Mary Laughren

Maïa Ponsonnet

Ear and belly in Warlpiri descriptions of cognitive and emotional experience

Keywords: figurative language, metaphors, body parts, emotion, cognition, reflexive constructions 1 Introduction

Like most other Australian languages, Warlpiria Pama-Nyungan language of the Ngumpin-Yapa groupis rich in figurative expressions that include a body-part noun. In this article we examine the collocations involving two body parts: langa 'ear', which mostly relates to cognition; and miyalu 'belly', which mostly relates to emotion. Drawing on an extensive Warlpiri database, we analyse the semantic, figurative and syntactic dimensions of these collocations. We note how reflexive variants of certain collocations impose a non-literal aspectual reading, as also observed in Romance and Germanic languages inter alia. The article also highlights differences between the range of body-based emotion metaphors found in Warlpiri, and that reported for the non-Pama-Nyungan languages of Australia. We hypothesize that these differences sometimes reflect grammatical differences. In particular, Warlpiri allows body-part nouns in syntactic functions that rarely found in non-Pama-Nyungan languages, due to the prevalence of body-part noun incorporation in the latter group.

3 collocations. To that effect, it is indispensable to have in mind how body parts are treated syntactically with respect to the whole they attach to, and more generally the status of body-part nouns with respect to the grammatical representation of possession in Warlpiri. Like most Australian languages (Ponsonnet accepted), Warlpiri exhibits distinct 'possessive' constructions, which delineate classes of nounsthree different classes, in the case of Warlpiri. The contrast in possessive constructions corresponds to a semantic contrast between degrees of 'alienability' in the relationship between the possessum and the possessor. The most 'alienable' relation is that of ownership of mundane possession (of 'things' in general). One 'inalienable' category includes body parts and other attributes of the person [START_REF] Hale | Preliminary remarks on the character of part-whole relations in Warlpiri[END_REF][START_REF] Lichtenberk | Attributive possessive constructions in Oceanic[END_REF][START_REF] Ponsonnet | Nominal subclasses in Dalabon (South Western Arnhem Land)[END_REF]. Another 'inalienable' construction targets kin relationships [START_REF] Laughren | Possession in Kuku-Thaypan through a comparative lens[END_REF]. These semantic contrasts are reflected in distinct syntactic configurations.

In Warlpiri, the 'part-whole' relation is typically expressed using what Hale (1981: 338) dubbed the "favorite mode of expression" of a part-whole relationship, where a part is expressed as a nominal adjunct syntactically distinct from the nominal expression of its whole. In this construction, the relationship between part and whole is marked by case agreement; the case assigned to the part agrees with that of the whole, even though part and whole expressions bear distinct grammatical functions [START_REF] Hale | Preliminary remarks on the character of part-whole relations in Warlpiri[END_REF][START_REF] Laughren | Secondary predication as a diagnostic of underlying structure in Pama-Nyungan languages[END_REF]. This is illustrated in (1), where the relevant part of the child that does the poking is the hand/finger, as reflected in the ergative case agreement between kurdu-ngku 'child' and rdaka-ngku 'hand/finger' (with superscript indicating the relation between a whole and its part). Kurdu 'child' is marked by ergative case, the standard case of an 'agent' subject of a transitive clause with a verb like pantirni 'poke/pierce'. Similarly, the part of the woman (karnta) that the child pokes is the eye (milpa). As the 'patient' object of pantirni, the case of karnta 'woman' is unmarked i.e. absolutive, thus milpa 'eye' is also unmarked for case. This part-whole construction differs from the alienable possessive construction illustrated in (2).

(1) Kurdu-ngku j ka karnta i panti-rni milpa i rdaka-ngku j . child-ERG PRS woman poke-NPST eye hand-ERG 'A child pokes the woman (in) the eye with (his) finger. This part-whole construction can be contrasted with the alienable possessive construction that applies to items not conceived as being 'part' of some 'whole'. In (2) and (3), the relationship between the possessor karnta 'woman' and the alienable possessed kartaku 'billycan' is expressed by the possessive case suffix on the possessor phrase. Both the possessor and possessum phrases form a single constituent which is the syntactic object. This possessive phrase is assigned an unmarked absolutive case as a function of its syntactic role. Even though each expression, possessor and possessum, may be discontinuous as in (3) they still share a unique syntactic function, unlike the relation between the identically case-marked whole and related part expressions in (1).

(2) Kurdu-ngku ka panti-rni karnta-kurlangu kartaku. child-ERG PRS pierce-NPST woman-POSS billycan 'The child is piercing the woman's billycan.'

(3) Kartaku ka kurdu-ngku panti-rni karnta-kurlangu. billycan PRS child-ERG pierce-NPST woman-POSS 'The child is piercing the woman's billycan.' In Hale's (1981: 334) analysis of the inalienable construction in (1), only the 'whole' expressions, as opposed to the 'part' expressions, are 'syntactically active' in the sense that the person and number features of 'whole' phrases are the ones registered by enclitic pronominal forms in the auxiliary complex, and only the 'whole' expressions may 'control' the subject of a subordinate infinitival clause. In other words, in (1), only kurdu-ngku 'child-ERG' is directly linked to the subject function, and only karnta 'woman' is directly linked to the object function. By contrast the 'part' expression can be described as parasitic on the associated 'whole' expression from which it inherits its case, but not its grammatical function. This syntactic configuration, which applies in many of the figurative collocations we discuss here, has sometimes been referred to as a 'possessor raising construction' on the grounds that although the event really involves the body part, the whole is raised as a syntactic argument instead of the part [START_REF] Chappell | The grammar of inalienability: A typological perspective on body part terms and the part-whole relation[END_REF][START_REF] Ponsonnet | Nominal subclasses in Dalabon (South Western Arnhem Land)[END_REF][START_REF] Meakins | Possessor dissension: Agreement mismatch in Ngumpin-Yapa possessive constructions[END_REF]. Hale (1981: 334) takes a somewhat different view, arguing that the 'whole' is affected by what happens to the 'part'. While the 'whole' is an obligatory argument, as in (1), the 'part' expression is syntactically optional, serving as a specifier of the affected 'whole'.

Warlpiri has an alternative construction in which the 'whole' expression is realised as the syntactic subject or object while the 'part' expression is realised in an expression independently

5

marked by the appropriate semantic case. These contrasting structures are shown in ( 4) and (5). In (4), there is case-agreement between the allative case-marked 'whole' and 'part', while in (5) the 'whole' is expressed as the dative-marked object kurdu-ku cross-referenced with the dative pronominal enclitic =rla, while the 'part' is expressed in the allative-marked phrase langa-kurra which complements the verb.

(4) Nama ka langa-kurra yuka-mi kurdu-kurra. [START_REF] Hale | Preliminary remarks on the character of part-whole relations in Warlpiri[END_REF]: #24) ant PRS ear-ALL enter-NPST child-ALL 'The ant is entering the child's ear.'

(5)

Nama ka=rla langa-kurra yuka-mi kurdu-ku. [START_REF] Hale | Preliminary remarks on the character of part-whole relations in Warlpiri[END_REF]: #24') ant PRS=3DAT ear-ALL enter-NPST child-DAT 'The ant is entering the child's ear.'

As will be seen in Sections 3 and 4, both of the part-whole constructions, the 'case-agreement' structure and the 'raised whole' structure, are found when body part words are used figuratively.

The semantics of reflexive constructions

Another aspect of Warlpiri grammar relevant to our argument is the semantics of reflexive constructions. Standard reflexive constructions in Warlpiri naturally derive from transitive clauses, typically with an agent-patient array as illustrated in (6), where the specific part of the patient that the agent affects is explicitly expressed, consistent with the principles presented in 2.2.

(6)

Wati-ngki kurdu pantu-rnu milpa. man-ERG child poked-PST eye 'A man poked the child (in) the eye.' Example (7) presents a reflexive construction, where the patient role associated with the object function is expressed by the reflexive enclitic pronoun =nyanu. Syntactically, the clause maintains two distinct grammatical functions, a subject (expressed by ergative case-marked kurdu-ngku 'child'-ERG) and an object (expressed by the anaphoric enclitic =nyanu), associated with the semantic role of patient. However, these two arguments refer to the same entity in the domain of discourse, i.e., the child. The contrast in case-marking on the body-part terms reflects these patterns, with kurdu 'child' and rdaka 'hand' marked as ergative, while milpa 'eye' is unmarked (absolutive). In the reflexive construction in (7) the subject argument, being agentive, causes the realization of the transition from one state of affairs to another. In this respect, it compares with the transitive (non-reflexive) clause in (6). In other words, standard reflexive constructions in Warlpiri do not modify the reading of the event as agentive, but simply map the two arguments of a transitive sentence onto a single referent. This is what one expects for a reflexive construction. But note that in this respect, Warlpiri differs from Romance languages for instance, in which reflexive marking may also signal the absence of an agent argument, with the patient realised as the subject. This is exemplified by the French sentence in (8) which does not necessarily imply an agent as in ( 7), but is essentially an inchoative sentence featuring a patient role. 3 We will see in Section 4, that under certain conditions, Warlpiri reflexive constructions do resemble the pattern presented in (8). Equipped with these insights from Warlpiri grammar, we will now turn to the description and discussion of figurative collocations that are used to talk about cognitive and emotional states and functions in this language. The ones we discuss below involve two body parts that we will consider in turn: langa 'ear' and miyalu 'belly'.

Langa 'ear'

As in many Australian languages [START_REF] Evans | In the mind's ear: The semantic extensions of perception verbs in Australian languages[END_REF], the Warlpiri noun for 'ear', langa, is used figuratively in expressions which denote brain-related functionshearing, understanding, 3 Change of state verbs such as casser 'break' are prototypical unaccusative verbs [START_REF] Perlmutter | Impersonal passives and the unaccusative hypothesis[END_REF] in which the patient argument is first linked to the object function and then raised to the subject positionas has been argued for passive. This construction is often referred to as a reflexive passive construction. The structure in (8) differs from a reflexive construction in which distinct agent and patient roles are linked to a subject and object function associated with the same referent.

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remembering. Where intellectual functions naturally associate with emotional states, some of these collocations also have emotional meaningsfor instance with yirrarni 'put', the literal expression 'put in one's ear' expresses the notion 'to be concerned about someone', which involves emotional preoccupation as well as intellectual attention (Ponsonnet & Laginha, this volume).

An overview of the Warlpiri collocations with langa 'ear' is provided in Table 1. They exhibit some diversity in the syntactic status of langa 'ear'. In some of them langa attracts syntactic marking in a full verbal construction, just as body parts do in literal usage; while at the other extreme, it is a frozen element in lexicalized compounds. In the following section we explore the syntactic structures of ear-based collocations, using it as a basis for their figurative interpretations.

Our analyses and interpretation of tropes in this section and the next one on miyalu 'belly' draw from the now classical framework offered by cognitive linguistics [START_REF] Lakoff | Metaphors we live by[END_REF][START_REF] Lakoff | Women, fire, and dangerous things: What categories reveal about the mind[END_REF][START_REF] Kövecses | Metaphor and Emotion: Language, culture and body in human feeling[END_REF], 2002, inter alia). We will distinguish between metonymy, where the source and the target are associated by virtue of their proximity; and metaphor, where they are associated by virtue of conceptual similarity. 4 We will use the term trope to refer to figurative expressions in general, including metonymies and metaphors. Note that each figurative expression can be glossed as more than one trope, depending on whether one focuses on more specific or more generic tropes. For instance, the English expression she was boiling with anger could be glossed as 12) illustrate a collocation with yirrarni 'put'. Semantically, the base verb has an agent-theme-location thematic array. Syntactically, this is realized by a reflexive construction with an experiencer subject ('you', i.e. addressee), and the location of the feeling of concern figuratively represented as the ear of this experiencer. Langa is marked with locative case as the locative complement in this verbal frame while the experiencer 'whole' is expressed as the ergativemarked subject (associated with the agent thematic role), which also binds the reference of the dative object expressed by the anaphoric enclitic =nyanu. The relevant part, langa, is not related to the experiencer whole by case agreement, but rather via its relation with the dative object, as we have already seen in (4) in 2.2. In both (11) and (12) the whole is expressed as the dative object (dative anaphoric clitic =nyanu) while the part expression is independently assigned locative case, marking it as the location of what is 'put'. The figurative interpretation of (11) yields the metaphor EAR AS A CONTAINER OF KNOWLEDGE, which is also reported by Gaby (2008: 30) Note that the syntactic structure in ( 11) is not a special treatment reserved to the figurative collocation: the same thematic array is illustrated in the non-figurative context of ( 12), with the chest rdukurduku-rla. In both the figurative collocation in ( 11) and the literal one in (12) the 'part' that is the endpoint of the 'putting' action is marked by locative case, while the 'whole' is expressed by the anaphoric dative object enclitic -nyanu, marking coreference with the subject. However, while there is an overtly expressed theme argument kuruwarri 'design' in ( 12), which is the object of physical transfer, there is no such overt argument in (11) although one might argue that there is the equivalent of a pleonastic 'it' theme which is covert in Warlpiri (since third person singular subjects and objects are unmarked by pronominal enclitics in the Warlpiri auxiliary and are only explicitly expressed by an NP if additional information is required). In addition, (11) features a purposive complement warlalja-ku yapa-ku, which in Warlpiri is marked by the dative case suffix. This expression is an integral element of the figurative collocation predicate, whereas such an expression added to (12) would be interpreted as an independent optional addition to the clause.

In addition to expressions in which the case-marked phrase with langa 'ear' is syntactically discontinuous from the verb with which it combinesas the active 'part' of its subject in ( 9)/(10) and as its complement in (11)langa may also be more tightly incorporated into a complex verb.

The sentences in ( 13) and ( 14) employ transitive 'cause change location' verbs which incorporate the allative marked goal location expression langa-kurra 'ear-into' into the complex verb headed by the inflecting causative verbaliser -mani. 6 This complex verb, [langa-kurra]-mani '[ear-into]-CAUS (to make go)' has an agent-theme-location array, in which the location is equated with an experiencer 'whole' with the incorporated langa as the relevant 'part'. The literal reading is not as indisputable as in the previous collocations, where langa 'ear' was treated as a concrete body part, yet the allative suggests the same container metaphor as in ( 11). ( 13) Langa-kurra-ma-nta =ngku nyampu=ju! ear-ALL-CAUS-IMP =2DAT this=TOP 'Get this into your head!' or 'Remember this!' (Lit. Get this into your ear.) ( 14) Jaji-nyanu-rlu =lpa=rla langa-kurra-ma-nu kurdu-nyanu-ku. father-ANAPH-ERG IMPF=3DAT ear-ALL-CAUS-PST child-ANAPH-DAT 'The father was making his child take notice.' (Lit. The father was making (it go) into his child's ear.)

Langa-kurra 'ear-into' may also be incorporated into a complex verb headed by the inchoative inflecting verb -jarri 'become'. In the initial clauses in ( 15) and ( 16), the unmarked absolutive subject is yalumpu 'that' referring to the advice whose nature is spelt out in the second clause. The verb frames the 'advice' as a theme argument moving from the outside to the inside of the ear (figuratively the intellect) of the experiencer referred to by the dative enclitic pronoun: (=ju 'me' in (15), =ngki 'you' in (16). This is another instantiation of the EAR AS A CONTAINER OF KNOWLEDGE metaphor. The process of holding onto or recapturing some mental image or concept is expressed by another complex verb which incorporates langa as a preverbal modifier (or preverb) of the stance verb nguna 'be, lie', as shown in ( 17) and ( 18). The experiencer is expressed as the subject, while the object of thought is expressed as a dative-marked complement (yalumpu-ku in ( 17) and ngana-ku in ( 18)). Here the metaphor remains vague, as the primary input of nguna 'be, lie' is to impart durative aspect meaning. This is a common Warlpiri pattern that is observed with emotional state predicates, e.g., luyurr-nguna-mi 'feel sad', muurr-nguna-mi 'worry about', as well as many other predicates expressing intrinsic properties, e.g. puwaly-nguna 'be green', location, shape, position, activities etc. Finally, langa is also incorporated into a somewhat opaque cognitive-activity verb langa-karilanga-kari-jarri, lit. 'ear-other-ear-other-become/be/do', roughly equivalent to English 'have in mind, think about', as in ( 19) and ( 20). The experiencer role is assigned to the subject. In (20), the quantifier nyarrpa 'how', which questions the thought content, is realised as a locative case-marked complement of the verb. In Warlpiri, reduplication expresses the durative or continuous nature of the event. The trope underlying the reduplicated langa-kari-langa-kari 'ear-other-ear-other' remains somewhat obscure, but suggests something along the lines of THINKING IS LIKE CHANGING ONE'S EAR/THOUGHTS, which can be interpreted against the idea that thinking is reviewing different ideas as states of the ear. We have seen that the use of langa 'ear' to denote a cognitive faculty as 'part' of some being can be expressed in the same way as when the term denotes an ostensible 'part' of a being, agreeing in case 7 Cognitive and emotional tropes involving alteration, division or multiplication of emotional and/or intellectual faculty are well attested in Australian languages. However, they usually map onto indecision and emotional discomfort (e.g. in Nyangumarta and Walmajarri in the Kimberley; see also Warlpiri belly metaphors, Section 4.1).

with its whole, as with the verb marda-rni 'have, hold, keep'. By contrast, with yirrarni 'put', langa escapes from its inalienable status as marked by case-agreement with its 'whole' expression. Its location role is independently marked by locative case, while the 'whole' expression is raised to the dative-marked object function, but the locative expression has to be associated with the dative object as its relevant part. In both cases, the cognitive faculty is represented metaphorically as a container of knowledge. We have also seen how langa can be incorporated directly into a complex verb to denote a mental process or action, or can combine with the allative case, which further illustrates the EAR AS A CONTAINER OF KNOWLEDGE metaphor. In addition to this relatively straightforward trope, a couple of expressions with langa remain somewhat opaque.

While langa 'ear' is used in a variety of expressions projecting a number of distinct metaphors for cognitive states and processes, another body part, miyalu 'belly', enters into an even richer set of collocations denoting emotional states of consciousness. The syntactic and figurative structures of miyalu emotional collocations are presented in Section 4.

Miyalu 'belly'

Miyalu 'belly' has a range of meanings which extend beyond the body-part meaning. It is used to denote the hollow or concave side of an object as opposed to the convex side denoted by purturlu or pawiyi 'backbone, spine'. It is also used to denote a maternal parent relationship, particularly when a speaker is self-referring as someone's mother, maternal aunt or uncle. In addition, as will be discussed here, miyalu is also used in expressions which denote emotions or feelings.

Table 2 contains a list of the figurative expressions in which miyalu is attested. Semantically, they mostly target emotions, both broad 'positive' emotions such as feeling good or happy, and 'negative' ones such as feeling bad or depressed; and more specific emotions including affection, compassion, anxiety and anger. This semantic range is typical of body-based expression in Australian languages, as discussed by Ponsonnet & Laginha (this volume). Many of the tropes instantiated by miyalu collocations are also typical of belly-based expressions across the continent, although there are, as we will see, some exceptions and contrasts. In particular, Warlpiri belly-based collocations feature patterns of perception and harm metaphors which are quite typical of Pama-Nyungan languages, but unattested in Ponsonnet & Laginha's sample of non-Pama-Nyungan languages (see Ponsonnet & Laginha, this volume). This may reflect some grammatical differences between Pama-Nyungan and non-Pama-Nyungan languages, in particular the absence of productive noun incorporation in Warlpiri. By contrast, syntactic incorporation is the default grammatical treatment of body-part nouns in many non-Pama-Nyungan languages, and this seems to account for differences in the respective syntactic structures of body-based emotion collocations in each group of languages. that not-be-PST 'They then cried. They were upset over the old man who died.' (Lit. They then cried. They became bad belly-wise from the old man who passed away.) Example ( 23) features a positive alternative, where miyalu 'belly' combines with the denominal verb wardinyi-jarri 'be(come) happy'. 8 Here the base verb modified by miyalu already has an emotional meaning. The resulting trope describes the BELLY AS THE EXPERIENCER OF EMOTIONS, also a common metonymy across the Australian continent and elsewhere. (Note that the collocation miyalu wardinyi is not attested with copula constructions.) In ( 24) and ( 25), miyalu 'belly' combines with ngarrurda, which already denotes an emotional state. In this case, the addition of miyalu does not change the meaning of the original adjective, since both the collocation and ngarrurda alone denote a feeling of fear, dread or terror. The figurative input of the collocation is to depict miyalu as the experiencer of fear, yielding the trope BELLY AS THE EXPERIENCER OF FEAR. Some of the collocations where miyalu 'belly' is modified by a nominal rely upon a somatic metonymy whereby a plausible physiological property of the belly maps onto an emotional state.

Combining miyalu with warlu 'fire, hot' as in (26) maps the representation of a burning belly onto angry emotional state (and conversely in ( 27)), with the trope BEING ANGRY IS LIKE HAVING A HOT BELLY. This trope is frequent in Australian languages, reflecting the quasi-universal association of anger with heat (Ponsonnet & Laginha, this volume, Kövecses 1995). Conversely, a feeling of calm and self-assurancethe absence of concern of some bad outcomeis expressed by combining miyalu with walyka 'cool ', in (26) Other modifiers assign to miyalu some properties that are not evidently plausible properties of the belly. For instance, the combination with yulpu 'soft' conveys an uncaring, even cruel, disposition, particularly with regard to how a maternal uncle should not behave towards his sister's child. An uncle should always protect and stand up for his sister's child, so when he actually attacks his niece or nephew he is said to be miyalu yulpu 'soft belly', i.e., unfeeling. Such metaphorical descriptions of the belly as more or less hard or soft are common across Australia (see Ponsonnet & Laginha's reference to resistance metaphors in this volume). However, in Warlpiri the valence is inverted compared to other attestations (including other Central Australian languages like Kaytetye): softness usually maps onto sympathetic attitudes, while in Warlpiri it describes lack of sympathy, yielding the metaphor BEING UNSYMPATHETIC IS LIKE HAVING A SOFT BELLY. In the physical domain, 'soft belly' is associated with illness -due to the absence of one's soul or spirit (life-force, see Ponsonnet 2016, Kofod & Crane, this volume). A traditional indigenous doctor restoring the presence of this life-force in a sick person feels their stomach, and declares them to have a 'hard (resistant) belly' miyalu pirrjirdi when they are healthy. This may correlate with a conceptual association of lack of empathy with weakness of character, since in many Australian languages, 'hard belly' metaphors map onto self-confidence.

In addition to nominal modification, there exist two expressions where miyalu 'belly' is semantically modified by a suffix rather than an independent nominal, as in miyalu-jarra 'bellytwo', illustrated in (28), denoting contradictory thoughts or being 'in two minds'. The suffixed noun is then predicated of the experiencer (subject) of the state of confusion, using a copula. In all the collocations presented in this section, tropes are deployed at the level of a single noun phrase which includes miyalu, resulting in an emotional meaning which can then be predicated of a subject expressing the experiencer. With this grammatical embedding, metonymies and metaphors map the states or properties of the belly described by the figurative noun phrase onto emotional states of the experiencer, under the generic trope EMOTIONAL STATES ARE LIKE STATES/PROPERTIES OF THE BELLY. In the following section, we discuss collocations deployed at the level of the clause, where miyalu 'belly' is either incorporated into a compound verb, modifies an argument of the verb or acts as a complement to the verb.

Tropes at clause level

In line with what has already been observed with langa 'ear' collocations, in Warlpiri miyalu 'belly' collocations exhibit a broad range of syntactic frames. Owing to its inalienable status (2.2), the belly always remains a part of the experiencer of the emotion, rather than an independent entity. However, the experiencer in question can occur in a range of syntactic roles, including allative, absolutive subject (S), ergative subject (A), direct object (O) or dative object. These syntactic frames in turn channel figurative interpretations. This section analyses the syntax of miyalu collocations and how it maps onto a diverse range of figurative representations of emotions. The data collected from 67 Australian languages by Ponsonnet & Laginha (this volume) suggests that with respect to the syntactic diversity of its emotional collocations, Warlpiri may be representative of a majority of Pama-Nyungan languages. However, we will also see that there are notable differences with typical non-Pama-Nyungan patterns, and these differences in turn suggest how grammatical patterns could block or channel certain generic metaphors (Ponsonnet 2013: Chapter 11). Namely, many non-Pama-Nyungan languages, being polysynthetic, tend to incorporate bodypart nouns into verb complexes. As we will see, this limits the range of syntactic roles body parts typically afford, and in turn the figurative roles they can play in emotional tropes.

BODY PART FOR EMOTION

Like most Warlpiri nouns, miyalu can be incorporated into a verbal expression headed by the inchoative verbaliser -jarri 'be/become/do' to express a feeling of sympathy towards someone who has suffered in some way. This is illustrated in (30), in which the experiencer is expressed as the subject with the object of feeling expressed as a dative-marked complement. Figuratively, this construction represents the emotion of sympathy itself as the belly, since (30) literally translates as 'I become belly now for him', meaning 'I am sympathetic'. Such body-based tropes are not uncommon across Australia, whether in Pama-Nyungan or non-Pama-Nyungan languages (Ponsonnet & Laginha, this volume). They occur either with the belly, as in Wik Mungkan (Cape York) where 'becoming belly' means developing affections, or with other parts, the throat in particular (mapping onto sexual desire). Another construction, with lower cross-linguistic attestation, may be interpreted under the same family of BODY PART-FOR EMOTION metonymies, where the reduplicated form miyalu-miyalu denotes the protective and compassionate feelings that motivate a punishing behavior. The patient is typically a child that the experiencer has responsibility for, and the action is presented as a means of discouraging that person from getting into a dangerous situation. In each of the sentences in (31), the concerned person (experiencer) is the subject of the clause. The transitive verbs in ( 31) and ( 33) require an ergative-marked subject. This explains the ergative suffix on miyalu-miyalu which is predicated of the subject, showing that the feeling of concern that motivates the subject's actions is the active part of the subject. The intransitive verb in (32) requires an unmarked absolutive subject, hence the absence of case-marking on miyalu-miyalu; but miyalu-miyalu remains the relevant part of the subject's referent, who is also the experiencer of the compassionate feeling.

Container metaphor

In the sentences in ( 34) and ( 35), the speaker used miyalu collocations to describe their feelings of affection, or lack of, using the verb yuka 'enter' with its theme-goal thematic array. With this collocation, the experiencer 'whole' is expressed as a dative object, whose relevant inalienable part is expressed by the allative-marked complement phrase miyalu-kurra, as explained in 2.2. The subject is the target/trigger of affection which figuratively moves into the belly of the dativemarked experiencer. The collocation thus translates literally as something like 'X entered Y's belly' and relies on a 'container' metaphor where the belly is depicted as containing the target of the affection: BELLY AS A CONTAINER OF LIKED ENTITY. Such metaphors for affection are regularly attested in several Australian languages in Ponsonnet & Laginha's sample (this volume), both Pama-Nyungan and non-Pama-Nyungan (for instance in Kukatja, Western Desert, and Ngankikurungkurr, Daly region, with the belly; as well as in Dalabon, Arnhem Land, and Gija, Kimberley, with the heart). This is somewhat akin to uses of langa in ( 9) and ( 11) in Section 3.1 where the ear/mind is represented as a container of knowledge.

Accessibility metaphor

In (36), miyalu combines with the transitive verb raa-pi-nyi 'make clear/open' to denote a state of well-being or psychological relief, absence of concern or worrya state of contentment. The subject is treated figuratively as the agent in the clearing/opening event, the object is the experiencer of the emotional relief, and miyalu 'belly' is an inalienable affected part of the object/experiencer. The metaphor is one of accessibility: FEELING EMOTIONALLY GOOD IS LIKE HAVING AN OPEN BELLY. This metaphor is well attested in Arnhem Land in Pama-Nyungan and non-Pama-Nyungan languages (Yolngu, Dalabon), with the belly as well as with the heart (Ponsonnet & Laginha, this volume)

Speech metaphors

Although langa 'ear' is the figurative pivot in the domain of intellection, (37) illustrates a reflexive construction with wangka + =nyanu 'speak + self', modified by miyalu 'belly' to denote thinking, or conversing inwardly with oneself: 'speak to self inside, i.e. the belly', under the trope SPEECH OF THE BELLY FOR INNER SPEECH (a similar metaphor is attested in Gija, Kimberley, and in Dalabon, Arnhem Land). In this case miyalu symbolizes the interior, which is an extension of its use designating the internal or inner part of something (see introduction to Section 4), as is reinforced in (38) and ( 39) below where the 'inner part of' and 'concern' meaning combine.

(37) Wangka-mi ka=nyanu miyalu. "Ngaju-piya miparrpa yinarrka." speak-NPST PRS=ANAPH.DAT belly me-like face baby 'He thinks to himself, "The baby looks like me".' (Lit. He says to himself belly(-wise) (etc.).)

Further, the combination of miyalu 'belly' with the simple verb wangka 'speak', without a reflexive construction, expresses that the referent of the subject is entertaining a feeling of concern for the wellbeing of the person metaphorically described as the addressee. The absolutive subject of wangka 'speak' is the speaker and the dative object is the addressee. As expected, miyalu 'belly', being unmarked, agrees with the absolutive argument which is the speaker, of whom it is an inalienable part. We see in (38) that lirra 'mouth' attracts the same treatment in a clause that means 'speaking with the mouth', hence we can infer that the miyalu collocation translates well as 'speak with belly'. In other words, 'speak with the belly about x' stands figuratively for 'be sad/concerned about x', instantiating the metaphor FEELING SAD/CONCERNED IS SPEAKING WITH THE BELLY.

Comparable representations of negative emotions are attested with the belly in other Pama-Nyungan languages in Central Australia (Kaytetye), and further away with the heart (Noongar, South-West). There are also some attestations in non-Pama-Nyungan languages (Dalabon, Arnhem Land).

Perception metaphors

In (40), a miyalu collocation with nyanyi 'see' translates literally as 'I see you with my belly (to be) bad', relying on a metaphor that represents judgements or attitudes as perceptions of the belly. The presence of miyalu in combination with nyanyi forces a figurative meaning of the verb akin to the 'come to conclusion that' meaning of 'see' in English, which corresponds to the metaphor JUDGEMENTS ARE PERCEPTIONS OF THE BELLY. 11 The nature of the judgement/emotion, is expressed by a nominal predicatemaju 'bad' in (40)which has scope over the object (addressee). In terms of argument mapping, the agent of nyanyi 'see', a transitive perception verb, is the first person as indexed on the auxiliary; as expected, miyalu is ergatively marked, as the figuratively active inalienable part of the agent/experiencer subject of the clause. The examples in (41) present a variant of this metaphor, where the perception of the belly does not map onto an undefined judgement/emotion, but specifically to anxiety (i.e. negative emotion). In this case, the clause contains no secondary predicate qualifying the object or stimulus of the emotion, and the verb nyanyi 'see' simply aligns the experiencer with the transitive subject and the object of anxiety with the object of the perception. Miyalu 'belly' is again ergatively marked, as an inalienable part of the experiencer. Thus, 'see with the belly' reads figuratively as 'be anxious', which illustrates the metaphor Such visual perception metaphors for emotions are attested with the belly in Kaytetye (Central Australia), as well as with the throat in Alyawarre (Central Australia). Other sensory functions (hear, smell) of the liver also map onto emotions in Diyari and Kaurna (both in Southern Australia).

On the other hand, metaphors depicting emotions as perceptions of a body part are not attested in non-Pama-Nyungan languages. This difference with Warlpiri could be due to a contrast in the grammatical treatment of body parts, and more specifically the absence of grammatical, productive noun incorporation in Warlpiri. 12Detailed studies of body-based emotion metaphors in non-Pama-Nyungan languages (O'Keeffe et al. and Hoffmann, this volume, Ponsonnet 2014) report that they most typically originate in noun incorporation. This derives naturally from the grammatical fact that in many of these languages, body-part nouns are incorporated to the verb complex by default [START_REF] Evans | Bininj Gun-Wok: A pan-dialectal grammar of Mayali, Kunwinjku and Kune[END_REF][START_REF] Ponsonnet | Nominal subclasses in Dalabon (South Western Arnhem Land)[END_REF], which in turn constrains the figurative roles they can endorse. Cross-linguistically and in Australian languages in particular, syntactically incorporated nouns normally express absolutive arguments, i.e. either an absolutive subject, or an object; but not an ergative subject [START_REF] Evans | The syntax and semantics of body part incorporation in Mayali[END_REF][START_REF] Ponsonnet | Nominal subclasses in Dalabon (South Western Arnhem Land)[END_REF]. As a result, non-Pama-Nyungan languages where body-part nouns typically undergo incorporation produce few metaphors where the belly (or another body part) perceives anything, because this typically requires that the body part be treated as an ergative subject. Kofod & Crane (this volume) and O' Keeffe et al. (this volume), show that in non-Pama-Nyungan languages which do not feature productive noun incorporation (Gija, reported by Kofod & Crane; Mawng or Ndjébbana, reported by O'Keeffe et al.), body parts can have somewhat broader roles in emotion metaphors. However, they are not attested in the ergative roles either. This may be due to the prior existence of noun incorporation in some of these languages (as reported by Hoffmann, this volume, for MalakMalak), and/or to areal influence from neighboring languages with noun incorporation (e.g. Mawng or Njébbana). In Warlpiri, on the other hand, body-part nouns do not incorporate (and neither do other nouns), and therefore body parts afford a broader range of figurative roles in emotion metaphors. In this way, grammatical patterns may directly or indirectly constrain which tropes can be available in which languages.

Harm metaphors

Miyalu 'belly' also combines with a couple of verbs that entail harm metaphors, all mapping onto anger. The collocation with the transitive verb yarlkirni 'bite' figuratively treats the experiencer as the 'victim' of the violent action as having his belly bitten, under the metaphor BEING ANGRY IS LIKE BEING BITTEN IN THE BELLY. In (43), the experiencer Jungarrayi bears a figurative patient role and is expressed as the unmarked absolutive object, of which the unmarked miyalu is an inalienable part.

Here the agent or cause that produces the state of anger in Jungarrayi (as a result of telling him some 'bad news') is expressed as the subject, marked by the pronominal enclitic =rna. This is the standard schema in a transitive clause with a verb having an agent-patient thematic array, in which the agent can be expressed by an ergative-marked subject NP, while the 'means' by which the patient is harmed is also expressed in an ergative marked 'instrument' phrase. In the examples in ( 44) and ( 45), the collocation features the preverb pinjarra-pinjarra, derived from the infinitive form of the verb pi-nyi 'strike', pi-nja, followed by the 'thither' enclitic =rra. In (44) pinjarra-pinjarra denotes the effect of anger as striking the belly of the experiencer. It combines as a preverb with the inchoative inflecting verb -jarri while in (45) it combines with the stative 'sit' verb nyina, denoting an ongoing state of anger. Both clauses are syntactically intransitive, with the experiencerwho is the victim of the figurative striking actionexpressed as the unmarked absolutive subject, while the target at whom the anger is directed is marked dative (=ju in ( 44)), and the cause or trigger of the harm is expressed by a phrase headed by an ablative 'from' suffix (nyiya-jangka 'that from' in ( 45)). Echoing the behaviors that result from anger, the figurative association of this emotion with violence is reported in the world's languages [START_REF] Kövecses | Anger: Its language, conceptualization and physiology in the light of crosscultural evidence[END_REF][START_REF] Mikolajczuk | The metonymic and metaphoric conceptualization of anger in Polish[END_REF]). More specifically, harm metaphors where the experiencer/their part are victims, and in particular EXPERIENCING NEGATIVE EMOTIONS IS LIKE BEING HARMED IN THE BELLY (or other body part), are attested across the Australian continent, with a range of body parts. Apart from a case of 'chasing' mapping onto love in Kaytetye (Central Australia), all expressions involving harm metaphors map onto clearly negative emotions, and the actions they describe are similar to ones found in Warlpiri: mostly hitting or striking, and eating in the Cape York (semantically close to biting14 in Warlpiri 'eat/drink' can also mean 'hit/strike'). The body parts are mostly the belly or parts that are likely to derive their figurative role from belly-based expressions (Ponsonnet & Laginha, this volume: Section 5), like the chest or the liver.

In terms of language families, these harm metaphors are attested in Pama-Nyungan languages only, not in non-Pama-Nyungan families. In this case, noun incorporation would not block such figurative patterns: the body part is in an object role, which is a licensed absolutive role in noun incorporation. Further research may reveal other reasons for this absence, grammatical or otherwise.

Reflexive constructions

Both harm collocations with miyalu 'belly' discussed in 4.2.6 yield reflexive constructions. As illustrated in (43) above, the miyalu+yarlkirni 'bite belly' collocation means 'X cause Y to be angry', which has a transitive structure. Example (46) presents a reflexivized version of this collocation, translating literally as 'I bite myself belly(-wise)'. Miyalu is (un)marked as absolutive, i.e. it expresses an inalienable part of the first person object (=ju) whose reference is bound by the subject (=rna). Based on the semantics of Warlpiri constructions discussed in 2.3, one would predict that the reflexive version of the miyalu+yarlkirni collocation means 'X makes him/herself angry'however, (46) translates as 'I am becoming angry'. There is no agent role; instead, the experiencer/patient is linked to both subject and object syntactic functions, and the experiencer is implied to change state. (46) Miyalu ka=rna=ju yarlki-rni. belly PRS-1SUBJ=1OBJ bite-NPST 'I'm getting really angry.' (Lit. I am biting myself belly(-wise).) Thus, the reflexive construction of this miyalu collocation attracts an aspectual reading, overriding the standard interpretation of reflexive constructions. This is very similar to the contrast between the French 'cause change of state' clause Cécile énerve Karine 'Cécile irritates Karine', and the formally reflexive but semantically inchoative Cécile s'énerve 'Cécile is getting irritated' (not 'Cécile irritates herself'). The semantics of such 'inchoative' reflexive constructions have not been examined in any depth but will be the focus of future work.

In these reflexive collocations which read as 'change of state' inchoative predicates in Warlpiri, the cause of change of state is either left unexpressed as in (46), or expressed by a separate adjunct that is not a core argument of the collocation as in ( 47) and (48). In (47) the target/trigger of anger is expressed within an expression headed by the postposition jangkardu 'against, in opposition to' while in (48) it is expressed by means of the bolded finite clause.

Comparing ( 47) with (48), we observe that miyalu is in the unmarked absolutive case in the former, but the marked ergative case in the latter. Irrespective of a subtle semantic difference that correlates with this contrast in case-marking on miyalu (something like 'I bite myself in the belly' vs. 'I/my belly bites itself'), the surface morphosyntactic structure remains the same, and in both cases the reflexive construction has an inchoative meaning. This inchoative coercion is not unique to the yarlkirni 'bite', '(cause to) become angry' collocation.

Example (49) presents miyalu with pinjarra-pinjarra, derived from pinyi 'strike' (see ( 44) and ( 45) in Section 4.2.6), in a slightly different reflexive construction from the ones above. In this example, a standard reflexive reading of the first person dative complement cross-referenced on the auxiliary would predict that based on the meaning of ( 44) and ( 45), (49) should read as 'I am (getting) angry at myself'. Rather, (49) expresses the process of the experiencer moving into an increasing state of anger, typically not directed at self. Again, the aspectual contrast between (44)/(45) and ( 49) is similar to the distinction between French Je me fâche contre lui 'I get angry with him' and Je suis fâché contre lui 'I am angry with him'. (49) Miyalu ka=rna=ju pinjarra-pinjarra-nyina.

belly PRS=1SUBJ=1.DAT striking-striking-be 'I am getting angry.' (Lit. I'm striking myself belly(-wise).)

The inchoative reading of the reflexive construction is also attested in (50) with pinyi 'strike, hit, affect', a prototypical agent-patient transitive verb. Here the experiencer Jungarrayi is a patient expressed as the subject, and binds the reference of the 'object' anaphor because the clause is reflexive. This differs from (47), which exhibits ergative-absolutive arrays, with an agent and patient role referring to the same individual. It also differs from ( 49), which exhibits an absolutivedative array, but projects a single thematic role. Despite these differences in surface morphosyntactic form, the interpretation of this reflexive construction is similar to the ones above;

all have an inchoative interpretation.

(50) Miyalu-rlu ka=nyanu pi-nyi Jungarrayi-rli miyi-ngirli. belly-ERG PRS=ANAPH strike-NPST J-ERG food-FROM 'Jungarrayi is getting wild over the food.' (Lit. Jungarrayi is striking himself belly(wise) on account of the food.)

In Warlpiri all the examples with 'pseudo' reflexives above involve harm metaphors. In Ponsonnet & Laginha's (this volume) 67-language sample, reflexive versions of harm metaphors are also attested in other Pama-Nyungan languages, with the belly in Walmajarri (Kimberley) and with the chest in Kaurna (South Australia), where it is unclear whether the meaning is inchoative.

Figuratively, in Warlpiri the cases where the experiencer and its part are ergatively marked license a reading where the belly itself is the agentive cause of the harm: as mentioned one of the possible interpretations of (48) is 'my belly bites itself'. No such metaphorical representation of the belly as violent is attested in non-Pama-Nyungan languages (in Ponsonnet & Laginha's sample or elsewhere). As we saw, this may be because tropes framed by noun incorporation constructions cannot treat incorporated body parts as ergative, and therefore body parts are less likely to be figuratively agentive in non-Pama-Nyungan languages.

At a broader cross-linguistic level, reflexive constructions are regularly found to be lexicalized as standard intransitive emotional and/or cognitive predicates where the reflexive meaning is neutralized (e.g. Romance, Germanic, Turkic and Yuman languages, [START_REF] Kemmer | The middle voice[END_REF]), sometimes with an inchoative meaning as in the French examples above (also attested in German).

Unlike Romance languages in which inchoative-reflexive and passive-reflexive constructions are generalised to large classes of 'change of state or location' verbs, in Warlpiri this construction is more restricted. Apart from the above collocations with miyalu, this construction is also found in a limited number of expressions involving a change in an experiencer's physical state, such as fall asleep. The exact typological distribution of this phenomenon, be it in terms of geographic and genealogical distribution, or in terms of the semantics of the base verbs, is a question for future research.

Conclusion

In line with the cross-linguistically widespread tendency to figuratively denote internal cognitive and emotional experiences in terms of external events involving parts of the body, Warlpiri exhibits a rich array of body part collocations mapping onto a range of cognitive and emotional functions or states. Here we examined collocations involving langa 'ear' and miyalu 'belly'. The data mostly reveals a figurative division between the 'ear' as the locus of intellectual function and the 'belly' as that of emotional experience, although we have noted how 'belly' also features in collocations which relate to intellectual or mind-related functions.

Expressions with langa 'ear' are somewhat less numerous in our data than the ones with the belly, and also instantiate a smaller number of tropes, most of them attested in other Australian It can be depicted as 'hot' which maps onto anger or 'cold' to symbolize an absence of anger or anxiety; or clear/open, which maps onto emotional well-being. Thoughts and judgements are figuratively represented as internally directed speech produced by the belly; emotions as visual perceptions of the belly. Finally, a couple of collocations represent anger as harm done to or by the belly. These last two metaphorsperception and harmare well-attested in other Pama-Nyungan languages, but apparently less frequent in non-Pama-Nyungan languages. With perception metaphors, this contrast suggests that grammar (and more specifically noun incorporation) may have some influence upon which generic metaphors are available in a given language. On the other hand, it is not clear that the absence of harm metaphors in non-Pama-Nyungan languages correlates with a grammatical parameter. More research is needed to assess why such metaphors are absent (or at least very marginal) in non-Pama-Nyungan Australian languages, while they are well-attested in the rest of Australian languages, as illustrated here with Warlpiri.

An interesting aspect of the syntax of miyalu 'belly' collocations is the semantics of their reflexive variants. In standard Warlpiri reflexive constructions, the 'x cause change of state in y' or 'x impacts y' meaning of transitive clauses is maintained, with the agent and patient role referentially merged. By contrast, the reflexive variants of belly collocations invoking harm must be interpreted as inchoative states. That is, where 'bite someone (in the) belly' means making them angry, 'bite oneself in/with the belly' does not mean 'make oneself angry', but 'become angry' so that there is no thematic agent. Comparable phenomena are attested in other language families in other parts of the world. Further research is needed to understand its extent in Warlpiri as well as in other Australian languages, and what determines the distribution of such readings across the continent or across the world.

  Laughren, Mary & Maïa Ponsonnet. 2020. Ear and belly in Warlpiri descriptions of cognitive and emotional experience. Pragmatics & Cognition 27(1):240-271.

  ' 2 Laughren, Mary & Maïa Ponsonnet. 2020. Ear and belly in Warlpiri descriptions of cognitive and emotional experience. Pragmatics & Cognition 27(1):240-271. 4

  Laughren, Mary & Maïa Ponsonnet. 2020. Ear and belly in Warlpiri descriptions of cognitive and emotional experience. Pragmatics & Cognition 27(1):240-271.

( 15 )

 15 Langa-kurra-jarri-ja=ju yalumpu-ju ear-ALL-INCH-PST=1DAT that-TOP kuja=npa=ju ngarru-rnu ngurrju nyina-nja-ku pama-wangu-ku. COMP=2SUBJ=1OBJ tell-PST good be-INF-PURP grog-PRIV-PURP 'I've taken on board what you told me about behaving and staying away from grog.' (Lit. That got into my ear, what you told me...) finally get into your head (='ear') when you fell out of the car?'

  I'm thinking about how he swore at you in anger (last) night.' (18) Ngana-ku yangka ngari langa-nguna-ya! who-DAT that just ear-lie-IMP 'Just recall who that was!'

( 23 )

 23 Miyalu=lpakanunju-kari wardinyi-jarri-ja. belly=IMPF down-wards happy-INCH-PST 'Deep down inside she felt very happy.' (Lit. belly-wise (she) was down-wards happy-become.)

  feeling very frightened for you.' (Lit. I am feeling very frightened belly(-wise) for you.)

( 30 )

 30 Miyalu-jarri-mi=lki ka=rna=rla. belly-INCH-NPST=CS PRS=1SUBJ=3DAT'I now feel sorry for him.'

  trouble-EVIT 'I'm not (just) saying it to you. I'm really deeply worried about you because you might get into trouble.' (Lit. I am not talking to you mouth(-wise)). I am talking to you deep down belly(-wise)...) feeling sorry for the one that you are always criticising all day long.' (Lit. My belly talks for the one that you are always criticising all day long.)

  't like you.' (Lit. I see you belly(-wise) (to be) bad./I see you with (my) belly (to be) bad.)

  languages. They relate to intellectual functions, via an association between the hearing and intelligence. The main tropes are EAR AS A CONTAINER OF KNOWLEDGE, and THINKING IS LIKE CHANGING ONE'S EAR/THOUGHTS.Belly-based collocations are numerous and syntactically diverse, in that they feature a broad range of constructions. Many of the tropes they instantiate are well attested elsewhere on the continent, including most of the types outlined by Ponsonnet & Laginha in this volume. The belly is represented as the seat of emotions, as an experiencer of emotions, or stands for the emotion itself.

Table 1 .

 1 Attested cognitive collocations with langa 'ear'. The proposed glosses for the tropes are explained in the rest of the section.

	ANGER IS PRESSURIZED FLUID IN A CONTAINER, ANGER IS HEAT, EMOTIONS ARE MASSES OF FLUID,
	among other options (Kövecses 2005, Omori 2008). All are equally valid, but the first one is more
	specific, the last one more generic. Except where otherwise specified, in this article our glosses
	mostly articulate relatively specific tropes. Ponsonnet (2014: Chapters 7-9) and Ponsonnet &
	Laginha (this volume: Section 3.2) provide further background about our interpretative framework.

  for Kuuk 10 Thaayorre (Cape York) and is consistent with the figurative role of the head or brain in English and many other European languages, or of the heart in Chinese (Yu 2008), among others.

	(11) Kula=ka=npa=nyanu	langa-ngka	yirra-rni	nyuntulu-rlu
	NEG=PRS=2SUBJ=ANAPH.DAT	ear-LOC	put-NPST	you-ERG
	warlalja-ku	yapa-ku.
	own-PURP	person-PURP
	'You don't think about/concern yourself with your relatives.'
	(Lit. You don't put (it) in your 'ear' for (your) own people.)
	(12) Kula=ka=npa=nyanu	rdukurduku-rla yirra-rni	kuruwarri.
	NEG-PRS=2SUBJ=ANAPH.DAT	chest-LOC	put-NPST design
	'You don't put a design on your chest.'

kari-langa-kari-jarri-mi.

		7
	(19) Ngajulu,	kuja=rna		muturna	wajawaja-ma-nu,
	me	COMP=1SG.SUBJ	old_woman	lose-CAUS-PST
	ngula-ju langa-that-TOP ka=rna PRS=1SG.SUBJ ear-other-ear-other-INCH-NPST
	'I am still thinking about when I lost my mother.'
	(20) Langa-kari-langa-kari-jarri	ka=npa	nyarrpa-rla, Nampijinpa?
	ear-other-ear-other-INCH	PRS=2SG.SUBJ how-LOC N (name)
	'What are you thinking about, Nampijinpa?'

Table 2 .

 2 Attested emotional and cognitive collocations with miyalu 'belly'. The glosses of the tropes are explained in the rest of the section. The reader can also refer to the trope typology proposed in section 3.2 ofPonsonnet & Laginha, this volume. Miyalu 'belly' features in a few expressions where it is modified by a nominal predicate. This is illustrated in (21) and (22), where miyalu 'belly' is qualified as maju 'bad'a highly frequent combination across Australian languages(Ponsonnet & Laginha, this volume). Grammatically, these nominal collocations occur mainly in two constructions. Maju serves as a predicate attributed to the experiencerthe subject of the copula verbwhile the part expression miyalu serves to specify which aspect of the experiencer is 'bad' (21) or 'became bad' (22) in which maju 'bad' is incorporated into the inchoative verb jarri. Semantically, the combination of miyalu 'belly' with maju 'bad' denotes negative emotions, with a degree of emotional trouble, upset or turmoil.In (21) this 'trouble' equates roughly with 'worry' in English, while in (22) it equates more with 'sorrow'.Figuratively, this collocation projects the belly as the seat of emotions, with the metonymy EMOTIONAL STATES ARE STATES OF THE BELLY.

	PREDICATE	LITERAL TRANSLATION	LEXICAL SENSE	TROPE
			Metonymies
	maju 'bad'	x is bad (belly-wise)	x feels bad emotionally	EMOTIONS ARE STATES OF THE BELLY
	wardinyi-jarri 'be(come)	x is/become happy from the belly x is happy
	happy'			BELLY FOR EXPERIENCER OF EMOTIONS
	ngarrurda 'afraid'	x is afraid from the belly	x is scared
	belly-REDUP + transitive	x's belly-belly does p to y out of	x acts out of concern for
	verb of punishment	concern for y	y	BELLY FOR COMPASSION
	-jarri 'INCH'	x becomes belly for y	x feels sorry for y
	yukaja 'enter'	y enters x in the belly	x likes y	BELLY FOR CONTAINER OF OBJECT OF AFFECTION
	walyka 'cool' warlu 'fire, hot'	x is cool in the belly x is burning in the belly	x is calm, serene x is angry	FEELING ANGRY IS LIKE HAVING A HOT BELLY (somatic)
			Metaphors
	raa-pi-nyi 'open, clear'	x clears/opens y from the belly	x comfort y emotionally	OPEN/CLEAR BELLY FOR POSITIVE FEELINGS
				(accessibility)
	yulpu 'soft'	x is soft in the belly	x is not compassionate	HARD BELLY FOR COMPASSION (resistance)
	-jarra 'two'	x is two-bellied	x is in two minds	DIVIDED BELLY FOR HESITATION (destruction by
				division)
	-kari 'other'	x has an altered belly	X is depressed	ALTERED BELLY FOR NEGATIVE FEELINGS (alteration)
	nyanyi 'see'+ maju 'bad'	x sees someone y as bad with the	x dislikes y
		belly		NEGATIVE INTUITIONS/EMOTIONS ARE PERCEPTIONS OF
	nyanyi 'see'	x sees something y with the belly x is concerned, anxious	THE BELLY (agentive)
			about y
	wangka 'speak'	x speaks from the belly	x think/ speaks internally THOUGHTS ARE EXPRESSION OF THE BELLY (agentive)

  feeling calm. (Because they don't pick fights with me when drunk.)' (Lit. I am cold-bellied.)

	(27)	Ngaju=ju	ka=rna	miyalu walyka nyina-mi.
		I=TOP PRS=1SG.SUBJ	belly cool	be-NPST
		'I am
			. 9
	(26)	Purlulpa=ju	warlu-jarri-ja miyalu=ju.
		greedy=TOP hot-INCH-PST belly=TOP
		'Mr Greedy got angry.'
		(Lit. Greedy got hot bellied.)

  Combined with -kari 'other', miyalu denotes a depressed or 'out of sorts' state of mind, as explained in (29) in which the speaker addresses a person who just lies around all day without showing any desire to get up and be active. Miyalu-kari thus denotes depression or loss of motivation. Metaphors mapping alteration or division of the belly (as in miyalu-jarra 'belly-two') or other body parts onto hesitation, confusion or negative emotions like depression are reported in other Australian languages, particularly in the Kimberley (Nyangumarta, Walmajarri; see also langa 'ear' collocations in Section 4.1).

	(29) Pirlirrpa-kari waja ka=npa		nyuntulu-rlu	marda-rni.
	spirit-other	I_say PRS=2SUBJ you=ERG	have-NPST
	Jipajipa-wangu=lku	ka=npa		nyina miyalu-kari.
	lively-NEG=CS		PRS=2SUBJ be	belly-other
	Nyiya-jangka ka=npa		warrarda	nguna parra-wiri	miyalu-kari=lki.
	what-FROM PRS=2SUBJ always		lie	day-big	belly-other=CS
	'Your behavior has changed. You are no longer lively now, (but) out of sorts. Why are you sleeping
	all day, now depressed?'
	(Lit. You have another spirit/soul. You are no longer lively now, (but) (have) another 'belly' (i.e.
	disposition). Why are sleeping all day, now belly-altered?)
	(28) Miyalu-jarra	mayi=ka	nyampu=ju	nyina-mi?
	belly-two	Q=PRS		this=TOP	be-NPST
	Ngampurrpa=wiyi	wangka-ja	ya-ninja-ku=ju.	Ngula jupu-karri-ja.
	desirous=FS		spoke		go-INF-PURP=TOP	then	stop-stand-PST
	'Is this one in two minds? First she said she wanted to go. Then she stayed.'
	(Lit. Is this one two-bellied? (etc.))

  .

	(36) Ngula=ji	miyalu=ju	raa-pu-ngu	wardinyi=rra ma-nu=juku.
	that=TOP	belly=1OBJ	clear-strike-PST happy=THITHER CAUS-PST=CNS
	'He gladdened/relieved me, made (me) really happy.'
	(Lit. he cleared me belly(-wise)...)

  FEELING ANXIOUS ABOUT SOMETHING IS SEEING IT WITH THE BELLY, or at a more generic level, EMOTIONS ARE PERCEPTIONS OF THE BELLY. When a man comes drunk, then I worry that he is coming to attack us.' (Lit. When a man comes drunk, then I see with my belly that he is coming to attack us.)

	(41)	Miyalu-rlu	ka=rna=ngku	nya-nyi
		belly-ERG	PRS=1SUBJ=2OBJ	see-NPST
		ngula ka=npa=ju		jurnta parnka-mi
		that	PRS=2SUBJ=1DAT	away run-NPST
		'I worry about you running away from me.'
		(Lit. I see with my belly that you run away from me.)
	(42)	Ngula kuja=ka	wati	ya-ni=rni	pama-jangka,
		that	COMP=PRS man	go-NPST=HITHER	grog-FROM
		ngula=ju	ka=rna		miyalu-rlu	nya-nyi
		that=TOP	PRS=1SUBJ belly-ERG	see-NPST
		ngula=ju	kulu	ka=ngalpa	jangkardu=rnu	ya-ni.
		that=TOP	trouble PRS=12PL.DAT	attack=HITHER	go-NPST
		'

  13 Miyalu 'belly' shares the experiencer subject's unmarked absolutive case in both sentences. Here the belly represents the inalienable part of the experiencer that is being 'struck' by anger, under the metaphor BEING ANGRY IS LIKE BEING REPEATEDLY STRUCK IN THE BELLY.

	(44)	Nyuntu=ju	ka=npa=ju		miyalu pinjarra-pinjarra-jarri-mi
		you=TOP	PRS=2SUBJ=1DAT	belly striking-striking-INCH-NPST
		ngula ka=rna=ngku	ngurrju-ku	kula-nganta
		COMP PRS=1SUBJ=2DAT	good-DAT	NEG-SEEM
		marda-rni	mangarri-pinki=ji.
		keep-NPST	food-such_like=TOP
		'You are getting angry with me when (here) I am keeping food and such like for you mistakenly
		thinking you (feel) good towards me.'
		(Lit. You are getting struck belly(-wise) over me when (etc.).)
	(45)	Nyiya-jangka ka=npa	miyalu pinjarra-pinjarra-nyina?
		what-FROM PRS=2SUBJ belly striking-striking-be
		'Why are you angry?' (Someone's made off with my rifle.)
		(Lit. What-from are you belly striking?)

angry when you keep coming here to (my) place looking for trouble.' (

  Lit. I bite myself belly(-wise) when (etc.).)

	(47)	Karnta jinta-kari-rli ka=nyanu
		woman one-other-ERG PRS=ANAPH
		miyalu-rlu	yarlki-rni	jinta-kari-ki-jangkardu.
		belly-ERG	bite-NPST	one-other-DAT-AGAINST
		'One women gets angry at another one, goes for her.'
		(Lit. One women bites herself belly(-wise) at another one.)
	(48)	Ngaju ka=rna=ju	miyalu-rlu	yarlki-rni	kaji=npa=ju
		I	PRS=1SUBJ=1OBJ	belly-ERG	bite-NPST	COMP=2SUBJ=1DAT
		warrarda	ya-ni=rni		kulu nyampu-kurra ngurra-kurra.
		always		go-NPST=HITHER	anger here-ALL	camp-ALL
		'I get

Abbreviations not included in the Leipzig glossing rules: ANAPH: anaphor; CNS: constant state; CS: changed state; EVIT: evitative; FS: former state; INCH: inchoative; PRIV: privative.

Although the contrast between metaphors and metonymies has been extensively questioned (e.g.[START_REF] Barcelona | Metaphor and metonymy at the cross-roads: A cognitive perspective[END_REF], the distinction remains useful in the context of our description of Warlpiri.

Alternatively, langa could be interpreted as meaning both 'ear' and 'mind', which would cancel the figurative reading.

Warlpiri has a number of verbalisers or dependant inflecting verbs which must combine with a preverbal predicate to create a complex verb in the manner of light verbs.

Wardinyi derives from the stem wardu ('belly' in Warluwarric languages) which is found in a number of Warlpiri words with meanings relating to the belly: e.g., wardu-karri 'lie belly-down', wartirli 'waist, belt', wartirl-wartirl(pa) 'hungrily', wartardi 'pregnant'; and emotional states: e.g., wardu-kurrukurru 'relieved emotionally', wardu-pinyi 'trust', 'desire', wardu-wanti 'be jealously anxious'.

The presence or absence of anger can also be expressed as heat (warlu) or cool (walyka) respectively without combining with miyalu 'belly'.

A third person singular subject or object is not construed with a pronominal auxiliary enclitic; only a dative-marked object is construed with a pronominal enclitic, i.e., =rla.

Complex perception verbs in Warlpiri are typically made up of a preverbal element denoting the particular 'sense' or faculty involved and an inflecting verb such as nyanyi, however miyalu is not incorporated into the perception verb but is external to it.

There are metaphors involving vision. For instance, Dalabon (Arnhem Land) has an expression where seeing someone's belly is understanding their emotion. But body parts are never depicted as experiencers of perceptions.

This use of the ablative phrase nyiya-jangka in (45) parallels the expression of the source/trigger of emotion in sentences in (21) and (22) in which the elative suffix -ngurlu is used in place of -jangka. In this context these suffixes are interchangeable.

In Warlpiri 'eat/drink' can also mean 'hit/strike', and Warlpiri yarlkirni 'bite' is cognate with Anmatyerr arlkwem 'eat', the reciprocal form of which, arlkwerrem, means 'fight'.

Corresponding author's address

Mary


domain: sdv sde

text:
Quentin Bellanger

Wolter Van Der Kooij

Assessment of the

come

Introduction

The Netherlands is the 5th smallest state in the European Union but the second largest exporter of agricultural products worldwide.

Intensive agricultural activity has many negative impacts : • Loss of biodiversity;

• Degradation of the soil potential • Eutrophication of the aquatic ecosystem • … The present study seeks to evaluate the impacts of grazing 80 dairy cattle in organic agriculture on (i) water quality by evaluating N and P discharges, (ii) on soils by comparing the organic matter rate, i.e., indirectly the carbon rate, between grassland and crop fields and (iii) the causal links between grazing management and water conductivity, which is strongly correlated to the [N03 -].

Materials and methods

Two submerged probes at a depth of 1m50 are positioned upstream and downstream in a ditch with a dimension of 2Hx4lx650Lm (figure 1). The concentration of nitrate and phosphate were measured in a lab.

Figure 1. Trial field at Hardenberg with soil scan

Conclusions

✓ There is no pollution caused by dairy cattle thanks to the strip grazing system ✓ There is no significative difference between grassland and crop fields probably due to the used method or the intrinsic characteristics of soils. ✓ Helophyte ditch cleaned the water, notably the phosphate Soil samples were taken randomly on the first 10cm layer, following the repartition : n=6 in grassland (plots A and B); n=6 in crop fields. Each samples weights approximately 10g. There were heated at 105°C, weighted, then incinerated into a furnace at 600°C for 2h and weight again. SOM is given by the following equation : ➢ Analysis method can be the explanation of the results, as the C:N ratio can be or the soil structure.

Water management department

[PO 4 3-] ➢ Concentration is largely higher than the reference threshold (>0.22mg/l). ➢ Maximum value is reached in august upstream (1.90mg/l) ➢ Helophytes plants seems to cleaned up the water from phosphate.

Grassland management department

Fig 1 .

 1 Fig 1. Spatial distribution of grazing plots on the Aeres farm.

Fig 2a .

 2a Fig 2a. Nitrate concentration on water. Red line is the threshold.

Fig 3a .

 3a Fig 3a.Linear regression between stocking rate and the average water conductivity (us/cm).

Fig 2b .

 2b Fig 2b. Phosphate concentration on water. Red line is the threshold.

Fig 3b .

 3b Fig 3b. Linear regression between grazing time and the average water conductivity (us/cm).

Fig 4 .

 4 Fig 4. Distribution of data between field crops and grasslands. For each group, n=6. Red crosses represent the mean.


Baris Caglar

Guillaume Broggi

Muhammad Ali

Laurent Orgéas

Véronique Michaud

Deep learning accelerated prediction of the permeability of fibrous microstructures

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