Erwan Weckenmann
email: erwan.weckenmann@univ-rennes1.fr

Laurent Bramerie

Mathilde Gay

Diego Pérez-Galacho

Frédéric Boeuf

Lucas Deniel

Delphine Marris-Morini

Christophe Peucheret

Frequency Chirp Characterization of Silicon Ring Resonator Modulators

Keywords: Frequency chirp, intensity modulation, optical communications, phase modulation, ring resonator modulator, silicon photonics

The frequency chirping properties of silicon ring resonator modulators (RRMs) are experimentally investigated under sinusoidal modulation. The modulated electric field at the output of an RRM is measured in the time domain thanks to a coherent detection system. The power and phase waveforms are then analyzed in terms of their temporal phase and amplitude for different wavelength detunings between the optical source and the resonance and for different modulation frequencies. The evolution of the frequency chirp, described through a peak-topeak chirp parameter, is quantified as a function of wavelength detuning and modulation frequency for the first time.

I. INTRODUCTION

S ILICON ring resonator modulators are promising devices for short-distance optical communication systems thanks to their compactness, energy efficiency and low cost. Their resonant nature enables highly-efficient intensity modulation (IM) [START_REF] Witzens | High-speed silicon photonics modulators[END_REF]. Short-distance systems based on direct-detection, such as the inter data center links that are the objects of significant interest at the present time, can reach transmission lengths exceeding 80 km over standard single-mode fibers that are dispersive at 1.5 µm [START_REF] Krause Perin | Data center links beyond 100 Gbit/s per wavelength[END_REF]. The frequency chirp properties of RRMs are therefore of high importance for such applications, since the chirp can interact with dispersion and reduce the transmission length. However, frequency chirping in RRMs has been the object of only very few studies so far. The chirp parameter of silicon RRMs has been evaluated thanks to numerical models based on the applied voltage-induced variations of the transmission and phase of micro-resonator transfer functions calculated using either the temporal coupledmode theory [START_REF] Wang | Silicon microring modulator for dispersion uncompensated transmission applications[END_REF] or a scattering matrix approach [START_REF] Dubray | Simulation and measurements of chirp penalties for silicon ring resonator modulators[END_REF]. The dependence of the chirp on the modulation frequency and on the laser-resonance detuning has however not been fully assessed. Some preliminary experimental characterizations based on measurements of the instantaneous variations of the frequency using an interferometer have been presented in [START_REF] Chaibi | Multiple-band OFDM transmission exploiting the frequency chirping properties of silicon ring-resonator modulators[END_REF].

The impact of the frequency chirp could also be observed from measurements of the small-signal frequency responses of dispersive direct-detection channels [START_REF] Dubray | Simulation and measurements of chirp penalties for silicon ring resonator modulators[END_REF], [START_REF] Chaibi | Multiple-band OFDM transmission exploiting the frequency chirping properties of silicon ring-resonator modulators[END_REF]. However, a comprehensive investigation of the frequency chirping properties of silicon RRMs is, so far, still lacking. We have recently reported a preliminary frequency chirp characterization of a silicon RRM where the dependence of the frequency chirp on the wavelength detuning between the laser source and the resonance and on the modulation frequency has been highlighted [START_REF] Weckenmann | Comprehensive frequency chirp characterization of silicon ring resonator modulators[END_REF]. In this work, we complement the results of [START_REF] Weckenmann | Comprehensive frequency chirp characterization of silicon ring resonator modulators[END_REF] by providing a new analysis of the frequency chirping properties of silicon RRMs by comparing the relative phases between the emitted power and instantaneous frequency waveforms as well as their amplitudes under sinusoidal modulation. Both waveforms are measured in the time domain thanks to a coherent detection system and are then compared to a numerical model, showing a good qualitative agreement. The chirp parameter is then calculated for different wavelength detunings and modulation frequencies.

II. RRM AND FREQUENCY CHIRP CHARACTERIZATION

The considered RRM makes use of a standard all-pass configuration with a carrier-depletion based phase-shifter implemented as a lateral PN junction in the ring waveguide. It is known that an over-coupled RRM can give rise to an effective negative α chirp parameter, which is beneficial for transmission over positive (D parameter) dispersion fiber [START_REF] Wang | Silicon microring modulator for dispersion uncompensated transmission applications[END_REF]. Our study is therefore restricted to an over-coupled RRM. The modulation depth depends on the total Q-factor of the resonance, which is determined by the self-coupling coefficient σ of the directional coupler and the round-trip field loss a in the ring waveguide. The electric field E out at the output of the all-pass port of the RRM can be obtained from the input electric field E in according to

E out E in = σ -ae -jϕr 1 -σae -jϕr (1)
where ϕ r is the phase shift accumulated over the ring waveguide length. In what follows, the dynamics of the RRM is simulated according to the model proposed in [START_REF] Sacher | Dynamics of microring resonator modulators[END_REF], in order to estimate the frequency chirp of the studied RRM. The plasma dispersion effect is responsible for the desired modulation of ϕ r as well as spurious modulation of the attenuation a [START_REF] Soref | Electrooptical effects in silicon[END_REF].

Both effects are taken into account in the model. The RRM used for the experimental characterization has a radius of 20 µm and a Q-factor of 3 × 10 4 in the absence of applied voltage. This RRM is fabricated from rib waveguides of 400-nm width and 150-nm etching depth for a 310-nm total silicon height. The doping concentrations of the P doped and N doped regions are 5 × 10 17 cm -3 and 10 18 cm -3 , respectively [START_REF] Marris-Morini | A 40 Gbit/s optical link on a 300-mm silicon platform[END_REF]. Fig. 1 shows static transfer functions of the RRM measured using a tunable continuous wave (CW) laser source and a power meter when different direct current (DC) voltage values are applied to the phase shifter. The PN junction tolerates applied voltage values between 0 V and -14 V without generating current flows that could otherwise induce a significant thermal contribution to the induced phase shift and resulting detuning. The optical power of the CW source is limited to -5 dBm in order to avoid nonlinear effects in silicon that could make the intensity transfer function asymmetric on both sides of the resonance frequency [START_REF] Uesugi | Investigation of optical nonlinearities in an ultra-high-Q Si nanocavity in a two-dimensional photonic crystal slab[END_REF]. The optical wave is injected at the input of the RRM and retrieved at the output vertically thanks to grating couplers. Coupling and loss parameters are then retrieved for this ring at each applied voltage by fitting the corresponding static transfer functions with equation ( 1), as shown in Fig. 1. The extracted values of σ and a are then used in the dynamical model.

In the following, we will characterize the frequency chirp of the RRM from the common definition of the chirp parameter

α(t) = dϕ(t) dt 1 2P (t) dP (t) dt , (2)
which describes the relation between the IM and the phase modulation (PM) at the output of an electro-optic modulator [START_REF] Koyama | Frequency chirping external modulators[END_REF]. ϕ(t) and P (t) represent the optical phase and power, respectively, at the output of the RRM. In order to fully characterize the frequency chirp of the RRM, the variations of the amplitude and the phase of the electric field of the modulated signal have to be measured for a given detuning between the wavelength of the CW laser source (λ s ) and that of the resonance (λ 0 ), at a given bias voltage. The wavelength detuning is defined according to ∆λ = λ s -λ 0 . The frequency chirp also needs to be characterized as a function of modulation frequency. For this purpose, the coherent heterodyne setup represented in Fig. 2 is used. A radio frequency oscillator (RFO) generates a sinusoidal voltage with a peak-to-peak amplitude of 1 V at a chosen modulation frequency, which is applied to the phase-shifter of the RRM with a DC bias voltage of -7 V added using a bias tee. These voltage values are used for every set of parameters in the following characterization. The modulated optical wave is amplified using an erbiumdoped fiber amplifier (EDFA), then filtered using an optical band-pass filter (OBPF) to suppress out-of-band spontaneous emission noise, and finally input to a coherent front-end together with a CW signal generated by a local oscillator (LO) laser. A polarization controller (PC) is used to align the polarization state of the CW source with the polarization mode of the RRM waveguides, and another PC is used to align the polarization state of the modulated wave with that of the LO. The coherent receiver front-end is made of a 90-degree hybrid and balanced photodiodes with 25-GHz bandwidth. The linewidths of the signal and LO CW lasers are both equal to 100 kHz. The carrier frequency offset (CFO) between the LO and signal is kept below 300 MHz. The detected in-phase and quadrature components are then sampled at 100 GS/s in a realtime sampling oscilloscope with 33-GHz bandwidth. The real and imaginary parts of the modulated electric field envelope can then be recovered after digital CFO compensation. In order to remove out-of-band noise, which would result in noisy amplitude and phase waveforms, in turn resulting in unreliable estimates of the derivatives in equation ( 2), the carrier and firstorder modulation sidebands of the recovered field envelope are digitally filtered with Gaussian bandpass filters with full-width at half-maximum bandwidth of 10 MHz, as shown in Fig. 3. Second-order harmonics can also be observed in Fig. 3(a) in the modulated signal power spectrum retrieved by the coherent receiver for a detuning of ∆λ = +20 pm. Nevertheless, the measured power ratio between first-order and second-order sidebands is sufficiently large (i.e. 8 dB at ∆λ = +20 pm and more for other detunings) so that the effect of harmonics on the measured waveforms can be neglected.

III. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION

The frequency modulation (FM) waveform defined as

∆ν(t) = 1 2π dϕ(t) dt
is compared to the power waveform in order to understand the chirp behavior. Fig. 4(a) and (b) show the measured frequency and power waveforms at a modulation frequency of 1 GHz for detunings of ∆λ = ±40 pm. In order to compare the IM-FM time phase shift for opposite detunings, the power waveforms are manually put in phase, as shown in Fig. 4(b), which enables a comparison of the FM waveforms in Fig. 4(a). Firstly, a π difference is observed between IM-FM phase shifts measured for opposite detunings, which results in opposite waveforms, directly impacting the sign of the chirp parameter. The same behavior can be observed for other modulation frequencies and detunings, as shown in Fig. 4(c).

A simple analysis under small-signal sinusoidal modulation of the chirp parameter defined according to equation [START_REF] Krause Perin | Data center links beyond 100 Gbit/s per wavelength[END_REF] shows that, unless the phase shift between IM and FM is equal to π 2 , α(t) diverges with a period of 1/2f m , where f m is the modulation frequency. The IM-FM phase shift being different π 2 according to Fig. 4(c), such a divergent behavior is expected. Indeed, Fig. 5 confirms that the α parameter, represented here for detunings of ±60 pm at a modulation frequency of 5 GHz, presents two divergent branches per period of the modulating signal. In order to circumvent difficulties associated with the divergent nature of the instantaneous chirp parameter α(t), a new chirp metric that is based on the amplitudes of the variations of the phase and power waveforms, independently of their relative phase, is introduced [START_REF] Wang | Silicon microring modulator for dispersion uncompensated transmission applications[END_REF], [START_REF] Cartledge | Comparison of effective α-parameters for semiconductor Mach-Zehnder optical modulators[END_REF]. The peak-to-peak chirp parameter α c is defined as

α c = 2 max [ϕ(t)] -min [ϕ(t)] ln(max [P (t)]) -ln(min [P (t)]) . (3)
Fig. 6(a) and (b) show the measured and calculated peak-topeak chirp parameter, respectively, as a function of modulation frequency for detunings of ∆λ = ±20 pm, ±40 pm and ±60 pm. The α c parameter shows different values for opposite detunings. This is mainly due to different modulation efficiencies, as seen on the different sinusoid amplitudes, for opposite detunings in Fig. 4(b). This is caused by the loss modulation of the cavity, leading to an asymmetric modulation depth with respect to the resonance wavelength [START_REF] Lengle | Modulation contrast optimization fo wavelength conversion of a 20 Gbit/s data signal in hybrid InP/SOI photonic crystal nanocavity[END_REF]. Furthermore, it can be seen from both measurements and simulations that the α c parameter has higher variations with the detuning value at low frequencies. Then, for a given detuning, α c remains rather constant at low frequencies and starts to decrease at high modulation frequencies.

In order to understand these tendencies, the peak-to-peak power and phase can be analyzed separately. Fig. 7(a) represents S 21 measurements obtained from a vector network analyzer for different detunings. At low frequencies, the S 21 parameter, or equivalently the peak-to-peak power representing the denominator of equation ( 3), decreases as the absolute value of the detuning increases, which is expected as the larger the detuning the smaller the modulation depth. Moreover, for a given detuning, the S 21 parameter remains rather constant until a resonance effect is observed when the modulation frequency is equal to the detuning. This effect, due to asymmetric sideband generation, was also observed and described in [START_REF] Müller | Optical peaking enhancement in high-speed ring modulators[END_REF] and corresponds to the case where one modulation sideband is almost suppressed since it matches the resonance frequency. At high frequencies, all S 21 parameters decrease because of the electro-optic bandwidth limitation of the modulator. Besides, the peak-to-peak phase retrieved from the electric field measurements in the time domain, representing the numerator of equation ( 3) is shown in Fig. 7(b) and decreases with the modulation frequency. This behavior emphasizes even more the decrease tendency of the α c parameter with the modulation frequency. Fig. 8(a) and (b) show the measured and simulated peak-topeak power and peak-to-peak phase as a function of detuning for a modulation frequency of 1 GHz. The range of detuning between ∆λ = -5 pm and ∆λ = +5 pm is excluded from the experimental characterization since the modulation is no longer linear, nor efficient, over this range due to the proximity between the resonance wavelength and the source wavelength.

The measured peak-to-peak power shows high variations compared to the measured peak-to-peak phase for absolute values of the detuning between 20 pm and 40 pm, which confirms predominant impact of the peak-to-peak power on the α c parameter in this range of detunings. Fig. 8 also shows that quantitative differences of the chirp between measurements and simulation low frequencies essentially come from the peak-to-peak power contribution. The difference can be due to several approximations in the such as the electrical properties and the carrier that are not which could the modulation depth and therefore the RRM's bandwidth. Also, the coupling losses are not known and are considered as negligible. The full dependence of α c on wavelength detuning and modulation frequency is then measured and simulated, as shown in Fig. 9. It can be seen that the highest α c values are obtained at modulation frequencies (i.e. 1 GHz for this RRM) and at relatively high detunings (i.e. ∆λ = ±70 pm for this RRM). The previous observations concerning the evolution of α c as a function of the modulation frequency and the detuning independently are valid for any couple of these two parameters, in a modulation frequency range from 0.5 GHz to 10 GHz, and a wavelength detuning range from -80 pm to +80 pm.

IV. CONCLUSION

The frequency chirping properties of a silicon RRM have been experimentally and numerically characterized by studying the relative phases and peak-to-peak values of the modulated power and phase waveforms under sinusoidal modulation. The temporal phase relations between IM and FM show a π difference for opposite detunings and different values as a function of the wavelength detuning and the modulation frequency, leading to a divergent behavior of the commonly defined chirp parameter as a function of time. Thus, the frequency chirp was also quantified using a peak-to-peak chirp parameter metric. The strong dependence of the chirp parameter on the wavelength detuning and on the modulation frequency was analyzed from both measurements and simulation, from which a good qualitative agreement was obtained. This study shows that the chirp parameter has higher values at low frequencies and high detunings and is mostly influenced the peak-to-peak power contribution. This comprehensive investigation provides, for the first time to our knowledge, a better understanding of the peculiar frequency chirping properties of silicon RRMs, which can be used in order to optimize their utilization in high-speed communication applications.

Fig. 1 .

 1 Fig. 1. Measured static transfer functions of the RRM for different applied DC voltages (solid lines). The dashed black line represents a fit of the static transfer function according to equation (1) for a DC voltage of 0 V. The wavelength detuning ∆λ = -10 pm between source and resonance wavelengths at -7 V corresponds to where the maximum modulation depth is obtained.

Fig. 2 .

 2 Fig. 2. Experimental setup. CW: continuous wave. PC: polarization controller. DC: direct current. RFO: radio frequency oscillator. EDFA: erbium-doped fiber amplifier. OBPF: optical bandpass filter. PD: photodiodes. ADC: analogto-digital conversion. DSP: digital signal processing.

Fig. 3 .

 3 Fig. 3. (a) Power spectrum of the sampled recovered electric field corresponding to a signal modulated at 1 GHz for a detuning value of +20 pm. The grayed areas represent the filtered frequencies where ∆f = 10 MHz is the filter bandwidth. (b) Recovered power waveforms before (blue line) and after (red line) filtering.

Fig. 4 .

 4 Fig. 4. Measured (a) instantaneous frequency and (b) power waveforms for detunings of -40 pm and +40 pm at a modulation frequency of 1 GHz. (c) Measured and simulated IM-FM phase shift as a function of the modulation frequency for different detunings.

Fig. 5 .

 5 Fig. 5. Chirp parameter as a function of the number of time periods of the modulation signal for detunings of -60 pm and +60 pm at a modulation frequency of 5 GHz. The markers represent the chirp parameter retrieved from the measured samples. The solid lines represent the simulated chirp parameter.

Fig. 6 .

 6 Fig. 6. (a) Measured and (b) simulated αc parameter as a function of the modulation frequency for detunings of ±20 pm, ±40 pm, and ±60 pm.

Fig. 7 .

 7 Fig. 7. (a) S 21 frequency response measurements for different detunings. (b) Measured peak-to-peak phase as a function of modulation frequency for different detunings.

Fig. 8 .

 8 Fig. 8. (a) Measured and (b) simulated peak-to-peak power (IM amplitude) and peak-to-peak phase (PM amplitude) as a function of detuning for a modulation frequency of 1 GHz.

Fig. 9 .

 9 Fig. 9. αc parameter retrieved from (a) measurements and (b) simulation.

Authorized licensed use limited to: Universite de Rennes 1. Downloaded on June 03,2022 at 07:32:54 UTC from IEEE Xplore. Restrictions apply.


Alexandre Bourceret

Mehdi Zaoui
email: mehdi.zaoui@edu.univ-fcomte.fr

Denis Quilliot

Yves Gaillard

Sylvain Giljean

Christophe Rousselot

Marie Pac
email: marie-jose.pac@uha.fr

Fabrice Richard
email: fabrice.richard@univ-fcomte.fr

Sylvain

Modélisation du lien entre la dureté et la période d'empilement dans un revêtement métal/céramique nano-architecturé en multicouche

teaching and research institutions in France or abroad, or from public or private research centers.

Modélisation du lien entre la dureté et la période d'empilement dans un revêtement métal/céramique nano-architecturé en multicouche A. BOURCERET a , M. ZAOUI a,b , D. QUILLIOT a , Y. GAILLARD a , S. GILJEAN c , C. ROUSSELOT a , M.-J. PAC c , F. RICHARD a Résumé :

Les nitrures métalliques de titane et d'aluminium (TiAl)N sont des revêtements utilisés depuis de nombreuses années pour leurs propriétés remarquables de dureté et de résistance à l'oxydation. Il a été montré que le module d'indentation et la dureté de revêtements Ti(1-x)AlxN dépendent de la teneur en aluminium et que les propriétés optimales sont obtenues pour x=0,46 [START_REF] Pac | Microstructural and elastoplastic material parameters identification by inverse finite elements method of Ti(1-x)AlxN (0[END_REF][START_REF] Pac | Investigation of Ti0.54Al0.46/Ti0.54Al0.46N multilayer films deposited by reactive gas pulsing process by nano-indentation and electron energy-loss spectroscopy[END_REF]. Une possibilité d'amélioration de la dureté de ce type de revêtement est de les architecturer en multicouche métal/céramique. L'objectif est de modéliser le lien entre la dureté d'un revêtement [Ti0,54Al0,46/Ti0,54Al0,46N]n et la période Λ de l'empilement des couches afin de comprendre les phénomènes qui génèrent l'augmentation de la dureté aux plus faibles périodes [START_REF] Pac | Dureté et module d'indentation de films minces de nitrures de titane et d'aluminium architecturés en multicouches nanométriques[END_REF]. Un modèle numérique de l'essai de nanoindentation Berkovich sur des échantillons nanostratifiés a été élaboré. L'interface métal/céramique est considérée parfaite et sans épaisseur. Les comportements élastoplastiques des couches élémentaires de métal et de céramique ont été identifiés par nanoindentation Berkovich sur des échantillons revêtus d'une seule couche. Ce modèle éléments finis 2D axisymétrique permet d'obtenir la courbe d'indentation (P-h) pour des nanostratifiés en fonction de la période Λ et d'une vingtaine d'autres paramètres (élastoplastiques, géométriques, dimensionnels, …). Afin de confronter ce modèle à des expériences, des nanostratifiés d'épaisseur d'environ 2 micromètres de différentes périodes Λ (de 10 à 50 nm) ont été architecturés par pulvérisation réactive à signal de commande cyclique (RGPP) en alternant une couche Ti0,54Al0,46 et une couche Ti0,54Al0,46N. Les échantillons ainsi obtenus ont été testés par nanoindentation Berkovich. Les prévisions du modèle sont en très bon accord avec l'expérience pour la plus grande période (50 nm), mais se dégradent lorsque la période diminue. Le modèle ne permet pas de reproduire l'augmentation de la dureté aux plus faibles périodes. Une analyse de sensibilité du modèle de la courbe d'indentation a été menée. Elle montre l'importance de la fraction volumique de céramique dans le système bicouche métal/céramique et de l'écrouissage de la couche métallique.

Abstract:

Titanium and aluminium (TiAl)N metal nitrides are coatings used for many years for their remarkable properties of hardness and resistance to oxidation. It has been shown that the indentation module and hardness of Ti(1-x)AlxN coatings depend on the aluminum content and that the optimal properties are obtained for x=0.46 [START_REF] Pac | Microstructural and elastoplastic material parameters identification by inverse finite elements method of Ti(1-x)AlxN (0[END_REF][START_REF] Pac | Investigation of Ti0.54Al0.46/Ti0.54Al0.46N multilayer films deposited by reactive gas pulsing process by nano-indentation and electron energy-loss spectroscopy[END_REF]. One possibility of improving the hardness of this type of coating is to architecture them as multilayer metal/ceramic composites.

The objective is to model the relationship between the hardness of a coating [Ti0.54Al0.46 / Ti0.54Al0.46N]n and the period Λ of the stacking of the layers in order to understand the increase of the hardness at the lowest periods [START_REF] Pac | Dureté et module d'indentation de films minces de nitrures de titane et d'aluminium architecturés en multicouches nanométriques[END_REF].

A numerical model of the Berkovich nanoindentation test on nanostratified samples was developed. The metal/ceramic interface is considered perfect and without thickness. The elastoplastic behaviors of the elementary layers of metal and ceramic were identified by Berkovich nanoindentation on single-layer samples. This 2D axisymmetric finite element model enables the indentation curve (P-h) to be obtained for nanostratified elements according to the period Λ and about twenty other parameters (elastoplastic, geometric, dimensional, etc.).

In order to compare this model with experiments, nanostratified of approximately 2-micrometer thickness with different periods Λ (from 10 to 50 nm) were architected by reactive gas pulsing process (RGPP) alternating a layer of Ti0.54Al0.46 and one of Ti0.54Al0.46N. The resulting samples were tested by Berkovich nanoindentation. The model forecasts are very consistent with the experience for the largest period (50 nm), but deteriorates when the period decreases. The model does not reproduce the increase in hardness at the lowest periods. A sensitivity analysis of the indentation curve model was conducted, showing the importance of ceramic volume fraction in the two-layer metal/ceramic system and the hardening of the metal layer.

A spectrographic analysis by electron energy loss spectroscopy with a transmission electron microscope for the film with a period Λ=10 nm showed the presence of nitrogen in the metal layer over a few nanometers, sign of intermixion of the layers. These results show that elastoplastic phenomena at the metal/ceramic interface play an important role at low periods and question the initial hypothesis of perfect and thickness-free interface.

It is shown that the addition in the model of a transition layer with an elastoplastic behaviour which is some empiric average of that of the metal and the ceramic allows to reproduce the experimental Nanoindentation curves and that the thickness of this layer is very good agreement with spectroscopic observations.

Mots clefs : nanoindentation, éléments finis, multicouche, dureté . Les courbes (P-h) simulées sont confrontées aux courbes expérimentales. Les prévisions du modèle sont en bon accord avec l'expérience pour la plus grande période (50 nm), mais se dégrade lorsque la période diminue. Le modèle ne permet pas de reproduire l'augmentation de la dureté aux plus faibles périodes. Il est finalement montré que l'ajout dans le modèle d'une couche de transition élastoplastique dont l'épaisseur varie en fonction de la période du multicouche permet de reproduire les courbes (P-h) expérimentales.

Echantillons et moyens de caractérisation 2.1 Elaboration des revêtements

Tous les dépôts sont effectués sur des substrats en silicium. Le revêtement monocouche de TiAl est déposé par pulvérisation cathodique magnétron (Figure 1). Ce procédé consiste à bombarder avec des ions argon une cible (ici un alliage de titane et d'aluminium) fixé sur la cathode. Les ions argon soumis à un champ électrique vont acquérir de l'énergie et venir frapper la surface du matériau cible pour en arracher des atomes de Ti et d'Al. Ces atomes sont transportés jusqu'au substrat et se déposent en une couche métallique. Le revêtement monocouche de TiAlN est déposé suivant le même principe, mais en introduisant un second gaz appelé gaz réactif (ici l'azote) pour faire réagir le métal avec l'azote et ainsi déposer la couche céramique.

Nanoindentation

L'essai de nanoindentation (Figure 3) consiste en la mesure simultanée de l'effort d'appui P sur la pointe de l'indenteur et de sa pénétration h dans l'échantillon. La représentation P-h lors d'une charge-décharge constitue la courbe d'indentation (Figure 4). Le pilotage de l'essai peut s'effectuer en déplacement ou en force. Le nanoindenteur utilisé pour les essais sur le revêtement monocouche TiAlN est un II s (Nanoinstrument) équipé d'une pointe Berkovich de rayon de pointe 550 nm [START_REF] Pac | Microstructural and elastoplastic material parameters identification by inverse finite elements method of Ti(1-x)AlxN (0[END_REF]. Après la défaillance de ce dispositif, les essais sur les revêtements multicouche et monocouche TiAl ont été réalisés à l'aide d'un nanoindenteur Anton Paar UNHT (Ultra Nano-Indentation Hardness Tester) équipé d'une pointe Berkovich de rayon de pointe 100 nm [START_REF] Pac | Investigation of Ti0.54Al0.46/Ti0.54Al0.46N multilayer films deposited by reactive gas pulsing process by nano-indentation and electron energy-loss spectroscopy[END_REF].

Estimation des paramètres plastiques

L'estimation des paramètres plastiques des deux monocouches est effectuée par recalage d'un modèle de l'essai de nanoindentation sur les courbes d'indentation expérimentales. Le modèle est un modèle éléments finis (EF) (Figure 6) élaboré à l'aide du logiciel ANSYS. Ce modèle 2D-axisymétrique permet de simuler l'indentation conique élastoplastique en grandes déformations. La pointe conique est supposée déformable élastiquement et de demi-angle au sommet égal à 70,3°. Cette géométrie présente une fonction d'aire équivalente à celle de la pointe Berkovich. L'émoussement de la pointe est modélisé par un arc de cercle (rayon 𝑅 de 100 nm pour l'essai sur le TiAl et de 550 nm pour celui sur le TiAlN). Le coefficient de frottement (𝜇) entre la pointe et l'échantillon est pris égal à 0,1. Afin de minimiser l'effet des conditions aux limites, les épaisseurs de l'échantillon et de la pointe sont 60 fois plus grand que l'enfoncement maximal ℎ . La zone directement située sous la pointe est finement maillée sur une longueur 2 fois plus grande que l'épaisseur du revêtement pour modéliser au mieux le contact (algorithme du multiplicateur de Lagrange pour le contact normal et de la pénalité pour le contact tangent). Dans cette zone, les éléments quadrangles linéaires à 4 noeuds (PLANE 182) sont initialement carrés de longueur d'arrête égale au dixième de la profondeur maximale d'indentation. Pour la pointe, des éléments triangulaires quadratiques à 6 noeuds (PLANE 183) sont utilisés. Ils ont au niveau du contact une taille équivalente à ceux de l'échantillon. Le maillage est progressivement plus grossier en s'éloignant de la zone de contact, permettant de diminuer le nombre d'éléments et donc de réduire les temps de calculs. Le modèle comporte environ 45000 éléments. Les noeuds appartenant à la surface inférieure de l'échantillon modélisée sont encastrés et un déplacement est imposé sur la surface supérieure de l'indenteur. Les comportements élastoplastiques des monocouches ainsi identifiés seront introduits dans un modèle de multicouche pour tenter de prévoir la réponse en indentation en fonction de la période Λ.

Empilement avec des interfaces parfaites et sans épaisseur

Les comportements élastoplastiques des couches élémentaires de métal et de céramique ont été identifiés par nanoindentation Berkovich sur des échantillons revêtus d'une seule couche sur substrat Si. Le modèle numérique utilisé pour le revêtement multicouche est basé sur le modèle EF du revêtement monocouche (Figure 6). Le revêtement est modélisé comme un assemblage de monocouches empilées alternativement d'une couche TiAl et d'une couche TiAlN (Figure 9). L'interface métal/céramique est considérée parfaite et sans épaisseur.

Les 8 premiers sont les paramètres élastoplastiques des monocouches (A et B) suivie des fractions volumiques de céramique (𝑒𝑝 /Λ), d'interface (𝑒𝑝 /Λ) et du rayon de pointe dimensionnalisé (𝑅/Λ). Le coefficient de frottement (𝜇), le module de Young (𝐸 ) et le coefficient de Poisson (𝜈 ) de la pointe en diamant complète cette liste. Les résultats pour la période 50 nm sont récapitulés dans l'histogramme de la Figure 14. On peut noter le fort impact du rapport de la fraction volumique de céramique (𝑒𝑝 /Λ), des paramètres élastoplastiques de la couche métallique (B) et de l'élasticité de la pointe de l'indenteur. Pour cette période, l'épaisseur de la couche de transition joue un rôle mineur, ce qui est cohérent puisque le modèle sans transition permettait déjà de prévoir le comportement de ce revêtement (Figure 10a).

Conclusion

Les propriétés élastoplastiques d'un monocouche métallique Ti0,54Al0,46 et d'un monocouche céramique Ti0,54Al0,46N ont été identifiées par nanoindentation Berkovich sur des échantillons monocouches. En nano-architecturant un revêtement multicouche de période Λ composé d'un empilement de ces deux monocouches avec une interface parfaite et sans épaisseur, la modélisation ne permet pas de reproduire les courbes d'indentation ni l'augmentation de la dureté observée expérimentalement aux faibles périodes. Une analyse de sensibilité de la force d'indentation a mis en évidence l'influence de la fraction volumique des couches et de l'écrouissage de la couche céramique. L'introduction d'une couche de transition au comportement élastoplastique moyen métal/céramique permet de reproduire correctement les courbes d'indentation. L'épaisseur de la couche de transition estimée par recalage du modèle EF de nanoindentation sur les données expérimentales est en accord avec les mesures de spectrométrie par perte d'énergie des électrons (au seuil de l'azote) disponibles pour la période 10 nm. Cet accord devra être confirmé pour les autres périodes. Références

Remerciement

Figure 1 :Tableau 1 :

 11 Figure 1 : Procédé de pulvérisation cathodique [5] et RGPP Les mesures de l'épaisseur des films déposées sont effectuées à l'aide d'un stylet profileur de surface DEKTAC 3030 : 3 µm pour le TiAlN et 2,95 µm pour le TiAl. La pulvérisation cathodique magnétron est également utilisée pour nano-architecturer les revêtements en multicouche mais l'azote est introduit de manière pulsée (RGPP : Reactive Gas Pulsing Process [6]) par l'intermédiaire d'un débitmètre massique selon des créneaux carrés (Figure 2). Durant le temps de fermeture du débitmètre, l'argon permet de déposer une couche TiAl et durant le temps d'ouverture du débitmètre, l'introduction d'azote permet de déposer la couche de nitrure TiAlN. L'obtention des différentes périodes d'empilement Λ se fait en modifiant la fréquence d'ouverture-fermeture du débitmètre. Lorsque le débit d'azote est nul, on dépose du TiAl, lorsque le débit est au maximum, on dépose du TiAlN stoechiométrique. La première couche déposée sur le substrat Si est une couche métallique et la dernière couche (celle de surface) est une couche céramique. L'épaisseur et le nombre de couches des revêtements ainsi nanoarchitecturés dépendent de la période d'empilement mais l'épaisseur du revêtement est quasi constant, soit environ 2 μm (Tableau 1) [2].

Figure 2 :

 2 Figure 2 : Fonction créneau représentant l'ouverture-fermeture du débitmètre

Figure 3 :Figure 4 :Figure 5 :

 345 Figure 3 : Schéma de principe d'un nanoindenteur

Figure 6 : 5 )

 65 Figure 6 : Schéma du maillage et conditions aux limites du modèle 2D-axisymétrique Le recalage du modèle de la courbe P-h sur les données expérimentales permet d'estimer un ou des vecteurs-paramètres 𝛉 qui minimisent l'écart entre les observations 𝑃(𝑡; 𝛉) issues du modèle de l'essai et les données 𝑃 (𝑡) issues de l'expérimental lors de la charge. Le problème inverse peut se reformuler en un problème de minimisation d'une fonction coût ω représentant une distance entre le modèle et l'expérience : 𝛉 = argmin 𝛉

Tableau 2 :Figure 7 :

 27 Figure 7 : Représentation du comportement en traction des deux monocouches (A : TiAlN, B : TiAl)

Figure 8 :

 8 Figure 8 : Comparaison modèle-expérience lors de l'enfoncement de la pointe c) Revêtement TiAl et d) Revêtement TiAlN

Figure 9 :Tableau 3 :

 93 Figure 9 : Zoom sur le revêtement nano-architecturé en multicouche de période 𝛬

Figure 10 : 2

 102 Figure 10 : Comparaison modèle-expérience pour les différentes périodes 𝛬. Modèle avec interface parfaite et sans épaisseur Pour la plus grande période Λ = 50 nm, le modèle est en bon accord avec l'expérience. En revanche le décalage modèle-expérience augmente lorsque la période diminue et devient important pour la plus faible période Λ = 10 nm. Un phénomène qui génère une augmentation de la dureté lorsque la période diminue n'est donc pas pris en compte dans le modèle. Si l'effet de ce phénomène est négligeable pour Λ = 50 nm, il ne l'est plus pour Λ = 10 nm.

Figure 11 :Tableau 4 :Tableau 5 :

 1145 Figure 11 : Modèle EF avec couche de transition

Figure 12 :

 12 Figure 12 : Comparaison modèle-expérience pour les différentes périodes.Modèle avec couche de transition Pour l'empilement de période 10 nm, une analyse des spectres obtenus par perte d'énergie des électrons au seuil critique de l'azote révèle qu'au centre de la couche métallique, de l'azote subsiste. L'épaisseur de la couche de transition de 2,12 nm obtenue par recalage du modèle EF est en très bon accord avec les résultats obtenus par spectroscopie de perte d'énergie des électrons.

Figure 13 :

 13 Figure 13 : Analyse par spectroscopie de perte d'énergie des électrons du revêtement de période 𝛬 = 10 𝑛𝑚

Figure 14 :

 14 Figure 14 : Sensibilité de la force d'indentation aux différents paramètres pour 𝛬 = 50 nm

  Ce travail a été réalisé dans le cadre du projet de recherche RESEM 2019, géré par l'Institut de Recherche Technologique en Matériaux, Métallurgie et Procédés (IRT M2P) et soutenue financièrement par le programme français Plan d'Investissement d'Avenir (PIA).

  Une analyse spectrographique par spectroscopie de perte d'énergie des électrons au microscope électronique à transmission pour la période Λ=10 nm a mis en évidence une proportion d'azote dans la couche métallique sur quelques nanomètres, signe d'une intermixion des couches. Ces résultats montrent que des phénomènes élastoplastiques à l'interface métal/céramique jouent un rôle important aux faibles périodes et remettent en cause l'hypothèse initiale d'interface parfaite et sans épaisseur. Il est montré que l'ajout dans le modèle d'une couche de transition ayant un comportement élastoplastique moyen métal/céramique permet de reproduire les courbes de nanoindentation expérimentales et que l'épaisseur de cette couche est en très bon accord avec les observations spectroscopiques.

  46N). L'objectif est de modéliser le lien entre la dureté Berkovich et la période Λ de l'empilement [Ti0,54Al0,46/Ti0,54Al0,46N]n afin de comprendre les phénomènes élastoplastiques qui génèrent l'augmentation de la dureté aux plus faibles périodes observée expérimentalement[START_REF] Pac | Investigation of Ti0.54Al0.46/Ti0.54Al0.46N multilayer films deposited by reactive gas pulsing process by nano-indentation and electron energy-loss spectroscopy[END_REF][START_REF] Pac | Dureté et module d'indentation de films minces de nitrures de titane et d'aluminium architecturés en multicouches nanométriques[END_REF]. Dans un premier temps, le procédé de fabrication des revêtements est détaillé, ainsi que la méthode d'identification par nanoindentation du comportement élastoplastique des monocouches Ti0,54Al0,46 et Ti0,54Al0,46N (les proportions ne seront plus indiquées par la suite pour alléger les notations).

	1	Introduction
	Les nitrures métalliques de titane et d'aluminium (Ti,Al)N sont des revêtements utilisés depuis une
	trentaine d'années pour leurs propriétés remarquables de dureté et de résistance à l'oxydation [4]. Il a
	été montré que la dureté de revêtements Ti(1-x)AlxN dépend de la teneur en aluminium et que les
	propriétés optimales sont obtenues pour x=0,46 [1,2]. Une possibilité d'amélioration de la dureté de ce
	type de revêtement est de les architecturer en multicouche métal/céramique. Dans cette étude, le motif
	élémentaire de période nanométrique Λ (50, 16, 10 nm) est constitué d'une couche d'alliage métallique
	(Ti0,54Al0,46) et d'une couche céramique (Ti0,54Al0,

Dans un second temps, un modèle EF de l'essai de nanoindentation Berkovich sur le revêtement multicouche est élaboré. L'interface métal/céramique est considérée parfaite et sans épaisseur. Les comportements élastoplastiques des couches élémentaires de métal et de céramique préalablement identifiés sont introduits dans le modèle. Ce modèle permet d'obtenir la courbe d'indentation (P-h) en fonction de la période Λ et d'une vingtaine d'autres paramètres (matériaux, géométriques, dimensionnels)

  Une loi élastoplastique à écrouissage linéaire isotrope est choisie pour modéliser le comportement du matériau[START_REF] Lemaitre | Mechanics of Solid Materials[END_REF]. La déformation totale 𝛆 est supposée être la somme d'une déformation élastique 𝛆 et d'une déformation plastique 𝛆 (𝛆 = 𝛆 + 𝛆 ). L'énergie libre massique de Helmholtz 𝜓 s'exprime : 𝑟 est la variable interne représentant le phénomène d'écrouissage isotrope, 𝜌 est la masse volumique, 𝐂(𝐸, 𝜈) est le tenseur des rigidités élastiques. 𝐸, 𝜈 et 𝐻 sont respectivement le module d'Young, le coefficient de Poisson et le module d'écrouissage. Les lois d'états dérivent de ce potentiel :

	3	Identification du comportement plastique des monocouches
	3.1 Loi de comportement
		𝜓 =	1 2𝜌	𝛆 : 𝐂 𝐸,𝜈 : 𝛆 + 𝐻 𝑟	(1)
		𝛔 = 𝜌	∂𝜓 ∂𝛆	et 𝑅 = 𝜌	𝜕𝜓 𝜕𝑟	(2)
		𝑓 =		3 2	𝐬: 𝐬 -𝑅 -𝜎	(3)
		𝛆̇ = 𝜆 ̇𝜕𝑓 𝜕𝛔	et 𝑟̇= -𝜆 ̇𝜕𝑓 𝜕𝑅	= 𝜆 ̇	(4)

où 𝛔 est le tenseur des contraintes de Cauchy et 𝑅 est la contrainte d'écrouissage. La fonction de charge (hypothèse von Mises) est donnée par l'expression suivante : où 𝜎 est la limite élastique et 𝐬 le tenseur déviateur des contraintes. Les dérivées de 𝑓 fournissent les évolutions des variables internes : avec 𝜆 ̇ le multiplicateur plastique déterminé par la condition de cohérence 𝑓 ̇= 0 si 𝑓 = 0. Pour chaque monocouche, le comportement est piloté par deux paramètres élastiques (𝐸, 𝜈) connus et 2 paramètres plastiques 𝜎 , 𝐻 inconnus : 𝛉 = ( 𝜃 , 𝜃 ) = 𝜎 , 𝐻 . Afin d'identifier les paramètres plastiques des deux monocouches (𝜎 , , 𝐻 , et 𝜎 , , 𝐻 , ), c.à.d. la limite élastique et le module d'écrouissage des deux monocouches, une méthode de recalage du modèle EF de l'essai de nanoindentation est mise en oeuvre.

  4.3 Sensibilité de la force d'indentationAfin de quantifier l'influence des différents paramètres sur la force d'indentation, une analyse de sensibilité locale de la force d'indentation aux différents paramètres du modèle pour la période 50 nm (avec une épaisseur de transition prise égale à 1 nm) est menée.Une des méthodes les plus courantes est de définir une sensibilité scalaire à chaque paramètre 𝜃 , à partir d'une norme 2. La fonction de sensibilité peut ainsi s'écrire sous la forme : de la force d'indentation calculée. La dérivée est calculée par différences finies progressives avec une perturbation relative de 10 . Ce calcul de sensibilité de la force d'appuie est effectuée pour 14 paramètres : 𝛉 = 𝐸 , 𝜈 , 𝜎 , , 𝐻 , , 𝐸 , 𝜈 , 𝜎 , , 𝐻 , ,

		𝛿 =	𝜃 𝑃	1 𝑇	𝜕𝑃 𝜕𝜃			(7)
	avec 𝑃	la valeur maximale 𝑒𝑝 Λ	,	𝑒𝑝 Λ	,	𝑅 Λ	, 𝜇, 𝐸 , 𝜈


Dominique Cadinot

Integrated Laborers but Marginal Figures: the Untold Story of Early Syrian American Factory Workers

Keywords: Americanization, assimilation, Arabic-speaking immigrants, industrial labor, union activism, the Bread and Roses strike

 claimed that pack-peddling as a profession had greatly facilitated the process of Americanization. Moreover, it was alleged that traditional and inherited values such as individualism or respect for entrepreneurship had played a major role in the successful integration of "Syrians" (a term used until 1918 to describe immigrants from the Syrian Ottoman region). Today's new scholarship contends that the history of immigrant industrial workers has been unjustly obliterated and ought to be recognized as a valuable alternative to the traditional narrative. However, few scholars have actually investigated the topic further and analyzed primary source material documenting the Syrian factory workers' activism and contributions to a collective history and memory. The present article seeks to fill this gap in the literature by offering a closer look into grassroots working-class Syrian labor militancy at the beginning of the 20 th century. It relies on a case study that analyzes the role played by Syrian industrial workers during the 1912 Bread and Roses strike in Lawrence, Massachusetts. Widely regarded as a seminal event in US labor history, the two-month struggle, indeed, saw the successful coalition of immigrant millworkers and organizers from the Industrial Workers of the World, the most progressive union in America at the time. The primary purpose of this study is to bring to the foreground detailed evidence of an alternative form of sociability that has been overshadowed by the peddler myth.

Integrated Laborers but Marginal Figures: the Untold Story of Early Syrian American Factory Workers

In the weeks that followed the 9/11 terrorist attacks, the Arab American community became the target of an unprecedented wave of discrimination, hostility, and violence. Yet for decades, community leaders had exerted themselves to produce evidence that Americans of Arab descent were "good immigrants" and that they had not only successfully acculturated but were living proof of the American dream. As many felt alienated from mainstream society, scholars in particular set out to challenge the traditional narratives of Arab American social and cultural integration. As said by Mary Rose Oakar, president of the American Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, quoting Dickens's famous line: the 9/11 aftermath "was the worst of times, but also the best of times" (as cited in Swarns, 2003, p. 1) to deconstruct long-standing stereotypes but also to redefine a collective identity. When scholars delved into their studies, it appeared, in particular, that the predominant and foundational historiography of early "Syrian" i communities in North America had to be reexamined.

With a few exceptions, early historians had focused primarily on the immigration and successful acculturation of the pioneer cohort ii and, in the process, had inevitably flattened the variable experiences of Arab Americans into a singular and compressed narrative.

The first foundational publication, The Syrians in America, was authored in 1924 by Philip K.

Hitti, a Lebanese-born historian and renown Princeton specialist in Arab and Middle-Eastern culture.

When the book was published, complete assimilation was the prevalent theory in the area of immigrant adaptation. In consequence, Hitti, who had been educated at an American mission school in Lebanon, committed himself to proving that Syrians, because they were mostly Christian and individualistic, were in fact desirable immigrants. In the chapter dedicated to "Social and educational conditions", Hitti, as a response to the Dillingham commission's report, offers counter-arguments to dispel some of the prevailing misconceptions: "From nearly every city comes the emphatic testimony that Syrians are never in the courts, that they are far more peaceable and law-abiding than other immigrants, or even than Americans" (1924, p. 85). Despite the assimilationist and somewhat eulogistic tone of his work, Hitti remained "the reigning 'Arabist' in the United States for the first half of this century" (Orfalea, 1989, p. 28). In the following decades when historians adopted a perspective "from the bottom up", new scholarly studies were published. Nonetheless, as Gregory J.

Younis, and in Becoming American: The Early Arab Immigrant Experience published in 1985 and written by Alixa Naff, both social historians adopt the main components of Philip K. Hitti's narrative. In their respective studies, they trace the steps of the first Syrian immigrants, describe in detail how the pioneer generation settled in the US, abandoned most of its cultural heritage and eventually embraced unqualified Americanization.

Seeking to identify some of the forces conditioning the assimilation process, they explain that Syrians, along with many other immigrant communities, were first greatly affected by changes in US immigration policy. Younis indicates for example that after the nativist Quota Act of 1924 was eventually passed, Near Eastern states were given about 2 percent of the total visas available (1995, p. 215). As a result, the influx of newcomers dropped and ties with the homeland were abruptly severed. However, in addition to this well-known historical development, Younis avers that the Syrians' rapid assimilation was primarily due to the fact that, unlike other immigrants who took industrial jobs, Syrians became traveling salesmen or pack-peddlers: "Taking to the road seemed the quickest way to success … Poor factory wages, long confining hours, and driving task masters did not entice them" (1995, p. 169). Thus, being in contact with native born Americans, Younis explains, they quickly learned English, acquired various aspects of American culture, and eventually assimilated. As time went by, the peddlers became dry goods merchants and turned into successful entrepreneurs. Building upon Younis' theory, Alixa Naff (who was recently dubbed "the mother of Arab-American studies" iv ) also makes clear that pack peddling was a key element in the Syrians' integration: "It was the fundamental factor in the assimilation of Syrians in America" (1993, p. 152).

She observes in addition that Middle-Easterners had "an innate disdain for wage labor" (1993, p. 153). Based primarily on the oral testimony of the pioneer generation, her field research seemed to indicate that successful acclimation to American business culture was not only due to a favorable economic context but also to the Syrians' individualistic and success-oriented character. In substance, Naff claims that Syrians were able to achieve upward social mobility because their inherited values were compatible with "the most cherished American values" (1985, p. 62).

In large part due to Adele Younis' and Alixa Naff's research findings, the peddler myth has since then and until recently permeated most Arab-American historical narratives v . However, the realities of the post 9/11 environment, the intensification of anti-Arab/anti-Muslim hate crimes and of civil liberties violations made Arab Americans aware that they were no longer "the most invisible of the invisibles" vi but rather undesired and racialized citizens in a position of "heightened Otherness" (Naber, 2007, p. 39). Hence the context required a re-assessment of the traditional assimilationist narratives. More precisely, the need to challenge the mythologized peddler narrative has encouraged scholars to study more closely the other category of Syrian immigrants who precisely had accepted "poor factory wages, long confining hours", those who allegedly "had an innate disdain for labor" and only took industrial jobs when "they had to" (Hitti, 1924, p. 69), in other words, the industrial proletariat.

One of the earliest and rather prescient scholars to argue for a shift of focus away from the peddler myth towards the history of the Syrian working class was Evelyn Shakir, in 1997, when she noted: "We have tended to forget the many Syrian immigrants who were wage-dependent members of the American proletariat … Their participation in that labor force has been largely ignored by historians of the Arab American experience" (pp. 46-47). In her seminal work, Bint Arab: Arab and Arab American Women in the United States, Shakir observes that in Arab American folklore, popular stories have often centered exclusively on either immigrant entrepreneurs, street peddlers or "independent businessmen" (1997, p. 46). Pursuing Shakir's suggested new line of inquiry, Charlotte Karem Albrecht in her essay entitled "Narrating Arab-American History: The Peddling Thesis" (2015), cogently demonstrates that the correlation between peddling as a profession and Americanization is merely an ex post facto construct: "Historians have taken what was a socially unstable practice in Arab-American history and repackaged it to fit the ideals of US citizenship: individualistic, entrepreneurial, and capitalist" (2015, p. 104). Because Adel Younis' and Naff's contributions were primarily based on interviews or correspondences, other scholars have sought to find solid empirical evidence to sustain the peddler narrative. After an in-depth analysis of Census data and government surveys, Akram Khater and Zoe Avery in 2017 come to the conclusion that in the first decade of the 20 th century, peddling as a profession had been in fact largely abandoned and occupied 20% of the working Syrian immigrant population (p. 16). Hence, it appears, as Stacy D.

Fahrenthold befittingly suggests in 2019 that "new histories of Arab workers, labor, and workingclass politics require a further investigation" (p. 14).

However, few scholars have yet explored the issue and analyzed primary source material documenting the Syrian industrial workers' activism. The present article seeks to fill this gap in the literature by offering a closer look into grassroots working-class Syrian labor militancy at the beginning of the 20 th century. The purpose is to bring to the foreground detailed evidence of an alternative form of social inclusion that has been overshadowed by the peddler myth. Ultimately, I argue that the narrative constructed by laboring immigrants was as valuable to the collective identity as the peddler heritage and beyond that, contributive to social justice and inclusion in America.

This paper relies on a case study that analyzes the role played by Syrian industrial workers during the 1912 Bread and Roses strike in Lawrence, Massachusetts. As recounted by labor historian Bruce Watson in Bread and Roses: Mills, Migrants, and the Struggle for the American Dream, the strike of 1912 was one of the most significant labor disputes of the American industrial revolution.

The struggle captured the nation's attention for more than two months until March 14 th when mill owners finally caved in. The local industrial workforce was a melting pot of nationalities but Syrian mill operatives, Bruce Watson notes, were among the most active of all (2005, p. 41). The legacy of the Lawrence strike has been widely discussed in academic circles vii . Today there is a broad scientific consensus that the event was, in the years that followed, a model for successful inter-ethnic organizing but also greatly instrumental in improving working conditions for all textile workers. Since the publication in 1993 of Ardis Cameron's Radicals of the Worst Sort: Laboring Women in Lawrence, the strike is conjointly hailed as a landmark in the struggle of female industrial workers for leadership and equality. In a larger discussion on historical narratives, anthropologist Gerald M.

Sider reveals that the history of the "Lawrence revolution" viii was repressed by community memory for many generations and argues that the 1912 strike, as any other historical event, may be analyzed from various angles. "Specific histories, he contends, are as valuable as a grand narrative History" (1997, p. 12). It is also in this realm that the present paper intends to contribute.

The case study relies on a corpus of daily newspaper articles from the Newspaper.com database. Sources were selected based on geographic location (Northeast) and on the pragmatic grounds that they have been digitized. A total of five newspapers were examined: The Boston Globe, The Lawrence Evening Tribune, The Fall River Daily Evening News, The Buffalo Inquirer and The Standard Union. The specific time frame of three months from January 1 st , 1912, through to March 31 st , 1912, was selected to encompass the entire strike extent in Lawrence. The main search terms (besides the obvious "Lawrence" and "strike" key terms) were defined according to the terminology used at the beginning of the 20 th century to designate nationality groups and geographic regions in the Arab world: "Syria", "Palestine", "Egypt", "Mount Lebanon" ix . The key word "Syrian" yielded the highest number of occurrences. This resulted in a corpus of 32 articles published during the twomonth struggle.

"Syrians or Other Untutored People" x

In 1912, the city of Lawrence, located thirty miles north of Boston, was one of America's greatest industrial cities and one of the textile capitals of the world. It is estimated that, at the time, the city was home to 86,000 people of which nearly 30,000 were mills workers (Great Britain Board of Trade, 1911, p. 208;Watson, 2005, p. 42) xi . Most of them were employed by the American Woolen Company which owned four mills. When the city was founded in 1845, workers were initially from rural New England, but by the end of the 19th century, unskilled immigrants were recruited, first from Ireland, Germany, and French Canada, and then in the early 1900s from Italy, Poland, Greece, Portugal, and Greater Syria. In a thorough monograph on immigrant life in Lawrence, Donald B. Cole confirms that the city's population was almost completely immigrant in nature: in 1910, nearly 90% of its inhabitants were either first or second-generation Americans (1963, p. 95).

One of the most prominent contingents of mill workers were immigrants from Greater Syria. About 80% of them were employed as mechanics, weavers, spinners or worked in the carding sections of the mills. When they arrived in Lawrence, newly-arrived immigrants settled along Valley Street or in "The Plains" section of the city. [Fig. 1: Birdseye View of Lawrence] According to Abe Bashara, the son of early immigrants, "you could look across the street in the Lebanese section of the Plains and no one looked any different than you did" (as cited in Watson, 2005, p. 41). In fact, the Syrians in Lawrence formed the largest Arabic-speaking community in the Northeast region outside New York City. By the 1910s their population numbered between 2,500 and 3,000 people xii . Being one of the larger groups, Syrians had their own school, social clubs, shops, and churches. The size of the Arabic-speaking community was large enough to allow the foundation and distribution of its own ethnic press. A semi-weekly newspaper named Al Wafa (Fidelity) was founded in 1907 and provided its readership with news from the old country as well as necessary information for social and cultural integration. The 8-page journal had "a considerable circulation" outside Lawrence (Great Britain Board of Trade, 1911, p. 209). Although Syrians were outnumbered by nearly 8,000 Italian immigrants (Watson, 2005, p. 16), many sources concur that they formed a socially visible group. Bruce Watson identifies the three migrant communities which "stood out for their homogeneity": the Syrian group comes second, after Italians and before Germans (2005, p. 41). Likewise, the Great Britain Board of Trade explains that Syrians "exhibit considerable national solidarity" (1911, p. 209).

The report goes on to point out that: "The Syrians are one of the most important and interesting national groups in Lawrence" (1911, p. 215). But the pre-eminence of the Syrian community did not alleviate its members from the burden of poverty which afflicted most working families. In the February 21 st issue of the Boston Globe, a journalist investigating deprivation in Lawrence recounts his visit to a Syrian family:

The father of the Abdinous family is a man who looks as if he might be 40 years old. He is thin and pale. He earns, when he works, about $7 a week, and with this he supports a wife, five small children and his old mother. The family is hard up and has had no help (Philpott,A2).

However, if factory workers, regardless of their nationality, shared the same dismal living conditions, their co-existence in the densely populated and multi-cultural neighborhoods of Lawrence often led to disputes and brawls that were sometimes reported in the local newspapers. For instance, in February 1911, The Lawrence Evening Tribune reported on the opening of an investigation following a violent confrontation between a Syrian man and four Poles over an alleged money theft ("Poles accused", A18). This great diversity of cultures or "goulash of cultures" (2005, p. 42) as Watson puts it, was often exploited by mill owners who fanned the flames of racism by playing groups against each other. Most notably, communities were forced to compete for employment: "If Germans talked of strike, bosses assured them that French Canadians would be happy to take their jobs" (Watson, 2005, p.38). However, sometimes the employers' effort to divide and conquer proved rather ineffective, particularly when their practices willfully subverted the law.

"Syrian Weavers on Strike"

On January 1 st , 1912, the Massachusetts legislature began enforcing a new state regulation which required that weekly hours worked by women and minors be reduced from 56 to 54. As a result, mill owners like William M. Wood, president of the American Woolen Company, promptly cut wages to make up the difference. On January 11 th , when a group of Polish women working at the Everett Mill discovered that their weekly salary had been reduced, they shut down their looms and refused to resume work for the rest of their shift. The next day, on Friday January 12 th , when male operatives learned that their wages would be reduced as well, the strike began in earnest xiii . Hundreds of angry mill workers went from mill to mill, broke down doors, slashed power belts and entreated their fellow laborers to follow. By the end of the first week, 25,000 workers from 12 mills were on strike (Cameron, 1985, p. 36).

The early involvement of Syrian workers was reported on the second day of the conflict in the January 13 th issue of The Boston Globe: "Syrian Weavers on Strike: A largely attended meeting of the Syrian strikers of the local mills was held this evening in Saint Joseph's church" (Carberry,A8).

Five days later in the January 18 th issue of The Fall River Daily Evening, it was stated that: "A parade of nearly a thousand Syrians was held during the noon hour, to-day. The leaders insisted on entering the mill district at the Broadway end of Canal Street" ("No disorder," A2). At the beginning of the 3 rd week, on January 23 rd , readers learned again that:

A movement by Syrian operatives to march over the guarded bridges to South Lawrence … caused some alarm among the authorities this forenoon. Refusing to stop when ordered to do so, an unknown Syrian mill hand was cut by a bayonet this afternoon … The man was taken to the militia headquarters ("20,000 are now idle," A2) While Syrian workers swelled the ranks of the "moving picket lines" (a new strike tactic inaugurated in Lawrence), some committed themselves entirely to local organizing. Two years before the strike erupted, one of the largest labor organizations in the US at the time, the International Workers of the World (IWW), had established a branch in Lawrence. But in 1912, Local 20 only counted 300 members (Watson, 2005, p. 13). The most popular organization was the American Federation of Labor (AFL) with a membership of over 2,000 skilled workers (Forrant, 2014, p. 150). At the time, skilled workers were mostly white American men from families who had immigrated generations before. When the strike started, John Golden, President of the AFL United Textile Workers, refused to organize unskilled laborers or immigrants whom he considered "foreign to our institutions" (cited in Watson, 2005, p. 67). As Howard Zinn puts it, "The AFL was an exclusive unionalmost all male, almost all white, almost all skilled workers" (1980, p. 320). The IWW was the complete opposite. Also known for obscure reasons as "Wobblies", this union aimed to organize the unorganized. The day after the strike began, on January 13 th , Local 20 decided to call for guidance from the national office. Italian-born Joseph Ettor, a member of the executive board, was sent to coordinate the movement. But mobilizing such a motley mix of nationalities was no easy task. To foster unity among workers, Ettor encouraged strikers to forget about traditional hostilities between nationality or cultural groups: "Forget that you are Hebrews, forget that you are Poles, Germans, or Russians. Among workers there is only one nationality, one race, one creed" (cited in Watson, 2005, p. 66). To further that goal, the IWW created a strike committee with delegates representing 14 different nationalities. The Syrian workers elected 3 representatives and provided the committee's treasurer. Because the Syrian community produced leaders, its most active members became pawns in the power game between the IWW and the AFL. Indeed, as the movement gained momentum and attracted more attention, the AFL gathered that after all they should conduct and coordinate the resistance. In trying to get hold of the strike, John Golden first sought to discredit the immigrant leadership. On March 1 st he stated that "Syrians ought to assimilate just like the Irish did" (as cited in "General strike threat," A4). Two days later, he accused the Syrians of being the victims of the Wobblies' catechism: "I have evidence where Syrians and others who had never heard of me have been taught to tell their countrymen to beware of me" (cited in "Official appeal," A1). Soon after, an AFL relief station or soup kitchen was set up but provided only to those applicants who swore they were not IWW activists. Eventually Golden's plan failed and the IWW continued as the main union on site. However, because he was accused of fomenting violence, IWW organizer Joseph Ettor was jailed at the strike's two-week point. It was then decided to send as replacement the union's most notorious figure: William Haywood aka "Big Bill", a charismatic speaker and a powerful organizer.

When Big Bill arrived in Lawrence, he was welcome by one of the most popular marching bands, the Syrian Independent Drum Corps. Later he decided to meet with the leaders from the various nationalities present in Lawrence. In the Boston Globe of February 5 th , readers were told that: "After dining with Syrians, Big Bill was offered a hookah, which he smoked until his beefy face turned pale" ("Lawrence hopes," A2). Hence, Syrian mill operatives participated in varying degrees to the development and handling of the strike. Along with other foreign-born workmates they broke down cultural barriers and acted towards the inclusion of immigrants into the movement. In fact, they were so instrumental that just a week after the beginning of the conflict a plot was hatched to villainize Syrian activists.

"Plot to Blow Up Mills Unearthed"

On January 20 th , the finding of explosive in several locations plunged the city of Lawrence into greater tension: "Feeling between the strikers and the public runs high here this afternoon, as the result of the finding of a quantity of explosives in the Syrian quarter of the city" ("Find dynamite," A1). On Oak Street, in Faris Marad's tailoring shop, several sticks of dynamite were discovered.

Coincidentally, Marad had been identified the day before as "the principal leader" because he had led the Syrian marching band in a parade supporting the strike. But above all, he was a member of the strike committee. On that account, he was arrested and charged with conspiracy by the local police court along with six other people among whom 3 men of Syrian origin: Joseph Assaf, David Bishara and David Roshed ("Find dynamite," A1). The discovery of bombs in Lawrence made national news.

In the Virginia Times Dispatch, a headline announced: "Plot to blow up mills unearthed: great quantities of dynamite ready for detonation discovered in Lawrence" (A1). Other news sources declared that the mill town was the site of "one of the worst dynamite plots in the history of this country" ("Dynamite found," A1). Obviously, the event was blown out of proportion. Since the Haymarket Square riot in 1886, hundreds of isolated bombings had destroyed mills, mines, or bridges in many industrial cities xiv . In reality, what was described first as a plot turned out to be "a plant". The decision to cause a panic reaction in public opinion did not originate from Marad's tailoring shop in the Syrian district, but from Mr. William Wood's office. It was later discovered that the explosives had been planted by a city alderman and local undertaker named John Breen who had received a large cash payment from the president of the American Woolen Company (Watson, 2005, p. 249). Eventually Breen was fined $500 and released. William Wood was cleared by the court. If local mill owners often engaged in what we would now call "union busting" activities, violent intimidation by police forces was also used to break the movement. And here again, Syrian immigrants had to bear the brunt.

"Troops Charge on Strikers: Lawrence Syrian May Die from Injuries Received in Encounter".

This was one of the headlines on the front-page of the January 30 th issue of the Fall River Daily Evening News reporting a confrontation between a squad of the Massachusetts militia and a group of Syrian children (A1). The journalist who wrote the article turned out to be rather clairvoyant. Initially, when 17-year-old John Rami reached his home after being stabbed in the shoulder by a soldier's bayonet, he told his mother not to worry. Unfortunately, the wound was not as superficial as the victim had first thought and the young Syrian died the following day. As Watson notes, Rami's death "was just the latest blow to the Syrians who in the past two weeks had seen their leaders go on strike, organize parades, and be accused of harboring dynamite" (2005, p. 113). The next day, an article in the Boston Globe revealed that, "Many of the Syrians are in an ugly mood over the death of Rami … A policeman on the beat, who has much to do with the Syrians, says there is very grave danger of trouble from the quarter" ("Syrians angry," A2). On February 1 st , as hundreds of Syrians gathered for John Rami's funeral, the mill owners' demand for additional troops was granted by the Massachusetts governor.

During the congressional hearings that later investigated police violence in Lawrence, Congressman Augustus O. Stanley compared the stabbing of John Rami to the Boston Massacre of 1770 (Watson, 2005, p.195). The first similarity between the two killings is that in both cases the victims became martyrs. But more importantly, the two events were turning points that precipitated the course of history. The killing of John Rami was indeed the initial element in a chain of events that eventually contributed to the resolution of the crisis. Ensuing the young Syrian's death, arrangements were made by IWW leaders and the strike committee to coordinate a "children's exodus" starting February 10 th . Thus, children of strikers were sent to live with supporters in Boston and as far off as New York and Philadelphia. The intent was dual; to ensure the safety of the children and to free striking workers of their parental duties. But, most importantly, the sending away of children had the effect of inspiring nationwide sympathy for the striking families. Newspaper headlines read: "Lawrence Children Get Big Welcome (The Standard Union, A1) or "Lawrence's Unfortunate Children Arrive in New York City" (The Buffalo Inquirer, A1). Obviously, that was not the kind of publicity mill owners were ready to accept. Hence the decision was made to bring an end to the children's exodus. On February 24 th , at the Lawrence train station, the police tried to prevent more children from leaving and reportedly used clubs to beat women, young boys and girls awaiting the 7:11 am train to Boston. Several were injured, and some were taken to jail. The multiple reports of police violence directed against immigrant mothers and their children inspired a wave of indignation among prominent Americans and even drew the first lady, Mrs. Helen Taft, to the cause.

Favorable developments are sometimes born from a tragedy. The killing of Syrian-born John Rami generated a domino effect which resulted in the children's exile attracting national sympathy and the consecutive resolution of the crisis. But the organization of the children's exodus and the train attack also made more visible the militancy of immigrant women. As Bruce Watson confirms, from the very beginning of the movement, "men were clearly in charge, yet beneath the masculine veneer women were their equals" (2005, p. 156).

"Syrian Woman Leading a Monster Parade of about 2,000 People"

The employment of female laborers in textile factories was not something new in Massachusetts. In the town of Lowell, known as the birthplace of the American industrial revolution, young women, and farm girls had been employed to operate the mills as early as the 1830s.

However, at the turn of the century, following the trend mentioned before, old stock American female workers were replaced by immigrants. Syrian women were among many other immigrant groups to take up low-skill and low-paying jobs in the textile mills of New England. In 1910, in Fall River, 50% of Syrian women aged 14 or older were mill operatives (Shakir, 1997, p. 49). The first researchers interested in Syrian/Arab immigration to the US often described it as an exclusively masculine phenomenon xv . But recent research, however, has established that between 1901 and1910 women above the age of eighteen represented more than 38% of all Syrian immigrants, while during the same period Italian women made up only 22% and Greek women barely 5% of their immigrant communities xvi . It has also been demonstrated that, in contradiction to the usual image of the submissive and dependent Eastern woman, it was not rare for immigrant women to be unaccompanied (i.e., not under the guardianship of a husband or other male family member) xvii .

Ardis Cameron explains the "Syrians' unusual willingness" to allow single women to act as pioneer immigrants by the fact that many had already worked in textile mills and consequently had the necessary skills to promptly become wage-earners and remittance senders (1993, p. 79). In Mount Lebanon and parts of the Bekaa valley, silk production had since the 1840s provided employment to young and unmarried "factory girls" in mills built by French entrepreneurs. The expansion of the silk industry in the Levant was such that by 1913, 200 textile mills were producing vast quantities of silk thread and employing thousands of young women (Firro, 1990, p. 154). Although spinning and reeling were low-paid jobs, women's wages were essential to the proletarian economy in Greater Syria (Fahrenthold, 2019, p. 3). Hence a sizeable number of working-class women had already, in their country of origin, experienced long working hours, unsafe work conditions, as well as male hierarchical authority. Indeed, the French made sure that the local female workforce remained compliant and did not rebel. Akram Khater tells for instance the story of mill owner Nicolas Portalis who fired four French women reelers from their jobs as instructors to the Syrian women operatives because they were disseminating "subversive ideas." (2021, p. 28).

Conversely, in Lawrence, in 1912, the context was ripe for the emergence of a specifically female form of activism. It was not so much the fact that more than half of the workforce was composed of women since, as we know, hiring women was the mill owners' most common -and often times successful-strategy to prevent agitation. What made female political participation possible was the highly-inclusive form of unionism defended by the IWW. When Big Bill Haywood arrived in Lawrence, he was accompanied by another influential organizer, Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, known to be one of the most influential and radical labor activists at the time. Flynn became "the spirit of the strike" as one journalist put it (as cited in Watson, 2005, p. 155). Being independent at an early age, "the rebel girl" xviii set out to challenge traditional notions of femininity and consequently organize women workers. Soon after her arrival in Lawrence, Flynn traveled across the Northeast to collect strike funds. She was also one of the organizers of the children's exile which allowed women to join "the army of labor". Like other female immigrants, Syrian women listened to Flynn's appeal and came out in support. Evelyn Shakir confirms that, "Syrian women joined in the strike …, running soup kitchens for the workers" (1997, p. 48). The local newspapers mention a few instances of Syrian women's activism, particularly when these women valiantly strode in the front line. On February 19 th , for example, the Fall River Daily Evening News describes a confrontation between a group of Syrian women and the police:

The police and militia had considerable difficulty in dealing with the women pickets. About a dozen Syrian women gathered near St. Anthony's church on Elm Street, about 5 o'clock and defied the authorities to disperse them. They did not scatter until a squad of 30 police officers, a small detachment of infantry and a troop of cavalry was sent to the scene ("Haywood scores," A1).

Two days later, mention is made of a young Syrian woman "leading a monster parade of about 2,000 people" ("Monster parade," A5). During the alleged dynamite conspiracy, it was also reported that two Syrian women had been arrested, thus making it clear that immigrant female laborers were considered by the police as a source of threat. Other studies provide further evidence of the Syrian women's commitment and sense of solidarity: Consistently, women tried to help each other escape when being arrested, often crowding into police vans demanding that 'everyone' or 'no one' be hauled off to jail. Julia Yulla, a Syrian woman, was arrested for helping Irish-born Maggie Smith escape from Officer O'Brien (Cameron, 1993, p. 139).

The role played by the IWW in a movement that transcended gender lines was essential. It is estimated that at the height of the IWW's power in Lawrence, women made up 60% of the membership and Syrian women in particular represented 11% of the female strikers (Cameron 1993, p. 162). But for feminist labor historians, like Mary-Beth Moylan, the Bread and Roses strike remains a major landmark in the history of female labor militancy because it was one of the first conflicts that promoted the politicization of maternal care (1991, p. 41). An editorial published in Solidarity, the IWW's weekly paper, confirms that such was the union's strategy: "Maternity and its responsibilities are too often weapons in the hands of the exploiting class and a burden on the lives of the mothers. The inversion of this notion is what empowered the women of Lawrence to victory" (as cited in Watson, 2005, p. 52). Clear evidence that women had no other choice than fulfill simultaneously their responsibilities as mothers and as laborers was also exposed by the following testimony printed in The Boston Globe during the congressional hearing: "In the police station where the rioters were locked up, the children were not given anything to eat, 15 or 18 of them". The witness added: "Some of them were children at the breasts. Some of the husbands whose wives were locked up brought children to their mothers to be nursed" (as cited in "Women clubbed," A2).

Similarly, in a feature story describing the immigrant population living in Lawrence, it was noted that, "most of the women work and take their children to the mills as soon as they are old enough" ("Ignorant and excitable," A8). Thus, burdened with the double duties of nursing and working in the mills, immigrant women of all origins became the central focus of the conflict. However, despite what the traditional narrative has long suggested, if both male and female manual laborers walked the picket lines, other segments of the Syrian community also joined in to broaden the scope of the movement.

"An Injury to One is an Injury to All"

The IWW's famous guiding principle reflects the philosophy of industrial unionism and the organizers' goal in Lawrence in 1912; bring all workers together in a single union, regardless of sex, race, nationality, craft, or skill. In Lawrence, the Syrian community maintained a strong sense of cultural identity, but the "colony" as it was often called in the press was not populated by millworking families only. Some of the most vocal and active figures were actually not factory workers.

One of the men arrested after the discovery of dynamite was, as we know, Farris Marad, a tailor by profession. Marad was also one of the four elected Syrian members on the strike committee. The other delegates were, Iskandar Hajjar, a local dentist, James Brox, a grocer, and the elected treasurer of the committee, Joseph Shaheen, was a shop owner as well ("Lawrence strikers", A2). The literature or the press does not provide any explanation why Syrian millworkers did not elect any of their peers to the committee. Most likely, some of these men were chosen because they had had some kind of education or had better language skills. In fact, according to the Fall River Daily Evening News, Faris Marad was also a student at Philips Academy in Andover ("No disorder," A2). What we know is that for other immigrant groups, the composition of the Syrian delegation was a matter of concern. On March 5 th , during a strike committee meeting, A Franco-Belgian member complained that the Syrian strikers had been largely represented by other than operatives … To the mind of the speaker, the Syrians should have a delegation more representative of the strikers themselves. A Portuguese delegate also thought that more operatives should be included in the Syrian delegation ("IWW will protest," A10).

Other influential members of the community offered their support but strongly stood against any form of violence. Such was the position adopted by the Syrian Catholic clergy. On January 13 th , the day after the strike broke out, it was announced in the press that, "The two Syrian priests, Rev. Frs.

Nahas and Bastany … urged the strikers to refrain from acts of violence during the trouble" ("Searchlight," A3). Nonetheless, on several occasions, the basement of St Anthony's Maronite church on Amesbury Street served as the strike committee's meeting place. On January 29 th , The Lawrence Evening Tribune even indicated that the pastor "has registered no protest when Joseph Ettor and Haywood spoke at his hall" ("Haywood meets," A5). Sometimes, meetings were also held at St. Joseph's Melkite Church on Hampshire Street (Watson, 2005, p. 59). In an article discussing the role of the Catholic clergy in Lawrence, James J. Kenneally confirms that, from the outset, clergymen from the immigrant neighborhoods endorsed their parishioners' struggle while those serving native-born believers were not as supportive (2006, p. 38). The encyclical Rerum Novarum issued by Pope Leon XIII in 1891 had argued for the protection of industrial workers and the right to collective bargaining. Hence, the Catholic clergy in general respected the Vatican's engagement but in Lawrence it also feared the spread of socialist thinking. A form of competition developed as to who between IWW leaders and clergymen would be the most supportive or benevolent. John Rami's funeral offered an opportunity for Reverend Bustany to keep his parishioners in the Catholic fold. As hundreds of Syrians sat in St Anthony's church, the priest, in his eulogy, underlined the importance of remaining devoted Christians by quoting the scriptures: "Fear not those who kill the body; fear those who kill the body and soul" (as cited in Watson, 2005, p. 117). He then suggested erecting a monument in Rami's honor before leading a thirty-carriage cortege to Immaculate Conception Cemetery (Watson, 2005, p. 118).

As the strike progressed, several Syrian intellectuals also urged their fellow countrymen and women to carry on fighting for higher wages and better working conditions. In March 1912, in the columns of The New England Magazine, Walter M. Pratt, a lieutenant of the Eighth Regiment, claimed that "the un-Americanized foreign element is not educated and … an easy prey to the agitation" (6). In response, Najeeb Diab, the founder of Mira'at al-Gharb (Mirror of the West), New York's second most popular Arabic publication, voiced his support by declaring that Americanization did not invariably imply an unquestioning deference to established practices (Khater, 2021, p. 21). Therefore, it appears that the 12-week long conflict was not only about industrial labor relations. Syrian immigrants with differing social origins coalesced around new cultural and political values ultimately shaping an alternative and more comprehensive narrative as working-class Americans.

Conclusion

The Bread and Roses strike holds a special place in US history due to its size and impact, but also because it was a victory attained by a gender inclusive and multi-ethnic coalition of immigrant workers. It is now plain that Syrians of all walks of life added their contributions towards a resolution of the crisis in Lawrence. In fact, in numerous other labor struggles in New England during the 1900s, thousands of other Syrian immigrants joined the struggle for labor rights and social justice: in Fall River, Massachusetts in 1904, in Willimantic, Connecticut in 1912or in New Bedford, Massachusetts in 1928. In Lawrence in 1912, Syrian political activism was bolstered simultaneously by a series of circumstances which distinctly affected the community first morally, when Syrian immigrants were typified as dangerous bomb-throwing radicals, then physically when one of them was fatally wounded. The organizing force of the IWW was also greatly influential in the Syrians' mobilization as many became involved in the power struggle to define and assert new collective rights. In the aftermath, the workers of Lawrence received a 15 per cent pay increase and won higher overtime compensation as well as improved factory conditions. More broadly, the impact of the Lawrence strike on labor relations was such that several other mill owners fearing similar disturbances granted pay raises to approximately 300,000 textile workers in New England (Lafleur, 2008, p. 214). During the "Lawrence revolution", the female Syrian labor force played a significant part in challenging traditional gender roles and the subordination of women within the labor movement in particular. In doing so, these women undoubtedly contributed to the furthering of American women's political mobilization. In point of fact, their activism prompted the Massachusetts legislature to pass the nation's first State minimum wage law for female workers that same year. Although a use of the phrase "Bread and Roses" during the strike has never been documented, it has since then become an anthem for women's and workers' rights, a call for dignity and respect xix .

In the end, then, what is demonstrated by this examination of the Syrian mill workers' activism during the 1912 Lawrence strike is that a large portion of the pioneer cohort, in the American context, built up its own sense of solidarity and class consciousness. Obviously, the Syrian movement for more economic and social justice included other individuals from different socioeconomic classes, clerical or lay, and was acclaimed by intellectuals and community leaders in the Northeast.

Yet, the Arab American collective mythology has silenced the contributions made by the industrial immigrant workforce and eventually excluded laboring Syrians from the larger picture.

More significantly, the adoption of the peddler myth as a unique path to Americanization relegated to oblivion inherited cultural practices as well as new social experiences shared with other fellow immigrants. When looking at the factors that most likely explain why early historians and Arab American community leaders popularized the peddler narrative rather than the industrial worker's story, Stacy D. Fahrenthold argues that highlighting cultural similarities was part of a strategy aiming ultimately at achieving full assimilation into the white race. Following a similar line of reasoning, it might be added that erasing radical antecedents and distancing oneself from foreign-born agitators was a complementary way of sanctioning the nation's binary racial paradigm and the prevailing conflation of dissent with disloyalty.

i Most Arabic-speaking immigrants came from that part of the world known as "Greater Syria" which explains why they referred to themselves and were designated after 1899 and until 1918 as "Syrian". The name "Greater Syria" referred specifically to the Arab province of the Ottoman Empire (present-day Lebanon, Israel, Palestine, Syria, and parts of Jordan). Before World War I, the overwhelming majority of Syrian-Americans were Maronite Catholic and Antiochian Orthodox. A small percentage were Protestant. Very few were Muslim. ii The pioneer cohort represents the first wave of Syrian immigrants (1890s-1940s).

iii Younis completed her dissertation in 1961. It was published in 1995. iv The expression was used in 2020 by Rosemarie M. Esber in "Dr. Alixa Naff: A Founder of Arab American Studies". v See for example Ray Hanania: "The Arab peddler was an extension of the Arab merchant in the great souks (open air markets) of the Middle East." (2005, p.12), or Philip M. Kayal: "If Syrians do anything well it is buying and selling" (2004, p.140). vi The expression was used in 1994 by Joanna Kadi (xix). vii On the historiography of the Lawrence Textile Strike of 1912, see Hubbard, Andrew, "Bread and repression, too: The battle for labor's memory and the Lawrence textile strike of 1912" (2018). Honors Theses. 1672. viii The expression was used by Walter M. Pratt in an article published in the New England Magazine, March 1912. ix The words "Arab" or "Arabic" were excluded as they were mostly used when referring to the language spoken in that part of the world.

x "A large majority of these strikers were Italians, Poles, Greeks, Syrians or other untutored people", Walter Merriam Pratt, in "The Lawrence Revolution," New England Magazine, March 1912. xi The purpose of the Great Britain Board of Trade of London report was to "investigate the certain matters affecting the working classes in industrial towns in various countries", iii. xii Watson evaluates at 2,500 the number of Syrians living in [START_REF]No disorder at[END_REF]Lawrence in (2005, p. 41), p. 41). In 1911, The Reports of the Dillingham Commission (United States Congressional Serial Set, Volume 5865) estimated their population at 3,000 people (p. 515). xiii Mill owners argued that men's workload was dependent on the female operatives' productivity and that they could not be paid if no work was done. xiv In fact, a peak was reached between 1906 and 1911 when 110 construction sites were dynamited (Watson, 2005, p. 83). xv See Hitti 2002 or Younis 1995. xvi For further analysis on Syrian/Arab American immigrant women, see Shakir (1997), p. 202 and Khater (2001), p. 66. xvii The case of Camilla Gibran, mother of the future Syrian-American writer Khalil Gibran, who came to the United States with her children but without her husband, is a well-known example of an unaccompanied woman.

xviii An expression first used in a song written by IWW member and songwriter Joe Hill. xix Watson explains that the legend of women holding a picket sign reading "We want bread, but we want roses, too" was first created by Upton Sinclair in a labor anthology published in 1916 (2005, p. 256).

Appendix