Louisiana Cavalcanti Teixeira
email: louisiana.cavalcantiteixeira@dauphine.psl.eu

Trade Liberalization and Gender: Income and Multidimensional Deprivation Gaps in Brazil

Keywords: JEL classification: F12, F13, F14 Trade Liberalization, Labor, Gender, Income, Multidimensional Poverty

The aim of this study is to treat the Brazilian trade opening in the 1990s and its impacts on gender inequalities before and after the Stabilization Plan, Plano Real * . Using the difference in differences method and a panel from 1987-1997, the obtained evidence suggests that before the Real Plan, trade liberalization reduced the existent gender income and deprivation gap. Nonetheless, these apparent improvements seemed to be related to men's greater losses within formal activities and to a female labor's expansion through informality. After the Stabilization Plan, trade would increase gender disparities by bringing greater income gains and deeper deprivation decrease to men. The opening policies in the 1990s perpetuated the international and the gendered division of labor and was unable of permitting structural changes capable of creating comparative advantages. Thus, it guaranteed the maintenance of gender distortions, where changes continued to occur unevenly.

Introduction

The question of whether trade openness can affect female conditions in the labor market has been a concern to development economists and policymakers. Over the past few decades, gender topics have attained increased importance in the debates over development policy, composing one of the eight-millennium goals.

The gender debate is quite recent since it has been often assumed that economic events are neutral, i.e., do not exert differentiated effects on men and women, as well as on the various agents of society. This neutrality conceived by the economic theory has been studied more carefully when it comes to income and, more recently, on groups that have different characteristics in terms of ethnic origins and level of education.

In the international trade debate, the attention turned mostly to the impacts of trade liberalization or regional integration phenomena on individuals with different income and educational levels. This is mainly explained by the influence of the factor allocation model prevailing in international trade studies. According to these studies, the countries' specialization is directly linked to factor's endowments, and labor can be differentiated according to the degree of workers qualification. Also, these investigations recognize that international trade has a distinct impact on various social groups 1 .

Changes in the international trade can impact the labor market, which end up affecting men and women differently, given their gender segmentation. This is due to the fact that some sectors are more intensive in female or male labor and consequently in wage differentials between men and women. Hence, trade can reduce gender wage gaps in female-labor intensive export activities -which are likely to expand in developing economies after trade liberalization. The link between labor market and trade can also occur in the opposite direction: the lower wages usually paid to women may favor countries whose expertise focuses on highly feminized sectors.

Differences in men's and women's economic and social roles and different access and control over resources largely explain the gendered differentiated effects of trade policies. For example, changes in the relative prices of goods and services resulting from a more substantial opening of the economy can affect the two groups distinctly because of differences between men and women's consumption baskets [START_REF] Fontana | Gender effects of trade liberalizaban in developing countries: a review of literature[END_REF]).

Trade liberalization can benefit poor consumers, including women (especially as family suppliers) if price reductions (through tariff reductions and increasing competition) affect imported products which account for a sizable proportion of domestic consumption. On the 1 See the Heckscher-Ohlin (H-O) theorem and the ability-bias hypothesis [START_REF] Berman | Changes in the demand for skilled labor within u.s. manufacturing: Evidence from the annual survey of manufacturers[END_REF]; [START_REF] Desjonqueres | Another nail in the coffin? or can the trade based explanation of changing skill structures be resurrected? The Scandinavian[END_REF]; [START_REF] Menezes-Filho | Tecnologia e demanda por qualificacao na industria brasileira[END_REF]; [START_REF] Pauli | Efeitos do com Ãinternacional e de fatores de oferta na escolaridade dos trabalhadores brasileiros[END_REF]). The H-O theorem states that trade liberalization leads a country to specialize in the production of the good whose production is intensive in the domestically abundant factor of production. This specialization would lead to a shift in production, with a consequent growth in the demand of the abundant factor to the detriment of the scarce factor in the economy. Thus, considering the factors of production as skilled and unskilled labor, increasing trade liberalization in developed countries, which are abundant in skilled workers, would increase the relative demand for this type of labor. In the case of developing countries that in general have a relative abundance of unskilled labor, the opposite would occur. As a result, the process of intensifying trade liberalization should raise wage inequality in developed countries and have an opposite effect on developing countries. However, empirical studies have found that the wage gap between skilled and unskilled workers has increased in both developed and developing economies [START_REF] Sachs | Trade and jobs in u.s. manufacturing[END_REF], [START_REF] Leamer | Wage Inequality from International Competition and Technological Change: Theory and Country Experience[END_REF], Arbache, Dickerson, and Green (2004a), Arbache, Dickerson, and Green (2004b)). The HO theorem is then considered insufficient to explain the movements of wages between regions, opening space for the ability-bias hypothesis. This hypothesis presupposes that the intensification of trade openness facilitates the incorporation of more efficient methods of production in firms, including in developing countries, by allowing a greater technological diffusion between economies. These new production methods, in turn, demand more skilled labor, which increases the wage differential between skilled and unskilled workers (Menezes-Filho and Rodrigues-Jr ( 2003)).

other hand, while the international competition brought by trade liberalization may bring more opportunities for firms and individuals, this also implies the need to grow and upgrade technologically, which can be particularly challenging for women employees and women-led enterprises with limited access to technical knowledge, marketing networks, and credit (Nations (2011)).

According to gender theorists2 , based on micro-evidence in developing countries, women tend to suffer disproportionately the impact of trade liberalizing policies3 . This reality is due to male bias in three overlapping aspects: unpaid domestic work, domestic relations and gender division of labor. Presupposing that female labor is abundantly available, changes in relative returns between non-tradable and tradable goods brought by structural adjustment policies in developing economies will serve to reallocate labor towards labor-intensive export activities. Usually, female work participation occurs in labor-intensive activities, such as assembling factories. However, the assumption of labor mobility does not take into account the gender division of labor -which means, when women join paid work, they also have to deal with most unpaid domestic work (Elson, 1991, p. 165-187). This reality is accompanied by the reduction of the state provision of social services, many of which would be complementary to women's domestic work, creating additional pressures on women.

To properly analyze the interrelationships between trade and gender, the existing literature classifies female labor in two different types: productive and reproductive (see [START_REF] Sparr | Nagt-us economic literacy series. international gender and trade network[END_REF]). The first is made up of activities that produce income directly. Various types of work are considered: formal and informal work, as well as unpaid work in a family business. The second comprises maintenance and reproduction activities of the family or community (domestic work, taking care of children and the elderly, etc.), and may include subsistence activities; usually, it is unpaid work.

Changes in the productive labor market associated with access to imported goods or services can affect the individual's allocation of time4 and, in particular, women's alternatives. In other words, the choice between productive, reproductive work and leisure by gender may be influenced by changes in the relative prices of goods and services as well as working conditions, also potentially affected by international trade (Castilho (2010))5 .

In the context of trade liberalization, [START_REF] Castro | Trade liberalization and gender effects: a literature review for Colombia[END_REF] points out three different levels to the gender analysis: macro, meso and micro levels. The first (macro) includes an analysis of the gender division of labor between market activities (productive labor) and domestic activities (reproductive labor). The second (meso) involves institutional configurations that determine gender inequalities and deviations in the distribution of jobs, goods and services in the market's sphere. The third (micro) examines the intra-household relations regarding the gender division of labor, consumption and control over resources [START_REF] Fontana | Gender effects of trade liberalizaban in developing countries: a review of literature[END_REF]).

In summary, changes related to international trade on women's lives points in different directions. Nonetheless, all these directions have one aspect in common: the recognition of the differences between men and women, whatever their insertion in society -suppliers of labor factor, and consumers.

Limited literature on the effects of trade liberalization on gender has been already explored by some studies6 . The findings are pointing to a feminization trend -especially in unskilled export activities -in developing countries while defeminization is present in most industrialized economies, accompanied by a deepening of gender distortions. This study examines the debate about the Brazilian trade opening process in the 90s and its impacts on gender inequalities. More specifically, we stress the importance of recognizing aspects related to the well-being of women in their labor market insertion, considering the gender income and deprivation gap analysis. We find some evidence pointing out that the trade liberalization would have reduced the existent gender income gap and brought advancements in the female multidimensional conditions. Nonetheless, these apparent improvements seemed to be related to men's higher losses within formal activities and a female labor's expansion through informality7 .

Empirical Studies on Gender and Trade

Since the 1980s, authors such as [START_REF] Elson | nimble fingers make cheap workers': An analysis of women's employment in third world export manufacturing[END_REF] have added in their studies the large presence of women employees in the world market factories, which had begun to use women's labor under very poor conditions and with low wages. However, the direct link with the influence of trade openness is less often mentioned. Following is a review of some of these empirical economic literature pieces.

Conducting a study on the data set of twenty Asian countries from 1975 to 1990, [START_REF] Seguino | Gender inequality and economic growth: A cross-country analysis[END_REF] found that lower salaries for female have incited the export and investments by decreasing the product cost, getting foreign exchange through purchases and enhancing the level of productivity. These outcomes are inconsistent with the recent studies indicating income equality for encouraging development process and reducing political instability. The reason behind such opposing outcomes can be linked to the acceptance of lower wages by female due to societal values and restrictions leading to less political instability and rising investments. This study states that the gender that experienced inequalities matters the most in the growth process. [START_REF] Orbeta | Globalization and Employment: The Impact of Trade on Employment Level and Structure in the Philippines[END_REF] conducted a survey to examine the influence of trade on the level and structure of employment in Philippines in the manufacturing industries between 1980 and 2000. The variables incorporated to the study include real wages, real GDP, output, lending rate of banks, exports and imports regarding GDP, and several trade indicators. The author perform a regression analysis on the labor demand function, showing that increases in the propensity to export shifts demand for labor upwards. The study also shows that the impact of the propensity to import on labor demand is not clear, yielding from significantly positive to insignificant coefficients. In terms of employment structure, the impact of openness on the proportion of women workers is not significant in the aggregate, but at the manufacturing sub-industry level, increases in the propensity to export boost female participation. However, increases in export propensity raise the proportion of low-skilled production workers at the aggregate and manufacturing sub-industries, indicating that increasing female participation in the manufacturing industry would be probably occurring in unskilled activities. [START_REF] Artecona | Effects of trade liberalization on the gender wage gap in mexico, gender and development[END_REF] analyze the effects of trade liberalization on the gender wage gap in Mexico, a country which has experienced widening wage differentials between skilled and unskilled workers in the past decades, contrary to H-O-S predictions. Using data from Mexican manufacturing between 1987 and 1993, the authors find that trade liberalization is associated with more substantial wage gaps, which they attribute to the growing premium paid to skilled workers in the aftermath of liberalization of trade. When they distinct the effects of trade liberalization and other macroeconomic phenomenon, they find suggestive evidence that trade liberalization leads to a reduction in wage discrimination (Artecona & Cunningham, 2002, p. 18). The higher demand for female labor may lead to an increase in their relative wages. They interpret these results as validating Becker's arguments that "trade may be beneficial to women by decreasing wage discrimination, but an improvement in women's relative wages will depend on improving women's skills to better compete in the newly competitive markets." (Artecona & Cunningham, 2002, p. 18). [START_REF] Black | Importing Equality? The Impact of Globalization on Gender Discrimination[END_REF] tested [START_REF] Becker | The economics of discrimination[END_REF]'s hypothesis on gender, based on the United States economy between 1976-1993. The authors confirm that in case of trade liberalization, firms without a discriminating behavior would have the capability of supplying goods at a much lower cost rate if compared to the discriminating organizations. In a trade liberalization scenario, these firm would have to make themselves competitive by lowering their costs, while overcoming the cost of discrimination. Therefore, it would provide a channel which persuade firms to employ female gender, with comparatively reduced wages regarding male. [START_REF] Kongar | Importing equality or exporting jobs ? competition and gender wage and employment differentials in us manufacturing[END_REF], however, refutes [START_REF] Black | Importing Equality? The Impact of Globalization on Gender Discrimination[END_REF] conclusions, arguing that the reduction in wage gaps in less competitive manufacturing industries in the United States economy between 1976 and 1993, as a result of increased import competition, came through disproportionate job losses for women with lower pay. [START_REF] Fofana | Developing country superwomen: Impacts of trade liberalization on female market and domestic work[END_REF] aim to review the influence of trade liberalization on the working conditions of women and men in Nepal. By maintaining the structure of the Nepalese economy, this study explains the difference between female and male work, wages and time spent on domestic and leisure tasks. The research incorporates the computable general equilibrium model for this purpose with a combination of different variables. The result of this study indicates that the complete removal of tariffs in Nepal is more advantageous for women than for men, concerning the increase in wages, consequently reducing women's leisure time. Besides, male leisure time increases with trade reforms. [START_REF] Seguino | Gender equity and globalization: Macroeconomic policy for developing countries[END_REF] review the evidence concerning globalization's gender outcomes in developing economies. The authors then outline a set of macroeconomic and trade policies to promote gender equity in the distribution of resources. The evidence suggests that while liberalization has expanded women's access to employment, the long-term goal of reducing gender inequalities remains not fulfilled and appears unattainable without regulation of capital, and a reorientation and expansion of the state's role in funding public goods and providing a social safety net. The authors demonstrate some general principles that can produce greater gender equality, using a Kaleckian framework on the relationship between the gender distribution of income and macroeconomic outcomes. [START_REF] Staveren | The feminist economics of trade[END_REF] stress some adverse impacts of globalization on manufacturing sectors for specific export-led economies, in wage levels and in job reallocation, respectively. The authors also consider manufacturing trade, revisiting the "Wood Asymmetry" in which females lose employment to men, given increasing trade openness8 . The authors use the factor content analysis to confirm the "Wood Asymmetry" for non-OECD countries and reject, for the most part, the asymmetry for OECD countries. The authors illustrate empirical evidence to show that as globalization increases, the reason that wages appear to improve for American women in the manufacturing industry is due to a reduction in female employment and cannot be taken as a favorable outcome for women overall. Previously, [START_REF] Kucera | Gender Segregation and Gender Bias in Manufacturing Trade Expansion: Revisiting the "Wood Asymmetry&quot[END_REF] have already stressed that in most industrialized economies, the effects of trade liberalization were accompanied by defeminization through labor shedding in female-intensive sectors apparel and textiles, converging to [START_REF] Staveren | The feminist economics of trade[END_REF] conclusions. [START_REF] Siddiqui | Modeling gender effects of pakistan's trade liberalization[END_REF] uses a computable general equilibrium (CGE) model specially constructed to investigate gender dimensions of the trade liberalization's effects in Pakistan in both production and consumption. The model employs various indicators to measure the gendered impacts, including income poverty (Foster-Greer-Thorbecke [FGT] Indices), time poverty (leisure), capability poverty (literacy and infant mortality), and welfare (Equivalent Variation [EV]). The simulation results show that revenue-neutral trade liberalization in Pakistan increased women's employment in unskilled jobs and increased women's real wage income more than men's for all types of labor, but kept the division of labor biased against women. The study finds that Pakistan's trade liberalization adversely affected women in relatively poor households by increasing their workload, deteriorating capabilities, and increasing relative income poverty. However, the effects remained gender-neutral or favored women in the wealthiest group of households. [START_REF] Ozay | Implications of trade policy changes on gender inequalities[END_REF] finds that export-oriented industrialization is highly connected with enhanced levels of female participation in the developing economies. [START_REF] Ujhelyi | Men, women, and machines: How trade impacts gender inequality[END_REF] enlarge the discussion considering firms and workers differentiation in terms of productivity, skills and gender. A reduction in tariffs induces more productive firms to modernize their technological park and improve their access to the export market. New technologies involve mechanized production processes and lower the need for physically demanding skills. As a result, the relative women's wage and employment improve in blue-collar tasks, but not in white-collar responsibilities. The authors test the model using a panel of establishmentlevel data from Mexico, estimating the impact of tariff reductions associated with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). Consistent with the theory, the authors find that tariff reductions permitted new firms to enter the export market, update their technology and substitute male blue-collar labor for female unskilled workers. [START_REF] Rehman | Trade liberalization and gender gap: Bangladesh experience[END_REF] explores the gender-differentiated effects of trade liberalization in Bangladesh. The author finds that trade liberalization has created more than five times more jobs for women than men in the Ready-Made Garments (RMG) sector. However, female workers are more discriminated than the male counterparts in terms working condition. Nationwide, women's wage is much lower than men's wage for all kinds of labor. However, the income gap between male and female workers seems lower in the RMG sector. The low level of education and skills of female workers and the male's longer working time are the main factors for this gender-differentiated income. [START_REF] Mehmood | What drives female labor force participation in muslim countries? a generalized method of moments inference[END_REF] analyze the social consequences of globalization on women. Data is extracted from international databases World Development Indicators (WDI) for 41 Muslim countries, from 2003-2013. Results point out the emergence and rise of female employment in these countries. The authors formulate an empirical framework to analyze the factors that affect female labor force participation. Using a widely accepted robust estimation technique -Generalized Method of Moments (GMM) -, the study findings provide specific recommendations that are help manage the emerging trends of women employment in Muslim countries.

The debate has recently started in Brazil. [START_REF] Castilho | Um olhar de gênero sobre o setor eletro-eletronico da zona franca de manaus[END_REF] presented the Manaus Free Trade Zone's gender outcomes, highlighting that female employees in the manufacturing industry in the Amazonas state are subject to less inequality compared to the rest of Brazil. [START_REF] Castilho | Impacto de mudancas do comercio exterior brasileiro sobre o emprego feminino[END_REF] also contributed to the Brazilian debate, showing that foreign trade only reproduced the existing distortions in the labor market. Nonetheless, existing literature on the topic remain limited, as presented by [START_REF] Castilho | Comercio e gênero no brasil -uma resenha dos trabalhos existentes[END_REF]. [START_REF] Pieters | Brazil's trade liberalization reduced gender gaps in employment (Policy Brief)[END_REF] investigate the trade liberalization impacts on gender gaps in employment in Brazil. The authors point out that the trade liberalization led to a reduction in employment rates in the tradable sector, in regions more exposed to import tariff reductions, particularly among the low-skilled population. Moreover, male employment declined more than female employment, making the gender gaps narrow. The authors then conclude that the Brazilian trade liberalization reduced gender gaps in employment, not because women benefitted from free trade, but only because men lost more than women. [START_REF] Pieters | Trade liberalization and gender inequality. can free-trade policies help to reduce gender inequalities in employment and wages[END_REF] emphasizes that trade liberalization in Brazil has not led to a reallocation of workers to sectors of comparative advantage or exporting firms. The trade reforms that decreased tariffs in the early 1990s reduced total employment in the tradable goods sector, with workers entering into unemployment, inactivity and the non-tradable sector. Even though tariff reductions were not systematically higher for the male-intensive industries, the adverse employment effects on men were stronger than on women, which can be explained by the fact that the tradable sector as a whole is relatively male-intensive in Brazil. [START_REF] Connolly | Three essays on labor market dynamics in brazil[END_REF] brings some evidence that female employment in Brazil improved relative to male employment in response to increased Brazilian exports to China. However, imports from China led to more massive declines in male wages when compared to female earnings, which favored the narrowing of the gender wage gap.

The findings indicate a diversity of results, depending on the country analyzed and the methodology used. Nonetheless, the existing literature is pointing out a feminization movement -especially in unskilled exporting activities -in peripheral economies while a defeminization in most developed countries, followed by a deepening of gender distortions.

Female Income and Labor Insertion in Brazil in the 1990s

The restructuring process adopted in the early 1990s resulted in three tendencies which marked this period regarding the female population: higher labor insertion, gender income gap reduction and a feminization trend within informality. Changes intensified in the 1980s, when the female participation rate in urban areas reached 37%, according to CEPAL data (1998), and in the 1990s, when the annual growth of women occupancy rate was 2.4% while men's statistics was only 1.4% (ILO, 1999). At the same time, the gender income gap reduced. While in 1987, female-headed households held 50.9% of male-headed household's income, in 1997 it attained 57.4% in the Brazilian industry (PNAD, IBGE). This period was also marked by the feminization of labor within informality. In 1987, 60.5% of female-headed households were employed at the informal sector, which evolved to 67.8% in 1997, considering the Brazilian industry (PNAD, IBGE). These pieces of evidence would be suggesting that women's insertion into the labor market would be occurring through informality.

The massive incorporation into the labor force experienced by women has mainly reflected changes in the composition of employment by branch of economic activity, employment cate-gories and contractual status, in which flexibilization and the precariousness of labor relations are hallmarks. [START_REF] Becker | The economics of discrimination[END_REF] affirmed that trade contributed to the decrease in income discrimination as international competition would eliminate excess profits that give firms the resources to discriminate. Nonetheless, the women insertion in labor markets has been progressively within informality. The increased competition brought by the liberalization of imports in the 90s would be strengthening a pressure towards informalization9 , deeply affecting women, increasingly absorbed by these phenomena. [START_REF] Cagatay | Trade, gender and poverty (Background Paper for UNDP Trade and Sustainable Human Development Report[END_REF] pointed out three explanatory modalities for the recent changes in income and in the composition of the workforce. The first hypothesis shows that women constitute a reserve of labor, whose size fluctuates along with the business cycle. Starting from occupational segregation, the second hypothesis affirm that changes in composition by gender arise when the total composition of production changes. In other words, female income and participation in paid work increases when the share of sectors in which women are concentrated increases. The third hypothesis is that, over time, women are replacing men in the previously typically masculine jobs.

Following [START_REF] Castilho | Comercio e gênero no brasil -uma resenha dos trabalhos existentes[END_REF] analysis, they point out that these assumptions are not mutually exclusive. In the Brazilian case, the feminization of the labor force in Brazil is linked to the expressive growth of the tertiary sector, as well as the informality expansion strengthened by the tertiary sector's hypertrophy and the import's liberalization, increasingly employing female labor. This fact confirms what is being highlighted by the existing literature, that the change in the composition and in the income gap of the work force would be more related to the second hypothesis. This trend showed changes from the middle of the 1990s to the end, when the male labor dispensed from the closed positions in the industrial sector by the productive restructuring begins to occupy positions in the tertiary sector.

According to [START_REF] Lavinas | Evolucao do desemprego feminino nas areas metropolitanas[END_REF], this phenomenon was one of the factors that influenced the increase in female unemployment. She states that male unemployment curves accompanied female unemployment in the 1980s, and that the unemployment rate began to rise more rapidly (6 for men and 8,5 for women according to PNAD -1995) in the 1990s. The faster growth of the economically active female population is another aspect raised by Lavinas to explain the greater increase in women's unemployment in relation to men.

Considering the increasing numbers of men in typically female sectors in Brazil raises several questions. The so-called perverse comparative advantages that formerly favored women, with greater flexibility in responding to the supply of more precarious jobs, appear to have been reduced. If, on the one hand, this puts the male labor force in a similar situation to that of the female labor, on the other hand, women do not have any gain from it, on the contrary, they have witnessed the job loss by men.

However, women are not moving to occupy male jobs in the same proportion. The change in the composition of employment by gender occurs more rapidly in the less skilled, lower quality and smaller earnings jobs due to the economic crises [START_REF] Castilho | Comercio e gênero no brasil -uma resenha dos trabalhos existentes[END_REF]). The tendency of women to occupy traditionally male and more socially valued jobs has been observed, but this phenomenon is slower than the previous one (Neves (n.d.)).

If women were able to obtain benefits due to the flexibility of their jobs, later, when the Brazilian economy entered into a process of stagnation and jobs began to become scarcer, female workers would be the first to suffer from its consequences. This reality in which women are the contingent of workers that is more adaptable to the changes in economic conjuncture is not only perceived in Brazil. A study raised by [START_REF] Hirata | Nova divisao sexual do trabalho? um olhar voltado para a empresa e para a sociedade[END_REF] shows that the flexibility in the volume of employment and working time is essentially guaranteed by women in the models of work currently adopted at the international level.

Regarding the links between trade and gender, existing literature points out only a few studies that aim to analyze the impacts of trade liberalization on the labor market from a gender perspective in Brazil. [START_REF] Azar | Una mirada a la apertura comercial desde la perspectiva de genero: impactos sobre el mercado de trabajo (1991-2000): los casos de argentina, brasil, colombia y uruguay[END_REF] first classifies the sectors in exporters and directed to the domestic market, using the export/import ratio. Then, she analyzes some of the labor market characteristics -changes in the composition and characteristics of employment, as well as wage differential between men and women. The author indicates that trade liberalization does not appear to have contributed to an increase in gender inequalities in the labor market and has negatively affected the volume of jobs for both men and women. He argues that this inequality already existed before the opening and has been maintained. On the contrary, the author emphasizes that the exploitation of so-called perverse comparative advantages, which tended to prioritize (cheaper and more flexible) female labor in less skilled jobs, seems to have lost importance. On the contrary, in the crises that characterized the 1990s, men would have taken up jobs in some typically female sectors.

Using the inter-sectoral impact matrix (Leontief Matrix -IBGE) and SECEX data, Castilho (2010) calculate the labor content in the total Brazilian foreign trade flows and by commercial partner to analyze the female participation on foreign trade sectors. She argues that the Brazilian foreign trade has limited importance for the total female employment (relative to male employment), but on the other hand, its impact is relatively higher on job creation than on the threat to existing jobs. According to the author, Brazil is also a net exporter of female labor, but to a lesser extent than male labor, with the balance of female employment associated with trade being only 3,5% of the total number of women employed in the country. On another hand, the participation of woman in total number of jobs associated with exports (26,6%) is much lower than women's participation in the Brazilian labor market (40,7%). This small share of women in employment generated and threatened by trade flows is basically due to the fact that the Brazilian trade structure is based on sectors that use (at least directly) mostly male labor. The author concludes that foreign trade, at least when analyzed from the point of view of its impact on female employment, only reproduces the existing distortions in the labor market.

In order to cross some of the existing limits faced by the literature and consider the relationship between trade and gender, [START_REF] Castilho | Comercio e gênero no brasil -uma resenha dos trabalhos existentes[END_REF] conduct a brief review on the subject, returning to the women's work categories, reproductive and productive work. The authors point out that one of the existing literature limitations is that it often does not consider the first type of work and analyses are often centered on women's formal employment10 . The authors argue that the non-recognition of the gender bias of economic policies and the methodological difficulty of measuring and valuing reproductive work explains the small attention that this work conception has received from economic science. To go beyond the traditional economic analysis, aspects related to the well-being of women should be considered in order to recognize the existence and distinct nature of these two works -reproductive and productive -and its relationships to trade.

In fact, the effects of trade liberalization in the 1990s on female labor market insertionin particular the precariousness in which women were being subjected -and how much this population contingent has served as an adjustment variable within the Brazilian economy is the focus of most of the studies available in the Brazilian literature on gender and trade. To overcome some of these limitations, in addition to treating trade's monetary effects, the analysis of the multidimensional deprivation, associated to the differentiated gender outcomes between formality and informality, will seek to cover the existing theoretical gaps in terms of female welfare.

Methodology and Data

To empirically analyse the trade liberalization impacts in both male and female monetary and non-monetary conditions, this study uses multiple data sources. The first is the individual/household level micro-data from the Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicílios (PNAD), conducted annually by the Brazilian Census Bureau, the Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE)11 . This micro-data, which is nationally representative and samples about 300,000 individuals per year, consists of individual and household's information on the main socio-economic variables. They were used to construct our indicators on income and multidimensional conditions, at our unit of analysis, the Brazilian manufacturing sectors12 . To obtain the manufacturing sector's level, we performed an aggregation of the individual level information, considering the head of household's information and sector of occupation. We kept the average income and the average multidimensional deprivation index by the head of household's sector, considering 22 manufacturing sectors, from 1987 until 199713 . Income is defined as the gross monthly individual monetary income, measured in 2015 Brazilian Reais (BRL R$)14 . When treating income information, we must be worried about the quality of income data, which usually includes measurement errors and outliers, often more prevalent at the two tails of the distribution. Existing litterature commonly trim a specific number or percentage of observations at the top and bottom of the income distribution. We then followed the procedure of trimming all zero and individual incomes over R$ 50,000 in 2015 Brazilian Reais (BRL R$) 15 .

A second data source is the individual level micro-data from RAIS (Relação Anual de Informações Sociais)16 , a socio-economic information report requested by the Brazilian Ministry of Labor and Employment to legal entities and other employers annually. When trating RAIS data, we also used the manufacturing sectors level, obtained by the aggregation of the individual level information. However, instead of considering only the head of household's information as for PNAD, we considered all the individuals.

Although RAIS brings more reliable data in monetary terms, since it comes from an official source, it has the disadvantage of covering only the formal sector. In this way it will be used only as a complement to PNAD to check the model's robustness. A comparison between the two databases results' might bring greater robustness to our conclusions. Results for RAIS will be presented in Appendix B.

The third data source is the International trade data provided by the Brazilian Foreign Trade Study Center, the FUNCEX -Fundação Centro de Estudos do Comércio Exterior, and the SECEX (MDIC) -Secretaria de Comércio Exterior (Ministério do Desenvolvimento, Indústria e Comércio Exterior). We use the foreign trade statistics, Imports, Exports and Nominal Tariffs, with sectoral breakdown, from 1986 until 199617 . The Import and Export coefficients were constructed using the data for the level of sectoral production, from the PIA (Pesquisa Industrial Anual), which investigates information regarding products and services produced by the national industry and provided by the Brazilian Census Bureau, the Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE), from 1986-1996. We then created the openness indicator using these variables, which was used to determine the sectors more exposed to the import's liberalization18 .

Model Specifications

To investigate the effects of the Brazilian trade liberalization on the gender income and deprivation gaps, this analysis exploits two different methods. The first one, model A, uses a difference in differences analysis, where 1987-1988 represents the pre-shock period and 1989-1997 the post-shock. The second one, model B, is a panel model, covering 1987-199719 .

We will estimate the average income and the household's multidimensional conditionsthrough the average multidimensional deprivation index -by gender and per sector of the manufacturing industry, considering the heads of household's information and their sector of occupation.

The difference-in-differences estimations (model A) regress the gender monetary and nonmonetary conditions' variables upon time (representing the second period fixed effects), treated (representing the treatment group fixed effects) and did (representing the treatment group at the second period fixed effects). The panel estimations model B) regress the gender conditions' variables upon the trade policy and trade flows variables Tariff, Import and Export Coefficients. The variables and equations to be estimated are reproduced below.

For the "Dif-in-Dif" estimations (model A)

The equation can be represented as follows:

Y = g0 + g1 * d2 + g2 * dB + g3 * d2 * dB + ε (1)
where dB, equal to one for individuals in the treatment group (net import sectors) and zero for individuals in the control group (net export sectors); d2, equal to one when the data refer to the second period (1989)(1990)(1991)(1992)(1993)(1994)(1995)(1996)(1997), post-change, and zero if the data refer to the pre-change period (1987)(1988).

Y denotes the level of Income/households' multidimensional conditions. g0 accurately captures the expected value of the studied variable when analyzing the control group before the change, which basically gives us the parameter of comparison. g1 represents the impact of being in the second period on the studied variable (time), g2 the impact of being in the treatment group (net import sectors) on the studied variable, and g3 the post-event impact of the treatment group vis-à -vis of the control group on the studied variable (which is exactly what we want to discover, i.e., the difference in differences (did) estimator).

The choice of the dependent variables attempts to identify whether trade reforms positively impacted female conditions either though the gender income gap reduction or via a decrease in the gender deprivation gap. Thus, the dependent variable took these forms:

1. Ratio Iw/Im: the ratio (women's income/ men's income) (Self-elaboration from PNAD & RAIS);

2. Income M en: the male head of household's income20 (PNAD & RAIS); 3. Income W omen: the female head of household's income (PNAD & RAIS); 4. Household s M ultidimensional Conditions M en: (1 -the male-headed household's multidimensional deprivation indicator). We considered the head of household's occupation at the period t and its related sector s (Self elaboration from PNAD).

Household s M ultidimensional Conditions W omen:

(1 -the female-headed household's multidimensional deprivation indicator). We considered the head of household's occupation at the period t and its related sector s (Self elaboration from PNAD).

A positive coefficient indicates an increase in the income ratio (women's income/men's income), i.e., an improvement in female's conditions, a rise on male and female's income levels and a boost in male and female household's multidimensional conditions -via deprivation's reduction. Hence, negative coefficients illustrate deterioration to both monetary and nonmonetary measures.

For the "Panel" estimations (model B)

The equation for the fixed effects model is defined as:

(2) ln y st = θT arif f s(t-1) + φImportCoef f icient s(t-1)

+ δExportCoef f icient s(t-1) + n j=1 β j lnX jst + α s + λ t + ε st
where ln y st designates the level of Income/households' multidimensional conditions in sector s at time period t.

T arif f s(t-1) represents the trade policy while ImportCoef f icient s(t-1) and ExportCoef f icient s(t-1) represent the trade flows (lagged nominal tariff, lagged import and export coefficients). As aforementioned, these indicators represent different ways of capturing the degree of trade exposure of manufacturing sectors.

The vector X jst includes j control variables: the share of individuals by different levels of years of schooling in each sector and the share of the informal workers in each sector. α s and λ t are the sector and time specific fixed effects respectively and ε st is the error term.

The random effects model can be represented as follows:

(3) ln y st = θT arif f s(t-1) + φImportCoef f icient s(t-1)

+ δExportCoef f icient s(t-1) + n j=1 β j lnX jst + α s + λ t + u st + ε st
Specificities are the same as those presented for the fixed effects model. Nonetheless, we add u st which represents the between-sector error.

As in model A, we will use the same income and deprivation variables in model B. Nevertheless, in a second moment we will disaggregate our variables in formal and informal sectors. Hence, the dependent variable took these forms:

1. Ratio Iw/Im st : the ratio (women's income/ men's income) for sector s and period t (Self-elaboration from PNAD & RAIS);

2. Income M en st : the male head of household's income , that worked in sector s during the period t (PNAD & RAIS); 3. Income W omen st : the female head of household's income, that worked in sector s during the period t (PNAD & RAIS);

4. Income M en F ormal st & Income M en Inf ormal st : the male head of household's income within formality & the male head of household's income within informality for sector s and period t (PNAD & RAIS); 5. Income W omen F ormal st & Income W omen Inf ormal st : the female head of household's income within formality & the female head of household's income within informality for sector s and period t (PNAD & RAIS); 6. Household s M ultidimensional Conditions M en st : (1 -the male-headed household's multidimensional deprivation indicator) for sector s and period t. We considered the head of household's occupation at the period t and its related sector s (Self elaboration from PNAD). 7. Household s M ultidimensional Conditions W omen st : (1 -the female-headed household's multidimensional deprivation indicator) for sector s and period t. We considered the head of household's occupation at the period t and its related sector s (Self elaboration from PNAD). 8. Household s M ultidimensional Conditions M en F ormal st & Household s M ultidimensional Conditions M en Inf ormal st : (1 -the male-headed household's multidimensional deprivation indicator) for sector s and period t, considering the head of household's occupation within formality at the period t and its related sector s & (1 -the male-headed household's multidimensional deprivation indicator) for sector s and period t, considering the head of household's occupation within informality at the period t and its related sector s (Self-elaboration from PNAD); 9. Household s M ultidimensional Conditions W omen F ormal st & Household s M ultidimensional Conditions W omen Inf ormal st : (1 -the female-headed household's multidimensional deprivation indicator) for sector s and period t, considering the head of household's occupation within formality at the period t and its related sector s & (1 -the femaleheaded household's multidimensional deprivation indicator) for sector s and period t, considering the head of household's occupation within informality at the period t and its related sector s (Self-elaboration from PNAD);

The explanatory variables used are representative of the effective trade opening observed. We also added control variables. a) Import coef f icient s(t-1) : The ratio import 21 (FUNCEX) / production 22 (PIA-IBGE) (M/P) for sector s in period t -1; b) Export coef f icient s(t-1) : The ratio export 23 (FUNCEX)/ production (PIA-IBGE) (X/P) for sector s in period t -1; c) N ominal T arif f s(t-1) : Nominal Tariff 24 (SECEX) for sector s in period t -1.

Controls included: Fixed Effects: sector and time; share by levels of years of schooling by sector; share of informal workers by sector.

Descriptive Statistics

Tables 1 and2 shows some descriptive statistics of the data used in the study. It describes the values assumed by the head of households for each variable in the study. In order to perform our log-linear analysis, being able to include zero values in the statistics and avoid any type of problems related to it, we proceeded a log(x+2) transformation. When evaluating how real wages and trade flows evolved between 1987-1997, table 3 shows a movement of loss of the average income's real value between 1987 and 1993, for both men and women, within formal and informal activities. This reality could be justified by the scenario of hyperinflation experienced by the Brazilian economy before the stabilization plan of 1994, accompanied by the trade liberalization side effects. However, since 1995, there has been a significant improvement in the average income's value, specially within informality, which could be signaling the informal sector's expansion. This growth could be justified by the end of hyperinflation, industrial structure changes and the increase in the share of skilled labor. When considering the trade openness indicators, we may perceive a decrease in nominal tariff values, specially between 1987-1993, illustrating the trade liberalization policies adopted by this period. Nonetheless, this trend is slightly reversed between 1995-1997. Regarding the trade flows, we can observe a general growth for the import coefficient over the whole period. In terms of the export coefficient, this positive trend was perceived only between 1987-1993, suffering a drop from 1995 on.

Table 3: Average income (in 2015 R$) and trade outcomes (1987)(1988)(1989)(1990)(1991)(1992)(1993)(1994)(1995)(1996)(1997) Self-Elaboration.

Regarding the average deprivation evolution over the period, table 4 illustrates an improvement in the household's conditions through a decrease in the average multidimensional deprivation index for both male and female headed-households, especially between 1987 and 1993. However, from 1993-1995, women suered from deprivation's corrosion while men continued to experience some advances. From 1995-1997, both male and female-heads faced progress, felt more significantly by women. Despite income's losses and the negative effects of the hyperinflation, household's conditions were prospering. This might be due to certain social advances experienced through the adoption of redistributive policies in the post-1988's Constitution and the access to consumption driven by the liberalizing policies of the 1990s.

Empirical Results

To check if the trade liberalization reforms brought changes on the gender income and deprivation gaps, positively impacting women conditions, the study was based on two econometric models: model A (difference-in-differences) and model B (panel). We will present the empirical results for each of these models below.

(MODEL A) Difference-in-Differences

We will first present the estimations for model A, which consists of a difference-in-differences analysis. The results are observed for two groups for two periods: the treatment group is exposed to a "treatment" in the second period, but not in the first. The control group is not exposed to treatment either in the first or in the second period.

We consider the heads of household's information on their sector of occupation within the manufacturing industry sectors. Our treatment group were sectors that were most exposed to import liberalization (net importers) and the control group were the least exposed (net exporters). As aforementioned, we distinguished two periods related to the shock (liberalization): the first one going from 1987 to 1988 and the second one (the incidence period), from 1989 to 1997.

Again, we will use model A only initially, to verify how trade would be affecting the sectors most exposed to the import liberalization policies (net importers) in relation to the least exposed (net exporters). Thus, we will keep model B to the rest of our analysis, in order to control the import and export coefficients as well as the tariffs impacts over time.

The estimated parameters are presented in table 5 25 .

Table 5: As shown in the first regressions ( 1) and ( 2) for did NET import sectors, results suggest that being an employee in a net import sector during the liberalization policies in the 1990s implies a smaller level of income to both men and women, if compared to employees in the net export sectors. Regarding the gender income gap (3), we observed a positive and significant coefficient, indicating that being at the import sector implies a more considerable improvement in women's situation if compared to those at the net export sectors. In terms of the households' conditions estimations (4) and ( 5), considering did NET import sectors, we observed positive coefficients for both men and women, indicating that being an employee at the import sector implies a greater improvement in the households' conditions -i.e, a smaller level of deprivation -if compared to those at the net export sectors, despite worst income performances. Consisting of sectors with higher technological content, better paid and skilled labor, workers from the import sectors would tend to face less vulnerable conditions if compared to export sector's employees at the traditional sectors (raw materials, commodities and non-durable consumer goods), specializing in unskilled lower paid labor [START_REF] Kupfer | Made in brazil: Industrial competitiveness ten years after economic liberalization[END_REF]; [START_REF] Staveren | The feminist economics of trade[END_REF]). 25 In addition to the did estimator "did NET import sectors" analysis, we may also mention "Time" and "NET import sectors (Treated)" estimators. "Time" represents the impact of being in the second period on the studied variable and "NET import sectors" the impact of being in the treatment group on the studied variable. Thus, being in the second period implies better household's conditions at 1.7% to men and 1.9% to women and a greater level of income at 168.4% to men and 164.9% to women if compared to the first period. Being in the treatment group implies better multidimensional conditions at 2.5% to men and 3.4% to women and a greater level of income at 65.5% to men and 80% to women.

26 Results from the PNAD data. Results from the RAIS data regressions are given in Appendix B; We can observe a positive gender income ratio (3) when analysing the did net import sectors, accompanied by higher income decrease coefficient for women. Notwithstanding, this could be explained by the composition effect of men's incomes, which were initially higher. Thus, a 3% drop in men's income may have been sufficient to bring an improvement in the gender income gap, despite a worsening of 4.6% in women's income.

(MODEL B) Panel Data

In model B, we aggregate a combination of time series and cross-sectional observations multiplied by T periods of time (T=11, for a panel 1987-1997). While the differences in differences model has the advantage of comparing the impact of the shock between the most and the least exposed to the trade liberalization policies, the panel estimation will be able to enjoy a vast amount of information to evaluate the sectorial trade impact evolution and with additional degrees of freedom.

Aggregating Formality and Informality

Regarding all workers within formal and informal sectors, we first regressed in six different equations -income against different measures of openness -tariff, Import and Export coefficients. We obtained the following results27 : Table 6: As indicated by the Hausman test, the fixed effects method was determined to be the most appropriate (i.e., that gives more efficient and consistent results), except for the gender ratio variable, which has been estimated using the random effects technique.

In regressions (1), ( 2) and (3), tariff increases would be positively impacting both male and female's income. However, men would be enjoying a higher degree of income's protection, i.e., protectionism via increased import tariffs would be worsening the gender income ratio to the detriment of women. When analyzing the coefficients for imports and exports in regressions (4), ( 5) and ( 6), despite the lack of significance of some of the obtained parameters, we observed a negative relation. However, increased import and export coefficients would have a greater negative impact on men's income (4), reducing the existent gender income inequalities (6). Nonetheless, we need caution in analyzing the advances perceived by women, since import's liberalization would be worsening both male and female monetary conditions. It could be a kind of "race to the bottom" outcome.

The industry efforts in response to the increased competition from the process of opening to imported goods involved the organizational and productive restructuring of companies, responded by the downsizing of personnel29 . The result would be a notable reduction in the level of employment in the sector, and a negative impact on income levels felt more intensely by men [START_REF] Ramos | Emprego no brasil: os anos 90[END_REF]; [START_REF] Cirera | Evidence on the impact of tariff reductions on employment in developing countries: A systematic review[END_REF]; Dix-Carneiro and Kovak ( 2017)). [START_REF] Pieters | Trade liberalization and gender inequality. can free-trade policies help to reduce gender inequalities in employment and wages[END_REF] justifies that the trade liberalization in Brazil was not able to provide the specialization in sectors of comparative advantage or export sectors, causing a trend towards unemployment. As sectors most exposed to the liberalization policies were male-intensive, these adverse outcomes would have affected men more intensely.

Regarding the export coefficient, the theory points to a positive relation to an increase in exports over income. However, the negative result can be due to the evolution of the production that correspond to the denominator of the export coefficient. The worst labor conditions, negative production pressures and the pessimistic economic scenario enriched by unemployment observed at this time would have outweighed potential gains from increased exports, explaining the negative estimations obtained. Besides, income changes are primarily due to an intra-sectorial composition effect (skilled v.s. unskilled labor). The negative income parameter might also be indicating that export sectors in Brazil would be specializing in less qualified-lower paid labor to the detriment of skilled-better paid workers [START_REF] Kupfer | Made in brazil: Industrial competitiveness ten years after economic liberalization[END_REF]). Thus, results would be illustrating the replacement of skilled by unskilled labor in export sectors, creating a negative intra-sectorial composition effect on income levels.

Moreover, when analyzing the few control variables included in our regressions (table 6), most of the controls have some significance and present the expected signs. Education increases income levels for both men and women. Nonetheless, these improvements affect men more intensely, deteriorating the gender income gap. Furthermore, an increase in the share of informal workers lowers income levels for both men and women, but these losses seemed to be more significantly perceived by women, deteriorating the gender income ratio.

Table 7 presents the obtained parameters for the multidimensional conditions. The greater exposure to liberalization implies an improvement in the households' multidimensional conditions for women but deterioration on men's conditions. Lower prices amplified by increased competition and increased product supply could be favoring infrastructure changes and the access to consumption and technology [START_REF] Lisboa | The effects of trade liberalization on productivity growth in Brazil: competition or technology[END_REF]; Zhang (2016)), benefiting women's conditions. Nonetheless, men would probably not be enjoying from these improvements due to their significant monetary losses.

Concerning gender, regression (1) presents a significant positive parameter and regression (2) significant negative coefficients, indicating that a rise in tariff would imply improvement in male's multidimensional conditions while a deterioration in the female households' conditions. Regressions (3) shows negative parameters while (4) presents positive coefficients illustrating that increased import and export coefficients brought a deterioration of male's conditions and advancements in the female non-monetary situation -via a decrease in the level of deprivation.

Regarding the control variables in table 7, education improves non-monetary conditions at practically all levels of education. However, an increase in the share of informal workers bring advances to both men and women, going in the opposite direction to what would be expected when considering the non-monetary conditions. Thus, in the following section we will try to understand intra-sectoral changes -considering formality v.s informality -that could clarify the parameters obtained for the share of informal labor.

Disaggregating Formality v.s Informality

When disaggregating formal and informal sectors, despite the lack of significance in some of the obtained parameters, results in table 41 suggest that trade liberalization worsened the average incomes in the formal sector, contributing to an expansion of the informal activities [START_REF] Dix-Carneiro | Trade Liberalization and Regional Dynamics[END_REF]; [START_REF] Maloney | The determinants of rising informality in brazil: Evidence from gross worker flows[END_REF]).

Considering gender, men in the formal sector would have suffered greater income losses, while women within informality would have enjoyed greater gains if compared to men. The tendency towards the labor informalization in the 1990s explains the parameters obtained by female labor, increasingly absorbed by this phenomenon. These results converge to [START_REF] Staveren | The feminist economics of trade[END_REF] In table 8, results in regressions (1), ( 2), ( 3) and ( 4) indicate that nominal tariffs would be protecting income's levels for both men and women within formal and informal activities. However, results for informality were not significant.

Analyzing the import coefficients in regressions ( 5), ( 6), ( 7) and (8), we observed negative parameters regarding income by gender in the formal sector and positive coefficients regarding income by gender within informality. Men in the formal activities would be suffering higher losses, while women within informality would be enjoying more significant gains.

Regarding the export coefficients, we observed negative and significant coefficients regarding income by gender in both formal and informal sectors. Nonetheless, these negative effects would be affecting women more significantly than men in informal activities, indicating a greater female vulnerability within informality in export sectors.

When evaluating the control variables in table 8, education rises income levels at practically all levels, especially to women within informal activities. However, an increase in the share of informal workers decreases income levels within formality while bringing advances within informality. These improvements observed in informal sectors have affected women more intensely, suggesting that the informal sectors' expansion contributed to an income inflation that benefited mainly women.

Regarding the multidimensional conditions (table 9), regressions ( 2) and ( 4) & ( 6) and (8) shows women were more favored by trade liberalization in the informal sector while men would be losing more expressively in the formal activities, as shown in regressions ( 1) and ( 2) & ( 5) and ( 7). Results are presented below. Concerning the control variables in table 9, education improves non-monetary conditions at practically all levels of education. However, an increase in the share of informal workers deteriorates the multidimensional conditions within formality while bring advances especially to women within informality, also suggesting that the informal sectors expansion contributed to an improvement mainly experienced by female workers within these sectors.

Despite the favorable female performances within informality, the informal sector expansion would not have been able to compensate for the female labor force delay vis-à-vis income and deprivation, especially within formality. On the contrary, it would be attesting the deepening of already existing gender imbalances.

Conclusion

This paper treats the debate about the Brazilian trade opening process in the 90s and its impacts on gender inequalities. More specifically, we highlighted the importance of recognizing aspects related to the well-being of women in their labor market insertion, considering the gender income and deprivation gap analysis.

From our study, we conclude that trade liberalization has differently impacted the male and female labor force within formality and informality. The obtained evidence suggests that trade liberalization reduced the existent gender income and deprivation gaps. Nonetheless, these apparent improvements seemed to be related to men's higher losses within formal activities. The trade opening policies led to a reduction in the formal market's average income. As the sectors more exposed to the trade liberalization were male-intensive, men would be suffering more considerable income losses, while women would be favored by the labor informalization process already underway. Regarding the household's non-monetary conditions, trade liberalization brought improvements that have been felt only by female labor. This fact could be justified by the relative growth experienced by women within informality and the worst performances faced by men within formal occupations. Nevertheless, women's advances need to be analyzed with caution, since the female labor's expansion would have come through informality and at the expense of men's performances31 .

Moreover, we can perceive the greater vulnerability faced by women, especially in activities with higher precariousness such as those developed within informality by traditional sectors which are of great importance for exports. Although workers in net export sectors experienced smaller income decrease than those in importing activities -as evidenced in our differencein-differences estimations -, exporting gains would not completely compensate for the labor market losses due to the downward trend in the level of employment observed at this period. Results confirm the statements emphasized by feminist economists [START_REF] Staveren | The feminist economics of trade[END_REF]; [START_REF] Orbeta | Globalization and Employment: The Impact of Trade on Employment Level and Structure in the Philippines[END_REF]) in which exporting sectors would be specializing in informal female unskilled labor, explaining a negative intra-sectorial composition effect of substitution of skilled for unskilled female labor, especially in informal activities.

Some possible conclusions confirm that Becker's hypothesis may be questioned. The trend towards gender distortions attest the deepening of asymmetries evoked by the heterodox thought. The trade liberalization through the 1990s perpetuated the international (and the gendered) division of labor, not permitting structural changes capable of developing higher technological content and creating comparative advantages. Thus, it ended up widening existing gender imbalances and gaps inherent to the national productive structure, in which female workers would be the last to enjoy economic and social advances in a scenario of better economic stability. Thus, the elimination of gender distortions through the adoption of well-targeted gender-oriented policies becomes vital.

A series of measures, called "positive discrimination", is already being implemented by the Brazilian government (the ethnic and social quotas system is a very relevant example in Brazil.) and defended by the legislation (legislation against discrimination, labor laws, laws against racism and homophobia, etc.) in order to reduce existing disparities among the Brazilian society. However, gender integration policies are still feeble, and the need to recognize the economic and sociocultural vulnerabilities faced by women, especially in a trade liberalization scenario, which is essential to guaranteeing the social and economic advantages' (re)distribution, facing negative differentiation and promoting the female's labor market inclusion at the level of formal equality. [START_REF] Fraser | A justiça social na globalização: redistribuição, reconhecimento e participação[END_REF]; [START_REF] Santos | Introdução: para ampliar o cânone do reconhecimento, da diferença e da igualdade[END_REF]). Thus, since male and female workers specialize in different activities and are concentrated in different sectors, trade liberalization needs a gender-specific approach to help workers to adjust, as costs of reducing import barriers -to which workers are generally submitted -are not equally shared by the economic agents.

Regressions (4), ( 5) and ( 6) show that increased import and export coefficients would bring a lightening in the existent gender income inequalities, by worsening male's income more intensely. Regarding the export coefficient, we observed negative and significant coefficients regarding income by gender -regressions (4) and ( 5) -and a negative but not significant coefficient regarding the gender income ratio -regression (6). As already pointed out for the full period results, the substitution of skilled for unskilled labor experienced by exporters would be generating a negative impact on income in these sectors. Now considering the multidimensional conditions, results are presented in table 11. Despite the lack of significance in some of the obtained estimations, regression (2) present a positive coefficient suggesting that increased tariff implied an improvement in the workers' conditions. Regressions (3 and (4) show that the trade liberalization -through the increased import coefficient -would bring deterioration to male-headed households (negative parameter) but an improvement of female conditions (negative parameter). Nonetheless, in terms of export coefficient, estimations indicate a worsening in the households' conditions, especially experienced by women: The inflationary crisis that marked the pre-real plan period would profoundly affect labor market conditions, with the loss of purchasing power mainly perceived in the lower-income classes. Besides, the competitive environment brought by the imports' liberalization was responded by the logic of cost reduction, amplifying negative pressures on hiring rates, bargaining power and earnings at the industry sectors. Being male-intensive sectors, these adverse outcomes would have affected male labor more significantly. It would also be provoking a deterioration in the male-headed household's non-monetary conditions, as observed throughout the whole period analysis.

Post-Real Plan

Posteriorly to the stabilization plan, marked by the third (1994) 33 and the fourth liberalization phases (1995)(1996)(1997)(1998) 34 , we can observe some changes in the income's behavior and sensitivity. The obtained parameters for income are presented in table 12. Regressions (1), ( 2) and (3) present the same positive coefficient for the nominal tariff impacts. However, despite a lack of significance in the gender ratio's coefficient, it started to protect women's income more intensely than men's. These results indicate a more significant female's vulnerability to liberalizing policies from this period forward. When analyzing the import and export coefficients in regressions (4), ( 5) and ( 6), we perceive the opposite tendency to what had been demonstrated until then. The import and export coefficients have started to positively impact the level of income (except for female's income by exporters).

Such results could be interpreted by the labor market changes occurred in a scenario of better macroeconomic stability in the post-Real Plan. Although the trend of decline in employment persisted, the period was marked by some precariousness of work decrease, especially for low-income workers, as well as characterized by better distribution of income, with a sharp fall in the proportion of workers with up to a minimum wage. After 1994, the market's adjustments resulting from the trade reform and the reduction in the labor requirements per unit of output might have generated a composition effect positively impacting the labor market's average earnings, through the elimination of less qualified jobs and the increased relative demand for skilled workers. [START_REF] Menezes-Filho | Tecnologia e demanda por qualificacao na industria brasileira[END_REF]; [START_REF] Arbache | Comercio internacional, competitividade e mercado de trabalho: algumas evidencias para o brasil[END_REF]; [START_REF] Giovanetti | Trade liberalization and the demand for skilled labour in brazil[END_REF]). 33 Tariff reductions promoted at the beginning of the Real Plan. 34 Followed by a reversal trend in the trade liberalization program. 35 Results from the PNAD data. Results from the RAIS data regressions are given in Appendix B. It's interesting to point out that both PNAD and RAIS results converge, indicating a worsening in the gender ratio after the Real implementation.

Regarding the gender income ratio in regression ( 6), results suggest that a worsening marked the period after the Real Plan in the gender income ratio. Considering the import coefficient in regression (6), the deterioration on female's conditions might be justified by the higher-skilled income positions held by men in these male-intensive sectors. Thus, estimations indicate a more considerable income increase for male labor in the post-Real Plan.

Concerning export coefficients in regressions ( 4) and ( 5), results pointed to a positive impact on men's income and a negative impact on women's. This could indicate that exports' gains would not be completely compensating for the labor market losses due to the downward trend in the level of employment neither before nor after the Stabilization Plan of 1994 to the detriment of women. Results confirm the statements stressed by the existing literature [START_REF] Staveren | The feminist economics of trade[END_REF]; [START_REF] Orbeta | Globalization and Employment: The Impact of Trade on Employment Level and Structure in the Philippines[END_REF]) in which exporting sectors would be specializing in unskilled female labor, explaining a negative composition effect of a substitution of skilled for unskilled female labor.

Considering the household's multidimensional conditions, the obtained parameters are presented in table 13. 3) and (4) in table 13, trade liberalization -through the increase of the imported coefficient -brought advancements in multidimensional conditions -through a decrease in the level of deprivation -for both male and female-headed households. However, male-headed families would have started to benefit from more considerable gains. Nonetheless, in terms of export coefficient, estimations suggest deterioration in women's condition.

Results in the post Real Plan showed a reversal trend, moving towards the gender income and deprivation gap strengthening. If before the Stabilization Plan in 1994 we could observe illusory progress experienced by women, through higher losses undergone by men, in the post-Real Plan female's conditions faced a setback, through superior gains experienced by men.

The Real Plan Implementation: before and after impacts

We also performed a comparison between PNAD and RAIS data results before and after the Real Plan implementation, using the panel data method. We may also conclude that the results converge, attesting the model's robustness. The following tables present the obtained parameters:

  Trade's Outputs on Income & Multidimensional Conditions Differences-in-differences Regressions (1987 -1997) 26 Source: Self-Elaboration based on PNAD data. Notes: Regressions are weighted by the square root of the number of people in a sector. * p < 0.10; ** p < 0.05; *** p < 0.01.

  Trade's Outputs on Income by gender Panel Regressions (1987 -1997) (Fixed and Random Effects Model) 28 Source: Self-Elaboration based on PNAD data. Notes: All regressions include sector fixed effects and year dummies. Regressions are weighted by the square root of the number of people in a sector. * p < 0.10; ** p < 0.05; *** p < 0.01.

Table 7 :

 7 Trade's Outputs on Multidimensional Conditions by gender Panel Regressions (1987 -1997) (Fixed Effects Model) Source: Self-Elaboration based on PNAD data. Notes: All regressions include sector fixed effects and year dummies. Regressions are weighted by the square root of the number of people in a sector. * p < 0.10; ** p < 0.05; *** p < 0.01.

  conclusions and would again confirm the reproduction of distortions brought by the liberalization of trade 30 . The obtained parameters are presented below. Table 8: Trade's Outputs on Income by gender: Formality v.s Informality Panel Regressions (1987 -1997) (Fixed Effects Model) Source: Self-Elaboration based on PNAD data. Notes: All regressions include sector fixed effects and year dummies. Regressions are weighted by the square root of the number of people in a sector. * p < 0.10; ** p < 0.05; *** p < 0.01.

Table 9 :

 9 Trade's Outputs on Multidimensional Conditions by gender: Formality v.s Informality Panel Regressions (1987 -1997) (Fixed Effects Model) Source: Self-Elaboration based on PNAD data. Notes: All regressions include sector fixed effects and year dummies. Regressions are weighted by the square root of the number of people in a sector. * p < 0.10; ** p < 0.05; *** p < 0.01.

  Table 11: Trade's Outputs on Multidimensional Conditions by gender Panel Regressions (Before Real/1987-1994) (Fixed Effects Model) Source: Self-Elaboration based on PNAD data. Notes: Regressions are weighted by the square root of the number of people in a sector. * p < 0.10; ** p < 0.05; *** p < 0.01.

  Source: Self-Elaboration based on PNAD data. Notes: Regressions are weighted by the square root of the number of people in a sector. * p < 0.10; ** p < 0.05; *** p < 0.01.

  Table 13: Trade's Outputs on Multidimensional Conditions by gender Panel Regressions (After Real/1994-1997) (Fixed Effects Model) Source: Self-Elaboration based on PNAD data. Notes: Regressions are weighted by the square root of the number of people in a sector. * p < 0.10; ** p < 0.05; *** p < 0.01. Women's situation is reversed in the post Stabilization Plan. As shown in regressions (

  Table 16: Trade's Outputs on Income by gender: Formality v.s Informality Panel Regressions(After Real/1994[START_REF] Ramos | Emprego no brasil: os anos 90[END_REF] (Fixed Effects Model) Source: Self-Elaboration based on PNAD data. Notes: Regressions are weighted by the square root of the number of people in a sector. * p < 0.10; ** p < 0.05; *** p < 0.01.Regarding the household's non-monetary conditions (table 17), we observe again women being more favored by the informal sector while men by the formal activities. The obtained parameters are presented below. Table 17: Trade's Outputs on Multidimensional Conditions by gender: Formality v.s Informality Panel Regressions (After Real/1994-1997) (Fixed Effects Model) Source: Self-Elaboration based on PNAD data. Notes: Regressions are weighted by the square root of the number of people in a sector. * p < 0.10; ** p < 0.05; *** p < 0.01. Table 19: Trade's Outputs on Income by gender Differences-in-differences Regressions (PNAD) (1987-1997) Source: Self-Elaboration based on PNAD data. Notes: Regressions are weighted by the square root of the number of people in a sector. * p < 0.10; ** p < 0.05; *** p < 0.01.MODEL B: Panel DataTable 20: Trade's Outputs on Income by gender -Tariff Panel Regressions -PNAD & RAIS (Fixed and Random Effects Model) Source: Self-Elaboration based on PNAD data. Notes: Regressions are weighted by the square root of the number of people in a sector. * p < 0.10; ** p < 0.05; *** p < 0.01. Table 21: Trade's Outputs on Income by gender -Import and Export Coefficients Panel Regressions -PNAD & RAIS (Fixed and Random Effects Model) Source: Self-Elaboration based on PNAD data. Notes: Regressions are weighted by the square root of the number of people in a sector. * p < 0.10; ** p < 0.05; *** p < 0.01.

Table 1 :

 1 Descriptive Statistics -Income (in 2015 R$) and trade variables

	Self-Elaboration.

21 Industry sectors' import values (FOB).

22

Gross value of industrial production.

23

Industry sectors' export values (FOB).

24

Aggregate annual nominal tariff (%) by industry sector

Table 2 :

 2 Descriptive Statistics -Multidimensional deprivation variables Self-Elaboration.

Table 4 :

 4 Average multidimensional deprivation (1987Average multidimensional deprivation ( -1997) )

	Self-Elaboration.

Table 12 :

 12 Trade's Outputs on Income by gender Panel Regressions (After Real/1994-1997) (Fixed and Random Effects Model) 35

See Fontana, Joekes, and Masika (1998);[START_REF] Cagatay | Trade, gender and poverty (Background Paper for UNDP Trade and Sustainable Human Development Report[END_REF];[START_REF] Cagatay | Gender and globalization: a macroeconomic perspective (ILO Working Papers)[END_REF];[START_REF] Cagatay | Gender inequalities and international trade: a theoretical reconsideration[END_REF];[START_REF] Staveren | The feminist economics of trade[END_REF].

From the 1980s, developing countries were experiencing a series of changes. They started to implement a set of economic policy reforms such as trade liberalization and structural adjustment policies.

The question of time use is being already discussed by a growing literature, even though these studies do not deal with the interrelationships between time allocation and trade. For the Brazilian case, see[START_REF] Melo | Os afazeres domãcontam[END_REF],[START_REF] Castilho | Um olhar de gênero sobre o setor eletro-eletronico da zona franca de manaus[END_REF] and[START_REF] Dedecca | Trabalho e genero no brasil: formas, tempo e contribuicoes socioeconomicas[END_REF].

At the macro-level, changes in relative returns can reduce gender wage gaps if female-intensive sectors increase more their labor demand than other sectors of the economy. This may be the case when export activities, which are expected to expand after trade liberalization, are female-labor intensive. However, the opposite effect can be observed when a stagnant sector expels women to work in occupations such as domestic servants or petty traders in the informal sector[START_REF] Elson | Male bias in the development process[END_REF](Elson, , p. 1853)). At the meso-level, trade liberalization is also likely to reduce import tariffs which lead to a decrease in government revenues. To adjust the government fiscal imbalances, the government deficit would be converted to a reduction of the provision of social services (education and health), which are complementary to female reproduction work.(Fontana, 2003, p. 20). These institutional changes at the meso-level end up transferring costs from the public sector to the households. At the micro-level, the above-mentioned institutional changes at the meso-level may imply increasing demands in terms of female reproductive work[START_REF] Elson | Male bias in the development process[END_REF];[START_REF] Cagatay | Gender and poverty. UNDP, Social Development and Poverty Elimination Division[END_REF];[START_REF] Cagatay | Gender inequalities and international trade: a theoretical reconsideration[END_REF]). Considering that these demands occur when the female labor participation is increasing, this may end up hampering women's leisure dedicated to vital activities to preserve health[START_REF] Elson | Male bias in the development process[END_REF]).

We will treat some of these empirical studies in the next section.

However, the period that followed the Real Plan (after 1994) brought some changes to this trend. We perceived a worsening in the gender income and deprivation gap to the detriment of women. Although they were enjoying more significant gains within informality, the highly qualified jobs demanded by import sectors from this period were mostly held by men, confirming the maintenance of gender distortions. For more details about the influence of the Real Plan on the trade liberalization's monetary and non-monetary impacts, see Appendix A.

[START_REF] Wood | North-south trade and female labour in manufacturing: an asymmetry[END_REF] found an apparently fortunate asymmetry: trade between developed and developing countries corresponded with an increased female intensity of employment in developing countries and had no noticeable negative symmetric effect on the female intensity of employment in the traded-goods sector of industrialized countries.

By affecting labor-intensive branches of domestic activity unable to be restructured at higher technological and productivity levels, trade liberalization was accompanied by formal activities' substitution to the precariousness of less expensive informal contracts.

According to[START_REF] Cagatay | Trade, gender and poverty (Background Paper for UNDP Trade and Sustainable Human Development Report[END_REF], reproductive work itself is one of the cost components of productive labor.

PNAD was not carried out in 1994 for budgetary reasons neither in 1991, because it was a census year.

By this period, we may observe an increase in more unstable or precarious occupations (increased unemployment rates, informality and expansion of the tertiary sector in total occupation) due to an imperfect intersectoral labor mobility within industry sectors, driven by slow capital adjustment and a generalized decrease on labor demand (see[START_REF] Freguglia | A mobilidade no mercado de trabalho brasileiro: uma visao qualitativa[END_REF];[START_REF] Correa | Abertura comercial e reestruturacao industrial no brasil: deve o estado intervir? (Textos para Discussao)[END_REF]; Cavalcanti Teixeira (2020). Thus, the purpose of a manufacturing sectors' level analysis is to check how the trade would have impacted sectors more exposed to the liberalization of imported goods, as a continuity to the debates on the structural changes that occurred in the industry during the

decade.13 The multidimensional deprivation indicator has been created based in Cavalcanti Teixeira (2020). It will be used to create the household's multidimensional conditions' variable. From 1995 on, there has been a change in the classification of the sectors of economic activities, which began to use the classification of CNAE (National Classification of Economic Activities). Thus, we have adapted the old classification to the new one, being guided by the correspondences provided by the CONCLA-IBGE (National Classification Commission); We chose to treat the period from 1987-1997 in order to capture only the effects of the liberalizing shock that occurred between 1988 and 1994, thus seeking to isolate possible reverse effects from crises in the world scenario from the second half of

the 1990s.14 Monetary values are deflated to 2015 prices using the IBGE deflators derived from the INPC national consumer price index (see[START_REF] Corseuil | Uma sugestao de deflatores para rendas obtidas a partir de algumas pesquisas domiciliares do ibge[END_REF];Cogneau and

[START_REF] Cogneau | Earnings Inequalities and Educational Mobility in Brazil over Two Decades[END_REF]).15 Castilho, Menendez, and Sztulman (2015) conclude that the proportion of households declaring zero income in the Census is suspiciously larger than in the PNAD. They also report some very extreme income values at the very top. They end up trimming all zero incomes and observations with household incomes over R$ 30,000 in 2000

Brazilian Reais (BRL R$).16 Basic data is collected on each individual in the household, in a sample of over 35 million individuals. In order to facilitate the data treatment, we collected a random sample of 20% of the universe of 35 million people, totalizing a new sample of 7 million individuals.

As we considered the output(y: 1987-1997) at the following year from the imports, exports and tariff variations, the trade data we will use covers1986-1996.

The openness indicator has been created based in Cavalcanti Teixeira (2020).

Model A is used to check the trade impacts in the import sectors in relation to the export sector's. Subsequently, we keep model B to control the import and export coefficients and the tariffs impacts over time.

Monthly income of the head of household -defined by the highest income family member. Monetary values were deflated based on year 2015.

We present in Appendix A an empirical analysis of the trade effects before and after the Real Plan to observe whether the stabilization plan of 1994 led to a structural change in the domestic market, influencing the labor sensitivity to increased trade exposure.

Results from the PNAD data. Results from the RAIS data regressions are given in Appendix B. It is interesting to point out that both PNAD and RAIS results converge, indicating an improvement in the gender ratio during the whole period of the study in model A and model B.

The ECLAC's debates on the industrialized and peripheral countries argue that the only way out of a developing country to allow it to face a competitive environment brought by trade liberalization policies would be the development of an industry with high technology content. Notwithstanding the development of a considerable industry during the import substitution period, income dropped in the 90's after trade liberalization, especially in male-intensive sectors. The process of import substitution privileged the intermediate and capital goods industries, failing to settle the development of the durable consumer goods industry.

[START_REF] Staveren | The feminist economics of trade[END_REF] stress the continuing feminization of informal sector work. In a scenario in which the rigidity of the productive structure implies a greater flexibilization of female labor, women would be subject to a productive force expansion through informality.

Nonetheless, the period after the Real Plan brought some changes to this tendency. While protectionist policies in terms of increasing import tariffs would have been more effective in protecting income levels and non-monetary conditions, the import sector expansion in a scenario of better macroeconomic stability benefited both, formality and informality, through an intra-sectorial composition effect brought by the increasing demand of skilled labor and the elimination of less qualified jobs, especially in formal activities[START_REF] Menezes-Filho | Tecnologia e demanda por qualificacao na industria brasileira[END_REF];[START_REF] Arbache | Comercio internacional, competitividade e mercado de trabalho: algumas evidencias para o brasil[END_REF];[START_REF] Giovanetti | Trade liberalization and the demand for skilled labour in brazil[END_REF]). However, regarding gender and trade, the period was marked by the strengthening of gender disparities. Although women were enjoying more considerable gains within informality, the highly qualified jobs demanded by formal importing sectors, essentially male-intensive, were mostly held by men. Thus, women would not have been able to obtain income compensation that would have been sufficient to bring improvements in the gender income ratio. Regarding the deprivation indicator, the situation has followed the same reversal trend. The period was marked by improvements that have been felt more intensely by men. In other words, the period that followed the Macroeconomic Reforms in 1994 brought a reversal trend regarding the gender inequalities, with trade strengthening the gender income and deprivation gaps. For more details, see Appendix A.

Results from the PNAD data. Results from the RAIS data regressions are given in Appendix B. It's interesting to point out that both PNAD and RAIS results converge, indicating an improvement in the gender ratio before the Real implementation; The fixed effects and controls included in the panel regressions have been omitted in order to lighten the tables' presentation.

Appendix A: The Real Plan Implementation: before and after impacts

We disaggregated our study into two periods, before and after the Real Plan, in order to identify if the stabilization plan has led to a structural change in the domestic market, influencing the labor sensitivity to increased trade exposure.

Aggregating Formality and Informality

In this section we will consider all workers within formal and informal sectors, presenting their monetary and non-monetary outcomes.

Pre-Real Plan

When analyzing the period before the Real Plan, marked by the two first liberalization episodes (1988-1989/1991-1994), we observed that similar results happened during the whole period (1987)(1988)(1989)(1990)(1991)(1992)(1993)(1994)(1995)(1996)(1997): Trade liberalization though increased imports would be lowering income inequalities between men and women by decreasing male's level of earnings more intensely than female's decrease.

The panel estimations before the Real plan are presented in table 10. Regarding the tariff parameters in regressions (1), ( 2) and (3), results suggest protectionism through increased tariffs would be slightly worsening the gender income ratio to the detriment of women.

Disaggregating Formality v.s Informality

In this section we will consider workers disaggregated in formal and informal sectors, showing their monetary and non-monetary outcomes.

Pre-Real Plan

Before the Real Plan, results confirm the findings in the whole period analysis that trade liberalization through increased import coefficient worsened the average incomes in the formal sector -regressions ( 5) and ( 6) -and might have permitted an expansion of the informal activities -regressions ( 7) and ( 8). Regarding gender, women within informality have enjoyed greater gains if compared to men. Results are presented in table 14. In regressions (1), ( 2), ( 3) and ( 4), increased nominal tariffs would be protecting income's levels for both men and women in the formal activities while deteriorating it within informality.

When analyzing the import coefficients in regressions ( 5), ( 6), ( 7) and (8), we observed negative coefficients in terms of income by gender in the formal sector and positive coefficients with respect to income by gender within informality. We could notice men within formality would be suffering higher losses while women within informality would be enjoying more significant income gains, converging to the whole period's conclusions.

Regarding the export coefficients, we observed negative and significant coefficients regarding income by gender in informal sectors. These reverse effects would be affecting women more negatively, confirming the greater female vulnerability within informal activities in export sectors.

Considering the household's conditions (table 15), results suggest women were more favored by the informal sector in ascension, while men were suffering more intensely within the formal sector activities. The obtained parameters are presented below.

Post-Real Plan

Results for the Post-Real Plan period (1994[START_REF] Ramos | Emprego no brasil: os anos 90[END_REF] suggest that women within informality would have enjoyed superior gains if compared to men -regressions ( 7) and ( 8). However, men would be standing out with better gains within formality -regressions ( 5) and ( 6). Results are presented in table 16.

Appendix B: RAIS v.s PNAD data

When comparing results for income from PNAD and RAIS data, we may observe that the obtained parameters converge, pointing to the same conclusions already established previously and attesting the model's robustness. The following tables present the estimated regressions, using both the difference-in-differences (Model A) and the panel data (Model B) methods:

Pre-Real Plan

Post-Real Plan