurative Politics.' Presented at the Annual International Conference -Royal Geographical Society, Royal Geographical Society, London, August 31, 2016. http://www.irenees.net/bdf_fiche-analyse-1084_fr.html.

The night mediation patrol team, a neighbourhood service provided by the Régie de Quartier, is in charge of preventing nuisance and insecurity in the neighbourhood. An important aspect of their work is to convince loitering youth groups either to go to spaces of consumption or to go home.

Acknowledgements: Claske Dijkema has received a grant from the Region Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes, ARC N° 2014 07 ADR.


Jeanne Ferrari

DE LA RUE AUX BANCS DE L'ASSEMBLÉE : VERS UNE DÉRITUALISATION

Keywords: engagement, mobilisation, médiatisation, nouveaux rites, communication

La globalisation est ici pensée en termes d'effets de contexte et d'effets de situation grâce à la mise au jour d'une économie communicative de la communauté culturelle étudiée qui témoigne d'une exploration de nouvelles formes de visibilité et d'engagement, d'une évolution des logiques médiatiques et de la ritualisation des codes comportementaux. En partant d'un corpus d'archives audiovisuelles publiques, les années 1970 révèlent une utilisation et une interprétation de la caméra pour sa valeur communicative, ordonnant un processus de transaction et la naissance de nouveaux rites. A partir de 2015, la prégnance des rites institutionnels et de la communication technique ont provoqué une redéfinition des formes d'engagement avec un affaiblissement de l'hybridité des espaces de participation. Les données autoethnographiques collectées présentent une déritualisation progressive de la société. Un désenchantement du monde contre lequel la mobilisation collective s'élève afin de faire renaître un Corps politique, ce sous la forme d'un rite de contestation piaculaire.

INTRODUCTION

La contemporanéité et la globalisation ont conduit l'individu à expérimenter un système-monde avec une localité et une proximité qui se sont redéfinies dans une situation de crise mondiale de l'État-nation (Appadurai, 1996). L'Autre se situant à côté [START_REF] Françoise | Approche d'une économie communicative : l'exemple de la Corse[END_REF], il n'est plus seulement un « être au monde » mais bien un « homme au temps » (Piette, 2016, p. 18). Il ne s'agit donc plus, comme le décrit Johannes Fabian (1983), d'opposer des sociétés à différents stades de développement, mais des sociétés différentes qui se font face au même moment. La communication humaine est fondamentalement constituée d'une « cotemporalité » (ibid.). La pleine acceptation de ce présupposé théorique advient pour l'anthropologue comme l'une des possibilités de résistance à l'homogénéisation et l'uniformisation autant que de valorisation du particulier et par-là, de la diversité culturelle.

En choisissant de travailler chez soi, l'on accepte d'être cet Autre-ethnologique au sein d'un terrain particulier, une île, la Corse [START_REF] Françoise | Approche d'une économie communicative : l'exemple de la Corse[END_REF]. A la fois espace frontalier et lieu de passage, elle est le témoin privilégié d'un processus d'évolution autant que la métaphore du lien social. Pour Yves Winkin, « la société possède les mêmes caractéristiques que le petit groupe ; en étudiant les interactions au sein de celui-ci, on appréhende la société tout entière. » (1996, p. 123), tout en n'omettant pas de considérer la possibilité des individus d'être imprévisibles.

L'île apparaît comme un haut lieu de l'entre-soi, nimbant chacun d'une « déférence » [START_REF] Erving | Les cadres de l'expérience[END_REF] pour cet autre avec qui l'on réaffirme cérémoniellement et quotidiennement les valeurs morales de la communauté. Dans l'espace social insulaire, le régime de proximité régit l'ordre interactionnel. La physiologie sociale reposant sur l'insularité, l'interconnaissance figure comme l'un de ses corolaires dont il convient de souligner le caractère permanent. Elle « se fonde sur une importante promiscuité, la déférence due aux « petits dieux » révèle toute la dimension du caractère sacré attribué à l'individu. Dans le contexte de prévalence d'une identité de filiation, cette déférence et ce caractère sacré attribués à l'individu ont permis d'instaurer un ordre social privilégiant les intérêts personnels des individus. » [START_REF] Jean-Pasquin | Performance de la culture et identité insulaire : l'exemple de la Corse[END_REF] Chaque individu qui entre dans le champ de vision d'un public se transforme en un personnage public conforme à la scène sur laquelle il se trouve, ce en alimentant ces changements par des signes sociaux des plus adaptés. En voyant l'autre, il comprend qu'il peut être vu. En ayant conscience « qu'il est un objet d'expérience », il adapte sa « conduite » selon « l'identité perçue » et « la réaction initiale » de son public (Goffman, 1963, p. 16). L'interconnaissance produit une exacerbation du processus. Elle pourvoit à ses habitants une visibilité caractérisable d'olympienne. Aux détours théoriques de cette analogie mythique, rappelons « Les Olympiens » de Violette Morin (1963) et la réactivation de ce legs par Daniel Dayan (2012). Toute scène quotidienne est une scène d'apparition imputant un code comportemental à la forte dimension dramaturgique et à la ritualisation résolument marquée. Ainsi, le regard de l'autre est une forme d'assujettissement à part entière en même temps que le manquement aux « codes comportementaux revient à se mettre en marge d'une communication sociale qui tolère mal les écarts » [START_REF] Françoise | Approche d'une économie communicative : l'exemple de la Corse[END_REF].

Cette contribution propose d'étudier la déritualisation du politique par une observation préalable des relations de communication des partis nationalistes corses entretenues avec le monde télévisuel. Notre socle théorique s'imprègne des paradigmes de l'anthropologie de la communication [START_REF] Yves | Anthropologie de la communication : de la théorie au terrain[END_REF]2016) et de la vision rituelle des médias [START_REF] James | Communication as Culture: Essays on Media and Society[END_REF] tout en y incorporant un champ conceptuel à l'intersection de plusieurs courants. Notre cadre méthodologique repose préalablement sur une approche étique des mobilisations collectives en Corse contemporaine grâce à l'exploitation d'un corpus d'archives audiovisuelles publiques. Nous avons antérieurement développé la matrice méthodologique de notre recherche dans le cadre du programme Médias et mobilisations en Corse de 1945 à nos jours, présentée initialement dans notre thèse de doctorat puis au sein de publications scientifiques [START_REF] Jeanne | Les mobilisations collectives en Corse et en Méditerranée : anciennes et nouvelles formes d'engagement[END_REF]2022a, 2022b). L'approche émique s'empare quant à elle de données autoethnographiques collectées lors de terrains de recherche menés du 19 mars au 10 mai 2020 et du 2 mars au 4 avril 2022 (Ferrari-Giovanangeli, 2022c ;[START_REF] Jeanne | L'engagement : un défi méthodologique ?[END_REF]. En nous appuyant sur deux périodes constitutives d'une redéfinition des formes d'engagement au sein de la sociétécelle des années 1970 et celle à partir de 2015la globalisation est ici pensée en termes d'effets de contexte et d'effets de situation par la mise au jour d'une « économie communicative » de la communauté culturelle étudiée [START_REF] Dell | Vers la compétence de communication[END_REF][START_REF] Françoise | Approche d'une économie communicative : l'exemple de la Corse[END_REF].

AUX PRÉMICES D'UNE VIE LIQUIDE

La télévision se positionne en un miroir. À la fois utopie et hétérotopie, il « fonctionne comme moment où je me regarde dans la glace, à la fois absolument réelle, en liaison avec tout l'espace qui l'entoure, et absolument irréelle, puisqu'elle est obligée, pour être perçue, de passer par ce point virtuel qui est là-bas. » [START_REF] Michel | Des espaces autres[END_REF](Foucault, , p. 1575)). Son déploiement en Corse à l'aube des années 1970 s'amorce autant comme l'un des signes que l'un des facteurs d'une redéfinition des représentations du soi au monde, instaurée par l'entrée dans cette ère du modernisme et de la mondialisation. Les boues rouges, déchets toxiques rejetés par la société italienne Montedison au large du Cap Corse à partir de 1972, deviennent l'allégorie même de ce passage d'une forme de « vie solide » à une forme de « vie liquide » de la modernité [START_REF] Richard | Le Présent liquide : peurs sociales et obsession sécuritaire[END_REF] auquel les Corses sont confrontés. La forme de ces déversements dépasse d'ailleurs l'analogie, puisque préalablement effectuée « sous une forme solide et liquide », puis « liquide » (Bernard, 2016, p. 47). Leur demande d'arrêt prend corps à travers une mobilisation collective dont la dimension performative s'expose à travers un bouleversement des pratiques et des comportements militants. La télévision devient l'un des nouveaux outils participant au dispositif des problèmes publics [START_REF] Michel | Le jeu de Michel Foucault[END_REF][START_REF] Daniel | La construction des problèmes publics : définition de situations dans des arènes publiques[END_REF][START_REF] Erik | L'approche constructiviste des "problèmes publics" : un aperçu des travaux anglo-saxons[END_REF] en même temps qu'elle ordonne une évolution des logiques médiatiques, définies par Andrew Chadwick comme « les technologies, les genres, les normes, les comportements et les formes d 'organisation » (2013, p. 4). L'intérêt porté au répertoire de comportements propres aux mobilisations collectives insulaires ne peut faire l'économie d'une réflexion sur cette apparition devenue quasi-systématique de la caméra au sein des performances. Les militants utilisent et interprètent l'objet pour sa « valeur communicative » [START_REF] Dell | The Anthropology of Communication[END_REF]. La relation de communication entretenue avec la caméra et plus largement les journalistes leur semble de prime abord symétrique. Ils leur attribuent ainsi le rôle de médiation quant à la publicisation de la « situation problématique » [START_REF] John | The Public and its Problems[END_REF]. Mais en octroyant l'accès à un regard rétrospectif sur la définition de la situation donnée par les journalistes, la télévision produit une distance au rôle (Goffman, 1961) et un feedback négatif du téléspect-acteur dont la performance réalisée dans l'ici et maintenant, est subordonnée à une « inscription médiatique » et une « trace d'usage » (Jeanneret, 2014).

La dimension culturelle (Carey, 1989) est ici soulevée, et plus précisément la disjonction culturelle qui s'y établit. Car la télévision française, avec ses journalistes, le public et la société dans laquelle elle évolue, forment une « communauté de pensée » (Froissart et Winkin, 2007) au sein de laquelle les militants ne se sentent plus appartenir à mesure où ils assistent à ce qu'ils perçoivent comme étant de l'ordre de « fabrications » [START_REF] Erving | Les cadres de l'expérience[END_REF]. Ces fabrications sont des opérations de cadrage où les différences de point de vue sont à la base du processus de création de la réalité et de l'interprétation qui en est donnée par les individus, allant « jusqu'à fausser leurs convictions sur le cours des choses » (ibid., p. 93). Par la répétition de ce feedback négatif, la télévision engendre un « rituel de dissensus » [START_REF] James | Political Ritual on Television. Episodes in the History of Shame, Degradation and Excommunication[END_REF]. L'invisibilité imputée initialement aux performances se propage au groupe lui-même qui vit une « non-existence au sens social du terme » (Honneth, 2005, p. 41). Une situation inédite est perçue pour l'individu comme imprévisible. Ses émotions et sentiments guident sa capacité d'adaptation à mesure où ceux-ci le renvoient à des représentations de situations antérieures et donc à des représentations de modèles sociaux opérants. En les convoquant, ils lui permettent ainsi d'adopter le modèle de comportements adéquat et de le réajuster dans une démarche d'anticipation et de contrôle de la perception par l'autre de soi. Face à cette nouvelle forme d'existence publique et d'invisibilité sociale où pour que la situation problématique puisse être légitimée doit être médiatisée, les militants réinterprètent la portée communicative de la caméra et admettent toute l'asymétrie de la relation de communication.

Une transaction s'opère par l'expérimentation de pratiques et de comportements instituant de ce fait de « nouveaux rites » (Lardellier, 2019). L'interconnaissance advient ainsi comme un « invariant communicationnel » que la caméra au sein des mobilisations collectives « performe » (Albertini, 2004) en dévoilant une « hyper-ritualisation » [START_REF] Erving | La ritualisation de la féminité[END_REF].

DE L'EFFET BIG BROTHER À L'HYPER-RITUALISATION

La focale préalablement privilégiée ici est la manifestation de rue, « rassemblement social » (Goffman, 1963) formant ainsi une micro-société. À l'instar du Big Brother orwellien, la caméra exerce une force sur les comportements des manifestants : « une personne qui suspecte qu'elle est espionnée par des moyens directs ou indirects modifiera considérablement sa conduite, même si elle ignore l'identité de ses éventuels observateurs. » (Goffman, 1963, p. 16n). Ainsi, « la standardisation, l'exagération et la simplification » d'ores et déjà convoquées par l'interconnaissance sont, par la présence de la caméra, « portées à un degré supérieur » (Goffman, 1969, p.184). Les manifestants, lorsqu'ils savent être filmés, sont communément régis par un effet « comme si » la caméra n'existait pas. Ils donnent l'impression d'être désengagés de la « quasi-interaction » (Thompson, 1995), c'est-à-dire qu'ils ne livrent pas de « preuves visibles du fait qu'ils ne sont pas totalement captivés par le foyer principal d'attention » (Goffman, 1963, p. 53). Cette impression repose sur la posture des acteurs ne s'orientant pas vers la caméra et sur l'évitement du regard. L'individu ne veut pas être « vu en train de voir » et voir « qu'il a été vu voyant », ce qui leur positionnerait en « situation de vulnérabilité » (Goffman, 1963, p. 17). Cette situation de vulnérabilité est exacerbée par les expériences de feedback négatif passées ainsi que par l'inégalité des sens mobilisés par l'acteur et ceux de son observateur. Walter Benjamin dans L'oeuvre d'art à l'époque de sa reproductibilité technique (1939) soulignait déjà les effets de la caméra sur l'acteur de cinéma. Le regard-caméra du manifestant lui exige d'être avec ses « sens nus » face à un public anonyme protégé par l'intermédiaire d'objets (la caméra puis l'écran). Dès lors, l'évitement oculaire de la caméra intervient comme bouclier à la passivité originellement induite par l'activité d'être filmé. L'effet Big Brother régit toutefois le comportement de l'acteur : l'hyper-ritualisation dévoile une inversion de sa « distribution de l'engagement ». L'engagement principal « concentre la plus grande partie de l'attention et de l'intérêt d'un individu et constitue à l'évidence le courant déterminant de ses actions » et l'engagement latéral est l'« activité qu'un individu peut accomplir sur un mode distrait, sans menacer ou déranger la réalisation simultanée de son engagement principal ». Chacun de ces deux engagements se voit attribuer un caractère dominant, c'est-à-dire imposer « des exigences propres à l'occasion sociale » et subordonné, à savoir un engagement soutenu « de façon muette, modulée et intermittente » (Goffman, 1963, pp. 40-41). Ainsi, l'activité de manifester constitue un « engagement principal » et « subordonné » ; l'activité d'être filmé, un « engagement latéral » et « dominant ». Alors que sans cette caméra, l'activité de manifester constitue un « engagement principal » et « dominant » [START_REF] Erving | Comment se conduire dans les lieux publics : notes sur l'organisation sociale des rassemblements[END_REF].

La conférence de presse, comme autre dispositif rituel, s'incorpore autour de la configuration particulière d'une mise en scène cadrée médiatiquement afin de ne laisser aucune place a posteriori à une redéfinition de la situation. De même que le texte qui l'accompagne, transmis pendant et après, fixe définitivement la situation. La télévision laissant une trace, son appropriation permet au collectif de contrôler l'identité perçue et la réaction de son auditoire. La performance jouée face caméra dans l'ici et maintenant conditionne l'agenda médiatique. Elle permet d'inverser l'initiale asymétrie de la relation de communication. Le regard-caméra continu et appuyé des militants se revêt de deux enjeux. D'une part, sa pleine revendicationque cela soit par le groupe entier ou par l'individu seul mais porté et soutenu par le groupe -se charge d'une efficacité symbolique permettant de transformer la vulnérabilité en force. D'autre part, le regard-caméra devient intégratif dans une relation de communication explicitement présentée. Dans cette démonstration dramaturgique, l'incorporation à la performance de témoins-oculairesjournaliste et téléspect-acteur -les place au centre de la narration du rite médiatique et les contraint à ne pouvoir nier d'avoir « reçu des messages incarnés » (Goffman, 1963, pp. 16-17). Si ces nouveaux rites commencent à apparaître avec la mobilisation contre les boues rouges, ils se confirment de façon manifeste dans le paysage politique insulaire avec l'occupation de la cave viticole d'Aleria en 1975 et la création du Fronte di liberazione di a Corsica (FLNC) en 1976. Face à « l'incertitude sociale » et « l'angoisse d'incomplétude » [START_REF] Arjun | Géographie de la colère : la violence à l'âge de la globalisation[END_REF], la période se revêt d'une certaine liminalité à mesure où l'étape de reconnaissance de la revendication identitaire glisse progressivement d'une défense de la périphérie à un véritable clivage centre-périphérie [START_REF] Jean-Claude | Le clivage centre-périphérie dans la perspective de la construction européenne[END_REF]. La victoire inédite des nationalistes aux élections territoriales de 2015 s'est engagée comme la dernière étape de cette reconnaissance avec une décentralisation politique essentielle au processus [START_REF] Bertrand | Le développement politique[END_REF]Rokkan et Urwin, 1982 ;[START_REF] Daniel-Louis | Les partis autonomistes[END_REF][START_REF] Mény | Politique comparée. Les démocraties[END_REF]. Les cinq décennies passées ont donné naissance à plusieurs générations de militants. Cette scène contestataire, réunissant parfois toute la population, s'est affirmée à travers le temps comme un processus de restructuration de l'ordre social.

UN ÊTRE SOCIAL AUX ÉMOTIONS CONTAGIEUSES

Mais depuis 2015, la rue a progressivement été abandonnée au profit d'une prédominance des rites institutionnels ainsi que des technologies de l'information et de la communication. L'« autoreprésentation » par communication directe (Cepernich, Bracciale, 2019, p. 96) est devenue inhérente à la communication politique. Et l'amenuisement de l'hybridité des espacesréels et médiatiques -de participation ; croisé au bouleversement imposé par les dispositifs de distanciation physique mis en oeuvre pour circonscrire les cas de Covid-19, ont produit un affaiblissement de la société dont les cérémonies forment sa clef de voute. En effet, la pandémie, en tant que « fait social total » [START_REF] Durkheim | Les règles de la méthode sociologique[END_REF][START_REF] Marcel | Essai sur le don : forme et raison de l'échange dans les sociétés archaïques[END_REF], a bouleversé toutes les strates de la société. Une expérience vécue collectivement par une approche non pas empirique mais expérimentale [START_REF] John | Logic: The Theory of Inquiery[END_REF]. Elle a révélé les limites de corps politiques individualisés et ordonné une prédisposition à l'éclosion d'un « débordement » (Lordon, 2021), activée lors de l'entrée dans un « temps de résistances, de mobilisations et d'expérimentations » (Fassin, 2022, p.9). Nous le disions précédemment, la manifestation se donne à lire comme une micro-société. Et c'est en ce sens qu'elle constitue un laboratoire de recherche privilégié en matière de règles, de normes qui s'exercent et d'évolutions comportementales qui s'accomplissent. La pandémie a su démontrer que face au « désenchantement du monde » (Weber, 1919) et à la déritualisation de la société, les individus parvenaient à adapter leurs formes d'interaction aux contraintes sociales et spatiales afin de répondre au besoin de faire lien entre membres de leur communauté.

La mobilisation du mois de mars et d'avril 2022 dans le cadre de la mort d'Yvan Colonna a quant à elle poursuivi le processus de transaction visant à rétablir l'équilibre rompu. Sa mort s'est donnée à vivre par la société insulaire comme un « choc moral » [START_REF] James | The Art of Moral Protest: Culture, Biography, and Creativity in Social Movements[END_REF]. L'évènement a transfiguré la société insulaire dans un partage collectif d'une vie affective. Interruption de la vie quotidienne, interstice dans le temps et l'espace, la mobilisation a été la « prise en charge sociale et collective » (Clavandier 2013) de l'évènement, par laquelle le « rite piaculaire » -rite social et funérairea réaffirmé la solidarité des individus en tant que membres d'un groupe auquel ils se sont identifiés et qui ont imposé un « devoir » de deuil (Durkheim 1912, p. 568). Les cérémonies ont renouvelé la force collective et renforcé les liens. Le déclenchement émotionnel a transcendé la société. Il est majoritairement survenu par un sens du devoir collectif. Les émotions ont réifié la solidarité sociale et contribué à l'émergence de la conscience collective des interactions, ellesmêmes guidées par un ethos. Le renforcement de la moralité par le biais de rassemblements sociaux auxquels ils ont participé fournit un lien entre les sentiments réprimés et la libération de leurs émotions. La population a agi « tellement en dehors des conditions ordinaires de la vie » et en a eu « si bien conscience », qu'elle a ressenti la nécessité de se « mettre en dehors et au-dessus de la morale ordinaire. » (Durkheim 1912, p. 309) La déritualisation antérieurement à l'oeuvre a provoqué une prédominance à l'individualisme et au statut, là où les rites d'institution censés pleinement révéler un Corps politique ont finalement donné à voir une société du spectacle composée de Corps mortels. L'efficacité symbolique de la mobilisation induite par l'hyper-ritualisation a quant à elle ordonné une inversion. Les rites funéraires, supposés mettre en évidence un corps mortel, sont parvenus à élever un Corps hautement politique derrière lequel la société s'est spontanément réaffirmée. Les « hiérarchies de visibilité » (Dayan, 2012, p. 29) ont été bousculées, perceptibles par la fonction dramatique des participations. Les masques et les tenues généralement sombres sont apparus comme des manifestations de cet effacement de l'identité de l'individu. Et force est de constater, cette « symbolisation du soi universel » [START_REF] Jean | Dictionnaire des symboles[END_REF] se revêt d'enjeux sociaux à mesure où « l'interconnaissance est le principe même de l'appartenance » [START_REF] Jean-Pasquin | Performance de la culture et identité insulaire : l'exemple de la Corse[END_REF]. Comme l'indique Émile Durkheim, « l'emblème n'est pas seulement un procédé commode qui rend plus clair le sentiment que la société a d'elle-même : il sert à faire ce sentiment ; il en est lui-même un élément constitutif. […] C'est en poussant un même cri, en prononçant une même parole, en exécutant un même geste concernant un même objet qu'ils se mettent et se sentent d 'accord. » (1912, pp. 329-330)

CONCLUSION

Les deux périodes privilégiées ici révèlent une mutation des modes d'existence de la communauté culturelle lorsque celle-ci est au contact de la mondialisation. Si cette dernière intervient préalablement comme contexte en favorisant un sentiment d'incertitude, le passage à l'engagement la transforme successivement en un processus dont les effets de situation exercent une force dans le processus communicationnel. Face à l'affaiblissement des relations humaines et l'ébranlement de l'ordre social, le local résiste au global par l'affirmation de l'appartenance des membres au groupe et de la ritualisation de ses codes comportementaux.

Conjointement, la pandémie, la prise du pouvoir des talibans en Afghanistan ou la guerre en Ukraine avaient de nouveau témoigné d'une redéfinition du rapport de l'individu à l'Autre qui, par son environnement médiatique immédiat, devait accepter leur co-temporalité. Ainsi, le traitement de l'Autre périphérique ne pouvait s'extraire d'une telle logique pour devenir le sujet d'un « discours allochronique » (Fabian, 1983, p. 233) au sein d'une mobilisation qui concentrait sur elle « toute l'économie de l'attention » (Fassin, 2022) préalablement dans l'île, avant de s'étendre au-delà des frontières maritimes.

La mort d'Yvan Colonna a fait l'évènement politique par une synchronisation de l'annonce, de sa préfiguration mobilisatrice et de sa captation médiatique. Si l'analyse paraît sensible en raison de la contemporanéité du sujet, il convient de ne pas négliger le processus mémoriel en construction. Le storytelling à l'oeuvre en ce XXIème siècle -auquel ont participé autant les militants que les journalistes -a permis d'ériger Yvan Colonna en l'étendard d'une lutte. Ainsi, sa perte entrecroisée à un phénomène de déritualisationprépondérance à la technique, incapacité rituelle des politiques à la stratégie marketingont entraîné un besoin des individus de se réaffirmer en tant que communauté. L'expérience négative est transformée en expérience positive, passage donnant lieu à des moments d'euphorie grâce la spontanéité des performances. La mobilisation s'est donnée à vivre comme un rite de passage intergénérationnel maintenant ainsi la cohésion de la société et le renouvellement de l'effervescence collective.