Florence Allard-Poesi

Lorena B S Matos

Justine Massu

Not all types of nature have an equal effect on urban residents' well-being: A structural equation model approach

Keywords: Quality of life, structural equation modeling, urban green areas, urban nature, quality of life, well-being, WHOQOL-26

A growing amount of research shows a positive association between urban nature and urban residents' psychological and physical well-being and quality of life. With its focus on specific dimensions of well-being and reliance either on large-scale objective data sets or experimental and comparative designs, prior research does not explicitly address the relationships between the various types of urban nature as experienced by citizens and their overall well-being. The present research proposes a model for the potential influence of the perceptions of the type and characteristics of nature close to urban residences and citizens' well-being via their frequency of exposure to, and their activities in, nature. Using WHOQOL-26 as a measure of well-being and constructing or adapting measurements for the other variables, a questionnaire was designed and administered among a sample of 2,500 French urban residents. Psychometric tests, structural equation modeling, and mediation analyses were conducted on the collected data. The results show that: (1) The perceived characteristics of nature near urban residences have both direct and indirect influences on the psychological, physical, environmental, and resources-related dimensions of citizens' well-being; (2) Less domesticated nature-forests, fields, and scrubland-contributes to psychological well-being by favoring light or calm activities in nature, and to physical well-being by supporting exposure to nature. Such wilder nature is also positively associated with the perceived quality of urban residences; (3) Small spots of nature, located close to one's residence-a balcony, a patio, or a roof garden-make a similar but smaller contribution to well-being; (4) Domesticated nature-city gardens and parks-contribute marginally to the physical and resources-related dimensions of well-being.

These results complement past research on the perceived characteristics of nature by showing how nature, as experienced by urban citizens, refers to different vegetation spaces. They also invite urban planners and policymakers to acknowledge the positive association between "wilder" natural spaces and well-being.

Introduction

A growing body of research has underlined the potential benefits of exposure to nature for urban residents' mental and physical health and well-being (see [START_REF] Kondo | Urban green space and its impact on human health[END_REF][START_REF] Kuo | How might contact with nature promote human health? Promising mechanisms and a possible central pathway[END_REF][START_REF] Lee | Value of urban green spaces in promoting healthy living and wellbeing: prospects for planning[END_REF]WHO, 2016). Prior research [START_REF] Hunter | The impact of interventions to promote physical activity in urban green space: a systematic review and recommendations for future research[END_REF] has demonstrated that regular exposure to green or blue spaces (e.g., rivers and lakes) is associated with lower distress and anxiety [START_REF] Mitchell | Is physical activity in natural environments better for mental health than physical activity in other environments[END_REF][START_REF] Van Den Berg | Green space as a buffer between stressful life events and health[END_REF], cognitive relief and subsequent increased attention [START_REF] Kondo | Urban green space and its impact on human health[END_REF][START_REF] Kuo | How might contact with nature promote human health? Promising mechanisms and a possible central pathway[END_REF], the maintenance or renewed sense of self, opportunities for social relations (e.g., [START_REF] Bell | Seeking everyday wellbeing: The coast as a therapeutic landscape[END_REF][START_REF] Birch | Nature doesn't judge youhow urban nature supports young people's mental health and wellbeing in a diverse UK city[END_REF], and eudaimonic well-being [START_REF] White | Natural environments and subjective wellbeing: Different types of exposure are associated with different aspects of wellbeing[END_REF]. Partaking in physical activities in nature-from taking a stroll to cycling or running-is associated not only with lower anxiety and better cognitive recovery [START_REF] Lawton | The Relationship between the Physical Activity Environment, Nature Relatedness, Anxiety, and the Psychological Wellbeing Benefits of Regular Exercisers[END_REF] but also with reduced risks of cardiovascular or pulmonary disease and mortality [START_REF] Kondo | Urban green space and its impact on human health[END_REF][START_REF] Richardson | Gender differences in relationships between urban green space and health in the United Kingdom[END_REF]. Other studies have outlined that access to nature near one's place of residence can moderate the incidence of unequal socioeconomic conditions on quality of life (see [START_REF] Rigolon | Green space and health equity: A systematic review on the potential of green space to reduce health disparities[END_REF] for a review). For instance, [START_REF] Pope | Quality of and access to green space in relation to psychological distress: results from a population-based cross-sectional study as part of the EURO-URHIS 2 project[END_REF] showed that people living in deprived areas reported reduced risks of psychological distress if they could relax in or use green spaces for recreation near their homes. A large-scale study conducted by Olsen et al. (2019a) in 66 European cities demonstrated how a more even distribution of land in cities is related to reduced inequalities in life satisfaction. Overall, a growing number of studies argue that more even access to nature near urban residences may be associated with better citizen well-being, understood as including both mental and physical dimensions and subjective assessments of the home environment.

While past research has contributed to demonstrating empirically the association between urban green spaces or nature and urban residents' well-being, and provided theoretical explanations for it, such studies rarely consider the various types of nature and vegetation that urban spaces may host. With a few recent exceptions (e.g., [START_REF] Weber | Blooming alleys for better health: Exploring impacts of small-scale greenspaces on neighborhood wellbeing[END_REF] on green alleys; de Bell et al., 2020 on private gardens;[START_REF] Olsen | Which urban land covers/uses are associated with residents'mortality? A cross-sectional, ecological, pan-European study of 233 cities[END_REF] on different types of land cover; or [START_REF] Dzhambov | Does greenery experienced indoors and outdoors provide an escape and support mental health during the COVID-19 quarantine?[END_REF] on indoor and outdoor greenery), empirical research conducted on the effects of urban nature has focused on green spaces. Although such areas may include spaces of various sizes and types (e.g., recreational, sports or nature parks, see [START_REF] Wood | Public green spaces and positive mental healthinvestigating the relationship between access, quantity and types of parks and mental wellbeing[END_REF] and greatly contribute to urban residents' well-being and health, especially during crisis periods (see [START_REF] Poortinga | The role of perceived public and private green space in subjective health and wellbeing during and after the first peak of the COVID-19 outbreak[END_REF], they do not represent all types of nature from which urban residents may benefit. Green alleys, small spots of greenery such as plants on a balcony, a patio, or a roof garden, or flowerbeds in streets offer opportunities of contact with nature in urban areas and could be associated with well-being. Being able to characterize or specify at least the type of nature that urban citizens have access or can be exposed to near their place of residence, and assessing whether and how those types of nature are associated with increased well-being, could help researchers to deepen their understanding of the association between nature and well-being (see also [START_REF] Barnes | Characterizing nature and participant experience in studies of nature exposure for positive mental health: an integrative review[END_REF][START_REF] Bratman | Nature and mental health: An ecosystem service perspective[END_REF][START_REF] Sullivan | Gaia meets Asclepius: Creating healthy places[END_REF]. This focus on urban green spaces can be related to the research designs and methods used to investigate the association between urban nature and residents' well-being. On the one hand, most studies use objective indicators of urban nature presence measured through satellite imagery as a proxy for exposure [START_REF] Kondo | Urban green space and its impact on human health[END_REF], so small spots of greenery cannot be included. Those objective indicators usually measure the quantity or biodiversity (e.g., Maova et al., 2019) of urban green spaces at various distances from urban residences. When reported, the quality of those spaces is generally assessed by a technician (see [START_REF] Knobel | A systematic review of multidimensional quality assessment tools for urban green spaces[END_REF]. In those studies, neither the quality of the spaces as perceived by urban residents nor their actual exposure to them are considered. However, earlier studies showed that perceptions of security [START_REF] Lee | The health benefits of urban green spaces: a review of the evidence[END_REF][START_REF] Lee | Value of urban green spaces in promoting healthy living and wellbeing: prospects for planning[END_REF]WHO, 2017), cleanliness and maintenance [START_REF] Lee | Value of urban green spaces in promoting healthy living and wellbeing: prospects for planning[END_REF], aesthetics [START_REF] Kothencz | Urban green space perception and its contribution to well-being[END_REF][START_REF] Mccormack | Developing person-centred practice: nursing outcomes arising from changes to the care environment in residential settings for older people[END_REF][START_REF] Tomao | Exploring individuals' well-being visiting urban and peri-urban green areas: a quantile regression approach[END_REF], or the quality [START_REF] Gelder | Differences in adults' health and health behaviour between 16 European urban areas and the associations with socio-economic status and physical and social environment[END_REF][START_REF] Pope | Quality of and access to green space in relation to psychological distress: results from a population-based cross-sectional study as part of the EURO-URHIS 2 project[END_REF] of natural spaces influence visiting. [START_REF] Cleary | Changes in perceptions of urban green spaces are related to changes in psychological wellbeing: Cross-sectional and longitudinal study of mid-aged urban residents[END_REF] noted that subjective measurements of green spaces, their incidence on urban residents' exposure and activities in nature, together with their association with residents' health and well-being, still need more research.

On the other hand, a few experimental or comparative studies conducted on specific urban areas have investigated the association between specific characteristics of urban green spaces in terms of fauna and flora biodiversity or "naturalness," their perceived quality, and the psychological dimension of well-being (see [START_REF] Fisher | Perceived biodiversity, sound, naturalness and safety enhance the restorative quality and wellbeing benefits of green and blue space in a neotropical city[END_REF][START_REF] Meyer-Grandbastien | A step towards understanding the relationship between species diversity and psychological restoration of visitors in urban green spaces using landscape heterogeneity[END_REF]Southan et al., 2017;2018). Some of those studies indicate a preference for wilder or more "natural" spaces [START_REF] Grahn | The relation between perceived sensory dimensions of urban green space and stress restoration[END_REF] and an association between the perceived biodiversity of those spaces and psychological well-being [START_REF] Fisher | Perceived biodiversity, sound, naturalness and safety enhance the restorative quality and wellbeing benefits of green and blue space in a neotropical city[END_REF]. Those results invite us to deepen our understanding of how urban residents perceive urban nature and whether they differentiate between types of nature depending on their biodiversity, complexity, heterogeneity, or wildness.

Although experimental and large-scale studies contribute to our understanding of the relationships between the presence or specific characteristics of urban green spaces and specific dimensions of well-being, the literature, with some exceptions (e.g., [START_REF] Van Den Berg | Green space as a buffer between stressful life events and health[END_REF][START_REF] Gelder | Differences in adults' health and health behaviour between 16 European urban areas and the associations with socio-economic status and physical and social environment[END_REF], fails to address the variety of urban nature types and other well-being dimensions. While such a focus helps to disentangle the various mechanisms through which nature may contribute to well-being and health, it also leads to a partitioned view of well-being and of the person. Adopting a more comprehensive view-including not only the psychological and physical aspects but also how people see their immediate environment and the resources they have-may improve our understanding of the complex interrelationship between urban nature and residents' well-being. To capture the various dimensions of well-being that the presence of nature may possibly influence, this research adopts the comprehensive definition of well-being proposed by the World Health Organization (WHO): "an individual's perception of their position in life in the context of the culture and value systems in which they live and in relation to their goals, expectations, standards, and concerns. It is a broad-ranging concept affected in a complex way by the person's physical health, psychological state, personal beliefs, social relationships, and their relationship to salient features of their environment" (The WHOQOL Group, 1998). That definition includes not only the psychological and physical dimensions of well-being but also the quality of one's immediate environment and the different resources (in terms of finance, transport, information, or health services in particular) it offers.

The objective of this research is to deepen of our understanding of the association between various types, as perceived by the residents, of urban nature close to their homes and their well-being. It addresses the following questions: How are various types of nature, defined as perceived by urban residents, associated with their well-being? How are the perceived characteristics of those spaces related to the residents' well-being? To what extent are those associations mediated by exposure to and activities conducted in those environments?

Well-being, defined as a holistic concept, is a complex and dynamic phenomenon that is shaped and influenced by numerous factors, among which age, income, health, and sex have been demonstrated to have a significant impact (see [START_REF] Dolan | Do we really know what makes us happy? A review of the economic literature on the factors associated with subjective well-being[END_REF]. While integrating those factors, the current study draws on past research and proposes a model that accounts for the influence of both the type and perceived characteristics of nature near urban residences on citizens' well-being. A questionnaire assessing urban citizens' well-being via the WHOQOL-26, their frequency of exposure to nature, of more or less intense activities practiced in nature, and the type and characteristics of nature near their residences was administered among a sample of 2,500 French urban citizens in September 2020. Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) and mediation analyses were applied to test hypotheses and explore relationships among latent variables. This research contributes to past studies in several ways: (1) It shows that perceived urban nature implies different types of vegetation spaces (namely "undomesticated," "domesticated," and "proximity"), which are associated with different aspects of well-being;

(2) It establishes direct and indirect influence paths between nature and dimensions of wellbeing; (3) It confirms that the perceived characteristics, or quality, of nature close to residents' homes are strongly associated with their well-being. By outlining how undomesticated urban nature spaces contribute to the different dimensions of well-being, not just the psychological aspects, this research extends prior studies on the potential benefits of biodiversity and vegetation complexity.

The remainder of this article is organized around the following sections. Section 2 draws on past research to propose a theoretical framework modeling the influence of nature near urban residences on citizens' well-being. In Section 3, the variables and scales used to construct the questionnaire and the data collection method are detailed, then the various analyses completed to test the theoretical framework are described. Section 4 reports the results obtained from the SEM and mediation analyses. Section 5 discusses the contributions and limitations of the study.

Section 6 summarizes the study findings and highlights avenues for further research.

Theoretical analysis and model

Exposure to and activities practiced in, or in relation to, nature may contribute to urban residents' well-being in several ways. It may reduce harm related to urban nuisances -violence, perceived noise, and pollution hazards (see [START_REF] Markevych | Exploring pathways linking greenspace to health: Theoretical and methodological guidance[END_REF][START_REF] Wu | Greeness, perceived pollution hazards and subjective wellbeing : Evidence from China[END_REF][START_REF] Kondo | Urban green space and its impact on human health[END_REF], and so improve the perceived quality of urban residences. It can contribute to restoring emotional and cognitive capacities affected by an urban lifestyle. The presence of nature also offers urban dwellers opportunities to maintain or build physical, social, and even spiritual capacities (see [START_REF] Markevych | Exploring pathways linking greenspace to health: Theoretical and methodological guidance[END_REF][START_REF] Lachowycz | Towards a better understanding of the relationship between greenspace and health: Development of a theoretical framework[END_REF]. Those potential benefits of exposure and activities are dependent on the perceived characteristics of the spaces and, as recent research indicates, on the perceived types of nature-in terms of biodiversity and wildness-they host.

Exposure to urban nature

First, past research has shown how exposure to nature may restore psychological and physical capacities. Attention Restoration Theory [START_REF] Kaplan | The restorative benefits of nature: Toward an integrative framework[END_REF] proposes that at least five minutes' exposure to nature favors cognitive relief and improves cognitive performance. Stress Reduction Theory [START_REF] Ulrich | Stress recovery during exposure to naturaland urban environments[END_REF] assumes that exposure to the rich stimuli of nature can trigger physiological and emotional responses leading to reduced stress and anxiety, and enhanced relaxation (as measured by physiological indicators, see [START_REF] Kondo | Urban green space and its impact on human health[END_REF][START_REF] Kuo | How might contact with nature promote human health? Promising mechanisms and a possible central pathway[END_REF]WHO, 2016). Past research has demonstrated that even brief views of nature from home or while commuting can lead to more relaxed states and positive emotions. For instance, in a large-scale study on a representative sample of the English population, [START_REF] White | Natural environments and subjective wellbeing: Different types of exposure are associated with different aspects of wellbeing[END_REF] showed how a recent ("yesterday") visit is associated with positive emotions and the frequency of such visits is associated with eudaimonic well-being. Investigating in more depth the relationship between "nature dose," defined as the frequency, duration, and sometimes intensity of exposure to nature, research has shown that nature visits of at least 30 minutes per week are associated with lower risks of depression and high blood pressure [START_REF] Shanahan | Health benefits from nature experiences depend on dose[END_REF].

Weekly contact with nature of 120 minutes is associated with better reported health and wellbeing [START_REF] White | Spending at least 120 minutes a week in nature is associated with good health and wellbeing[END_REF], and repeated exposure of 30 minutes on consecutive days in a natural environment leads to higher restorative effects than the same exposure in a built environment [START_REF] Jones | Psycho-physiological responses of repeated exposure to natural and urban environments[END_REF]. Although that research is not focused on nature in residents' neighborhoods, it shows that exposure to nature is crucial for an urban population's cognitive, emotional, and physical well-being in a context where urbanization reduces opportunities for contact with nature and receiving a "nature dose" [START_REF] Cox | The impact of urbanisation on nature dose and the implications for human health[END_REF]. Such exposure is particularly important when experiencing negative life events (see the [START_REF] Poortinga | The role of perceived public and private green space in subjective health and wellbeing during and after the first peak of the COVID-19 outbreak[END_REF] study conducted during and after the pandemic lockdown in the UK) and distress [START_REF] Gelder | Differences in adults' health and health behaviour between 16 European urban areas and the associations with socio-economic status and physical and social environment[END_REF].

Activities in urban nature

Second, the presence of green spaces and nature in town provide opportunities for physical activities and social relationships that may consolidate or build physical and social capacities while improving the perceived quality of residents' environments. The benefits of more or less intense activities in nature are well documented. Experimental studies (e.g., walking in a forest vs. in an urban area without greenery) show that such activities trigger favorable physiological responses in the cardiovascular, anti-inflammatory, and immune systems, thus reducing risks of hypertension, obesity, and even cancer [START_REF] Kuo | How might contact with nature promote human health? Promising mechanisms and a possible central pathway[END_REF]. Through exposure to nature, regular physical activities in nature also reduce risks of anxiety syndrome, depression (see [START_REF] Mitchell | Is physical activity in natural environments better for mental health than physical activity in other environments[END_REF], and burnout [START_REF] Hyvönen | Profiles of nature exposure and outdoor activities associated with occupational well-being among employees[END_REF]. While partaking in activities in nature may also increase the risk of injuries, the benefits to the psychological and physical dimensions of well-being seem to outweigh the potential negative effects. Visiting green spaces also provides opportunities to maintain or build social relationships that may improve the perceived quality of neighborhoods, then of one's residence and resources, be they social or informational (see [START_REF] Kondo | Urban green space and its impact on human health[END_REF][START_REF] Markevych | Exploring pathways linking greenspace to health: Theoretical and methodological guidance[END_REF]. Based on past research, one may then hypothesize that the frequency of exposure to and activities in nature will be associated with the psychological, physical, and possibly resources-in terms of energy and social relationships-dimensions of well-being.

Perceived characteristics of urban nature

Third, those potential benefits depend on how residents perceive those nature spaces.

The mere presence of nature cannot guarantee that people will practice regular outdoor activities or be exposed to nature. The presence of blue and green spaces-even small spots of greenery such as house plants on a balcony-provides an opportunity for exposure to nature; an opportunity that people may or may not take. Prior work has indicated that, if present, green or blue spaces' perceived characteristics-including perceptions of security, cleanliness, maintenance (e. g., [START_REF] Lee | The health benefits of urban green spaces: a review of the evidence[END_REF][START_REF] Lee | Value of urban green spaces in promoting healthy living and wellbeing: prospects for planning[END_REF], aesthetics (e.g., [START_REF] Tomao | Exploring individuals' well-being visiting urban and peri-urban green areas: a quantile regression approach[END_REF][START_REF] Kothencz | Urban green space perception and its contribution to well-being[END_REF], quality [START_REF] Gelder | Differences in adults' health and health behaviour between 16 European urban areas and the associations with socio-economic status and physical and social environment[END_REF][START_REF] Pope | Quality of and access to green space in relation to psychological distress: results from a population-based cross-sectional study as part of the EURO-URHIS 2 project[END_REF], and cost (see WHO 2017)-influence visiting.

It is then hypothesized that those perceived characteristics may contribute to urban citizens' well-being in two ways: first, by indirectly increasing the frequency of exposure to, and activities in, nature if those characteristics are favorably assessed by urban citizens; second, by directly influencing urban citizens' perceptions of the quality of their residences' environment and the psychological dimension of well-being. In other words, a blue or green space perceived as being safe and of quality is more likely to favor restoration, relaxation, and a favorable perception of one's environment than a space perceived as being unsafe or of poor quality.

Types of nature

Finally, recent studies on objective and perceived biodiversity in urban green spaces have shown that visitors are able to perceive different levels of flora or bird biodiversity in green spaces, that such biodiversity is associated with their perception of the quality or naturalness of that green area (see Southan et al., 2017;2018 on vegetation biodiversity and[START_REF] Fisher | Perceived biodiversity, sound, naturalness and safety enhance the restorative quality and wellbeing benefits of green and blue space in a neotropical city[END_REF] on vegetation and bird biodiversity), and that those qualities are related to the perceived restorativeness of the site [START_REF] Fisher | Perceived biodiversity, sound, naturalness and safety enhance the restorative quality and wellbeing benefits of green and blue space in a neotropical city[END_REF] or the feeling of being connected to nature [START_REF] Southon | Perceived species-richness in urban green spaces: Cues, accuracy and well-being impacts[END_REF]. In investigating the incidence of different vegetation species (land cover composition) and heights (land cover complexity), [START_REF] Meyer-Grandbastien | A step towards understanding the relationship between species diversity and psychological restoration of visitors in urban green spaces using landscape heterogeneity[END_REF] showed that if visitors perceive diversity and complexity in land cover, only complexity defined as the presence of different heights of vegetation, e.g., woodland, shrubs, meadows, or flowerbeds, is associated with perceived restorative effects.

From those results it is hypothesized that urban nature spaces or spots, with varying biodiversity levels and visual complexity, may constitute different types of nature space and that the different types of nature will show different associations with well-being dimensions.

Further research is however needed to uncover what types of nature are associated with which dimensions of well-being.

Overall, frequency of exposure to and activities in nature are assumed to favor the mental, physical, environment, and possibly resources dimensions of well-being. Frequency is assumed to be associated with how the citizens perceive the characteristics of nature spaces (safety, maintenance, cleanliness, aesthetics, and facilities) near their residences and probably with their perceptions of the type of nature there. Moreover, those perceived characteristics are thought to have a direct influence on the psychological dimension of well-being and citizens' perceptions of the quality of urban residences. Finally, it is assumed that different types of nature have different influences on well-being, i.e., that their influence varies in terms of degree and dimensions of well-being, but the identification of those different types of nature needs to be explored. Figure 1 depicts hypothetical and exploratory influence pathways between the types and characteristics of nature near urban residences and their effects on citizens' wellbeing.

INSERT FIGURE 1 ABOUT HERE

Methods

Research design

Data were collected through a questionnaire designed to assess individual urban residents' well-being, their perception of the types and characteristics of nature close to their residence, and the frequency of residents' exposure to, and activities practiced in, that nature.

Control variables recognized as having a significant influence on individual well-being (age, health status, household income, and sex) complemented the questionnaire. SEM was chosen as the analytical strategy, as it allows the understanding of the influence of nature on urban citizens' well-being to be refined by identifying both direct and indirect effects between latent variables rather than their composite measures. Such effects reflect more correctly the relations between items and their constructs. Moreover, SEM has been acknowledged as a relevant approach for testing mediation, as it helps in controlling estimate biases and suppression effects [START_REF] Cheung | Testing Mediation and Suppression Effects of Latent Variables: Bootstrapping With Structural Equation Models[END_REF][START_REF] Mackinnon | Confidence Limits for the Indirect Effect: Distribution of the Product and Resampling Methods[END_REF]. Finally, SEM may be used not only to test the initial theoretical framework but also to explore in more depth the pathways from multiple independent variables to multiple outcomes [START_REF] Vanderweele | Invited commentary: Structural Equation Models and Epidemiological Analysis[END_REF]. In our research, that analytical strategy was used both to test prior hypotheses and to explore the relationships between the different types of, frequency of exposure to, and activities in nature, on the one hand, and well-being dimensions on the other.

Data collection and sample procedures

Questionnaires were made available to 72,000 participants in a panel established by MIS Group-a member of ESOMAR-between September 14th and September 25th, 2020 via an electronic platform. The participants lived in cities of high and intermediate density. A total of 3,122 people answered the questionnaire, and we used a final sample of 2,500 urban respondents aged over 15 years old, with a collective profile similar to that of the total French urban population in terms of age, sex, regional distribution, and income level for our research.

The quotas applied (age, sex, region of residence, and occupation) were taken from the 2016 census published by the French census bureau (Institut National de la Statistique et des Etudes Economiques, INSEE) for the population living in cities of high and intermediate density.

Following the Eurostat methodology, a town is considered dense if more than 50% of the population lives in the center. An urban center is defined by aggregates of 1 km² areas containing 1,500 or more residents each and totaling a minimum of 50,000 inhabitants. A town is considered to have intermediate density if more than 50% of its population lives in the center or in a cluster defined by aggregates of 1 km² areas containing 300 to 1,499 residents and totaling a minimum of 5,000 inhabitants. Table 1 shows the descriptive statistics and statistical means of the sample from which the data were collected.

INSERT TABLE 1 ABOUT HERE

Respondents were instructed to consider the previous week when answering the questionnaire and to report their personal experiences and feelings. They were also assured that there were no right or wrong answers and that their individual responses would remain confidential. In September 2020, when the data were collected, no lockdown or restrictions had been applied in France since June, when the first lockdown was lifted. Therefore, while we cannot be completely certain that the pandemic did not impact the results, the most obvious potential effect of the lockdown-that it may increase urban residents' need for contact with nature-can be reasonably excluded.

Variables

Outcome variable: Well-being

The French version of the WHOQOL-26 partially validated by [START_REF] Baumann | The WHOQOL-BREF questionnaire: French adult population norms for the physical health, psychological health and social relationship dimensions[END_REF] was used to measure well-being (e.g., "How much do you need any medical treatment to function in your daily life?"). The questionnaire included two additional items inviting respondents to assess how healthy they find the environment of their residence from the WHOQOL-100 ("How satisfied are you with your physical environment (e.g., pollution, climate, noise, and attractiveness)?" and "How concerned are you with the noise in the area you live in?").

Respondents were invited to answer on a 5-point scale (1 = not at all to 5 = an extreme amount; 1 = very dissatisfied to 5 = very satisfied; 1 = not at all to 5 = completely).

Independent variable: Nature near residences

A second scale was constructed to evaluate respondents' perceptions of the types of nature found in the immediate vicinity of their residence, i.e., that they could see from home or access in less than a 15-minute walk. The scale described 19 types of nature, including large green or blues spaces (e.g., forests, pastures, rivers, coasts, parks), intermediate areas (e.g., individual, roof, or public gardens), and small spots of greenery (e.g., isolated trees in the street, flower beds, plants on a patio or balcony). Using the 5-point scale (1 = not at all present, 5 = extremely present), respondents were invited to indicate the extent to which these different types of nature were present in the immediate environment of their residence.

Independent variable: Perceived characteristics of nature

Drawing on prior studies, a scale of ten items was designed to collect the respondents' levels of satisfaction (1 = not at all satisfied, 5 = very satisfied) with the safety, cleanliness, opening hours, signage, accessibility, maintenance, costs, aesthetics, and facilities (2 items) of these blue or green spaces.

Mediator: Frequency of exposure to nature

An additional scale was constructed to assess how often respondents had been exposed

to nature for at least 5 minutes in the previous week. The scale comprised seven types of nature: trees or woodland, views of natural elements near one's residence, a private garden, views of natural landscapes, house plants, pets, and representations of nature (e.g., pictures or movies, documentaries, or video games). While peripheral to the research interest, and in need of further investigation, the representation items were included to reflect recent research results showing potential but limited restorative benefits of exposure to "virtual" nature (Matthew et al., 2020;[START_REF] White | A prescription for "nature" -The potential of using virtual nature in therapeutics[END_REF]. The response options were standardized on a 5-point scale (1 = not this week, 5 = every day).

Mediator: Frequency of practicing activities in nature

Finally, a scale was devised to indicate how often respondents practiced activities in nature for at least 15 minutes in the previous week. The scale comprised nine types of activity in nature: meeting other people; practicing a cultural activity, e.g., reading or painting; observing nature; resting; gardening; lying down in nature or seeing it from a car or train; and practicing light, intermediate, or intense exercise. The response options were standardized on a 5-point scale (1 = not this week, 5 = every day).

Control variables

The sociodemographic characteristics were sex, annual household income (≤€10,999, €11,000-25,999, €26,000-40,999, €41,000-55,999, or ≥€56,000), age, and health status.

Respondents were asked whether they had any of the health problems among the 14 items listed in the WHOQOL-100 or any other health problems. Multiple responses were possible. Answers were coded as "Yes" if at least one illness was indicated and "No" if none were indicated.

Data analysis

As the factorial structure of the French version of WHOQOL-26 has not been established and psychometrically validated, and because the other measures in the questionnaire were created or adapted for this research, a two-step procedure was followed to analyze the data. First, psychometric tests were conducted on every variable to identify latent variables and define the set of items by best fit. Second, SEM and mediation analyses were conducted to test our theoretical framework and identify pathways between latent variables. Data analysis was completed using Rstudio (Version 4) software and the psych [START_REF] Revelle | psych: Procedures for Personality and Psychological Research[END_REF], lavaan [START_REF] Rosseel | lavaan: An R Package for Structural Equation Modeling[END_REF], paran [START_REF] Dinno | paran: Horn's Test of Principal Components/Factors. R package version 1[END_REF], and semtools [START_REF] Jorgensen | semTools: Useful tools for structural equation modeling[END_REF] packages.

Psychometric tests

The Mahalanobis distance criterion, measured using every item response except sociodemographics, led to 187 potential outliers being removed. Then, parallel analyses [START_REF] Jorgensen | semTools: Useful tools for structural equation modeling[END_REF], principal component analyses (PCA), and confirmatory factor analyses (CFA) using maximum likelihood estimations were conducted on each scale. Those analyses allowed assessment of the number of dimensions for each scale, removal of items with low (< .3) or similar loadings on different dimensions, identification of the items defining each dimension's best fit, and assessment of the fit of the final model with the data (see supplementary material, Table 2). A CFA was performed to validate the final model structure.

SEM

In conducting SEM, latent constructs for well-being represented dependent variables; the types and characteristics of nature identified as being close to urban citizens' residences were independent variables; and the frequency of exposure to and of activities practiced in nature were considered as mediators.

As the main objective of the study was to assess the potential association between the characteristics and types of nature near urban citizens' residences and the various well-being latent variables, control variables (sex, annual household income, age, and health) were not considered as potential confounders of the mediation pathways but as directly influencing wellbeing variables. Therefore, control variables were included in each structural equation. A first test of the model gave moderate fit indices, so the dimensions comprising only two items ("sports in nature" and "exposure to virtual nature") were removed from the final model, as we did not have theoretical certainties that those dimensions where exhaustively assessed with only two items [START_REF] Kenny | Data analysis in social psychology[END_REF].

Finally, mediation analyses were completed using the Monte Carlo procedure [START_REF] Bauer | Conceptualizing and testing random indirect effects and moderated Mediation in multilevel models: New procedures and recommendations[END_REF][START_REF] Tofighi | Monte Carlo Confidence Intervals for Complex Functions of Indirect Effects[END_REF] to identify potential mediation effects between the various characteristics of nature and well-being latent variables. Following that procedure, a mediation is full only if indirect components paths-measured as the product of the Beta coefficient of an independent variable on a mediator and the Beta coefficient of that same mediator on a latent variable-are significant (see Table 4 for results).

Following [START_REF] Hu | Cutoff criteria for fit indexes in co-variance structure analysis: Conventional criteria versus new alternatives[END_REF] suggestions on indices and cutoff criteria in covariance structure models, Chi-square (although this criterion is usually significant with large samples), comparative fit index (CFI), Tucker-Lewis Index (or non-normed fit index, NNFI), root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA), and standardized root mean residual (SRMR) were used to assess the fit of CFA and SEM models (see also [START_REF] Schreiber | Reporting structural equation modeling and confirmatory factor analysis results: A review[END_REF].

The fit indices are summarized in Table 2.

INSERT TABLE 2 ABOUT HERE

Results

Sample descriptive statistics

Table 1 reports the sample characteristics and mean levels of the four factors that assess well-being. Men and people aged 45-65 years old report higher levels of well-being, while lowincome populations and people living with health problems report lower levels of well-being.

In the supplementary material, Table 1 presents the means, standard deviation, and regression coefficients of control variables according to well-being dimensions resulting from the SEM analysis.

Measurement model testing

Well-being measured through the WHOQOL-26 comprises four dimensions contributing to 54% of the variance. The first dimension (Dim1, called "psychological wellbeing") comprises nine items that indicate the respondents' psychological well-being (e.g., to accept one's self and one's body; not to have negative feelings such as low mood, despair, anxiety, or depression; to enjoy one's life). The second dimension (Dim2, called "environment") comprises three items and is defined by the quality of the residence's environment: to live in a healthy place, to live somewhere where one is not disturbed by noise, and to be satisfied with one's residence. The third dimension (Dim3, called "physical wellbeing") comprises four items that describe respondents' perceived physical health (e.g., to have to take daily medication, to live with physical pain). The fourth dimension (Dim4, called "resources") groups four items that indicate respondents' level of satisfaction with how much finance, time, information, and energy they have for conducting their lives.

The measure of the types of nature near urban citizens' residences retained three dimensions that explain 65% of the variance. The first dimension (called "undomesticated") comprises four items-forests, roadsides, scrubland, and fields; this describes nature that is wilder or less domesticated than the two other dimensions. Indeed, the second dimension (called "proximity") comprises five items, including a balcony or a patio with flowers or vegetables, flower beds, roof gardens, and hanging baskets. The third dimension (called "domesticated") comprises three items defined by the presence of parks, city gardens, or playgrounds.

The frequency of exposure to nature measurement includes two dimensions explaining 58% of the variance. While a first dimension (called "exposure to nature") contains four items that refer to exposure to animals, house plants, a garden, or landscape views, the second dimension has only two items that describe exposure to virtual nature (called "exposure to virtual nature") through photos or films and video games. The frequency of activities practiced in or in relation to nature also contains two dimensions (called "activities in nature" and "sport," respectively) that distinguish between calm and contemplative activities-like resting, walking, fishing, observing nature, or practicing a light exercise such as yoga-and more intense exercises like biking or running.

Finally, the items that assess the characteristics of nature near respondents' residences represent one dimension only that contains all features: security, cleanliness, maintenance, aesthetics, opening hours, signage, accessibility, facilities (2 items), and costs. The final CFA conducted on all measurements after removing dimensions comprising only two items (exposure to virtual nature and sport) and including correlations between latent construct items shows satisfactory fit indices (see Table 3).

INSERT TABLE 3 ABOUT HERE

SEM testing

SEM was conducted considering the four well-being latent constructs as dependent variables, the three latent constructs describing the types of nature near urban residences and citizens' perceived characteristics of that nature as independent variables, and the frequency of exposure to and practicing of activities (light or contemplative) in nature as mediators.

Sociodemographic variables (i.e., sex, health status, age, and annual household income) were included in each regression equation to account for their potential influence on every well-being latent construct. 2).

Perceived characteristics of nature

The perceived characteristics of nature have a significant and direct influence on each well-being latent construct (see Figure 2a). That influence is also indirect not only for psychological well-being-as the characteristics of nature may increase the frequency of calm and contemplative activities therein, with a resulting contribution to psychological wellbeing-but also for the other constructs of well-being, as perceived characteristics influence the frequency of exposure to nature. This indirect influence on the latent constructs "environment," "resources," and "physical" dimensions of well-being via exposure to nature is however much lower than the direct contribution of these perceived characteristics on the latent constructs. For instance, a mediation analysis (see Table 4) gives standardized coefficients of .02 for the indirect influence of the perceived characteristics of nature on the physical construct of well-being via the frequency of exposure to nature and of .20 for the total influence (direct and via the frequency of exposure to nature).

INSERT FIGURES 2 ABOUT HERE

Types of nature

The types of nature near urban residences show varying influences on citizens' wellbeing (see Figure 2b). Both the "undomesticated" and "proximity" nature types significantly influence the frequency of contemplative or light activities and exposure to nature compared with the influence of the "domesticated" nature type. "Undomesticated" and "proximity" also have an indirect influence on the psychological construct of well-being via the frequency of contemplative or calm activities that such environments allow, with standardized coefficients of .05 and .03, respectively. A similar indirect effect of the "undomesticated" nature type is also observed on the "resources" construct of well-being via both the frequency of light activities practiced in nature and of exposure to nature. Finally, less domesticated nature contributes both directly and indirectly via the frequency of exposure to nature on citizens' perceived quality of the environment around their residences.

INSERT TABLE 4 ABOUT HERE

The contributions of the "proximity" and "domesticated" nature types to urban residents' well-being are also significant, albeit to a lesser extent. The "proximity" nature type favors both the psychological and the resources constructs of well-being in allowing light or calm activities. It also marginally contributes to the "physical" and the "environment" dimensions of well-being through the frequency of exposure to nature, with a standardized coefficient of .01. The significant influence of the "undomesticated" and, to a lesser degree, the "proximity" nature types on the psychological, environment, and resources dimensions of wellbeing should be contrasted with that of the "domesticated" nature type. While marginally influencing the perception of the quality of one's environment via the frequency of exposure to nature, the "domesticated" nature type mainly contributes to the physical and resources wellbeing constructs. The presence of parks and city gardens seems to favor physical well-being indirectly through exposure to nature but contributes directly to the perceptions of one's resources. Those last results should be interpreted with caution, as they may be influenced by the confounding effect of the location of public gardens and parks close to French city centers, where residences are also more expensive than in more peripheral areas.

Socio-demographics

As indicated in past literature, age, health, and income level significantly influence wellbeing (see Figure 2a and Table 1 in the supplementary material). While higher income favors all dimensions of well-being, living with a health problem has a negative influence on those same dimensions. Age is associated with higher levels of psychological well-being and people's perceptions of resources (in terms of time, finance, information, and energy): As people get older, they tend to have higher levels of psychological well-being and more favorable perceptions of resources.

Discussion

The research first aimed to assess the potential influence of the characteristics and types of nature near urban residences on the residents' well-being and, second, to explore whether different types of nature had differing effects on well-being. In sum, the study shows that, via the frequency of exposure to and/or of activities completed in nature, the perceived characteristics of nature both directly and indirectly enhance all dimensions of well-being. It also reveals that respondents distinguish nature types and that the different types of show different associations with well-being dimensions. A "wilder" type of natureand, to a lesser extent, nature in the more "nearby" form of a patio or a balcony-has a higher influence on well-being than city gardens or parks.

Research contributions

Past research on the potential influence of nature near citizens' residences on well-being has mainly investigated the association between nature and specific dimensions of well-being, such as its psychological (e.g., [START_REF] Mitchell | Is physical activity in natural environments better for mental health than physical activity in other environments[END_REF][START_REF] Pope | Quality of and access to green space in relation to psychological distress: results from a population-based cross-sectional study as part of the EURO-URHIS 2 project[END_REF][START_REF] Van Den Berg | Green space as a buffer between stressful life events and health[END_REF][START_REF] White | Natural environments and subjective wellbeing: Different types of exposure are associated with different aspects of wellbeing[END_REF][START_REF] Wood | Public green spaces and positive mental healthinvestigating the relationship between access, quantity and types of parks and mental wellbeing[END_REF] or physical [START_REF] Olsen | Which urban land covers/uses are associated with residents'mortality? A cross-sectional, ecological, pan-European study of 233 cities[END_REF][START_REF] Richardson | Gender differences in relationships between urban green space and health in the United Kingdom[END_REF] aspects, or between nature and quality of life (Olsen et al., 2019a). To our knowledge, the potential effects of nature on well-being as a comprehensive concept have not been investigated. In considering the psychological, physical, environment, and resources-related dimensions of well-being, this study allows a broader view of the potential influence of nature.

The majority of large-scale studies examining the relationships between nature and well-being use geographical and health census data. A few studies conducted on specific urban green spaces have assessed the influence of objective characteristics of such nature spaces on their visitors' perceptions and psychological well-being. Complementing past research, our study investigates urban citizens' perceptions of their close environment and well-being. That enabled the inclusion in the study of both urban green spaces and small spots of nature-such as house plants on a balcony, a patio, or a roof garden-that are generally excluded from empirical studies. This research contributes to past studies in three related ways. First, it confirms that citizens' perceptions of the characteristics of nature close to their urban residence are associated with mental and physical health benefits, both directly, by promoting relaxation, feelings of calmness, and psychological restoration (cf. [START_REF] Pope | Quality of and access to green space in relation to psychological distress: results from a population-based cross-sectional study as part of the EURO-URHIS 2 project[END_REF], and indirectly, by encouraging both exposure to nature and the practice of light or contemplative activities therein (cf. [START_REF] Mccormack | Developing person-centred practice: nursing outcomes arising from changes to the care environment in residential settings for older people[END_REF]. A natural environment close to one's residence that is perceived as safe, clean, well maintained, aesthetic, accessible, and well equipped is not only more likely to favor exposure to, or practice of, light activities but also to trigger or convey feelings of serenity, fulfillment, and relaxation which affect one's mental and physical well-being.

Advancing past research, this study shows how the characteristics of nature near urban homes contribute directly to citizens' perceived quality of their residential environment and to the various resources available to them. These results are consistent with the Olsen et al. (2019a) results showing that a more even distribution of land in cities reduces differences in quality of life by mitigating the negative impact of socioeconomic inequalities. Overall, the results indicate that the perceived quality of nature in residential settings is a fundamental ingredient in how French citizens perceive and assess both their immediate environment and, through a halo effect, the level of finance, time, and energy they possess.

Contrary to what was expected, the frequency of practicing light or calm activities in nature is negatively associated with the physical dimension of well-being. A possible interpretation of this result is that the items capturing the physical dimension of well-being mainly reflect diminished capabilities, such as having to take daily medication or having difficulty moving. In other words, physical difficulties may be amplified through movement, even gentle movement; more research is needed for a deeper understanding of this result.

Second, the study deepens our understanding of the association between the "nature of nature" and well-being. The recent research conducted by [START_REF] Olsen | Which urban land covers/uses are associated with residents'mortality? A cross-sectional, ecological, pan-European study of 233 cities[END_REF] outlines differing associations between various urban land types and uses and mortality rates in European cities.

Of particular interest is their finding that "wilder" green spaces such as forests, semi-natural areas, and wetlands were associated with lower mortality rates. Our study complements that prior research by revealing the contrasting effects of various larger and smaller urban natural spaces on exposure, activity, and well-being dimensions as experienced by urban citizens.

While indirectly confirming the positive association between a "wilder" or less domesticated nature and health, our study shows that wilder environments contribute to residents' well-being both directly and indirectly through the frequency of exposure to, and practicing of activities in, nature. With its heterogeneous stimuli-sounds, smells, and visual elements [START_REF] Kuo | How might contact with nature promote human health? Promising mechanisms and a possible central pathway[END_REF][START_REF] Meyer-Grandbastien | A step towards understanding the relationship between species diversity and psychological restoration of visitors in urban green spaces using landscape heterogeneity[END_REF]Southan et al., 2017;2018)-and higher biodiversity [START_REF] Mavoa | Higher levels of greenness and biodiversity associate with greater subjective wellbeing in adults living in Melbourne, Australia[END_REF], undomesticated nature is more likely than city parks or public gardens to favor contemplative or light activities, with their associated emotional and cognitive benefits.

Moreover, following past research (see [START_REF] Kondo | Urban green space and its impact on human health[END_REF][START_REF] Wu | Greeness, perceived pollution hazards and subjective wellbeing : Evidence from China[END_REF], one may hypothesize that undomesticated nature, if implying woodlands in particular, is more liable both to buffer or reduce urban nuisances-air or noise pollution, violence, and crime-and to increase the perceived aesthetics of the site. Those two aspects that may contribute to the observed increase in citizens' perceived quality of their urban home environment. These results are consistent with [START_REF] Grahn | The relation between perceived sensory dimensions of urban green space and stress restoration[END_REF] study demonstrating that urban citizens prefer "natural" (as opposed to more managed) urban green spaces.

Having a balcony, roof garden, or patio also favors contemplative activities and exposure to nature, although the observed associations are much weaker than those observed with undomesticated nature. As access to a small nature space, a balcony, or a patio can serve as a first shield against urban nuisances and provide opportunities to connect with nature, such small nature areas also increase real estate values, which may explain why their presence is associated with the resources dimensions of well-being.

Third, the city nature type-the presence of parks or public gardens-is marginally associated with the physical and resource-related dimensions of well-being. Both those associations and the absence of relationships with contemplative or light activities could be interpreted as resulting from the location and configuration of parks and city gardens in France.

Such spaces are generally small-compared with London parks, for instance-and highly frequented, thus making them less conducive to calm or contemplative activities. As city center residences are also more expensive in France, living near a park may also suggest that one has greater resources, i.e., higher income and easier access to information than when one lives in a peripheral urban area. Overall, the relationship between the presence of a park or city garden near one's residence and the physical and resources-related well-being dimensions should be interpreted with caution. Finally, the absence of association between that type of nature and the mental dimension of well-being are not inconsistent with Olsen et al.'s (2019b) conclusion that "pockets of green in and among urban developments may be insufficient to offset the adversity of living in dense residential and commercial environments" (p. 8).

In sum, this research reveals that not all types of urban nature have an equal effect on urban residents' well-being. While the characteristics of nature are associated with all dimensions of well-being, the presence of undomesticated nature near one's residence, or of a balcony or patio, seem to have more benefits for well-being than the domesticated nature of parks and public gardens. Theoretically, these results outline the need to distinguish among different types of urban nature when investigating their association with well-being. They highlight how undomesticated nature, probably because it offers higher levels of biodiversity and vegetation complexity, is more liable to reduce harm related to urban nuisances and contribute to well-being.

Limitations

This research has several limitations that need to be addressed in any further research.

The research applies SEM on cross-sectional data, so it cannot account for the passing of time needed to demonstrate causality. The use of time series data would be recommended in future research to show causal pathways from urban green spaces and nature to residents' well-being.

Second, the study uses a questionnaire, which may imply contamination effects between responses [START_REF] Bollen | Eight myths about causality and structural equation models[END_REF]. The questionnaire was available online in French, so we cannot guarantee that the observed associations are generalizable to people with low digital or French literacy. Further research could use observational data to investigate the effects of both objective and perceived characteristics of nature on well-being. Complementing large-scale studies, future research could focus on specific urban areas with various types of nature and assess their association with citizens' well-being. Third, data were collected during the pandemic, so we cannot be certain that, among other factors such as periods of drought of heatwaves, such circumstances do not increase urban residents' awareness of the potential well-being benefits of increased contact with nature.

However, this research indirectly confirms the findings of studies conducted before the COVID-19 crisis. We can therefore be reasonably confident that our results, though perhaps exaggerated by the pandemic, are not directly caused by it.

Finally, conducting in-depth interviews could deepen our understanding of why and how urban residents experience the various nature types identified in the study. In-depth interviews could also deepen our understanding of how past experiences and cultural backgrounds may lead urban residents to have different perceptions of the same type of nature.

Conclusion

To date, the associations between citizens' perceptions of nature types near their urban residences, the characteristics of nature, and residents' well-being-including mental, physical, environment, and resources-related dimensions-have not been investigated. This study models and assesses the influence of nature as perceived by urban residents and their well-being. The results show that:

1. The perceived characteristics of nature near urban residents are positively associated with all dimensions of well-being.

2. The presence of undomesticated nature-forests, fields, or scrubland-shows higher association with frequency of light activities and well-being benefits than city parks or public gardens.

3. The presence of a balcony, patio, or roof garden shows similar but weaker associations to those of undomesticated nature. 4. City parks or gardens are mainly associated with the resources and physical dimensions of well-being.

Though further research is needed, these results invite urban planners and policymakers to consider protecting existing wild natural spaces or to adopt a "close to nature" approach to the management of existing natural spaces.

Figures

  Figures 2a and 2b represent the final model, which explains at least 32% of the variance

Figure 1 :

 1 Figure 1: Hypothetical and exploratory influence pathways between the types and characteristics of nature near urban residences and their effects on citizens' well-being.

Figure 2a :Figure 2b :

 2a2b Figure 2a: Results of SEM path diagram with standardized Beta coefficients. Notes: (*) p < .05, (**) p < .01, (***), p < .001

Table 1 :

 1 Descriptive statistics and means of well-being

		n	%	Mean	sd
	Sex
	Men	1,092	47	3.64	.53
	Women	1,250	53	3.55	.52
	Age
	15-25	346	14.8	3.63	.44
	26-35	382	16.3	3.59	.55
	36-45	373	15.9	3.55	.56
	46-55	370	15.8	3.52	.57
	56-65	341	14.6	3.65	.53
	66-75	490	20.9	3.61	.49
	≥ 76	40	1.7	3.48	.44
	Annual household income
	(€)
	≤ 10,999	279	11.9	3.35	.56
	11,000-25,999	676	28.9	3.52	.51
	26,000-40,999	787	33.6	3.64	.51
	41,000-55,999	409	17.5	3.68	.50
	≥ 56,000	191	8.2	3.81	.47
	Health problems
	No	1,321	56	3.75	.47
	Yes	1,021	44	3.42	.53

Table 2 :

 2 Summary of models testing

		X²	df	p	CFI	NNFI RMSEA SRMR
	Stage 1: Measurement models fit
	Well-being: 4 latent constructs	1,153 158	<.001 .933 .919	.052	.043
	Nature type: 3 latent constructs	633	45	<.001 .951 .928	.075	.05
	Frequency of exposure to nature: 2	35.8 10	<.001 .993 .986	.033	.018
	latent constructs
	Frequency of activities in nature: 2	228	21	<.001 .962 .935	.065	.033
	latent constructs
	Characteristics of nature: 1
	dimension
	Final measurements' models	6,328		<.001 .902 .895	.041	.05
	Stage 2: SEM Model
	Final model	7,216 1,476 <.001 .962 .959	.041	.047

Table 3 :

 3 Means, standard deviations, correlations with confidence intervals, and Cronbach's alphas

	Variable	M	SD	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9	10


Katharina Haude
email: katharina.haude@cnrs.fr

Equational predications and nothing else? The case of Movima

1 Movima: general information This limitation for possessed nouns (which also applies to proper nouns) may be due to their referential reading, which is not a property of predication [START_REF] Frege | Ueber Begriff und Gegenstand[END_REF]; see also Launey 2004: 242;Kaufman 2018: 209). Similar restrictions in Nahuatl and Tagalog.

Verbs in DPs

• Any verb can be placed inside a DP.

• The verbal DP refers to the "external" (here: S or P) argument of the verb.

Valency decrease on verbs and nouns

In order for a DP to refer to the referent of the internal argument or to a possessor, a valencydecreasing operation is applied.

( The valency decrease is productive on all transitive verbs (Haude in press) and all possessable nouns.

Equational interpretation of basic clauses

To account for the exchangeability of verbs and nouns in different clausal slots, we can analyze all content words (N/V) as participant-oriented nominal predicates or as relative clauses ("the one who is/does …") (Haude 2019).

(  Movima basic clauses have the structure of equational predications

In support of an omnipredicativity analysis, there is evidence that content words in DPs are subordinate predicates [START_REF] Launey | Une grammaire omniprédicative: Essai sur la morphosyntaxe du nahuatl classique[END_REF][START_REF] Launey | The features of omnipredicativity in Classical Nahuatl[END_REF]: They can be negated independently. 3 What are the limitations to the all-equational analysis?

Nouns and verbs as distinct lexical categories

• Nouns can receive a possessor enclitic independently of their morphological shape. Verbs, in contrast, can only receive an "ergative" enclitic if they are overtly marked as transitive (by the direct or inverse marker).

• Some affixes can only be attached to nominal, but not to verbal bases: These can be characterized as verbalizers (in complement/adverbial clauses, the derived forms take the suffix -wa that nominalizes verbs).

(

Subordinate clauses

Complement and adverbial clauses

The predicate of a dependent (i.e. complement, adverbial) clause is overtly marked: nouns undergo reduplication ("state nominalization") and verbs take the suffix -wa ("event nominalization") [START_REF] Haude | Referring to states and events: subordination in Movima[END_REF]. The derived predicate is obligatorily possessed. Transitive verbs can additionally take their "absolutive" argument, as in a main clause. The derived forms never occur without a determiner, i.e. they cannot function as main predicates.

(  In subordinate clauses, the predicate denotes a state or event. There is no equational reading between the "absolutive" argument (in (39), alkaka:ye 'relative') and the predicate.

State/event negation

State/event negation is formed with a negative copula ka and the same nominalized structure as above.

( NEG.COP=DET find<DR>-NMZ.EVT=3PL.AB ART.PL ox=3PL.AB 'They didn't find their oxen.' (Lit. "Their finding their oxen was not.") [EAO_Alcanzar 007]  Negated clauses are copular clauses, but the subordinate clause itself is not equational (like complement/adverbial clauses)

Imperatives

Imperative formation of verbs (and nouns?)

The imperative is marked by a suffix indicating valency and voice. The suffix attaches directly to the verbal base, which does not bear valency/voice marking. Imperative forms cannot occur inside RPs (cf. also Kaufman 2009: 25 When the imperative suffix is attached to a noun, this leads to a dynamic reading:

3.4.2 Can the imperative tell us something about the origins of the system? [START_REF] Sasse | Nominalism in Austronesian: a historical typological perspective. Comments on Daniel Kaufman's "Austronesian Nominalism and its consequences[END_REF], Kaufman (2009: 24-25): Under the hypothesis that in omnipredicative systems, the original finite verbs have been replaced by oriented nominalizations (participles), imperative (and other non-indicative) forms are often old forms of predicates.

" [W]hen a language totally abandons finite verb forms, it is typically non-episodic forms that are retained even after complete restructuring. Among these, it is especially the imperative that is likely to survive as the last vestige of the former verbal paradigm." (Sasse 2009: 172) The Movima imperative suffixes are productively attached to verbal and nominal bases, from which they derive valency-and voice-marked imperative forms. What does this tell us?

• The imperative is derived by suffixes and does not seem to be particularly "old"

• Resultative forms (also used in instructions) are the most basic/unmarked forms of verbs • These unmarked/minimally marked forms can also occur in DPs • Are all "primitive" lexical bases in Movima nominal in nature? ( against a derivational "nominalization" hypothesis)

Conclusion

Movima is strongly "omnipredicative":

• All content words function directly as predicates of basic main clauses (there is no copula). • There is no change in meaning correlated with the "verbal" and "nominal" use. N some verbs (incl. incorporating ones) do not permit an equational reading due to orientation change

The system seems quite stable.

There is no sign of historical (morphological) nominalization.

There is no sign of nominalized (event-denoting) forms acquiring main predicate status.

  • spoken in Santa Ana del Yacuma, Beni Department, lowland Bolivia • linguistic isolate • ~400 hundred adult/elderly speakers, no L1 learners • fieldwork between 2001 and 2012 • annotated corpus of ~30 hours/130,000 words/26,000 clauses of spontaneous (nonelicited) oral discourse, mostly narrative texts

	(3) (11)	jayna jo'yaj [Ø] ??pa:pa=is majni		[kus	ney itila:kwa]
		DSC father_of=ART.PL my_offspring ART.M.AB DEF man arrive
		'(She) arrived already.' (Intended: "That man is the father of my children")	[LTC_020906_5 389]
	(12)	*pa:ko=us[--kas]
	dog=3M.AB--OBV:3N.AB 2.1.2 Intransitive clauses with nominal predicate (Intended: 'It is his dog.')
	(4)	bo	ja' juɬpa [is		maniwanra=is]
		REAS	just arrow ART.PL weapon=3PL.AB
		'... because their weapons (were) just arrows.'	[HRR_120808-602]
	(5)	bo	rey	rulrul[--as]	rey
		REAS	EPIST	jaguar--3N.AB EPIST
		'... because it (was) a jaguar.'	[PMP_HRR_etal_210908 169]
	(6)	jayna rulrul [Ø]
		DSC	jaguar
		'(He was a) jaguar already.'	[LYO_250808_2 170]
	(7) 2 Equational structures yey-na=us [is want-DR=3M.AB ART.PL chivé mo'incho]
		'He wanted chivé.'		[LTC_020906_5 381]
	(8)	man-na=us[--kas]
		shoot-DR=3M.AB--OBV:3N.AB
		'He shot it.'			[EGA_Sicurí 024]
	(9) Structure of a basic clause: che jayna sup-na=us and DSC tie-DR=3M.AB	[Ø]
	intransitive: PREDVintr/N 'And he tied (it) fast.'	([--* ARG])	[EAO_Jaguar 172]
	"transitive": PREDVtr=ARG (10) man-na=kus pa:pa=is ([--* ARG]) majni shoot-DR=3M.AB father_of=ART.PL my_offspring	[Ø]
		'The father of my children shot (it).'	* external cliticization only if pronoun [Vida en el chaco 076]
	2.1.1 Intransitive clauses with verbal predicate 2.1.4 Possessed nouns
	(1) Possessors are encoded like the internal argument of a transitive verb. A clause with a possessed jo'yaj [us komandante] arrive ART.M commander 'The commander arrived.' nominal predicate would have the same structure as a transitive verbal clause. But this is almost [LTC_020906_2 034] unattested (very rare cases in the corpus).
	(2)	jo'yaj[--us]	neyru
		arrive--3M.AB here
		'He arrived here.'		[EAO_120906_3 007]

2.1 Verbal and nonverbal predicates

• There is no copula.

• Any (common, unpossessed) noun can directly function as a predicate, with the same argument encoding pattern as that of an intransitive verb.

2.1.3 Transitive clauses with (direct) verbal predicates (inverse predicates are not treated here)

.2 ya:lo:we 'to drink/the drink' (32) ya:lo:we[--is] n

  Verbs derived in this way behave like ordinary intransitive verbs: They can function as predicates and occur in DPs.

	3.2.3 Verbs with incorporated argument
	(35)	a. loj-a:-'oj[--is]
		wash-DR-CL:cloth--3PL.AB
	Example -tik (verbalizer of typical activity): 'They do the laundry.'
	(29)	pono:-tik[--is], b. tatvo:seɬ	[is	te:lo[--is] loj-a-'oj-a=is	juyeni]
		drum-VBZ--3PL.AB dance--3PL.AB fall_down ART.PL wash-DR-CL:cloth-LV=ART.PL person
		'They played the drum, they danced.' 'The laundry of the people fell down (from the line).' [HRR_120808-tigregente 544]
	(30)  loj-a'-oj--is is not equational ('they are launderers/laundry') che [is jema' pono:-tik]
		and ART.PL also	drum-VBZ
	'and those who also play the drum' To refer to a launderer, the agent nominalizer -pa (which indicates a habitual activity) has to [ERM_140806_1 0819-20]
	be used.
	(36)	kiro'	[kis	de<ja~>jal], kiro'
	3.2 Lexical exceptions to the equational interpretation DEM.PL.AB ART.PL.AB cook<MD~> DEM.PL.AB
		[kis	loj-a-'oj-pa]
	ART.PL.AB wash-DR-CL.cloth-NMZ.AG 3.2.1 chonsineɬ 'language/speak a language' 'There are (people who) cook, there are launderers.'	[EAO_Asilo 020]
	(31)	a. chon-sineɬ[--is]
		real-sound--3PL.AB
		'They speak the native language.'
		b. as		chon-sineɬ
		ART.N.PST real-sound
		'the/a native language' (not: 'speaker of the native language')
	 chonsineɬ--is is not an equational clause ("they are native languages") (cf. Evans & Osada
	2005; Haude 2009)
	3.2-is	pokso
		drink--3PL.AB OBL-ART.PL chicha
		'They drank chicha.'		[HRR_120808-tigregente 547]
	(33)	rimeɬ-'i [kis		ya:lo:we]
		buy-RES ART.PL.AB drink
		'The drinks were bought.'	[GCM Bacho 082]
	(34)	isko	ya:lowe=is
		PRO.PL	drink=3PL.AB
	28)	Verbalizers (exclusively on nouns): 'That was what they drank.'	[TX_Erlan Rojas 295]
		-tik	VBZ	'to carry out the typical activity involving N'
	-maj  ya:lo:we--is is not equational (cannot be interpreted as 'They are drinks/drinkers.') LOC 'to be in/on N'
		-na	DIR	'to go to N (place noun)'
		-ni	PRC	'to be/become N'
		<~CV> NMZ.ST 'being N'
		FOOT~ POSS 'to have N'

  for Tagalog).

	(43)	matpit-ki	che mas-ti	'nes	ma'a
		unwrap-IMP.INTR and beat-IMP.TR ART.F	lady
		'Get untied (i.e. take off your belt) and beat the lady!'	[JGD_130907-01 190]
	If the verb base is semantically bivalent, both imperative affixes can be used:
	(44)	a. matpit-ti	'Unwrap it!'
		b. mas-ki	'Beat yourself/each other!'
	Monovalent bases can only take the suffix -ki. Valency/voice morphemes are dropped.
	(45)	a. joy-cheɬ	'go' (go-R/R)
		b. joy-ki	'Go!' (go-IMP.INTR)
	(46)	a. iwa:ni	'talk'
		b. iwani-ki	'Talk!'

  • Content words in DPs are subordinate predicates. • Predicates characterize the participant in a state/event.

	Construction	Equational? Comment
	basic clauses	Y	except for lexical restrictions
	topicalization	Y	due to pronominal copula; open for all lexical
			classes
	negation	Y	negative copula ('X is not')
	imperatives	(Y)	but only in main predicate function
	complement/adverbial	N	predicate denotes event/state: no equational
	clause		reading
	lexical exceptions

 (47)pokso-ki chicha-IMP.INTR 'Make chicha!' [ERM_150806 299]

 Is this an effect of the verbalizing suffix -tik 'typical activity' (see ( 29)), realized as zero?

The suffix -tik is also "dropped" before other suffixes, e.g. nominalizers:

(48) a. pokso-tik chicha-VBZ 'to make chicha'