PU M Olivier Bonami

DE Mme Hilary Chappell

Professor, M George Van Driem

DR M Enrique Palancar

Professor, M Nick Riemer

DR Mme Françoise Rose

Professor, Mme Margaret Thomas

MÉMOIRE DÉPOSÉ EN VUE DE L'HABILITATION À DIRIGER DES RECHERCHES DESCRIPTIVE AND METHODOLOGICAL ISSUES IN KIRANTI GRAMMAR(S) AIMÉE LAHAUSSOIS JURY

I have benefitted immensely from the support and inspiration provided by all my HTL colleagues (including the much-missed Valérie Raby), and have been particularly moved by their open-mindedness in not only accepting but even encouraging the field linguist in their midst. Special mentions go to Bernard Colombat, who has taught me so much, through our joint project on the history of the parts of speech and beyond, and who shines for his combination of humility and tremendous erudition; and to Jacqueline Léon, who has been a wonderful mentor, patiently explaining and illustrating how historians approach linguistics, in a way which has opened new worlds to me. I am also very grateful for the awesome linguists who inhabit the concentric rings around HTL: at Paris Diderot, Olivier Bonami, Bernard Fradin and Marie-Claude Paris have been the source of intellectual stimulation, entertainment and friendship; at Paris-area CNRS labs specialized in field linguistics, Katharina Haude, Guillaume Jacques, Enrique Palancar, Stéphane Robert, Yvonne Treis (among many others) have gotten me so excited about linguistics that I can barely believe it is my day-job, in addition to providing many laughs and good times; further afield, Lyon (and affiliated) colleagues Françoise Rose, Alice Vittrant and Marine Vuillermet are reminders that not all the great people and projects are in Paris. And that is without getting into the joys of interacting and collaborating with internationally-based colleagues (though I cannot not mention Barb Kelly, in Melbourne, who truly blurs the line between friend and colleague).

Every time I vaguely consider applying for a job elsewhere, it strikes me that a professional situation just doesn't get better than what I already have... For that, I thank everyone, mentioned or not, who makes linguistics such a very good place to spend one's life.

Abbreviations

Lists of figures and tables

INTRODUCTION

1.1 Personal context I will begin this thesis with a little personal context in order to better situate my work for readers.

I began work on languages of Eastern Nepal in 1999. A Fulbright scholarship enabled me to spend ten months in Nepal, during which time I collected materials for my dissertation.

The resulting document, Aspects of the grammar of Thulung Rai, was submitted to the University of California, Berkeley in 2002, under the supervision of Jim Matisoff. It focused on different grammatical aspects of the Thulung language, some of them in the context of contact with Nepali and others from the point of view of language change over the previous 30 years, thanks to work by a British anthropologist, Nick [START_REF] Allen | Sketch of Thulung Grammar (Cornell East Asia Papers)[END_REF], on the Thulung culture and language.

A postdoctoral contract made it possible for me to spend a year at LACITO in 2002LACITO in -2003, working at the French epicenter for research on languages of Nepal, thanks to the presence of Martine Mazaudon and Boyd Michailovsky. I spent the next year with an author's contract at UNESCO, attempting to assemble a handbook for linguistic auto-description [START_REF] Lahaussois | Handbook on language presevation and documentation, Languages of Nepal[END_REF]): a guide that would enable non-linguist speakers of endangered languages to undertake basic description of their language in the absence of linguists. The handbook was never widely disseminated, but helped hone an interest--which continues to this day--in linguistic field manuals and questionnaires, seen for example Lahaussois (2019a) and Lahaussois & Vuillermet (2019).

A 2004 Hans Rausing Endangered Language Project from SOAS (an "Independent Postdoctoral Fellowship") allowed me to start working a new Kiranti language, Koyi. The civil war was at its peak in Nepal at the time (even the Peace Corps workers were sent home), and the period was not at all conducive to real fieldwork. I managed to connect with the Koyi community in Kathmandu, and worked for three (non-continuous) months with a very knowledgeable young man (who would sometimes fall asleep during sessions on verb paradigms--attesting both to his state of physical exhaustion from Army training sessions and to the methodological perils of eliciting verbal morphology!). My knowledge of Thulung helped me work on Koyi relatively efficiently, thanks to the typological similarities and cognates of the two languages, and within a few months I managed to build an annotated corpus of two hours worth of audio recording, available in the PanGloss Collection.1

By the end of 2004, it was too difficult to carry out descriptive work in Nepal, and I accepted a research engineer position to serve as head of linguistic coordination at the directorates of international relations and communications at CNRS headquarters. My role was to create a management system for the translation needs of both services, and to set up a network of translators, CNRS-specific terminology, and tools to ensure that translations were consistent.

This position, although removed from actual research, held several advantages: it allowed me to discover the academic field of translation studies, corpus linguistics and tools for the automatization of translation. Interculturels). The exposure to computer-assisted translation (CAT) software and to the concept of alignment of translation memories was ultimately the inspiration behind the project setting up a parallel/comparable corpus of Himalayan mythological narratives (the Kiranti Comparable Corpus), described in 3.3.1. This is reassuring in that it suggests that any experience, even when more distantly related to linguistics, can still contribute to forward motion in a field closer to one's main preoccupations.

I was hired in 2010 by the Histoire des théories linguistiques (HTL) research group to co-direct a long-standing project that had lost some momentum: a historical dictionary of linguistic terminology. Along with Bernard Colombat and 20-some colleagues, the project was eventually redefined: instead of attempting to provide historical sketches of all linguistic terminology, we would focus on the history of the parts of the speech from the Greco-Latin tradition, and trace the evolution of their terminology through modern times. The collaborative enterprise, with participants contributing to the chapters for each part of speech based on their expertise in a given historical tradition, eventually yielded a 600-page manuscript, published by Peeters in the Orbis/Supplementa collection (Colombat & Lahaussois 2019a).

I eventually became involved in a number of other projects at HTL (a program on translation, directed by Emilie Aussant; Jacqueline Léon's program on the linguistic annotation of American languages) and beyond (the ANR Corpus project "HimalCo", as well as TULQuest, a program on linguistics questionnaires that I ran for the Federation of Typology and Linguistic Universals), marking a transition back into linguistics research, including fieldwork.

The details of said research makes up the rest of the present document, but it seems significant that it is through involvement in projects further from my initial linguistic preoccupations --I had never even had a class in the history of linguistics, as the course was discarded from the Berkeley PhD syllabus the year I started there --that I discovered how a historical and epistemological outlook can signficantly enhance a descriptive linguistics approach. It is also very fortunate that HTL is physically located within the Paris Diderot (now Yi on grammaticographical models in Mongolian grammars) and others for MA internships.

Organization of this document

The themes I take up in this document are all centered around the two main areas that make up my research activity: on the one hand, fieldwork on Kiranti languages (primarily Thulung, secondarily Khaling, and lastly Koyi), with contributions to description and typology; on the other, research of a more historical and epistemological nature, centered around the topics of grammaticography, data annotation, and the methodological tools that shape the descriptive enterprise.

Taking as a starting point the undeniable centrality of the verb to Kiranti syntax, with many utterances made up exclusively of a single finite verb, 2 the goal of this thesis is to bring together work I have contributed to the description of the verb complex in Kiranti languages, mostly through research on Thulung, on the one hand, and research I have carried out over the last decade into the history and epistemology of language description, especially as relates to verbal morphology, on the other. The document is thus organized into two main chapters:

Chapter 2, "Description of the Thulung verb complex", begins with a sketch of Thulung grammar, in order to linguistically and typologically situate the main content that follows. The main section of the chapter is structured around the verbal template of Thulung. For Kiranti languages with fixed root and affix ordering (exceptions being Chintang [START_REF] Bickel | Free prefix ordering in Chintang[END_REF] and Bantawa [START_REF] Doornenbal | A grammar of Bantawa. Grammar, paradigm tables, glossary and texts of a Rai language of Eastern Nepal[END_REF])), the verb is often presented in the form of template, with a slot for the root and a number of prefixal and suffixal slots, showing the order of the morphological material that contributes to the assembly of the verb complex.

Because the purpose of the template model is to show the linear ordering of different affixes with respect to the root and each other, it concerns morphological material only. I will nonetheless use the material associated with each slot as an entry point to the discussion of a variety of phenomena from the same functional domain, even in cases where these are based on constructions rather than specific formatives. I will also use the template slots of Thulung to bring in data, when relevant, from other Kiranti languages. As an example, suffixal slot 2 is devoted to derivational material, which in Thulung includes an associated motion marker; this slot will provide me with the opportunity to describe the larger context of Associated Motion in Thulung as well in Khaling, another Kiranti language I have worked on, and to bring in additional data from other Kiranti languages, when relevant. Similarly, suffixal slot 4, which hosts an optative mood marker, will be the opportunity for an excursus into the apprehensional domain, because the Thulung avertive construction, which makes up a large part of that domain, is built from the optative mood marker.

Chapter 3 will then present my contributions to epistemological and historical issues surrounding descriptive linguistics. Topics include grammaticographical models used to produce contemporary grammatical descriptions and what they reveal about influences on descriptive linguists; annotation practices (such as glossing) for descriptive linguistic data, and changes said practices have undergone over the past 150 years; methodological tools that shape language description, such as aligned corpora, linguistic questionnaires, and electronic dictionaries. The questions explored in this chapter are ones that I have come to in the last decade, through exchanges and collaborations with colleagues at the HTL research group. Even though these are relatively recent interests of mine, they have greatly influenced how I carry out descriptive work on Kiranti languages and have proved very stimulating areas of exploration for a linguist with no previous experience in the history of linguistics.

I shall conclude, in chapter 4, by briefly presenting plans for future research.

A note on the Thulung corpus

Before launching into chapter 2, which is based on first-hand Thulung data collected in Nepal from 1999-2018, I feel it is important to provide a brief discussion of the narrative corpus of

Thulung that I have relied on in assembling this document and many of the studies it mentions.

My Thulung corpus consists of approximately 9 hours of annotated data, comprising narratives, conversations, procedural texts, chants. This data was originally annotated in Toolbox, and a large part of it is archived in the PanGloss collection, 3 where most of the material is sound-synchronized. In preparation for writing this document, however, I decided to convert my entire corpus into ELAN. 4 This involved starting anew from the original sound files, segmenting them anew, completely retranscribing all the data, and in most cases retranslating it as well.

As time-consuming as the process was, it was an absolutely crucial exercise in approaching the language data anew, as someone who now understands it considerably better than in my initial forays. I have also developed a much better sense of Thulung prosody and grammar, and the re-annotation process was an opportunity to capture this personal development. I had also been dissatisfied with my use of Toolbox, and wanted to be able to have easy access to the sound recordings associated with the annotations, as I reanalyzed material in light of attempting to write about the language. Only some of this new corpus is interlinearized (thanks to CorpA's interlinearization module for ELAN),5 but my original interlinear glosses are still accessible through Toolbox files, and at this stage, I feel that my understanding of Thulung is such that I do not need interlinear glosses to make use of the data.

Additionally, I have come to realize that the glosses and translations that accompany examples are often reworked for the purposes a specific use of the material (see section 3.2.2 for more discussion). What is essential to me is the ability to easily access the sound file --which is after 3 https://lacito.vjf.cnrs.fr/pangloss/corpus/list_rsc_en.php?lg=Thulung%20Rai&name=Thulung%20Rai

all the only part of the data which has any claim to objectivity --when using the data for the purposes of linguistic analysis.

Another advantage of ELAN is the possibility of adding annotation tiers, and as a result my corpus is now tagged for lexemes/formatives/constructions of interest to me. These include deixis of an elevation-encoding nature; unusual inflection patterns (specifically differences across the two dialects of Deusa and Mukli); derivational formatives; interjections (which are notoriously difficult to retrieve through concordances, as they tend to be somewhat idiosyncratic in their production); ideophones (which, despite easily identifiable patterns, cannot be searched for on the basis of their phonological form); reported speech.

DESCRIPTION OF THE THULUNG VERB COMPLEX

This chapter aims to provide as complete as possible a description of the verb complex of Thulung, based on work I have carried out on Thulung over the past twenty years, either been published or presented orally, or representing a new analysis or topic for me. In order to structure the discussion of the material, I use the concept of the verbal template, which in Thulung is made up of one prefixal slot, a root slot, and a number of suffixal slots. The material that occurs in each of these ordered slots is described in turn.

First, however, I present in 2.1 a grammatical sketch of Thulung, in order to give some linguistic context to the material that makes up and accompanies the verb complex. This sketch is based on my own descriptive work, and refers to publications on various topics of relevance. I then describe the verbal template and its content in section 2.2.

Introduction to Kiranti and Thulung

This section will provide a brief presentation of Kiranti languages and their philological context, before presenting a short grammatical sketch of Thulung.

Classification

The Kiranti languages are part of the Sino-Tibetan family. Various classification schemes have been proposed for the family, among which [START_REF] Matisoff | Handbook of Proto-Tibeto-Burman: System and philosophy of Sino-Tibetan reconstruction[END_REF], [START_REF] Thurgood | A subgrouping of the Sino-Tibetan languages: the interaction between language contact, change, and inheritance[END_REF][START_REF] Bradley | Tibeto-Burman languages and classification[END_REF] for the Tibeto-Burman branch. Recently, the application of computational techniques has resulted in different proposals, such as [START_REF] Sagart | Dated language phylogenies shed light on the ancestry of Sino-Tibetan[END_REF]. One significant argument affecting the proposals is whether the person agreement morphology found in Kiranti, Gyalrongic, West Himalayan, Kham and Nungish is considered to be a feature of the protolanguage, later lost in the isolating languages of the family (a position argued for by a number of scholars [START_REF] Delancey | Verb Agreement in Proto-Tibeto-Burman[END_REF]van Driem 1993a; DeLancey 2010)), or an innovation limited to the branches where it is currently found (LaPolla 1992a;[START_REF] Matisoff | Sangkong of Yunnan: secondary "verb pronominalization" in Southern Loloish[END_REF][START_REF] Nishi | A brief survey of the controversy in verb pronominalization in Tibeto-Burman[END_REF][START_REF] Lapolla | Overview of Sino-Tibetan morphosyntax[END_REF].

Another recent debate in the field concerns the idea that the Sino-Tibetan family should in fact be rechristened Trans-Himalayan. According to [START_REF] Driem | Linguistic history and historical linguistics[END_REF], the labels for both Sino-Tibetan and Tibeto-Burman are problematic for phylogenetic and historical reasons. The name Tibeto-Burman has been used in different senses by different scholars: to refer to the entire family (eg. Hodgson, see van Driem (2014: 12)), and to refer to the major branch remaining after the branching off of the Sinitic languages (eg. [START_REF] Matisoff | Handbook of Proto-Tibeto-Burman: System and philosophy of Sino-Tibetan reconstruction[END_REF]). As for the label Sino-Tibetan, from a phylogenetic point of view, it suggests a tree model, with two major branches which are the Sinitic languages on the one hand, and the Tibeto-Burman languages on the other. Van Driem has suggested that, given our current understanding of the relationship between the languages of the family, with notorious difficulties in top-level groupings, a better model for the family is the Fallen Leaves model ( [START_REF] Driem | Trans-Himalayan[END_REF]: the model is "bottom up, i.e. starting with the tangible leaves that have fallen from the tips of the branches, and then moving upward to gain an understanding of the nodes in the tree" (ibid, 22), and represented visually as a 'leaf' for each subgroup, organized in roughly geographic terms (as shown in Figure 1, from ibid: 19), with no claims as to the phylogenetic connections between the leaves.

Figure 1. Van Driem's Fallen Leaves model

While recognizing an underlying tree-type relationship between subgroups, the model makes no pronouncements about higher order grouping. From a historiographical point of view, Sino-Tibetan is problematic in that it first surfaced as a terminological stand-in for "Indo-Chinese", a family which included all languages of Asia and Oceania. Van Driem has proposed the term Trans-Himalayan, considered to be "purely geographical in inspiration for this language family straddles the highest land barrier on the planet and is disseminated both north and south of the Himalayas" (2018: 118). 6

A number of classification schemes exist for the Kiranti languages as well, the main ones being described and compared in [START_REF] Gerber | What is Kiranti?[END_REF]. The term "Kiranti" is generally used by linguists to encompass the Rai languages and Limbu (Michailovsky 2017: 646), whereas anthropologists tend to focus on the Rai as a distinct ethnic subgroup [START_REF] Schlemmer | Following the ancestors and managing the otherness[END_REF]. The linguistic groupings are largely based on geographical distribution, backed by sound correspondences and lexical isoglosses. Van Driem (2001: 615) Note that various scholars have nonetheless questioned whether these languages constitute a valid phylogenetic group (eg. (Ebert 2003: 516;[START_REF] Michailovsky | Preliminaries to the comparative study of the Kiranti subgroup of Tibeto-Burman[END_REF]). The issue of whether or not these languages form a valid linguistic grouping does not strike me as particularly important to the work presented here, as the focus is not on diachrony, even though the Thulung verb complex is compared and contrasted in several places with Khaling and Koyi.

On the other hand, the Kiranti Comparable Corpus discussed below only has validity if there is such a thing as a Kiranti group, although, as will be seen, one of the goals of the project was 6 One problem with rechristening is that raises issues of loyalty to mentors, familiarity, and habit; this possibly explains LaPolla's vehement rejection of "Trans-Himalayan" (eg. (LaPolla 2016)), which he presumably sees as disloyal to Matisoff's classification scheme [START_REF] Matisoff | Handbook of Proto-Tibeto-Burman: System and philosophy of Sino-Tibetan reconstruction[END_REF].

precisely the assemblage of a corpus allowing lexical and morphosyntactic comparison with an aim to getting a better sense of the relatedness of the languages on the basis of shared myths.

The languages are geographically distributed as shown in the map in Figure 2. In the 1930's, Wolfenden produced a few grammar sketches, accompanied by (and apparently assembled on the basis of data from) annotated texts: Thulung [START_REF] Wolfenden | A Specimen of the Thūlung Dialect[END_REF],

Kulung [START_REF] Wolfenden | A Specimen of the Kûlung Dialect[END_REF] and Sampang [START_REF] Wolfenden | A specimen of the Sāngpāng Dialect[END_REF]. Work on Kiranti languages was pursued in the 1960's and 1970's with material on Limbu (Sprigg), Khaling [START_REF] Toba | The Khaling verb[END_REF][START_REF] Toba | Khaling (Asian and African Grammatical Manual 13d)[END_REF] and Thulung [START_REF] Allen | Sketch of Thulung Grammar (Cornell East Asia Papers)[END_REF], before a period of great effervescence which yielded a number of detailed descriptions of Limbu ( [START_REF] Driem | A grammar of Limbu (Mouton Grammar Library 4)[END_REF], Hayu [START_REF] Michailovsky | La langue hayu[END_REF]), Dumi (van Driem 1993b), Belhare [START_REF] Bickel | Aspect, Mood, and Time in Belhare[END_REF], Athpare, (Ebert 1997a), Camling (Ebert 1997b). This list only mentions book-sized treatments, but work also appeared in the form of articles and other publications (notably work on Chintang and Puma by Bickel and his team), and work comparing Kiranti languages [START_REF] Ebert | The Structure of Kiranti Languages[END_REF].

This wave of linguistic interest in the 1980's and 1990's generated a number of published grammars (originally written as dissertations) by students of van Driem, Ebert, and Bickel, leading to a much more complete picture of Kiranti languages, such as Yamphu [START_REF] Rutgers | Yamphu: Grammar, texts, lexicon (Languages of the Greater Himalayan Region 2)[END_REF], Wambule [START_REF] Opgenort | A grammar of Wambule: Grammar, lexicon, texts and cultural survey of a Kiranti Tribe of Eastern Nepal (Languages of the Greater Himalayan Region 5/2)[END_REF], Jero [START_REF] Opgenort | A grammar of Jero, with a Historical Comparative Study of the Kiranti Languages (Languages of the Greater Himalayan Region 5/3)[END_REF], Kulung [START_REF] Tolsma | A grammar of Kulung (Languages of the Greater Himalayan Region 5/4)[END_REF], Sunwar [START_REF] Borchers | A grammar of Sunwar: descriptive grammar, paradigms, texts and glossary[END_REF], Bantawa [START_REF] Doornenbal | A grammar of Bantawa. Grammar, paradigm tables, glossary and texts of a Rai language of Eastern Nepal[END_REF], Yakkha [START_REF] Schackow | A grammar of Yakkha[END_REF]. A useful overview of the linguistic features of the Kiranti languages can be found in Michailovsky (2017).

Grammar sketch of Thulung

The following sketch of Thulung is intended to provide a general understanding of the typological features of the language, in order to place the description of the verb complex in perspective. More details can be found in the general presentation of Thulung published as [START_REF] Lahaussois | Thulung Rai[END_REF]. The glottal stop is very marginal in Thulung: it is found with the hearsay particle ʔe, with the color term 'yellow' ʌmʔʌm (in which transcription it essentially serves to mark a syllable boundary between m and ʌ); and with a number of interjections. Some Kiranti scholars transcribe all vowel-initial words as ʔV (this system was adopted for Khaling [START_REF] Jacques | Derivational verbal morphology in Khaling[END_REF][START_REF] Jacques | An Overview of Khaling Verbal Morphology[END_REF]; others do not but claim that the glottal initial is present [START_REF] Bickel | Free prefix ordering in Chintang[END_REF]); Michailovsky concludes that "it is not clear to [him] whether such an element is a phonological segment." (2017: 649)

8 I adopt the keyboard-friendly convention of writing aspiration not with a superscript (as in t h ); similarly, I write affricates with two glyphs--ts, dz--instead of as ͜ ts, ͜ dz.

Note that the glide+vowel combination ja is sometimes pronounced ɛ, but I do not consider it (in the current state of the language) to be a distinct phoneme. Similarly, the combination of w + a sometimes shows a parallel development: While there is synchronically a difference between wa and ʌ (seen in the minimal pair thwa:mu, 'squeeze' vs thʌ:mu, 'hide'), there are also instances where ʌ is a variant of wa, as in: nwa:-le ~ nʌ:-le (2-CL); rwakta ~ rʌkta (say-3SG.PST).

Vowel length

I reported in my dissertation that I did not find any evidence of vowel length, contrary to what had been found in previous work [START_REF] Wolfenden | A Specimen of the Thūlung Dialect[END_REF][START_REF] Allen | Sketch of Thulung Grammar (Cornell East Asia Papers)[END_REF]. I now feel that such a claim was wrong, possibly a result of what appears to be the loss of vowel length contrasts among younger some speakers. Even among older speakers, vowel length contrasts in some nouns are not particularly consistent, with a certain amount of variation found, even for the same speaker.

The one area where vowel length can be said with certainty to be present is the compensatory vowel lengthening in transitive verbs with stems alternating between CVk-and CV:-.

Intransitive verbs are less consistent than transitive (some of them appear to alternate between CVk-and CV-, rather than the expected CV:-). It is interesting to note that the community, in developing a writing system based on devanagari, has apparently had some debate about whether or not Thulung has vowel length: the conclusion, for now, is that they are not sure, and will not attempt to transcribe it (Chandrakala Thulung, pc, May 2018). This confirms the idea that a certain amount of variation is found within the community.

Syllable structure

As is characteristic of Kiranti languages, the syllable structure of Thulung can be given as (Ci)V(Cf), where Ci is an initial consonant (but can also be a combination of initial consonant and a liquid or glide), V is a vowel, and Cf is a final consonant. When occurring wordinitially, vowel-initial syllables have a glottal onset, which I do not transcribe. 11

Morphosyntax

Personal and possessive pronouns

Personal pronouns exhibit person, number (singular, dual, plural) and clusivity contrasts.

11 I do, however, transcribe the hearsay marker as ʔe.

Additionally, there is currently a formality contrast in 2nd and 3rd person pronouns: the earlier system had no formal pronouns (based on data from [START_REF] Allen | Sketch of Thulung Grammar (Cornell East Asia Papers)[END_REF]), but a two-way contrast was created, most likely because of contact with Nepali (which has various levels of formality in 2nd and 3rd person pronouns). The former 2nd and 3rd plural pronouns were imported into the singular to serve as the formal pronoun forms; new plural forms were created, through the suffixation of the nominal pluralizer. The creation of formal pronouns and resulting creation of new plural pronouns has had consequences in the case-marking system, as will be seen below. A more complete discussion can also be found in Lahaussois (2003a).

There are two series of possessive pronouns, one prefixed (the top line in each cell), the other free (the lower line in each cell). They are used interchangeably, except that the free possessive pronouns can be used independently in the absence of the noun they modify. Note that the formality contrast found in the personal pronouns (Table 3) is not maintained in the possessive pronouns. This is exemplified in (1), in which the possessor marked by 2SG.POSS i-and the P of the 1SG>2SG.HON are the same argument, indexed differently in terms of formality.

SG

(1) mima, go i-ser sen-sa-ni Grandmother, 1SG 2SG.POSS-louse kill-APPL-1SG>2SG.HON 'Grandmother, I will kill your lice for you.'

Number

Nouns can be optionally marked for number (dual, -tsip, or plural, -mim; singular is unmarked), with humans of high status being likely to be marked, humans of low status and other animates less likely, and inanimates unlikely. This optionality of number marking extends to verb indexation, as can be seen in ( 3), where the plural-marked P (a-tsho:ra-mim) is indexed on the verb as a singular.

(2) nwa:-le tsɵttsɵ-tsip ba-ttsi ʔe two-CL child-DU be-3DU.PST HS 'There were two children.'

(3) a-tsho:ra-mim hala-ŋa kheʈ-to Example (4) shows the optionality of marking on inanimates, as 'fish' is not plural-marked.

(4) ʌsinɖa tsʌi su:-le khʌtsha-ra ŋo bu here CONTR 3-CL pot-LOC fish be.3SG 'Here, in three pots, there are fish.' [description of image in which the three pots are overflowing with fish]

One particularity of languages of the region is that plural-marking can code a collective made up of the referent and other similar entities, as in 'cakes and such' in (5):

(5) pe-pa-ʈhok kek-mim ba-ira eat-ACT.PTCP-NMLZ cake-PLU be-3SG.PST 'There was food and cakes and the like.'

Demonstratives and deixis

Thulung has proximal (o/oram) and distal (me/meram) demonstratives, with the distal being much more frequent than the proximal, and sometimes substituted for the 3SG pronoun.

The language has a series of elevational suffixes (with a four-way contrast: high (-la), low (-ju~-jʉ), same level (-nu~-no), and unspecified (-ra)) which can be combined (often with some assimilation) with the deictic bases o and me in order to generate elevation-coding adverbs.

These adverbs can then be nominalized, as illustrated in 'That place over there, they must bring up raksi from over there.'

Numerals

Apart from numerals for 'one' (ko:), 'two' (nwa:) and 'three' (su:), Thulung speakers for the most part use Nepali numerals. Native numerals can be still be elicited from some speakers, and are occasionally found in texts. The Thulung data can be found in my contribution to the Denumerals database 12 . Numerals are used with classifiers, of which a single native one, -le, is in common usage, in addition to two classifiers borrowed from Nepali, the generic classifierwʌʈa, and the classifier for humans, -dzana. The distribution between the two generic classifiers (native and borrowed, respectively) is that -le is used with Thulung numerals (in other words, with 'one', 'two' and 'three') and Nepali -wʌʈa is used with borrowed numerals. An additional classifier has been collected through elicitation (-phe for round-shaped objects, such as coins, bananas, bread), and Allen (1975: 113) Additionally, there is a relatively large class of ideophones: they are mostly characterized by reduplication, and when nominalized, serve as attributes for nouns. They are 13 Note the semantic shift from the form noted by Allen and the equivalent I collected.

discussed in the section below on ideophones (2.2.1.2). Color terms are a subclass of this category. 14

Case

The following cases are found in Thulung. They mark nouns, pronouns, and nominalized elements (which function nominally). Some are also used as subordinators with nominalized clauses: the ergative/instrumental is used to subordinate a causal clause 15 and the locative is used to mark a purpose clause 16 (although in the case of the latter, I re-gloss it PURP); subordination with case-markers is found throughout the Kiranti group (see eg. Ebert (1994: 135)). Core argument marking makes use of case markers for nominative, ergative and dative. 18

Alignment patterns are described in the following sections.

Intransitive scenarios

S is nominative-marked, verb indexes S. In some cases, like (12), the construction is more complex (involving possession by the experiencer in addition to the dative-marking), while still conforming to the basic pattern:

(12) u-pe-pe dwak-ta me seruli-lai 3SG.POSS-eat-RED like-3SG.PST DIST.DEM jackal-DAT 'The jackal wanted to eat it.' (Jackal and Crow)

18 More neutral case labels might be 'absolute ', 'ergative' and 'antiergative', based on Creissels (2009), which would get around the problem of using the label 'nominative' or 'dative' for a P (see ( 14) and ( 16) respectively).

Transitive scenarios

In transitive scenarios, arguments are marked through case-marking and through argument indexation. There are however person (for the A) and animacy (for the P) conditions which affect the case-marking.

Thulung has a split ergative case-marking system, based on person. Earlier descriptions [START_REF] Allen | Sketch of Thulung Grammar (Cornell East Asia Papers)[END_REF] show that the split was as follows: when functioning as an A, 1st and 2nd person pronouns were unmarked, whereas 3rd person pronouns and other NP's were ergative-marked.

The change in the pronoun system described above, with the creation of new plural pronouns, has resulted in a shift in the position of the split, bringing ergative marking into the 2nd person, resulting the following system: 1st person, 2nd singular, 2nd dual are unmarked (ie. nominativemarked) when acting as A arguments; 2nd plural and 3rd person are ergative-marked when acting as A arguments. This is presumably due to the nominal pluralizer (previously only found with 3rd person-like NP's) occurring on the 2nd plural pronoun, and triggering ergativemarking (through analogy with other -mim-marked NP's). For more detail, see (Lahaussois 2003a).

Object arguments also have split marking, depending on their animacy. Marker -lai (glossed DAT) appears on primary objects ("an indirect object in a ditransitive clause or a direct object in a monotransitive clause" (Dryer 1986: 808)) characterized by animacy: it is obligatory with high-status humans, optional with low status humans (eg. children) and animals. Inanimate objects are generally not marked. (For some discussion of primary object marking across Tibeto-Burman and its semantic nature, see LaPolla (1992b)).

Both of these differential marking systems can be associated with the same referential hierarchy. In the following, the symbol || marks the position of the split; in the case of NOM || ERG, it occurs in one position, whereas in the case of the DAT || NOM split, the position is more of a sliding one (depending on the saliency of objects in specific contexts) and it is therefore represented as a more drawn-out line.

(13) 1 > 2DU > 2PL > 3 >high-status human>low-status human>inanimate NOM || ERG

DAT |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||| NOM

The split ergative case marking occurs within the person part of this hierarchy, while the differential object marking taps into a different part of the hierarchy, namely that concerned with animacy. 19 Additionally, we shall see below (2.2.3.3.5, 'Evidence of referential hierarchies within the paradigm?") that indexation markers also show signs of tapping into the same referential hierarchy.

Monotransitive scenarios

There are four alignment patterns found with monotransitive scenarios, based on the nature of the A and P:

-A: nominative-marked (ie. unmarked) for 1st person and 2nd person singular and dual;

ergative-marked for 2nd plural, 3rd person and other NP's;

-P: nominative-marked (ie. unmarked) for inanimates; dative-marked for high-status humans. Non-human animates and low-status animates are optionally marked. 20

Argument indexation on the verb marks both A and P.

A-ø P-ø V-A>P:

(14) go-ø khlea-ø jal-u 1SG-ø dog-ø strike-1SG>3SG
'I strike the dog.'

A-ka P-ø V-A>P:

(15) gu-ka khlea-ø jal-ʉ 3SG-ERG dog-ø strike-3SG>3SG

'He strikes the dog.'

A-ø P-lai V-A>P:

(16) go-ø me mʉtsʉ-lai jal-u 1SG-ø DIST.DEM man-DAT strike-1SG>3SG 'I strike that man.'

19 For an introduction to the history of research into referential hierarchies (and their decomposition into subhierarchies based on features, such as person and animacy), see [START_REF] Haude | Referential hierarchies and alignment: An overview[END_REF].

20 Inanimates are rarely marked, and when so, it is usually for emphasis.

A-ka P-lai V-A>P:

(17) gu-ka go-lai jal-ŋi 3SG-ERG 1SG-DAT strike-3SG>1SG

'He strikes me.'

Ditransitive scenarios

In ditransitive scenarios, there are three arguments: an A, and a G (the most goal-like argument) and a T (the most theme-like argument) (the labels G and T follow [START_REF] Bickel | Grammatical relations typology[END_REF]).

The A can be differentially marked, as seen above, taking nominative or ergative case marking. The G is dative marked, and the T is unmarked.

Argument indexation on the verb depends on whether the verb is of a secundative (A>G argument indexation) or an indirective (A>T indexation) type, the two types being a lexical property of verbs.

Secundative verbs

A-ø T-ø G-lai V-A>G:

(18) go-ø gana-lai kuʈʉma-ø gwa:-ni 1SG-ø 2SG-DAT puppy-ø give-1SG>2SG

'I give you a puppy.'

Even when the T is human, it does not take dative-marking: There are additional argument frames that are found in the language (with interesting cases of case-marking when a verb's valency is reduced or increased), and a useful model to follow for their identification is [START_REF] Schikowski | Flexible valency in Chintang[END_REF]. The examples given above are nonetheless thought to cover the main types of core argument marking encountered.

Nominalization and relativization

Like many other Kiranti languages, Thulung has a nominalizing formative, -m (and allomorph -mim), which is multifunctional: it reflects what has been labeled the Standard Sino-Tibetan Nominalization (SSTN) pattern [START_REF] Bickel | Nominalization and focus constructions in some Kiranti languages[END_REF], whereby the same formative can be used: a) to nominalize clauses (for complementation, as in ( 23) and ( 24)) and entire sentences ((25) and ( 26)): As can be seen in ( 28), the relative clause is externally headed, and prenominal. Other examples of the use of -m can be found in Lahaussois (2003b).

As far as the relativization function is concerned, the nominalizer that participates in the SSTN pattern (-m, with allomorph -mim) is limited in terms of its ability to relativize on all roles: the A is blocked from relativization with -m (something which is not uncommon for ergative languages, see Creissels (2006: 215)), in which case an alternative relativization strategy, using an active participial marker, is available. Table 7 illustrates which formatives are available for relativization on different roles (-pa is the active participial marker; -ma is the passive participial marker): while -m shows a pattern consistent with ergative behavior (A ≠ S = P), the participial makers follow an accusative pattern (S = A ≠ P). This is discussed and exemplified further in Lahaussois (2017a).

Table 7. Relativization strategies for the role of head nouns

Discourse markers

Thulung has discourse markers operating at a number of different levels: word-, phrase-and sentence.

At the word-level is the intensive marker -ŋa, which is most often used with adverbs to intensify them, but can also be found with other word classes. The marker functions in very much the same way as Nepali -nʌi, and is illustrated below. 'A vulture will devour you.'

Note in (32) that the focus marker follows a case-marked noun, something which is also found with topic and contrastive focus markers.

Sentence (33) shows the contrastive focus marker: the sentence was collected while using a picture book,21 with ʌsinɖa referring to the picture in question, and the contrastive focus marking that picture as distinct from others.

(33) ʌsinɖa tsʌi su:-le khʌtsha-ra ŋo bu retsʌ here CONTR 3-CL pot-LOC fish be.3SG it.seems 'Here, in three pots, there are fish.'

Occasionally a core case-marker will be dropped and a discourse marker found instead.

In (34) below, the noun ga:pu is the A of the verb lwastʉ, from which it is separated by a (bracketed for clarity) complement clause, and does not take the expected ergative marking.

Note however that the complement clause also includes an A, in this case ergative-marked; it is possible that the omission of the ergative marking on the A of the matrix clause, and the use of a contrastive focus marker, is a disambiguation strategy, rather than a sign of the optionality of core argument marking.

( 'Then the crow realized that jackal ate his fish, and kept his face lowered and sat up on the tree branch.'

Thulung also has discourse markers with scope at the sentence level: epistemic authority marker sɵ, and hearsay marker ʔe. Additionally, at the sentence-level, we find loan particles retsʌ, ni, tʌ, which will not be discussed here.

The epistemic authority marker sɵ is very often used with directives22 to strengthen their illocutionary force, and in some contexts can take on an apprehensive reading, as in (36) and

(37).

( The grammatical sketch presented above is by design brief, in order to give readers a sense of the morphosyntax relating essentially to the nominal domain. For additional information, see [START_REF] Allen | Sketch of Thulung Grammar (Cornell East Asia Papers)[END_REF], [START_REF] Lahaussois | Submitted. Reflexive constructions in Thulung[END_REF]2004) as well as the more specialized articles mentioned above.

The Thulung verbal template

The verb complex of Thulung is described here by making use of the Thulung verbal template, shown in Figure 3 below. This is a convenient structuring device, which allows me to discuss, in addition to the grammatical material that fills various slots of the template, functional domains related to the affixal material. This artifice (of sorts) will thus allow me to cover the following topics, which have been the subject of previous work (in the form of publications or oral presentations; the latter are listed only when no relevant publications exist):

-the expression of negation [START_REF] Lahaussois | Irrealis in the Kiranti languages[END_REF] The notion of template has been frequently used for the description of the verbal morphology of languages in which verbal affixes occur in a fixed order, such as Athapaskan languages [START_REF] Kari | Affix positions and zones in the Athapaskan verb complex: Ahtna and Navajo[END_REF]. For a typology of the use of this conceptual tool, as well as for additional terms used to refer to it, see [START_REF] Good | The typology of templates[END_REF]2016).

The definition provided in Good (2016: 7) for a template is "an analytical device used to characterize the linear realization of a linguistic constituent whose linear stipulations are unexpected from the point of view of a given linguist's approach to linguistic analysis." The mention of unexpectedness in this definition reasserts how the use of the template as an analytical tool is particularly relevant to Kiranti languages: the description of verb forms in terms of ordered slots reveals the phenomenon of multiple exponence, whereby arguments are indexed more than once in a single verb form, with these additional indexes occurring in an unexpected linear order.25 This is discussed in 2.2.3.2.1 below.

In the description of Kiranti verbal morphology, many authors have used templates in order to describe the order in which various prefixes and suffixes attach to the verb root.

Among these are [START_REF] Driem | A grammar of Limbu (Mouton Grammar Library 4)[END_REF]1993b;[START_REF] Driem | An exploration of Proto-Kiranti verbal morphology[END_REF] As far as Thulung is concerned, prefixes and suffixes that attach to the verb root occur in a fixed order, which is represented in Figure 3 below. The presentation in Figure 3 takes a few short-cuts, with respect to the number of slots presented: as an example, the material within suffixal slot 3 is made of up indexes specifying the person/number/clusivity/role of a single argument (for intransitives) or two arguments (for transitives), yet I have adopted the convention of conceiving of transitive indexes as global scenarios expressing the features of the two arguments, with the formula A>P. 27 Other linguists working on Kiranti languages often break down these indexes into the elements that can be found within (see 2.2.3.3 for details), resulting in templates with a great many indexation slots, as there are multiple suffixes (and sometimes prefixes, depending on the language) for the indexation of transitive arguments, whereas I posit a single one (in addition to suffixal slot where the formatives involved in multiple exponence are found). 28Figure 3. The verbal template of Thulung (material discussed in chapter 2 is in bold, along with relevant sections) (Kari 1989: 426) --into zones, such as the pronominal zone (ibid, 438). The 'suffixal slots' in Figure 2

Prefixal slot

There is a single prefixal slot in Thulung, which can be filled by either the negative prefix (2.2.1.1) or by an ideophone (one of the three types identified in Thulung; 2.2.1.2); as ideophones cannot be negated, they are considered to occupy the same prefixal slot as the negation marker.

Negation

There is a single negation marker, mi-~me-, with some speakers preferring one variant over another, and others using both in free variation. The prefix is exemplified in ( 43)-( 45).

( 'When the younger sibling cried, the older sibling said: Don't cry.'

There is additionally a prohibitive construction using a non-imperative verb form and epistemic authority marker sɵ which expresses negative polarity even though it involves no negative marker (see the section on discourse markers in 1.3.2.2 above, and specifically discussion of (38)).

Ideophones

The reason ideophones are placed in the same prefixal slot as the negative prefix is that negated ideophonic forms are not found in Thulung. This features concords with what has been claimed in the typological literature (such as Klamer (2001: 168)). Note that the ideophones which are in the prefixal slot are a single type (type A) of Thulung ideophones; other ideophone types, described below, are not considered to have a slot in the verbal template.

In Lahaussois (2017b), I have described the three types of ideophones I identified in Khaling: a monosyllabic type, often characterized by falling tone, always found preverbally and contributing semantics of suddenness and forcefulness to the predicate, labeled type A; a trisyllabic type, labeled type B, often with a C1VC2VC2V pattern and frequently conveying sound and motion; and a third type exhibiting reduplication, labeled type C, more lexicalized than the other two types and used with an adverbial/adjectival function. Together, these three types cover the entire spectrum of sensory perceptions found in Dingemanse (2012)'s implicational hierarchy (reproduced in Figure 4 below, along with the ranges of the three types of Khaling ideophones).

Through new, unpublished material on Thulung as well, it is apparent that ideophones are a large word class. This may be surprising considering that they have frequently been ommitted from grammatical descriptions of Kiranti languages (the exceptions are Bantawa, Chintang and Yakkha [START_REF] Doornenbal | A grammar of Bantawa. Grammar, paradigm tables, glossary and texts of a Rai language of Eastern Nepal[END_REF][START_REF] Rai | Triplicated verbal adjuncts in Bantawa[END_REF][START_REF] Rai | Triplication and ideophones in Chintang[END_REF][START_REF] Schackow | A grammar of Yakkha[END_REF]). While the distribution in descriptions makes it look like ideophones are only present in the Central and Eastern Kiranti languages, it appears that their absence elsewhere is a grammaticographical issue rather than a linguistic one. This is discussed at greater length in 3.1.1 below.

Thulung ideophones, like Khaling ideophones, can be divided into three types according to the following phonotactic, morphological and semantic characteristics:

Type A: The three ideophones types found in Thulung and their semantics, morphology, phonotactics are very close those of neighboring Khaling, with the significant difference that many fewer ideophones have been found in Thulung than in Khaling. Using the Kiranti Comparable Corpus, made up of narrative data from Thulung, Khaling and Koyi (described in 3.3.1) to study ideophones reveals that the Khaling texts in the corpus have many more ideophones than the Thulung (about 2:1, consistently across different speakers; interestingly, the Koyi data reveals no ideophones at all) when considering utterances in both languages referring to the same events in a shared myth. Individual differences across speakers are of course to be expected with a word class such as ideophones, claimed to be very sensitive to register (Haiman 2018: 131;Kilian-Hatz 2001: 156) and to inter-speaker variation (Bernard Wälchli, LingTyp discussion list, March 22nd, 2019: "Ideophones are maybe the most sociolinguistic part of speech there is"), and the conditions of data collection may well have influenced their use across the two languages. The differences in numbers of ideophones across 30 The larger question of the effect of language contact on ideophones is something I plan to explore through a LABEX EFL project on ideophones and interjections, led with Yvonne Treis, and is particularly interesting in the context of Kiranti languages.

languages nonetheless appears significant, and correlates with the general proportion of ideophones in my glossaries for both languages. (It is also interesting that no ideophones at all were found in the Koyi part of the comparable corpus.) In Khaling, I spent considerable time doing elicitation work on ideophones --something which was very enjoyable to the consultants I was working with --and perhaps this somehow triggered their increased use in narratives, with the community realizing that these "funny sounds" were a legitimate part of the grammar of their language. As I have not yet carried out elicitation on ideophones in Thulung, I cannot say whether a focus on this word class will make them more salient and increase their numbers in spontaneous narratives.

Dingemanse's (2012: 663) implicational hierarchy allows us to map the range of sensory domains covered by the three types of ideophones in Khaling (Lahaussois 2017b: 20):

Type A is mostly focused on movement, but also covers sound (insofar as the two are very often inseparable, with certain ideophones sound-symbolically capturing the sound which is affiliated with a type of movement; see for example Hinton et al. (1994: 9)); type B covers While further research is needed in order to confirm similar patterns with Thulung, and specifically whether all domains, in addition to sound and movement, are covered by ideophones of type C, the situation in Khaling suggests the extent to which the implicational hierarchy is a powerful methodological and analytical tool.

As to whether to consider that Type A ideophones in Thulung are prefixal, they have characteristics that are quite different from the two other types of ideophones in the language:

Nothing can be inserted between the ideophone and the verb, and ideophones cannot take derivational morphology like other ideophones types do: type B can be used as the bare ideophone or undergo derivation with -ja or nominalizer -m; type C can be used as the bare ideophone or be augmented by -maksi. Both -maksi and -ja are adverbializers, even though the bare noun and the derived forms have the same properties and distributions. As for nominalization, this is necessary before an attributive use with type B ideophones, and is thus a source of derived adjectives.

Another particularity of Type A ideophones which distinguishes them from other types is their fixed semantic contribution, which applies to the entire class, conveying a quality of suddenness and/or forcefulness to the action. No lexical sources for Thulung Type A ideophones have been found (although this is not true of Khaling; see Lahaussois (2017b)). Their prosody strongly suggests that these ideophones are part of the same word as the verb they combine with.

This is in opposition to

Because the Thulung data presented above represents an analysis based on corpus materials, but has involved no targeted work (such as elicitation), this is a topic I am very eager to work on during future field trips. I believe the study of ideophones in Thulung would additionally very much benefit from a better understanding of the ideophonic systems present in Nepali, especially insofar as the Type C ideophones described above are very similar to what is found in Nepali (sometimes even using the same syllables for the same meaning).

There as, as far as I am aware, no studies of how language contact affects ideophones, and the case of Thulung and Nepali would be an excellent place to look into the phenomenon.

Root

The material presented in section 2.

Verb classes and stem alternation patterns

As is typical of Kiranti languages, underived Thulung verbs32 have a monosyllabic verb root of the form (Ci)V(Cf). The final consonant (Cf) of the root is the basis for sorting verbs into verb classes, and determines the stems for any given verb. In spite of the Kiranti-wide template33 for the verb root of simplex verbs, in other words those which are not augmented by derivational formatives (discussed in 2.2.3.2), it is worth questioning how one assigns material to the stem and to the inflectional suffixes. This question is a central one in inflectional morphology, and discussed in a great many publications [START_REF] Bonami | Introduction[END_REF][START_REF] Baerman | Stem alternations and multiple exponence[END_REF][START_REF] Spencer | Identifying stems[END_REF][START_REF] Corbett | Morphosyntactic complexity: a typology of lexical splits[END_REF]. The rule of hand applied here is to take maximally recurring inflectional material --which is relatively stable (although see 2.2.3.3 for discussion of allomorphy in indexes) -and to claim that this material makes up the indexes (which code person, number, clusivity, role, and tense). All remaining material is assigned to the verb stem.

The main Thulung verb classes, as described in [START_REF] Lahaussois | The Thulung Rai verbal system: an account of verb stem alternation[END_REF], are listed in Table 8 below, along with their stem alternations, with the root initial and vowel abstracted as 'CV'. 34 Because of stem alternation with some classes, root final Cf is not (necessarily) found in all stems. The 1PI (A/S) form always uses the stem with the root final, and can reliably be used for verb class identification. The C. , once determined, always makes it possible to predict the stems for the verb--except for the patterns found with the sub-classes discussed in 2.2.2.2.

35 Allomorphs for this stem are CVt, CVɖ and CVr.

36 The long vowel is a result of compensatory lengthening due to the loss of the root final, one of the morphophonological processes giving rise to stem alternations proposed by Michailovsky (1975: 187). The V is shortened when it is a closed syllable, through re-syllabification with the initial of the suffix. This applies to all verb classes with a stem with a long vowel due to compensatory lengthening.

37 Positing a verb class with -s as the Cf is not a neutral decision, as there is good evidence that the -s in verbs of this class comes not from a true final consonant but rather from what was originally a post-final -s with a reflexivizing/middle/detransitivizing function. For example, Michailovsky (1975: 187), writing about Bahing, claims that "no roots are identified with final /s/; all cases of /s/ preceding a verbal suffix are interpreted as the /s/ augment of the reflexive stem rather than as the inherent final of the root". The very high number of intransitive verbs in the s-class suggests that this is true, but the organization reflected in Table 8 is a means of accounting synchronically for the stem patterns that are found in Thulung.

V-class AE CV 36

Table 8. The verb classes of Thulung, with root final and alternating stem types

The paradigmatic distribution of stems is fairly straightforward, grouping into the following behaviors: verb classes with no stem alternation; and verb classes with stem alternations.

Additionally, transitive and intransitive verbs of the same class do not have the same stem distributions, although similarities in the distribution patterns are visible. As a result, each verb class has an intransitive and transitive stem distribution associated with it.

Verb classes with a single stem throughout the paradigm, for both intransitive and transitive, are m-, n-, l-and r-classes. This is exemplified with the l-class transitive verb jalmu, 'strike', in Table 9 below. 38 Note that in the paradigms in this section, all paradigms are presented with a default 3SG object. This is to avoid the very large number of cells (11x11) that are necessary to illustrate full paradigms of all person/number scenarios; Section 2.2.3.3 shows full paradigms.

NPST PST

1SG>3SG jal-u jal-to 1DI>3SG jal-tsi gwak-tsi 1PI>3SG 1DE>3SG jal-i jal-tsuku jal-li jal-tsoko 1PE>3SG jal-ku jal-toko 2SG>3SG jal-na jal-na 2DU>3SG jal-tsi jal-tsi 2PL>3SG jal-ni jal-ni 3SG>3SG jal-ʉ jal-lʉ 3DU>3SG jal-tsi jal-tsi 3PL>3SG jal-mi jal-miri
Table 9. Paradigm for a verb with no stem alternation 38 For all verb classes, the citation form uses the stem which is found in the non-past 1DI cell (intransitive or transitive).

Verb classes which have a vowel-final root generally do not have stem alternation.

There are only three exceptions to this: bomu, 'do', pomu, 'eat', and bumu, 'be'. Table 10 below illustrates the stem alternations for bomu39 and bumu. Note that as the former is transitive and the latter intransitive, the indexes are not the same, nor are the stem distributions across the paradigms.

NPST PST NPST PST 1SG>3SG be-u be-uto 1SG bu-ŋu ba-ŋro 1DI>3SG bo-tsi be-ttsi 1DI bu-tsi ba-ttsi 1PI>3SG bi-i bi-iri 1PI bu-i ba-iri 1DE>3SG bo-tsuku be-ttsoko 1DE bu-tsuku ba-ttsoko 1PE>3SG bo-ku be-ttoko 1PE bu-ku ba-ttoko 2SG>3SG bo-na be-nna 2SG bu-na ba-nna 2DU>3SG bo-tsi be-ttsi 2DU bu-tsi ba-ttsi 2PL>3SG bo-ni be-nni 2PL bu-ni ba-nni 3SG>3SG bʉ-ʉ bʉ-ʉrʉ 3SG bu ba-ira 3DU>3SG bo-tsi be-ttsi 3DU bu-tsi ba-ttsi 3PL>3SG bo-mi be-mri 3PL bu-mi ba-mri
NPST PST NPST PST 1SG>3SG rep-u rep-to 1SG khram-ŋu khrap-ŋoro 1DI>3SG rem-tsi rep-tsi 1DI khram-tsi khrap-tsi 1PI>3SG rep-ri rep-ri 1PI khrap-ri khrap-ri 1DE>3SG rem-tsuku rep-tsoko 1DE khram-tsuku khrap-tsoko 1PE>3SG rem-ku rep-toko 1PE khram-ku khrap-toko 2SG>3SG rem-na rep-na 2SG khram-na khrap-na 2DU>3SG rem-tsi rep-tsi 2DU khram-tsi khrap-tsi 2PL>3SG rem-ni rep-ni 2PL khram-ni khrap-ni 3SG>3SG rep-rʉ rep-rʉ 3SG khram khrap-ta 3DU>3SG rem-tsi rep-tsi 3DU khram-tsi khrap-tsi 3PL>3SG rem-mi rep-miri 3PL khram-mi khrap-miri
Table 12. Stem distribution patterns for transitive (left) and intransitive (right) p-class verbs 40 Note that this cell features two possible stems: gwak-and gwa:-. There is competition in the 3PL>3SG cell between a form with the expected stem--the one including the root Cf, which occurs throughout the past tense in verb classes with similar distribution patterns (see Tables 12 and13)--and a stem which is phonologically reduced to avoid the -km-sequence (this is a matter of phonotactics). Verbal forms with a -km-always appear to have a phonotactically simpler variant as an option: another example is rwakma~rwa:ma (say-PST.PTCP).

Note however that the same 'simplification' is not found with nouns: the pluralizer -mim combines with -k final nouns, without any evidence of reduced forms.

The gwa stem (where we might expect gwa:) is due to resyllabification with the initial m in the suffix, which reduces vowel length: divided according to syllables, the form is gwam-ri.

Verbs with a Cf of ʈ follow the patterns in Table 13 for transitive senmu 'kill' (left-hand side) and intransitive hunmu 'fly' (right-hand side).

NPST PST NPST PST 1SG>3SG seʈ-pu seʈ-to 1SG hun-ŋu huʈ-ŋoro 1DI>3SG sen-tsi seʈ-tsi 1DI hun-tsi huʈ-tsi 1PI>3SG seɖ-i seʈ-ɖi 1PI huɖ-i huʈ-ɖi 1DE>3SG sen-tsuku seʈ-tsoko 1DE hun-tsuku huʈ -tsoko 1PE>3SG sen-ku seʈ-toko 1PE hun-ku huʈ-toko 2SG>3SG sen-na seʈ-na 2SG hun-na huʈ-na 2DU>3SG sen-tsi seʈ-tsi 2DU hun-tsi huʈ-tsi 2PL>3SG sen-ni seʈ-ni 2PL hun-ni huʈ-ni 3SG>3SG seɖ-ʉ seʈ-ɖʉ 3SG hun huʈ-ɖa 3DU>3SG sen-tsi seʈ-tsi 3DU hun-tsi huʈ-tsi 3PL>3SG sen-mi seʈ-miri 3PL hun-mi huʈ-miri
Table 13. Stem distribution patterns for transitive (left) and intransitive (right) t-class verbs Tables 11-13 pattern very similarly: the stem with the root final is found throughout the past forms (with a few exceptions for k-class verbs) and in the transitive non-past 1SG, 1PI and 3SG forms. With intransitives, the 'past' stem is only found with non-past 1PI forms.

As with verbs of the p-, t-and k-classes, verbs of the s-and ŋ-stem classes share a stem distribution pattern. This is seen in the similar pattern in the greyed cells in Tables 14 and15 below, showing that most of the paradigms use a single stem, apart from 1PI and 3SG

(but not 3SG.NPST for intransitives), which have a different stem.

Verbs with a Cf of ŋ follow the patterns in in that some verbs clearly have the -s in addition to another Cf (see, for example, in a form like lʌks-i, 'go-1DI'). This suggests strongly that the origin for verbs with stems patterning like Table 15 is that they have what was originally a post-final suffix -s, and that this has resulted in the distribution of stems we currently find. Among the factors pointing in this direction is the fact that s-class verbs are more typically intransitive than transitive (see Lahaussois (2016a)), suggesting a derivational origin with a detransitivizing function.

Though the *-s postfinal is sometimes associated with causativization (this is the case for Limbu; see [START_REF] Michailovsky | Tibeto-Burman dental suffixes: evidence from Limbu (Nepal)[END_REF], [START_REF] Driem | A grammar of Limbu (Mouton Grammar Library 4)[END_REF]), the reflex is associated with reflexive derivation (or detransitivization) in some Kiranti languages and beyond (Benedict 1972: 97-98;[START_REF] Driem | Reflexes of the Tibeto-Burman *-t directive suffix in Dumi Rai[END_REF]. It is not however clear what mechanism could result in the s-class's CVs stem only surfacing in 1PI and 3SG (non-past and past) cells. While the historical development of the current arrangement of verb inflections is relevant and interesting, it is also important to look at the data through a synchronic lens that allows us insight into how speakers classify verbs and inflect them. In such a perspective, Thulung is considered to have an s-class of verbs in the same way as it does other verb classes.

In attempts to describe the stem distribution patterns presented in Tables 9-15, I have used sometimes awkward formulations, highlighting a basic distinction between non-past and past stems, and then adding the proviso that scenarios with 1SG, 1PI, 3SG S/A arguments (the exact details depending on the verb class and transitivity) also used the past stem [START_REF] Lahaussois | The Thulung Rai verbal system: an account of verb stem alternation[END_REF][START_REF] Lahaussois | Thulung Rai[END_REF]). This results from part of the pattern being motivated (by tense), and the other unmotivated (the few non-past forms using the same stem as the past forms).

An interesting way of expressing the data is to refer to the notion of morphome, a morphological pattern which unites a set of paradigm cells yet which is not motivated (synchronically) by any phonological or morphosyntactic features. Herce (2020) is a recent typological overview presenting the history of the concept, which first appears in [START_REF] Aronoff | Morphology by itself: stems and inflectional classes (Linguistic Inquiry Monographs 22[END_REF]. The idea of morphome might better help us capture the patterns connected with the verb classes of Thulung, and the interconnections between them. 41 It is clear that there is something different about the stems used for 1SG, 1PI and 3SG forms (for which non-past and past often match), when compared to other person/number combinations, but describing this in terms other than lists of person/number combinations is difficult. 42

The verb classes and stem distribution patterns described above apply to most Thulung verbs, but as my corpus has increased in size, the data has revealed itself to be somewhat 41 Herce presents (my) data from Thulung (ibid, 266-267) in terms of morphomes, albeit limited to two verb classes. 42 In keeping with the tradition, which comes from [START_REF] Maiden | Morphological autonomy and diachrony[END_REF], of giving morphomes labels based on the letter shapes they map out, Bernard Fradin has suggested (somewhat in jest) the label "broken comb morphome" for the pattern found with verb classes -p, -t, -k: while the comb base is stable (the past forms), some of the teeth (the non-past forms) are missing.

messier (a phenomenon that I have not yet described in publications). There are two ways in which patterns differ from what has been described above:

a) Some verbs alternate between stems associated with two (or more) different verb classes, often varying freely, with their behavior suggesting they are simultaneously felt to belong to several verb classes.

One example is the verb banmu~ba:mu 'wear ornaments', illustrated in The situation described in a) will not be discussed further herein, because the patterns are as yet unclear to me and appear to be very much a matter of inter-speaker variation (but not always, as I also encounter cases where a same speaker has freely varying stems for what appears to be the same verb). One possible explanation for the verb class 'instability' is the natural variability found in large paradigms, suggestive of the artificiality of collection methods (which, short of a corpus of a size very rare in endangered languages documented by a single person or small team, are inevitable, as far as I can tell, in order to get complete paradigms); another hypothesis is that there are two phonologically very close verbs, whose semantics cannot be distinguished by speakers, and that speakers are alternating between the two. There are examples of this in the verb lexicon: Thulung has verbs ja:mu (Cf k) and jalmu, both meaning 'hit' with no identifiable differences in semantics, or hormu and holmu, both 'open'. The verbal paradigms are distinct, but one can imagine how if the Cf's were such that part of the paradigm used similar stems (eg Cf -n and -t both use a CVn stem), confusion could arise. These hypotheses are captured by Thornton (2019a;2019b)'s notion of overabundance: defined as "the situation in which two (or more) inflectional forms are available to realize the same cell in an inflectional paradigm" (Thornton 2019a: 223), there are a number of ways in which this situation can manifest. "Certain cell mates can be used interchangeably in the same context, even by the same speaker, with no difference in style and meaning; other cell mates are subject to various kinds of conditions, so that different forms are used in different styles, registers, social or geographic dialects, or in different semantic, syntactic or pragmatic contexts" (Thornton 2019b). Given the small size of the Thulung corpus, understanding whether verb forms share a cell with equal frequency or whether their use is subject to conditions (be they grammatical or socio-linguistic, as I have hypothesized) is difficult to determine.

b) Some verbs exhibit different stem distribution patterns from those previously associated with verb classes; these new patterns are only found with very small numbers of verbs (per Cf), and were presumably missed because of their infrequency. The patterns associated with these verbs are discussed in the following section.

Contrasting paradigms within verb classes

The new patterns that have been identified for stem distributions concern only three Cf's, and result in subdivisions within t-, ŋ-and k-verb classes, discussed in that order in what follows.

As for t-class verbs, the verb tse:mu 'pick through' patterns like senmu for past forms (see Table 13), using stem CVʈ throughout, as well as for non-past 1PI and 3SG. Other nonpast forms, however, do not pattern as expected: they use the stem CV:-instead of the CVn expected of a t-class verb; note that this is also the case of the citation form of the verb, which uses the CV: stem. The pattern is reminiscent of a combination of V-stem and t-stem class verbs. This is illustrated in CV root and postfinal suffix t (in other words, CV-t), could very well explain the different stem distribution patterns found among verbs which have, among their stems, a stem CVʈ.

This explanation is of course not of any relevance to speakers, but is nonetheless interesting from a comparative point of view.

Similarly, with ŋ-class verbs, we find two sub-patterns in stem distributions involving a stem CVŋ: on the one hand, we find the stem distribution pattern described in Table 14; on the other hand, we find a distinct pattern, also involving a single stem CVŋ, shown in Table 18.

NPST PST 1SG>3SG sjaŋ-pu sjaŋ-to 1PI>3SG sjaŋ-i sjaŋ-ɖi 1PE>3SG sjaŋ-ku sjaŋ-toko 2SG>3SG sjaŋ-na sjaŋ-na 2DU>3SG sjaŋ-tsi sjaŋ-tsi 2PL>3SG sjaŋ-ni sjaŋ-ni 3SG>3SG sjaŋ-ʉ sjaŋ-ɖʉ 3PL>3SG sjaŋ-mi sjaŋ-miri
Table 18. Transitive verb sjaŋmu, 'clean house'

In the case of the paradigm in Table 18, we have a CVŋ verb that does not show stem alternation, using the CVŋ stem throughout its paradigm. Only one other verb patterns in this way, so this is a very small inflectional class, but it nonetheless needs to be accounted for in the description of the verbal system.

The k-class also presents two sub-patterns: we find the standard distribution of stems described in Table 11, with alternation between stems of the form CVk and CV:. Table 19 below illustrates yet another distribution pattern for the same two stems:

NPST PST 1SG>3SG lʌk-pu lʌk-to 1PI>3SG lʌ: lʌ:-ri 1PE>3SG lʌ:-ku lʌk-toko 2SG>3SG lʌ:-na lʌk-na 2DU>3SG lʌ:-tsi lʌk-tsi 2PL>3SG lʌ:-ni lʌk-ni 3SG>3SG lʌ: lʌ:-rʉ 3PL>3SG lʌ:-mi lʌ-mri
Table 19. Paradigm for lʌ:mu, take away

As with other verb classes, the 1PI and 3SG stand out, but in this case, they do so by having the weaker stem (the one that has lost the final k and undergone compensatory lengthening). Even more unusual is the fact that the non-past 1PI and 3SG forms have no indexes, and are thus both bare stems (and the unexpected stem, at that, given the scenario at hand). As with the sub-type of ŋ-class verb described immediately above, this sub-type of k-class verb only concerns two verbs (the other is tsʌ:mu, 'know, understand a concept').

To sum up the divergences found within these three verb classes, we find the following subdivisions of three verb classes: Considering that the vast number of verbs in the class pattern like the first in each set in the list, this is considered the primary subclass and is not sub-specified. The marginality of the second subclass associated with each Cf, in terms of exemplars of verbs within that subclass, mean that it can be assigned a special label with a prime sign for identification (t'-class; ŋ'-class; k'-class).

The influence of postfinals -t and -s

For a number of Kiranti languages, a significant development in the analysis of verb stem alternation has been work by Boyd Michailovsky [START_REF] Michailovsky | Notes on the Kiranti Verb <East Nepal>[END_REF][START_REF] Michailovsky | Tibeto-Burman dental suffixes: evidence from Limbu (Nepal)[END_REF] reflecting the occurrence of postfinal -t with all Cf's. These verbs all have distinct stem paradigms, even though the difference between paradigms for transitive CVC and CVCt verbs is neutralized across large swaths of the paradigm, with the reflex of postfinal -t only surfacing in a few cells (Jacques 2015: 80). The postfinal is nonetheless an essential element to acknowledge in accounting for the various paradigms that occur for the verbs in the language, with many intransitive and applicative/causative pairs which differ by virtue of the reflex of postfinal -t ((Jacques 2015; Jacques 2017)).

Working with Thulung, one is struck by the fact that organization into verb classes does not reflect the post-final -t in any obvious way (the exception to this possibly being the t'-class discussed above, as well as, although it is not clear what the mechanism would be, ŋ'-and k'classes). Cognate intransitive/transitive pairs do exist in Thulung, but in many cases, the verb 44 These pairs manifest as either transitive/causative~applicative or intransitive/transitive sets, the second verb of each set reflecting the addition of the postfinal; in [START_REF] Michailovsky | Preliminaries to the comparative study of the Kiranti subgroup of Tibeto-Burman[END_REF], the suffixes are relabeled "applicative -t and causative -s".

45 This is similar to the situation described in 2. Even though Thulung has few verbs of the type in c), there are other potential clues to the earlier influence of the postfinal, in the form of variation in some indexation markers: Verbs of the p-, m-and n-classes take different indexes for non-past 1PI and 3SG S/A arguments than other verb classes, namely -ɖi (vs -i elsewhere) and -ɖʉ (vs -ʉ elsewhere) respectively (see In order to describe this in a synchronically viable way, I present -ɖi and -ɖʉ (1PI>3SG.NPST and 3SG>3SG.NPST respectively) as allomorphs to -i and -ʉ. It seems likely that a better way to account for these indexes is to posit that the initials in fact are reflexes of the postfinal -t. In such a scenario, we would have had a stage of the language in which CVp-t, CVm-t and CVn-t verbs had a stem reflecting the presence of the postfinal -t in non-past 1PI and 3SG forms. The -t would then have been reanalyzed at some point as being part of the indexes for those arguments, rather than as a postfinal augment on the verb stem.

One issue with this hypothesis is that not only transitive but also intransitive verbs in the p-, m-and n-classes use these indexes, even though intransitivity is not compatible with a causative postfinal -t. The explanation is perhaps that once the -t was reanalyzed as part of the index, it spread, through analogy, to all verbs with a Cf of -p, -m or -n, regardless of transitivity.

(Note that we find something similar with the s-stem class, the origins of which are derivational, based on a reflexive voice marker, and which now includes transitive verbs as well).

In this section describing the roots of Thulung verbs, with a focus on verb classes and of compound verbs at that, in circumstances dictated by the morphophonology of the verbs in question.

associated
The material that can occur in this slot, as well as the relevant conditions for its appearance, is intimately tied with slot 2, 47 and is therefore discussed in the next section.

Suffixal slot 2: derivational markers

Suffixal slot 2 is where we find markers of Associated Motion, valence change, and Aktionsart.

As these markers can co-occur, in a fixed order, they are assigned linearly organized sub-slots.

In a recent article (Lahaussois, submitted), I describe what I refer to as Predicate derivations in Thulung. These are forms with derivational material marking Associated Motion, valence changes, or Aktionsart, and they form a subset of complex predicates, which have been treated at length for a number of South Asian languages [START_REF] Hook | The compound verb in Hindi[END_REF][START_REF] Butt | The structure of complex predicates in Urdu[END_REF][START_REF] Slade | Compound verbs in Indo-Aryan[END_REF][START_REF] Bickel | Aspect, Mood, and Time in Belhare[END_REF][START_REF] Jacques | Bipartite verbs in Japhug and other Trans-Himalayan languages[END_REF]. Before describing Predicate derivations in more detail, I will discuss complex predicates in Thulung. The reason for this detour is that there is, in South Asian languages, a continuum going from complex predicates to derived verbs. Some familiarity with other constructions along the continuum helps reveal how the diachronic development of predicate derivations--our main topic of interest--has contributed to their special morphological characteristics.

Two examples illustrate complex predicates in Thulung: the first involves a noun + verb combination. In (51), neither the nominal element na:le nor the verbal element ɖanmu has an independent synchronic lexical meaning, and they only ever occur as a complex predicate with the meaning 'taunt'. Yet, as can be seen in the example below, the negation marker occurs between the nominal and verbal elements. In some other cases, both elements have independent lexical meanings, but lexicalize into a complex predicate when taken together; in yet other cases, only one of the elements has an independent lexical meaning.

( While the formative glossed ANTIC is interpreted as a derivational marker here, it is homophonous with an independent verb dzɵlmu, 'to set down', some of the semantics of which are found in the derivational formative as well. The result is that one must consider that tsardzɵl-lʉ in ( 46) was, at one point, something akin to a serial or compound verb, even if that is no longer the case from a synchronic point of view. This suggests that compound verbs and derived verbs are situated on a continuum, going from verbs such as the one illustrated in (52), with two fully lexical verbal elements, to verbs such as the one illustrated in (55), with a single verbal element. Thus while I do not consider verbs augmented by material from suffixal slot 2 to be compound verbs, understanding their diachrony and placing them within a comparative context requires considering them alongside constructions labeled 'compound verbs', 'bipartite stems', and taking into account the 'aspectivizers', 'postpositional augments' ( [START_REF] Driem | A grammar of Limbu (Mouton Grammar Library 4)[END_REF]van Driem 1993b), 'postverbs' (Ebert 1997a), 'auxiliaries' [START_REF] Opgenort | A grammar of Wambule: Grammar, lexicon, texts and cultural survey of a Kiranti Tribe of Eastern Nepal (Languages of the Greater Himalayan Region 5/2)[END_REF], 'modal verbs' [START_REF] Michailovsky | La langue hayu[END_REF], 'vector verbs' [START_REF] Bickel | Free prefix ordering in Chintang[END_REF][START_REF] Doornenbal | A grammar of Bantawa. Grammar, paradigm tables, glossary and texts of a Rai language of Eastern Nepal[END_REF]) of other Kiranti languages.

One of the difficulties in working on this topic is that the continuum, and the place where one draws the line between a construction involving two verbs, on the one hand, and one involving a single verb and derivational morphology, on the other, is different from language to language (in fact, the verbiness of the derivational formative may even be different from formative to formative, depending, for example, on whether its lexical source verb still exists). The use of the term 'predicate derivations', proposed by Post (2010) as a comparative concept, is useful in that it focuses on the morphology of these constructions, rather than on the much less tangible semantics (which a term like van Driem's 'aspectivizers' appears to highlight) or their etymology (which a term like 'vector verb', which has a long tradition in South Asian languages, seems to tap into, as these formatives in many cases have motion verbs as their sources and express directionality).

I will therefore discuss relevant aspects of the morphology of these derived verbs in Thulung, touching upon their semantics and placing them within the context of similar constructions in South Asian languages. I will conclude this section by describing the specific functional domains (Associated Motion, valence changes, Aktionsart) in turn, and bringing in data from Khaling as well.

Multiple exponence

One of the main characteristics of predicate derivations is that in some instances they exhibit multiple exponence, with suffixal slot 1 filled with additional, albeit partial, indexation markers. The additional exponent--occurring between the verb root and the derivational formative--is made up of a single phoneme, identical, in examples ( 56)-( 58), to the initial of the full indexes (the second of the bolded formatives in the examples 48 ). This has resulted in its being called a 'copy' in some Kiranti descriptions of this phenomenon (eg. (Ebert 1997a: 71)). For Thulung, however, while the additional indexation is always a single phoneme, it is not always a copy of the initial: for V-class verbs, some forms have a different formative in suffixal slot 1.

(59) ʔʌ᷉ ko:-din-ka be-u-thal-to 49 yes one-day-TEMP do-1SG>3SG.PST-HAB-1SG>3SG.PST 'Yes, I usually did [that much weaving] in one day.'

The partial indexation marker is based on the initial phoneme of the appropriate allomorph of the formative based on the verb stem or derivational suffix. The formula can be described as the following:

(60) Verb stem -initial of appropriate allomorph of the indexation (with respect to the verb) -DERIV.SUFF -appropriate allomorph of the index (with respect to final of derivational suffix)

As for how (60) explains the form of the verb in (59), the (underived) verb bomu 'do' takes the 1SG>3SG.PST -uto, resulting in a form be-uto. According to (60), we keep only the initial of the index, and this yields the form be-u-. To this we add the derivational suffix -thal (for habitual), yielding be-u-thal-. The appropriate 1SG>3SG.PST index that needs to be added to be-u-thal-is that for an l-class verb (as -thal is l-final), in other words -to (see Table 9).

When assembled, this gives us the form be-u-thal-to, as in (59).

This form can be contrasted with the equivalent non-past verb: the 1SG>3SG form of bomu is be-u; when habitual -thal is added to this, we get the form be-u-thal-. The 1SG>3SG index for l-class verb (again, the derivational suffixes behave like verbs in their selection of allomorphs for the indexes) is -u, and the whole form is thus be-u-thal-u.

What is interesting about this pair is that, depending on the inflectional class of the verb and the final of the derivational suffix, the multiple exponence can manifest as the same 48 The verbs in ( 56)-( 58) would be thʌ:-na, dzo:-mri, and be-ŋri, respectively, if underived.

49 This verb form would be be-uto, if underived.

allomorph (or part thereof) as the full index, thus sometimes getting the label "copy", or as (part of) a different allomorph, looking nothing like the full index.

In sum, while the partial indexation material in suffixal slot 1 is only ever a single phoneme long, it is always the initial of the appropriate allomorph of the full indexation that would occur if the verb were an underived verb rather than a predicate derivation.

Allomorphy of derivational formatives

Another particularity of the derivational formatives is that they display allomorphy: of the nine listed in Table 20, the three formatives ending in -l are invariant (matching the invariance of lclass verbs, which have a single CVl stem throughout their paradigm). The fact that the pattern maps quite well onto the distribution pattern of verb stems (albeit those of two different verb classes combined) suggests that these formatives behave like elements that were originally verbal; that the forms look like stems of two different verb classes suggests a breakdown of an original verbal stem distribution into something with a less predictable pattern.

An additional element to consider with respect to the nature of the derivational formatives is that in some cases (four of the nine formatives) there are associated lexical source verbs, in the form of two auxiliaries and two full verbs.

Taken together, these three factors--the multiple exponence using 'stem-appropriate' allomorphs, the formative allomorphy patterning like verb classes (albeit muddled), the occasional lexical source verbs--suggest strongly that the diachrony of these constructions is development from a serial-verb like construction similar to what is seen in ( 54). The multiple exponence is a trace of the indexation originally associated with each of the verbs, but reduced as they evolved into compounds, until the second verb eventually became derivational, and the first verb's indexation was reduced to a single trace phoneme.

Within the context of South Asian languages and research on complex predication and specifically on compound verbs, one might wonder to what extent it is possible to consider these constructions comparatively. There are very large differences even within Kiranti regarding the finiteness of the initial verbal element (mostly finite, but not in some Western languages and Hayu [START_REF] Michailovsky | Kiranti languages[END_REF]; transitivity matching (derivational formatives generally match the transitivity of the verb, but this is not the case in Thulung); grammaticalization pathways followed by verbs; the degree of grammaticalization into derivational morphology, among others.

In an article comparing compound verbs ('CVs') in Nepali and Hindi, [START_REF] Slade | The diachrony of light and auxiliary verbs in Indo-Aryan[END_REF] points out some major differences between the two languages, notably in terms of the features When one examines these four features in Thulung, one finds that they align nicely with the behavior of Nepali CVs: Thulung predicate derivations can never be interrupted by additional material. Regarding recursion, the formatives found in slot 2 can co-occur, as can be seen in ( 61)-( 62) below (no examples of all three sub-slots being filled simultaneously were found in the corpus, although there is no reason for them not to). Compound verbs also pattern like Nepali with respect to the last feature, namely dominance: it is always the main verb that determines the transitivity of the predicate. There are, however, differences between Thulung and Khaling insofar as the transitivity of the derivational formative is concerned: while Khaling (and other Kiranti languages) select a derivational suffix that matches the main verb in transitivity (see (64), where the completive 50 With respect to the status of slot 1 in cases with multiple derivational suffixes, I have no corpus examples which illustrate whether the double exponence (slot 1 and slot 3) can in fact be increased further, with an additional exponent for each derivational suffix. This will require elicitation work during a future field trip.

alternates between an 'intransitive' form -khʌ and a 'transitive' form -khʌt), Thulung does not, instead using the same set of allomorphs for both transitive and intransitive main verbs.

(64) ʣhʌi-khʌ-ŋʌ ʣhʌt-khʌt-u wet(vi)-GO-1SG wet(vt)-GO-1SG>3SG

'I am completely wet.' 'I got it completely wet.'

The predicate derivations of Nepali thus behave very much like those of Thulung and other Kiranti languages, with respect to the four features proposed by [START_REF] Slade | The diachrony of light and auxiliary verbs in Indo-Aryan[END_REF]. This suggests that language contact has very likely have shaped the predicate derivations of Nepali and Kiranti along areal rather than genetic lines. AM has generally been considered from the point of view of three parameters, namely deixis, temporal relation (which can be prior, concurrent and subsequent) and argument of motion [START_REF] Guillaume | Associated Motion in South America: Typological and areal perspectives[END_REF][START_REF] Wilkins | The semantics, pragmatics and diachronic development of "Associated Motion[END_REF][START_REF] Koch | The category of "Associated Motion[END_REF], both of which need to be expanded to account for Kiranti data, but it also seems that additional parameters, namely those of vertical dimension and degree of event integration, are useful for discussion of AM in Kiranti and Trans-Himalayan, (Jacques, Lahaussois & Zhang In press).

Associated Motion

The single AM marker in Thulung expresses ambulative (the term is borrowed from Ebert (1997a: 50)) motion as its core function, but has additional functions which I will describe the argument of motion is the A; and the deixis, which in most descriptions of AM around the world is either trans-or cislocative, in this case can be said to be circumlocative, in that the motion radiates around a deictic center.

The other functions found for the ambulative marker are extensions from this core scenario; they are discussed below in an order that represents a gradual bleaching of features with respect to the associated motion ambulative in (66).

The function illustrated in ( 67) is the expression of spatially distributed action, where the associated motion is not a round-about motion, but rather the performance of the main action in different places.

(67) oram-ka bante meno si-bal-lʉ retsʌ this-ERG where there teach-AMB-3SG>3SG.PST it.seems 'This one has taught around everywhere.'

With respect to core properties, the temporal relation has changed: it is no longer concurrent, but rather punctuated, with the motion interspersed with bouts of the main action. Other properties, namely deixis and argument of motion, remain the same. This is the main function described for the equivalent of the ambulative 51 in Belhare (Bickel 1996: 164) We can assume that the grammaticalization pathway to get from ( 73) to ( 74) is similar to that described for Thulung, and yet the input for this pathway in both languages is presumably different ('wind around' (trans.), in Thulung, and no known source verb for Khaling). While many Kiranti languages have what can be described as an ambulative marker, they mostly seem to have different source verbs.

Khaling, with its seven AM markers, has six additional markers compared to Thulung, as shows in Table 22 below (reproduced from Jacques, Lahaussois & Zhang (In press)).

Table 22. Associated Motion markers in Khaling

The parameters used to compare AM markers are listed in the various columns of the table:

temporal relation, deixis, verticality, and argument. In terms of deixis, apart from the ambulative with circumlocative deixis, Khaling can express both trans-and cislocative deixis;

in the case of cislocative AM, note that there is a verticality feature, with a 3-way distinction:

upwards motion, downwards motion, level motion (the language also features a cislocative marker which is neutral with respect to verticality, |ɦo|).

The argument of motion, which in languages of South America, can be S, A or P, 53 in Khaling involves the S or the A. One characteristic of Khaling, which we have not found described elsewhere in Kiranti or beyond, is that the P is often also an argument of motion in transitive scenarios, in addition to the A. This is because the AM marker can involve (even though this is not necessarily the case) the displacement of the P, as a result of transitivity ( The reflexive voice marker -siʈ (and allomorphs -si, -sin, -sik) is used to express co-reference between two arguments of a derived verb. This is illustrated in (86), which stands in contrast to (87), which contains the underived source verb: It is apt that neither (86) or ( 87) features an overtly expressed subject NP, as this represents a very frequent situation in Thulung (and other Kiranti languages). The absence of overt NP arguments is probably relevant to the fact that the primary strategy for the expression of coreference is a voice marker rather than a reflexive nominal. Thulung does sometimes make use of a possessively-marked emphatic nominal to remove ambiguity about the co-reference, and in certain cases, it even appears to be an essential part of the construction. This is the case, for example, with examples ( 88) and ( 89): without the emphatic nominal (in bold), these are said to be difficult to parse.

(88) meram mʉtsʉ u-twap-ŋa sen-s-ta

Aktionsart and aspect

The markers in Kiranti that confer Aktionsart are distinctly different from language to language in their semantics, even when they are grammaticalized from cognate verbs 56 . Ebert (1994: 61) provides a table in which she provides comparative data on what she labels "second verbs" in Limbu, Athpare, Bantawa, Camling and Thulung, most of which are used for the expression of Aktionsart, contrasting their meanings as full verbs and as "V2". Among the verbs in this list, 20), the first two are in the first category, while the last three are in the second category. One important thing to note is that while the labels and groupings make it seem like the semantic contribution of these markers is clear, this is not necessarily the case: in some cases, speakers claim that there is absolutely no difference between a marked and unmarked verb, but that adding the marker makes the sentence more natural. The inherently complicated semantics of these markers is apparent across descriptions of Kiranti languages, both in the variety of labels of the markers themselves, but also of the category of derivational marker. Van Driem's label "aspectivizer" (van Driem 1987;van Driem 1993b) is a fairly successful attempt at pointing out the fuzzy nature of what the markers contribute to a given predicate.

-thʌʈ, -thʌn, -thʌ, -thʌk durative/DUR expresses fact that an action lasts in time The durative and habitual markers are illustrated below. They are characterized, as a group, by defocusing the inherent telicity of the verbs they mark. In the case of both markers, even though one possible translation for marked predicates (and sometimes the best one) is with an English perfect, the semantics are in fact quite different; furthermore, there is a separate construction for expressing perfect aspect in Thulung.

Durative marker -thʌʈ is used to express that the state resulting from the action continues after the action is completed. This is seen in examples ( 97)-( 100):

(97) dhwa:-laŋka ko:-le seruli-ka tsʌi ga:pu-ka u-si-ɖɖa Example ( 103) is interesting in that it sets up a contrast between women's work and men's work, but only the latter is marked with -thal; this is perhaps because the women's work is a list of different activities, whereas the men's is a single activity which occurs repetitively.

Markers which add telicity to the verb

The three other markers in Table 24 which contribute Aktionsart to verbs add a telic dimension, focusing on different aspects of the action's completion. Both -soʈ and -dzɵl focus on the resulting effect on the object of the verb, while -leʈ focuses on one of the boundaries of the action, usually the end, but occasionally the beginning. The expression of the effect on the object through markers of this type is common in Kiranti languages, many of them presenting a contrast, like Thulung, between an object which is present after the action, often grammaticalized from a verb 'put' 57 , and an object which is no longer present after the action often grammaticalized from a verb 'send' 58 . In some languages, the source verb for both of these formatives is still found; in Thulung, it is only -dzɵl which can be assigned a source verb, which is dzɵlmu, 'place, set'. The labels I use for these formatives in Thulung are far from satisfactory, attempting to account for various aspects of the semantics conveyed by the formatives: they are 'anticipatory', for -dzɵl, as the primary sense appears to be the anticipation of a subsequent action through the action which receives the marking; and 'irreversible', for -soʈ, as the main contribution appears to be a focus on the fact that the action cannot be undone (in part because it results in the removal of the object).

Examples ( 104)-( 106) illustrate the effect of -soʈ on the verb: bride-side send-IRREV-3PL>3SG "runce phila" rwa:-mi ma mekʌti rʌksi-num meram 57 The have been given different labels by linguists, among them the transparent 'relinquitive' (Ebert 1994: 64) and 'ponent; ( van Driem 1993b: 203); (Schackow 2015: 321-322).

58 One label in Kiranti grammars is 'dimittive' (Ebert 1997a: 73;van Driem 1993b: 202-203). The former combines the functions of two markers, namely applicative -sʌ and the telic marker involving the leaving behind of the P: the result is the expression of a telicized action, involving depositing a P somewhere and having been performed on behalf of someone else. This is seen in ( 113).

( The meaning of the sentence in ( 116) is the same as if it contained an underived verb, but -khʌ adds a focus on the thoroughness of the resulting state.

The expression of aspect

Progressive and perfect aspect can be expressed in Thulung, and this is done periphrastically.

Progressive aspect is expressed in two ways, both involving converbal forms of the main verb:

-with the anterior converb -sa, usually followed by an intensifier, and a finite form of the verb bumu, 'be'. This is seen in ( 117 To close this section on the discussion of suffixal slot 2, I offer some thoughts on how the Kiranti material presented above is relevant to a wider linguistic context. As far as Associated Motion is concerned, this is currently a topic of great interest to typologists and Kiranti languages have a considerable amount to contribute to the definition of the domain:

the traditional definitional criteria require some extensions in order to properly describe Kiranti data. Deixis, generally described in terms of trans-vs. cis-locative, should also include circumlocative deixis, because the ambulative marker (which involves translational motion but with round-about directionality) is omnipresent in this language area; the argument of motion needs to be extended from S, A or P to the possibility of two arguments undergoing the motion simultaneously (as Kiranti languages have transitive equivalents to the motion verbs used to express Associated Motion). And another significant contribution is the importance of distinguishing between orientation and Associated Motion: both can be expressed through the same formative, yet the semantics are very different (as orientation involves no translational motion) and linguists must be aware of the difference when producing descriptions of these markers.

As far as Aktionsart markers are concerned, these remain very challenging to describe across Kiranti languages, in part because the markers are polysemous in some languages (for example expressing Associated Motion or Aktionsart), and in part because they are considered by many speakers to be optional, from a semantic point of view, and to be essentially stylistic devices. There is also the fact that the interpretations are linked with tense, and that the majority of examples in grammars (and indeed corpora, which tend to be made up of stories) are in the past tense, leading to only a partial view of the function of the markers. Furthermore, language contact with Nepali, as in the case of ideophones, is of great interest in studying the material in slot 2, as Predicate derivation-like forms are very common in Nepali (and throughout South Asia), yet do not have exactly the same functions as in Kiranti, and it seems likely that part of the challenge of describing these forms in Thulung and other Kiranti languages is due to the influence of Nepali (on both speakers and fieldworkers).

Suffixal slot 3: indexation markers

This section discusses the indexes used for person/number/clusivity contrasts on Thulung verbs. In addition to presenting the paradigms of indexes, it also presents some of the characteristics of indexes in Thulung: tense marking, syncretism, inflectional gaps, allomorphy, evidence for underlying person hierarchy, each of which is discussed in turn.

This data has most extensively been presented in [START_REF] Lahaussois | The Thulung Rai verbal system: an account of verb stem alternation[END_REF], but is also treated in [START_REF] Lahaussois | Thulung Rai[END_REF]. Relevant discussion of the presentation of transitive paradigms can be found in Lahaussois (2020a).

Thulung has two full sets of indexes, based on the transitivity of the verb: intransitive indexes, and transitive indexes. As discussed above, these indexes sometimes occur with the same, labile root. Table 26 presents both non-past (NPST) and past (PST) intransitive indexes, arranged according to the person and number of the S. Tables 27 and28 present transitive indexes for non-past forms and past forms respectively. The A argument is in the vertical column, and the P argument is in the horizontal row; individual cells correspond to the various possible A+P scenarios. 59

NPST PST 1SG -ŋu -ŋoro/-ŋro 1DI -tsi -tsi/-ttsi 1DE -tsuku -tsoko/-ttsoko 1PI -i [-ɖi] -ɖi/-iri 1PE -ku -toko /-ttoko 2SG -na -na /-nna 2DU -tsi -tsi /-ttsi 2PL -ni -ni /-nni 3SG -ɖa /-ira 3DU -tsi -tsi /-ttsi 3PL -mi -miri/-mri
59 Discussion of the evolution of the presentation of these paradigms from 1850 to the present can be found in the section on Grammaticographical models in Section 3.1.2 of this document.

A /P 1SG 1DI 1DE 1PI 1PE 2SG 2DU 2PL 3SG 3DU 3PL 1SG -ni -nitsi -nini -u [- pu] -utsi [ - putsi] -umi [- pumi] 1DI -tsi -tsimi 1DE -tsuku -tsukumi 1PI -i [- ɖi] -itsi [- ɖitsi] -imi [- ɖimi] 1PE -ku -kutsi -kumi 2SG -ŋi -tsiki -ki -na -natsi -nami 2DU -ŋitsi -tsiki -kitsi -tsi -tsimi 2PL -ŋini -tsikini -ki -ni -nitsi -nimi 3SG -ŋi -sa -tsiki -sa -ki -na -tsi -ni -ʉ [- ɖʉ] -ʉtsi [- ɖʉtsi] -ʉmi [- ɖʉmi] 3DU -ŋitsi -satsi -tsiki -satsi -kitsi -natsi -tsi -nitsi -tsi -tsimi 3PL -ŋimi -sami -tsikimi -sami -kimi -nami -tsini -nimi -mi -mitsi -mi

Tense marking

Tense is expressed through an unmarked non-past, and a marked past which is fused into portmanteaux in the past indexes. The unmarked nature of the non-past can be gleaned from the intransitive 3SG.NPST form of verbs, which is a bare stem. As this suggests that both 3SG

and non-past are unmarked, the intransitive 3SG.PST marker provides clues as to the form of the past marker at an earlier stage (when it presumably had its own slot in the template, as a distinct formative), namely -ɖa. Based on [START_REF] Michailovsky | Manner versus place of articulation in the Kiranti initial stops[END_REF] What is unusual about the breakdown of indexes in Table 29 is that the position of the past marker is not always consistent with respect to markers for arguments' person/number/clusivity, sometimes occurring before them, sometimes between. Because this type of analysis is presumed not to be synchronically available to speakers (as it is based on an abstract form of the past marker that speakers are unaware of), I believe the best solution for glossing indexes (both past and non-past) is to treat them as units expressive of the various possible scenarios that trigger their use: they index person, number, clusivity for either an S, or a combination of an A and a P, as well as tense. As such, I adopt the convention of glossing them as either S(.NPST) or S.PST, or A>P(.NPST) or A>P.PST (S, A and P are replaced in actual glosses with the person, number and clusivity of the relevant arguments; I do not use .NPST in glosses, except when necessary for clarification), and I choose not to break them down into small units. This can be equated with treating indexes as 'co-argument sensitive' [START_REF] Witzlack-Marakevich | Decomposing hierarchical alignment: Co-arguments as conditions on alignment and the limits of referential hierarchies as explanations in verb agreement[END_REF] to the extent that every index is associated with a scenario.

61 More discussion of this will follow, with respect to whether person hierarchies can be identified as operating within the indexes.

Cell syncretism

Some cells exhibit syncretism, with the same index found in multiple cells. This is notably the case for the 1DI, 2DU and 3DU forms (both past and non-past) in Table 26, which can be analyzed as indexing only (dual) number and not the person of the single argument. In the transitive paradigms (Tables 27 and28), syncretic forms are sometimes in contiguous cells, in which case the cells are extended over several A+P scenarios. The syncretism is interesting because it highlights the fact that in certain scenarios a feature is not marked redundantly: this is the case when both arguments are dual, yet the index only has a single dual feature (this is the case, for example, of 3DU>3SG.PST and 3DU>3DU.PST, which are syncretic). The glosses assigned to the scenarios nonetheless specify the person/number/clusivity of the A and P in question, even though this is technically redundant; this decision was taken in order to maintain the same glossing conventions for all polypersonal indexes. The fact that arguments are often not overtly expressed as case-marked NP's means that the only data available on person/number/clusivity/role of the arguments is on the verb (and the context for the utterance);

as a result, it is useful that the glosses for indexes encode the information. 62

Allomorphy

The indexes in Tables 26,27, 28 exhibit a considerable amount of allomorphy. This allomorphy can be broken down into three types, in all cases conditioned by the tense of the form in question. They are summarized here, and then described and exemplified in greater detail.

62 One additional reason to fully express person/number/role in the glosses for the indexes is that simplifying the glosses to reflect syncretic forms (and the neutralization of some features) might not always be 'simpler':

imagine an utterance made up of the verb jal-tsi; this would usually be glossed hit-3DU>3SG.PST or hit-3DU>3DU.PST (or even hit-3DU>3SG.NPST or 3DU>3DU.NPST, depending on the case). Taking into account the neutralization of dual marking when occurring on both arguments, one might be tempted to reduce the gloss to hit-3DU>3 (reducing it to also take into account the fact that in this precise case NPST and PST indexes are syncretic); what then to do if the actual context called for a 3SG A and a 3DU P? Would the solution be to gloss that scenario hit-3>3DU? Or perhaps hit-DU, in order to fully take into account only the feature actually marked. I believe that the gloss should make explicit the scenario in question, because applying the idea of glossing only present features is only possible for a limited subset of indexes (and many of the features are synchronically unaccessible), and would result in considerably inconsistency.

-only affecting non-past forms: some verb classes have variant forms of specific indexes. While this is synchronically unconditioned, there are diachronic processes at work here, with reanalysis of a stem-index boundary and analogy; (these are indicated with '[ ]' in Tables 26 and27)

-only for past forms: the allomorph of the index is selected based on the stem-final, with one set of indexes for consonant-final stems, and another set for vowel-final stems; (these are indicated with / in Tables 26 and28)

-as a subset of the previous type, there is also phonologically-conditioned allomorphy, only for past forms, with the initial consonant of indexes which are -ɖ-initial assimilating to the verb stem final; (these are not indicated in Tables 26-28, as the tables only shows indexes and not stem+index combinations)

Concerning the first type of allomorphy, limited to non-past forms, and indicated in Tables 26 and27 with square brackets, it is determined by verb class (but is not a matter of phonological conditioning). This allomorphy only affects non-past indexes for specific scenarios, with distinct patterns for 1SG A indexes, on the one hand, and for the 1PI and 3SG S/A indexes on the other. Even though the allomorphy is different (in conditions and realization), in both cases it can be linked to diachronic processes.

The 1SG A indexes use the variant in -pu (and -putsi (1SG>3DU) and -pumi (1SG>3PL)) with verbs of the t-, k-, m-, n-classes; the -u variant is found with all other verb classes, as is presented in Table 30. The analysis proposed for these variant forms in [START_REF] Lahaussois | The Thulung Rai verbal system: an account of verb stem alternation[END_REF]) is that the form in -p is a result of reanalysis at an earlier stage of the language of the boundary between stem and index on the basis of p-class verbs, with a CVp-u form being reanalyzed as CV-pu, and this new 1SG A index spreading to other verb classes (but crucially, not all). Table 31. Allomorphy for 1PI and 3SG non-past indexes according to verb class These data can be exemplified through the following verb forms.

p-class verb remmu, 'see,' has the form rep-ɖi for a 1PI>3SG scenario;

k-class verb ki:mu, 'tie', has the form kik-i for a 1PI>3SG scenario.

One possible explanation for the variant forms with ɖ-initial is that they are connected to postfinal -t (discussed in 2.2.2.2 above). The presence of the postfinal is not transparent in Thulung currently, but it is likely that it was at an earlier stage of the language (similar to 63 Here, as in Table 31, >3 is a cover for 3SG, 3DU and 3PL; Number marking must be added to the form in the table for the dual and plural P indexes.

64 See previous footnote.

Khaling, where verbs can be divided into CVC and CVC-t, with paradigms largely similar apart from a few distinct forms (for contrastive paradigms, see Jacques (2015 table 3)).

Thulung may then have neutralized the difference between CVC and CVC-t verb types, but in collapsing them, maintained indexes consistent with a CVC root for some verbs, and with a CVCt root for other verbs. In other words, for a hypothetical verb form *CVp-t-i, with a 1PI>3SG.NPST index, the post-suffix -t could have been renalayzed as part of the index, as opposed to an element related to the verb stem. In a way similar to the situation with the reanalysis of CVp-u into CV-pu, this reanalysis was--for some unknown reason--only associated with certain verb stem classes.

The second type of allomorphy for indexes involves past forms only, and is phonological insofar as index selection is based on the phonological environment of the preceding stem. These allomorphs are indicated in Tables 26 and28 V-class bhremu, buy, has the form bhre-uto for a 1SG>3SG.PST scenario;

ŋ-class ɖu:mu, drink, has the form ɖu-uto for a 1SG>3SG.PST scenario;

s-class phromu, untie, has the form phro-uto for a 1SG>3SG.PST scenario.

These forms stand in contrast, for example, to an m-class verb brammu, 'scratch', which has the form bram-to for a 1SG>3SG.PST scenario.

As an intransitive example, V-class verb lʉ:mu, 'feel', has the form lʉ-ŋro for a 1SG.PST scenario. In contrast, the m-class verb ʌmmu, 'sleep', has the form ʌm-ŋoro for the 1SG.PST scenario.

The third type of allomorphy in the indexes is a subset of the previous type: it concerns past indexes which exhibit assimilation of their initials based on the preceding stem.

These allomorphs are not indicated in Tables 26-28 as they concern stem + index combinations, whereas the Tables only show indexes without their stems. The only indexes concerned by this allomorphy are those which are -ɖ-initial. The allomorphy is exhibited in ɖ > l/_l (assimilation), with conditioning based on the nature of the final consonant of the verb stem, as the indexes assimilate to the stem final.

Thus the 3SG.PST index -ɖa (which alternates freely with -ra), seen in swaŋ-ɖa, disappear-3SG.PST, has allomorphs -ta, -ra, -la conditioned by the final consonant of the verb stem, as seen in:

thok-ta, ripen-3SG.PST;

bhur-ra, be.angry-3SG.PST;

dzal-la, be.warm-3SG.PST.

The same applies to indexes for 1PI.PST, 1PI>3.PST, 3SG.PST and 3SG>3.PST, the allomorphs being illustrated in Table 31, according to verb class.

65 Even though I do not use 1PI>3 as a gloss for person indexes, this formulation covers the indexes for all scenarios with 1PI A and 3 P. The indexes for 3DU and 3PL P have number markers as well, namely -tsi and -mi respectively. The same applies to forms listed in the table as 3SG>3. Note also that the allomorphy described is true of forms which are non-past as well as past.

Other indexes in Tables 26-28 which are not -ɖ-initial are not affected by this particular allomorphy.

Inflectional gaps

The transitive paradigms in Tables 27 and28 contain empty cells, which are found with scenarios of exact coreference of arguments (1>1 and 2>2), as well as with partial coreference 66 (2<>INCL). These inflectional gaps can be traced to two different sources.

Exact coreference of arguments is expressed through reflexive voice marking, marked with -siʈ (see 2. ( 'If you drive a car so badly, we will die.'

Intended: You will kill us all. (scenario: driver driving dangerously).

Evidence of referential hierarchies within the paradigm?

As mentioned above, I have chosen to use global glosses for indexes, expressing the person/number/clusivity/role of combinations of arguments, in order to facilitate the interpretation of the arguments involved in a given scenario. This involves analyzing as a single formative material that can in fact in some cases be broken down into distinct elements.

As an example, take the form jal-nimi, which can be glossed, based on the cells where it occurs in Table 27, as 'strike-2PL>3PL' or as 'strike-3PL>2PL'. The same form could also be segmented further and glossed as jal-ni-mi, 'strike-2PL-3PL'. The values of -ni and -mi can be inferred from non-past intransitive forms. This analytical approach, rather than the global, scenario-based one I use, is found in many Kiranti language descriptions: it is typical of those found in descriptions by van Driem and his students; see for example (Opgenort 2004: 309 ff) for a break-down of Wambule indexes (then reconstructed into proto-morphemes). The approach is made complicated for Thulung by the fact that most past indexes are portmanteaux (see Table 28). 67 Another issue is that we do not know to what degree speakers conceive of these indexes as global versus compositional. In some descriptions of Kiranti languages, the analysis of indexes descends to level that seems unlikely to be synchronically accessible to speakers. 68 67 In other words, I feel it is important to have a consistent glossing system for all indexes, regardless of whether they are synchronically analyzable or not. 68 The partial template in Figure 5 above (from [START_REF] Jacques | An Overview of Khaling Verbal Morphology[END_REF](Jacques et al. : 1101))) is presented below in its complete form.

Note how applying a compositional analysis of this sorts means that, while some formatives are easily identifiable (presumably also by speakers), others are considerably less so: how convincing is the gloss in the Nonetheless, non-past indexes can for the most part be broken down into the component formatives and associated with glossable features, and one advantage of this type of analysis is that it reveals information about an underlying referential hierarchy. Table 33 lists all of the formatives that I feel can be identified within the global indexes, divided according to role. The annotation system adopted in Table 33 is the following:

'#>#' indicates special forms for an A>P scenario '#>' indicates a form for an A argument of person # '>#' indicates a form for a P argument of person # (When no indication of role is given, the marker in question is unspecified for role and can used for either. Also, note that some markers in Table 33 are polysemous: this is the case with -ni which marks both 1>2 and 2PL.) Table 33. Features of markers within non-past indexes

The data in Table 33 can be used to reconsider the entire paradigm of non-past transitive indexes, and to examine the order in which these component formatives are ordered within the indexes. When the formatives are converted into glosses indicating the features they code, the order in which the components appear reveals interesting information about the organization of the paradigm and the underlying hierarchy. Table 34 is an attempt to represent the resulting "paradigm": glosses (from Table 33) are used for the component formatives that make up the full indexes, in the order in which they occur (separated by + signs); they are color-coded with respect to whether they are associated with a feature of the A (in red), the P (in blue), both roles (in black). (The few markers which have the same feature in both arguments are in a purple font). Noteworthy is the fact that features associated with 3rd person P's are limited to number indexes (for dual and plural; the singular is not marked, and there is therefore no feature associated with 3SG P within the indexes).

The green and orange parts of the paradigm in Table 34 perfectly match the sections of paradigms traditionally labeled inverse and direct in Kiranti (Michailovsky 1988: 82;Ebert 1994: 26 ff;[START_REF] Jacques | An Overview of Khaling Verbal Morphology[END_REF], even though Thulung has no overt direction marking (unlike, say, Khaling, which has an inverse marker which is used on any form where the A is lowerranked on a 1>2>3 hierarchy than the P). One might expect that a language with no direction marking is not sensitive to a referential hierarchy where indexes are concerned, and that indexes for transitive scenarios potentially encode the formatives for each argument in an A>P order.

Instead, the indexes of Thulung show that this is not the case: indexes are made up of formatives which are always ordered with the higher-ranked person first, showing that Thulung's indexes follow a hierarchy. The hierarchy is the same as was posited for differential case marking in ( 13), and can be summed up as 1>2>3 71 . Even when these formatives only code number, they are organized according to the hierarchy: the index for 1DI>3PL is, according to Table 34, made up of formatives DU+PL, with the formative associated with the 1st person occuring before the one associated with the 3rd person; similarly, the index for 3PL>2PL is made up of formatives 2PL+PL, with the patient formative occurring ahead of the agent formative because it is higher on the hierarchy.

Among 71 Given that Thulung has the same indexes for 3>3 scenarios, no matter the nature of the 3rd persons, the language is not sensitive to any kind of proximate/obviative distinction (unlike Gyalrongic languages; [START_REF] Jacques | Direct/Inverse systems[END_REF]).

suggested the importance of sociopragmatic factors --namely avoiding reference to the addressee, which "is the realm of bickering and badinage, of promises, threats, request and cajolery, negotiations, offers and rejections" (DeLancey 2018a: 370) --in determing which features are marked in different cells of the paradigm. 72

Considering only singular (and non-past) scenarios, the data for Thulung can be boiled down to Table 35, for local and mixed domains. Another question raised by DeLancey (2018a: 368) is whether there is any basis for claiming that 1st person or 2nd person is higher ranked than the other across these languages.

1 2 3 1 -ni -u 2 -ŋi -na 3 -ŋi -na
As far as Thulund data is concerned, and as suggested above, non-singular local forms are illuminating with respect to this question 73 :

1SG 2SG 2DU 2PL 1SG 1>2 1>2+DU 1>2+2PL 2SG >1 2DU >1+DU 2PL >1+2PL
72 DeLancey only considers singular person markers in his simplified paradigms, in order to abstract away number, which can make the data more opaque for purposes of comparison.

73 Number seems like a crucial category to take into account in this data, despite being ignored in some analyses of Kiranti languages (for entirely justified reasons); see Witzlack-Marakevich et al. (2016: 547).

Table 36. Features (in the order in which they appear) in the local indexes

While the portmanteau indexes involving 1SG and 2SG scenarios make it difficult to determine the hierarchy between them, the fact that the number-marking formative related to the 2nd person always follows the portmanteau indexes, regardless of the role of the 2nd person, suggests that we do have some insight into ranking between the two persons, and that 1st person is ranked higher than 2nd person.

Note that while I am suggesting that evidence for the hierarchy in ( 13) can be found when decomposing the transitive indexes (which I conceive of, as mentioned above, as global markers for scenarios involving two arguments), and that many interesting insights can be gained with this approach, they are essentially relevant only from a diachronic perspective.

Describing the indexation markers of slot 3 raises a number of questions, one of the larger ones being the relationship between diachronic and synchronic approaches. My (synchronically-oriented) decision to describe the formatives as global scenarios indicating, for transitive indexes, two arguments (in terms of their person, number and clusivity), rather than breaking them down into constituent parts is not a common approach for Kiranti languages. This seems, however, partly dictated by the more fusional nature of these markers, compared to those of other languages in the group, for example those which distribute indexal material among prefixes and suffixes. The decision has a number of consequences in terms of glossing the indexes: it results in distinct glosses even in cases of syncretism (for examplemiri is glossed as either 3PL>3SG.PST or 3PL>3PL.PST, depending on the context, even though the information distinguishing the two cannot be recovered from the formatives themselves), in order to maintain consistency across all glosses for indexes. It also means that discussion such as that in section 2.2.3.3.5, on evidence for a referential hierarchy within indexes (in the absence of an inverse marker that would make point to a hierarchy explicitly), means abandoning the glosses used elsewhere and discussing formatives in terms of their component parts (even though this does not entirely make sense; why not, in that case, consider those component parts to be the relevant formatives?). Nonetheless, it seems to me that even though it is relevant for comparative purposes to resort to a diachronic approach, a synchronic approach makes sense for indexation material such as is found in Thulung, for which the breakdown of formatives is fairly speculative.

Suffixal slot 4: mood markers

Thulung has two grammatical mood markers, for optative and irrealis moods. In addition to these, Thulung has an imperative mood, which does not have any grammatical marker but can be identified through a unique 2SG S/A index -a, often listed in paradigms of indexes. 74 Imperative forms with 2DU and 2PL S/A arguments take the standard non-past indexes.

Optative mood marker

The optative mood is marked with -nʉ, which is affixed to the finite form of the verb. The optative mood is frequently found with incantations and prayers, expressing a desired outcome.

Material presented in this section is discussed in (Lahaussois In press), covering not only the optative marker but the avertive construction which makes use of it.

Examples are provided in ( 126) and ( 127), with the optative-marked verb bolded.

( The source verb for the optative mood marker, nʉmu, 'be auspicious', is also involved in a construction for the expression of impersonal negative deontic necessity, illustrated in (133). The construction is impersonal and is used to express general interdictions against certain behaviors (generally those going against cultural norms). The construction is made up of a verb nominalized with -si (glossed 'IMPERS.NMLZ')76 or, less frequently, of an infinitive form of a verb (also considered to be a subtype of nominalization; see Lahaussois (2003b). The nominalized verb form is followed by the particle menʉ (~ mʉnʉ). Presumably an original construction made up of a nominalized verb 75 The use of a quotative as the linker between clauses in an avertive construction is found cross-linguistically;

see Spronck & Nikitina (2019: 140, 151).

(INF or -si) and of the negated finite form of the verb 'be auspicious' was reinterpreted as 'One shouldn't V', as suggested in ( 134).

(134) nominalized verb (INF or -si) + NEG-nʉ 'V-ing is not auspicious' > 'One shouldn't V'

Figure 5 illustrates the parallel developments involving the verb nʉmu. such as the optative mood marker and the epistemic authority marker (presented in the section on Discourse markers in 2.1.2.2), have been coopted for such purposes.

Irrealis marker

The irrealis mood marker is found with negative past forms of verbs as well as with counterfactual conditionals. Material in this section has been presented orally [START_REF] Lahaussois | Irrealis in the Kiranti languages[END_REF] but has not been published. The negative forms are characterized by the negative prefix mi-, while the negative past forms are additionally marked with the irrealis marker -wa (allomorph -ja after i). Note that the negated past forms are made from the non-past forms, rather than the past forms: both stem selection and indexes are those found with non-past verb forms.

The irrealis marker is also found in counterfactual conditional clauses. Real conditionals have non-past verb forms in both clauses, as seen in ( 135). This can be contrasted with counterfactual conditionals in ( 136) and ( 137), where irrealis marking is found in both clauses. The contrastive verb paradigms in Table 38 for Khaling affirmative and negative nonpast and past forms of the verb mʉnɛ 'do' show that the differences between a past affirmative (3rd column) and negative past verb form: the latter has the negative prefix mu-~ mʌ-, and shows the substitution of irrealis marker -w for past marker -t.

-mu-ŋ-w-ʌ 1DI mʉ-ji mʉ-i-t-i mu-mʉ-ji mu-mʉ-i-w-i 1DE mʉ-ju mʉ-i-t-u mu-mʉ-ju mu-mʉ-i-w-u 1PI mʉ-ki mʉ-k-t-iki mu-mʉ-ki mu-mʉ-k-w-iki 1PE mʉ-kʌ mʉ-k-t-ʌkʌ mu-mʉ-kʌ mu-mʉ-k-w-ʌkʌ 2SG i-mɛ i-mʉ-tɛ mʌ-mɛ mʌ-mʉ-w-ɛ 2DU i-mʉ-ji i-mʉ-iti mʌ-mʉ-ji mʌ-mʉ-i-w-i 2PL i-mʉ-ni i-mo-t-nu mʌ-mo-t-nu mʌ-mo-n-w-ɛ 3SG mɛ mʉ-t-ɛ mu-mɛ mu-mʉ-w-ɛ 3DU mɛ-su mʉ-s-su mu-mɛ-su mu-mʉ-w-ɛsu 3PL mɛ-nu mʉ-t-nu mu-mɛ-nu mu-mʉ-w-ɛnu
The use of a same formative in these two instances (negative past forms and counterfactual conditionals) in Thulung and Khaling fits a more widely observed pattern whereby the hypothetical nature of certain semantic contexts leads to their being frequently found with irrealis marking 77 , including unreal conditionals (such as counterfactuals) and even, in some languages, negative polarity [START_REF] Elliott | Realis and Irrealis: Forme and concepts of the grammaticalisation of reality[END_REF]; see also [START_REF] Steele | Past and irrealis: just what does it all mean?[END_REF].

Unlike Thulung and Khaling, Koyi (and Dumi as well, see van Driem (1993b)) has no irrealis marker. Negative past paradigms show no trace of it (see Table 39), nor do counterfactual conditionals.

Table 39. Koyi affirmative and negative non-past and past forms for verb mumu 'do'

The difference between real and counterfactual conditionals is marked by tense: nonpast protases (marked with conditional -kho, as in ( 141) and ( 142)) result in a real conditional, whereas past protases result in a counterfactual conditional ( 143):

(141) a-pipi-ja dja-kho aŋ adzi 2POSS-grandmother-ERG say.3SG/3SG.PST-COND 1SG later

77 But see Bybee's (1998: 269) disregard for the label 'irrealis', based on a) a characterization which is not specific enough, and b) the fact that often "the analyst has tried to come up with a single meaning for an element that is common to many different constructions". Khaling, where irrealis -wa/-w and past markers -ɖa/-t are in a paradigmatic relationship), the absence of an overt past marker blocks the over expression of the irrealis.

The discussion of the various slots of the verbal template of Thulung presented above represents a fairly complete description of the language's verbal morphology. There are a number of topics it would be interesting to pursue further. Among these are a more in-depth investigation of mood markers and their interactions with modality. This will require a different type of material than I currently have in my corpus, namely data which is considerably more interactive (whereas the bulk of my current corpus is stories told by a single speaker).

The work presented in 2.2.1.2 on Thulung ideophones is based on what I able to extract from my corpus, and will need to be supplemented by elicitation in order to develop a more nuanced analysis of ideophonic material in Thulung and how it compares to Khaling.

Another interesting topic to pursue is that of dialectal differences in verbal indexes. I have some evidence of different indexes for certain person/number scenarios in my data, and would very much like to explore the variation more systematically. This is particularly interesting with predicate derivations, because the multiple exponence can take on unusual forms. See, for example, the contrast between the verbs in ( 144) and ( 145 In ( 145), the 3PL.PST index is -li (an allomorph of -ri), a variant form of -mri. Yet the additional exponent following the root ba is -m, making it look like the derivational formative -thal is an infix within the standard 3PL.PST index.

Because I only have a few stories in my corpus which are told by Deusa speakers, I have no sense of the relative frequency of -ri vs -mri as a 3PL.PST marker. Additionally, asri is the 1PI.PST index in Mukli, I am very curious about whether there have been changes in the Deusa 1PI.PST marker, in order to maintain two distinct indexes for the different scenarios. This is but one example of the interest of collecting data (both narrative and elicited) on other dialects of Thulung.

Finally, some of the material within slot 3 (indexation markers) has not been discussed here: converbs and infinitive markers, the latter being particularly interesting because they sometimes include indexing of the P. While it may seem that these topics are somewhat distant from the Thulung verb complex, all of the sections touch upon at least some aspects of research into the verbal morphology of Kiranti languages.

EPISTEMOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL ISSUES

Grammaticographical models

Work that I have engaged in under the label 'grammaticography' has very strong ties with the preoccupations of the HTL research group, and specifically with two projects: one led by Emilie Aussant and entitled "Grammaires étendues", and another which I co-led with Bernard Colombat, called "Dictionnaire historique de la terminologie linguistique" (the result of which has been published as Histoire des parties des discours, (Colombat & Lahaussois 2019a)). The basis of the Grammaires étendues project is to pursue research around a phenomenon discussed by Sylvain Auroux (Auroux 1992: 19;Auroux 1994: 82), namely the adaptation of a grammarwriting model, originally developed for a specific language, to other languages. In what follows, I shall focus on three topics that relate to grammaticographical models for language description, namely the question of how certain categories may be ommitted or excessively highlighted on the basis of a chosen (or unconscious) grammaticographical model (3.1.1); the presentation of polypersonal verbal paradigms, and how their evolution can be traced over a historical corpus (3.1.2); the organizational schemes found in contemporary descriptive grammars (3.1.3).

Missing categories: Interjections and ideophones

The grammaticographical role of interjections was brought to my attention through work on the main chapter I contributed (Lahaussois 2019b) to Histoire des parties du discours, a collaborative volume retracing the history of the traditional parts of speech from the Greek grammatical tradition until now. Interjections, since their 'invention' to fill a gap left by the absence of articles in Latin, have, despite their marginality (they are often defined in negative terms: phonologically aberrant, not participating in morphology or syntax), been significant in a number of debates about language, such as the origin of language (was the first part of speech interjections?), universality of language (are interjections understood cross-linguistically?), and others.

This interest in interjections from a historiographical point of view led to me to explore how they are treated in contemporary grammars, by focusing on a corpus of various Englishmedium grammars of Nepal of the last 30 years (Lahaussois 2016b). To my surprise, interjections received almost no mention across the corpus, the exception being grammars written by linguists with missionary affiliations: interjections have their own chapter in Khaling [START_REF] Toba | Khaling (Asian and African Grammatical Manual 13d)[END_REF] and in a section of the chapter on 'Minor word classes' in Kham [START_REF] Watters | A grammar of Kham[END_REF], and are mentioned in the text of the grammar, but not given chapter or section billing, in Bantawa [START_REF] Doornenbal | A grammar of Bantawa. Grammar, paradigm tables, glossary and texts of a Rai language of Eastern Nepal[END_REF]. Others made no mention of interjections in the text of the grammars, although some authors included interjections in their glossary or list of abbreviations (this was the case for Camling (Ebert 1997b), Thangmi (Turin 2012), Wambule [START_REF] Opgenort | A grammar of Wambule: Grammar, lexicon, texts and cultural survey of a Kiranti Tribe of Eastern Nepal (Languages of the Greater Himalayan Region 5/2)[END_REF]), Yamphu [START_REF] Rutgers | Yamphu: Grammar, texts, lexicon (Languages of the Greater Himalayan Region 2)[END_REF]), Dumi (van Driem 1993b), Limbu (van Driem 1987)). Three grammars in the corpus used the term 'interjection' nowhere (Dolakha Newar [START_REF] Genetti | A Grammar of Dolakha Newar[END_REF], Sunwar [START_REF] Borchers | A grammar of Sunwar: descriptive grammar, paradigms, texts and glossary[END_REF], Jero [START_REF] Opgenort | A grammar of Jero, with a Historical Comparative Study of the Kiranti Languages (Languages of the Greater Himalayan Region 5/3)[END_REF].)

In the study, I discuss a number of possible explanations for the lack of interjections in the descriptions. One suggestion is that as interjections do not generally participate in morphosyntactic processes (they cannot, for example, usually undergo derivation), they are registers of language (especially compared with the registers one finds in the production of narrative and elicitation sessions). This is not to say that secular linguists are not also exposed to a variety of registers over years of fieldwork, but one could speculate that a missionary linguist--often with family in tow--will have a uniquely immersive (and often monolingual, see Thomas (2019)) experience. 81Another study (Lahaussois 2017b) considered another marginal part of speech, namely ideophones, in Khaling. While the study was very much descriptive, it was striking to find, in looking into descriptions of ideophones in neighboring languages, that very little has been written on this topic. Consider the map in Figure 8 below, which indicates with black dots languages for which I found descriptions of ideophones: a typologist carrying out a large-scale study of ideophones in languages of the world might well come across this distribution and assume that ideophones are found only in Central and Eastern Kiranti languages.

81 For a popularized description of a missionary field experience, see [START_REF] Everett | Don't sleep, there are snakes: Life and language in the Amazonian Jungle[END_REF]. black dots for languages with ideophones described It seems likely, though, that the issue is one of grammaticography rather than of linguistics: ideophones are definitively found in at least Khaling and Thulung, as shown above, and presumably in other Kiranti languages as well, especially when one considers their presence in Nepali, the contact language throughout the area [START_REF] Dahal | Phonesthetic elements in Nepali[END_REF]. In looking at the languages with descriptions of ideophones, what emerges is the connections between the descriptions: [START_REF] Rai | Triplicated verbal adjuncts in Bantawa[END_REF] describe ideophones in Bantawa and their article is, as far as I can tell, the first description of the word class in languages of Nepal. [START_REF] Doornenbal | A grammar of Bantawa. Grammar, paradigm tables, glossary and texts of a Rai language of Eastern Nepal[END_REF] Bantawa grammar also features a description of ideophones, a topic he clearly encountered in looking at previously work on Bantawa. 82 A later article on ideophones in Chintang [START_REF] Rai | Triplication and ideophones in Chintang[END_REF] features the same first author as the first study on Bantawa; 83 the second author is Bickel, who was the dissertation supervisor for Schackow, author of the very thorough grammar of Yakkha [START_REF] Schackow | A grammar of Yakkha[END_REF]. While I suspect that a scholar like Schackow would 82 The [START_REF] Rai | Triplicated verbal adjuncts in Bantawa[END_REF] article is cited several times by Doornenbal in his grammar.

83 This is similar to my carrying out work on ideophones in Khaling and then 'discovering' them in Thulung-although to be fair, I had mentioned them briefly in my dissertation, albeit with different terminology.

have mentioned ideophones regardless of her dissertation author's previous work on the topic, there is nonetheless a 'genealogical' connection between the descriptions for Chintang and Yakkha.

With no similar precedents in the description of Western Kiranti languages, it is perhaps not surprising that existing grammars should not mention ideophones. This is possibly compounded by an organizational scheme used by van Driem for Limbu and Dumi (1987;1993b) and his students, which leaves no obvious section in which to present ideophones. These questions are discussed in Kelly & Lahaussois (in press) and in section 3.1.3 below.

Another far from insignificant issue is the impact of Dingemanse's work on ideophones:

the implicational hierarchy he has proposed [START_REF] Dingemanse | Advances in the cross-linguistic study of ideophones[END_REF]) has resulted in an effervescence of work on ideophones 84 and questions as to the universality of the word class generate ample discussion on lists such as LingTyp. 85 It is possible that, as a result, new descriptions of Kiranti languages, should there be any, will include ideophones (and perhaps also interjections) and correct the current skewed geographical distribution.

Verbal paradigms

Another topic related to grammaticography that is of interest to me is the evolution in the 84 This is presumably in part due to a similar mechanism as the great number of descriptions of relative clause strategies that followed the publication of [START_REF] Keenan | Noun phrase accessibility and Universal Grammar[END_REF] 's article on noun phrase accessibility in relative clauses: an implicational hierarchy provides descriptive linguists with a tool to test their languages against, something that functions somewhat like a checklist.

85 This is the very active mailing list for the Association for Linguistic Typology.

The first mention of the Khaling language in a Western publication appears to be in Hodgson's "Comparative vocabulary of the languages of the broken tribes of Nepal" (1857b: 350 ff). The next, again in the form of one of the languages a comparative wordlist, is in [START_REF] Hunter | A comparative dictionary of the Languages of India and High Asia with a dissertation, based on the Hodgson lists, official records, and MSS[END_REF], based on data taken from Hodgson's work. The first description of the language is in volume 3.1 of the Linguistic Study of India (Grierson 1909: 370-372), with a very brief outline of 4 word classes in Khaling, namely nouns, numerals, pronouns, and verbs. While very little information is provided in this one-and-a-half page description, some examples are provided, including verb forms and discussion that suggest that the author is aware of the indexation of two arguments on transitive verbs (eg. "The suffix ngā is added in order to denote an object of the first person singular in bi-ngā-ye, give me", p. 371)

The first description dedicated to Khaling verbal morphology [START_REF] Toba | The Khaling verb[END_REF]) is a 14-page long article with the following layout: There are a number of puzzling features of this presentation of person indexes:

a) The only mention of object marking on the verb is a brief sentence ("Agreement between person and number for subject as well as for object is indicated everywhere except third person singular", 1973:3), which occurs at the very beginning of the text, and is not referred to again.

b) Second persons and inverse forms in Khaling make use of a prefix (-ʔi) of which there is no mention in Toba's article; this makes sense in that what is presented are the "personal endings", but suffixes alone do not make it possible to index all scenarios.

c) The terms "Agentive" and "Nonagentive" are not explained, and have two possible interpretations here. The first is that they refer to the indexes for transitive and intransitive forms, respectively. 86 The other possibility is that they refer to the indexes for A and for S/P respectively, in which case the presentation may be interpreted as follows: transitive forms require taking the relevant A suffix from the "Agentive" column, and then the relevant P suffix from the "Nonagentive" column. Because of the configuration of the Khaling paradigm, whereby S/P indexes are often the same, this works for a number of forms (including the most common inverse forms, namely with 3SG as A), but not for all.

86 A later publication by S. Toba actually does provide an explanation of the two terms: "The majority of Khaling verbs are agentive (transitive). Nonagentive verbs (intransitive) include verbs of motion, body functions..." (Toba 1984: 16).

One might wonder what is gained from analyzing a 14-page article about verbal morphology which the author herself has said is not complete (pc, 2005), and this is precisely where grammaticography comes in: I. Toba, along with her husband S. Toba, spent many years living among the Khaling, and was no doubt a speaker of the language, presumably able to conjugate verbs. The question is then to what extent her presentation--which suffers from the omission of a number of important features of the language (clear acknowledgement of object marking and of the prefixes for 2nd person and inverse forms) --is the result of a European bias in terms of her presentation of conjugation charts: European languages have suffixal person indexation, notably marking a single argument, which is how Toba chose to present the data for Khaling. In a sense, the idea of setting up a paradigm as a matrix, with cells indicating each of the possible argument scenarios, is not one that is intuitive, 87 and reverting to a familiar presentation pattern is not surprising (even if fails to account for all the dimensions of the data).

A second article, Lahaussois (2020a), explores the evolution of shapes of paradigms One thing to note is that, unless otherwise specified, the forms are for a 3SG default object argument, and thus this presentation does not provide forms with two non-singular arguments, or object arguments other than 3rd person. 88 Hodgson changes course partway through the article, and his verbal paradigms become, in his words, "seemingly more accommodated to the genius of the language" (1857a: 470). The new presentation style is illustrated in Figure 13 Van [START_REF] Driem | A grammar of Limbu (Mouton Grammar Library 4)[END_REF]van Driem 1993b) appears to favor the list-style paradigm (the innovative presentation that Hodgson felt best reflected the language's 'genius' and seen in 90 Allen mentioned (Allen, pc) that his inspiration was that this seemed to him to be "the most natural way of presenting the material". This appears to be universally intuitive as an arrangement (as well as analogical with the arrangement of intransitive paradigms, where the S in in the vertical axis), although one wonders whether a linguist native in an ergative language might arrange the axes differently. Michailovsky, in his grammar of Hayu (1988), opted for a matrix paradigm similar to Allen's in Figure 16, but with some subtle differences: Another variant on the matrix paradigm is found in what we might call the "Zurich School": Ebert, in her grammar of Athpare, refers to van Driem's paradigm presentations, which she follows, but innovates by inserting intransitive affixes into the transitive paradigm in an additional column on the right-hand side (Ebert 1997a: 30-31). This has the advantage of laying out intransitive and transitive person indexes in close proximity, making it possible to compare them in ways which previous layouts do not allow. This is particularly significant for languages for which the P argument indexes are close to the intransitive indexes. Bickel and Schackow (2015: 218) both adopt this paradigm style: a matrix presentation with both transitive and intransitive indexes. 92 The two broad types of paradigms --matrix and list --are used by different authors, or combined for different purposes, often with the matrix used to represent all person indexes for transitive verbs (sometimes combined with intransitive) and the list to show the different stems with different argument scenarios. A number of additional features of these paradigms are of great interest in studying the evolution of paradigm presentation styles for these languages: how explicit the authors are about the paradigm style and its interpretation; the labels given to the two arguments that can be indexed; and for older paradigm styles, the unconscious influence of how paradigms are traditionally presented in other languages known to the linguist.

This type of study would be interesting to replicate with other language groups with polypersonal indexation, to see what patterns emerge in the presentation of paradigms.

Algonquian languages come to mind, and in fact are a source of very interesting material in that their descriptive tradition dates back to 1666 (Eliot's grammar of Massachusset).

Organizational schemes in descriptive grammars

One important and as yet little-studied question in descriptive linguistics and typology is how grammars are organized, and the effects of different organizational choices on the use that is made of said grammars. This question ties in in obvious ways with the previous section and the discussion of models underlying the presentation of data on languages which mark two arguments on transitive verbs. This is the topic addressed by a recent article (Kelly & Lahaussois in press): through an examination of a corpus of 18 grammars of Nepal of the last 30 years, we explored the types of structural schemes found in the tables of contents of the grammars, organizing them into a taxonomy (the first of its sort that we know of; although the question of how grammars are organized is a central interest to many historians of linguistics, this does not (yet) appear to be the case for typologists). We also attempted to cross structural information about the grammars with bibliographical and biographical data on the grammars and their authors, in order to retrace potential influences the grammarians may have been 92 Michailovsky (1988: 83-85) points out the transitive P/intransitive S index identity ("Nous remarquons que les suddixes transitifs "inverses" sont identiques aux suffixes intransitifs. subjected to, even grouping the authors into 'schools' of grammar writing, on the basis of terminological and structural choices.

The study is based on a series of interlinked databases: one contains biographical and bibliographical metadata concerning the authors and grammars of the corpus; another contains full tables of contents (for each numbered and/or labelled section of the grammar); yet another is a relational database, in which similar content in the grammars has been identified and tagged, resulting in an alignment of materials on the same topic across the grammars.

Screenshots from these different databases are given below. Figure 18 shows part of the database containing biographical and bibliographical metadata on the authors and grammars that make up the corpus. We considered that both categories of metadata could be relevant to how an author structured their grammar. Biographical metadata included the author's name, current and previous academic affiliations (including non-academic, when known, such as SIL), the institution where the Ph.D. was obtained and dissertation supervisor; bibliographical metadata included the language name, the date of publication, the publisher and collection, the number of pages of the grammar, and whether texts and/or glossaries were included (and if so, how many pages were taken up by one or the other). All of these factors appear to be potentially significant in terms of influences undergone and exerted which could affect how the grammars are structured: as many grammars were initially written as dissertations, the institution where the Ph.D. was obtained and the dissertation supervisor were likely influential factors; 93 as for bibliographical information, if the grammar was produced within a collection by a publisher, this could influence the organization of the grammar.

Figure 18. Metadata database for grammars and authors in corpus 93 Apart from the influence of a specific dissertation advisor, there is a larger pattern to be found in whether the university where the linguist trains takes a functionalist or formalist perspective, as these are associated with different curricula, methodology and acceptable dissertation topics; see [START_REF] Thomas | Formalism and functionalism in linguistics[END_REF].

We were interested in the structural qualities of the grammars and the influences thereupon, and therefore created databases for full structural data about the grammars. The screenshot in Figure 19 shows a partial view of the full table of contents for one grammar: each numbered and/or titled section is listed and provided with a unique ID (the same unique ID as for each grammar, with additional numbering for the specific section in question). These ID's are used to align the similar sections into a relational database. The other two schemes are sub-schemes: 'Topics of areal prominence' refers to a scheme that highlights topics which are significant from an areal point of view. An example is nominalization in Sino-Tibetan languages, a cover term for a number of functions (relativization, attribution, complementation) covered by the same morphology [START_REF] Matisoff | Lahu nominalization, relativization, and genitivization[END_REF][START_REF] Bickel | Nominalization and focus constructions in some Kiranti languages[END_REF][START_REF] Genetti | Syntactic aspects of nominalization in five Tibeto-Burman languages of the Himalayan area[END_REF][START_REF] Yap | Nominalization in Asian Languages[END_REF]. The inclusion of chapters covering these kinds of topics might be seen as consistent with an effort to describe the language "in its own terms" 94 (a notion that goes back to Boas), in addition to facilitating language comparison within a family or group. 'Grammatical category' is also a sub-scheme in that we have not found in the corpus any grammars exclusively organized around grammatical categories. Grammars of this type are those that highlight categories such as aspect, tense, case, and the like by giving them top-level chapter billing, where the topics might have been discussed within chapters on verbal and nominal morphology respectively.

94 See for example this statement in Genetti's grammar of Dolakha Newar: "An advantage of the functionalist framework in the writing of descriptive grammars is that it is sufficiently flexible to allow the language to be seen in its own terms. There are no theoretical requirements that certain types of categories be present in every language--even lexical categories as common as noun and verb may not be found in all languages. One needs to look at the details of the language to see if the presence of such categories is justified." (Genetti 2007: 27);

Note that Genetti has a chapter in her grammar called "Nominalization and related structures".

The taxonomy of structuring schemes (and sub-schemes) can, once established, be correlated with criteria found in the metadata database, most significantly with the date of publication of grammars and their size. The types that the grammars represent can also be explored with respect to biographical data, which leads to the suggestion of linguistic schools.

One rather striking example is the nominal-verbal opposition grammars written by van Driem, and taken up by his students. They are not alone in doing this (Ebert also favors a nominalverbal opposition in her grammars, but interestingly, she orders her discussion of verbs before that of nominals), but one of the consequences of the choice of structure is that there is no discussion of adverbs in van Driem grammars, and therefore there is no place where ideophones (often considered a subcategory of adverbs) could be discussed.

The taxonomy of grammatical organizational types can, and certainly will, be refined:

the version described herein is based on the corpus of only 18 grammars written over a 30-year period and is therefore in no way representative. We nonetheless feel that establishing taxonomies of this type is an important tool for thinking about how grammars are written and how they can be used, something which has been surprisingly absent (as far as we can tell) from contemporary grammar writing and typology. One of the uses of the taxonomy, beyond smallerscale influences (such as those by supervisors, by practices in a language area), is to recognize historical influences: the Greco-Latin traditional grammar scheme is easily identifiable as a parts-of-speech organization; the nominal-verbal scheme reflects the age-old prominence given to nouns and verbs in grammars, going as far back as Plato (Colombat & Lahaussois 2019b: 32). But what of the other 'types' we have identified? And is it possible to connect them to historical models? Is it possible, for instance, to identify a type associated with Paninian grammar? The Paninian tradition is said to be characterized by an emphasis on derivational morphology, with specific terminology for derivational procedures (see for instance (Lambert-Brétière in press), but how can this influence be identified in subsequent grammars? One scheme of particular interest is what we have called "linguistic subfield organization". While this appeared to be the dominant scheme in the 1980's and 1990's, it now seems that a "grammatical categories" scheme is more common. Similarly, the linguistic subfield scheme has roots which are deeper than we might suspect: The organization of grammars around chapters on phonology and syntax goes back to early stages of the Western tradition. 95 The treatment of morphology, while present in the very first Western grammars, was often within chapters on individual parts of speech, describing their 'accidents' [START_REF] Lallot | Parapomenon[END_REF]Colombat 2019a;Colombat 2019b). The term 'morphology' as applied to linguistics (as the German "Morphologie") seems to date back to Schleicher and to a work published in (1859), Zur Morphologie der Sprache [START_REF] François | Deux pionniers de la formalisation en morphologie linguistique au XIXe siècle : August Schleicher et Hugo Schuchardt[END_REF]. In his voluminous Compendium (1861), there are only two large sections: Phonologie and Morphologie.

Yet despite the existence of earlier practices, it seems that the decision by contemporary linguists to structure grammars based on subfields of linguistics most likely results not from historical precursors but from the core courses in linguistics departments. Thus [START_REF] Nida | Morphology: the descriptive analysis of words[END_REF] textbook on morphology was probably a significant, if indirect, influence on this 'subfield'-type of grammaticographical scheme.

One less developed part of the overarching database is the relational database: the intent is to align all sections of the grammar dealing with similar content, in order to visualize easily where different linguists have decided to discuss certain topics. This is analogous with a parallel corpus, or rather a comparable corpus, as the materials are not identical, of the tables of contents of the grammars in the corpus.

95 Discussion of syntax appears to trace back to Apollonius Dyscolus in the 2nd century AD.

One of the major issues in comparing grammars is the question of dealing with different terminological choices. Aligning the tables of contents of the grammars allows us insight into the choices made by different linguists. In order to develop a tool for automatic alignment (or rather partially automatized) of the tables of contents requires a comparative terminological database. While we have not yet built this terminological database, an initial alignment of the grammars on the basis of a few categories (parts of speech and grammatical categories) yields some interesting results which can be correlated with the structural schemes.

The project is only beginning, but it seems to us that this approach, of considering the structure of descriptive grammars, assigning them to types within a taxonomy (which will certainly need to be refined), and correlating aspects of their structures with other metadata, and eventually aligning their content so it can be visualized easily (in other words, a search for a particular term, say 'participle', would reveal where the notion was discussed within all the grammars, even if using a different term) may well shed light on the more unconscious aspects of grammar writing. It is additionally an interesting pedagogical tool to have students code data for this type of study, and attempt to align content: it brings to the fore the actual shape that grammars take, and the variation in terminological use. It also helps students develop an awareness of the subjectivity of the content and structure of grammars, and the challenges in using them for typological studies--precisely because a choice of a particular structure may make it difficult to include material about a topic. 96 1976c; [START_REF] Vaux | Introduction to Linguistic Field Methods[END_REF][START_REF] Bowern | Linguistic Fieldwork: A Practical Guide[END_REF][START_REF] Crowley | Field Linguistics, A Beginner's Guide[END_REF], and manuals focused on analysis and grammar-writing [START_REF] Payne | Describing morphosyntax: a guide for field linguists[END_REF][START_REF] Chelliah | Handbook of descriptive linguistic fieldwork[END_REF][START_REF] Aikhenvald | The art of grammar: a practical guide[END_REF]. A conclusion from this study is that while data collection manuals do not focus on the parts of speech as a heuristic tool, they do feature more prominently in analysis-oriented guides. There is of course much to study in considering the influence of field manuals: Samarin (1967)'s

Field Linguistics appears to be the first guide of this type, followed a decade later by

Bouquiaux & Thomas (1976a)'s Enquête et description des langues à tradition orale, but despite this slow start, publications in the field picked up greatly in the 1990's and show no signs of slowing (the most recent as of this writing appears to be [START_REF] Meakins | Understanding Linguistic Fieldwork (Understanding Language)[END_REF]). How do these manuals shape the collection of data by students, and more significant to the topic at hand, how do they (perhaps subliminally) influence the organization of the grammars written? The conclusion I reached was that the traditional parts of speech do not feature prominently in field manuals, suggesting that one can conceivably succesfully carry out a descriptive project without making use of them. On the other hand, the notion of parts of speech (or of word classes) is very much present in grammar-writing manuals, as a metalinguistic tool for organizing one's analysis of collected data.

Annotation practices

Generalities regarding the study of annotation

"Glossing", in the context of language description, is a polysemous term, used at once to refer to the overall process of generating multi-leveled annotation of linguistic data as well as to the production of word-for-word or morpheme-for-morpheme translations accompanying transcriptions. I use the term in both senses herein: alone, or in the collocations with 'practices', it refers to the former, namely the entire process of annotating a text so it can be read by a speaker of another language (this is the sense found in much research into manuscript glossing, such as [START_REF] Whitman | The ubiquity of the gloss[END_REF] and [START_REF] Cinato | Quelle linguistique dans les gloses du haut Moyen-Âge ? Les gloses de lecture[END_REF]; this holistic perspective makes it possible to establish connections to glossing practices in different time periods and linguistic traditions, and to attempt to determine what are common elements, of either a continuous or discontinuous nature. I also use 'glossing', in collocations with 'tier', 'interlinear' or 'morphemic' for the more technical sense, in which it refers to providing morphemic translations for segmented elements within the transcription tier (this is the sense used by descriptive linguists, and discussed by [START_REF] Lehmann | Directions for interlinear morphemic translations[END_REF]2004) from a historical as well as programmatic perspective.)

For linguists collecting data on languages, creating a glossed text represents a significant analytical step: it presupposes that the linguist has a unified vision of the morphology of the language. As these views are at least in part shaped by external factors, studying glossed texts can potentially provide insight into influences such as prevailing theories of morphology at the time.

Even without going so far as claiming to be able to detect theoretical leanings based on glossing choices, seemingly simple questions about the evolution of physical aspects of glosses remains a challenge. Some open questions are the following:

-When is the first instance of a vertically-aligned three-leveled system of glossing, with a transcription tier, a glossing tier, and a translation tier?

-When does segmentation, marked with dedicated segmentation signs, appear?

-How does the development of grammatical (vs lexical) glosses tie in with the emergence of morphemic glossing?

Part of the difficulty in finding answers to these kinds of questions stems from issues which obscure the trends that might otherwise emerge. A few significant issues are detailed below: b) The audience for the glossed material affects the output. Lehmann sees the choice of lexical as opposed to grammatical glosses as determined by intended readership: for example, he suggests that Finck (1909)'s use of glosses in order to render Turkish data accessible to his 'nonspecialist readership' 'falsifies the working of the language by attributing lexical meanings to its grammatical morphemes' [START_REF] Lehmann | Interlinear morphemic glossing[END_REF](Lehmann : 1836)). But it seems that it may not be a matter of choice in all cases: grammatical glosses have not always been part of linguists' toolkit--or rather, while they have existed at different times and places through history, and in many different forms (such as medieval Japanese morphosyntactic glosses [START_REF] Whitman | The ubiquity of the gloss[END_REF]Whitman & Cinato 2014), their appearance can perhaps be seen as an instance of discontinuity in glossing practices. It is very possible that each glossing tradition has had to independently invent grammatical glossing, and that the trigger for their invention can tell us a lot about changes in analytical frameworks and the need to express new categories or configurations. In other words, while the intended audience probably does affect the glossing provided for linguistic data, grammatical glosses can only be used once they have been developed within a certain tradition.

c) The physical appearance of glosses is affected by typesetting decisions (most obviously segmentation and alignment), and as a result, it is not clear who has contributed to giving glossed material the appearance it has when it appears in print. Until the advent of digital submission of manuscripts, data compilers, typesetters, journal editors were certainly responsible for changes to elements of glossed texts in published work. This is a crucial point in working with earlier materials (such as those from the 1850's), when more individuals were involved in the production of journals or books, and when the professional editors had to make sense of hand-writing notes, with more or less readable diacritics. In some cases, the question is raised explicitly in journals: Setting aside these issues which pose some challenges to the study of the history of glossing, there is in fact a great deal to be learned from studying changes over time in the presentation of glossed material. Some studies I have carried out in this direction are described below.

Annotation studies: methodology and materials

One approach I have found useful in attempting to trace the evolution in glossing over time is to start from contemporary practices, which are more or less standardized, and therefore form a relatively consistent set of practices, and work backwards in time, attempting to identify when 97 See van [START_REF] Driem | Hodgson's Tibeto-Burman and Tibeto-Burman today[END_REF] for some interesting suggestions about research on Hodgson's archived manuscripts.

aspects of the practices evolve; when possible, I have also sought to identify the reasons for these changes.

The difficulty with this approach is the massive amount of data that potentially makes up the relevant corpus: theoretically this is all glossed text, in descriptions but also in theoretical From Instructions for authors for Cahiers de linguistique Asie Orientale (Benjamins): "Linguistic examples must be numbered and follow the Leipzig Glossing Rules (eva.mpg.de/lingua/resources/glossingrules.php) and The Generic Style Rules for Linguistics (eva.mpg.de/fileadmin/content_files/staff/ haspelmt/pdf/GenericStyleRules.pdf)." 99 While such a study could of course be carried out on work written by linguists of any background, it also seemed important to focus on English-speaking linguists who would be potentially be able to read each others' work and be influenced by the same theoretical developments in the field.

suggested that I am relatively at ease with the structure of (some) Kiranti languages. An Algonquian language class taught by Guillaume Jacques and Anton Antonov at INALCO in 2016 first introduced me to the structure of Algonquian languages,100 via Ojibwe and Cree; the class was followed up by a (now temporarily dormant) Algonquian text reading group. This gave me a strong interest and very passing familiarity with Algonquian languages. The polypersonal indexation found in both Algonquian and Kiranti languages was an additional advantage to using both language groups to study annotation practices: (pre-contemporary) linguists annotating data from these languages were faced with verbal morphology considerably different from that of European languages, and therefore with decisions about how to account for the indexes of multiple roles.

I have undertaken a number of studies on the evolution of glossing (two of which have appeared in published form, with the others presented at conferences), and shall describe them in turn. They are completed by the preparation (currently underway) of a volume (edited by Franck Cinato, Aimée Lahaussois and John Whitman) which will assemble contributions from linguistic traditions and periods (ancient China, medieval and contemporary Japan, Ireland, among others) in an attempt to examine glossing practices from a comparative perspective and determine what features can be attributed to universal linguistic practices, and what features are culturally/linguistically/temporally determined. [START_REF] Lahaussois | Transcription and translation of unwritten languages in American linguistics (1950s to 2000s)[END_REF] looks at the emergence of norms governing data annotation, looking at the impact of work by Voegelin and his students in setting up practices of transcription and translation of data on Amerindian languages. The article can be seen as a first foray into looking at the formalization of translation as part of data annotation: while contemporary field linguists are left somewhat adrift by the lack of instructions concerning the translation tier (as opposed to the transcription and glossing tiers, which have been equipped with rules)--to wit, the difficulty typologists have in using translation tiers in order to identify constructions for their research [START_REF] Cysouw | Parallel texts: Using translational equivalents in linguistic typology[END_REF])--there were attempts in the 1950's to formalize the processes governing the production of the translation tier (as well as the glossing tier). These processes, while they resulted in methodological advances, and the possibility of automatization, do not seem to have had a lasting impact on language description.

A second article (Lahaussois 2016c) focuses on the translation tier in glossed text, in this case without attempting to place it in any kind of theoretical context but instead exploring how the translation tier has evolved over time within the context of materials deposited in oral archives. Looking in particular at texts deposited in the PanGloss Collection, 101 I was able to identify a great many instances of the translation tier being used not for free translation (as per EMELD recommendations) 102 , but rather for literal translations, a tendency which had been pointed out previously [START_REF] Bow | Towards a general model of interlinear text[END_REF]. The literal aspects of the translations provided were grouped into a taxonomy of deviations from what might constitute a free translation (word order issues; tense concordance issues; morphosyntactic issues), and my hypothesis was that in a context where the glossed textual material is separated from the grammar--as is the case in an oral archive, where the texts are accessed independently of grammatical descriptions--linguists consciously use the translation tier in order to make clear the syntactic (and sometimes morphosyntactic) features of the source language. It seems that until standards are established to impose some systematicity on the treatment the translation tier--on par with what has happened for the transcription and glossing tiers--, it will be used by different linguists to do a number of different things. One of the results is that this makes it difficult for typologists to effectively make use of glossed data to search for features of interest.

A set of "Translation rules" could, for instance, propose standard uses for typographical symbols (such as [], ()) often found in translation tiers, which are variously used to indicate a literal translation but also syntactic constituents of relevance; it could also provide clear instructions about negotiating the literal to free continuum, with advice on how to highlight relevant linguistic features. 103A conference presentation [START_REF] Lahaussois | Morpheme as a unit (of transcription and analysis) in American anthropological linguistics[END_REF] was another attempt to delve into the influence of the Americanist tradition on the development of glossing practices. The International Journal of American Linguistics was selected, by virtue of its being an important venue for language description in the Americas and for theoretical developments (with editors and contributors such as the Voegelins, Boas, Hockett...), as the source for the corpus, which consisted of all articles for the period of 1917-1970 presenting descriptive data. The corpus was mined with respect to 2 questions: the physical arrangement of annotated data on the page and the nature of glossed elements (whether these were words, morphemes, or something else).

The essential trends that were found concerning physical arrangement of annotated data are that data was presented in interlinear fashion from 1917 to 1945, after which point data begins to be appear in a sequential presentation (even when fully glossed). 104 The disappearance of interlinearly aligned data corresponds with a trend of glossing morphemes instead of words, as evidenced by an increased use of segmentation markers in the transcription tier. The decade from 1945 to 1955 is a transitional period for units of analysis, with the publication of major theoretical texts [START_REF] Hockett | Two models of grammatical description[END_REF][START_REF] Harris | Morpheme alternants in linguistic analysis[END_REF]) on the definition and delimitation of morpheme and on models of grammar, and it is perhaps not surprising that this should lead to changes in the presentation of glossed materials. Although they were not part of the corpus, a look at IJAL articles from the mid-1980's on again reveals a reemergence of an interlinear presentation, possibly corresponding with proposals for interlinear morphemic glossing [START_REF] Lehmann | Directions for interlinear morphemic translations[END_REF]). 105 While it seems like there is important material in this study, it again reveals the difficulties of trying to pinpoint periods of transition: even within the same journal, and in the same (albeit large) linguistic area of the Americas, the presentation of data varies widely. While trends do emerge, they do so fuzzily, and the significance is difficult to correlate with other synchronic developments. 106 The next study (Lahaussois 2017c), which will be a chapter in the book on comparative glossing practices (Cinato, Lahaussois, Whitman (eds), in prep), looks at a corpus of descriptions and materials on Algonquian and Kiranti languages published in the period from 104 An example of a fragment of sequentially (vs interlinearly) arranged glossed text is Harrington (1946: 237): 105 Lehmann is quite explicit about the connection between morphemic glossing and an item and arrangement approach (see, for example, his website; https://www.christianlehmann.eu/ling/ling_meth/ling_description/grammaticography/gloss/index.php?open=t wo_approaches)

106 One other hypothesis we had for the disappearance of interlinearized data presentation was that it was related to the period of World War II and shortages of materials such as printing paper; a sequential alignment of annotated data saves space on the page (which is why to this day articles often have a combination of both interlinear annotation and sequentially aligned annotation for examples introduced within the text).

Texts, on the other hand, are consistently segmented, even if the interlinear "glossing" tier also includes segmentation marks which are used for several purposes. The hyphens in the glossing tier serve to both group together into a single 'gloss' the English words that make up the translation of the (segmented) unit of transcription that they correspond to, and to segment the glosses for morpheme-like elements. As they are not typographically differentiated, the overal effect is of inconsistency. At the end of the time period in the corpus [START_REF] Wolfenden | A Specimen of the Thūlung Dialect[END_REF], segmentation is extensive, and etymological in nature, setting apart any element which can be connected etyma in the proto-language. This is the case with word pā-p, 'father', presumably a single unsegmentable word by contemporary speakers (as it is today), but segmented here, and accompanied by a footnote explaining that "-p almost certainly represents a formerly vocalized syllable" (ie. only pā is considered a morpheme to be used for reconstruction).

Figure 24. Annotation in [START_REF] Wolfenden | A Specimen of the Thūlung Dialect[END_REF] showing segmentation for the purposes of reconstruction and comparison with the proto-language This use of segmentation as an etymological tool appears to be a particularity of the author of the Outlines of Tibeto-Burman Linguistic Morphology [START_REF] Wolfenden | Outlines of Tibeto-Burman Linguistic Morphology, with special reference to the Prefixes, Infixes and Suffixes of Classical Tibetan and the Languages of the Kachin, Bodo, Naga, Kuki-Chin and Burma Groups[END_REF], and is not a use of segmentation I have seen elsewhere. The glossing accompanying the text does not make use of the segments, but rather translates entire phrases (made up of several segmented words) identified by physical layout, with the literal translation centered under groups of words making up phrases in transcription. Wolfenden is thus an outlier with respect to annotation on a number of fronts for his time.

the singular and the plural. The plural can be distinguished by adding suffixes such as haru and pāli ; thus ā-pā haru; fathers ; chāmai pāli, daughters" (ibid, 280) A final study (Lahaussois 2020b) I wish to discuss focuses on glossing in the LSI, and on the role of large-scale linguistic surveys as vehicles for change, on account of their wide distribution and the interest they arouse. The study explores an 1897 text, Specimen translations in various Indian languages [START_REF] Grierson | Specimen Translations in Various Indian Languages[END_REF], which presents 65 language versions of the Parable of the Prodigal Son. These specimens were intended as a collection of translations of the same text in order to facilitate the collection of the parable for the LSI: it was believed that within the 65 versions, there would be at least one linguistically close enough to any language of India to help colonial administrators collect its translation. The interest of the volume from the point of view of glossing is that it is a collection of (mostly) annotated texts that predates the editorial changes made by Grierson in the LSI; in many cases, the original texts are the same, and the comparison of how they appear, from the point of view of annotation, in the 1897 volume and the LSI is revealing about the process of preparing these texts for publication.

The study was also the opportunity for me to refine an analytical grid which I use in order to track changes in annotation practices, and which is presented below in Figure 25. The three (potential) annotation tiers are treated separately, with consideration of various aspects (and sub-aspects) of the properties of each one. While a grid such as this may seem to be a fairly banal proposal, it has been very helpful to me in making it possible to objectively break down features of the annotation systems, rather than attempting a comparison on the basis of a more holistic reading. • All annotation is interlinear, with transcription and glossing tiers

• Segmentation is found in both transcription and glossing tiers

• Glosses are word-for-word glosses

• Segments within glosses are generally in non-English word order (but not considered morphemic because the segmentation marks are used to group rather than divide); the fact that they are in order of identifiable morphemes within transcription is a big step

• Some segments within glosses even add grammatical information, although only lexical glosses are found

The study made it possible to identify some areas of change in annotation practices over the period between the 1897 Specimens volume and the publication of the LSI (the final volume of which was published in 1921). Considering the impact of the LSI at the time ((Majeed 2019a;

Majeed 2019b), it is likely that it, like other large-scale linguistic surveys, played a role in propagating changes to annotation practices to other areas of the world.

in the three languages shared narrative elements, even if the names of the protagonists were sometimes different and the number and sequence of events did not always match up across the versions. We determined, with the project, to collect as many of the stories making up the cycle as possible, in as many languages/dialects and with as many speakers as possible, and to align them in the manner of a parallel corpus.

We realized that because of significant differences in the narratives making up our corpus, due to individual differences in story-telling as well as to the fact that the different Kiranti languages had evolved different versions of the stories, that the concept of parallel corpus was not relevant, and that it was more appropriate to label our collection a comparable corpus than a parallel corpus. 111 Despite the imperfect match between the versions of the myths, we still felt it important for the purposes of comparison to align the data from different language versions.

The methodology for alignment was devised by trial and error: initially, the texts (which were all annotated with Toolbox) were compared in pairs, charting which sentences described the same content in an excel spreadsheet. This is described in early descriptions of the methodological aspects of the corpus (Lahaussois & Guillaume 2012;[START_REF] Lahaussois | The Kiranti Comparable corpus: a prototype corpus for the comparison of Kiranti languages and mythology[END_REF].

Although the pairwise comparison of versions of stories was viable given the size of the corpus I had assembled, the subjectivity of the process was somewhat troubling, and it soon became obvious that the only sensible way of carrying out the task of alignment was basing comparison not on sentences in individual stories but rather on the events making up the basic story. This again raised the issue of which version of the story to consider the underlying one --when for example each language ordered events differently --and forced us to assume that the different language versions derived from a proto-story. Note that there is no reason to believe that there ever was a proto-version: the stories could very well have been transmitted from village to village, changing through contact, as opposed to all sharing a single original source. Nonetheless, anthropologists like Allen (2012) claim that these stories are a common inheritance also shared by Tibetan peoples, suggesting that the Kiranti versions are part of a wider narrative tradition. Because of the uncertainty about the history of these stories, I shall

111 "A comparable corpus can thus be defined as a corpus containing components that are collected using the same sampling method, eg. the same proportions of the texts of the same genres in the same domains in a range of different languages in the same sampling period. [...] By contrast, a parallel corpus can most easily be defined as a corpus that contains native language (L1) source texts and their (l2) translations." (McEnery & Hardie 2012: 20) hereafter refer to them as matrix stories: these are the reconstituted narrative scaffolding, taking into account the various versions that I have access to. Given that the corpus only contains three languages for the time being (ideally of course we would increase it through contributions of annotated and sound-synchronized versions narratives from the same mythological cycle in other Kiranti languages), the question cannot be resolved as to how these stories were transmitted across the different languages.

The steps of the methodology were the following: There are also Alignment files, of which there is one per story. The alignment files identify the sentences in each version of each story that correspond to the events of the matrix story. A screenshot of the resulting Table of similarities for three versions of one story is shown in Figure 27. comparison. This raises the important issue of consistency in glossing practices across the different versions that make up the corpus (Figure 30 reveals some issues in this regard, in the form of typographical differences in the grammatical glosses). For ease of comparison, it is preferable for annotation practices to be as similar (or at least transparent) as possible, something which complicates the integration of stories glossed by different linguists.

A few issues emerge: the visualization interface shown in Figure 30 is for comparison of the data. The choice to present the examples horizontally (after initial attempts at keeping the data in columns, as per the Integral Text View seen in Figure 29) was meant to facilitate the viewing of the results, but this is still not an ideal presentation. A second major issue concerns the subjectivity of the alignment. An outside viewer might well wonder what these sentences share that justifies labeling them as similar, and indeed, in isolation from the larger story ark they do not appear to have much in common. They are both connected to "Event 5" of the "Ur-mother"112 matrix story, which is additionally given a descriptive label (not seen here, but it is "The wind blew on the tree and the goddess came to life").

It is at this juncture that it is important to point out that the similarities found in the corpus can be grouped into three types:

Type a: similarities with shared narrative function only Type b: similarities with shared narrative content Type c: similarities with shared morphosyntactic constructions These types have a certain amount of overlap, with each type also containing the features of the type immediately above it. They can generally be categorized as the following.

For Type a, sentences will refer to a same event in the story, but without sharing lexical or morphosyntactic material. An example is an aligned event referring to three protagonists, but with different references in the stories: in one version, the two sisters might be named and the brother referred to as "brother", while in another version, the sisters may be referred to as "sisters" and the brother named. This is different from the idea of protagonists being given Thulung and Khaling share a type of ideophone which contributes semantics associated with speed and force. These were not given grammatical glosses when the texts making up the corpus were first analyzed (only considerably later did I realize that this was a special grammatical category shared by the languages), and were instead glossed as 'suddenly'.

Nonetheless, the concordancer, which is able to access grammatical and lexical glosses, as well as formatives in the transcription tier, can generate a list of all sentences incorporating this term.

When one selects a Similarity view, the results are highlighted everywhere they occur within a given similarity, greatly facilitating the task of comparison. The comparison of ideophones of this type, whose only semantic contribution is suddenness and forcefulness, is notoriously difficult, and yet the corpus in this instance has helped identify something interesting: even though the associated lexical verb is different in Khaling and Thulung, the ideophones are clearly cognate, and apparently their selection is triggered by the semantics of the verbs in question. A better-coded comparable corpus of this type would make it possible to successfully develop a much more fine-grained analysis of the semantics and of the usage (as they turn up in the description of the same dramatic narrative event) of this type of ideophone, and would thus contribute significantly to their study.

A useful modification to the corpus would be to code the constructions found in each version of the story. This could be done by adding an annotation level to the source data constituting the corpus, with the coding in that annotation level also available to the concordancer. 113 One could thus perform a concordance on, say, relative clauses across the corpus, and see only Similarities that had that particular feature. This would be very useful as a means of focusing in on the potential that the corpus has for real comparison of the morphosyntax of the languages that are represented.

b) Size of corpus: An additional disappointment is not having a larger corpus, both in terms of number of speakers, languages, and stories (but anyone who has tried to collect traditional narratives in these communities --and elsewhere I suspect --will attest to the difficulty of the enterprise. This is also mentioned by Allen for Thulung, pointing out that the stories making up this cycle are only told on very specific occasions, making their casual collection challenging (2012: 13-18). The corpus in its current state is fairly minimalist, and serves more as a proof-of-concept than as a finished product. Additionally, improvements to the annotation of texts already in the corpus cannot be easily integrated: my newly resegmented/transcribed Thulung corpus does not have sentence units that correspond to the ones in the stories originally used; I cannot therefore update the annotated versions of texts without having to go through the process of realigning them anew.

Questionnaires

My first experience of questionnaires, apart from familiarity with the STEDT wordlists,114 was [START_REF] Payne | Describing morphosyntax: a guide for field linguists[END_REF], recommended by Leanne Hinton as I headed off to the field for the first time.

Considering the many variables that affect field conditions --in addition to environmental and personal factors, such as health issues and overstimulation --I have over the years relied on various field checklists to guide my sessions with consultants,115 and this has given rise to curiosity about this aspect of field methodology.

The occasional difficulty of field conditions in Nepal, alluded to above, made me wonder about the possibility of having untrained native speakers oversee the documentation of their own language, using a data collection guide. This would make it possible to do linguistic salvage work in parts of the world where conditions are too dangerous for outsiders, either temporarily or permanently. These musings led to an attempt to write a 'self-description manual', funded by UNESCO and published in CD format within the framework of a project called Initiative Babel [START_REF] Lahaussois | Handbook on language presevation and documentation, Languages of Nepal[END_REF]. While the project is naive in a great many ways, it led to an interest in the tools that can accompany and facilitate a description/documentation project, namely questionnaires.

The Fédération de typologie et universaux linguistiques (TUL) funded a project I submitted on linguistic questionnaires: the goal was to collect as many questionnaires as possible, inventory their diversity and organize them into a taxonomy, and develop an archive where linguists could find and deposit the various tools they used and developed. 116 The first step of the project was to define the object of our study, which we did by interpreting the term "questionnaires" very loosely, as "any methodological tool used in the collection of linguistic data for a descriptive or typological activity" (Lahaussois 2019d: 33). In order to signal that this was a project-internal use of the term, we referred to these tools as Questionnaires (by analogy with Haspelmath (2010)'s suggestion that language-internal descriptive categories be capitalized). Thus defined, the term covered, in addition to questionnaires (of the translation or analytical type), a number of tools that are not based on questions, and not traditionally considered to be questionnaires: wordlists, stimuli kits, checklists (such as one might find as an appendix to an article describing a phenomenon), but also templates for structuring grammars (such as the Lingua Descriptive Series questionnaire [START_REF] Comrie | Lingua descriptive studies: questionnaire[END_REF], and even less well-defined models, such as the Greco-Latin grammatical model).

The taxonomy the archive is developed around is the following types:

TUL Questionnaires (highlighting the output of other TUL projects)

Areal Questionnaires

Questionnaires by metalanguage

Questionnaires by linguistic subfield

Questionnaires by data type

Questionnaires by medium

This organization was an attempt to recognize that relevant aspects of a Questionnaire are more varied than is apparent in the tradition division between analytical vs. translation-based questionnaires, on the one hand (this is for example what was used by the EUROTYP project, funded by the European Science Foundation from 1990 to 1994 and directed by E. König; see the General Preface to [START_REF] Dahl | Tense and aspect in the languages of Europe (Empirical Approaches to Language Typology 20-6)[END_REF] for details), or the difference between questionnaires, on the one hand, and stimuli, on the other. We also wanted to account for the fact that other aspects will shape Questionnaires in various ways, namely the metalanguage used in their development, the linguistic subfield they seek to investigate, the data type they are designed to collect (such as lexical, paradigmatic, narrative, conversational, phrasal/clausal), and the medium through which collection occurs (visual-based vs writing-based). The medium, with a broad division between written and visual Questionnaires, focuses on the material form of the Questionnaires. These two types are generally considered so different that there are, to my knowledge, no published taxonomies that take into account both types; Existing taxonomies tend to focus on one kind or another: [START_REF] Mosel | Morphosyntactic Analysis in the Field: A Guide to the Guides[END_REF] proposes a taxonomy of written questionnaires, with categories for translational questionnaires, scenario questionnaires, and grammatical structure questionnaires; taxonomies of (visual) stimuli can be quite detailed [START_REF] Lüpke | Data collection methods for field-based language documentation[END_REF][START_REF] Hellwig | Field semantics and grammar-writing: Stimuli-based techniques and the study of locative verbs[END_REF][START_REF] Majid | A guide to stimulus-based elicitation for semantic categories[END_REF]) but tend to refer to non-stimuli with expressions such as 'traditional elicitation'.

The archive was designed with two features that seem important from an epistemological and historical perspective: it acknowledges the dynamic nature of Questionnaires, and it makes it possible to associate a number of additional descriptions and documents to the Questionnaires (either when they are uploaded or subsequently). Regarding the first, Questionnaires can be and of course often are used to investigate what they were designed for, but they are also frequently adapted by users to reflect different linguistic or cultural contexts from that intended for the original questionnaire, theoretical evolutions of the field, and even a different topic of investigation (in cases where a linguist draws inspiration from the questionnaire protocol, methodology, or design in order to study something different).

They are thus tools that are far from stable, and the archive was designed to make it possible to mark the connection between revised or adapted Questionnaires and their source Questionnaires, linking them together and documenting the changes they had undergone. This can be done in two ways: a) If the linguist creating an adaptation of an original Questionnaire feels that the new Questionnaire represents something independent enough to deserve its own unique file in the archive, it can be entered as a new Questionnaire. In this case, instead of appearing within the file for the original Questionnaire, it will have its own independent file -with metadata, categories, goals, development context, and protocol -but it can be linked to the original Questionnaire that inspired it by entering the original's in the metadata formula;

b) If on the other hand the distance between the two Questionnaires is considered to be closer, then one can opt to set up the revised Questionnaire as an adaptation of an original by using the Revision file. The Revision file will allow the inputter to assign a new title to the adaptation, to select the original via a drop-down menu listing all Questionnaires in the archive, to complete a text field listing the changes that were made, and to attach the adapted document, along with a revision date. The Revision to the Questionnaire will not have its own independent file in the archive, but rather will appear on the file for the original Questionnaire, along with the new title, the attached document, and associated with another document listing the changes that were made and the date.

Another important aspect of Questionnaires, and of all methodological tools, is that they are contextually anchored: they reflect the state-of-the-art of linguistic knowledge at the time of their development, and their historical context is crucial to understanding their impact and effectiveness. The archive thus provides a space to associate information of a historical nature with each Questionnaire: the main Questionnaire file contains text boxes with information about the goals the Questionnaire was designed to serve, a summary of its protocol, and the development context. Additionally, reviews and documents retracing the history of the Questionnaire can be associated with a Questionnaire, so that the tools are accompanied by information of various types that serves to contextualize them. 117

Another output of the project was an edited volume (Lahaussois & Vuillermet 2019) resulting from a 2-day workshop on elicitation tools for linguistic description and typology

Khaling verb dictionary

The last contribution to methodological tools I shall mention here is that Khaling verb dictionary [START_REF] Jacques | Khaling-Nepali-English verb dictionary[END_REF], developed with Guillaume Jacques, Dhana Khaling and the 117 The archive was also a fun project in which to involve student interns: few MA students, in my experience, handle or even think about linguistic questionnaires, and having to search for and then categorize new questionnaires was a useful exercise for two past interns. They were also involved in writing to the developers of the questionnaires--often famous linguists--to ask about IP rights, something which not only provided them with contacts, but also brought home the complicated nature of IP and attribution when something is developed as a dynamic tool which is meant to be adapted to different situations.

Khaling cultural association, and which exists in a number of different versions: an online version, in which sound recordings are associated with each entry,119 PDF versions (downloadable from the same website as the online version) with and without incorporated sound recordings, and a paper publication (printed in Nepal in 2017). While noun dictionaries do not pose particular problems for Kiranti languages (apart from transcription issues which occur when transcribing into devanagari, with difficulties transcribing certain vowels, vowel length and, in the case of Khaling, a two-way tone distinction), dictionaries of verbs are more complicated: the alternating stems found in Khaling require some lexicographical decisions which are rather technical. In "native" dictionaries, it is often the infinitive form of verbs which is listed as the lexical entry, a form which does not contain sufficient stem information to allow conjugation of the verb. Michailovsky (1975: 187) has a comment to this effect:

"Some recent word-lists of languages related to Bahing have suffered from the defect that the verb form chosen for quotation has been one from which the root could not be recovered". In The insufficiency of information about stems associated with a given verb suggest that the dictionary is intended for an audience with high levels of Khaling proficiency.

The [START_REF] Jacques | Khaling-Nepali-English verb dictionary[END_REF] Khaling dictionary, which has an accompanying Android app developed by Remy Bonnet, also lists verbs by infinitive form, in order that a user may find them, but also includes the root form in parentheses after the infinitive form (the root is based on internal reconstruction; see [START_REF] Jacques | An Overview of Khaling Verbal Morphology[END_REF]). Examples are provided to illustrate the verb, whenever possible with finite forms and varying person scenarios. The verb forms for 1SG (labeled 1s) and 1DI (labeled 1d) non-past are also given (illustrating vowel alternations, when present), as they are significant for providing information about the root.

In the online version of the dictionary, sound recordings are provided for the infinitive, the 1SG and 1DI forms, and examples. Being part of such a dictionary project 120 has brought many epistemological issues to the fore for me, notably the search for a (delicate) balance between user-friendliness and scientific accuracy (Lahaussois (2018a) discusses this), the importance of including recorded examples in dictionaries of endangered languages, and the methodological challenges of collecting the material for the preparation of such a dictionary (with subtle semantic differences that are difficult to take into account when working on languages which are endangered enough that speakers can sometimes be considered to be speaking an idiolect).

120 My participation is in the form of collecting illustrative examples for verbs, recording them, writing the introduction to the paper version, and contributing to our team's understanding of the verbal morphology of Khaling [START_REF] Jacques | An Overview of Khaling Verbal Morphology[END_REF].

FUTURE DIRECTIONS

The following section describes the large-scale projects I plan to undertake over the next few years: two are writing projects, while the third is a database project.

The first is a grammar of Thulung, but of an unusual type, in that I plan for it to be a contrastive grammar. One issue in working on a Kiranti language is that it is not always clear what one is working on: a significant number of constructions are calqued on Nepali, to the point that I sometimes feel that I am working on the description of an Indo-Aryan language with a Kiranti lexicon and verbal inflection. While I have not seen this situation put in writing in colleagues' work on other Kiranti languages, and remains very much subjective for now, it is something I have been very much aware of in working on both Thulung and Koyi (considerably less so in Khaling, perhaps because of its greater vitality). In order to investigate this problem, I intend to write a grammar with face-to-face grammatical descriptions of Nepali and Thulung, matching up the description of the same or similar phenomena. The focus will of course be the production of a grammar of Thulung, but it will be significantly informed through having various topics, where relevant, contrasted with how the same topic manifests in Nepali. Areas where this is significant are, among others, ideophones, compound verbs and derivational predicates, the pronominal system. It seems that this type of grammar may bring to the fore similarities and contrasts that were perhaps not made explicit until now, and help make headway towards the question of the features of Thulung syntax which have been calqued

from Nepali, or show other evidence of language contact. The similarities between the contrastive grammar project and other projects described above and based on the idea of aligning data will not have escaped the reader: in the same way that aligning data in the Kiranti Comparable Corpus has made it possible to identify some interesting commonalities and dissimilarities between the languages, and in the same way that I have attempted to align the tables of contents of grammars in order to see where the authors treated different topics, I feel like the study of the morphosyntax of an individual language can beneficially be illuminated by aligning it with the expression in another (in the case of Nepali, the main contact language) of certain functional domains.

The second writing project, hinted at by the studies described in 3.2, is a book attempting to retrace the stages of the history of interlinear glossing, in order to understand the steps that have led to the current layout. The starting point will be the studies described in section 3.2.2 on Annotation practices, which must be substantially expanded in order to develop a perspective which encompasses a greater number of language areas. Considering the differences I have noticed in the treatment of examples within descriptions and text specimens, even within the same descriptive document, I feel that the best type of material for the purposes of tracking the evolution of glossing practices is the text specimen, either those accompanying a description or those which are deposited in online oral archives. Using the analytical grid I have proposed (see Figure 25), and focusing on linguistic surveys which include grammatical descriptions and text specimens, which I consider, as suggested above, to be important vectors for change in annotation practices (in addition to having clear, volume-wide editorial practices, and thus limiting typographical confusion coming from different practices by typesetters in different journals), I hope to carefully retrace the general trends of the last 150 years, a period in which annotation, and significantly, morphological theory, underwent great changes. The study of these evolutions must take into account all aspects (and perhaps additional ones as well) of the analytical grid I have proposed, namely the presence and type of segmentation marks in both the transcription and glossing tiers, as well as questions about the type of glosses (which includes the complicated issue of glossing which can take on the form of literal translation, thus confusing the distinction between the material found in the glossing and the translation tiers).

Another planned project is an offshoot of work described in section 3.1.3 above on the grammaticographical models underlying language descriptions. Although the project described in (Kelly & Lahaussois in press) is based on the methodology and effects of aligning the tables of contents of the grammars in the corpus, there is a very interesting project that stops one step short of alignment: this involves developing a very large database of tables of contents of published descriptive grammars, which, through a specialized interface, can be explored according to biographical and bibliographical features (similar to those described in 3.1.3 above and in Kelly & Lahaussois (in press): date, metalanguage, language area, nationality of linguist, training of linguist, etc. It seems quite clear that there are areal traditions of description which impact not only the structuring of grammars but also terminological choices (see, for example, Vanhove (2020)), and many patterns may emerge from an interface that makes is possible to look at grammars and their organizational schemes with respect to sort criteria of the type described above.

Another advantage of this project is that it will result in a database of tables of contents of grammars large enough to make credible claims about the various organizational schemes that are used, and to create a taxonomy of these schemes. This project will be of significant relevance to typologists making use of grammatical descriptions, as well as to historians of linguistics curious about tracking various traditional grammatical models through to their adaptations in contemporary description grammars.

One disappointment of mine is that I had hoped that writing this thesis would be an opportunity to take into account work by theoretical morphologists that is relevant to the In conclusion, although one might be surprised to find the different parts of this thesis brought together into a single document, Chapters 1 and 2 being very much works of description based on fieldwork, and Chapter 3 documenting a series of studies and tools based on the epistemology, and in some cases on the history, of descriptive linguistics, the possibilities opened up for me by working in both these areas over the last decade make me very enthusiastic about the next decade of my career, and very grateful to have been given the change to bring together these two different fields within linguistics.

Figure 1 .FigureFigure 5 .

 15 Figure 1. Van driem's Fallen Leaves model Figure 2. The Kiranti language area Figure 3. The verbal template of Thulung Figure 4. Khaling ideophones Figure 5. Parallel development of the optative and the impersonal negative deontic necessity markers Figure 6. Verbal template (partially completed) for Khaling Figure 7. Toba 1984's chapter on Khaling interjections Figure 8. Map of Kiranti area and languages Figure 9. Table of contents of toba's The Khaling verb Figure 10. Personal endings in Khaling in Toba 1973 Figure 11. Hodgson's presentation of the Vayu transitive verb 'to kill' Figure 12. Schematic representation of scenarios in Hodgson's initial paradigms Figure 13. Partial paradigm for indicative present/future 'eat' Figure 14. Schematic representation of scenarios in paradigm in fig. 13.

Figure 15 .Figure 17 .

 1517 Figure 15. Paradigms with numbers instead of glosses Figure 16. Transitive paradigm from Allen 1975 Figure 17. Paradigm showing indexes for transitive verbs Figure 18. Metadata database for grammars and authors in corpus Figure 19. Screenshot of part of the full tables of contents for the grammars in corpus Figure 20. Partial view of the macro-level database Figure 21. Notice in JASB Figure 22. Archaic pronouns of english and their modern equivalents Figure 23. Transcription of text specimen in Vayu Figure 24. Annotation in Wolfenden 1935 showing segmentation Figure 25. Analytical grid for tracking evolution of annotation practices Figure 26. Completed grid contrasting 1897 Specimens volume and same languages in LSI Figure 27. Table of similarities Figure 28. Partial view of corpus selection interface Figure 29. Integral text view for 3 versions of the ur-mother story Figure 30. Screenshot of similarity view for event 5 of the Ur-mother story Figure 31. Similarity view based on concordance, highlighting the search term in the glosses Figure 32. Lexical entries for the verbs 'sleep' and 'fall asleep' Figure 33. Sample entry from Khaling verb dictionary Figure 34. 1sg>2 section of the devanagari-transcribed paradigm Figure 35. List-style paradigm

  Université de Paris) linguistics department, a source of very stimulating interactions with colleagues from outside my immediate research group. It also provides an opportunity to teach: after teaching a 16-hour field methods course as part of a larger one-off MA course on linguistic methodology in 2014 at Diderot, I took on a MA typology course from 2016 until now, which I team-taught with Olivier Bonami in 2016-2018, and which I now teach with Otto Zwartjes, as of 2019. I have also been given a methodology course in the new MA syllabus: a halfsemester course on descriptive grammar writing. The contact with MA students has resulted in my supervising a few students for their first-or second-year MA theses (Amalia Hidayat on the basa walikan 'inverted language' in Javanese slang; Alvaro Diaz on ergativity in Basque; Mina

Figure 2 .

 2 Figure 2. The Kiranti language area (map from (Schlemmer 2019))

  you a pig.' A-ka T-ø G-lai V-A>T: (22) pʌsʌle-ka go-lai sor-ø bhreʈ-ɖʉ store.keeper-ERG 1SG-DAT rice -ø sell-3SG>3SG.PST 'The storekeeper sold me rice.'

'

  She said "I cooked the food."' (24) dhwa:-laŋka ko:-le seruli-ka tsʌi ga:pu-ka u-si-ɖɖa ŋo ground-ABL 1-CL jackal-ERG CONTR crow-ERG 3SG.POSS-mouth-LOC fish per-thʌʈ-ɖʉ-m lwas-tʉ pinch-DUR-3SG>3SG.PST-NMLZ see-3SG>3SG.PST 'From the ground a jackal saw that the crow was pinching a fish in his mouth.' eat-INF-DAT steal-3SG>3SG.PST-NMLZ hola maybe 'He probably stole it from there to eat.' b) for attribution (as in (27)): (27) he:ka hala u-si-ɖɖa-m ŋo kwa:-jʉ al-mu how up 3SG.POSS-mouth-LOC-NMLZ fish mud-LOW.LOC fall.down-INF 'How to have the fish fall down to the ground from his mouth.' c) for relativization (as in (28

  both sound and movement, and additionally extends to other domains; type C covers movement, visual patterns, other sensory perceptions, inner feelings and cognitive states. The three types of Khaling are shown mapped onto sensory domains in Figure 4. |-------type A--| |--type B-------------------------------------------------------------| |----type C-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------|sound < movement < visual patterns < other sensory perceptions < inner feelings and cognitive states

Figure 4 .

 4 Figure 4. Khaling ideophones with respect to Dingemanse 2012's implicational hierarchy

  of a) interruption; b) recursion; c) construction-specific restrictions; d) dominance and transitivity issues(Slade 2013: 552-557). While a Hindi compound verb can be interrupted by words such as the emphasis marker to, Nepali CVs cannot; this difference is reflected in the graphic form of CVs in the two languages: Nepali CVs are written as a single word, while Hindi CVs are written as separate words. Regarding the feature of recursion, Hindi allows only a single light verb per main verb in the CV, while Nepali allows up to two(Slade (2013: 553, ex. 42) gives the example saphā gar-i-di-i-hāl-in, clean do-ABS-give-ABS-put-PAST.3SG.FEM).With respect to the third feature, construction-specific restrictions, Slade points out that Nepali CVs can occur in converbal form (kha-i-sak-era, eat-ABS-finish-CONV), something which does not happen in Hindi, where converbs are only found with simplex verbs. As for dominance, in Nepali CVs, "it is always the main verb which determines the transitivity of the entire verbal compound" (2013: 555), whereas in Hindi CVs, the transitivity of the light verb is generally what determines the argument structure of the clause.

I

  shall base the discussion of Associated Motion (henceforth 'AM') in this section on contrasts between Thulung and Khaling. The systems in the two languages are discussed inJacques et al. (In press), which compares data from Kiranti and Gyalrongic languages, as well as from a few additional Trans-Himalayan languages. AM is defined here, perGuillaume (2016: 13), in the following way: 'An AM marker is a grammatical morpheme that is associated with the verb and that has among its possible functions the coding of translational motion.' A Khaling example is given in (65), in which the action of the main verb (here represented by stem ŋô 'cry') is accompanied by a translational motion, which in (65) is a round-about motion. (65) ʔi-ŋô-n-le-ni 2/INV-cry-2PL:NPST-go.around.doing-2PL:NPST 'You.PL went around crying.'An important difference between the Thulung and Khaling is that they have a different number of AM formatives: Khaling has seven, many of which are quite transparently grammaticalized from motion verbs, whereas Thulung has a single marker, grammaticalized from the transitive verb 'wind around' and primarily encoding an ambulative motion, as well as different functions which are extensions from this primary meaning.

  below. (These functions were presented orally at several conferences; (Lahaussois 2018b; Jacques & Lahaussois 2018)). The associated motion function of -bal is illustrated in (66), describing a round-about motion accompanying the main action. (66) me pel sam-bal-lʉ ʔe DIST.DEM shadow catch-AMB-3SG>3SG.PST HS 'He goes around catching that shadow.' In terms of the main AM parameters, this function of the ambulative marker has (in at least one interpretation) a concurrent temporal relation between the main verb ('catch') and the motion;

53'

  For an example of a P as the moving argument, see the following example, taken fromGuillaume (2016: 113), where it is numbered (22a) (the original is from Guillaume 2008:234, A69a):Peadya ekwita=tuke=Ø ba-dadi-wa... one person=3SG=1SG see-GO(O)-PFV 'I saw a man going away from me.' matching, where a transitive main verb will trigger the use of a transitive version of the AM marker: in (75), the AM maker can be interpreted (despite its gloss) as 'do and bring down'. porridge on the stove up there (on the roof) and brought it down.' Whether the AM marker involves the motion of the P as well as the A appears to be contextdependent. Example (76), in the context in which it was uttered, was claimed by our consultant to involve only motion of the A: You keep going, I will wait for my friends and come up then.' While Khaling has a contrastive temporal relation with translocative AM markers, with khot expressing subsequent motion and pɛt expressing prior motion, Thulung, which does not have any AM marker beyond the ambulative (whose action is simultaneous with the associated motion, in other words expressing concurrent motion), must use other constructions in order to temporally link motion verbs with other actions: these are constructions involving converbal motion verbs to express simultaneous ((77), using a simultaneous converb) and anterior ((78), using an anterior converb) motions. Alternatively, a construction with two finite verbs linked by a conjunction can be used, with the order of actions determined by the position of the motion verb relative to the other action; this can be used for prior motion (79), and is the only strategy for the expression of subsequent motion (80).

'

  Then he hides and hides and only comes out at night.' [referring to behavior characteristic of the owl] broom in there as well.'

  -leg twist-REFL-3SG.PST 'When I was running yesterday, I fell and my leg got twisted.' These same functions are also marked with the reflexive marker in Khaling, in addition to an auto-benefactive use and an impersonal use. For additional examples and discussion, see Lahaussois (2016a; Submitted).

  -leʈ, -len, -le, -lek liminal/LIM focuses on start or finish of action -dzɵl anticipatory/ANTIC highlights outcome of action, often in anticipation of another and through placing the patient argument somewhere

('

  100) u-ŋali ɖʌs-thʌ-rʉ 3SG.POSS-face drop-DUR-3SG>3SG.PST 'He dropped his face (and kept it down).' Habitual marker -thal expresses the regularity of occurrence of an action. This is illustrated in (101)-(103). (101) bhansa bʌ-n-thal-na meal make-2SG>3SG.PST-HAB-2SG>3SG.PST 'You have been making the meals.' (102) inima-ra hamham pudza bo-m-thal-mi nep-ra 2PL.POSS-LOC which prayers do-3PL>3PL-HAB-3PL>3PL house-LOC 'What pujas do they do at your place, in the house?' We wove and we made decorative flowers and we women worked, and the boys and men ploughed.'

(

  104) kamso bo-mu tsɵm-rʉ-lo ne u-si-ɖɖam ŋo song do-INF begin-3SG>3SG.began to sing, the fish fell from his mouth, he abandoned it (for good) down push-IRREV-3SG>3DU.PST 'They fell, the puppy and the child, the deer pushed them down and away.'

'

  The bride's side sends off what they call Runche Phila (pig's thigh), they send it off with alcohol.' Examples (107)-(109) illustrate the effect of adding -dzɵl to the verb, conveying that the object is set out in anticipation of a further action. cook-INF-ANTIC-INF DEON 'It needs to be completely cooked today (for a set-up tomorrow).' the cock dropped (and left) one of his tail [feathers].' Examples (110)-(112) illustrate the effect of adding -leʈ to the verb: it usually adds a focus to the end-point of an action, although in some cases, the focus is on the starting point. This is the case with ɖum-le-mu, (drink-LIM-INF) which can be either 'be about to drink' or 'finish drinking'. (Note that even though the focus on the starting point comes up in elicitation, I have not found it in corpus examples.) It commonly combines with verbs like 'sleep' (see (112)) and 'die' to express a change of state, and especially with past forms, there is a focus on the immutability of the action, bringing it close to a perfect interpretation. (110) lalam sisi hoŋŋa dʉm-lek-pa bʌnʉ:-rʉ ʔe red blood like become-LIM-ACT.PTCP make-3SG>3SG.PST HS 'He made (the water) completely red like blood.' (111) ʔʌ ̃ pom-le-mu ba:si waŋ-mim-ka pe-si menʉ yes eat-LIM-INF DEON other-PLU-ERG eathe must finish eating everything, other people cannot eat [the special offerings], only he eats.' (112) uni-khlea wo lamtsoko-ra ʌm-le 3PL.POSS-dog also door-LOC sleep-LIM.3SG 'Their dog is asleep/has fallen asleep at the door.' Khaling has a similar distribution of Aktionsart formatives, again largely divisible into those focusing and those reducing the telicity of the verb.

  Table 30. Allomorphs of 1SG>3 according to verb classThese data can be exemplified with the following forms from each set of verbs: k-class verb bo:mu, 'push down', has the form bok-pu for a 1SG>3SG scenario; l-class verb jalmu, 'strike', has the form jal-u for a 1sg>3SG scenario.The variation in the 1PI and 3SG S/A indexes is an alternation between vowel-and ɖ-initial forms. The verbs taking ɖ-initial forms in the non-past for 1PI and 3SG S/A are p-, m-and nclasses, with other classes using vowel-initial forms.

  with a '/' separating the two possible forms: allomorphs listed before the '/' occur after stems which consonant-final; allomorphs listed after the '/' occur after stems which are vowel-final. The various paradigms illustrating stem distribution for the different verb classes reveal that there are in fact few vowel-final stems in Thulung past forms (remember that this allomorphy only concerns past stems): the only verb classes that are involved are the ŋ-, s-and V-classes. V-class verbs have exclusively vowel-final stems; ŋ-and s-stem classes have vowelfinal stems in all but 1PI and 3SG S/A forms in the non-past. Because of the number of cells with this type of stem-final conditioned allomorphy, I only illustrate the phenomenon with a few examples:

''

  2.3.2.4.3). This affects scenarios of 1>1 and 2>2. As reflexivization also brings about the use of intransitive indexes, these forms are not part of the transitive paradigm, resulting in empty cells for said scenarios.The cells corresponding to 2<>INCL scenarios (in other words all scenarios simultaneously involving 2nd person and inclusive arguments) involve partial co-reference (as the 2nd person is included in inclusive referents.) Partial coreference cannot be encoded in Thulung using reflexivization, and other strategies are employed to express these scenarios, despite the inflectional gaps: a) changing the scenario to exact coreference and using a reflexive construction: When we are cold, we wrap ourselves in the same cloth.' Intended: You covered us (incl) in the same blanket. We cover ourselves with the umbrella.' Intended: You covered us (incl) both with the umbrella. b) changing the reference to 2SG>1SG:66 The terms 'exact' and 'partial' coreference are used in[START_REF] Haspelmath | Comparing reflexive constructions in the world's languages[END_REF].

  (I)" for -n-(2PL, 1>2, INF), or that in the "reflexive" slot for -n (3PL.PST): these formatives are probably only identifiable by speakers when they occur in combination with other elements, raising the question of how much sense an analytical breakdown makes. The answer is of course dependent on the language, and on the type of analysis one chooses.

  orange parts of the paradigm, material associated with the A argument (red glosses) occurs first, either before material associated with the P argument (blue glosses), or alone.70

  the ample recent work on referential hierarchies (Cristofaro & Zúñiga 2018; Rose 2018; Konnerth & DeLancey 2019), DeLancey (2018a) is of particular relevance to the situation in Thulung. Having extensively studied Kiranti indexical data relevant to 'local' and 'mixed' domains (those parts of the paradigm involving speech act participants only, for the former, and speech act participant + other, for the latter as per Zúñiga (2006)), DeLancey has 70 Also colored orange are cells where material associated with A>P (black glosses) either occurs alone or occurs before material associated with the P argument (blue glosses).

'

  One must not do lots of hard work [while pregnant].'

Figure 5 .

 5 Figure 5. Parallel development of the optative and the impersonal negative deontic necessity markers from the same verb nʉmu, 'be auspicious'

Figure 6 .

 6 Figure 6. Verbal template (partially completed) for Khaling

  ) below: they are combinations of the same verb root and derivational formative, with the same subject, and yet they look quite different: -nuŋ ba-m-thal-li ʔe child-DU-COM stay-3PL-HAB-3PL.PST HS 'Then Miyakma Mother and her children Mini and Irma stayed together.'

  the present thesis is of a very different nature from Chapter 2. Whereas the former presented material towards a description of the verbal morphology of Thulung, with some data from other Kiranti languages, Chapter 3 is dedicated to the use I have made of methodological tools. The three sections within this chapter concern grammaticographical models (3.1), by which I mean the models underlying the organization of descriptive grammars; annotation practices (3.2), and specifically what can be said about the history of the standardization of the different tiers that make up what is now known as interlinear morphemic glossing; methodological tools (3.3), in which I discuss work I have carried out on the alignment of narrative corpora, on linguistic questionnaires, and my contribution to speaking dictionaries.

  A classic example of this is the Latin grammar model adapted by missionaries to accommodate the description of very different languages (Zwartjes 2011; Zwartjes 2012). One outcome of the Grammaires étendues project is a special issue of Faits de langues exploring verbal morphology in the context of extended grammars, namely what evidence one finds in descriptions of verbal morphology of the influence of grammatical traditions developed for other languages (Aussant & Lahaussois 2020).

Figure 7 .

 7 Figure 7. Toba 1984's chapter on Khaling interjections A very different hypothesis to consider with respect to the presence of the treatment (or the listing) of interjections in grammars by missionaries is the fact that missionaries spend extended amounts of time in the field, often living with communities for years on end. This linguistic situation familiarizes them with interjections which tend to arise in more familiar

Figure 8 .

 8 Figure 8. Map of Kiranti area and languages (based on (Michailovsky 1975)):

  presentation of verbal paradigms from early descriptions of Kiranti languages until the present. All the languages of the group have polypersonal indexation, with two arguments marked on the verb; this cannot be represented easily with the types of verbal conjugations familiar to speakers of European languages (which index a single argument). My goal in the study was to identify the stages of development of the types of paradigms currently used to present Kiranti verb stems and indexes. Two articles look into this topic:Lahaussois (2018a) examines different approaches used to represent the verbal morphology of Khaling; Lahaussois (2020a) looks at a wider range of languages, beginning with the verbal paradigms found in Hodgson's 1857-1858 descriptions, and extending the study to the present day.

Figure 9 .

 9 Figure 9.Table of contents of Toba's The Khaling Verb

Figure 10 .

 10 Figure 10. Personal endings in Khaling in Toba 1973

  used to present Kiranti verbal data from the 1850's until now. The data from the 1850's is from Hodgson (Hodgson 1857b; Hodgson 1858). In the first description within this article (which spans volumes 26 and 27 of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal), Hodgson initially lays out his verbal paradigms of Vayu as in Figure 11 below.

Figure 11 .Figure 12 .

 1112 Figure 11. Hodgson's presentation of the Vayu transitive verb 'to kill' (1857a: 448-449))

  below:88 Other scenarios are treated later in the presentation: 3DU/PL > 1SG/2SG/3SG are under "Passive voice, indicative present" ((1857a: 450-451), while forms involving 1st and 2st persons are treated under "Special forms of action between the first 2 persons" (ibid, 452).

Figure 13 .89

 13 Figure 13. Partial paradigm for indicative present/future 'eat', Hodgson 1857: 472 Schematically, this corresponds to the following A and P scenarios, with all combinations of subject and objection listed in the paradigms: subject: object 89 : 1SG reflexive 1DI 3SG 1PI 3DU 2SG 3PL 2DU 2SG 2PL 2DU 3SG 2PL 3DU 1SG

Figure 15 .

 15 Figure15. Paradigms with numbers instead of glosses(Hodgson 1858: 407-408)

Figure 16 .

 16 Figure 16. Transitive paradigm from[START_REF] Allen | Sketch of Thulung Grammar (Cornell East Asia Papers)[END_REF]

Fig. 11 )

 11 Fig.11), as do his students[START_REF] Opgenort | A grammar of Wambule: Grammar, lexicon, texts and cultural survey of a Kiranti Tribe of Eastern Nepal (Languages of the Greater Himalayan Region 5/2)[END_REF][START_REF] Opgenort | A grammar of Jero, with a Historical Comparative Study of the Kiranti Languages (Languages of the Greater Himalayan Region 5/3)[END_REF][START_REF] Doornenbal | A grammar of Bantawa. Grammar, paradigm tables, glossary and texts of a Rai language of Eastern Nepal[END_REF]) when presenting the paradigms representative of different verb classes, showing verb stem alternations; person indexes are however introduced with a matrix paradigm, showing the indexes in each cell.

Figure 17 .

 17 Figure 17. Paradigm showing indexes for transitive verbs(Michailovsky 1988: 82)

  [...] Le tableau 3-3 est présenté avec la personne et le nombre de l'objet sur l'axe vertical ( à la différence du tableau 3-2 [Fig 15]) pour faire ressortir cette identité" but his 'tableau 3-3' somehow renders his intuition opaque.

Figure 19 .

 19 Figure 19. Screenshot of part of the full tables of contents for the grammars in corpus

Figure 20 .

 20 Figure 20. Partial view of the macro-level database

  How can we account for this apparent change? Is this the influence of the development of typology over the last 20 years, fed by better descriptions and methods? Is this the result of a change in the organization of the curricula of linguistics departments, which students then replicate when they are assembling grammatical descriptions? And beyond the organization of curricula, what is the deeper origin of the linguistic subfield model?Many schemes that descriptive linguists assume are contemporary in fact have considerably deeper roots: the "so-called Boasian trilogy" (see for instanceEvans & Dench (2006: 10)) of grammar, glossary and texts in fact dates back considerably further than Boas: Smith-Stark (2009) discusses the 'trilogía catequística' that is made up of grammatical descriptions ('artes'), dictionaries ('vocabularios') and text collections ('doctrinas') --even though the latter were translation-based renderings of Catholic texts rather than autochthonous narratives --in 16th century language descriptions from New Spain. (Smith-Stark himself points out the parallel with the Boasian trilogy (2009: 471)). Note that the pieces of the trilogy were produced at different times and by different authors, although crossreferences make clear that they were materials that built on each other, and it is therefore possible that the doctrinal texts served as the corpus for the grammar. From the second half of the 17th centuty, we find all three parts of the trilogy published together in one volume (Otto Zwartjes, pc. May 2019).

  One other related study I have carried out is looking at field manuals and what methods they promote for structuring grammars. Lahaussois (2019a) considers a number of field guides to determine what use they make of the parts of speech as a tool for investigation or method for organizing the resulting analysis. The various field guides under study in fact group into two (sometimes overlapping) types: manuals aimed at data collection[START_REF] Samarin | Field Linguistics: A Guide to Linguistic Field Work[END_REF] Bouquiaux & Thomas 1976a; Bouquiaux & Thomas 1976b; Bouquiaux & Thomas96 One second-year master's student I supervized wrote a thesis ('Une étude de grammaticographie-Influences exercées par le métier des auteurs et le temps dans les grammaires mongoles', submitted by Mina Yi in 2019) on the different models found in grammars of Mongolian from 1845 to now. She was particularly interested in how grammarians would organize a discussion of evidentiality in grammars written before the invention of the category. Even though nothing earth-shattering emerged from her study, it became clear that having students carefully read and compare grammars in terms of their structures (comparing the actual textual content only for specific topics) can be a very useful way to have them learn about the history of categorization and the development of terminology.

  a) It is unclear to what extent changes found in glossing are linear: in many cases, no clear dates can be identified because changes occur at a micro-level, and are not picked up by the larger community. These micro-levels can be individual authors, or traditions that become established within linguistic areas at a given point in time. There is always a period of ebb and flow before a new practice is embraced by the community at large, and this makes it difficult to pinpoint periods of transition, or individual texts or authors who are responsible for a change, with any precision.

  Figure 21 below is taken from a note following the 1857 Journal of the Asiatic Society article by Hodgson describing the languages Vayu and Bahing:

Figure 21 .

 21 Figure 21. Notice inserted between Table of contents and page 1 of the 1857 issue of the JASB

  work. Trends are only visible with some perspective, and it is only recently that it has become clear to what extent the Leipzig Glossing Rules have been adopted, at least within the fields of typology and language description/documentation: linguistics journals regularly make mention of them when referring to the preparation of examples for the submission of manuscripts.98 In order to render the volume of data manageable, the studies on the evolution of glossing I have carried out have been delimited geographically, focusing on descriptions of Tibeto-Burman languages of Nepal and Algonquian languages, occasionally extending to other languages within the language area of the two groups.The time period covered by the studies has quite simply been determined by the available materials. For Kiranti languages, as well as other Tibeto-Burman languages of Nepal, the earliest grammatical descriptions in English 99 date back to the 1850's, in the form of Hodgson's work on Vayu and Bahing published in articles of the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal from 1857 and 1858. Even though descriptive work on Algonquian languages goes considerably further back in time (the first Algonquian grammar being Eliot (1666)), I have limited my Algonquian corpus so that it matches the Nepal corpus temporally.The choice of languages was determined by interest and familiarity, on the one hand, and morphology, on the other. Because studying glosses is somewhat painstaking work, and involves trying to second-guess the linguist's annotation decisions, it is useful to have some familiarity with the languages in the corpus. I hope the first section of this document will have98 A few examples--of the many--are listed here (bolding of 'Leipzig Glossing Rules" is mine):From Studies in Language (Brill) Guidelines for contributors: "Examples should have numbers in parentheses, and these parenthesized numbers should be used for references in the body of the text. Examples should be glossed following the Leipzig Glossing Rules."From Instructions for authors for Linguistics (DeGruyter): "Authors are advised to adhere as closely as possible to the De Gruyter Mouton journal style sheet, especially regarding the form of Figures, Tables, Citations, and the References. For Examples, authors should attempt to follow the Leipzig Glossing Rules."

  101 http://lacito.vjf.cnrs.fr/pangloss/index_en.html 102 See http://emeld.org/school/classroom/text/levels.html for discussion of recommendations for different tiers of interlinear glossed text.

Figure 25 .Figure 26 .

 2526 Figure 25. Analytical grid for tracking evolution of annotation practicesWith respect to the potential for such a grid to reveal anything concrete about changes in glossing practices, consider the simplified, 109 completed grid in Figure26below. The grid shows the features of both the 1897 Specimens volume (left-hand column) and the LSI (righthand column) for the same languages. For ease of reading, the Specimens features are marked in parentheses. Using the grid, we can thus track the changes to various aspects of annotation across the two volumes, and come to some conclusions about annotation practices in the LSI.

  a) Collection of narratives in Koyi, Khaling, Thulung, with full annotation using Toolbox; b) Identification of stories that are the same across the languages; c1) Pairwise comparison of versions of the same story, identifying sentences describing same narrative content [this was the initial procedure, later changed to c2]; c2) Identification, on the basis of all the versions collected, of the key events making up each matrix story; d) Identification of the sentences in each individual version of the story with key events of the matrix story.The mapping of individual sentences of each version with key events constituted the alignment of the stories. An engineer on the project, Séverine Guillaume, then developed an interface for the visualization of these alignments and of a concordancer with which to search the resulting corpus.The Comparable Corpus is made up of two types of files. These are Annotation files, of which there is one per version of each story. The information contained in these files includes the transcription, glossing and translation of the individual sentence, word, and morpheme units that make up the text[START_REF] Jacobson | Linguistic documents synchronizing sound and text[END_REF][START_REF] Thieberger | Sharing data in small and endangered languages[END_REF].

Figure 27 .

 27 Figure 27. Table of similarities: shows which sentence units in each version of a story correspond to eventsThe table of similarities for each story (which contains all of the alignments, even though the screenshot in Figure27only shows the alignment of three versions) is one of the tools used to build the comparable corpus, and is part of the back-office, and is not intended as the means of searching the corpus. Instead, a number of tools are proposed for selecting, viewing and analyzing the data.Corpus selection: The corpus is currently made up of five proto-stories, with up to six versions of each. The versions are identified by language --Khaling, Koyi and Thulung (either Mukli or Deusa dialect) --and by speaker, with twelve different speakers having contributed to the corpus. Because of the corpus design, only versions of a same story are aligned. Users can therefore only select a single story to view at any one time, with a choice of versions (ranging from a minimum of two to the maximum number of versions available, which is six, for the Orphans story), using the corpus selection interface, shown in Figure28below. This action yields a sub-corpus; All that follows refers to what can be done with that sub-corpus.

Figure 28 .

 28 Figure 28. Partial view of corpus selection interface (http://himalco.huma-num.fr/corpus/comparable/selection.php)

Figure 29 .

 29 Figure 29. Integral text view for 3 versions of the Ur-Mother story Notice that in the screenshot in Figure 29, the Thulung version of the story begins with what has been identified as Event 10, which corresponds to Sentence 5 in the Koyi version (itself following Event 5), while in the Khaling version of the story, Event 1 comes considerably later. The arrangement into columns makes it possible for the viewer to scroll down through each story and get a visual sense of which parts are similar, and where they are to be found. The Similarity View pops up when one selects one of the color-coded similarities in the Integral Text View. The Similarity View for Event 5 (corresponding to the purple-colored event in Figure 29) is shown in Figure 30 below.

Figure 30 .

 30 Figure 30. Screenshot of Similarity View for Event 5 of the Ur-mother story

  different names in different versions of the story: Khaling Grômme and Lasme are Thulung Dzau and Khleu, a scenario we would label as having shared lexical content (Type b), as a database of lexical correspondences could be set up which would enable automatization of alignment. Type a similarities, on the other hand, are unlikely to be automatically alignable because they do not involve any lexical correspondences. Type c are those similarities which, in addition to shared narrative function and content, have shared morphosyntactic constructions, and are the ones which are of real interest for linguistic comparison.A final tool available for corpus users is the concordancer: it runs concordances on the selected sub-corpus, and can search for elements in the text transcription and glossing tiers. In essence, it functions as a trilingual glossary, insofar as a search for a lexical item (in English, via its gloss) yields results in the three languages of the corpus. It is also useful for identifying inconsistencies of glossing or of transcription (depending on how one runs the search).The Kiranti Comparable Corpus was one of the products of an ANR project(2013- 2016), coordinated by Guillaume Jacques, and involving myself and Alexis Michaud as PIs and Séverine Guillaume and a hired engineer as support staff. The following issues are what, from a distance of 3 years, I now see as missed opportunities and methodological flaws in the corpus we have built (which may yet be corrected): comparability of data and size of corpus. a) Comparability of data: the sentences that participate in a similarity are difficult to compare from a linguistic perspective, even when they are presented in interlinearized form.Aligned sentences are viewed in Similarity view, such as in Figure30above. While removing the sentences from their narrative context favors an examination of their linguistic content, the way in which the different versions are displayed does not facilitate their comparison or the identification of what they might share (beyond the obvious, which is that they are both considered to be descriptions of the same Event).One way to improve this would be to have the similarities coded to indicate what kind of similarity is at play (recall that the types were the following: shared narrative function; shared narrative content; shared morphosyntactic content). Ideally the type of similarity would be identifiable directly from the Integral Text View mode, so that a linguist interested mostly in morphosyntactic comparison might not have to look through all Similarities to find those relevant to him/her.One recent partial improvement made to the visualization mode is the highlighting of the search term resulting from a concordance within the glosses in the Similarity view. An example is provided in Figure31below for ideophones. As mentioned earlier (see 2.2.1.2),

Figure 31 .

 31 Figure 31. Similarity view based on concordance, highlighting the search term in the glosses

  held in Paris in November 2017. The volume, entitled Methodological Tools for Linguistic Description and Typology, 118 showcased a number of inventive Questionnaires, in addition to an introductory article by Birgit Hellwig on "Language diversity, language documentation and psycholinguistics: the role of stimuli" (Hellwig 2019). The Questionnaires discussed covered the vast methodological and topical range from Paperno & Ryzhova (2019)'s "Automatic construction of lexical typological Questionnaires" to François (2019)'s "Proposal for conversational questionnaires", which describes a Questionnaire for eliciting chunks of dialogue, which can quickly be built up into a conversational parallel corpus, via Lovick & Tuttle (2019)'s "Video elicitation of negative directives in Alaskan Dene languages: reflections on methodology", in which the authors describe using videos showing the violation of social norms which they assembled specifically for the collection of negative imperatives and which additionally yielded a number of off-record responses, including a number of unusual linguistic structures. While the Fédération TUL has unfortunately been closed, the TULQuest project continues, with the addition of new Questionnaires as they are sent in, and the development of a document describing best practices for Questionnaire use and design (with the core group of "TULQuesters", namely Sylvain Loiseau, Claire Moyse, Stéphane Robert, Alice Vittrant, Sylvie Voisin, and Marine Vuillermet).

  Figure 32. Lexical entries for the verbs 'sleep' and 'fall asleep', with the 1SG present form in parentheses for the second line; (Toba & Toba 2016)

Figure 33 .

 33 Figure 33. Sample entry from Khaling verb dictionary Additionally, the entry is accompanied by a number referring to the relevant verb paradigm (transcribed into both devanagari and IPA). An introduction explains how to use the different verb forms provided and paradigms.

Figure 34 .

 34 Figure 34. 1SG>2 section of the devanagari-transcribed paradigm for rê:nɛ (paradigm 44), used as the sample paradigm for bê:nɛ, showing the case-marked pronouns 'describing' the scenarios 1SG.ERG 2SG; 1SG.ERG 2DU; 1SG.ERG 2PL The IPA-transcribed paradigm (158) accompanying the entry for bê:nɛ is shown in Figure 35, and is laid out in a 'list-style' format (see section 3.1.2 above), the indications of the person/number/clusivity combinations in the various scenarios being presented in a more technical form than in the devanagari version of the paradigm. The combination of the two paradigms makes the verbal data available to both a Khaling audience and to Western scholars.

Figure 35 .

 35 Figure 35. List-style paradigm, transcribed in IPA

  description of Thulung data (in the vein in if Bickel and associates, who manage to do this very well for Chintang; seeMansfield, Stoll & Bickel (in press) as an example). The rich environment at Université de Paris (thanks to the presence of O.Bonami, B. Fradin, B. Crysmann, and a slew of invited professors), and in the EFL Labex projects (specifically Axe 3's OR "Typology of inflectional systems with non-canonical inflection" led by E. Palancar and S. Fedden) in this respect make Paris a remarkable place in which to gain exposure to current morphological theory. Instead of presenting the data herein within the framework of theoretically informed morphology, I have, as a first step, taken this opportunity to describe my Thulung data in a way that is relevant to morphologists. I have attempted to present data (especially on verb roots and stem alternations, on indexes, and on derivational morphology, including multiple exponence) in a way that I hope makes it possible to begin a dialog with these actors, and to bring the rich verbal morphology of Thulung into the limelight.

Table 1 .

 1 Initial consonants in Thulung

Table 2 .

 2 Vowels in Thulung

Table 3 .

 3 Personal pronouns of Thulung (post-2000)

Table 4 .

 4 Possessive pronouns (prefixal and free)

Table 5 .

 5 Nominalized deictic adverbs in Thulung

Table 6 .

 6 Case markers in Thulung

Table 7 .

 7 Relativization strategies for the role of head nouns

Table 8 .

 8 The verb classes of thulung, with root final and alternating stem types

Table 9 .

 9 Paradigm for a verb with no stem alternation Table10. V-class verbs bomu 'do' and bumu 'be'

Table 11 .

 11 Stem distribution patterns for transitive (left) and intransitive (right) k-class verbsTable 12. Stem distribution patterns for transitive (left) and intransitive (right) p-class verbs Table 13. Stem distribution patterns for transitive (left) and intransitive (right) t-class verbs Table 14. Stem distribution patterns for transitive (left) and intransitive (right) n-class verbs

Table 15

 15

. Stem distribution patterns for transitive (left) and intransitive (right) s-class verbs

Table 16. Paradigm for banmu~ba:mu, with variants Table 17. Transitive verb tse:mu, 'pick through' Table 18. Transitive verb sjaŋmu, 'clean house' Table 19. Paradigm for lɅ:mu, take away Table 20. Allomorphs, functions and source verbs for derivational formatives Table 21. Allomorphs of the durative marker Table 22. Associated motion markers in Khaling Table 23. Thulung motion verbs Table 24. Thulung Aktionsart markers Table 25. Khaling Aktionsart markers Table 26. Intransitive paradigm Table 27. Transitive paradigm: non-past indexes (all suffixal) Table 28. Transitive paradigm: past indexes

Table 29 .

 29 Breakdown of past indexes

Table 30 .

 30 Allomorphs of 1sg>3 according to verb class

Table 31 .

 31 Allomorphy for 1pi and 3sg non-past indexes according to verb class

Table 32 .

 32 Phonologically-conditioned allomorphs

Table 33 .

 33 Features of markers within non-past indexes

Table 34 .

 34 Analysis of the order of exponents in non-past transitive indexes

Table 35 .

 35 Local and mixed indexation (singular, non-past) in Thulung

Table 36 .

 36 Features (in the order in which they appear) in the local indexes

Table 37 .

 37 Contrastive paradigms

Table 38 .

 38 Non-past and past affirmative and negative verb forms in Khaling

Table 39 .

 39 Koyi affirmative and negative non-past and past forms for verb mumu 'do'

Table 1

 1

	2.1.2.1 Phonology
	2.1.2.1.1 Phoneme inventory
	Initial consonants found in native Thulung words are the following.
	p	t		ts	k	[ʔ] 7
	ph 8	th		tsh	kh
	b	d	ɖ 9	dz	g
	bh	dh		dzh	gh
	m	n			ŋ
		s				h
		l	r
	w			j
		i	ʉ		u
		e	ɵ		o
			ʌ
			a
			Table 2. Vowels in Thulung
	7

. Initial consonants in Thulung

Final consonants are more limited (because, in part, of devoicing), and are the following: p ʈ k m n ŋ l r s.

Thulung vowels are the following 10 .

Table 3

 3

. Personal pronouns of

Thulung (post-2000)

Table 4

 4

. Possessive pronouns (prefixal and free)

Table 5

 5

	elevation	unspecified high	low	same-level
	proximal	o-ra-m	ha-la-m	hu-ju-m	hu-nu-m/hu-no-m
	distal	me-ra-m	me-la-m	me-ju-m	me-nu-m/me-no-m

, to yield 'the place/the one characterized by the corresponding adverb', as in (6).

Table 5 .

 5 Nominalized deictic adverbs in Thulung

	(6)	meno-m	meno-laŋka	rʌksi khen-mi-m
		over.there-NMLZ	over.there-ABL	raksi bring.up-3PL>3SG-NMLZ
		dʉm
		become.3SG

  mentions that Hodgson reported Thulung classifiers for

	round objects (-bop), elongated object (-sɵl) and flat objects (-phe). 13 Example (7) illustrates
	the three common numerals, combined with the generic classifier -le.
	(7)	dilimduŋ-kam		su:-le		tsɵttsɵ-mim ba-mri	ʔe
		Dilimdung-GEN	three-CL	child-PLU	be-3PL.PST	HS
		nwa:-le	dzaumo	ko:-le tarapa
		two-CL	daughter	one-CL	son
	(8)	ŋado-m	dewa si:-ra-m-ka	delpa-ka	koŋmi dewa
		early-NMLZ priest die-3SG.PST-NMLZ-ERG	villager-ERG other priest
		thuʈ-miri
		elect-3PL>3SG.PST

'Dilimdung had three children: two daughters and one son'

2.1.2.2.5 Adjectives and adverbs

Most adjectives are deverbal, based on productive derivation from Thulung verbs with the active participial marker -pa. Exceptionally (as with dzɵpa, 'good') no source verb can be found for the derivation. There is additionally a very small class of lexical adjectives which is not derived in this way, such as ɖokpu, 'big' and jakke, 'small'.

Another means of creating adjectives is to derive them from the language's very limited set of adverbs (dala, 'fast', wakha, 'slow', malo, 'recently', ŋado, 'early') through nominalization, as in (8).

'Because the former priest died, the villagers elected another.'

Table 6 .

 6 Case markers in Thulung

14

The color terms are the following: lalam, red, gigim green, kekem black, ʔoʔom yellow bubum, white, nunum blue.

15 go ba:so dzam pe-uto-m-ka homlo nɵpa bu-ŋu, 1SG leftover rice eat-1SG>3SG.PST-NMLZ-ERG now ill be-1SG, 'Because I ate old rice, I am now sick.' 16 ghrenem thep-ɖa lʌs-ta-m bu, nettle pick-PURP go-3SG.PST-NMLZ be, 'He has gone to pick nettle.'

17 In this section, the examples of different types of basic verb frames are glossed with -ø for the unmarked nominative; in the rest of this document (as in the data I have archived in the Pangloss collection), I do not gloss the nominative case.

43) he:sakamur mi-nem-ŋu tʌ how smell NEG-give.off.smell-1SG indeed

	'How do I not smell?' [in story where ogre confronts a human about her human smell]
	(44) del	lʌ:-ni re	mi-lʌ:ni	re	ʌthʌtse
	village go-2PL FOC NEG-go-2PL FOC this.year
	'Will you go to the village or not this year?'
	(45) go	ne	ʌbʌ iki-ɖʉmla	ridʉm	mi-theʈ-pu
	1SG TOP now 1PI.POSS-culture	tradition	NEG-know-1SG>3SG me-
	tsʌk-pu
	NEG-be.able-1SG>3SG
	'I don't know our culture and traditions, I can't do them.'
	In certain scenarios (negative past forms; counterfactuals), the negative prefix
	cooccurs with the irrealis marker. This is discussed in section 2.2.3.4.2 below.
	Negative imperative forms also use the same prefix, as in (46).
	(46) u-lwak				khrap-ɖa-lo	wa:-ka
	3SG.POSS-younger.sibling	cry-3SG.PST-TEMP	older.sibling-ERG
	rwak-ta	ʔe	mi-khrap-ɖa
	say-3SG.PST HS

NEG-cry-2SG.IMP

pick.up-3SG>3SG.PST CONJ thoŋ-koʈ-ɖʉ ʔe

		Associated with a single verb: set collocations of IDEO + V DIST.DEM louse crush-3DU>3SG.PST
		Cannot occur with negated verbs 'When [the louse] bit, they crushed that louse.'
		Meaning always +/-'suddenly', 'forcefully'
	Type C	No derivation possible
		No obvious lexical sources C1V1C2V1C2V1(C2V1)....
		Involves partial reduplication (and can be lenghtened for dramatic effect)
	(47) hu-bʌk-ta Can take derivational suffix -maksi (>ADV) tsʌŋ-laŋka lʌs-ta	hu-bʌk-ta	ma
		IDEO-rise-3SG.PST Have specific meanings back-ABL	go-3SG.PST	IDEO-rise-3SG.PST	CONJ
		me	thʌ:sa-ku	thʌŋki dzhoŋ-kos-tʉ	ma
	DIST.DEM Ideophones of type C are often very close to Nepali ideophones of the same shape; see Dahal pine-GEN resin IDEO-u-bui-ɖʌ:la (1999) for some examples. 30
		IDEO-pour-3SG>3SG.PST	HS	3SG.POSS-head-above
	'He suddenly got up, he went from her backside and got up suddenly, and picked up (50) u-sem ne tɵlɵlɵlɵlɵ thʉs-tʉ
		the pine resin suddenly, and poured it suddenly on the top of her head.' 3SG.POSS-hair TOP so.long pull-3SG>3SG.PST
		'He pulled his hair
	Type B
		CV1-CV1 ; CV1CV1-CV1CV1
		Involves total reduplication, of either a single syllable or two syllables
		Can take derivational suffix -ja (>ADV) or -m (>NMLZ)
		Have specific meanings
		(Color terms are of this type)
	(48) khurukhuru mi-dzɵpa	lapdi mi-lʌk-tsi	dzɵpa lapdi
		continuously NEG-good	road NEG-go-2DU good road
		lʌk-tsi	khrekhre-ja be-pa	lapdi mi-lʌk-tsi	plʌplʌ-ja
		go-2DU	bumpy-ADV do-ACT.PTCP road NEG-go-2DU smooth-ADV
		be-pa	lapdi lʌk-tsi
		do-ACT.PTCP road go-2DU
		'Do not go continuously on the bad road, go on the good road, do not go on the
		bumpy road, go on the smooth road.'
	(49) tsiri-maksi		khreʈ-ɖʉ-lo	ne	mertsip-ka
		biting.by.small.insect-ADV bite-3SG>3SG.PST-SEQ	TOP	3DU-ERG
		CV, CVŋ, CVp, CVr ,CVCV me se:r tsʉm-tsi

so, so long.'

IDEO-throw.down-3SG>3SG.PST

		Type B and C ideophones, which contribute distinct semantics (and
	are thus given lexical glosses).
	This semantic particularity can be combined with the fact that, as far as my corpus
	allows me to determine, the ideophone-verb pairs are fixed collocations, with a single
	ideophone used with a single verb. My considerably larger ideophone corpus in Khaling
	revealed that while this was a strong tendency, there were sometimes exceptions: labile verbs
	and verbs related through productive derivation generally share ideophones (such as phlotso
	lɛinɛ/lɛ̂nnɛ 'emerge suddenly/take out suddenly'; pak thoɔ̂mnɛ/thoɔ̂msinɛ 'beat forcefully/bump
	into something forcefully'); homophonous verbs share ideophones in about 50% of cases (such
	as wî: sʌ̂nnɛ 'cover quickly/pull grain off stalks suddenly'; piti khlɛ̂nnɛ 'burn suddenly/misstep
	suddenly'); occasionally verbs with similar or connected semantics combine with the same
	ideophones (soro hoɔ̂mnɛ 'slurp quickly'; soro phʌ̂mnɛ 'drink up quickly'). It remains to be seen
	what the distribution of Type A ideophones is in Thulung with respect to forming consistent
	collocations with single verbs.
	In (51), I provide a final example, which includes two ideophones of Type A:
	(51) u-khel	phuttai	tsha-ghrok-tʉ	ni	tʌ	ʌni
	3SG.POSS-leg suddenly	IDEO-throw-3SG>3SG.PST	AT	EMPH 31 and
	pakha-nu	lep-bok-tʉ
	outside-LEV.LOC
	'He threw his leg suddenly, he threw it down suddenly outside.' [after being bitten by a
	fish when dangling his leg in the river]

Table 10

 10

		NPST	PST		NPST	PST
	1SG>3SG	gwak-pu	gwak-to	1SG	bi-ŋu	bi-ŋro
	1DI>3SG	gwa:-tsi	gwak-tsi	1DI	bi-tsi	bik-tsi
	1PI>3SG	gwak-i	gwak-ti	1PI	bik-i	bik-ti
	1DE>3SG	gwa:-tsuku	gwak-tsoko	1DE	bi-tsuku	bik-tsoko
	1PE>3SG	gwa:-ku	gwak-toko	1PE	bi-ku	bik-toko
	2SG>3SG	gwa:-na	gwak-na	2SG	bi-na	bik-na
	2DU>3SG	gwa:-tsi	gwak-tsi	2DU	bi-tsi	bik-tsi

. V-class verbs bomu 'do' and bumu 'be'

Verbs with a Cf of k follow the patterns in Table

11

for transitive gwa:mu 'give' (lefthand side) and intransitive bimu 'come' (right-hand side).

Table 11 .

 11 Stem distribution patterns for transitive (left) and intransitive (right) k-class verbs Verbs with a Cf of p follow the patterns in Table12for transitive remmu 'see' (lefthand side) and intransitive khrammu cry (right-hand side).

Table 14 .

 14 Stem distribution patterns for transitive (left) and intransitive (right) ŋ-class verbs Verbs with a Cf of s follow the patterns in Table15for transitive lwa:mu, 'see' (left-

		NPST	PST		NPST	PST
	1SG>3SG	ɖo:-u	ɖo:-uto	1SG	swa-ŋu	swa-ŋro
	1DI>3SG	ɖo:-tsi	ɖo-ttsi	1DI	swa:-tsi	swa-ttsi
	1PI>3SG	ɖoŋ-i	ɖoŋ-ri	1PI	swaŋ-i	swaŋ-ɖi
	1DE>3SG	ɖo:-tsuku	ɖo-ttsoko	1DE	swa:-tsuku	swa-ttsoko

Table 14 for transitive ɖo:mu, 'pound rice'

(left-hand side) and intransitive swa:mu 'flee' (right-hand side).

hand side) and intransitive semu 'fart' (right-hand side).

Table 15

 15

. Stem distribution patterns for transitive (left) and intransitive (right) s-class verbs

It is noteworthy that the existence of a s-class of verbs is a matter of debate in various Kiranti languages (see, eg., Jacques (2017)). The s-class is different from other verb classes,

Table 16

 16 Table16, for which forms have variants reflecting the stems of t-class (non-past 1PI, 3SG and all past forms), V-class (all non-past forms except for 1PI and 3SG) and n-class verbs (all left-most forms in both non-past and past).

		NPST	PST
	1SG>3SG ba:pu~banpu	baʈto~banto
	1PI>3SG	ba:ɖi~banɖi	baʈɖi~banɖi
	1PE>3SG	ba:ku~banku	baʈtoko~bantoko
	2SG>3SG ba:na~banna	baʈna~banna
	2DU>3SG ba:tsi~bantsi	baʈtsi~bantsi
	2PL>3SG	ba:ni~banni	baʈni~banni
	3SG>3SG ba:ɖʉ~banɖʉ	baʈɖʉ~banɖʉ
	3PL>3SG	ba:mi~banmi	baʈmiri~banmiri

. Paradigm for banmu~ba:mu, with variants

Table 17 .

 17 Table 17 43 . Transitive verb tse:mu, 'pick through' One diachronic explanation, which Michailovsky proposes to explain some of the patterns of stem distribution for Dumi (Michailovsky 2012), is that the stems in Table 17 reflect a dental

	NPST	PST
	1SG>3SG tse:-pu tseʈ-to
	1PI>3SG tser-i	tseʈ-ɖi

post-final suffix, a reflex of a no-longer productive causativizing (but labeled 'directive' by

Michailovsky, following Wolfenden (1929)

) derivational affix

[START_REF] Michailovsky | Notes on the Kiranti Verb <East Nepal>[END_REF][START_REF] Michailovsky | Tibeto-Burman dental suffixes: evidence from Limbu (Nepal)[END_REF][START_REF] Michailovsky | Internal reconstruction of the Dumi verb: lexical bases and stem formation[END_REF]

. The existence of two different types of verbs, on the one hand with a Cf of -t (in other words, CVt, like senmu) and on the other hand with a

;

  Michailovsky 2012): his "general theory of the structure of the Kiranti verb" (2012: 85) posits the basic verb structure CVCf (the Cf of the root can be p, t, k, m, n, ŋ, r, l and in some languages, s), as seen in 2.2.2.1 above, to which are optionally suffixed post-finals -t or -s. While scholars have long been aware of the importance of two no-longer productive causative suffixes *-t and

*-s in shaping pairs of verbs 44

[START_REF] Wolfenden | Outlines of Tibeto-Burman Linguistic Morphology, with special reference to the Prefixes, Infixes and Suffixes of Classical Tibetan and the Languages of the Kachin, Bodo, Naga, Kuki-Chin and Burma Groups[END_REF] Benedict 1972: 97 ff;[START_REF] Sprigg | The Limbu s-final and t-final verb roots, after Michailovsky 1979 and Weidert[END_REF][START_REF] Driem | Reflexes of the Tibeto-Burman *-t directive suffix in Dumi Rai[END_REF]

), Michailovsky's work showed that the post-final suffixes can account for verb stem distributions in some Kiranti languages, making it possible to explain the existence of different stem distribution patterns between verbs that ostensibly have the same Cf.

45

In Khaling, for example, verbs of root types CVp, CVpt, CVt, CVtt, CVk, CVkt, CVm, CVmt, CVn, CVnt, CVŋ, CVŋt, CVr, CVrt, CVl, CVlt have been posited

[START_REF] Jacques | An Overview of Khaling Verbal Morphology[END_REF]

Table 32

 32

below). We thus have rep-ɖi 'see-1PI>3SG.NPST' but gwak-i 'give-1PI>3SG.NPST'.

  action taking in anticipation of another action), then by the appropriate indexation marker (as well as by a nominalizer and a copula, as this is how one expresses perfect

	Example (52) illustrates a complex predicate involving two verbs: aspect).
	(52) meʔema:la (55) mettha gu	go ʌmkhop-ra a-phjaphjaksa-ka tsʌi ko:-le bom	phjak-seʈ-pu
	otherwise there 3SG bed-LOC 1SG 1SG.POSS-bow.arrow-INSTR snap.in.two-kill-1SG>3SG CONTR one-CL gourd
	[Mini told his mother: Be angry with him, tell him to hold still] 'Otherwise, I will tsar-dzɵl-lʉ-m ba-ira ʔe
	snap and kill him with my bow and arrow.' throw-ANTIC-3SG>3SG.PST-NMLZ be-3SG.PST
	In (52), both verbs also occur as independent lexical items, and the interpretation of the
	(53) me	hunuk-thɵ	gai-kam	gonu huŋ-ɖa	ʌms-ta
	DIST.DEM	there-near	cow-GEN	inside enter-3SG.PST sleep-3SG.PST
	This suggests a certain amount of morphological flexibility in assembling verbs, as both (52)
	and (54) make use of the same lexical verbs, but combine them differently:
	51) bo:bop-ka (54) ko:lem	wo gupsʉ-ka thama ne u-mam-kam memsaka	na:le samrip phjas-tʉ
	owl-ERG one.day	also later TOP like.that tiger-ERG 3SG.POSS-mother-GEN throat snap.in.two-3SG>3SG.PST N.taunt
	me-ɖaʈ-ŋi ma seʈ-ɖʉ		rwak-ta ʔe
	NEG-V.taunt-2SG>1SG CONJ kill-3SG>3SG.PST	say-3SG.PST

47

As a reminder, the relevant part of the template for sections 2.2.3.1 and 2.2.3.2 concerns the slots for: root-[partial person index]-derivational formative-indexation marker 'The owl also later said "Do not taunt me like that".' compound verb is the sum of the two verbs that make it up, in essence functioning as a serial verb construction. The difference from a serial verb construction is that there is a single indexation marker on the compound verb: arguments are indexed only once, suffixally, and not on both verbs independently.

Verbs in parataxis, without any conjoining material, also exist, as in (

53

), but this situation is rare, and the prosody marks these as distinct clauses.

'He went in with the cows and slept.' It is more common, in cases of parataxis, to have to fully finite verbs conjoined with ma, as in (54), a sentence taken from the same story as (52), and occurring 11 sentences [1min18] later. HS 'One day, the tiger snapped his mother's throat and killed her.'

Returning to the question of predicate derivations, an example is shown in (55) below: the root tsar is followed by a formative glossed 'ANTIC' (for 'anticipatory', as it conveys the semantics of an HS 'He had thrown a gourd down onto his bed.'

Table 20 .

 20 Allomorphs, functions and source verbs for derivational formativesThe paradigm for durative thʌʈ-is shown in Table21. The formative thʌʈ-mostly patterns like a t-class verb, with occasional forms that resemble those of a k-class verb. These patterns are not phonologically conditioned.

	derivational	label/gloss	function(s)	lexical source
	suffix (+
	allomorphs)
	-bal	ambulative/AMB	associated motion/orientation;	balmu, wind
			spatially distributed action	around (vt)
	-beʈ, -ben, -be,	causative/CAUS	valence-increase, by one	benmu, transitive
	-bek		agentive argument	auxiliary
	-siʈ, -sin, -si, -	reflexive/REFL	valence-decrease	(no identifiable
	sik			source)
	-saʈ, -san, -sa, -	applicative/APPL	valence-increase, by one	(no identifiable
	sak		patientive argument	source)
	-thʌʈ, -thʌn, -	durative/DUR	expresses fact that action lasts	(no identifiable
	thʌ, -thʌk		in time	source)
	-soʈ, -son, -so,	irreversible/IRREV focuses on irreversability of an	(no identifiable
	-sok		action, often accompanied by	source)
			the disappearance of the patient
			argument
	-leʈ, -len, -le, -	liminal/LIM	focuses on start or finish of	lenmu,
	lek		action	intransitive
				auxiliary

The remaining six formatives have allomorphs ending in -ʈ, -n, -k and V, resembling the stems of both k-class and t-class verbs combined.

Table 21 .

 21 Allomorphs of the durative marker

  Valence changes through suffixation of the relevant formative are an extremely productive process, and include causativization, applicativization and reflexivization.

	DIST.DEM 2.2.3.2.4 Valence changes forest-LOC (83) tsɵttsɵ-ka sʌŋ u:ma	go-SIM.CVB go-SIM.CVB water meet-3SG>3SG.PST mam-lai khʌl-saʈ-ɖʉ
	'Going and going through the forest, he found water.' child-ERG wood 3SG.POSS mother-DAT fetch-APPL-3SG>3SG.PST
	'The child fetched wood for his mother.'
	(78) hano	hano		babante	lʌk-saka	ro-mi	ʔe
	hereabouts 2.2.3.2.4.1 Causativization hereabouts (84) lu mima: go i-se:r everywhere go-ANT.CVB come-3PL se-n-sa-ni	HS
	'Having gone to many different places, they come.' Causative verbs can be derived by suffixation of -beʈ (and allomorphs) from both intransitive hey grandmother.VOC 1SG 2SG.POSS-louse kill-1SG>2PL-APPL-1SG>2PL
	(81) and transitive (82) input scenarios, adding an agent-like argument to both. The new hʌi rwak-ta retsʌ ʔe
	(79) dui argument is marked as any A in Thulung: it takes ergative marking if 2PL, 3rd person or other tin mʌina dʉs-ta ʌsinɖa ro-ŋro ma ba-ŋro EMPH say-3SG.PST it.seems HS
	two three month be.3SG.PST nominals, and is unmarked elsewhere. The original S from the underived intransitive scenario here come-1SG.PST CONJ stay-1SG.PST 'Then he said "Hey, grandmother, I will kill your lice for you".'
	'It's been two or three months since I came here and stayed.' takes primary object marking if human (or salient animate protagonist), and is unmarked
	elsewhere (eg. the ku immediately preceding the causativized verb in (81)). The A from the (85) hopmam mʉtsʉ-num hawo bia
	(80) me corresponding underived scenario takes primary object marking -lai, if present in the derived sɵkhli bʉ:-rʉ ma dɵr kur-rʉ like.this man-COM why marriage
	that scenario (u-bʌini in (82)). hunting be-n-saʈ-ni-m	do-3SG>3SG.PST	CONJ deer carry-3SG>3SG.PST
	ma do-2PL>3SG-APPL-2PL>3SG.PST-NMLZ bik-ta
	(81) gani bi-m	basta ku-ku	mam	phiʈ-ni
	2PL	come-INF	DEON water-GEN	mother	bring-2PL>3SG
	aki-del-ra	ku	pun-beʈ-ni
	1PI.POSS-village-LOC water spring.out-CAUS-2PL>3SG
	'You must come, bring the sources of the water, and make the water spring forth in
	our village.'
	(82) thama u-bʌini-lai		sɵbem tsa-ben-mu-lai
	later 3SG.POSS-sister-DAT bread cook-CAUS-INF-PURP
	mu	hon-ber-ʉ
	fire	translocative light-CAUS-3SG>3SG.PST	cislocative
	lʌ:mu, go 'Later she made his sister light the fire to cook the bread.' romu, come (unspecified elev.)
					genmu, come up
	2.2.3.2.4.2 Applicativization			bimu, come across
	jomu, come down Applicative derivations add an additional object argument to a predicate. The extra argument
	lʌ:mu, take away can be encoded with the primary object marker -lai (83); via a possessive construction, as in renmu, bring here (unspecified elev.)
	77) me (84); or it can be marked solely through indexation on the verb (as in (85)). The additional sɵpdi-ra lʌk-to lʌk-to ku ɖar-rʉ khenmu, bring up
	phinmu, bring across argument is indexed in the P slot of the inflectional marking.
					sɵnmu, bring down
			Table 23. Thulung motion verbs

CONJ come-3SG.PST 'He hunted and carried the deer and came.' While Khaling AM markers show a with a three-way verticality distinction in cislocative verbs (upward, level, downward, as opposed to unspecified verticality), the single AM marker in Thulung does not express verticality. Verticality is nonetheless present in other domains, with the same 3-way contrast which can be expressed in motion verbs, case-markers (as seen in the section on Case markers above), and adverbs (which can in turn be nominalized and used adjectivally, as seen in Table

5

):

'Why did you have her marry a man like this?' 2.

2.3.2.4.3 Reflexivization (and related functions)

  of telicity, inchoative, completive, durative, progressive, continuative, habitual (none of which labels are usually accompanied by an explanation). This makes it difficult, on the basis of labels, explanations and examples provided, to reasonably contrast grammaticalization paths across different, even closely related, languages. Further complicating analysis and comparison is the fact that in some languages, the formatives are He drank it and left' or 'He drank it all up.' Thulung Aktionsart markers are grouped into two types: those that reduce the telicity of verbs, and those which add telicity to verbs. Of the markers in Table24below (which is a subset of the material in Table

	polysemous, such as Khaling -khot (and allomorphs) which can be used to indicate associated
	motion (subsequent translocative motion) or telicity. This polysemy is illustrated in (96):
	(96) tʉ̂ŋ-kʰʌ-tɛ
	drink-DO&GO/AWAY-3SG.PST
	'
	Ebert discusses the grammaticalization of the following: go; send; come; put; (make) fall;
	reach; come out; finish; die, kill; lie; stay, keep; eat; want. These are associated with the

56

The cognacy of the verbs involved in grammaticalizing into aspectual (and related) formatives spreads across the South Asian linguistic area, often involving verbs such as "GIVE, and often GO, TAKE, THROW/PUT, RISE, FALL and COME" [caps in original, as often the case when writing 'V2s']

(Slade 2016: 565)

. expression

Table 24 .

 24 Thulung Aktionsart markers

	2.2.3.2.5.1 Markers which downshift the telicity of the verb

Table 25 .

 25 Khaling Aktionsart markersOf interest among these, insofar as they differ from what is found in Thulung, are -tʌ and -khʌ.

Table 26 .

 26 Intransitive paradigm:Non-past (middle column) and past (right column) indexes

Table 27 .

 27 Transitive paradigm: Non-past indexes 60 (all suffixal)

	1SG 1DI	1DE	1PI	1PE	2SG 2DU 2PL 3SG 3DU	3PL
	1SG				-ni /

Table 32

 32 below, showing the four scenarios which are concerned and the allomorphs found with the different verb classes. The form in -ɖ is the one listed in the paradigms of indexes for the simple reason that it is the one that does not show assimilation and cannot be explained through phonological conditioning.

		t-class verb	k-class verb;	r-class verb l-class verb
		m-class verb	s-class verb;
		n-class verb	p-class verb
		ŋ-class verb
	1PI.PST,	-ɖi~-ri	-ti	-ri	-li
	1PI>3.PST 65
	3SG.PST	-ɖa~-ra	-ta	-ra	-la
	3SG>3.PST -ɖʉ~-rʉ	-tʉ	-rʉ	-lʉ

Table 32

 32

. Phonologically-conditioned allomorphs for

1PI and 3SG S/A indexes with different verb classes

The phonological changes in question are the following: ɖ > t/_s, k, p (voicing assimilation); ɖ > r/_r (assimilation);

Table 34 .

 34 Analysis of the order of exponents in non-past transitive indexesWhat emerges from this table is a picture of the order of the formatives associated with different

	arguments:
	-in the green parts of the paradigm, material associated with the P argument (blue
	glosses) occurs first, either before material associated with the A argument (red glosses),
	or alone;

Table 35 .

 35 Local and mixed indexation (singular, non-past) in ThulungThis approach has allowed DeLancey to uncover a number of trends in the marking of

these two domains across Tibeto-Burman languages with polypersonal indexation, and Thulung data follows a certain number of them: it has a special index for 1>2 scenarios (probably diachronically connected with the 2PL index; see DeLancey (2018b: 361)); the same marker is used for both 2>1 and 3>1 scenarios (DeLancey 2018a: 366), essentially functioning as an inverse index (as what is marked is thus a 1st person P).

  is possible to posit a development pathway for the optative marker, from a lexical verb nʉmu, 'be auspicious, be good'. This involves a change whereby two independent clauses, [gu dalaŋa sʌ:] and [nʉ], originally in a paratactic relationship, are reinterpreted as making up a single clause, with the original second verb being reinterpreted as an expression of optative , subordinated by rwaksaka (glossed "QUOT"), and a main clause, which expresses the action which is taken to avoid the apprehension-causing situation described by the first, subordinated clause.75 Note that the use of rwaksaka, the anterior converbal form of 'say', as a subordinator hints strongly at the development of the construction. The intermediary stage, where the

	mood.
	converb was interpreted literally, is shown in the bracketed translation in (132); it has
	(128) gu grammaticalized into a subordinator essential to the construction: dala-ŋa sʌ: nʉ
	3SG fast-INT	heal.3SG	be.good.3SG
	'He will heal fast, that is good.' [fieldnotes] (132) dzu-kka me-si:-nʉ rwak-saka
	cold-INSTR	NEG-die.3SG-OPT	say-ANT.CVB
	(129) gu je	dala-ŋa phʌ-bet-to	sʌ:-nʉ
	3SG fast-INT clothes dress-CAUS-1SG>3SG.PST heal.3SG-OPT
	126) go	oram-nuŋ		tseŋ-si-ŋu	he:	dʉm-ŋu-lo
	1SG PROX.DEM-COM	hang-REFL-1SG	how become-1SG -TEMP
	dʉm-ŋu-nʉ		rwak-ta	ʔe
	become-1SG-OPT	say-3SG.PST HS
	'And he said "I will hang myself onto this, and however I become, may I become like
	that".' [context: man trying to escape from cave by grabbing onto monkey tail and
	accepting whatever may happen as a result.]
	(130) ma:ke dzɵmka	si:-rʉ-nʉ
	(127) bu:dzi-ŋa grain carefully me-dʉm-nʉ mature-3SG>3SG.PST-OPT ottha tsiri-ŋa	bo:-tsi
	shy-INT rwaksaka	NEG-become.3SG -OPT go biruwa dzɵmka here tsiri.ritual-INT do-1DU khor-pu
	gana banta ba-nna QUOT 1SG small.weeds carefully taŋma du:	ba-nna hoe-1SG>3SG
	2SG where be-2SG.PST 'So that the grain matures nicely, I hoe the small weeds with care.' [fieldnotes] wild.banana grove be-2SG.PST
	'May it not be shy, we are doing the 'tsiri' ritual here, where did you stay, did you stay
	in the wild banana grove?' [ritual chant in which one calls to the wild ginger to reveal (131) tsɵttsɵ-mim-ka pi:masi me-bi-mi-nʉ rwaksaka
	itself] child-PLU-ERG		fruit		NEG-beg-3PL>3SG-OPT	QUOT
	thʌk-tʉ
	hide-3SG>3SG.PST
	'So that the children wouldn't beg for the fruit, he hid it.' [elicited]

74

For the l-class verb jalmu, 'strike', the 2SG>3SG (negative) imperative for is me-jal-a (NEG-strike-2SG>3SG.IMP), in contrast with the indicative non-past form me-jal-na (NEG-strike-2SG>3SG.NPST). It 'May he heal fast.' One of the functions of the optative mood is in the first clause of purposive and avertive constructions (in the clause expressing desired or undesired outcome), illustrated in (130) and (131) respectively. (More details of the grammaticalization pathway and on avertive constructions can be found in a submitted paper, which is included in the accompanying volume of publications; (Lahaussois In press)). While Thulung has no dedicated morphology for the marking of the apprehension domain, the avertive clause is one means of doing so. The construction is made up of two clauses: a negated optative clause[Having said 'May he not die of cold', I dressed him in clothes]

'So he wouldn't die of cold, I dressed him.

' [elicitation]

Table 37

 37

		shows negated forms for the verb bomu 'do', contrasting affirmative non-past
	and past forms with negative non-past and past forms. (As I have done elsewhere, I use a
	default 3SG object, in order to reduce the number of cells).
	>3SG	NPST	PST	NEG.NPST NEG.PST
	1sg	be-u	be-uto	mi-be-u	mi-be-u-wa
	1di	bo-tsi	be-ttsi	mi-bo-tsi	mi-bo-tsi-ja
	1de	bo-tsuku be-ttsoko	mi-bo-tsuku mi-bo-tsuku-wa
	1pi	bi-i	bi-iɖi	mi-bi-i	mi-bi-i-ja
	1pe	bo-ku	be-ttoko	mi-bo-ku	mi-bo-ku-wa
	2sg	bo-na	be-nna	mi-bo-na	mi-bo-na-wa
	2du	bo-tsi	be-ttsi	mi-bo-tsi	mi-bo-tsi-ja
	2pl	bo-ni	be-nni	mi-bo-ni	mi-bo-ni-ja
	3sg	bʉ-ʉ	bʉ-ʉɖʉ	mi-bʉ-ʉ	mi-bʉ-ʉ-ja
	3du	bo-tsi	be-ttsi	mi-bo-tsi	mi-bo-tsi-ja
	3pl	bo-mi	bem-ɖi	mi-bo-mi	mi-bo-mi-ja
		Table 37. Contrastive paradigms for affirmative and
			negative forms of the verb bomu, 'do'

Table 38

 38

	(138) ʔinɛ		jû:	ʔi-ʣɛ-kʰo	ʔuŋʌ	kʰib-u
	2SG.ERG	meal INV/2-eat-COND	1SG.ERG	cook-1SG
	'If you eat a meal, I will cook it.'
	(139) ʔin	mu-hɵ:-wɛ-kʰo	ʔûŋ	jo	mu-hɵ-ŋʌ-wʌ
	2SG NEG-come-IRR-COND 1SG also NEG-come-1SG-IRR
	'If you had not come, I would not have come either.'
	(140) ʔuŋʌ		jʌŋʌja:s	jâ:	mu-ŋ-wʌ-kʰo	tʰɛbelo
	1SG.ERG	peach		plant do-1SG-IRR-COND	this.time
	sî:t-wɛ
	bear.fruit-IRR
	'If I had planted peaches, they would have borne fruit by now.'

. non-past and past affirmative and negative verb forms in Khaling (verb mʉnɛ 'do', with 3SG default object)

Similarly to Thulung, the Khaling irrealis marker is found in counterfactual conditional constructions. The examples below contrast a real conditional clause (138) with counterfactual conditionals

(139, 140)

. As in Thulung, the irrealis marker is found on both the protasis (marked with conditional marker -k h o) and the apodosis.

https://www.vjf.cnrs.fr/lacito/pangloss/corpus/list_rsc.php?lg=Koyi%20Rai

For a study on the low referential density (in other words, the low prevalence of overt nouns and pronouns) of the Kiranti language Belhare, seeBickel (2003a).

This was in part out of a sense of frustration that the Toolbox-annotated corpus I was using for searches (PanGloss cannot currently be used for searches) and concordances did not include sound files, something which raises the issue of what indeed we are working with when data from oral languages is 'reduced' to a somewhat decontextualized transcription (often made shortly after encountering the language for the first time).

See http://llacan.vjf.cnrs.fr/res_ELAN-CorpA.php

This is the only commonly-used retroflex in Thulung. A single supposedly native lexeme is found to begin with ʈh, the verb ʈhwa:mu, 'hit with something'. Loan words have initials gh, ʈ, ʈh, ɖh.

Note that I have changed some of these transcriptions since earlier work: ʉ for y, ɵ for ɯ, ʌ for ɔ.

The database, http://drehu.linguist.univ-paris-diderot.fr/denumerals/, is coordinated by Bernard Fradin.

Jackal and Crow: http://tulquest.huma-num.fr/en/node/161

Significantly, it cannot be used with directives addressed to an elder (in which case the speaker's epistemic authority presumably cannot be expressed).

The definition of prohibitive inVan Olmen (2010: 471) of "a construction of grammar which typically presents a state of affairs as undesirable and calls on the hearer not to actualize it" fits this situation.

This rejoins Chappell (2002: 348; 2008)'s proposal for possible grammaticalizations from verba dicendi.

For a rather different, but very interesting, case of unexpectedness in the ordering of affixal material, seeJacques (2013) on Japhug categories grammaticalizing into affixes unexpected on account of basic word order.

Note that the slot analysis presented p. 166 is only for suffixes, as there is free ordering for verb prefixes (ibid, 167 ff).

As past indexes are most often portmanteaux, I gloss them A>P.PST; non-past indexes do not have any explicit glossing of their tense, as it is unmarked.

[START_REF] Kari | Affix positions and zones in the Athapaskan verb complex: Ahtna and Navajo[END_REF] breaks down the template proposed for the Athapaskan verb complex --which is considerably more complex than the Kiranti, with 253 prefixes and 16 positions posited byYoung and Morgan (1987) for Navajo

The glosses for these two particles, both from Nepali, come from[START_REF] Yliniemi | Nepali attention marker ni[END_REF] and[START_REF] Genetti | Aspects of Nepali grammar (Santa Barbara Papers in Linguistics 6)[END_REF], respectively, where they stand for attention and emphasis.

This is not the case for borrowed verbs, which tend to have a bisyllabic root, or for lexicalized verbs incorporating no-longer productive derivational material.

Note that this abbreviated template only applies to the verb root and not to the verb complex. There is great diversity in the templates for verb complexes in different languages, complicating reconstruction across the group.

The verb pomu, 'eat' has stems which pattern as those of bomu; the only difference is the initial consonant.

Table 17 is an abbreviated paradigm, leaving out dual forms for the 1st and 3rd persons, as these pattern predictably (ie. like the 2DU forms).

The verb 'wait' is transitive, and khond is the transitive-matched version of DO&COME.UP, but in this context it nonetheless means 'wait for them and come up' rather than 'wait for them and bring them up'.

This is the case when in some past indexes, -tsi becomes -tso.

This impersonal nominalizer is possibly related to the reflexive marker -si, used, among other things, to mark impersonal forms of verbs(Lahaussois 2016a)).

He defines inverse those forms where the action is directed towards the speaker (3 --> 1, , 2 --> 1) or from outside towards the interlocutor (3 --> 2)(ibid, p. 83)

The Jacques-Antonov method involves diving into transcribed/translated (but unglossed!) texts and working through them with a dictionary until they start to reveal themselves.

This would presumably have been part of Enrique Palancar's project on annotation which had been selected for funding by the now-defunct Fédération de typologie et universaux linguistiques.

The sections that have been removed are those concerning type of transcription and those concerning the translation tier (as the texts studied are exclusively the Parable of the Prodigal Son, the translation is not provided).

This is the name given to one particular story which is the shared foundation myth.

This is however unlikely to happen in the current format of the corpus. The reason is that the language versions are those which are archived in CNRS's PanGloss collection. While PanGloss could potentially accommodate a 4-tiered annotation of texts, with one of those tiers tracking constructions, this might require changes to the methodology currently used to prepare annotated texts for archiving.

The approach is described in[START_REF] Matisoff | Variational Semantics in Tibeto-Burman: the "organic" approach to linguistic comparison[END_REF]. The questionnaires can be found at http://tulquest.humanum.fr/en/node/40

 115 There are of course enormous gaps in my data collection despite this, but I am still grateful for the metaphorical

crutch.116 http://tulquest.huma-num.fr

The entire volume is available freely at http://nflrc.hawaii.edu/ldc/sp16/

The dictionary is available at http://himalco.huma-num.fr/dictionaries/SelectDictionary.php?dict=khaling

Acknowledgments

DOCUMENT DE SYNTHÈSE

reasonably left out from descriptive grammars whose central focus tends to be morphosyntax. 78 Other possibilities revolve around the correlation between a linguist with missionary goals and the presence of interjections: one hypothesis is to see this correlation as the legacy of the partsof-speech grammaticographical model, applied to a variety of languages by missionaries throughout the Renaissance and modern period [START_REF] Hovdhaugen | Missionary Grammars--an Attempt at Defining a Field of Research[END_REF][START_REF] Zwartjes | Portuguese Missionary Grammars in Asia, Africa and Brazil, 1550-1800[END_REF][START_REF] Zwartjes | The Historiography of Missionary Linguistics: Present state and further research opportunities[END_REF]. Linguists applying the parts of speech model often encountered languages which did not appear to have a given category 79 , in which case one option was to interpret the available language data according to the available model: an example of this is the classification of what are now recognized as ideophones into a category of interjections [START_REF] Dingemanse | The meaning and use of ideophones in Siwu[END_REF]Lahaussois 2019b). In the case of interjections in descriptions of languages of Nepal by missionaries, it is possible that the chosen organizational scheme for a grammar resulted in the prominence of interjections where they may not have otherwise been brought to the fore with a different another grammaticographical model. A possible example of this is Toba's Khaling grammar, which is included in the corpus. The grammar (which is very short, at 40-some pages) is organized according to a parts-of-speech scheme, with the following chapters: 0.

Introduction; 1. Phonology; 2. Word order; 3. Nouns; 4. Pronouns; 5. Numerals; 6. Verbs; 7.

Adjectives; 8. Adverbs; 9. Conjunctions; 10. Particles; 11. Interjections.

The chapter on interjections is very limited: see Figure 7 below for the entirety of its contents. The type of information it contains could just as easily have been put into the glossary that accompanies the grammar, an option apparently chosen by a good number of linguists (listed above: these are the grammars that have interjections in their glossaries but do not have any discussion of them in the text of the grammars) 80 . 78 For an unusual example of a grammar which does not focus on morphosyntax but still, by my count, qualifies, see [START_REF] Michaud | Tone in Yongning Na: lexical tones and morphotonology[END_REF].

79 Note that Noonan (2007: 116) reports considerable diversity of opinion in his survey of typologists and their assessment on whether the absence of a category should be explicitly highlighted in a grammar. He reports that Bickel, Comrie, Croft, and Haspelmath concur that it is good practice in an index to note "in boldface type the main entry [or entries] for a given feature, and noting the absence of a given feature directly in the index with the dash. So, for example, one could indicate the absence of tone as follows: tone: -." For another example of this, see grammars written using the grammaticographical template in [START_REF] Comrie | Lingua descriptive studies: questionnaire[END_REF].

80 Note that chapters 8, 9 and 10 also consist almost exclusively of lists of lexemes from the relevant category. The type of presentation in Figure 13 incorporates inverse forms, which were previously treated in different sections of the paradigm by Hodgson (and labeled 'passive forms' and 'special forms'), and an important advantage of this type of paradigm is that all the information pertaining to the different scenarios can be captured.

More modifications to the presentation style for verb paradigms appear in Hodgson's (1858) article on Bahing: numbers are used to identify verb forms. Interestingly, they correspond not to the person of the subject but to the number of the object (1. for a singular P, 2. for a dual P, and 3. for a plural P), resulting in a grid-like presentation from which no forms are omitted, facilitating comparison between the forms, and removing the need for glosses (once the pattern is established for readers within a few paradigms).

1850-1910, and specifically at the glossing of 2nd person pronouns and indexes. The corpus made it possible to explore the period immediately preceding that of the IJAL study described above, in order to determine some of the characteristics of glossing in the period in question.

The presentation mostly focused on the glossing of 2nd person pronouns and indexes: the neutralization of number and role in modern 2nd person pronouns resulted in 'you' being an imprecise gloss, especially for languages with verbal indexation of both subject and object arguments. To counter this, both Algonquian and Kiranti descriptions of the period covered by the corpus make use of the archaic pronouns of Early Modern English (spoken 1500-1700, on other words already outdated at the time of the corpus) in order to distinguish between features necessary for accurate glossing. 107 Grierson felt that the LSI was a tool that would help colonial officers master the languages in their districts, doing away with interpreters. While this is an extraordinarily ambitious position--the very brief language sketches and comparative word lists are hardly enough to give one even a rudimentary knowledge of the language, let alone the ability to participate in court cases in the indigenous language (Majeed 2019a).

Nonetheless, Grierson, in his capacity as editor of the entire project, working through the specimens of the Parable of the Prodigal Son he was sent in a great many of the languages, would presumably have developed a keen sense of the morphology of the languages in his sample.

108 See for example the following: "Negative particle. The negative particle is a prefixed mā ; thus kā mā khāngkhi-kā, I do not wish ; kā mā hān-kā, I am not going..." (Grierson 1909: 279); "Number--there are two numbers,

Methodological tools

This section presents my involvement in a few projects of a methodological nature: the development of a comparable corpus of myths in three Kiranti languages (3.3.1); a database on linguistic questionnaires, and some reflections on how to create an archive for questionnaires while accounting for their historical and epistemological context (3.3.2); and a Khaling verb dictionary, with incorporated recordings of all example sentences (3.3.3).

Corpora: Kiranti comparable corpus

In this section, I will discuss a comparable corpus project built within the framework of an ANR project entitled HimalCo. The Kiranti Comparable Corpus, 110 based on narrative corpora in three Kiranti languages (Thulung, Khaling and Koyi), was devised as a methodological tool with the two principal aims: a) to find a solution to the problem of using culturally foreign stimuli in order to collect authentic narrative data. The effective use of the 'traditional' stimuli, such as the picture book

Frog where are you [START_REF] Mayer | Frog, Where Are You[END_REF]) and the Pear Story film (Chafe 1980), have been questioned in this respect [START_REF] Hellwig | Language diversity, language documentation and psycholinguistics: the role of stimuli[END_REF][START_REF] Lüpke | Data collection methods for field-based language documentation[END_REF], notably when these stimuli are used to build parallel corpora for the purposes of comparison. Because the material is produced through translation, there are a number of issues about its usability, which tends to be affected by a series of biases (Wälchli 2007: 133). These have been discussed at length in the articles making up the STUF (Sprachtypologie und Universalienforschung/Language Typology and Universals) special issue on the use of parallel texts for typological studies [START_REF] Cysouw | Parallel texts: Using translational equivalents in linguistic typology[END_REF]. Our intent in the project was to build a multi-language corpus facilitating morphosyntactic comparison that was not subject to problems resulting from translation-sourced materials.

b) to develop a sense of how closely related the three Kiranti languages in questions are, in a context in which the status of these languages as forming a subgroup is not resolved [START_REF] Ebert | Kiranti languages: an overview[END_REF][START_REF] Gerber | What is Kiranti?[END_REF].

Narrative material in Kiranti is ideal for building a comparable corpus: Kiranti languages share a mythological cycle, which has been described by a number of scholars [START_REF] Gaenszle | Verwandschaft und Mythologie bei den Mewahang Rai in Ostnepal: eine Ethnographische Studie zum Problem zur "ethnischen Identität[END_REF][START_REF] Ebert | Rai mythology: Kiranti Oral Texts[END_REF][START_REF] Allen | Miyapma: Traditional Narratives of the Thulung Rai[END_REF]. Even before becoming aware of research into the mythological cycle, I had noticed that a number of the traditional stories I had collected 110 http://himalco.huma-num.fr/corpus/comparable/index.htm